YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE LIBRARY OF THE
DIVINITY SCHOOL

BOM'S CLASSICAL LIBRARY.

AMMIANUS MARCELLIMS.

THE

ROMAN HISTORY

AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS,

DURING THE REIGNS OP

THE EMPERORS CONSTANTIUS, JULIAN, JOVIANUS,
VALENTINIAN, AND VALENS.

TRANSLATED BT
C. D. YONGE, B.A.
WITH A GENEEAL/l^p^Xj,

LONDON:
GEORGE BELL & SONS, YORK ST., OOVENT GARDEN,
AND NEW YORK.
1894.

LONDON .
REPRINTED PROM THE STEREOTYPE PLATES BT WM. CLOWES & SONS, LTD.
STAMFORD STREET AND CHAIii: G CROSS.

PEEFACE.

Of Ammianus Marcellinus, the writer of the following
History, we know very little more than what can be col
lected from that portion of it which remains to us. From
that source we learn that he was a native of Antioch, and
a soldier ; being one of the prefectores domestki — the body
guard of the emperor, into which none but men of noble birth
were admitted. He was on the staff of Ursicinus, whom
he attended in several of his expeditions; and he bore a
share in the campaigns which Julian made against the
Persians. After that time he never mentions himself, and
we are ignorant when he quitted the service and retired
to Eome, in which city he composed his History. We
know not when he was born, or when he died, except that
from one or two incidental passages in his work it is plain
that he lived nearly to the end of the fourth century ': and
it is even uncertain whether he was a Christian or a Pagan ;
though the general belief is, that he adhered to the religion
of the ancient Eomans, without, however, permitting it to
lead him even to speak disrespectfully of Christians or
Christianity. His History, which he divided into thirty-one books (of
which the first thirteen are lost, while the text of those
which remain is in some places imperfect), began with the
accession of Nerva, a.d. 96, where Tacitus and Suetonius

*1 PREFACE.
end, and was continued to the death of Valens, a.d. 378, a
period of 282 years. And there is probably no work as to the
intrinsic value of which there is so little difference of opi
nion. Gibbon bears repeated testimony to his accuracy,
fidelity, and impartiality, and quotes him extensively. In
losing his aid after a.d. 378, he says, "It is not without
sincere regret that I must now take leave of an accurate
and faithful guide, who has composed the history of his
own times without indulging the prejudices and passions
which usually affect the mind of a contemporary." Pro
fessor Eamsay (in Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Eoman
Biography) says, " We are indebted to him for a know
ledge of many important facts not elsewhere recorded,
and for much valuable insight into the modes of thought
and the general tone of public feeling prevalent in his
day. Nearly all the statements admitted appear to be
founded upon his own observations, or upon the informa
tion derived from trustworthy eye-witnesses. A consider
able number of dissertations and digressions are introduced,
many of them highly interesting and valuable. Such are
his notices of the institutions and manners of the Saracens
(xiv. 4), of the Scythians and Sarmatians (xvii. 12), of the
Huns and Alani (xxxi. 2), of the Egyptians and their
country (xxii. 6, 14-16), and his geographical discussions
upon Gaul (xv. 9), the Pontus (xxii. 8), and Thrace (xxvii.
4). Less legitimate and less judicious are his geological
speculations upon earthquakes (xvii. 7), his astronomical
inquiries into eclipses (xx. 3), comets (xxv. 10), and the
regulation of the calendar (xxvi. 1) ; his medical researches
into the origin of epidemics (xix. 4) ; his zoological theory
on the destruction of lions by mosquitos (xviii. 7), and his
horticultural essay on the impregnation of palms (xxiv. 3).
In addition to industry in research and honesty of purpose,
he was gifted with a large measure of strong common sense,
which enabled him in many points to rise superior to the
prejudices of his day, and with a clear-sighted independence

of spirit which prevented him from being dazzled or over
awed by the brilliancy and the terrors which enveloped
the imperial throne. But although sufficiently acute in
detecting and exposing the follies of others, and especially
in ridiculing the absurdities of popular superstition, Am-
mianus did not entirely escape the contagion. The general
and deep-seated belief in magic spells, omens, prodigies,
and oracles, which appears to have gained additional
strength upon the first introduction of Christianity, evi
dently exercised no small influence over his mind. The
old legends and doctrines of the pagan creed, and the
subtle mysticism which philosophers pretended to discover
lurking below, when mixed up with the pure and simple
but startling tenets of the new faith, formed a confused
mass which few intellects could reduce to order and har
mony." The vices of our author's style, and his ambitious affect
ation of ornament, are condemned by most critics ; but
some of the points which strike a modern reader as defects
evidently arise from the alteration which the Latin lan
guage had already undergone since the days of Livy. His
great value, however, consists in the facts he has made
known to us, and is quite independent of the style or lan
guage in which he has conveyed that knowledge, of which
without him we should have been nearly destitute.
The present translation has been made from Wagner and
Erfurdt's edition, published at Leipzig in 1808, and their
division of chapters into short paragraphs has been fol
lowed.

Feb. 1862.

THE HISTORY OF AMMIANUS
MARCELLINUS.

THE FIEST THIRTEEN BOOKS AEE LOST.

BOOK XIV.
ARGUMENT.
L The cruelty of the Caesar Gallus. — II. The incursions of the Isau-
rians. — III. The unsuccessful plans of the Persians. —IV. The
invasion of the Saracens, and the manners of that people. —
V. The punishment of the adherents of Magnentius. — VI. The
vices of the senate and people of Eome. — VII. The ferocity and
inhumanity of the Csesar Gallus. — VIH. A description of the pro
vinces of the East. — IX. About the Caesar Oonstantius Gallus. —
X. The Emperor Constantius grants the Allemanni peace at their
request. — Xt. The Csesar Constantius Gallus is sent for by the
Emperor Constantius, and beheaded. I.
a.d. 353.
§ 1. After the events of an expedition full of almost in
superable difficulties, while the spirits of all parties in the
state, broken by the variety of their dangers and toils, were
still enfeebled; while the clang of trumpets was ringing
in men's ears, and the troops were still distributed in their
winter quarters, the storms of angry fortune surrounded
the commonwealth with fresh dangers through the mani
fold and terrible atrocities of Csesar Gallus :' who, when
just entering into the prime of life, having been raised with
1 Gallus and his brother Julian were the nephews of the great Con-
stantine, sons of his brother Julius. When Constantius, who succeeded
Constantine on the throne, murdered his uncles and most of his cousins,
he spared these two, probably on account of their tender age.

2 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XIV. dr. .
unexpected honour from the lowest depth of misery to the
highest rank, exceeded all the legitimate bounds of the
power conferred on him, and with preposterous violence
threw everything into confusion. For by his near relation
ship to the royal family, and his connection with the name
of Constantine, he was so inflated with pride, that if he had
had more power, he would, as it seemed, have ventured
to attack even the author of his prosperity.
2. His wife added fuel to his natural ferocity ; she was a
woman immoderately proud of her sisterly relationship to
Augustus, and had been formerly given in marriage by
the elder Constantine to King Hannibalianus,1 his brother's
son. She was an incarnate fury : never weary of inflam
ing his savage temper, thirsting for human blood as
insatiably as her husband. The pair, in process of time,
becoming more skilful in the infliction of suffering, em
ployed a gang of underhand and crafty talebearers, accus
tomed in their wickedness to make random additions to
their discoveries, which consisted in general of such false
hoods as they themselves delighted in ; and these men loaded
the innocent with calumnies, charging them with aiming at
kingly power, or with practising infamous acts of magic.
3. And among his less remarkable atrocities, when his
power had gone beyond the bounds of moderate crimes,
was conspicuous the horrible and sudden death of a certain
noble citizen of Alexandria, named Clematius. His
mother-in-law, having conceived a passion for him, could
not prevail on him to gratify it ; and in consequence, as
1 Hannibalianus was another nephew of Constantine. That emperor
raised his own three sons, Constantine, Constantius, and Constans, to
the dignity of Csesar ; and of his two favourite nephews, Dalmacius
and Hannibalianus, he raised the first, by the title of Ctesar, to an
equality with his cousins ; " in favour of the latter he invented the
new and singular appellation of Fortitissimus, to which he annexed
the flattering distinction of a robe of purple and gold. But of the
whole series of Eoman princes in any age of the empire Hannibalianus
alone was distinguished by the title of king, a name which the subjects
of Tiberius would have detested as the profane and cruel insult of
capricious tyranny."— Gibbon, cxviii. The editor of Bonn's edition
adds in a note : " The title given to Hannibalianus did not apply to
him as a Roman prince, hut as king of a territory assigned to him in
Asia. This territory consisted of Pontus, Cappadocia, and the lessei
Armenia, the city of Cassarea being chosen for his residence." — Gibbon,
Bonn's edition, vol. ii. pp. 25G, 257.

A.D.353.J CRUELTY OF GALLUS. 3
was reported, she, having obtained an introduction by a
secret door into the palace, won over the queen by the
present of a costly necklace, and procured a fatal warrant
to be sent to Honoratus, at that time count-governor of the
East, in compliance with which Clematius was put to
death, a man wholly innocent of any kind of wickedness,
without being permitted to say a word in his defence.
4. After this iniquitous transaction, which struck others
also with fear lest they should meet with similar treat
ment, as if cruelty had now obtained a licence, many were
condemned on mere vague suspicion ; of whom some were
put to death, others were punished by the confiscation of
their property, and driven forth as exiles from their
homes, so that having nothing left but their tears and
complaints, they were reduced to live on the contributions
of their friends ; and many opulent and famous houses were
shut up, the old constitutional and just authority being
changed into a government at the will of a bloodthirsty
tyrant. 5. Nor amid these manifold atrocities was any testimony
of an accuser, not even of a suborned one, sought for, in
order to give at least an appearance of these crimes being
committed according to law and statute, as very commonly
even the most cruel princes have done : but whatever
suited the implacable temper of Csesar was instantly accom
plished in haste, as if its accordance with human and
divine law had been well considered.
6. After these deeds a fresh device was adopted, and a
body of obscure men, such as, by reason of the meanness
of their condition, were little likely to excite suspicion,
were sent through all the districts of Antioch, to collect
reports, and to bring news of whatever they might hear.
They, travelling about, and concealing their object, joined
clandestinely in the conversational circles of honourable
men, and also in disguise obtained entrance into the houses
of the rich. When they returned they were secretly ad
mitted by back doors into the palace, and then reported
all that they had been able to hear or to collect ; taking
care with an unanimous kind of conspiracy to invent
many things, and to exaggerate for the worse all they really
knew ; at the same time suppressing any praises of Caesar
which had come to their ears, although these were wrung

4 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XIV. Ch. J.
from many, against their consciences, by the dread of
impending evils.
7. And it had happened sometimes that, if in his secret
chamber, when no domestic servant was by, the master of
the house had whispered anything into his wife's ear, the
very next day, as if those renowned seers of old, Amphia-
raus or Marcius, had been at hand to report it, the
emperor was informed of what had been said; so that
even the walls of a man's secret chamber, the only wit
nesses to his language, were viewed with apprehension.
8. And Csesar's fixed resolution to inquire into these
and other similar occurrences was increased by the queen,
who constantly stimulated his desire, and was driving on
the fortunes of her husband to headlong destruction, while
she ought rather, by giving him useful advice, to have led
him back into the paths of truth and mercy, by feminine
gentleness, as, in recounting the acts of the Gordiani, we
have related to have been done by the wife of that trucu
lent emperor Maximums.
9. At last, by an unsurpassed and most pernicious
baseness, Gallus ventured on adopting a course of fearful
wickedness, which indeed Gallienus, to his own exceed
ing infamy, is said formerly to have tried at Eome ; and,
taking with him a few followers secretly armed, he used
to rove in the evening through the streets and among the
shops, making inquiries in the Greek language, in which
he was well skilled, what were the feelings of individuals
towards Caesar. And he used to do this boldly in the city,
where the brillancy of the lamps at night often equalled
the light of day._ At last, being often recognized, and
considering that if he went out in this way he should be
known, he took care never to go out except openly in broad
daylight, to transact whatever business which he thought
of serious importance. And these things caused bitter
though secret lamentation, and discontent to many.
10. But at that time Thalassius was the present prefect1
of the palace, a man of an arrogant temper ; and he, per-
1 " There was among the commanders of the soldiery one prefect
who was especially entitled Prasens, or Prsesentalis, because his office
was to be always in the court or about the person of the prince, rnd
because the emneror's body-guard was under his particular orders.' 
H. Valesius.

A;».353.] REBELLION OF THE ISAURIANS. 5
ceiving that the hasty fury of Gallus gradually increased
to the danger of many of the citizens, did not mollify it by
either delay or wise counsels, as men in high office have
very often pacified the anger of their princes; but by
untimely opposition and reproof, did often excite him the
more to frenzy; often also informing Augustus of his
actions, and that too with exaggeration, and taking care,
I know not with what intention, that what he did should
not be unknown to the emperor. And at this Ceesar soon
became more vehemently exasperated, and, as if raising
more on high than ever the standard of his contumacy,
without any regard to the safety of others or of himself, he
bore himself onwards like a rapid torrent, with an impe
tuosity which would listen to no reason, to sweep away all
the obstacles which opposed his will.
II.
§ 1. Nor indeed was the East the only quarter which this
plague affected with its various disasters. Eor the
Isaurians also, a people who were accustomed to frequent
alternations of peace, and of turbulence which threw
everything into confusion with sudden outbreaks — impu
nity having fostered their growing audacity and encouraged
it to evil — broke out in a formidable war. Being especially
excited, as they gave out by this indignity, that some of
their allies, having been taken prisoners, were in an unpre
cedented manner exposed to wild beasts, and in the games
of the amphitheatre, at Iconium, a town of Pisidia.
2. And as Cicero ' says, that " even wild beasts, when
reminded by hunger, generally return to that place where
they have been fed before." So they all, descending like a
whirlwind from their high and pathless mountains, came
into the districts bordering on the sea : in which hiding
themselves in roads full of lurking-places, and in defiles,
when the long nights were approaching, the moon being at
-that time new, and so not yet giving her full light, they
lay wait for the sailors ; and when they perceived that they
were wrapped in sleep, they, crawling on their hands and
feet along the cables which held the anchors, and raising
themselves up by them, swung themselves into the boats,
1 The passage is found in Cicero s Oration pro Cluentio, c. 25.

6 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XIV. Ch. a
and so came upon the crews unexpectedly, and, their
natural ferocity being inflamed by covetousness, they
spared not even those who offered no resistance, but slew
them all, and carried off a splendid booty with no more
trauble than if it had been valueless.
3. This conduct did not last long, fur when the deaths
of the crews thus plundered and slaughtered became
known, no one afterwards brought a vessel to the stations
on that coast ; but, avoiding them as they would have
avoided the deadly precipices of Sciron,1 they sailed on,
without halting, to the shores of Cyprus, which lie oppo
site to the rocks of Isauria.
4. Therefore as time went on, and no foreign vessels
went there any more, they quitted the sea-coast, and be
took themselves to Lycaonia, a country which lies on the
borders of Isauria. And there, occupying the roads with
thick barricades, they sought a living by plundering the
inhabitants of the district, as well as travellers. These
outrages aroused the soldiers who were dispersed among
the many municipal towns and forts which lie on the
borders. And they, endeavouring to the utmost of their
strength to repel these banditti, who were spreading every
day more widely, sometimes in solid bodies, at others in
small straggling parties, were overcome by their vast
numbers. 5. Since the Isaurians, having been born and brought up
amid the entangled defiles of lofty mountains, could bound
over them as over plain and easy paths, and attacked all
who came in their way with missiles from a distance,
terrifying them at the same time with savage yells.
6. And very often our infantry were compelled in
pursuit of them to climb lofty crags, and, when their feet
slipped, to catch hold of the shrubs and briars to raise
themselves to the summits ; without ever being able to
deploy into battle array, by reason of the narrow and
difficult nature of the ground, nor even to stand firm;
while their enemy running round in every direction
hurled down upon them fragments of rock from above
till they retired down the declivities with great danger.
1 Sciron was a pirate slain by Theseus, v. Ov. lttetam. vii. 44, and
the Epistle of Ariadne to Theseus.
" Cum fuerit Sciron rectus, torvusque Procrustes."

4.D. 353.J REBELLION OF THE ISAURIANS. 7
Or else, sometimes, in the last necessity fighting bravely,
they were overwhelmed with fragments of immense bulk
and weight.
7. On this account they subsequently were forced to
observe more caution, and whenever the plunderers began
to retire to the high ground, our soldiers yielded to the
unfavourable, character of the country and retired. But
whenever they could be met with in the plain, which often
happened, then charging them without giving them time
to combine their strength, or even to brandish the javelins
of which they always carried two or three, they slaughtered
them like defenceless sheep.
8. So that these banditti, conceiving a fear of Lycaonia,
which is for the most part a champaign countr}', since
they had learnt by repeated proofs that they were unequal
to our troops in a pitched battle, betook themselves by
unfrequented tracks to Pamphylia. This district had long
been free from the evils of war, but nevertheless had been
fortified in all quarters by strong forts and garrisons, from
the dread entertained by the people of rapine and slaugh
ter, since soldiers were scattered over all the neighbouring
districts. 9. Therefore hastening with all speed, in order by their
exceeding celerity of movement to anticipate all rumour of
their motions, trusting to their strength and activity of
body, they travelled by winding roads until they reached
the high ground on the tops of the mountains, the steep
ness of which delayed their march more than they had
expected. And when at last, having surmounted all the
difficulties of the mountains, they came to the precipitous
banks of the Melas, a deep river and one full of dangerous
currents, which winds round the district, protecting the
inhabitants like a wall, the night which had overtaken
them increased their fears, so that they halted for a while
awaiting the daylight. For they expected to be able to cross
without hindrance, and then, in consequence of the sudden
ness of their inroad, to be able to ravage all the country
around ; but they had incurred great toil to no purpose.
10. For when the sun rose they were prevented from
crossing by the size of the river, which though narrow was
very deep. And while they were searching for some
fishing-boats, or preparing to commit themselves to the

8 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XIV. Oh. 1/
stream on rafts hastily put together, the legions which at
that time were wintering about Side, came down upon
them with great speed and impetuosity ; and having
pitched their standards close to the bank with a view to an
immediate battle, they packed their shields together before
them in a most skilful manner, and without any difficulty
slew some of the banditti, who either trusted to their
swimming, or who tried to cross the river unperceived in
barks made of the trunks of trees hollowed out.
11. And the Isaurians having tried many devices to
obtain success in a regular battle, and having failed in
everything, being repulsed in great consternation, and
with great vigour on the part of the legions, and being
uncertain which way to go, came near the town of La-
randa. And there, after they had refreshed themselves
with food and rest, and recovered from their fears, they at
tacked several wealthy towns ; but being presently scared
by the support given to the citizens by some squadrons
of horse which happened to be at hand, and which they
would not venture to resist in the extensive plains, they
retreated, and retracing their steps summoned all the flower
of their youth which had been left at home to join them.
12. And as they were oppressed with severe famine, they
made for a place called Palea, standing on the sea-shore,
and fortified with a strong wall ; where even to this day
supplies are usually kept in store, to be distributed to the
armies which defend the frontier of Isauria.
13. Therefore they encamped around this fortress for
three days and three nights, and as the steepness of the
ground on which it stood prevented any attempt to storm
it without the most deadly peril, and as it was impossible
to effect anything by mines, and no other manoeuvres
such as are employed in sieges availed anything, they
retired much dejected, being compelled by the necessities
of their situation to undertake some enterprise, even if it
should be greater than their strength was equal to.
14. Then giving way to greater fury than ever, being
inflamed both by despair and hunger, and their strength
increased by their unrestrainable ardour, they directed
their efforts to destroy the city of Seleucia, the metropolis
of the province, which was defended by Count Castucius,
whose legions were inured to every kind of military service.

A*. 353.] THE SIEGE OF SELEUCIA. 9
15. The commanders of the garrison being forewarned
of their approach by their own trusty scouts, having, ac
cording to custom, given out the watchword to the troops,
led forth all their forces in a rapid sally, and having with
great activity passed the bridge over the river Calicadnus,
• the mighty waters of which wash the turrets of the walls,
they drew out their men as if prepared for battle. But
as yet no man left the ranks, and the army was not
allowed to engage ; for the band of the Isaurians was
dreaded, inasmuch as they were desperate with rage, and
superior in number, and likely to rush upon the arms of
the legions without any regard to their lives. There
fore as soon as the army was beheld at a distance,
and the music of the trumpeters was heard, the banditti
halted and stood still for a while, brandishing their
threatening swords, and after a time they marched on
slowly. And when the steady Eoman soldiery began to
deploy, preparing to encounter them, beating their shields
with their spears (a custom which rouses the fury of the
combatants, and strikes terror into their enemies), they
filled the front ranks of the Isaurians with consternation.
But as the troops were pressing forward eagerly to tho
combat their generals recalled them, thinking it inoppor
tune to enter upon a contest of doubtful issue, when their
walls were not far distant, under protection of which the
safety of the whole army could be placed on a solid
foundation. 16. Therefore the soldiers were brought back inside the
walls in accordance with this resolution, and all the ap
proaches and gates were strongly barred ; and the men
were placed on the battlements and bulwarks, having vast
stones and weapons of all kinds piled close at hand, so that
if any one forced his way inside he might be overwhelmed
with a multitude of missiles and stones.
17. But those who were shut up in the walls were at
the same time greatly afflicted, because the Isaurians
having taken some vessels which were conveying grain
down the river, were well provided with abundance of
food, while they themselves, having almost consumed the
usual stores of food, were in a state of alarm dreading the
fatal agonies of approaching famine. A\ hen the news of
this distress got abroad, and when repeated messages

10 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bio XIV. Ch. m.
to this effect had moved Gallus Caesar, because the master
of the horse was kept away longer than usual at that
season, Nebridius the count of the East was ordered to
collect a military force from all quarters, and hastened
forward with exceeding zeal to deliver the city, so wealthy
and important, from such a peril. And when this was
known the banditti retired, without having performed
any memorable exploit, and dispersing, according to their
wont, they sought the trackless recesses of the lofty
mountains. III.
§ 1 . While affairs were in this state in Isauria, and while the
king of Persia was involved in wars upon his frontier,
repulsing from his borders a set of ferocious tribes which,
being full of fickleness, were continually either attacking
him in a hostile manner, or, as often happens, aiding him
when he turned his arms against us, a certain noble, by name
Nohodares, having been appointed to invade Mesopotamia,
whenever occasion might serve, was anxiously exploring
our territories with a view to some sudden incursion, if he
could anywhere find an opportunity.
2. And because since every part of Mesopotamia is accus
tomed to be disturbed continually, the lands were pro
tected by frequent barriers, and military stations in the rural
districts, Nohodares, having directed his march to the left,
had occupied the most remote parts of the Osdroene, having
devised a novel plan of operations which had never
hitherto been tried. And if he had succeeded he woulii
have laid waste the whole country like a thunderbolt.
3. Now the plan which he had conceived was of this kind.
There is a town in Anthemusia called Batne, built by the
ancient Macedonians, a short distance from the river Eu
phrates, thickly peopled by wealthy merchants. To this
city, about the beginning of the month of September, a
great multitude of all ranks throng to a fair, in order to
buy the wares which the Indians and Chinese send thither,
and many other articles which are usually brought to this
fair by land and sea.
4. The leader before named, preparing to invade this
district on the days set apart for this solemnity, marching
through the deserts and along the grassy banks of the

*•¦»• 3»3. | THE SARACENS. 11
river Abora, was betrayed by information given by some
of his own men, who being alarmed at the discovery of
certain crimes which they had committed, deserted to the
Roman garrisons, and accordingly he retired again without
having accomplished anything ; and after that remained
quiet without undertaking any further enterprise.
IV.
§ 1. At this time also the Saracens, a race whom it is
never desirable to have either for friends or enemies,
ranging up and down the country, if ever they found any
thing, plundered it in a moment, like rapacious hawks
who, if from on high they behold any prey, carry it off
with rapid swoop, or, if they fail in their attempt, do not
tarry. 2. And although, in recounting the career of the Prince
Marcus, and once or twice subsequently, I remember
having discussed the manners of this people, nevertheless
I will now briefly enumerate a few more particulars con
cerning them.
3. Among these tribes, whose primary origin is derived
/'rom the cataracts of the Nile and the borders of the Blem-
inyse, all the men are warriors of equal rank ; half naked,
clad in coloured cloaks down to the waist, overrunning
different countries, with the aid of swift and active horses
and speedy camels, alike in times of peace and war. Nor
does any member of their tribes ever take plough in hand
or cultivate a tree, or seek food by the tillage of the land ;
but they are perpetually wandering over various and
extensive districts, having no home, no fixed abode or
laws ; nor can they endure to remain long in the same
climate, no one district or country pleasing them for a
continuance. 4. Their life is one continued wandering ; their wives
are hired, on special covenant, for a fixed time ; and that
there may be some appearance of marriage in the business,
the intended wife, under the name of a dowry, offers a
spear and a tent to her husband, with a right to quit him
after a fixed day, if she should choose to do so. And it is
inconceivable with what eagerness the individuals of both
sexes give themselves up to matrimonial pleasures,

12 AMMIANUS MARCELLLNUS. [B*. xit- Ch- t-
5. But as long as they live they wander about with such
extensive and perpetual migrations, that the woman is
married in one place, brings forth her children in another,
and rears them at a distance from either place, no oppor
tunity of remaining quiet being ever granted to her.
6. They all live on venison, and are further supported
on a great abundance of milk, and on many kinds of herbs,
and on whatever birds they can catch by fowling. And
we have seen a great many of them wholly ignorant of the
use of either corn or wine.
7. So much for this most mischievous nation. Now let
us return to the subject we originally proposed to our
selves.

§ 1. While these events were taking place inthe East, Con
stantius was passing the winter at Aries ; and after an
exhibition of games in the theatre and in the circus, which
were displayed with most sumptuous magnificence, on the
tenth of October, the day which completed the thirtieth
year of his reign, he began to give the reins more freely
to his insolence, believing every information which was
laid before him as proved, however doubtful or false it
might be ; and among other acts of cruelty, he put Geron-
tius, a count of the party of Magnentius, to the torture,
and then condemned him to banishment.
2. And as the body of a sick man is apt to be agitated
by even trifling grievances, so his narrow and sensitive
mind, thinking every sound that stirred something either
done or planned to the injury of his safety, made his
victory ' mournful by the slaughter of innocent men.
3. For if any one of his military officers, or of those
who had ever received marks of honour, or if any one of
high rank was accused, on the barest rumour, of having
favoured the faction of his enemy, he was loaded with
chains and dragged about like a beast. And whether any
enemy of the accused man pressed him or not, as if the
1 His victory over Magnentius, whom he defeated at Mursa, on the
Doave, in the year 351. Magnentius fled to Aquileia, but was pursued,
and again defeated the next year, at a place called Mons Seleuci, in
the neighbourhood of Gap, and threw himself on his own sword to
avoid falling into the hands of Constantius.

A.D. 353.] CRUELTY OF CONSTANTIUS. 13
mere fact that his name had been mentioned was sufficient,
every one who was informed against or in any way called
in question, was condemned either to death, or to confis
cation of his property, or to confinement in a desert
island. 4. For his ferocity was excited to a still further degree
when any mention was made of treason or sedition ; and
the bloodthirsty insinuations of those around him, ex
aggerating everything that happened, and pretending
great concern at any danger which might threaten the life
of the emperor, on whose safety, as on a thread, they
hypocritically exclaimed the whole world depended, added
daily to his suspicions and watchful anger.
5. And therefore it is reported he gave orders that
no one who was at any time sentenced to punishment
for these or similar offences should be readmitted to his
presence for the purpose of offering the usual testimonies
to his character, a thing which the most implacable princes
have been wont to permit. And thus deadly cruelty,
which in all other men at times grows cool, in him only
became more violent as he advanced in years, because the
court of flatterers which attended on him added continual
fuel to his stern obstinacy.
6. Of this court a most conspicuous member was Paulus,
the secretary, a native of Spain, a man keeping his objects
hidden beneath a smooth countenance, and acute beyond
all men in smelling out secret ways to bring others into
danger. He, having been sent into Britain to arrest some
military officers who had dared to favour the conspiracy
of Magnentius, as they could not resist, licentiously
exceeded his commands, and like a flood poured with
sudden violence upon the fortunes of a great number
of people, making his path through manifold slaughter
and destruction, loading the bodies of free-born men with
chains, and crushing some with fetters, while patching
up all kinds of accusations far removed from the
truth. And to this man is owing one especial atrocity
whioh has branded the time of Constantius with indelible
infamy. 7. Martinus, who at that time governed these provinces
as deputy, being greatly concerned for the sufferings in
flicted on innocent men, and making frequent entreaties

14 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XIV. Ch. f ;.
that those who were free from all guilt might be spared,
when he found that he could not prevail, threatened to
withdraw from the province, in the hope that this male
volent inquisitor, Paulus, might be afraid of his doing so,
and so give over exposing to open danger men who had
combined only in a wish for tranquillity.
8. Paulus, thinking that this conduct of Martinus was
a hindrance to his own zeal, being, as he was, a formidable
artist in involving matters, from which people gave him
the nickname of "the Chain," attacked the deputy him
self while still engaged in defending the people whomhe
was set to govern, and involved him in the dangers which
surrounded every one else, threatening that he would carry
him, with his tribunes and many other persons, as a pri
soner to the emperor's court. Martinus, alarmed at this
threat, and seeing the imminent danger in which his life
was, drew his sword and attacked Paulus. But because
from want of strength in his hand he was unable to give
him a mortal wound, he then plunged his drawn sword
into his own side. And by this unseemly kind of death
that most just man departed from life, merely for having
dared to interpose some delay to the miserable calamities
of many citizens.
9. And when these wicked deeds had been perpetrated,
Paulus, covered with blood, returned to the emperor's
camp, bringing with him a crowd of prisoners almost
covered with chains, in the lowest condition of squalor
and misery; on whose arrival the racks were prepared,
and the executioner began to prepare his hooks and other
engines of torture. Of these prisoners, many of them had
their property confiscated, others were sentenced to banish
ment, some were given over to the sword of the exe
cutioner. Nor is it easy to cite the acquittal of a single
person in the time of Constantius, where the slightest
whisper of accusation had been brought against him.
VI.
§ 1. At this time Orfitus was the governor of the Eternal
City, with the rank of prefect ; and he behaved with a
degree of insolence beyond the proper limits of the dignity
thus conferred upon him. A man of prudence indeed, and

A.D.353.] ORFITUS, GOVERNOR OF ROME. 15
well skilled in all the forensic business of the city, but
less accomplished in general literature and in the fine arts
than was becoming in a nobleman. Under his adminis
tration some very formidable seditions broke out in con
sequence of the scarcity of wine, as the people, being
exceedingly eager for an abundant use of that article, were
easily excited to frequent and violent disorders.
2. And since I think it likely that foreigners who may
read this account (if, indeed, any such should meet with
it) are- likely to wonder how it is that, when my history |
has reached the point of narrating what was done at Eome,
nothing is spoken of but seditions, and shops, and cheap
ness, and other similarly inconsiderable matters, I will
briefly touch upon the causes of this, never intentionally
departing from the strict truth.
3. At the time when Eome first rose into mundane
brilliancy — that Rome which was fated to last as long as
mankind shall endure, and to be increased with a sublime
progress and growth — virtue and fortune, though com
monly at variance, agreed upon a treaty of eternal peace,
as far as she was concerned. For if either of them had
been wanting to her, she would never have reached her
perfect and complete supremacy.
4. Her people, from its very earliest infancy to the latest
moment of its youth, a period which extends over about
three hundred years, carried on a variety of wars with the
natives around its walls. Then, when it arrived at its
full-grown manhood, after many and various labours in
war, it crossed the Alps and the sea, till, as youth and man,
it had carried the triumphs of victory into every country
in the world.
5. And now that it is declining into old age, and often
owes its victories to its mere name, it has come to a more
tranquil time of life. Therefore the venerable city, after
having bowed down the haughty necks of fierce nations,
and given laws to the world, to be the foundations and
eternal anchors of liberty, like a thrifty parent, prudent
and rich, intrusted to the Csesars, as to its_ own children,
the right of governing their ancestral inheritance.
6. And although the tribes are indolent, and the
countries peaceful, and' although there are no contests for
votes, but the tranquillity of the age of Numa has returned,

16 AMMIANUS MAROELLINUS. [Be. XIV. Ch. vt
nevertheless, in every quarter of the world Eome is still
looked up to as the mistress and the queen of the earth,
and the name of the Eoman people is respected and
venerated. 7. But this magnificent splendour of the assemblies and
councils of the Eoman people is defaced by the inconside
rate levity of a few, who never recollect where they have
been born, but who fall away into error and licentiousness,
as if a perfect impunity were granted to vice. For as the
lyric poet Simonides teaches us, the man who would live
happily in accordance with perfect reason, ought above all
things to have a glorious country.
8. Of these men, some thinking that they can be handed
down to immortality by means of statues, are eagerly
desirous of them, as if they would obtain a higher reward
from brazen figures unendowed with sense than from a
consciousness of upright and honourable actions ; and they
even are anxious to have them plated over with gold, a
thing which is reported to have been first done in the in
stance of Acilius Glabrio, who by his wisdom and valour
had subdued King Antiochus. But how really noble a
thing it is to despise all these inconsiderable and trifling
things, and to bend one's attention to the long and toilsome
steps of true glory, as the poet of Ascrea' has sung, and Cato
the Censor has shown by his example. For when he was
asked how it was that while many other nobles had statues
he had none, replied : " I had rather that good men should
marvel how it was that 1 did not earn one, than (what
would be a much heavier misfortune) inquire how it was
that I had obtained one."
9. Others place the height ot glory in having a coach
higher than usual, or splendid apparel; and so toil and
sweat under a vast burden of cloaks, which are fastened
to their necks by many clasps, and blow about from the
excessive fineness of the material ; showing a desire, by
the continual wriggling of their bodies, and especially by
the waving of the left hand, to make their long fringes and
tunics, embroidered in multiform figures of animals with
threads of various colours, more conspicuous.
10. Others, with not any one asking them, put on a
1 Hesiod. Ammianus refers to the passage in Hesiod's Op. et Dies,
289, beginning — rrjs 8' apzrrjs idpura 0eol TTpoTraooiBep fd-ijaav.

A-D-353.] ARROGANCE OF THE RICH. 17
feigned severity of countenance, and extol their patrimonial
estates in a boundless degree, exaggerating the yearly pro
duce of their fruitful fields, which they boast of possessing
in numbers from east to west, being forsooth ignorant that
their ancestors, by whom the greatness of Eome was so
widely extended, were not eminent for riches ; but through
a course of dreadful wars overpowered by their valour all
who were opposed to them, though differing but little from
the common soldiers either in riches, or in their mode of life,
or in the costliness of their garments.
11. This is how it happened that Valerius Publicola was
buried by the contributions of his friends, and that the
destitute wife of Eegulus was, with her children, supported
by the aid of the friends of her husband, and that tho
daughter of Scipio had a dowry provided for her out of the
public treasury, the other nobles being ashamed to see tfie
beauty of this full-grown maiden, while her moneyless
father was so long absent on the service of his country.
12. But now if you, as an honourable stranger, should
enter the house of any one well off, and on that account
full of pride, for the purpose of saluting him, at first,
indeed, you will be hospitably received, as though your
presence had been desired ; and after having had many
questions put to you, and having been forced to tell a
number of lies, you will wonder, since the man had never
seen you before, that one of high rank should pay such
attention to you who are but an unimportant individual ;
so that by reason of this as a principal source of happiness,
you begin to repent of not having come to Eome ten years
13. And when relying on this affability you do the
same thing the next day, you will stand waiting as one
utterly unknown and unexpected, while he who yester
day encouraged you to repeat your visit, counts upon his
fingers who you can be, marvelling, for a long time,
whence you come, and what you want. But when at
length you are recognized and admitted to his acquaint
ance, if you should devote yourself to the attention of
saluting him for three years consecutively, and afterjias--
intermit your visits for an equal length of time^hgn ]ifjj
you return to repeat a similar course, you will/S^e? be
questioned about your absence any more thai/j^VyorL-haid

18 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIV. Ch. Tt
been dead, and you will waste your whole life in submit
ting to court the humours of this blockhead.
14. But when those long and unwholesome banquets,
which are indulged in at certain intervals, begin to be pre
pared, or the distribution of the usual dole-baskets takes
place, then it is discussed with anxious deliberation whether
when those to whom a return is due are to be entertained,
it is proper to invite also a stranger ; and if, after the
matter has been thoroughly sifted, it is determined that it
may be done, that person is preferred who waits all night
before the houses of charioteers, or who professes a skill in
dice, or pretends to be acquainted with some peculiar secrets.
15. For such entertainers avoid all learned and sober men
as unprofitable and useless ; with this addition, that the
nomenclators1 also, who are accustomed to make a market
of these invitations and of similar favours, selling them for
bribes, do for gain thrust in mean and obscure men at these
dinners. 16. The whirlpools of banquets, and the various allure
ments of luxury, I omit, that I may not be too prolix, and
with the object of passing on to this fact, that some people,
hastening on without fear of danger, drive their horses,
as if they were post-horses, with a regular licence, as the
saying is, through the wide streets of the city, over the
roads paved with flint, dragging behind them large bodies of
slaves like bands of robbers ; not leaving at home even
Sannio,8 as the comic poet says.
17. And many matrons, imitating these men, gallop over
every quarter of the city with their heads covered, and in close
carriages. And as skilful conductors of battles place in the
van their densest and strongest battalions, then their light-
armed troops, behind them the darters, and in the extreme
rear troops of reserve, ready to join in the attack if necessity
should arise ; so, according to the careful arrangements of
the stewards of these city households, who are conspicuous
by wands fastened to their right hands, as if a regular
watchword had been issued from the camp, first of all, near
1 A nomenclator was a slave who attended a great noble in his walk
through the city to remind him of the names of those whom he met.
See Cicero pro Mursena, c. 36.
2 The name of a slave in the Eunuch, of Terence, who says, act. iv
sc. 8 — Sannio alone stays at home.

i-».353.] ARROGANCE OF THE RICH. 19
ihe front of the carriage march all the slaves concerned in
spinning and working ; next to them come the blackened
crew employed in the kitchen ; then the whole body of
slaves promiscuously mixed up with a gang of idle plebeians
from the neighbourhood; last of all, the multitude of
eunuchs, beginning with the old men and ending with the
boj7s, pale and unsightly from the distorted deformity of
their features ; so that whichever way any one goes, seeing
troops of mutilated men, he will detest the memory of
Semiramis, that ancient queen who was the first person to
castrate male youths of tender age ; doing as it were a
violence to nature, and forcing it back from its appointed
course, which at the very first beginning and birth of the
child, by a kind of secret law revealing the primitive foun
tains of seed, points out the way of propagating posterity.
18. And as this is the case, those few houses which were
formerly celebrated for the serious cultivation of becoming
studies, are now filled with the ridiculous amusements of
torpid indolence, re-echoing with the sound of vocal music
and the tinkle of flutes and lyres. Lastly, instead of a philo
sopher, you find a singer ; instead of an orator, some teacher
of ridiculous arts is summoned ; and the libraries closed for
ever, like so many graves ; organs to be played by water-
power are made ; and lyres of so vast a size, that they look
like waggons ; and flutes, and ponderous machines suited
for the exhibitions of actors.
19. Last of all, they have arrived at such a depth of un-
worthiness, that when, no very long time ago, on account
of an apprehended scarcity of food, the foreigners were
driven in haste from the oity ; those who practised liberal
accomplishments, the number of whom was exceedingly
small, were expelled without a moment's breathing-time ;
yet the followers of actresses, and all who at that time
pretended to be of such a class, were allowed to remain ; and
three thousand dancing-girls had not even a question put
to them, but stayed unmolested with the members of their
choruses, and a corresponding number of dancing masters.
20. And wherever you turn your eyes, you may see a
multitude of women with their hair curled, who, as far as
their age goes, might, if they had married, been by this
time the mothers of three children, sweeping the pavements
with their feet till they are weary, whirling round in rapid

20 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. rBK.XTV.CH.VI.
gyrations, while representing innumerable groups and
figures which the theatrical plays contain.
21. It is a truth beyond all question, that, when at one
time Rome was the abode of all the virtues, many of the
nobles, like the Lotophagi, celebrated in Homer, who
detained men by the deliciousness of their fruit, allured
foreigners of free birth by manifold attentions of courtesy
and kindness.
22. But now, in their empty arrogance, some persons
look upon everything as worthless which is born outside of
the walls of the city, except only the childless and the un
married. Nor can it be conceived with what a variety of
obsequious observance men without children are courted
at Eome.
23. And since among them, as is natural in a city so
great as to be the metropolis of the world, diseases attain
to such an insurmountable degree of violence, that all the
skill of the physician is ineffectual even to mitigate them;
a certain assistance and means of safety has been devised,
in the rule that no one should go to see a friend in such a
condition, and to a few precautionary measures a further
remedy of sufficient potency has been added, that men
should not readmit into their houses servants who have
been sent to inquire how a man's friends who may have
been seized with an illness of this kind are, until they have
cleansed and purified their persons in the bath. So that a
taint is feared, even when it has only been seen with the
eyes of another.
24. But nevertheless, when these rules are observed thus
stringently, some persons, if they be invited to a wedding,
though the vigour of their limbs be much diminished, yet,
when gold is offered1 in the hollow palm of the right hand,
will go actively as far as Spoletum. These are the customs
of the nobles.
25. But of the lower and most indigent class of the popu
lace some spend the whole night in the wine shops
Some lie concealed in the shady arcades of the theatres ;
which Catulus was in his aedileship the first person to
' It was customary on such solemnities, as also on the occasion of
assuming the toga virilis, or entering on any important magistracy, to
make small presents of money to the guests who were invited to cele
brate the occasion. Cf. Plin. Epist. x. 117.

">-353.] CRUELTY OF GALLUS. 21
raise, in-imitation of the lascivious manners of Campania, or
else they play at dice so eagerly as to quarrel over them ;
snuffing up 1heir nostrils and making unseemly noises by
drawing back their breath into their noses ; or (and this is
their favourite pursuit of all others) from sunrise to even
ing they stay gaping through sunshine or rain, examining
in the most careful manner the most sterling good or
bad qualities of the charioteers and horses.
26. And it is very wonderful to see an innumerable
multitude of people with great eagerness of mind intent
upon the event of the contests in the chariot race. These
pursuits, and others of like character, prevent anything
worth mentioning or important from being done at Eome.
Therefore we must return to our original subject.
VII.
§ 1. His licentiousness having now become more unbounded,
the Caesar began to be burdensome to all virtuous men ; and
discarding all moderation, he harassed every part of the
East, sparing neither those who had received public
honours, nor the chief citizens of the different cities ; nor
the common people.
2. At last by one single sentence he ordered all the
principal persons at Antioch to be put to death ; being
exasperated because when he recommended that a low
price should be established in the market at an unsea
sonable time, when the city was threatened with a_ scarcity,
they answered him with objections, urged with more
force than he approved ; and they would all have been
put to death to a man, if Honoratus, who was at that time
count of the East, had not resisted him with pertinacious
constancy. 3. This circumstance was also a proof, and that no
doubtful or concealed one, of the cruelty of his nature,
that he took delight in cruel sports, and in the circus he
would rejoice as if he had made some great gain, to see six
or seven gladiators killing one another in combats which
have often been forbidden.
4. In addition to these things a certain worthless woman
inflamed his purpose of inflicting misery ; for she, having
obtained admission to the palace, as she had requested, gave

22 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIV. CH. VII.
him information that a plot was secretly laid against him
by a few soldiers of the lowest rank. And Constantina,
in her exultation, thinking that her husband's safety was
now fully secured, rewarded and placed this woman, in a
carriage, and in this way sent her out into the public
street through the great gate of the palace, in order, by such
a temptation, to allure others also to give similar or more
important information.
5. After these events, Gallus being about to set out for
Hierapolis, in order, as far as appearance went, to take
part in the expedition, the common people of Antioch
entreated him in a suppliant manner to remove their fear
of a famine which for many reasons (some of them difficult
to explain) it was believed was impending; Gallus, how
ever, did not, as is the custom of princes whose power,
by the great extent of country over which it is diffused, is
able continually to remedy local distresses, order any dis
tribution of food to be made, or any supplies to be brought
from the neighbouring countries ; but he pointed out to
them a man of consular rank, named Theophilus, the
governor of Syria, who happened to be standing by, re
plying to the repeated appeals of the multitude, who were
trembling with apprehensions of the last extremities, that
no one could possibly want food if the governor were not
willing that they should be in want of it.
6. These words increased the audacity of the lower
classes, and when the scarcity of provisions became more
severe, urged by hunger and frenzy, they' set fire to and
burnt down the splendid house of a man of the name of
Eubulus, a man of great reputation among his fellow-
citizens; and they attacked the governor himself with
blows and kicks as one especially made over to them by
the judgment of the emperor, kicking him till he was
half dead, and then tearing him to pieces in a miserable
manner. And after his wretched death every one saw in
the destruction of this single individual a type of the
danger to which he was himself exposed, and, taught by
this recent example, feared a similar fate.
7. About the same time Serenianus, who had previously
been duke ' of Phoenicia, to whose inactivity it was owing
1 The Latin is Dux. It is about this period that the title Duke and
C ount, which we have already had, arose, indicating however at first

4.D.353J CONSTANTIUS SUMMONS GALLUS. 23
as we have already related, that Celse in Phoenicia was
laid waste, was deservedly and legally accused of trea
son, and no one saw how he could possibly be acquitted.
He was also manifestly proved to have sent an intimate
friend with a cap (with which he used to cover his own
head) which had been enchanted by forbidden acts to the
temple of prophecy,1 on purpose to ask expressly whether,
according to his wish, a firm enjoyment of the whole
empire was portended for him.
8. And in these days a twofold misfortune occurred :
first, that a heavy penalty had fallen upon Theophilus who
was innocent ; and, secondly, that Serenianus who deserved
universal execration, was acquitted without the general
feeling being able to offer any effectual remonstrance.
9. Constantius then hearing from time to time of these
transactions, and having been further informed of some
particular occurrences by Thalassius, who however had
now died by the ordinary course of nature, wrote courteous
letters to the Cassar, but at the same time gradually with
drew from him his support, pretending to be uneasy, least
as the leisure of soldiers is usually a disorderly time, the
troops might be conspiring to his injury : and he desired
him to content himself with the schools of the Palatine,2
and with those of the Protectors, with the Scutarii, and
Gentiles. And he ordered Domitianus, who had formerly
been the Superintendent of the Treasury, but who was now
promoted to be a prefect, as soon as he arrived in Syria, to
address Gallus in persuasive and respectful language, ex
horting him to repair with all speed to Italy, to which
province the emperor had repeatedly summoned him.
not territorial possessions, but military commands ; and it is worth
noticing that the rank of Count was the higher of the two.
1 Constantine, on his conversion to Christianity, had issued an edict
forbidding the consultation of oracles ; but the practice was not wholly
abandoned till the time of Theodosius.
2 Schools was the name given at Eome to buildings where men were
wont to meet for any purpose, whether of study, of traffic, or of the
practice of any art. The schools of the Palatine were the station of
the cohorts of the guard. The " Protectors or Guards " were a body of
soldiers of higher rank, receiving also higher pay ; called also " Domes-
tici or household troops," as especially set apart for the protection of the
imperial palace and person. The " Scutarii " (shield-bearers) belonged
to the Palatine schools ; and the Gentiles were troops enlisted from
among those nations which were still accounted barbarous.

24 AMMIANUS MARCELL1NUS. rBE XTV. Ch. viz.
10. And when, with this object, Domitianus had reached
Antiocb, having travelled express, he passed by the gates
of the palace, in contempt of the Csesar, whom, however,
he ought to have visited, and proceeded to the general's
camp with ostentatious pomp, and there pretended to be
sick ; he neither visited the palace, nor ever appeared in
public, but keeping himself private, he devised many things
to bring about the destruction of the Csesar, adding many
superfluous circumstances to the relations which he was
continually sending to the emperor.
11. At last, being expressly invited by the Caesar, and
being admitted into the prince's council-chamber, without
making the slightest preface he began in thia inconsiderate
and light-minded manner : " Depart," said he, " as you
have been commanded, 0 Csesar, and know this, that if you
make any delay I shall at once order all the provisions
allotted for the support of yourself and your court to be
carried away." And then, having said nothing more than
these insolent words, he departed with every appearance of
rage ; and would never afterwards come into his sight
though frequently sent for.
12. The Csesar being indignant at this, as thinking he
had been unworthily and unjustly treated, ordered his
faithful protectors to take the prefect into custody; and
when this became known, Montius, who at that time was
quaestor, a man of deep craft indeed, but still inclined to
moderate measures,1 taking counsel for the common good,
sent for the principal members of the Palatine schools and
addressed them in pacific words, pointing out that it was
neither proper nor expedient that such things should he
done ; and adding also in a reproving tone of voice, that if
such conduct as this were approved of, then, after throwing
down the statues of Constantius the prefect would begin
to think how he might also with the greater security take
his life also.
13. When this was known Gallus, like a serpent attacked
with stones or darts, being now reduced to the extremity
of despair, and eager to insure his safety by any possible
1 Gibbon here proposes for leraitatem to read leuitatem, fickleness ;
himself describing Montius as " a statesman whose art and experience
were frequently betrayed by the levity of his disposition." — Cap. xix.,
p. 298, vol. iii., Bohn's edition.

*•»• 353.] RESISTANCE OF GALLUS. 25
means, ordered all his troops to be collected in arms, and
when they stood around him in amazement he gnashed his
teeth, and hissing with rage, said, —
14. " You are present here as brave men, come to the
aid of me who am in one common danger with you. Mon
tius, with a novel and unprecedented arrogance, accuses us
of rebellion and resistance to the majesty of the emperor,
by roaring Out all these charges against us. Being offended
forsooth that, as a matter of precaution, I ordered a contu
macious prefect, who pretended not to know what the state
of affairs required, to be arrested and kept in custody."
15. On hearing these words the soldiers immediately,
being always on the watch to raise disturbances, first of all
attacked Montius, who happened to be living close at band,
an old man of no great bodily strength, and enfeebled by
disease ; and having bound his legs with coarse ropes, they
dragged him straddling, without giving him a moment to
take breath, as far as the general's camp.
16. And with the same violence they also bound Domitia-
nus, dragging him head first down the stairs; and then having
fastened the two men together, they dragged them through
all the spacious streets of the city at full speed. And, all
their limbs and joints being thus dislocated, they trampled
on their corpses after they were dead, and mutilated them
in the most unseemly manner ; and at last, having glutted
their rage, they threw them into the river.
17. But there was a certain man named Luscus, the
governor of the city, who, suddenly appearing among the
soldiers, had inflamed them, always ready for mischief,
to the nefarious actions which they had thus committed ;
exciting them with repeated cries, like the musician who
gives the tune to the mourners at funerals, to finish what
they had begun : and for this deed he was, not long after,
burnt alive.
18. And because Montius, when just about to expire
under the hands of those who were tearing him to pieces,
repeatedly named Epigonius and Eusebius, without indi
cating either their rank or their profession, a great deal
of trouble was taken to find out who they were ; and, lest
the search should have time to cool, they sent for a philo
sopher named Epigonius, from Lycia, and for Eusebius the
orator, surnamed Pittacos, from Emissa ; though they were

26 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. lBk. XIV. Ch. vn.
not those whom Montius had meant, but some tribunes,
superintendents of the manufactures of arms, who had pro
mised him information if they heard of any revolutionary
measures being agitated.
19. About the same time Apollinaris, the son-in-law of
Domitianus, who a short time before had been the chief
steward of the Caesar's palace, being sent to Mesopotamia
by his father-in-law, took exceeding pains to inquire among
the soldiers whether they had received any secret de
spatches from the Csesar, indicating his having meditated any
deeper designs than usual. And as soon as he heard of the
events which had taken place at Antioch, he passed through
the lesser Armenia and took the road to Constantinople ;
but he was seized on his journey by the Protectors, and
brought back to Antioch, and there kept in close confine
ment. 20. And while these things were taking place there was
discovered at Tyre a royal robe, which had been secretly
made, though it was quite uncertain who had placed it
where it was, or for whose use it had been made. And on
that account the governor of the province, who was at that
time the father of Apollinaris, and bore the same name,
was arrested as an accomplice in his guilt ; and great num
bers of other persons were collected from different cities,
who were all involved in serious accusations.
21. And now, when the trumpets of internal war and
slaughter began to sound, the turbulent disposition of the
Cassar, indifferent to any consideration of the truth, began
also to break forth, and that not secretly as before. And
without making any solemn investigation into the truth of
the charges brought against the citizens, and without sepa
rating the innocent from the guilty, he discarded all ideas
of right or justice, as if they had been expelled from the
seat of judgment. And while all lawful defence on trials
was silent, the torturer, and plunderer, and the executioner,
and every kind of confiscation of property, raged unrestrained
throughout the eastern provinces of the empire, which 1
think it now a favourable moment to enumerate, with the
exception of Mesopotamia, which I have already described
when I was relating the Parthian wars ; and also with the
exception of Egypt, which I am forced to postpone to
another opportunity.

A.D. 363.] DESCRIPTION OF CILICIA. 27

VIII.
§ 1. After passing over the summit of Mount Taurus, which
towards the east rises up to a vast height, Cilicia spreads
itself out for a very great distance — a land rich in all valu
able productions. It is bordered on its right by Isauria,
which is equally fertile in vines and in many kinds of
grain. The Calycadnus, a navigable river, flows through
the middle of Isaurus.
2. This province, besides other towns, is particularly
adorned by two cities, Seleucia, founded by King Seleucus,
and Claudiopolis, which the Emperor Claudius Caesar esta
blished as a colony. For the city of Isauria, which was
formerly too powerful, was in ancient times overthrown as
an incurable and dangerous rebel, and so completely de
stroyed that it is hot easy to discover any traces of its
pristine splendour.
3. The province of Cilicia, which exults in the river
Cydnus, is ornamented by Tarsus, a city of great magni
ficence. This city is said to have been founded by Perseus,
the son of Jupiter and Danae ; or else, and more probably,
by a certain emigrant who came from Ethiopia, by name
Sandan, a man of great wealth and of noble birth. It is
also adorned by the city of Anazarbus, which bears the
name of its founder ; and by Mopsuestia, the abode of the
celebrated seer Mopsus, who wandered from his comrades
the Argonauts when they were returning after having
carried off the Golden Fleece, and strayed to the African
coast, where he died a sudden death. His heroic remains,
though covered by Punic turf, have ever since that time
cured a great variety of diseases, and have generally re
stored men to sound health.
4. These two provinces being full of banditti were for
merly subdued by the pro-consul Servilius, in a piratical
war, and were passed under the yoke, and made tributary
to the empire. These districts being placed, as it were, on
a prominent tongue of land, are cut off from the main conti
nent by Mount Amanus.
5. The frontier of the East stretching straight forward
for a great distance, reached from the banks of the river
Euphrates to those of the Nile, being bounded on the

28 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIV. Ca nn.
left by the tribes of the Saracens and on the right by the
sea. 6. Nicator Seleucus, after he had occupied that dis
trict, increased its prosperity to a wonderful degree, when,
after the death of Alexander, king of Macedonia, he
took possession of the kingdom of Persia by right of suc
cession ; being a mighty and victorious king, as his sur
name indicates. And making free use of his numerous
subjects, whom he governed for a long time in tranquil
lity, he changed groups of rustic habitations into regular
cities, important for their great wealth and power, the
greater part of which at the present day, although they
are called by Greek names which were given them by
the choice of their founder, have nevertheless not lost
their original appellations which the original settlers of
the villages gave them in the Assyrian language.
7. After Osdroene, which, as I have already said, I
intend to omit from this description, the first province to
be mentioned is Commagena, now called Euphratensis,
which has arisen into importance by slow degrees, and is
remarkable for the splendid cities of Hierapolis, the
ancient Ninus, and Samosata.
8. The next province is Syria, which is spread over a
beautiful champaign country. This province is ennobled
by Antioch, a city known over the whole world, with
which no other can vie in respect of its riches, whether
imported or natural : and by Laodicea and Apameia, and
also by Seleucia, all cities which have ever been most
prosperous from their earliest foundation.
9. After this comes Phoenicia, a province lying under
Mount Lebanon, full of beauty and elegance, and deco
rated with cities of great size and splendour, among
which Tyre excels all in the beauty of its situation and in
its renown. And next come Sidon and Berytus, and on a
par with them Emissa and Damascus, cities founded in
remote ages.
10. These provinces, which the river Orontes borders,
a river which passes by the foot of the celebrated and
lofty mountain Cassius, and at last falls into the Levant
near the Gulf of Issus, were added to the Eoman dominion
by Cnseus Pompey, who, after he had conquered Tigranes,
separated them from the kingdom of Armenia.

*¦»• 353.] ARABIA. 29
11. The last province of the Syrias is Palestine, a dis
trict of great extent, abounding in well-cultivated and
beautiful land, and having several magnificent cities, all
of equal importance, and rivalling one another as it were,
in parallel lines. For instance, Csesarea, which Herod built
in honour of the Prince Octavianus, and Eleutheropolis,
and Neapolis, and also Ascalon, and Gaza, cities built in
bygone ages.
12. In these districts no navigable river is seen: in
many places, too, waters naturally hot rise out of the
ground well suited for the cure of various diseases. These
regions also Pompey formed into a Roman province after
he had subdued the Jews and taken Jerusalem : and he
made over their government to a local governor.
13. Contiguous to Palestine is Arabia, a country which
on its other side joins the Nabathaei — a land full of the
most plenteous variety of merchandize, and studded with
strong forts and castles, which the watchful solicitude of its
ancient inhabitants has erected in suitable defiles, in order
to repress the inroads of the neighbouring nations. This
province, too, besides several towns, has some mighty
cities, such as Bostra, Gerasa, and Philadelphia, fortified
with very strong walls. It was the Emperor Trajan who
first gave this country the name of a Eoman province, and
appointed a governor over it, and compelled it to obey our
laws, after having by repeated victories crushed the arro
gance of the inhabitants, when he was carrying his glorious
arms into Media and Parthia.
14. There is also the island of Cyprus, not very far from
the continent, and abounding in excellent harbours, which,
besides its many municipal towns, is especially famous for
two renowned cities, Salamis and Paphos, the one cele
brated for its temple of Jupiter, the other for its temple ot
Venus. This same Cyprus is so fertile, and so abounding
in riches of every kind, that without requiring any ex
ternal assistance, it can by its own native resources build
a merchant ship from the very foundation of the keel up to
the top sails, and send it to sea fully equipped with
stores. 15. It is not to be denied that the Eoman people invaded
this island with more covetousness than justice. For
when Ptolemy, the king, who was connected with us by

30 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. Be. XIV. Ch. ix.
treaty, and was also our ally, was without any fault of his
own proscribed, merely on account of the necessities of our
treasury, and slew himself by taking poison, the island was
made tributary to us, and its spoils placed on board our
fleet, as if taken from an enemy, and carried to Eome
by Cato. We will now return to the actions of Constan
tius in their due order.
IX.
§ 1. Amid all these various disasters, TJrsicinus, who was
the governor of Nisibis, an officer to whom the command
of the emperor had particularly attached me as a servant,
was summoned from that city, and in spite of his reluc
tance, and of the opposition which he made to the clamorous
bands of flatterers, was forced to investigate the origin of
the pernicious strife which had arisen. He was indeed a
soldier of great skill in war, and an approved leader of
troops ; but a man who had always kept himself aloof from
the strife of the forum. He, alarmed at his own danger
when he saw the corrupt accusers and judges who were
associated with him, all emerging out of the same lurking-
places, wrote secret letters to Constantius informing him of
what was going on, both publicly and in secret ; and im
ploring such assistance as, by striking fear into Gallus,
should somewhat curb his notorious arrogance.
2. But through excessive caution he had fallen into a
worse snare, as we shall relate hereafter, since his enemies
got the opportunity of laying numerous snares for him, to
poison the mind of Constantius against him; Constantius,
in other respects a prince of moderation, was severe and
implacable if any person, however mean and unknown,
whispered suspicion of danger into his ears, and in such
matters was wholly unlike himself.
3. On the day appointed for this fatal examination, the
master of the horse took his seat under the pretence of
being the judge ; others being also set as his assessors,
. who were instructed beforehand what was to be done :
and there were present also notaries on each side of him,
who kept the Csesar rapidly and continually informed of all
the questions which were put and all the answers which
were given ; and by his pitiless orders, urged as he was by

A-D-3530 TORTURES OF THE PRISONERS. 31
the persuasions of the queen, who kept her ear at the
curtain, many were put to death without being permitted
to soften the accusations brought against them, or to say a
word in their own defence.
4. The first persons who were brought before them were
Epigonius and Eusebius, .who were ruined because of the
similarity of their names to those of other people ; for we
have already mentioned that Montius, when just at the
point of death, had intended to inculpate the tribunes of
manufactures, who were called by these names, as men who
had promised to be his supports in some future enterprise.
5. Epigonius was only a philosopher as far as his dress
went, as was evident, when, having tried entreaties
in vain, his sides having been torn with blows, and the
fear of instant death being presented to him, he affirmed
by a base confession that his companion was privy to
his plans, though in fact he had no plans ; nor had he
ever seen or heard anything, being wholly unconnected
with -forensic affairs. But Eusebius, confidently denying
what he was accused of, continued firm in unshaken con
stancy, loudly declaring that it was a band of robbers
before whom he was brought, and not a court of justice.
6. And when, like a man well acquainted with the law,
he demanded that his accuser should be produced, and
claimed the usual rights of a prisoner ; the Caesar, having
heard of his conduct, and looking on his freedom as pride,
ordered him to be put to the torture as an audacious
calumniator ; and when Eusebius had been tortured so
severely that he had no longer any limbs left for torments,
imploring heaven for justice, and still smiling disdain
fully, he remained immovable, with a firm heart, not
permitting his tongue to accuse himself or any one else.
And so at length, without having either made any con
fession, or being convicted of anything, he was condemned
to death with the spiritless partner of his sufferings. He
was then led away to death, protesting against the ini
quity of the times ; imitating in his conduct the cele
brated Stoic of old, Zeno, who, after he had been long
subjected to torture in order to extract from him some
false confession, tore out his tongue by the roots and threw
it, bloody as it was, into the face of the king of Cyprus,
who was examining him.

32 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIV. Ch. x
7. After these events the affair of the royal robe was
examined into. And when those who were employed in
dyeing purple had been put to the torture, and had con
fessed that they had woven a short tunic to cover the
chest, without sleeves, a certain person, by name Maras,
was brought in, a deacon, as the Christians call him ;
letters from whom were produced, written in the Greek
language +o the superintendent of the weaving manu
factory at Tyre, which pressed him to have the beau
tiful work finished speedily ; of which work, however,
these letters gave no further description. And at last this
man also was tortured, to the danger of his life, but could
not be made to confess anything.
8. After the investigation had been carried on with
the examination, under torture of many persons, when
some things appeared doubtful, and others it was plain
were of a very unimportant character, and after many
persons had been put to death, the two Apollinares,
father and son, were condemned to banishment-; and
when they had come to a place which is called Cra-
terae, a country house of their own, which is four-and-
twenty miles from Antioch, there, according to the order
which had been given, their legs were broken, and they
were put to death.
9. After their death Gallus was not at all less ferocious
than before, but rather like a lion which has once tasted
blood, he made many similar investigations, all of which
it is not worth while to relate, lest I should exceed the
bounds which I have laid down for myself ; an error which
is to be avoided

§ 1. While the East was thus for a long time suffering under
these calamities, at the first approach of open weather,
Constantius being in his seventh consulship, and the Csesar
in his third, the emperor quitted Aries and went to
Valentia, with the intention of making war upon the
brothers Gundomadus and Vadomarius, chiefs of the
Allemanni; by whose repeated inroads the territories of
the Gauls, which lay upon their frontier, were continually
laid waste.
2. And while he was staying in that district, as he did

»J>. 353.] DISCONTENT OF THE SOLDIERS. 33
for some time while waiting for supplies, the importation
of which from Aquitania was prevented by the spring
rains, which were this year more severe than usual, so that
the rivers were flooded by them, Herculanus arrived, a
principal officer of the guard, son of Hermogenes, who had
formerly been master of the horse at Constantinople, and
had been torn to pieces in a popular tumult as we have
mentioned before. And as he brought a faithful account
of what Gallus had done, the emperor, sorrowing over the
miseries that were passed, and full of anxious fear for the
future, for a time stilled the grief of his mind as well as
he could.
3. But in the mean time all the soldiery being assembled
at Cabillon,' began to be impatient of delay, and to get
furious, being so much the more exasperated because they
had not sufficient means of living, the usual supplies not
yet having arrived.
4. And in consequence of this state of things, Eufinus,
at that time prefect of the camp, was exposed to the most
imminent danger. For he himself was compelled to go
among the soldiers, whose natural ferocity was inflamed
by their want of food, and who on other occasions are ,
by nature generally inclined to be savage and bitter against
men of civil dignities. He was compelled, I say, to go
among them to appease them and explain on what account
the arrival of their corn was delayed.
5. And the task thus imposed on him was very cun
ningly contrived, in order that he, the uncle of Gallus,
might perish in the snare ; lest he, being a man of great
power and energy, should rouse his nephew to confidence,
and lead him to undertake enterprises which might be mis
chievous. Great caution, however, was used to escape
this ; and, when the danger was got rid of for a while,
Eusebius, the high chamberlain, was sent to Cabillon with
a large sum of money, which he distributed secretly among
the chief leaders of sedition : and so the turbulent and
arrogant disposition of the soldiers was pacified, and the
safety of the prefect secured. Afterwards food having
arrived in abundance tne camp was struck on the day
appointed. 6. After great difficulties had been surmounted, many
1 CMlons sur Saone. D

.34 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIV. Cn, x.
of the roads being buried in snow, the army came near to
Rauracum1 on the banks of the Ehine, where the mul
titude of the .Allemanni offered great resistance, so that
by their fierceness the Romans were prevented from fixing
their bridge of boats, darts being poured upon them from
all sides like hail; and, when it seemed impossible to
succeed in that attempt, the emperor being taken by sur
prise, and full of anxious thoughts, began to consider what
to do.
7. When suddenly a guide well acquainted with the
country arrived, and for a reward pointed out a ford by
night, where the river could be crossed ; and the army
ci ossing at that point, while the enemy had their attention
directed elsewhere, roight without any one expecting such
a step, have and waste the whole country, if a few men
of the same nation to whom the higher posts in the Eoman
army were intrusted had not (as some people believe) in
formed their fellow-countrymen of the design by secret
messe ngers.
8. The disgrace of this suspicion fell chiefly on Latinus,
a commander of the domestic guard, and on Agilo, an
equei-ry, and on Scudilo, the commander of the Scutarii,
men who at that time were looked up to as those who sup
ported the republic with their right hands.
9. But the barbarians, though taking instant counsel
on such an emergency, yet either because the auspices
turned out unfavourable, or because the authority of the
sacrifices prohibited an instant engagement, abated their
energy, and the confidence with which they had hitherto
resisted ; and sent some of their chiefs to beg pardon for
their offences, and sue foi peace.
10 Therefore, having detained for some time the envoys
of both the kings, and having long deliberated over the affair
in secret, the emperor, when he had decided that it was ex
pedient to grant peace on the terms proposed, summoned his
army to an assembly with the intention of making them a
short speech, and mounting the tribunal, surrounded with a
staff of officers of high rank, spoke in the following manner :
11. "I hope no one will wonder, after the long and
toilsome marches we have made, and the vast supplies
and magazines which have been provided, from the ccnfi-
1 Near Basle.

A-D- 353.] SPEECH OF CONSTANTIUS. 35
dence which I felt in you, that now although we are close
to the villages of the barbarians, I have, as if I had sud
denly changed my plans, adopted more peaceful counsels.
12. "For if every one of you, having regard to his own
position and his own feelings, considers the case, he will
find this to be the truth : that the individual soldier in all
cases, however strong and vigorous he may be, regards and
defends nothing but himself and his own life ; while the
general, looking on all with impartiality as the guardian
of their general safety, is aware that the common interest
of the people cannot be separated from his own safety ;
and he is bound to seize with alacrity every remedy of
which the condition of affairs admits, as being put into his
hand by the favour of the gods.
13. "That therefore J majT in a few words set before
you and explain on what account I wished all of you,
my most faithful comrades, to assemble here, I entreat you
to listen attentively to what I will state with all the brevity
possible. For the language of truth is always concise and
simple. 14. " The kings and people of the Allemanni, viewing
with apprehension the lofty steps of your glory (which
fame, increasing in magnificence, has diffused throughout
the most distant countries), now by their ambassadors
humbly implore pardon for their past offences, and peace.
And this indulgence I, as a cautious and prudent adviser
of what is useful, think expedient to grant them, if your
consent be not wanting : being led to this opinion by many
considerations, in the first place that so we may avoid the
doubtful issues of war ; in the second place, that instead
of enemies we may have allies, as they promise we shall
find them ; further, that without bloodshed we may pacify
their haughty ferocity, a feeling which is often mis:
chievous in our provinces ; and last of all, recollecting
that the man who falls in battle, overwhelmed by supe
rior weapons or strength, is not the only enemy who has
to be subdued; and that with much greater safety to the
state, even while the trumpet of war is silent, he is sub
dued who makes voluntary submission, having learnt by
experience that we lack neither courage against rebels, nor
mercy towards suppliants.
15. " To sum up, making you as it were the arbitrators, I

36 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIV. Ch xi.
wait to see what you determine ; having no doubt myself,
as an emperor always desirous of peace, that it is best to
employ moderation while prosperity descends upon us.
For, believe me, this conduct which I recommend, and
which is wisely chosen, will not be imputed to want of
courage on your part, but to your moderation and huma
nity." 16. As soon as he had finished speaking, the whole
assembly - being ready to agree to what the emperor de
sired, and praising his advice, gave their votes for peace;
being principally influenced by this consideration, that
they had already learnt by frequent expeditions that the
fortune of the emperor was only propitious in times of civil
troubles; but that when foreign wars were undertaken
they had often proved disastrous. On this, therefore,
a treaty being made according to the customs of the
Allemanni, and all the solemnities being completed, tha
emperor retired to Milan for the winter.
XI.
§ 1. At Milan, having discarded the weight of other cares,
the emperor took into his consideration that most difficult
gordian knot, how by a mighty effort to uproot the Csesar.
And while he was deliberating on this matter with his
friends in secret conference by night, and considering
what force, and what contrivances might be employed for
the purpose, before Gallus in his audacity should more
resolutely set himself to plunging affairs into confusion,
it seemed best that Gallus should be invited by civil letters,
under pretence of some public affairs of an urgent nature
requiring his advice, so that, being deprived of all support,
he might be put to death without any hindrance.
2. But as several knots of light-minded flatterers opposed
this opinion, among whom was Arbetio, a man of keeiv
wit and always inclined to treachery, and Eusebius, a maw
always disposed to mischief, at that time the principal
chamberlain, they suggested that if the Csesar were to
quit those countries it would be dangerous to leave
Ursicinus in the East, with no one to check his designs, if
he should cherish ambitious notions.
3. And these counsels were supported by the rest of the

A.O-353.] JEALOUSY OF CONSTANTIUS. 37
royal eunuchs, whose avarice and covetousness at that
period had risen to excess. These men, while performing
their private duties about the court, by secret whispers
supplied food for false accusations ; and by raising bitter
suspicions of Ursicinus, ruined a most gallant man, creating
by underhand means a belief that his grown-up sons began
to aim at supreme power ; intimating that they were
youths in the flower of their age and of admirable per
sonal beauty, skilful in the use of every kind of weapon,
well trained in all athletic and military exercises, and
favourably known for prudence and wisdom. They in
sinuated also that Gallus himself, being by nature fierce
and unmanageable, had been excited to acts of additional
cruelty and ferocity by persons placed about him for that
purpose, to the end that, when he had brought upon him
self universal detestation, the ensigns of power might be
transferred to the children of the master of the horse.
4. When these and simliar suspicions were poured
into the ears of Constantius, which were always open
to reports of this kind, the emperor, revolving different
plans in his mind, at last chose the following as the
most advisable course. He commanded Ursicinus in a
most complimentary manner to come to him, on the-
pretence that the urgent state of certain affairs required
to be arranged by the aid of his counsel and concurrence,
and that he had need of such additional support in order
to crush the power of the Parthian tribes, who were
threatening war.
5. And that he who was thus invited might not sus
pect anything unfriendly, the Count Prosper was sent to
act as his deputy till he returned. Accordingly, when
Ursicinus had received the letters, and had obtained a
sufficient supply of carriages, and means of travelling, we1
hastened to Milan with all speed.
6. The next thing was to contrive to summon the Csesar,
* and to induce him to make the like haste. And to remove
all suspicion in his mind, Constantius used many hypocri
tical endearments to persuade his own sister, Callus's
wife, whom he pretended he had long been wishing
to see, to accompany him. And although she hesitated
1 It will be observed that Ammianus here speaks of himself as
in attendance upon Ursicinus.

,38 AMMIANUS MAKCKLLINUS. [Be. XIV. Cu; xi.
from fear of her brother's habitual cruelty, yet, from a
hope that, as he was her brother, she might be able tw
pacify1 him, she set out ; but when she reached Bithynia,
at the station named Carni Gallici, she was seized with a
sudden fever and died. And after her death, her husband,
considering that he had lost his greatest security and the
chief support on which he relied, hesitated, taking anxious
thought what he should do.
7. For amid the multiplicity of embarrassing affairs
which distracted his attention, this point especially filled
his mind with apprehension, that Constantius, determining
everything according to his own sole judgment, was not a
man to admit of any excuse, or to pardon any error ; but
being, as he was, more inclined to severity towards his
kinsmen than towards others, would be sure to put him to
death if he could get him into his power.
8. Being therefore in this critical situation, and feeling
that he had to expect the worst unless he took vigilant
care, he embraced the idea of seizing on the supreme
power if he could find any opportunity : but for two
reasons he distrusted the good faith of his most intimate
councillors; both because they dreaded him as at once
cruel and fickle, and also because amid civil dissensions they
looked with awe upon the loftier fortune of Constantius.
9. While perplexed with these vast and weighty anxieties
he received continual letters from the emperor, advising
and entreating him to come to him ; and giving him hints
that the republic neither could nor ought to be divided.;
but that every one was bound to the utmost of his power
to bring aid to it when it was tottering ; alluding in this
to the devastations of the Gauls.
10. And to this suggestion he added an example of no
great antiquity, that in the time of Diocletian and his
colleague,1 the Csesars obeyed them as their officers, not
remaining stationary, but hastening to execute their orders
in every direction. And that even Galerius went in his
purple robe on foot for nearly a mile before the chariot of
Augustus2 when he was offended with him.
11. After many other messengers had been despatched to
him, Scudilo the tribune of the Scutarii arrived, a very cun
ning master of persuasion under the cloak of a rude, blunt
1 Maximianus Herculius. 2 Diocletian.

4.D.353.J GALLUS REACHES CONSTANTINOPLE. 39
disposition. He, by mixing flattering language with his
serious conversation, induced him to proceed, when no one
else could do so, continually assuring him, with a hypo
critical countenance, that his cousin was extremely desirous
to see him ; that, like a clement and merciful prince, he
would pardon whatever errors had been committed through
thoughtlessness ; that he would make him a partner in hia
own royal rank, and take him for his associate in those
toils which the northern provinces, long in a disturbed
state, imposed upon him.
12. And as when the Fates lay their hand upon a man
his senses are wont to be blunted and dimmed, so Gallus,
being led on by these alluring persuasions to the expectation
of a better fortune, quitted Antioch under the guidance of
an unfriendly star, and hurried, as the old proverb has it,
out. of the smoke into the flame j1 and having arrived at
Constantinople as if in great prosperity and security, at
the celebration of the equestrian games, he with his own
hand placed the crown on the head of the charioteer Corax,
when he obtained the victory.
13. When Constantius heard this he became exaspe
rated beyond all bounds of moderation ; and lest by any
chance Gallus, feeling uncertain of the future, should
attempt to consult his safety by flight, all the garrisons
stationed in the towns which lay in his road were care
fully removed.
14. And at the same time Taurus, who was sent as
qusestor into Armenia, passed by without visiting or seei ng
him. Some persons, however, by the command of Ihe
emperor, arrived under the pretence of one duty or another,
in order to take care that he should not be able to move,
or make any secret attempt of any kind. Among whom
was Leontius, afterwards prefect of the city, who was
sent as qusestor ; and Lucillianus, as count of the domestic
guards, and a tribune of the Scutarii named Bainobaudes
15. Therefore after a long journey through the level
country, when he had reached Hadrianopolis, a city in the
district of Mount Haemus, which had been formerly called
Uscudama, where he stayed twelve days to recover from his
fatigu.3, he found that the Theban legions, who were in
winter quarters in the neighbouring towns of those parts,
1 As we say, Out of the frying:-pan into the fire.

40 AMMIANUS MARCELL1NUS. [Be. XIV. Ch. XI.
had sent some of their comrades to exhort him by trust
worthy and sure promises to remain there relying upon
ihctn, since they were posted in great force among the
neighbouring stations ; but those about him watched him
with such diligent care that he could get no opportunity of
seeing them, or of hearing their message.
16. Then, as letter after letter from the emperor urged
him to quit that city, he took ten public carriages, as he
was desired to do, and leaving behind him all his retinue,
except a few of his chamberlains and domestic officers,
whom he had brought with him, he was in this poor
manner compelled to hasten his journey, his guards forcing
aim to use all speed ; while he from time to time, with
many regrets, bewailed the rashness which had placed
him in a mean and despised condition at the mercy of men
of the lowest class.
17. And amid all these circumstances, in moments when
exhausted nature sought repose in sleep, his senses were
kept in a state of agitation by dreadful spectres making
unseemly noises about him ; and crowds of those whom
he had slain, led on by Domitianus and Montius, seemed
to seize and torture him with all the torments of the
Furies. 18. For the mind, when freed by sleep from its con
nection with the body, is nevertheless active, and being
full of the thoughts and anxieties of mortal pursuits, en
genders mighty visions which we call phantoms.
19. Therefore his melancholy fate, by which it was
destined he should be deprived of empire and life, lead
ing the way, he proceeded on his journey by continual
relays of horses, till he arrived atPetobio,' a town in
Noricum. Here all disguise was thrown off, and the
Count Barbatio suddenly made his appearance, with Apo-
demius. the secretary for the provinces, and an escort
of soldiers whom the emperor had picked out as men
bound to him by especial favours, feeling sure that they
could not be turned from their obedience either by bribes
or pity.
20. And now the affair was conducted to its conclusion
without further disguise or deceit, and the whole portion of
the palace which is outside the walls was surrounded by
1 The town of Pettau, on the Drave.

A.D. 353.] GALLUS IS SENT INTO ISTRIA. 41
armed men. Barbatio, entering the palace before day
break, stripped the Caesar of his royal robes, and clothed
him with a tunic and an ordinary soldier's garment,
assuring him with many protestations, as if by the especial
command of the emperor, that, he should be exposed to no
further suffering; and then said to him, " Stand up at
once." And having suddenly placed him in a private car
riage, he conducted him into Istria, near to the town of
Pola, where it is reported that Crispus, the sou of Constan
tine, was formerly put to death.
21. And while he was there kept in strict confine
ment, being already terrified with apprehensions of his
approaching destruction, Eusebius, at that time the high
chamberlain, arrived in haste, and with him Pentadius
the secretary, and Mallobaudes the tribune of the guard,
who had the emperor's orders to compel him to explain,
case by case, on what accounts he had ordered each of the
individuals whom he had executed at Antioch to bf put to
death. 22. He being struck with a paleness like that of
Adrastus l at these questions, was only able to reply that
he had put most of them to death at the instigation of his
wife Constantina ; being forsooth ignorant that when the
mother of Alexander the Great urged him to put to death
some one who was innocent, and in the hope of prevailing
with him, repeated to him over and over again that she
had borne him nine months in her womb, and was his
mother, that emperor made her this prudent answer, " My
excellent mother, ask for some other reward ; for the life
of a man cannot be put in the balance with any kind of
service." 23. When this was known, the emperor, giving way to
unchangeable indignation and anger, saw that his only
hope of establishing security firmly lay in putting the
Csesar to death. And having sent Serenianus, whom
we have already spoken of as having been accused of
treason, but acquitted by intrigue, and Pentadius the secre
tary, and Apodemius the secretary for the provinces, he
commanded that they should put him to death. And
1 A paleness such as overspread the countenance of Adrastus when
he saw his two sons-in-law, Pydeus and Polynices, slain at Thebes.
Virgil speaks of Adrasti pallentis imago. Ma. vi. 480.

12 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BE. XIV. Ch. xt
accordingly his hands were bound like those of some con
victed thief, and he was beheaded, and his carcass, which
but a little while ago had been the object of dread to
cities and provinces, deprived of head and defaced: it was
then left on the ground.
24. In this the supervision of the supreme Deity mani
fested itself to be everywhere vigilant. For not only did
the cruelties of Gallus bring about his own desti-uction, but
they also who, by their pernicious flattery and instigation,
and charges supported by perjury, had led him to the
perpetration of many murders, not long afterwards died
miserably. Scudilo, being afflicted with a liver complaint
which penetrated to his lungs, died vomiting ; while Bar-
batio, who had long busied himself in inventing false
accusations against Gallus, was accused by secret infor
mation of aiming at some post higher than his command
of infantry, and being condemned, though unjustly, was
put to death, and so by his melancholy end made atonement
to the shade of the Csesar.
25. These, and innumerable other actions of the same
kind, Adrastea, who is also called Nemesis, the avenger
of wicked and the rewarder of good deeds, is continually
bringing to pass : would that she could always do so !
She is a kind of sublime agent of the powerful Deity,
dwelling, according to common belief, above the human
circle ; or, as others define her, she is a substantial pro
tection, presiding over the particular destinies of indi
viduals, and feigned by the ancient theologians to be
the daughter of Justice, looking down from a certain
inscrutable eternity upon all terrestrial and mundane
affairs. 26. She, as queen of all causes of events, and arbitress
and umpire in all affairs of life, regulates the urn which
contains the lots of men, and directs the alternations of
fortune which we behold in the world, frequently bringing
our undertakings to an issue different from what we in
tended, and involving and changing great numbers of
actions. She also, binding the vainly swelling pride of
mankind by the indissoluble fetters of necessity, and sway
ing the inclination of progress and decay according to her
will, sometimes bows down and enfeebles the stiff neck
of arrogance, and sometimes raises virtuous men from tho

i.D-353.] DEATH OF GALLUS. 43
lowest depth, leading them to a prosperous and happy
life. And it is on this account that the fables of antiquity
have represented her with wings, that she may be sup
posed to be present at all events with prompt celerity.
And they have also placed a rudder in her hand and given
her a wheel under her feet, that mankind may be aware
that she governs the universe, running at will through all
the elements.1
27. In this untimely manner did the Csesar, being himself
also already weary of life, die, in the twenty -ninth year of
his age, having reigned four years. He was born in the
country of the Etrurians, in the district of Veternum,'2
being the son of Constantius, the brother of the Emperor
Constantine ; his mother was Galla. the sister of Eufinus
and Cerealis, men who had been ennobled by the offices of
consul and prefect.
28. He was a man of splendid stature and great beauty
of person and figure, with soft hair of a golden colour, his
newly sprouting beard covering his cheeks with a tender
down, and in spite of his youth his countenance showed
dignity and authority. He differed as much from the tem
perate habits of his brother Julian, as the sons of Vespasian,
Domitian and Titus, differed from each other.
29. After he had been taken by the emperor as his
colleague, and raised to the highest eminence of power, he
experienced the fickle changeableness of fortune which
mocks mortality, sometimes raising individuals to the
1 Ammianus here confounds Nemesis with Fortuna. Comparo
Horace's description of the latter goddess, Lib. i. Od. 34 :—
"... Valet ima summis
Mutare, et insignia attenuat deus
Obscura promens : hinc apicem rapax
Fortuna cum stridore acuto
Sustulit ; hic posuisse gaudet."
Or, as it is translated by Dr. Francis : —
" The hand of Jove can crush the proud
Down to the meanness of the crowd :
And raise the lowest in his stead :
But rapid Fortune pulls him down,
And snatches his imperial crown,
To place, not px it, on another's head."
s Near the modern city of Sienna.

44 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIV. Ch. xr.
stars, at others sinking them to the lowest depths of
hell. 30. And though the examples of such vicissitudes are
beyond number, nevertheless I will only enumerable a few
in a cursory manner. This changeable and fickle fortune
made Agathocles, the Sicilian, a king from being a potter,
and reduced Dionysius, formerly the terror of all nations,
to be the master of a grammar school. This same fortune
emboldened Andriscus of Adramyttium, who had been born
in a fuller's shop, to assume the name of Philip, and com
pelled the legitimate son of Perseus l to descend to the
trade of a blacksmith to obtain a livelihood. Again, for
tune surrendered Mancinus2 ta the people of Numantia,
after he had enjoyed the supreme command, exposed
Veturius" to the cruelty of the Samnites, Claudius4 to
that of the Corsicans, and made Eegulus 5 a victim to the
ferocity of the Carthaginians. Through the injustice of
fortune, Pompey,6 after he had acquired the surname of
the Great by the grandeur of his exploits, was murdered
in jEgypt at the pleasure of some eunuchs, while a fellow
named Eunus, a slave who had escaped from a house
of correction, commanded an army of runaway slaves in
Sicily. How many men of the highest birth, through
the connivance of this same fortune, submitted to the
authority of Viriathus and of Spartacus ! 7 How many
heads at which nations once trembled have fallen under
the deadly hand of the executioner ! One man is thrown
into prison, another is promoted to unexpected power,
1 See Plutarch's Life of iEmilius, c. 37. The name of tho young
prince was Alexander.
2 Called also Hostilius ; of. Veil. Paterc. ii. 1.
3 Cf. Liv. ix. c. x. ; Cicero de Officiis, iii. 30.
* OfVal. Max. vi. 3.
5 Cf. Horace, Od. iv. ult. ; Floras, ii. 1. The story of the cruelties
inflicted on Begulus is now, however, generally disbelieved.
6 The fate of Pompey served also as an instance to Juvenal in his
satire on the vanity of human wishes.
Provida Pompeio diderat Campania febres
Optandas, sed multse urbes et publica vota
Vicerunt ; igitur Fortuna ipsius et urbis
Servatum victo caput abstulit. Sat. X. 283, &c.
7 Spartacus was the celebrated leader of the slaves in the Servile
War.

».D.354.J INDUSTRY OF THE AUTHOR. 45
a third is hurled down from the highest rank and dignity.
But he who would endeavour to enumerate all the various
and frequent instances of the caprice of fortune, might as
well undertake to number the sands or ascertain the weight
of mountains.

BOOK XV.
ARGUMENT.
I. The death of the Csesar Gallus is announced to the emperor. 
II. Ursicinus, the commander of the cavalry in the East ; Julian,
the brother of the Csesar Gallus ; and Gorgonius, the high cham
berlain, are accused of treason. — III. The adherents and servants
of the Caesar Gallus are punished.— IV. The Allemanni of the
district of Lintz are defeated by the Emperor Constantius with
great loss. — V. Silvanus, a Frank, the commander of the infantry in
Gaul, is saluted as emperor at Cologne ; and on the twenty-eighth
day of his reign is destroyed by stratagem. — VI. The friends and
adherents of Silvanus are put to death. — VII. Seditions of the
Roman people are repressed by Leontius, the prefect of the city ;
Liberius, the bishop, is driven from his see. — VIII. Julian, the
brother of Gallus, is created Csesar by the Emperor Constantius,
his uncle ; and is appointed to command. — IX. On the origin of
the Gauls, and from whence they derive the names of Celts and
Gauls ; and of their treaties. — X. Of the Gallic Alps, and of
the various passes over them. — XI. A brief description of Gaul,
and of the course of the Biver Bhone. — XII. Of the manners of
the Gauls. — XIII. Of Musonianus, prefect of the Prsetorium in
the East. I.
a.d. 354.
§ 1. Having investigated the truth to the best of our power
we have hitherto related all the transactions which either
our age permitted us to witness, or which we could
learn from careful examination of those who were con
cerned in them, in the order in which the several events
took place. The remaining facts, which the succeeding
books will set forth, we will, as far as our talent permits,
explain with the greatest accuracy, without fearing those
who may be inclined to cavil at our work as too long;

46 .AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. "Be. XV. Ch. I
for brevity is only to be praised when, while it puts an
end to unseasonable delays, it suppresses nothing which
is well authenticated.
2. Gallus had hardly breathed his last in Noiicum, when
Apodemius, who as long as he lived had been a fiery
instigator of disturbances, caught up his shoes and carried
them off, journeying-, with frequent relays of horses, so
rapidly as even to kill some of them by excess of speed,
and so brought the first news of what had occurred to
Milan. And having made his way into the palace, he
threw down the shoes before the feet of. Constantius, as if
he were bringing the spoils of a king of the Parthians
who had been slain. And when this sudden news arrived
that an affair so unexpected and difficult had been exe
cuted with entire facility in complete accordance with
the wish of the emperor, the principal courtiers, accord
ing to their custom, exerting all their zeal in the
path of flattery, extolled to the skies the virtue and
good fortune of the emperor, at whose nod, as if they
had been mere common soldiers, two princes had thus
been deprived of their power, namely, Veteranio and
Gallus. 3. And Constantius being exceedingly elated at the
exquisite taste of this adulation, and thinking that he him
self for the future should be free from all the ordinary
inconveniences of mortality, now began to depart from
the path of justice so evidently that he even at times
laid claim to immortality ; and in writing letters with his
own hand, would style himself lord of the whole world ;
a thing which, if others had said, any one ought to
have been indignant at, who laboured with proper dili
gence to form his life and habits in emulation of the con
stitutional princes who had preceded him, as he professed
to do.
4. For even if he had under his power the infinities of
worlds fancied by Democritus, as Alexander the Great,
under the promptings of Anaxarchus, did fancy, yet either
by reading, or by hearing others speak, he might have
considered that (as mathematicians unanimously agree)
the circumference of the whole earth, immense as it seems
to us, is nevertheless not bigger than a pin's point as com
pared with the greatness of the universe.

»J>.334.] DANGEK OP URSICINU3. 47
II.
§ 1. And now, after the pitiable death of the Csesa.r, the
trumpet of judicial dangers sounded the alarm, and Ursi
cinus was impeached of treason, envy gaining more and
more strength every day to attack his safety ; envy which
is inimical to all powerful men.
2. For he was overcome by this difficulty, that, while
the ears of the emperor were shut against all defences
which were reasonable and easy of proof, they were open
to all the secret whispers of calumniators, who pretended
that his name was almost disused among all the districts of
the East, and that Ursicinus was urged by them both
privately and publicly to be their commander, as one who
could be formidable to the Persian nation.
3. But this magnanimous man stood his ground im
movably against whatever might happen, only taking care
not to throw himself away in an abject manner, and
grieving from his heart that innocence had no safe founda
tion on which to stand. And the more sad also for this
consideration, that before these events took place many of
his friends had gone over to other more powerful persons,
as in cases of official dignity the lictors go over to the
successors of former officers.
4. His colleague Arbetio was attacking him by cajol
ing words of feigned good-will, often publicly speaking
of him as a virtuous and brave man ; Arbetio being a man
of great cunning in laying snares for men of simple life,
and one who at that season enjoyed too much power.
For as a serpent that has its hole underground and hidden
from the sight of man observes the different passers-by,
and attacks whom it will with a sudden spring, so this man,
having been raised from being a common soldier of the
lowest class to the highest military digiaities, without
having received any injury or any provocation, polluted
his conscience from an insatiable desire of do.ng mis
chief. 5. Therefore, having a few partners in his secrets for
accomplices, he had secretly arranged with the emperor
when he asked his opinion, that on the next night Ursicinus
should be seized and carried away from the sight of the
soldiers, and so be put to death uncondemued, just as

48 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XV. Ch. I.
formerly Domitius Corbulo, that faithful and wise defender
of our provinces, is said to have been slain in the miserable
period of Nero's cruelty.
6. And after the matter had been thus arranged, while
the men destined for the service of seizing Ursicinus were
waiting for the appointed time, the emperor's mind changed
co mercy, and so this impious deed was put off for further
consideration. 7. Then the engine of calumny was directed against
Julian, who had lately been brought to court; a prince
who afterwards became memorable, but who was now
attacked with a two-fold accusation, as the iniquity of his
enemies thought requisite. First, that he had gone from
the Park of Macellum, which lies in Cappadocia, into
Asia, from a desire of acquiring polite learning. Secondly,
that he had seen his brother as he passed through Con
stantinople. 8. And when he had explained away the charges. thus
brought against him, and had proved that he had not done
either of these things without being ordered, he would
still have perished through the intrigues of the abandoned
court of flatterers, if he had not been saved by the favour of
the supreme Deity, with the assistance of Queen Eusehia.
By her intercession he obtained leave to be conducted to
the town of Como, in the neighbourhood of Milan; and
after he had remained there a short time he was permitted
to go to Greece for the purpose of cultivating his literary
tastes, as he was very eager to do.
9. Nor were there wanting other incidents arising out of
these occurrences, which might be looked upon as events
under the direction of Providence, as some of them were
rightly punished, while others failed of their design,
proving vain and ineffective. But it occasionally happened
that rich men, relying on the protection of those in office,
and clinging to them as the ivy clings to lofty trees, bought
acquittals at immense prices ; and that poor men who had
little or no means of purchasing safety were condemned out
of hand. And therefore truth was overshadowed by false
hood, and sometimes falsehood obtained the authority of
truth. 10. In these days Gorgonius also was summoned to
rourt, the man who had been the Caesar's principal cham-

a.d. 364.] SEVERE TREATMENT OF GALLUS'S FRIENDS. 49
berlain. And though it was made plain by his own con
fession that he had been a partner in his undertakings,
and sometimes a chief instigator of them, yet through the
conspiracy of the eunuchs justice was overpowered by
dexterously arranged falsehoods, and he was acquitted and
so escaped the danger. III.
§ 1. While these events were taking place at Milan, batta
lions of soldiers Were brought from the East to Aquileia,
with a number of members of the court, who, being broken
in spirit, while their limbs were enfeebled by the weight
of their chains, cursed the protraction of their lives which
were surrounded with every variety of misery. For they
were accused of having been the ministers of the ferocity
of Gallus, and it was believed to be owing to them that
Domitian had been torn to pieces, and that Montius and
others had been brought to destruction.
2. Arboreus, and Eusebius, at that time high chamber
lain, both men of insane arrogance, and equally unjust and
cruel, were appointed to try these men. And they, with
out any careful examination, or making any distinction
between the innocent and the guilty, condemned some to
scourgings, others to torture and exile, some they adjudged
to serve in the lowest ranks of the army, and the rest they
condemned to death. And when they had thus filled the
sepulchres with dead bodies, they returned as if in triumph,
and brought an account of their exploits to the emperor,
who was notoriously severe and implacable against all
offences of the kind.
3. After this, throughout the rest of his reign, Con
stantius. as if resolved to reverse the prescribed arrangement
of the Fates, behaved with greater violence than ever, and
opened his heart to numbers of designing plotters. And
owing to this conduct, many men arose who watched
for all kinds of reports, at first attacking, as with the
appetite of wild beasts, those in the enjoyment of the
highest honours and rank, and afterwards both po6r and
rich indiscriminately. Not like those Cibyratse in the time
of Verres,1 fawning on the tribunal of a single lieutenant,
1 Tlepolemus and Hiero, whom Cicero, Verres iii. 11, calls Cibyratici
canes. E

50 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XV. Ch. in.
but harassing the limbs of the whole republic by means of
all the evils that arose anywhere.
4. Among these men Paulus and Mercurius were espe
cially conspicuous, the first a Dacian born, the latter a
Persian. Mercurius was a notary, and Paulus had been
promoted from being a steward of the emperor's table to
a receivership in the provinces. Paulus, as I have already
mentioned, had been nicknamed The Chain, because in
weaving knots of calumnies he was invincible, scattering
around foul poisons and destroying people by various
means, as some skilful wrestlers are wont in their contests
to catch hold of their antagonists by the heel.
5. Mercurius was nicknamed Count of Dreams, because
(as a dog fond of biting secretly fawns and wags his tail
while full of inward spite) he forced his way into feasts
and companies, and if any one in his sleep (when nature
roves about with an extraordinary degree of freedom)
communicated to a friend that he had seen anything, ex
aggerated it, colouring it for the most part with envenomed
arts, and bore it to the open ears of the emperor. And for
such speeches men were attacked with formidable accusa
tions, as if they had committed inexpiable crimes.
6. The news of these events having got abroad, men
were so cautious of even relating nocturnal dreams, that,
in the presence of a stranger, they would scarcely con
fess they had slept at all. And some accomplished men
lamented that they had not been born in the country of
Mount Atlas,1 where it is said that dreams never occur,
though what the cause of such a fact is, we must leave to
those who are learned in such matters to decide.
7. Amid all these terrible investigations and punish
ments, another disaster took place in Illyricum, which
from some empty words involved many in danger. At an
entertainment given by Africanus, the governor of the
second Pannonia, at Sirmium, some men having drunk
rather too much, and thinking there was no witness of
their proceedings, spoke freely of the existing imperial
government, accusing it as most vexatious to the people.
And some of them expressed a hope that a change, such
as was wished for by alL might be at hand, affirming that
1 Herodotus, iv. 184, records that in Africa, in the country about
Mount Atlas, dreams are unknown.

A.D.354.] SS.VERE TREATMENT OF GALLUS'S FRIENDS. 61
this was portended by omens, while some, with incredible
rashness, affirmed that the auguries of their ancestral house
promised the same thing.
8. Among those present at the banquet was Gaudentius,
one of the secretaries, a stupid man, and of a hasty disposi
tion. And he looking upon the matter as serious, reported
it to Eufinus, who was at that time the chief commander
of the guard of the prastorian prefecture, a man always
eager for the most cruel measures, and infamous for every
kind of wickedness.
9. He immediately, as if borne on wings, flew to the
court of the emperor, and so bitterly inflamed him, always
easy of access and susceptible of impressions from sus
picious circumstances of this kind, that without a moment's
deliberation he ordered Africanus and all who had been
partakers of his fatal banquet to be seized. And when
this was done, the wicked informer, always fond of what
ever is contrary to popular manners, obtained what he most
coveted, a continuation of his existing office for two years.
10. To arrest these men, Teutomeres, the chief of the
Protectores, was sent with his colleague ; and he loaded
them all with chains, and conducted them, as he had been
ordered, to the emperor's court. But when they arrived at
Aquileia, Marinus, who from having been a drillmaster
had been promoted to a tribuneship, but who at that
time had had no particular duty, being a man who had held
dangerous language, and who was in other respects of an
intemperate disposition, being left in an inn while things
necessary for the journey were being prepared, stabbed
himself with a knife which he accidentally found, and his
bowels gushed out, so that he died. The rest were con
ducted to Milan, and subjected to torture ; and having
been forced by their agony to confess that while at the
banquet they had used some petulant expressions, were
ordered to be kept in penal confinement, with some hope,
though an uncertain one, of eventual release. But Teuto
meres and his colleague, being accused of having allowed
Marinus to kill himself, were condemned to banishment,
though they were afterwards pardoned through the inter
cession of Arbetio.

52 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XV. CB. IV.
IV.
§ 1. Soon after this transaction had been thus terminated,
war was declared against the tribes of the Allemanni
around Lentia,1 who had often made extensive incursions
into the contiguous Eoman territories. The emperor him
self set out on the expedition, and went as far as Ehsetia,
and the district of the Canini." And there, after long
and careful deliberation, it was decided to be both honour
able and expedient that Arbetio, the master of the horse,
should march with a division of the troops, in fact with
the greater part of the army, along the borders of the lake
of Brigantia, with the object of coming to an immediate
engagement with the barbarians. And I will here describe
the character of the ground briefly, as well as I can.
2. The Ehine rising among the defiles of lofty moun
tains, and forcing its way with immense violence through
steep rocks, stretches its onward course without receiving
any foreign waters, in the same manner as the Nile pours
down with headlong descent through the cataracts. And
it is so abundantly full by its own natural riches that it
would be navigable up to its very source were it not like
a torrent rather than a stream.
3. And soon after it has disentangled itself from its
defiles, rolling onward between high banks, it enters a
vast lake of circular form, which the Ehastian natives call
Brigantia,3 being four hundred and sixty furlongs in
length, and of nearly equal extent in breadth, unapproach
able on account of a vast mass of dark woods, except where
the energy of the Eomans has made a wide road through
them, in spite of the hostility of the barbarians, and the
unfavourable character both of the ground and the climate.
4. The Ehine forcing its way into this pool, and roaring
with its foaming eddies, pierces the sluggish quiet of the
waters, and rushes through the middle from one end to
the other. And like an element separated from some
other element by eternal discord, without any increase or
diminution of the volume of water which it has brought
into the lake, it comes forth from it again with its old
1 Lintz. - The district around Bellinzona.
3 The Bodensee, more generally known as the Lake of Constance :
at its south-eastern end is the town of Bregenz, the ancient Brigantia.

A.D. 354.] THE OUTBREAK OF THE LENTIENSES. 53
name and its unalloyed power, never having suffered fiom
the contact, and so proceeds till it mingles with the waves
of the sea.
5. And what is exceedingly strange, the lake is not
moved at all by this rapid passage of the river through
it, nor is it affected by the muddy soil beneath the waters
of the lake ; the two bodies of water being incapable of
mingling with each other. A thing which would be sup
posed impossible, did not the very sight of the lake prove
the fact.
6. In a similar manner, the Alpheus, rising in Arcadia,
being seized with a love for the fountain Arethusa,1 passing
through the Ionian sea, as is related by the poets, proceeds
onward till it arrives at the neighbourhood of its beloved
fountain. 7. Arbetio not choosing to wait till messengers arrived to
announce the approach of the barbarians, although he
knew the fierce way in which they begin their wars,
allowed himself to be betrayed into a hidden ambush,
where he stood without the power of moving, being
bewildered by the suddenness of his disaster.
8. In the mean time the enemy, showing themselves,
sprang forth from their hiding-places and spared not one
who came in their way, but overwhelmed them with every
kind of weapon. For none of our men could offer the
smallest resistance, nor was there any hope of any of them
being able to save their lives except by a speedy flight.
Therefore, being intent only on avoiding wounds, our
soldiers, losing all order, ran almost at random in every
direction, exposing their backs to the blows of the enemy.
Nevertheless the greater part of them, scattering themselves
among narrow paths, were saved from danger by the
protecting darkness of the night, and at the return of day
recovered their courage and rejoined their different legions.
But still by this sad and unexpected disaster a vast
number of common soldiers and ten tribunes were slain.
9. The Allemanni were greatly elated at this event, and
advanced with increased boldness, every day coming up to
¦ the fortifications of the Eomans while the morning mists
obscured the light ; and drawing their swords roamed about
1 The Arethusa is in Sicily, near Syracuse.

54 AMMIANUS MARCELL1NUS. [Be. XV. Ch. r?.
in every direction, gnashing their teeth, and threatening
us with haughty shouts. Then with a sudden sally our
Scutarii would rash forth, and after being stopped for a
moment by the resistance of the hostile squadrons, would
call out all their comrades to join them in the engage
ment. 10. But the greater part of our men were alarmed by
the recollection of their recent disaster, and Arbetio
hesitated, thinking everything pregnant with danger.
Upon this three tribunes at once sallied forth, Arintheus
who was a lieutenant commander of the heavy troops,
Seniauchus who commanded the cavalry of the Comites,'
and Bappo who had the command of the Promoti* and
of those troops who had been particularly intrusted to his
charge by the emperor.
11. These men, looking on the common cause as their
own, resolved to repel the violence of the enemy according
to the example of their ancient comrades. And pouring
down upon the foe like a torrent, not in a regular line of
battle, but in desultory attacks like those of banditti, they
put them all to flight in a disgraceful manner. Since
they, being in loose order and straggling, and hampered
by their endeavours to escape, exposed their unprotected
bodies to our weapons, and were slain by repeated blows
of sword and spear.
12. Many too were slain with their horses, and seemed
as they lay on their backs to be so entangled as still to be
sitting on them. And when this was seen, all our men
who had previously hesitated to engage in battle with their
comrades, poured forth out of the camp; and now, forget
ful of all precautions, they drove before them the mob of
barbarians, except such as flight had saved from destruction,
trampling on the heaps of slain, and covered with gore.
13. When the battle was thus terminated the emperor
in triumph and joy returned to Milan to winter quarters.
1 The Comites were a picked body of troops, divided into several
regiments distinguished by separate names, such as Seniores, Juniores,
Sagittarii, &c.
2 The Promoti were also picked men, something like the Comites
the French translator calls them the Veterans.

*iD-3»5-l THE STORT OF SILVANUS. 55
V.
a.d. 355.
§ 1. After these unhappy circumstances, accompanied as
they were with equal calamities in the provinces, a whirl
wind of new misfortunes arose which seemed likely to
destroy the whole state at once, if Fortune, which regu
lates the events of human life, had not terminated a state
of affairs which all regarded with great apprehension, by
bringing the dangers to a speedy issue.
2. From the long neglect with which these provinces
had been treated, the Gauls, having no assistance on which
to rely, had borne cruel massacres, with plunder and con
flagration, from barbarians who raged throughout their
land with impunity. Silvanus, the commander of the
infantry, being a man well suited to correct these evils,
went thither at the command of the emperor, Arbetio at
the same time urging with all his power that this task
should be undertaken without delay, with the object of
imposing the dangerous burden of this duty on his absent
rival, whom he was vexed to see still in prosperity. . . .
3. There was a certain man named Dynamius, the super
intendent of the emperor's beasts of burden, who had
begged of Silvanus recommendatory letters to his friends as
of one who was admitted to his most intimate friendship.
Having obtained this favour, as Silvanus, having no sus
picion of any evil intention, had with great simplicity
granted what he was asked, Dynamius kept the letters, in
order at a future time to plan something to his injury.
4. Therefore, when the aforesaid commander had gone
to tho Gauls in the service of the republic, and while he
was engaged in repelling the barbarians, who already
began to distrust their own power, and to be filled with
alarm, Dynamius, being restless, like a man of cunning and
practised deceitfulness, devised a wicked plot; and in
this it is said he had for his accomplices Lampadius, the
prefect of the prsetorian guard, Eusebius, who had
been the superintendent of the emperor's privy purse,
and was known by the nickname of Mattyocopa,' and
i From Klm-rie to cut, and imrria any delicate food : meant a,s
equivalent to our cheeseparer, or skinflint.

56 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XV. Or. v
iEdesius, formerly keeper of the records, whom this
prefect had contrived to have elected consul, as being
his dearest friend. He then with a sponge effaced the
contents of the letters, leaving nothing but the address,
and inserted a text materially differing from the original
writing, as if Silvanus had asked, by indirect hints, and
entreated his friends who were within the palace, and those
who had no office (among whom was Albinus of Etruria,
and many others), to aid him in projects of loftier am
bition, as one who would soon attain the imperial throne.
This bundle of letters he thus made up, inventing at
his leisure, in order with them to endanger the life of this
innocent man. ,
5. Dynamius was appointed to investigate these charges
on behalf of the emperor ; and while he was artfully weaving
these and similar plans, he contrived to enter alone into
the imperial chamber, choosing his opportunity, and hoping
to entangle firmly in his meshes the most vigilant guardian
of the emperor's safety. And being full of wicked cun
ning, after he had read the forged packet of letters in the
council chamber, the tribunes were ordered to be com
mitted to custody, and also several private individuals
were commanded to be arrested and brought up from
the provinces, whose names were mentioned in those
letters. 6. But presently Malarichus, the commander of the Gen
tiles, being struck with the iniquity of the business, and
taking his colleagues to his counsel, spoke out loudly that
men devoted to the preservation of the emperor ought not to
be circumvented by factions and treachery. He accordingly
demanded that he himself, his nearest relations being left as
hostages, and Mallobaudes, the tribune of the heavy-armed
soldiers, giving bail that he would return, might be commis
sioned to go with speed to bring back Silvanus, who he
was certain had never entertained the idea of any such
attempt as these bitter plotters had imputed to him. Or, as
an alternative, he entreated that he might become security
for Mallobaudes, and that their officers might be permitted
to go and do what he had proposed to take upon himself.
7. For he affirmed that he knew beyond all question
that, if any stranger were sent, Silvanus, who was inclined
to be somewhat apprehensive of danger, even when no

*-"-35S. THE STORY OF SILVANUS. 57
circumstances were really calculated to alarm him, would
very likely throw matters into confusion.
8. But, although the advice which he gave was useful
and necessary, he spoke as to the winds, to no purpose.
For by the counsels of Arbetio, Apodemius, who was a
persevering and bitter enemy to all good men, was sent
with letters to summon Silvanus to the presence. When
he had arrived in Gaul, taking no heed of the commission
with which he was charged, and caring but little for any
thing that might happen, he remained inactive, without
either seeing Silvanus, or delivering the letters which
commanded him to appear at court. And having taken
the receiver of the province into his counsels, he began
with arrogance and malevolence to harass the clients and
servants of the master of the horse, as if that officer had,
been already condemned and was on the point of being
executed. 9. In the mean time, while the arrival of Silvanus was
looked for, and while Apodemius was throwing everythino-,
though quiet before, into commotion, Dynamius, that he
might by still more convincing proofs establish belief in
his wicked plots, had sent other forged letters (agreeing
with the previous ones which he had brought under the
emperor's notice by the agency of the prefect) to the
tribune of the factory at Cremona : these were written in
the names of Silvanus and Malarichus, in which the
tribune, as one privy to their secrets, was warned to lose
no time in having everything in readiness.
10. But when this tribune had read the whole of the
letters, he was for some time in doubt and perplexity as
to what they could mean (for he did not recollect that
those persons whose letters he had thus received had
ever spoken with him upon private transactions of any
kind) ; and accordingly he sent the letters themselves,
by the courier who had brought them, to Malarichus,
sending a soldier also with him ; and entreated Malarichus
to explain in intelligible language what he wanted, and
not to use such obscure terms. For he declared that he,
being but a plain and somewhat rude man, had not in the
least understood what was intimated so obscurely.
11. Malarichus the moment he received the letters, being
already in sorrow and anxiety, and alarmed for his own

58 AMMIANUS MARCELL1NUS. [Bk. XV. Ch. r
fate and that of his countryman Silvanus, called around-
him the Franks, of whom at that time there was a great
multitude in the palace, and in resolute language laid
open and proved the falsehood of the machinations by
which their lives were threatened, and was loud in his
complaints. 12. When these things became known to the emperor,
he appointed the members of his secret council and the
chief officers of his army to make further investigation of
the matter. And when the judges appeared to make light
of it, Florentius the son of Nigridianus, who at that time
filled the post of master of the offices,1 having examined
the writings carefully, and detecting beneath them some
Vestiges of the tops of the former words which had been
effaced, perceived, as was indeed the case, that by inter
polations of the original letter, matters very different from
any of which Silvanus was author had been written over
them, according to the fancy of the contriver of this
forgery. 13. On this the cloud of treachery was dispersed, and
the emperor, informed of the truth by a faithful report,
recalled the powers granted to the prefect, and ordered
him to be submitted to an examination. Nevertheless
he was acquitted through the active combination of many
of his friends ; while Eusebius, the former treasurer of the
emperor's secret purse, being put to the torture, confessed
that these things had been done with his privity.
14. iEdesius, affirming with obstinate denial that he
had never known anything which had been done in the
matter, escaped, being adjudged innocent. And thus the
transaction was brought to an end, and all those who had
been accused in the original information were acquitted ;
and Dynamius, as a man of exceeding accomplishments
and prudence, was appointed to govern Etruria with the
rank of corrector.
15. While these affairs were proceeding, Silvanus was
living at Agrippina,4 and having learnt by continual
1 This was a very important post ; it seems to have united the func
tions of a modern chamberlain, chancellor, and secretary of state. The
master presented citizens to the emperor, received foreign ambassadors,
recommended men for civil employments, decided civil actions of
several kinds, and superintended many of the affairs of the post.
2 Cologne.

A.D.365.J SILVANUS ASSUMES THE IMPERIAL DIGNITY. 59
information sent to him by his friends what Apodemius
was doing with the hope of effecting his ruin; and
knowing also how impressible the mind of the feeble
emperor was ; began to fear lest in his absence, and without
being convicted of any crime, he might still be treated as a
criminal. And so, being placed in a situation of the
greatest difficulty, he began to think of trusting himself to
the good faith of the barbarians.
16. But being dissuaded from this by Laniogaisus, at
that time a tribune, whom we have already spoken of as
the only person who was present with Constans when he
was dying, himself serving at that time as a volunteer ;
and being assured by Laniogaisus that the Franks, of
whom he himself was a countryman, would put him to
death, or else betray him for a bribe, he saw no safety-
anywhere in the present emergency, and so was driven to
extreme counsels. And by degrees, having secretly con
ferred with the chiefs of the principal legions, and having
excited them by the magnitude of promised rewards, he
tore for use on this occasion the purple silk from the in
signia of the dragons ' and standards, and so assumed the
title of emperor.
17. And while these events are passing in Gaul, one day,
a little before sunset, ah unexpected messenger arrived at
Milan, relating fully that Silvanus, being ambitious to rise
above his place as commander of the infantry, had tampered
with the army, and assumed the imperial dignity.
18. Constantius, at this amazing and unexpected event,
seemed as if struck by a thunderbolt of fate, and having
at once summoned a council to meet at the second watch,
all the nobles hastened to the palace. No one had either
mind to conceive or tongue to recommend what was best to
be done; but in suppressed tones they mentioned the
name of Ursicinus as a man eminent for skill in affairs of
war, and one who had been undeservedly exposed to most
injurious treatment. He was immediately sent for by the
principal chamberlain, which is the most honourable kind
of summons, and as soon as he entered the council-chamber
he was offered the purple to salute much more graciously
than at any former time. Diocletian was the first who in
troduced the custom of offering reverence to the emperor
1 The dragons were the effigies on some of the standards.

60 AMMIANUS MAECELLINUS. [BE.XV.CH.Vi
after this foreign manner and royal pretension ; whereas
all former princes, as we read, had been saluted like judges.
19. And so the man who a little while before, through
the malevolent persecution of certain of the courtiers, had
been termed the whirlpool of the East, and who had been
accused of a design to aim at the supreme power for his
sons, was now recommended as one who was a most skilful
general, who had been the cOmrade of the great Constan
tine, and as the only man capable of extinguishing the
threatened conflagration. And though the reasons for
which he was sent for were honest, they were not wholly
free from underhand motives. For while great anxiety
was felt that Silvanus should be destroyed as a most for
midable rebel, yet, if that object miscarried, it was thought
that Ursicinus, being damaged by the failure, would him
self easily be ruined ; so that no scruple, which else was
to be feared, would interpose to save him from destruction.
20. While arrangements were being made for acclerating
his journey, the general was preparing to repel the charges
which had been brought against him ; but the emperor
prevented him, forbidding him in conciliatory language,
saying that this was not an opportunity7 suitable for under
taking any controversy in defence of his cause, when the
imminent necessity of affairs rather prompted that no delay
should be interposed to the restoration of parties to their
pristine concord before the disunion got worse.
21. Therefore, after a long deliberation about many
things, the first and most important matter in which con
sultation was held, was by what means Silvanus could be
led to think the emperor still ignorant of his conduct.
And the most likely manner to confirm him in his con
fidence appeared to be that he should be informed, in a
complimentary despatch, that Ursicinus was appointed hi.-i
successor, and that he was invited to return to court with
undiminished power.
22. After this affair was arranged, the officer who had
brought the news to Milan was ordered to depart with
some tribunes and ten of the Protectores and domestic guard
as an escort, given to him at his own request, to aid him
in the discharge of his public duty. And of these I myseif
was one, with my colleague Verrinianus ; and all the rest
were either friends or relations of mine.

*.». 355.] URSICINUS GOES TO COLOGNE. 61
23. And now all of us, fearing mainly for ourselves,
accompanied him a long distance on his journey; and
although we seemed as exposed to danger as gladiators
about to fight with wild beasts, yet considering in our
minds that evils are often the forerunners of good, we
recollected with admiration that expression of Cicero's,
uttered by him in accordance with the eternal maxims of
truth, which runs in these words :' — " And although it is a
thing most desirable that one's fortune should always con
tinue in a most flourishing oondition ; still that general
level state of life brings not so much sensation of joy as we
feel when, after having been surrounded by disasters or by
dangers, fortune returns into a happier condition."
24. Accordingly we hastened onwards by forced journeys,
in order that the master of the horse, who was eager to
acquire the honour of suppressing the revolt, might make
his appearance in the suspected district before any rumour
of the usurpation of Silvanus had spread among the
Italians. But rapidly as we hastened, fame, like the
wind, had outstripped us, and had revealed some part of
the facts ; and when we reached Agrippina we found
matters quite out of the reach of our attempts.
25. For a vast multitude of people, assembled from all
quarters, were, with a mixture of haste and alarm,
strengthening the foundations of Silvanus's enterprise, and
a numerous military force was collected ; so that it seemed
more advisable, on the existing emergency, for our unfor
tunate general to await the intentions and pleasure of the
new emperor, who was assuring himself by ridiculous omens
and signs that he was gaining accessions of strength. By
permitting his feelings of security to increase, by different
1 There is no such passage in any extant work of Cicero, but a sen
tence in his speech ad Pontifices resembles it : " For although it be
more desirable to end one's life without pain, and without injury, still
it tends more to an immortality of glory to be regretted by one's
countrymen, than to have been always free from injury." And a still
closer likeness to the sentiment is found in his speech ad Quirites post
reditum : " Although there is nothing more to be wished for by man
than prosperous, equal, continual good-fortune in life, flowing on in a
prosperous course, without any misadventure ; still, if all my life had
been tranquil and peaceful, I should have been deprived of the in
credible and almost heavenly delight and happiness which I now
enjoy through your kindness." — Orations, v. 2 ; Bohn, p. 491-2.

62 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XV. City;
pretences of agreement and flattery, Silvanus, it was
thought, might be relieved from all fear of hostility, and
so be the more easily deceived.
26. But the accomplishment of such a design appeared
difficult. For it was necessary to use great care and
watchfulness to make our desires subordinate to our oppor
tunities, and to prevent their either outrunning them, or
falling behind them ; since if our wishes were allowed to
become known unseasonably, it was plain we should all be
involved in one sentence of death.
27. However our general was kindly received, and (the
very business itself forcing us to bend our necks), having
been compelled to prostrate himself with all solemnity
before the newly robed prince, still aiming at higher
power, was treated as a highly favoured and eminent friend ;
having freedom of access and the honour of a seat at the
royal table granted to him in preference to every one else,
in order that he might be consulted with the more secrecy
about the principal affairs of state.
28. Silvanus expressed his indignation that, while un
worthy persons had been raised to the consulship and to
other high dignities, he and Ursicinus alone, after the fre
quent and great toils which they had endured for the sake
of the republic, had been so despised that he himself had
been accused of treason in consequence of the examination
of some slaves, and had been exposed to an ignoble trial ;
while Ursicinus had been brought over from the East, and
placed at the mercy of his enemies ; and these were the
subjects of his incessant complaints both in public and in
private. 29. While, however, he was holding this kind of lan
guage, we were alarmed at the murmurs of our soldiers
who were now suffering from want, which surrounded
us on all sides ; the troops showing every eagerness to
make a rapid march through the defiles of the Cottian
Alps. 30. In this state of anxiety and agitation, we occu
pied ourselves in secretly deliberating on the means of
arriving at our object ; and at length, after our plans had
been repeatedly changed out of fear, it was determined
to use great industry in seeking out prudent agents, bind
ing them to secrecy by solemn oaths, in order to tamper

A.o.355.] DEATH OF SILVANUS. 63
with the Gallic soldiers whom we knew to be men of
doubtful fidelity, and at any time open to change for a
sufficient reward.
3i. Therefore, after we had secured our success by
the address of some agents among the common soldiers,
men by their very obscurity fitted for the accomplish
ment of such a task, and now excited by the expecta
tion of reward, at sunrise, as soon as the east began to
redden, a band of armed men suddenly sallied forth, and,
as is common in critical moments, behaving with more than
usual audacity. They slew the sentinels and penetrated
into the palace, and so having dragged Silvanus out of a
little chapel in which, in his terror, he had taken refuge on
his way to a conventicle devoted to the ceremonies of the
Christian worship, they slew him with repeated strokes of
their swords.
32. In this way did a general of no slight merit perish,
through fear of false accusations heaped on him in his
absence by a faction of wicked men, and which drove
htm to the utmost extremities in order to preserve his
safety. 33. For although he had acquired strong claims on the
gratitude of Constantius by his seasonable sally with his
troops before the battle of Mursa, and although he could
boast the valorous exploits of his father Bonitus, a man
of Frankish extraction, but who had espoused the party of
Constantine, and often in the civil war had exhibited
great prowess against the troops of Licinius, still he
always feared him as a prince of wavering and fickle cha
racter. 34. Now before any of these events had taken place in
Gaul, it happened that one day in the Circus Maximus at
Eome, the populace cried out with a loud voice, " Silvanus
is conquered." Whether influenced by instinct or by some
prophetic spirit, cannot be decided.
35. Silvanus having been slain, as I have narrated,
at Agrippina, the emperor was seized with inconceivable
joy when he heard the news, and gave way to exceeding
insolence and arrogance, attributing this event also to the
prosperous course of his good fortune ; giving the reins to
his habitual disposition which always led him to hate men
of brave conduct, as Domitian in former times had done,

64 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XV. Ch. vi.
and desiring at all times to destroy them by every act of
opposition. 36. And he was so far from praising even his act of
diligence and fidelity, that he recorded in writing a
charge that Ursicinus had embezzled a part of the Gallic
treasures, which no one had ever touched. And he ordered
strict inquiry to be made into the fact, by an examination
of Eemigius, who was at that time accountant-general to
Ursicinus in his capacity of commander of the heavy troops.
And long afterwards, in the time of Valentinian, this Eemi
gius hung himself on account of the trouble into which he
fell in the matter of his appointment as legate in Tripolis.
37. And after this business was terminated, Constan
tius, thinking his prosperity had now raised liim to
an equality with the gods, and had bestowed on him
entire sovereignty over human affairs, gave himself up
to elation at the praises of his flatterers, whom he himseli
encouraged, despising and trampling under foot all whc
were unskilled in that kind of court. As we read that
Croesus, when he was king, drove Solon headlong from his
court because he would not fawn on him ; and that Diony-
sius threatened the poet Philoxenus with death because,
when the king recited his absurd and unrhythmical verses,
he alone refused to fall into an ecstasy while all the rest of
the courtiers praised them.
38. And this mischievous taste is the nurse of vices ; for
praise ought only to be acceptable in high places, where
blame also is permitted when things are not sufficiently
performed. VI.
§ 1. And now, after the re-establishment of security, inves
tigations as usual were set on foot, and many persons were
put in prison as guilty. For that infernal informer Paulus,
boiling over with delight, arose to exercise his poisonous
employment with increased freedom, and while the
members of the emperor's council and the military officers
were employed in the investigation of these affairs, as they
were commanded, Proculus was put to the torture, who
had been a servant of Silvanus, a man of weak body and
of ill health ; so that every one was afraid lest the exceed-

i.D. 355.] EXECUTION OF SEVERAL SOBLES. 65
ing violenae of his torture should trove too much for his
feeble limbs, so that he would expose numbers to be im
plicated in the accusations of atrocious crimes. But the
result proved quite different to what had been expected.
2. For remembering a dream in which he had been for
bidden, while asleep, as he affirmed, to accuse any innocent
person, though he should be tortured till he was brought to
the very point of death, he neither informed against, nor
even named any one ; but, with reference to the usurpation
of Silvanus, he invariably asserted that he had been driven
to contemplate that act, not out of ambition, but from sheer
necessity ; and he proved this assertion by evident argu
ments. 3. For he adduced one important excuse, which was
established by the testimony of many persons, that, five
days before he assumed the ensigns of imperial authority,
he addressed the soldiers, while distributing their pay to
them, in the name of Constantius, exhorting them to prove
always brave and loyal. From which it was plain that if
he-had then been thinking of seizing on a loftier fortune,
he would have given them this money as if it had pro
ceeded from himself.
4. After Proculus, Poemenius was condemned and put
to death ; he who, as we have mentioned before,1 when the
Treveri had shut their gates against Caesar Decentius, was
chosen to defend that people. After him, Asclepiodotus,
and Luto, and Maudio, all Counts, were put to death, and
many others also, the obdurate cruelty of the times seeking
for these and similar punishments with avidity.
VII.
§ 1. While the fatal disturbances of the state multi
plied these general slaughters, Leontius, who was the
governor of Eome itself, gave many proofs of his deserv
ing the character of an admirable judge ; being prompt in
hearing cases, rigidly just in deciding them, and merciful
by nature, although, for the sake of maintaining lawful, au
thority, he appeared to some people to be severe. He was
also of a somewhat amorous temperament.
2.. The first pretext for exciting any sedition against him
i In one of the lost books of this history.

36 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. xv; Ch. m.
was a most slight and trumpery one. For when an order
hud been issued to arrest a charioteer, named Philoromus,
the whole populace followed him, as if resolved to defend
something of their own, and with terrible violence assailed
the prefect, presuming him to be timorous. But he re
mained unmoved and upright, and sending his officers
among the crowd, arrested some and punished them, and
then, without any one venturing to oppose him, or even to
murmur, condemned them to banishment.
3. A few days later the populace again became excited
to its customary frenzy, and alleging as a grievance the
scarcity of wine, assembled at the well-known place called
Septemzodium, where the Emperor Marcus built the
Nymphseum,1 an edifice of great magnificence. To that
place the prefect went forthwith, although he was earnestly
entreated by all his household and civil officers not to
trust himself among an arrogant and threatening multi
tude, now in a state of fury equal to any of their former
commotions; but he, unsusceptible of fear, went right-
onwards, though many of his attendants deserted him,
when they saw him hastening into imminent danger.
4. Therefore, sitting in a carriage, with every appear
ance of confidence, he looked with fierce eyes at the coun
tenance of the tumultuous mobs thronging towards him
from all quarters, and agitating themselves like serpents.
And after suffering many bitter insults, at last, when he
had recognized one man who was conspicuous among all
the rest by his vast size and red hair, he asked him
whether his name was Petrus Valvomeres, as he had heard
it was ; and when the man replied in a defiant tone that
it was so, Leontius, in spite of the outcries of many
around, ordered him to be seized as one who had long
since been a notorious ringleader of the disaffected, an«r*
having his hands bound behind him, commanded him to
be suspended on a rack.
5. And when he was seen in the air, in vain imploring
1 The Nymphseum was a temple sacred to the Nymphs, deriving its
name of Septemzodium, or Septizonium (whioh it shared with more
than one other building at Borne), from the seven rows of pillars, one
above the other, and each row lessening both in circuit and in height,
with which the exterior was embellished. Another temple of this kind
was built by Septimiua Severus.

*.» 355.] CHARACTER OF ATHANASIUS. 67
the aid of his fellow-tribesmen, the whole mob, which
a little while before was so closely packed, dispersed at
once over the different quarters of the city, so as to offer
no hindrance to the punishment of this seditious leader,
who after having been thus tortured — .with as little resist
ance as if he had been in a secret dungeon of the court
— was transported to I'icenum, where, on a subsequent
occasion, having offered violence to a virgin of high rank,
he was condemned to death by the judgment of Patruinus,
a noble of consular dignity.
6. While Leontius governed the city in this manner,
Liberius, a priest of the Christian law, was ordered by
Constantius to be brought before the council, as one who
had resisted the commands of the emperor, and the decrees
of many of his own colleagues, in an affair which 1 will
explain briefly.
7. Athanasius was at that time bishop of Alexandria;
and as he was a man who sought to magnify himself above
his profession, and to mix himself up with affairs which
did not belong to his province, as continual reports made
known, an assembly of many of his sect met together
— a synod, as they call it— and deprived him of the right of
administering the sacraments, which he previously enjoyed.
8. For it was said that he, being very deeply skilled in
the arts of prophecy and the interpretation of auguries and
omens, had very often predicted coming events. And to .
these charges were added others very inconsistent with
the laws of the religion over which he presided.
9. So Liberius, being of the same opinion with those
who condemned these practices, was ordered, by the
sentence of the emperor, to expel Athanasius from his
priestly seat ; but this he firmly refused to do. reiterat
ing the assertion that it was the extremity of wicked
ness to condemn a man who had neither been brought
before any court nor been heard in his defence, in this
openly resisting the commands of the emperor.
10. For that prince, being always unfavourable to Atha
nasius, although he knew that what he ordered had in
fact taken effect, yet was exceedingly desirous that it
should be confirmed by that authority which the bishops
of the Eternal City enjoy, as being of higher rank. And
as he did not succeed in this, Liberius was removed by

68 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XV. Ch. 1 nt,
night; a measure which was not effected without great
difficulty, through the fear which his enemies had of the
people, among whom he was exceedingly popular.

VIII.
§ 1. These events, then, took place at Eome, as I have
already mentioned. But Constantius was agitated by
frequent intelligence which assured him that the Gauls
were in a lamentable condition, since no adequate resist
ance could be made to the barbarians who were now
carrying their devastations with fire and sword over the
whole country. And after deliberating a long time, in
great anxiety, what force he could employ to repel these
dangers (himself remaining in Italy, as he thought it very
dangerous to remove into so remote a country), he at last
determined on a wise plan, which was this : to associate
with himself in the cares of the empire his cousin Julian,
whom he had some time before summoned to court, and
who still retained the robe he had worn in the Greek
schools. 2. And when, oppressed by the he, ivy weight of im
pending calamities, he had confessed to his des; est friends
that by himself he was unequal to the burden of such
weighty and numerous difficulties — a thing which he had
never felt before — they, being trained to excessive flattery,
tried to fill him with foolish ideas, affirming that there
was nothing in the world so difficult but what his pre
eminent virtue and his good fortune, equal to that of the
gods, would be able to overcome, as it always hitherto
had done. And many of them added further, being
stung by their consciousness of guilt, that henceforth he
ought to beware of conferring the title of Csesar on any
one, enumerating the deeds which had been done in the
time of Gallus.
3. They therefore opposed his design resolutely, and it
was supported by no one but the queen, who, whether it
was that she feared a, journey to a distant country, or that,
from her own natural wisdom, she saw the best course for
the common good, urged him that a relation like Julian
ought to be preferred to every one else. Accordingly,

A-D.355.] PROMOTION OF JULIAN. 69
after many undecided deliberations and long discussions,
his resolution was at last taken decidedly, and having
discarded all further vain debate, he resolved on asso
dating Julian with him in the empire.
4. He was therefore summoned ; and when he had ar
rived, on a fixed day, the whole of his fellow- comrades who
were in the city were ordered to attend, and a tribunal
was erected on a lofty scaffolding, surrounded by the
eagles and standards. And Augustus, mounting it, and
holding Julian by the right hand, made this conciliatory
speech :—
5. " We stand here before you, most excellent defenders
of the republic, to avenge with one unanimous spirit the
common dangers of the state. And how I propose to
provide for it I will briefly explain to you, as impartial
judges. 6. " After the death of those rebellious tyrants whom
rage and madness prompted to engage in the enterprises
which they undertook, the barbarians, as if they meant
to sacrifice unto their wicked manes with Eoman blood,
having violated the peace and invaded the territories of
the Gauls, are encouraged by this consideration, that our
empire, being spread over very remote countries, causes
us to be beset with great difficulties.
7. " If, then, your decision and mine are mutual to en
counter this evil, already progressing beyond the barriers
which were opposed to it, while there is still time to
check it, the necks of these haughty nations will learn to
humble their pride, and the borders of the empire will
remain inviolate. It remains for you to give, by your
strength, prosperous effect to the hopes which I entertain.
8. " You all know my cousin Julian, whom I here present
to you ; a youth endeared to us by his modesty as well as
by his relationship ; a youth of virtue already proved, and
of conspicuous industry and energy. Him I have deter
mined to raise to the rank of Csesar, and hope, if this
seems expedient to you, to have my decision confirmed by
your consent."
9. He was proceeding to say more, but was prevented
by the whole assembly interrupting him with friendly
shouts, declaring that his decision was the judgment of
the Supreme Deity, and not of any human mind ; with

70 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. f3t XV. Ch. vi*.
6iich certainty that one might have thought tnem inspired
with the spirit of prophecy.
10. The emperor stood without moving till they re
sumed silence, and then with greater confidence proceeded
to explain what he had to say further.
" Because, therefore, your joyful acclamations show that
you look favourably on the design I have announced, let
this youth, of tranquil strength, whose temperate disposii
tion it will be better to imitate than merely to praise, rise
up now to receive the honours prepared for him. His
excellent disposition, increased as it has been by all liberal
accomplishments, I will say no more of than is seen in
the fact that I have chosen him. Therefore, now, with
the manifest consent of the Deity, I will clothe him with
the imperial robe."
11. This was his speech. And then, having immediately.
clothed Julian with the purple robe of his ancestors, and
having pronounced him Csesar, to the great joy of the army,
he thus addressed him, though Julian himself appeared by
his grave countenance to be somewhat melancholy.
12. "Most beloved of all my brothers, you thus in
early yrouth have received the splendid honour belonging
to your birth, not, I confess, without some addition to'
my own glory ; who thus show myself as just in confer
ring supreme power on a noble character nearly related
to me, as I appear also sublime by virtue of my own
power. Come thou, therefore, to be a partner in my
labours and dangers, and undertake the defence of the
government of the Gauls, devoting thyself with all benefi
cence to alleviate the calamities of those afflicted countries.
13. "And if it should be necessary to engage with thei
enemy in battle, do thou take thy place steadily among the
standard-bearers themselves, as a prudent encourager of
daring at the proper opportunity ; exciting the warriors '
by leading them on with caution, supporting any troops '
which may be thrown into disorder by reserves, gently
reproving those who hang back, and being present as
a trustworthy witness of the actions of all, whether brave
or timid.
14. " Think that a serious crisis is upon us, and so show
yourself a great man, worthy to command brave men.
We ourselves will stand by you in the energetic constancy ;

¦A*. 355.] , JOY OF THE SOLDIERS.' 7i
of affection, or will join you in the labours of war, so that
we may govern together the whole world in peace, if
only God will grant us, as we pray he may, to govern
with equal moderation and piety. You will everywhere
represent me, and I also will never desert you in what
ever task you may be engaged. To sum up : Go forth ;
go forth supported by the friendly prayers of men of all
ranks, to defend with watchful care the station assigned
to you, it may be said, by the republic itself."
15. After the emperor had thus ended his speech, no one
held his peace, but all the soldiers, with a tremendous
crash, rattled their shields against their knees (which is
an abundant indication of applause ; while on the other
hand to strike the shield with the spear is a testimony of
anger and indignation), and it was marvellous with what
excessive joy they all, except a very few, showed their
approbation of the judgment of Augustus : and they re
ceived the Csesar with well-deserved admiration, brilliant
as he was with the splendour of the imperial purple.
16. And while they gazed earnestly on his eyes, terrible
in their beauty, and his countenance more attractive than
ever by reason of his present excitement, they augured from
his looks what kind of ruler he was likely to prove, as if
they had been searching into those ancient volumes which
teach how to judge of a man's moral disposition by the
external signs on his person. And that he might be re
garded with the greater reverence, they neither praised
him above measure, nor yet below his desert. And so the
voices raised in his favour were looked upon as the judg
ment of censors, not of soldiers.
17. After the ceremony was over, Julian was taken up
into the imperial chariot and received into the palace, and
was heard to whisper to himself this verse of Homer —
" Now purple death hath seized on me,
And powerful strength of destiny."
These transactions took place on the sixth of November,
in the year of the consulship of Arbetio and Lollianus.
18. A few days afterwards, Helen, the maiden sister of
Constantius, was also given in marriage to the Cassar. And
everything being got ready which the journey required,
he started on the first of December with a small retinue ;

72 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. TBe. XV. Ch. B.
and having been escorted on his way by Augustus himself
as far as the spot, marked by two pillars, which lies
between Laumeltum and Ticinum, he proceeded straight
on to the country of the Taurini, where he received dis
astrous intelligence, which had recently reached the em
peror's court, but still had been intentionally kept back, lest
all the preparations made for his journey should be wasted.
19. And this intelligence was that Colonia Agrippina,1
a city of great renown in lower Germany, had been
carried by a vigorous siege of the barbarians, who appeared
before it in great force, and had utterly destroyed it.
20. Julian being greatly distressed at this news, looking
on it as a kind of omen of misfortunes to come, was often
heard to murmur in querulous tones, " that he had gained
nothing except the fate of dying amid greater trouble and
employment than before."
21. But when he arrived at Vienne, people of every age
and class went forth to meet him on his entrance to the
city, with a view to do him honour by their reception of him
as one who had been long wished for, and was now granted
to their prayers. And when he was seen in the distance
the whole population of the city and of the adjacent neigh-
bourhood, going before his chariot, celebrated his praises,
saluting him as Emperor, clement and prosperous, greet
ing with eager joy this royal procession in honour of a
lawful prince. And they placed all their hopes of a
remedy for the evils which affected the whole province on
his arrival, thinking that now, when their affairs were in
a most desperate condition, some friendly genius had come
to shine upon them.
22. And a blind old woman, when in reply to her ques
tion "Who was entering the city?" she received for
answer " Julian the Csesar," cried out that " He would
restore the temples of the gods." IX.
§ 1. Now then, since, as the sublime poet of Mantua has
sung, " A greater series of incident rises to my view ; in a
more arduous task I engage,"— I think it a proper oppor-
1 Cologne.

iJ>.356.J DESCRIPTION OF GAUL. 73
tunity to describe the situation and different countries of
the Gauls, lest, among the narration of fiery preparations
and the various chances of battles, I should seem, while
speaking of matters not understood by every one, to
resemble those negligent sailors, who, when tossed about
by dangerous waves and storms, begin to repair their
sails and ropes which they might have attended to in calm
weather. 2. Ancient writers, pursuing their investigations into
the earliest origin of the Gauls, left our knowledge of the
truth very imperfect; but at a later period, Timagenes,
a thorough Greek both in diligence and language, collected
from various writings facts which had been long unknown,
and guided by his faithful statements, we, dispelling all
obscurity, will now give a plain and intelligible relation
of them.
3. Some persons affirm that the first inhabitants ever
seen in these regions were called Celts, after the name of
their king, who was very popular among them, and some
times also Galatse, after the name of his mother. For
Galatae is the Greek translation of the Eoman term Galli.
Others affirm that they are Dorians, who, following a more
ancient Hercules, selected for their home the districts
bordering on the ocean.
4. The Druids affirm that a portion of the people was
really indigenous to the soil, but that other inhabitants
poured in from the islands on the coast, and from the dis
tricts across the Ehine, having been driven from their
former abodes by frequent wars, and sometimes by inroads
of the tempestuous sea.
5. Some again maintain that after the destruction of
Troy, a few Trojans fleeing from the Greeks, who were
then scattered over the whole world, occupied these dis
tricts, which at that time had no inhabitants at all.
6. But the natives of these countries affirm this more
positively than any other fact (and, indeed, we ourselves
have read it engraved on their monuments), that Hercules,
the son of Amphitryon, hastening to the destruction of
those cruel tyrants, Geryon and Tauriscus, one of whom
was oppressing the Gauls, and the other Spain, after he
had conquered both of them, took to wife some women of
noble birth in those countries, and became the father of

'74 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XV. Ch. *.
many children ; and that his sons called the districts of
which they became the kings after their own names.
7. Also an Asiatic tribe coming from Phocsea in order to
escape the cruelty of Harpalus, the lieutenant of Cyrus the
king, sought to sail to Italy.1 And a part of them founded
Velia, in Lucania, others settled a colony at Marseilles, in
the territory of Vienne; and then, in subsequent ages,
these towns increasing in strength and importance, founded
other cities. But we must avoid a variety of details which
are commonly apt to weary.
8. Throughout these provinces, the people gradually
becoming civilized, the study of liberal accomplishments
flourished, having been first introduced by the Bards, the
Eubages,2 and the Druids. The Bards were accustomed to
employ themselves in celebrating the brave achievements
of their illustrious men, in epic verse, accompanied with
sweet airs on the lyre. The Eubages investigated the
system and sublime secrets of nature, and sought to explain
them to their followers. Between these two came the
Druids, men of loftier genius, bound in brotherhoods
according to the precepts and example of Pythagoras ; and
their minds were elevated by investigations into secret
and sublime matters, and from the contempt which they
entertained for human affairs they pronounced the soul
immortal. X.
§ 1. This country then of the Gauls was by reason of its
lofty mountain ranges perpetually covered with terrible
snows, almost unknown to the inhabitants of the rest of
the world, except where it borders on the ocean ; vast
fortresses raised by nature, in the place of art, surrounding
it on all sides.
2. On the southern side it is washed by the Etruscan
and Gallic sea : where it looks towards the north it is
separated from the tribes of the barbarians by the river
Ehine; where it is placed under the western star it is
bounded by the ocean, and the lofty chain of the Pyrenees ;
1 This story of the Phocseenses is told by Herodotus, i. 166, and
alluded to by Horace, Epod. xv. 10.
2 The Eubages, or Oliarets, as Strabo calls them, appear to have
been a tribe of priests.

A.B. 365.] THE ALPS. 75
where it has an eastern aspect it is bounded by the Cottian '
Alps. In these mountains King Cottius. after the Gauls
had been subdued, lying by himself in their defiles, and
relying on the rugged and pathless character of the country,
long maintained his independence ; though afterwards he
abated his pride, and was admitted to the friendship of the
Emperor Octavianus. And subsequently he constructed
immense works to serve as a splendid gift to the emperor,
making roads over them, short, and convenient for
travellers, between other ancient passes of the Alps ; on
which subject we will presently set forth what discoveries
have been made.
3. In these Cottian Alps, which begin at the town of
Susa, one vast ridge rises up, scarcely passable by any one
without danger.
4. For to travellers who reach it from the side of Gaul
it descends with a steepness almost precipitous, being
terrible to behold, in consequence of the bulk of its over
hanging rocks. In the spring, when the ice is melting,'
and the snow beginning to give way from the warm spring
breezes, if any one seeks to descend along the mountain,
men and beasts and wagons all fall together through the
fissures and clefts in the rocks, which yawn in every direct
tion, though previously hidden by the frost. And the;
only remedy ever found to ward off entire destruction is to
have many vehicles bound together with enormous ropes,
with men or oxen hanging on behind, to hold them back
with great efforts ; and so with a crouching step they get
down with some degree of safety. And this, as I have-
said, is what happens in the spring.
5. But in winter, the ground being covered over with a;
smooth crust of ice, and therefore slippery under foot, the
traveller is often plunged headlong; and the valleys,
which seem to open here and there into wide plains, which
are merely a covering of treacherous ice, sometimes
swallow up those who try to pass over them. On ac
count of which danger those who are acquainted with
the country fix projecting wooden piles over the safest
spots, in order that a series of them may conduct the
i The Cottian Alps are Mont Genevre. It is unnecessary to point out
how Ammianus mistakes the true bearing of these frontiers of Caul. .

76 AMMIANUS MARCEL1INUS. [Be. XV. Ch. x.
traveller unhurt to his destination ; though if these piles
get covered with snow and hidden, or thrown down by
melting torrents descending from the mountains, then it is
difficult for any one to pass, even if natives of the district
lead the way.
6. But on the summit of this Italian mountain there is a
plain, seven miles in extent, reaching as far as the station
known by the name of Mars ; and after that comes another
ridge, still more steep, and scarcely possible to be climbed,
which stretches on to the summit of Mons Matrona, named
so from an event which happened to a noble lady.
7. From this point a path, steep indeed, but easily
passable, leads to the fortress of Virgantia.1 The sepulchre
of this petty prince whom we have spoken of as the maker
of these roads is at Susa, close to the walls ; and his re
mains are honoured with religious veneration for two
reasons ; first of all, because he governed his people with
equitable moderation ; and secondly, because, by becoming
an ally of the Eoman republic, he procured lasting tran
quillity for his subjects.
8. And although this road which I have been speaking
of runs through the centre of the district, and is shorter
and more frequented now than any other, yet other roads
also were made at much earlier periods, on different occa
sions. 9. The first of them, near the maritime alps, was made
by the Theban Hercules, when he was proceeding in a
leisurely manner to destroy Geryon and Tauriscus, as has
already been mentioned ; and he it was who gave to these
alps the name of the Grecian Alps.8 In the same way he
consecrated the citadel and port of Monsecus to keep alive
the recollection of his name for ever. And this was the
reason why, many ages afterwards, those alps were called
the Penine Alps.8
10. Publius Cornelius Scipio, the father of the elder
Africanus, when about to go to the assistance of the citizens
1 Briancon.
2 The Graise Alps are the Little St. Bernard ; and it was over them
that Hannibal really passed, as has been conclusively proved by Dr. J.
A. Cramer.
3 From the god Pen, or Peninus, Liv. xxi. 38. The Alpes Penina
»re the Great St. Bernard.

aj>. 355.] hannibal's passage of the alps. 77
of Saguntum— celebrated for the distresses which they
endured, and for their loyalty to Eome, at the time when
they were besieged with great resolution by the Cartha
ginians — led to the Spanish coast a fleet having on board a
numerous army. But after the city had been destroyed by
the valour of the Carthaginians, he, being -unable to over
take Hannibal, who had crossed the Ehone, and had
obtained three days' start of him in the march towards
Italy, crossed the sea, which at that point was not wide,
making a rapid voyage ; and taking his station near Genoa,
a town of the Ligures, awaited his descent from the moun
tains, so that, if chance should afford him an oppor
tunity, he might attack him in the plain while still fatigued
with the ruggedness of the way by which he had come.
11. But still, having regard to the interests of the
republic, he ordered Cnssus Scipio, his brother, to go into
Spain, to prevent Hasdrubal from making a similar expedi
tion from that country. But Hannibal, having received
information of their design by some deserters, being also
a man of great shrewdness and readiness of resources,
obtained some guides from the Taurini who inhabited those
districts, and passing through the Tricastini and through
the district of the Vocontii, he thus reached the defiles of
the Tricorii.1 Then starting from this point, he made
another march over a line previously impassable. And
having cut through a rock of immense height, which he
melted by means of mighty fires, and pouring over it a
quantity of vinegar, he proceeded along the Druentia, a
river full of danger from its eddies and currents, until he
reaohed the district of Etruria. This is enough to say of
the Alps ; now let us return to our original subject.
XI.
§ 1. In former times, when these provinces were little
known, as being barbarous, they were considered to be
divided into three races :2 namely, the Celtse, the same
1 Compare Livy's account of Hannibal's march, from which, wholly
erroneous as it is, this description seems to have been taken ; not that
even Livy has made such a gross mistake about the Druentia, or
Durance, which falls into the Ehone.
2 Csesar's account of his expedition begins with the statement that
" Gaul is divided into three provinces."

78 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XV. Ch. XI.
who are also called Galli ; the Aqnitani, and the Belgse :
all differing from each other in language, manners, and
laws. 2. The Galli, who, as I have said, are the same as the
Celtse, are divided from the Aquitani by the river Garonne,
which rises in the mountains of the Pyrenees ; and after
passing through many towns, loses itself in the ocean.
3. On the other side they are separated from the Belgians
by the Marne and the Seine, both rivers of considerable
size, which flowing through the tribe of the Lugdunenses,
after surrounding the stronghold of the Parisii named
Lutetia, so as to make an island of it, proceed onwards
together, and fall into the sea near the camp of Con
stantius. 4. Of all these people the Belgians are said by ancient
writers to be the most warlike, because, being more remote
from civilization, and not having been rendered effeminate
by foreign luxuries, they have been engaged in continual
wars with the Germans on the other side of the Ehine.
5. For the Aquitanians, to whose shores, as being nearest
and also pacific, foreign merchandise is abundantly im
ported, were easily brought under the dominion of the
Eomans, because their character had become enervated.
6. But from the time when the Gauls, after long and
repeated wars, submitted to the dictator Julius, all their
provinces were governed by Eoman officers, the country
being divided into four portions ; one of which was the
province of Narbonne ; containing the districts of Vienne
and Lyons : a second province comprehended all the
tribes of the Aquitanians ; upper and lower Germany
formed a third jurisdiction, and the Belgians a fourth at
that period.
7. But now the whole extent of the country is portioned
out into many provinces. The second (or lower) Germany
is the first, if you begin on the western side, fortified by
Cologne and Tongres, both cities of great wealth and
importance. 8. Next comes the first (or high) Germany, in which,
besides other municipal towns, there is Mayence, and
Worms, and Spiers, and Strasburg, a city celebrated for the
defeats sustained by the barbarians in its neighbourhood..
9. After these the first Belgic province stretches as far

A.D. 355.] PROVINCES OF GAUL. "&
as Metz and Treves, which city is the splendid abode of
the chief governor of the country.
10. Next to that comes the second Belgic province,
where we find Amiens, a city of conspicuous magnificence,
and Chalons,1 and Eheims.
11. In the province of the Sequani, the finest cities
are Besancon and Basle. The first Lyonnese province
contains Lyons, Chalons,8 Sens, Bourges, and Autun, the
walls of which are very extensive and of great antiquity.
12. In the second Lyonnese province are Tours, and
Eouen, Evreux, and Troyes. The Grecian and Penine
Alps have, besides other towns of less note, Avenche, a
city which indeed is now deserted, but which was formerly
one of no small importance, as even now is proved by its
half-ruinous edifices. These are the most important pro
vinces, and most splendid cities of the Galli.
13. In Aquitania, which looks towards the Pyrenees,
and that part of the ocean which belongs to the Spaniards,
the first province is Aquitanica, very rich in large and
populous cities ; passing over others, I may mention as
pre-eminent, Bordeaux, Clermont, Saintes, and Poictiers.
14. The' province called the Nine Nations is enriched
by Ausch and Bazas. In the province of Narbonne, the
cities of Narbonne, Euses, and Toulouse are the principal
places of importance. The Viennese exults in the magni
ficence of many cities, the chief of which are Vienne itself,
and Aries, and Valence ; to which may be added Marseilles,
by the alliance with and power of which we read that Eome
itself was more than once supported in mouents of danger.
15. And near to these cities is also Aix, Nice, Antibes,
and the islands of Hieres.
16. And since we have come in the progress of our
work to this district, it would be inconsistent and absurd to
omit all mention of the Ehone, a river of the greatest
celebrity. The Ehone rises in the Penine Alps, from
sources of great abundance, and descending with headlong-
impetuosity into the more champaign districts, it often
overruns its banks with its own waters, and then plunges
into a lake called Lake Leman, and though it passes
through it, yet it never mingles with any foreign waters,
but, rushing over the top of those which flow with less
' Chalons sur Marne. 2 Chalons sur Sa6ne.

80 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XV. Cn. xu.
rapidity, in its search for an exit, it forces its own way by
the violence of its stream.
17. And thus passing through that lake without any
damage, it runs through Savoy and the district of Franche
Comte ; and, after a long course, it forms the boundary
between the Viennese on its left, and the Lyonnese on its
right. Then after many windings it receives the SaSne,
a river which rises in the first Germany, and this latter
river here merges its name in the Ehone. At this point is
the beginning of the Gauls. And from this spot the dis
tances are measured not by miles but by leagues.
18 From this point also, the Ehone, being now enriched
by other rivers, becomes navigable for large vessels, which
are often tossed about in it by gales of wind ; and at last,.,
having finished the course which nature has marked out
for it, foaming on it joins the Gallic Sea in the wide gulf
which they call the Gulf of Lyons, about eighteen miles
from Aries. This is enough to say of the situation of the
province ; I will now proceed to describe the appearance
and character of the inhabitants. XII.
§ 1 . Nearly all the Gauls are of a lofty stature, fair, and
of ruddy complexion ; terrible from the sternness of their
eyes, very quarrelsome, and of great pride and insolence.
A whole troop of foreigners would not be able to with
stand a single Gaul if he called his wife to his assistance,
who is usually very strong, and with blue eyes ; es
pecially when, swelling her neck, gnashing her teeth,
and brandishing her sallow arms of enormous size, she
begins to strike blows mingled with kicks, as if they were
so many missiles sent from the string of a catapult.
2. The voices of the generality are formidable and
threatening, whether they are in good humour or angry :
they are all exceedingly careful of cleanliness and neatness,
nor in all the country, and most especially in Aquitania,
could any man or woman, however poor, be seen either
dirty or ragged.
H. The men of every age are equally inclined to war,
sind the old man and the man in the prime of life answer
with equal zeal the call to arms, their bodies being

»•!>. 355.] MANNERS OF GAUL. 81
hardened by their cold weather and by constant exercise
so that they are all inclined to despise dangers and terrors.
Nor has any one of this nation ever mutilated his thumb
from fear of the toils of war, as men have done in Italy,
whom in their district are called Murci.
4. The nation is fond of wine, and of several kinds of
liquor which resemble wine. And many individuals of
the lower orders, whose senses have become impaired by
continual intoxication, which the apophthegm of Cato
defined to be a kind of voluntary madness, run about in
all directions at random ;" so that there appears to be some
point in that saying which is found in Cicero's oration in
defence of Fonteius, "that henceforth the Gauls will drink
their wine less strong than formerly," because forsooth
they thought there was poison in it.
5. These countries, and especially such parts of them
as border on Italy, fell gradually under the dominion
of the Eomans without much trouble to their conquerors,
having been first attacked by Fulvius, afterwards weakened
in many trifling combats by Sextius, and at last entirely
subdued by Fabius Maximus ; who gained an additional
surname from the complete accomplishment of this task,
after he had brought into subjection the fierce tribe of the
Allobroges. 6. Csesar finally subdued all the Gauls, except where
their country was absolutely inaccessible from its morasses,
as we learn from Sallust, after a war of ten years, in which
both nations suffered many disasters ; and at last he united
them to us in eternal alliance by formal treaties. I have
digressed further than I had intended, but now I will
return to my original subject.

XIII.
§ 1. After Domitianus had perished by a cruel death,
Musonianus his successor governed the East with the
rank of praetorian prefect; a man celebrated for his
eloquence and thorough knowledge of both the Greek
and Latin languages ; from which he reaped a loftier glory
than he expected.
2. For when Constantine was desirous of obtaining a

82 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XV. Ch. xm
more accurate knowledge of the different sects in the
empire, the Manicheans and other similar bodies, and no
one could be found able sufficiently to explain them,
Musonianus was chosen for the task, having been recom.
mended as competent ; and when he had discharged this
duty with skill, the emperor gave him the name of Muso
nianus, for he had been previously called Strategius.
After that he ran through many degrees of rank and
honour, and soon reached the dignity of prefect ; being in
other matters also a man of wisdom, popular in the pro
vinces, and of a mild and courteous disposition. But at
the same time, whenever he could find an opportunity,
especially in any controversies or lawsuits (which is most
shameful and wicked), he was greatly devoted to sordid
gain. Not to mention many other instances, this was es
pecially exemplified in the investigations which were made
into the death of Theophilus, the governor of Syria, a man
of consular rank, who gave information against the Csesar
Gallus, and who was torn to pieces in a tumult of the
people ; for which several poor men were condemned,
who, it was clearly proved, were at a distance at the time
of the transaction, while certain rich men who were the
real authors of the crime were spared from all punish
ment, except the confiscation of their property.
3. In this he was equalled by Prosper, at that time
master of the horse in Gaul ; a man of abject spirit and
great inactivity ; and, as the comic poet has it, despising
the acts of secret robbing he plundered openly.1
4. And, while these two officers were conniving to
gether, and reciprocally helping each other to many means
of acquiring riches, the chiefs of the Persian nation who
lived nearest to the river, profiting by the fact that the
king was occupied in the most distant parts of his do
minions, and that these commanders were occupied in
plundering the people placed under their authority, began
to harass our territories with predatory bands, making
audacious inroads, sometimes into Armenia, often also into
Mesopotamia. 1 Ammianus refers to Plautus, Epidicus, A ct. I., sc. i., line 10 :—
Theeprio. I am less of a pilferer now than formerly.
Ep. How so?
Thes. I rob openly.

*.».35fi.] 83

BOOK XVI.
ARGUMENT.
I. A panegyric of Julian the Csesar.— II. Julian attacks and defeats
the Allemanni. — III. He recovers Cologne, which had been taken
by the Franks, and concludes a peace with the king of the Franks.
— IV. He is besieged in the city of Sens by the Allemanni.— V. His
virtues. — VI. The prosecution and acquittal of Arbetio. — VII. The
Csesar Julian is defended before the emperor by his chamberlain
Eutherius against the accusations of Marcellus. — VIII. Calumnies
are rife in the camp of the Emperor Constantius, and the courtiers
are rapacious.— IX. The question of peace with the Persians. —
X. — The triumphal entry of Constantius into Eome. — XI. Julian
attacks the Allemanni in the islands of the Ehine in which they
had taken refuge, and repairs the fort of Saverne.— XTI. He
attacks the kings of the xlllemanni on the borders of Gaul, and
defeats them at Strasburg. I.
A.D. 356.
§ 1. While the chain of destiny was bringing these events
to pass in the Eoman world, Julian, being at Vienne, was
taken by the emperor, then in his own eighth consulship,
as a partner in that dignity ; and, under the promptings of
his own innate energy, dreamt of nothing but the crash-of
battles and the slaughter of the barbarians ; preparing
without delay to re-establish the province, and to reunite
the fragments that had been broken from it, if only fortune
should be favourable to him.
2. And because the great achievements which by hia
valour and good fortune Julian performed in the Gauls,
surpass many of the most gallant exploits of the ancients,
I will relate them in order as they occurred, employing
all the resources of my talents, moderate as they are, in
the hope that they may suffice for the narrative.
3. But what I am about to relate, though not embla
zoned by craftily devised falsehood, and being simply a
plain statement of facts, supported by evident proofs, will
have all the effect of a studied panegyric.
4. For it would seem that some principle of a more than
commonly virtuous life guided this young prince from his

84 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVT. Ch n.
very cradle to his last breath. Increasing rapidly in every
desirable quality, he soon became so conspicuous both at
home and abroad, that in respect to his prudence he was
looked upon as a second Titus : in his glorious deeds of
war he was accounted equal to Trajan ; in mercy he was
the prototype of Antoninus ; and in the pursuit and disco
very of true and perfect wisdom, he resembled Marcus
Aurelius, in imitation of whom he formed all his actions
and character.
5. And since, as we are taught by Cicero, that the lofti
ness of great virtues delights us, as does that of high trees,
while we are not equally interested in the roots and
trunks ; so, also, the first beginnings of his admirable dis
position were kept concealed by many circumstances which
threw a cloud over them ; though in fact they ought to he
preferred to many of his most marvellous actions of later
life, in that he, who in his early youth had been brought
up like Erectheus in the retirement sacred to Minerva,
nevertheless when he was drawn forth from the quiet
shades of the academy (and not from any military tent)
into the labours of war, subdued Germany, tranquillized
the districts of the frozen Ehine, routed the barbarian kings
breathing nothing but bloodshed and slaughter, and forced
them to submission. II.
§ 1 . Therefore while passing a toilsome winter in the city
aforesaid, he learnt, among the numerous reports which
were flying about, that the ancient city of Autun, the walls
of which, though of vast extent, were in a state of great
decay from age, was now besieged by the barbarians, who
had suddenly appeared before it in great force ; and while
the garrison remained panic-stricken and inactive, the
town was defended by a body of veterans who were be
having with great courage and vigilance ; as it often
happens that extreme despair repulses dangers which
appear destructive of all hope or safety.
2. Therefore, without relaxing his anxiety about other
matters, and putting aside all the adulation of the courtiers
with which they sought to divert his mind towards volup
tuousness and luxury, he hastened his preparations, and
when everything was ready he set out, and on the 24th of

AX.S86.] JULIAN MARCHES AGAINST THE ALLEMANNI. 85
June arrived at Autun ; behaving like a veteran general
conspicuous alike for skill and prowess, and prepared to
fall upon the barbarians, who were straggling in every
direction over the country, the moment fortune afforded
him an opportunity.
3, Therefore having deliberated on his plans, and con
sulted those who were acquainted with the country as to
what would be the safest line of march for him to adopt,
after having received much information in favour of dif
ferent routes, some recommending Arbois, others insisting
on it that the best way was by Saulieu and Cure.
4. But as some persons affirmed that Silvanus, in com
mand of a body of infantry, had, a short time before, made
his way with 8,000 men by a road shorter than either, but
dangerous as lying through many dark woods and defiles
suitable for ambuscades, Julian became exceedingly eager
to imitate the audacity of this brave man.
5. And to prevent any delay, taking with him only his
cuirassiers and archers, who would not have been sufficient
to defend his person had he been attacked, he took the
same route as Silvanus ; and so came to Auxerre.
6. And there, having, according to his custom, devoted
a short time to rest, for the purpose of refreshing his men,
he proceeded onwards towards Troyes ; and strengthened
his flanks that he might with the greater effect watch the
barbarians, who attacked him in numerous bodies, which he
avoided as well as he could, thinking them more numerous
than they really were. Presently, however, having occupied
some favourable ground, he descended upon one body of
them, and routed it, and took some prisoners whom their
own fears delivered to him ; and then he allowed the rest,
who now devoted all their energies to flying with what
speed they could, to escape unattacked, as his men could
not pursue them by reason of the weight of their armour.
7. This occurrence gave him more hope of being able
to resist any attack which they might make, and marching
forwards with this confidence, after many dangers he
reached Troyes so unexpectedly, that when he arrived at
the gates, the inhabitants for some time hesitated to give
him entrance into the city, so great was their fear of the
straggling multitudes of the barbarians.
8. After a little delay, devoted to again refreshing his
weary troops, thinking that there was no time to waste, he

86 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Ch. ifi.
proceeded to the city of Eheims, where he had ordered
his whole army, carrying*. . . - to assemble, and there to
await his presence. The army at Eheims was under the
command of Marcellus, the successor of Ursicinus ; and
Ursicinus himself was ordered to remain there till the
termination of the expedition.
9. Again Julian took counsel, and after many opinions
of different purport had been delivered, it was determined
to attack the host of the Allemanni in the neighbourhood
of Dieuse ; and to that quarter the army now marched in
dense order, and with more than usual alacrity.
10. And because the weather, being damp and misty, pre
vented even what was near from being seen, the enemy,
availing themselves of their knowledge of the country,
came by an oblique road upon the Csesar's rear, and
attacked two legions while they were piling their arms ;
and they would almost have destroyed them if the uproar
which suddenly arose had not brought the auxiliary troops
of the allies to their support.
11. From this time forth Julian, thinking it impossible
to find any roads or any rivers free from ambuscades,
proceeded with consummate prudence and caution ; qua
lities which above all others in great generals usually bring
safety and success to armies.
12. Hearing therefore that Strasburg, Brumat, Saveme,
Spiers, Worms, and Mayence, were all in the hands of the
barbarians, who were established in their suburbs, for the
barbarians shunned fixing themselves in the towns them
selves, looking upon them like graves surrounded with
nets, he first of all entered Brumat, and just as he reached
that place he was encountered by a body of Germans pre^
pared for battle.
13. Having arranged his own army in the form of a
crescent, the engagement began, and the enemy were
speedily surrounded and utterly defeated. Some were
taken prisoners, others were slain in the heat of the
battle, the rest sought safety by rapid flight.
III.
§ 1. After this, meeting with no resistance, he determined
lo proceed to recover Cologne, which had been destroyed
* The text is defective here, as it is wherever these marks occur. '

»-D-356.] JULIAN'S OPERATIONS. 87
before his arrival in Gaul. In that district there is no city
or fortress to be seen except that near Confluentes ; a
place so named because there the river Moselle becomes
mingled with the Ehine there is also the village oi
Eheinmagen, and likewise a single tower near Cologne.
2. After having taken possession of Cologne he did not
leave it till the Frank kings began, through fear of him,
to abate of their fury, when he contracted a peace with
them likely to be of future advantage to the republic. In
the mean time he put the whole city into a state of com
plete defence.
3. Then, auguring well from these first-fruits of victory,
he departed, passing through the district of Treves, with
the intention of wintering at Sens, which was a town very
suitable for that purpose. When bearing, so to say, the
weight of a world of wars upon his shoulders, he was
occupied by perplexities of various kinds, and among them
how to provide for establishing in places most exposed tc
danger the soldiers who had quitted their former posts ;
how to defeat the enemies who had conspired together to
injure the Eoman cause ; and further, how to provide
supplies for the army while employed in so many different
quarters. IV.
§ 1. While he was anxiously revolving these things in his
mind, he was attacked by a numerous force of the enemy,
who had conceived a hope of being able to take the town.
And they were the more confident of success because, from
the information of deserters, they had learnt that he neither
had with him his Scutarii nor his Gentiles, both of which
bodies of troops had been distributed among the different
municipal towns in order that they might be the more
easily supplied with provisions.
2. Therefore after the gates of the city had been barri
caded, and the weakest portions of the walls carefully
strengthened, Julian was seen night and day on the
battlements and ramparts, attended by a band of armed
men, boiling over with anger and gnashing his teeth,
because, often as he wished to sally forth, he was pre-
1 Coblenz.

88 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Ch. V.
vented from taking such a step by the scantiness of the
force which he had with him.
3. At last, after thirty days, the barbarians retired
disappointed, murmuring that they had been so vain
and weak as to attempt the siege of such a city. It
deserves however to be remarked., as a most unworthy
circumstance, that when Julian was in great personal
danger, Marcellus, the master of the horse, who was posted
in the immediate neighbourhood, omitted to bring him anj
assistance, though the danger of the city itself, even if the
prince had not been there, ought to have excited his en
deavours to relieve it from the peril of a siege by so for
midable an enemy.
4. Being now delivered from this fear, Julian, ever
prudent and active, directed his anxious thoughts inces
santly to the care of providing that, after their . long
labours, his soldiers should have rest, which, however
brief, might be sufficient to recruit their strength. In
addition to the exhaustion consequent on their toils, they
were distressed by the deficiency of crops on the land,
which through the frequent devastations to which they
had been exposed afforded but little suitable for human food.
5. But these difficulties he likewise surmounted by his
ever wakeful diligence, and a more confident hope of
future success opening itself to his mind, he rose with
higher spirits to accomplish his other designs.

§ 1. In the first place (and this is a most difficult task
for every one), he imposed on himself a rigid temperance,
and maintained it as if he had been living under the
obligation of the sumptuary laws. These were originally
brought to Eome from the edicts of Lycurgus and the
tables of laws compiled by Solon, and were for a long
time strictly observed. When they had become some
what obsolete, they were re-established by Sylla, who,
guided by the apophthegms of Democritus, agreed with
him that it is Fortune which spreads an ambitious table,
but that Virtue is content with a sparing one.
2. And likewise Cato of Tusculum, who from his pure
and temperate way of life obtained the surname of the

*J>-3B6.] INDUSTRY CF JULIAN. 89
Censor, said with profound wisdom on the same subject,
" When there is great care about food, there is very little
care about virtue."
3. Lastly, though he was continually reading the little
treatise which Constantius, when sending him as his step
son to prosecute his studies, had written for him with his
own hand, in which he made extravagant provision for the
dinner-expenses of the Ceesar, Julian now forbade phea
sants, or sausages, or even sow's udder to be served up to
him, contenting himself with the cheap and ordinary food
of the common soldiers.
4. Hereupon arose his custom of dividing his nights
into three portions, one of which he allotted to rest, one to
the affairs of the state, and one to the study of literature ;
and we read that Alexander the Great had been accus
tomed to do the same, though he practised the rule with
less self-reliance. For Alexander, having placed a brazen
shell on the ground beneath him, used to hold a silver
ball in his hand, which he kept stretched outside his bed,
so that when sleep pervading his whole body had relaxed
the rigour of his muscles, the rattling of the ball falling
might banish slumber from his eyes.
5. But Julian, without any instrument, awoke whenever
he pleased ; and always rising when the night was but half
spent, and that not from a bed of feathers, or silken cover
lets shining with varied brilliancy, but from a rough
blanket or rug, would secretly offer his supplications to
Mercury, who, as the theological lessons which he had re
ceived had taught him, was the swift intelligence of the
world, exciting the different emotions of the mind. And
thus removed from all external circumstances calculated to
distract his attention, he gave his whole attention to the
affairs of the republic.
6. Then, after having ended this arduous and important
business, he turned and applied himself to the cultivation
of his intellect. And it was marvellous with what exces
sive ardour he investigated and attained to the sublime
knowledge of the loftiest matters, and how, seeking as it
were some food for his mind which might give it strength
to climb up to the sublimest truths, he ran through
every branch of philosophy in profound and subtle discus
sions.

90 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Ch. v.
7. Nevertheless, while engaged in amassing knowledge
of this kind in all its fullness and power, he did not
despise the humbler accomplishments. He was tolerably
fond of poetry and rhetoric, as is shown by the invari
able and pure elegance, mingled with dignity, of all his
speeches and letters. And he likewise studied the varied
history of our own state and of foreign countries. To all
these accomplishments was added a very tolerable degree
of eloquence in the Latin language.
8. Therefore, if it be true, as many writers affirm, that
Cyrus the king, and S-'monides the lyric poet, and Hippias
of Elis, the most acuU, of the Sophists, excelled as they did
in memory because they had obtained that faculty through
drinking a particular medicine, we must also believe that
Julian in his early manhood had drunk the whole cask
of memory, if such a thing could ever be found. And these
are the nocturnal signs of his chastity and virtue.
9. But as for the manner in which he passed his days,
whether in conversing with eloquence and wit, or in
making preparations for war, or in actual conflict of battle,
or in his administration of affairs of the state, correct
ing all defects with magnanimity and liberality, these
things shall all be set forth in their proper place.
10. When he was compelled, as being a prince, to apply
himself to the study of military discipline, having been
previously confined to lessons of philosophy, and when he
was learning the art of marching in time while the pipes
were playing the Pyrrhic air, he often, calling upon the
name of Plato, ironically quoted that old proverb, " A pack?
saddle is placed on an ox ; this is clearly a burden which
does not belong to me."
11. On one occasion, when some secretaries were intro
duced into the council-chamber, with solemn ceremony, to
receive some gold, one of their company did not, as is the
usual custom, open his robe to receive it, but took it in the
hollow of both his hands joined together ; on which Julian
said, secretaries only know how to seize things, not how to
accept them.
12. Having been approached by the parents of a virgin
who had been ravished, seeking for justice, he gave sen
tence that the ravisher, on conviction, should be banished ;
and when the parents complained of this sentence as un-

*'D-356.] Julian's moderation. 91
equal to the crime, because the criminal had not been
condemned to death, he replied, " Let the laws blame my
clemency ; but it is fitting that an emperor of a most
merciful disposition should be superior to all other laws."
13. Once when he was about to set forth on an expedi
tion, he was interrupted by several people complaining of
injuries which they had received, whom he referred for
a hearing to the governors of their respective provinces.
And after he had returned, he inquired what had been
done in each case, and with genuine clemency mitigated
the punishments which had been assigned to the offences.
14. Last of all, without here making any mention of the
victories in which he repeatedly defeated the barbarians,
and the vigilance with which he protected his army from
all harm, the benefits which he conferred on the Galli, pre
viously exhausted by extreme want, are most especially
evident from this fact, that when he first entered the
country he found that four-and-twenty pieces of gold were
exacted, under the name of tribute, in the way of poll-tax,
from each individual. But when he quitted the country
seven pieces only were required, which made up all the
payments due from thern to the state. On which account
they rejoiced with festivals and dances, looking upon him
as a serene sun which had shone upon them after melan
choly darkness.
15. Moreover we know that up to the very end of his
reign and of his life, he carefully and with great benefit
observed this rule, not to remit the arrears of tribute by
edicts which they call indulgences. For he knew that by
such conduct he should be giving something to the rich,
whilst it is notorious everywhere that, the moment that
taxes are imposed, the poor are compelled to pay them all
at once without any relief.
16. But while he was thus regulating and governing the
country in a manner deserving the imitation of all virtuous
princes, the rage of the barbarians again broke out more
violently than ever.
17. And as wild beasts, which, owing to the carelessness
of the shepherds, have been wont to plunder their flocks,
even when these careless keepers are exchanged for more
watchful ones, still cling to their habit, and being furious
with hunger, will, without any regard for their own safety,

92 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Ch. vn
again attack the flocks and herds ; so also the barbarians,
having consumed all their plunder, continued, under the
pressure of hunger, repeatedly to make inroads for the
sake of booty, though sometimes they died of want before
they could obtain any. VI.
§ 1. These were the events which took place in Gaul
during this year ; at first of doubtful issue, but in the end
successful. Meanwhile in the emperor's court envy con
stantly assailed Arbetio, accusing him of having already
assumed the ensigns of imperial rank, as if designing soon
to attain the supreme dignity itself. And especially was
he attacked by a count named Verissimus, who with great
vehemence brought forth terrible charges against him,
openly alleging that although he had been raised from
the rank of a common soldier to high military office, he
was not contented, thinking little of what he had obtained,
and aiming at the highest place.
2. And he was also vigorously attacked by a man named
Dorus, who had formerly been surgeon of the Scutarii, and
of whom we have spoken, when promoted in the time of
Magnentius to be inspector of the works of art at Eome, as
having brought accusations against Adelphius, the prefect
of the city, as forming ambitious designs.
3. And when the matter was brought forward for judi
cial inquiry, and all preliminary arrangements were made,
proof of the accusations which had been confidently looked
for was still delay ed ; when suddenly, as if the business
had been meant as a satire on the administration of justice,
through the interposition of the chamberlains, as rumour
affirmed, the persons who had been imprisoned as accom
plices were released from their confinement : Dorus disap
peared, and Verissimus kept silence. for the future, as if the
curtain had dropped and the scene had been suddenly
changed. '
VIL.
§ 1. About the same time, Constantius having learnt, from
common report, that Marcellus had omitted to carry assist
ance to the Cassar when he was besieged at Sens, cashiered
him, and ordered him to retire to his own house. And he,

A.D.356.J MARCELLUS PLOTS AGAINST JULIAN. 93
as if he had received a great injury, began to plot against
Julian, relying upon the disposition of the emperor to open
his ears to every accusation.
2. Therefore, when he departed, Eutherius, the chief
chamberlain, was immediately sent after him, that he might
convict him before the emperor if he propagated any false
hoods. But Marcellus, unaware of this, as soon as he
arrived at Milan, began talking loudly, and seeking to
create alarm, like a vain chatterer half mad as he was.
And when he was admitted into the council-chamber, he
began to accuse Julian of being insolent, and of preparing
for himself stronger wings in order to soar to a greater
height. For this was his expression, agitating his body
violently as he uttered it.
3. While he was thus uttering his imaginary charges with
great freedom, Eutherius being, at his own request, intro
duced into the presence, and being commanded to say what
he wished, speaking with great respect and moderation
showed the emperor that the truth was being overlaid with
falsehood. For that, while the commander of the heavy-
armed troops had, as it was believed, held back on purpose,
the Csesar having been long besieged at Sens, had hj his
vigilance and energy repelled the barbarians. And he
pledged his own life that the Csesar would, as long as he-
lived, be faithful to the author of his greatness.
4. The opportunity reminds me here to mention a few
facts concerning this same Eutherius, which perhaps will
hardly be believed ; because if Numa Pompilius or Socrates
were to say anything good of a eunuch, and were to con
firm what they said by an oath, they would be accused of
having departed from the truth. But roses grow up among
thorns, and among wild beasts some are of gentle disposi
tion. And therefore I will briefly mention a few of his
most important acts which are well ascertained.
5. He was born in Armenia, of a respectable family, and
having while a very little child been taken prisoner by the
enemies on the border, he was castrated and sold to some
Eoman merchants, and by them conducted to the palace of
Constantine, where, while growing up to manhood, he
began to display good principles and good talents, becom
ing accomplished in literature to a degree quite sufficient
for his fortune, displaying extraordinary acuteness in dis-

94 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Ch. vu •
covering matters of a doubtful and difficult complexion;
being remarkable also for a marvellous memory, always
eager to do good, and full of wise and honest counsel. A
man, in short, who, if the Emperor Constantius had listened
to his advice, which, whether he gave it in youth or man
hood, was always honourable and upright, would have
been prevented from committing any errors, or at least any
that were not pardonable.
6. When he became high chamberlain he sometimes
also found fault even with Julian, who, as being tainted
with Asiatic manners, was apt to be capricious. Finally,
when he quitted office for private life, and again when he
was recalled to court, he was always sober and consistent,
cultivating those excellent virtues of good faith and con
stancy to such a degree that he never betrayed any secret,
except for the purpose of securing another's safety ; nor
was he ever accused of covetous or grasping conduct, as
the other courtiers were.
7. From which it arose that, when at a late period he
retired to Eome, and fixed there the abode of his old age,
bearing with him the company of a good conscience, he
was loved and respected by men of all ranks, though men
of that class generally, after having amassed riches by.
iniquity, love to seek secret places of retirement, just as
owls or moths, and avoid the sight of the multitude whom
they have injured.
8. Though I have often ransacked the accounts of anti
quity, I do not find any ancient eunuch to whom I can
compare him. There were indeed among the ancients
some, though very few, faithful and economical, but still
they were stained by some vice or other; and among the
chief faults which they had either by nature or habit, they
were apt to be either rapacious or else boorish, and on that
account contemptible ; or else ill-natured and mischievous ;
or fawning too much on the powerful ; or too elated with
power, and therefore arrogant. But of any one so univer
sally accomplished and prudent, I confess I have neither
ever read nor heard, relying for the truth of this judgment
on the general testimony of the age.
9. But if any careful reader of ancient histories should
oppose to us Menophilus, the eunuch of King Mithridates,
I would warn him to recollect that nothing is really known-

AD. 356.] ACCUSATIONS OF SORCERY. 95
of him except this single fact, that he behaved gloriously
in a moment of extreme danger.
10. AYhen the king above mentioned, having been
defeated by the Eomans under the command of Pompey,
and fleeing to his kingdom of Colchis, left a grown-up
daughter, named Drypetina, who at the time was danger
ously ill. in the castle of Synhorium, under the care of this
Menophilus, he completely cured the maiden by a variety
of remedies, and preserved her in safety for her father ; and
when the fortress in which they were enclosed began to be
besieged by Manlius Priscus, the lieutenant of the general,
and when he became aware that the garrison were pro
posing to surrender, he, fearing that, to the dishonour of
her father, this noble damsel might be made a prisoner and
be ravished, slew her, and then fell upon his sword himself;
Now I will return to the point from which I digressed.
VIII.
§ 1. After Marcellus had been foiled, as I have men
tioned, and had returned to Serdica, which was his native
place, many great crimes were perpetrated in the camp of
Augustus, under pretence of upholding the majesty of the
emperor. 2. For if any one had consulted any cunning soothsayer
about the squeak of a mouse, or the appearance of a weasel,
or any other similar portent, or had used any old woman's
chants to assuage any pain — a practice which the autho
rity of medicine does not always prohibit — such a man was
at once informed against, without being able to conceive
by whom, and was brought before a court of law, and at
once condemned to death.
3. About the same time an individual named Dames
was accused by his wife of certain trifling acts, of which,
whether he was innocent or not is uncertain ; but Eufinus
was his enemy, who, as we have mentioned, had given in
formation of some matters which had been communicated
to him by Gaudentius, the emperor's secretary, causing
Africanns, then governing Pannonia with the rank of a
consul, to be put to death, with all his friends. This
Eufinus was now, for his devotion to the interests of the
emperor, the chief commander of the praetorian guard.

96 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk.XVI.Ch vm
4. He, being given to talking in a boastful manner,
after having seduced that easily deluded woman (the wife
of Dames) into an illicit connection with him, allured her
into a perilous fraud, and persuaded her by an accumu
lation of lies to accuse her innocent husband of treason,
and to invent a story that he had stolen a purple garment
from the sepulchre of Diocletian, and, by the help of
some accomplices, still kept it concealed.
5. When this story had been thus devised in a way to
cause the destruction of many persons, Eufinus himself,
full of hopes of some advantage, hastened to the camp of
the emperor, to spread his customary calumnies. And
when the transaction had been divulged, Manlius, at that
time the commander of the prsetorian camp, a man of ad
mirable integrity, received orders to make a strict inquiry
into the charge, having united to him, as a colleague in the
examination, Ursulus, the chief paymaster, a man likewise
of praiseworthy equity and strictness.
6. There, after the matter had been rigorously inves
tigated according to the fashion of that period, and when,
after many persons had been put to the torture, nothing
was found out, and the judges were in doubt and per
plexity ; at length truth, long suppressed, found a respite,
and, under the compulsion of a rigorous examination,
the woman confessed that Eufinus was the author of
the whole plot, nor did she even conceal the fact of her
adultery with him. Eeference was immediately made to
the law, and as order and justice required, the judges con
demned them both to death.
7. But as soon as this was known, Constantius became
greatly enraged, and lamenting Eufinus as if the champion
of his safety had been destroyed, he sent couriers on
horseback express, with threatening orders to Ursulus,
commanding him to return to court. Ursulus, disregard
ing the remonstrances of those who advised him to dis--
obey, hastened fearlessly to the presence ; and having
entered the emperor's council-chambers, with undaunted
heart and voice related the whole transaction ; and this
confident behaviour of his shut the mouths of the flatterers.
and delivered both the prefect and himself from serious
danger. 8. It was at this time also that an event took place in Aqui-

A.o. 356." INFLUENCE OF INFORMERS. 97
tania which was more extensively talked about. A certain
cunning person being invited to a splendid and sumptuous
banquet, which are frequent in that province, having seen
a pair of coverlets, with two purple borders of such width,
that Sy the skill of those who waited they seemed to be
but one ; and beholding the table also covered with a
similar cloth, he took up one in each hand, and arranged
them so as to resemble the front of a cloak, representing them
as having formed the ornament of the imperial robe ; and
then searching over the whole house in order to find the
robe which he affirmed must be hidden there, he thus
caused the ruin of a wealthy estate.
9. With similar malignity, a certain secretary in Spain,
who was likewise invited to a supper, hearing the servants,
while bringing in the evening candles, cry " let us con
quer," affixing a malignant interpretation to that common
exclamation, in like manner ruined a noble family.
10. These and other evils increasing more and more,
because Constantius, being a man of a very timorous dis
position, was always thinking that blows were being aimed
at him, like the celebrated tyrant of Sicily, Dionysius,
who, because of this vice of his, taught his daughters to
shave him, in order that he might not have to put his face
in a stranger's power ; and surrounded the small chamber
in which he was accustomed to sleep with a deep ditch,
so placed that it could only be entered by a drawbridge ;
the loose beams and axles of which when he went to bed
he removed into his own chamber, replacing them when
about to go forth at daybreak.
11. Moreover, those who had influence in the court pro
moted the spread of these evils, with the hope of joining
to their own estates the forfeited possessions of those who
should be condemned ; and thus becoming rich by the ruin
of their neighbours.
12. For, as clear evidence has shown, if Constantine
was the first to excite the appetites of his followers, Con
stantius was the prince who fattened them on the marrow
of the provinces.
13. For under him the principal persons of every rank
burnt with an insatiable desire of riches, without any
regard for justice or right. And among the ordinary
judges, Eufinus, the chief prefect of the prsetorium, was

98 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BK. XVI. Cb. rt
conspicuous for this avarice. And among the military
officers Arbetio, the master of the horse, and Eusebius,
the high chamberlain, . . . Ard . . . anus, the
quasstor, and in the city, the two Anicii, whose posterity,
treading in the steps of their fathers, could not be satisfied
even with possessions much larger than they themselves
had enjoyed. IX.
§ 1. But in the East, the Persians now practising pre
datory inroads and forays, in preference to engaging in
pitched battles, as they had been wont to do before, carried
off continually great numbers of men and cattle : some
times making great booty, owing to the unexpectedness of
their incursions, but at other times being overpowered by
superior numbers, they suffered losses. Sometimes, also,
the inhabitants of the districts which they had invaded had
removed everything which could be carried off.
2. But Musonianus, the prefect of the prsetorium, a man,
as we have already said, of many liberal accomplishments
but corrupt, and a person easily turned from the truth by
a bribe, acquired, by means of some emissaries who were
skilful in deceiving and obtaining information, a know
ledge of the plans of the Persians ; taking to his counsels
on this subject Cassianus, duke of Mesopotamia, a veteran
who had served many campaigns, and had become hard
ened by all kinds of dangers.
3. And when, by the concurrent report of spies, these
officers had become certain that Sapor was occupied in the
most remote frontier of his kingdom in repelling the hos
tilities of the bordering tribes, which he could not accom
plish without great difficulty and bloodshed, they sought
to tamper with Tamsapor, the general in command in the
district nearest our border. Accordingly they sent soldiers
of no renown to confer with him secretly, to engage him, if
opportunity served, to write to the king to persuade him to
make peace with the Eoman emperor ; whereby he, being
then secure on every side, might be the better able to
subdue the rebels who were never weary of exciting dis
turbances. 4. Tamsapor coincided with these wishes, and, trust
ing to them, reported to the king that Constantius,

Aj>.356.] WEAKNESS OF CONSTANTIUS. 99
being involved in very formidable wars, was a suppliant
for peace. But it took a long time for these letters to
reach the country of the Chionites and the Euseni, on
whose borders Sapor had taken up his winter quarters.
X.
§ 1. While matters were thus proceeding in the eastern
regions and in the Gauls, Constantius, as if the temple of
Janus were now shut and hostilities everywhere at an end,
became desirous of visiting Eome, with the intention of
celebrating his triumph over Magnentius, to which he
could give no name, since the blood that he had spilt was
that of Eoman foes.
2. For indeed, neither by his own exertions, nor by
those of his generals did he ever conquer any nation that
made war upon him ; nor did he make any additions to
the empire ; nor at critical moments was he ever seen to
be the foremost or even among the foremost ; but still he
was eager to exhibit to the people, now in the enjoyment
of peace, a vast procession, and standards heavy with gold,
and a splendid train of guards and followers, though the
citizens themselves neither expected nor desired any such
spectacle. 3. He was ignorant, probably, that some of the ancient
emperors were, in time of peace, contented with their
lictors, and that when the ardour of war forbade all in
activity, one,1 in a violent storm, had trusted himself to a
fisherman's hoat ; another,8 following the example of the
Decii, had sacrificed his life for the safety of the republic ;
another3 had by himself, accompanied by only a few
soldiers of the lowest rank, gone as a spy into the camp of
the enemy : in short, that many of them had rendered
themselves illustrious by splendid exploits, in order to
hand down to posterity a glorious memory of themselvesi,
earned by their achievements.
1 Julius Csesar: the story of the frightened fisherman being en
couraged by the assurance that he was carrying " Csesar and his for
tunes " is universally known.
2 Claudius, who devoted himself in the Gothic war.
3 Galerius Maximianus, who reconnoitred in person the camp of the
king of Persia.

100 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Cii. X,
4. Accordingly, after long and sumptuous preparation,
. . . in the second prefecture of Orfitus, Constantius,
elated with his great honours, and escorted by a formidable
array of troops, marching in order of battle, passed through
Ocricoli, attracting towards himself the astonished gaze
of all the citizens.
5. And when he drew near to the city, contemplating
the salutations offered him by the senators, and the whole
body of fathers venerable from their likeness to their'
ancestors, he thought, not like Cineas, the ambassador of
Pyrrhus, that a multitude of kings was here assembled
together, but that the city was the asylum of the whole
world. 6. And when from them he had turned his eyes upon
the citizens, he marvelled to think with what rapidity the
whole race of mankind upon earth had come from all
quarters to Eome ; and, as if he would have terrified the
Euphrates or the Ehine with a show of armed men, he
himself came on, preceded by standards on both sides, sit
ting alone in a golden chariot, shining with all kinds of
brilliant precious stones, which seemed to spread a flicker
ing light all around.
7. Numbers also of the chief officers who went before
him were surrounded by dragons embroidered on various
kinds of tissue, fastened to the golden or jewelled points of
spears, the mouths of the dragons being open so as to
catch the wind, which made them hiss as though they
were inflamed with anger ; while the coils of their tails
were also contrived to be agitated by the breeze.
8. After these marched a double row of heavy-armed
soldiers, with shields and crested helmets, glittering with
brilliant light, and clad in radiant breast-plates; and
among these were scattered cavalry with cuirasses, whom
the Persians call Clibanarii,1 protected by coverings of
iron breast-plates, and girdled with belts of iron, so that
you would fancy them statues polished by the hand of
Praxiteles, rather than men. And the light circular plates
of iron which surrounded their bodies, and covered all
their limbs, were so well fitted to all their motions, that
in whatever direction they had occasion to move, the joints
1 The word is derived from K\tfiavoi>, an oven, and seems to mean
entirely clothed in iron.

AJ>.356.] ARROGANCE OF CONSTANTIUS. 101
of their iron clothing adapted themselves equally to any
position. 9. The emperor as he proceeded was saluted as Augustus
by voices of good omen, the mountains and shores re-echo
ing the shouts of the people, amid whioh he preserved the
same immovable countenance which he was accustomed tc
display in his provinces.
10. For though he was very short, yet he bowed down
when entering high gates, and looking straight before him,
as though he had had his neck in a vice, he turned his
eyes neither to the right nor to the left, as If he had been
a statue : nor when the carriage shook him did he nod his
head, or spit, or rub his face or his nose ; nor was he ever
seen even to move a hand.
1 1 . And although this calmness was affectation, yet these
and other portions of his inner life were indicative of a
most extraordinary patience, as it may be thought, granted
to him alone.
1 2. I pass over the circumstance that during the whole
of his reign he never either took up any one to sit with
him in his chariot, or admitted any private person to be
his partner in the constdship, as other emperors had done ;
also many other things which he, being filled with elation
and pride, prescribed to himself as the justest of all rules
of conduct, recollecting that I mentioned those facts before,
as occasion served.
13. As he went on, having entered Eome, that home of
sovereignty and of all virtues, when he arrived at the
rostra, he gazed with amazed awe on the Forum, the most
renowned monument of ancient power ; and, being be
wildered with the number of wonders on every side to
which he turned his eyes, having addressed the nobles in
the senate-house, and harangued the populace from the
tribune, he retired, with the good-will of all, into his
palace, where he enjoyed the luxury he had wished for.
And often, when celebrating the equestrian games, was he
delighted with the talkativeness of the common people,
who were neither proud, nor, on the other hand, inclined
to become rebellious from too much liberty, while he him
self also reverently observed a proper moderation.
14. For he did not, as was usually done in other cities,
allow the length of the gladiatorial contests to depend on

102 AMMIANUS MARCELLINU3. [Be. XVI. Cu. X,
his caprice ; but left it to be decided by various occurrences.
Then, traversing the summits of the seven hills, and the
different quarters of the city, whether placed on the slopes
of the hills or on the level ground, and visiting, too, the
suburban divisions, he was so delighted that whatever he
saw first he thought the most excellent of all. Admiring the
temple of the Tarpeian Jupiter, which is as much superior
to other temples as divine things are superior to those of
men ; and the baths of the size of provinces ; and the
vast mass of the amphitheatre, so solidly erected of Tiber-
tine stone, to the top of which human vision can scarcely
reach ; and the Pantheon with its vast extent, its imposing
height, and the solid magnificence of its arches, and the
lofty niches rising one above another like stairs, adorned
with the images of former emperors ; and the temple of
the city, and the forum of peace, and the theatre of
Pompey, and the odeum, and the racecourse, and the other
ornaments of the Eternal City.
15. But when he came to the forum of Trajan, the most
exquisite structure, in my opinion, under the canopy of
heaven, and admired even by the deities themselves, he
stood transfixed with wonder, casting his mind over the
gigantic proportions of the place, beyond the power of
mortal to describe, and beyond the reasonable desire of
mortals to rival. Therefore giving up all hopes of attempt
ing anything of this kind, he contented himself with say
ing that he should wish to imitate, and could imitate the
horse of Trajan, which stands by itself in the middle of
the hall, bearing the emperor himself on his back.
16. And the royal prince Hormisda, whose departure
from Persia we have already mentioned, standing by
answered, with the refinement of his nature, " But first, 0
emperor, command such a stable to be built for him, if you
can, that the horse which you purpose to make may have
as fair a domain as this which we «ee." And when he was
asked what he thought of Eome, he said that " he was
particularly delighted with it because he had learnt that
men died also there."
17. Now after he had beheld all these various objects
with awful admiration, the emperor complained of fame,
as either deficient in power, or else spiteful, because,
though it usually exaggerates everything, it fell very

*¦*>¦&«¦] PLOTS OF EUSEBIA. 103
short in its praises cf the things which are at Eome ; and
having deliberated for some time what he should do, he
determined to add to the ornaments of the city by erecting
an obelisk in the Circus Maximus, the origin and form
of which I will describe when I come to the proper
place. 18. At this time Eusebia, the queen, who herself was
barren all her life, began to plot against Helena, the sister
of Constantius, and wife of the Csesar Julian, whom she
had induced to come to Eome under a pretence of affection,
and by wicked machinations she induced her to drink a
poison which she had procured, which should have the
effect, whenever Helena conceived, of producing abortion.
19. For already, when in Gaul, she had borne a male
child, but that also had been dishonestly destroyed because
the midwife, having been bribed, killed it as soon as it was
born, by cutting through the navel-string too deeply ;
such exceeding care was taken that this most gallant man
should have no offspring.
20. But the emperor, while wishing to remain longer in
this most august spot of the whole world, in order to enjoy
a purer tranquillity and higher degree of pleasure, was
alarmed by repeated intelligence on which he could rely,
which informed him that the Suevi were invading the
Tyrol, that the Quadi were ravaging Valeria,1 and that the
Sarmatians, a tribe most skilful in plunder, were laying
waste the upper Mcesia, and the second Pannonia. And
roused by these news, on the thirtieth day after he had
entered Eome, he again quitted it, leaving it on the 29th
of May, and passing through Trent he proceeded witlTall
haste towards Hlyricum.
21. And from that city he sent Severus to succeed
Marcellus, a man of great experience and ripe skill in war,
and summoned Ursicinus to himself. He, having gladly
received the letter of summons, came to Sirmium, with a
large retinue, and after a long deliberation on the peace
which Musonianus had reported as possible to be made
with the Persians, he was sent back to the East with the
authority of commander-in-chief, and the older officers of
our company having been promoted to commands over the
1 Valeria was a division of Pannonia, so called from Valeria, the
daughter of Diocletian, and the wife of Galerius.

104 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Cu. XL
soldiers, we younger men were ordered to follow him to
perform whatever he commanded us for the service of the
republic.
XI.
a.d. 357.
§ 1. But Julian, having passed his winter at Sens, amid
continual disturbance, in the ninth consulship of the em'
peror, and his own second, while the threats of the
Germans were raging on all sides, being roused by favour
able omens, marched with speed to Eheims, with the
greater alacrity and joy because Severus was in command
of the army there ; a man inclined to agree with him,
void of arrogance, but of proved propriety of conduct and
experience in war, and likely to follow his lawful au
thority, obeying Ms general like a well-disciplined sol
dier. 2. In another quarter, Barbatio, who after the death of
Silvanus had been promoted to the command of the in
fantry, came from. Italy by the emperor's orders, to Augst,
with 25,000 heavy-armed soldiers.
3. For the plan proposed and very anxiously prepared
was, that the Allemanni, who were in a state of greater
rage than ever, and were extending their incursions more
widely, should be caught between our two armies, as if
between the arms of a pair of pincers, and so driven into
a corner and destroyed.
4. But while these well-devised plans were being
pressed forward, the barbarians, in joy at some success
-which they had obtained, and skilful in seizing every
opportunity for plunder, passed secretly between the camps
of the armies, and attacked Lyons unexpectedly. And
having plundered the district around, they would have
stormed and burnt the city itself, if they had not found
the gates so strongly defended that they were repulsed ; so
that they only destroyed all they could find outside the
city. 5. When this disaster was known, Csesar, with great
alacrity, despatched three squadrons of light cavalry, of
approved valour, to watch three lines of road, knowing
that beyond all question the invaders must quit the district
by one of them.

*J>.35».] PLOTS AGAINST JULIAN. 105
6. Kor was he mistaken; for all who came by these
roads were slaughtered by our men, and the whole of the
booty which they were carrying off was recovered unhurt.
Those alone escaped in safety who passed by the camp of
Barbatio, who were suffered to escape in that direction
because Bainobaudes the tribune, and Valentinian (after
wards emperor), who had been appointed to watch that
pass with the squadrons of cavalry under their orders, were
forbidden by Cella (the tribune of the Scutarii, who had
been sent as colleague to Barbatio) to occupy that road,
though they were sure that by that the Germans would
return to their own country.
7. The cowardly master of the horse, being also an
obstinate enemy to the glory of Julian, was not contented
with this, but being conscious that he had given orders
inconsistent with the interests of Eome (for when he was
accused of it Cella confessed what he had done), he made
a false report to Constantius, and told him that these same
tribunes had, under a pretence of the business of the state',
came thither for the purpose of tampering with the
soldiers whom he commanded. And owing to this state
ment they were deprived of their commands, and returned
home as private individuals.
8. In these days, also, the barbarians, alarmed at the
approach of our armies, which had established their sta
tions on the left bank of the Ehine, employed some part
of their force in skilfully barricading the roads, naturally
difficult of access, and full of hills, by abattis constructed
of large trees cut down ; others occupied the numerous
islands scattered up and down the Ehone, and with horrid
howls poured forth constant reproaches against the Eomans
and the Cassar ; who, being now more than ever resolved to
crush some of their armies, demanded from Barbatio seven
of those boats which he had collected, for the purpose of
constructing a bridge with them, with the intention of
crossing the river. But Barbatio, determined that no as
sistance should be got from him, burnt them all.
9. Julian, therefore, having learnt from the report of
some spies whom he had lately taken prisoners, that, when
the drought of summer arrived, the river was fordable,
addressed a speech of encouragement to his light-armed
auxiliary troops, and sent them forward with Bainobaudes,

106 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XVI. Ch. xi,
the tribune of the Cornuti, to try and perform some gallant
exploit, if they could find an opportunity. And they,
entering the shallow of the river, and sometimes, when.
there was occasion for swimming, putting their shields
under them like canoes, reached a neighbouring island,
and having landed, killed every one they found on it, men
and women, without distinction of age, like so many sheep.
And having found some empty boats, though they were
not very safe, they crossed in them, forcing their way into
many places of the same land. When they were weary of
slaughter, and loaded with a rich booty, some of which,
however, they lost through the violence of the river, they
returned back to the camp without losing a man.
10. And when this was known, the rest of the Germans,
-.hinking they could no longer trust the garrisons left in
the islands, removed their relations, and their magazines,
and their barbaric treasures, into the inland parts.
11. After this Julian turned his attention to repair the
fortress known by the name of Saverne, which had a little
time before been destroyed by a violent attack of the
enemy, but which, while it stood, manifestly prevented
the Germans from forcing their way into the interior of
the Gauls, as they had been accustomed to do ; and he
executed this work with greater rapidity than he expected,
and he laid up for the garrison which he intended to post
there sufficient magazines for a whole year's consump
tion, which his army collected from the crops of the
barbarians, not without occasional contests with the
owners. 12. Nor indeed was he contented with this, but he also
collected provisions for himself and his army sufficient for
twenty days. For the soldiers delighted in using the
food which they had won with their own right hands,
being especially indignant because, out of all the supplies
which had been recently sent them, they were not able to
obtain anything, inasmuch as Barbatio, when they were
passing near his camp, had with great insolence seized on
a portion of them, and had collected all the rest into a
heap and burnt them. Whether he acted thus out of his
own vanity and insane folly, or whether others were really
the authors of this wickedness, relying on the command of
the emperor himself, has never been known.

AJ).35t.l PRUDENCE OF JULIAN. 107
13. However, as far as report went, the story commonly
was, that Julian had been elected Csesar, not for the object
of relieving the distresses of the Gauls, but rather of being
himself destroyed by the formidable wars in which he was
sure to be involved ; being at that time, as was supposed,
inexperienced in war, and not likely to endure even the
sound of arms.
14. While the works of the camp were steadily rising,
and while a portion of the army was being distributed
among the stations in the country districts, Julian occu
pied himself in other quarters with collecting supplies,
operating with great caution, from the fear of ambuscades.
And in the mean time, a vast host of the barbarians, out
stripping all report of their approach by the celerity of
their movements, came down with a sudden attack upon
Barbatio, and the army which (as I have already men
tioned) he had under his command, separated from the
Gallic army of Severus only by a rampart; and having
put him to flight, pursued him as far as Augst, and beyond
that town too, as far as they could ; and, having made booty
of the greater part of his baggage and beasts of burden,
and having carried off many of the sutlers as prisoners,
they returned to their main army.
15. And Barbatio, as if he had brought his expectations
to a prosperous issue, now distributed his soldiers into
winter quarters, and returned to the emperor's court, to
forge new accusations against the Csesar, according to his
custom. XII.
§ 1. When this disgraceful disaster had become known,
Chnodomarius and Vestralpus, the kings of the Allemanni,
and Urius and Ursicinus, with Serapion, and Suomarius,
and Hortarius, having collected all their forces into one
body, encamped near the city of Strasburg, thinking that
the Csesar, from fear of imminent danger, had retreated
at the very time that he was wholly occupied with com
pleting a fortress to enable him to make a permanent
stand. 2. Their confidence and assurance of success was in
creased by one of the Scutarii who deserted to them, who,

108 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVL Ch. xu
fearing punishment for some offence which he had com
mitted, crossed over to them after the departure of Bar
batio, and assured them that Julian had now only 13,000
men remaining with him. For that was the number of
troops that he had now with him, while the ferocious
barbarians were stirring up attacks upon him from all
sides. 3. And as he constantly adhered to the same story, they
were excited to more haughty attempts by the confidence
with which he inspired them, and sent ambassadors in an
imperious tone to Csesar, demanding that he should retire
from the territory which they had acquired by their own
valour in arms. But he, a stranger to fear, and not liable
to be swayed either by anger or by disappointment, de
spised the arrogance of the barbarians, and detaining the
ambassadors till he had completed the works of his camp,
remained immovable on his ground with admirable con
stancy. 4. But King Chnodomarius, moving about in every direc
tion, and being always the first to undertake dangerous
enterprises, kept everything in continual agitation and
confusion, being full of arrogance and pride, as one whose
head was turned by repeated success.
5. For he had defeated the Cassar Decentius in a pitched
battle, and he had plundered and destroyed many wealthy
cities, and he had long ravaged all Gaul at his own
pleasure without meeting with any resistance. And his
confidence was now increased by the recent retreat of a
general superior to him in the number and strength of his
forces. 6. For the Allemanni, beholding the emblems on their
shields, saw that a few predatory bands of their men had
wrested those districts from those soldiers whom they had
formerly never engaged but with fear, and by whom they
had often been routed with much loss. And these cir
cumstances made Julian very anxious, because, after the
defection of Barbatio, he himself under the pressure of
absolute necessity was compelled to encounter very popu
lous tribes, with but very few, though brave troops.
7. And now, the sun being fully risen, the trumpets
sounded, and the infantry were led forth from the camp iu
slow march, and on their flanks were arrayed the,

ajj.351.] julian's speech to his soldiers. 109;
squadrons of cavalry, among which were both the cui
rassiers and the archers, troops whose equipment was very
formidable. 8. And since from the spot from which the Eoman
standards had first advanced to the rampart of the bar
barian camp were fourteen leagues, that is to say one-and-
twenty miles, Csesar, carefully providing for the advantage
and safety of his army, called in the skirmishers who had
gone out in front, and having ordered silence in his usual
voice, while they all stood in battalions around him,
addressed them in his natural tranquillity of voice.
9. " The necessity of providing for our common safety,
to say the least of it, compels me, and I am no prince of
abject spirit, to exhort you, my comrades, to rely so much
on your own mature and vigorous valour, as to follow
my counsels in adopting a prudent manner of enduring or
repelling the evils which we anticipate, rather than resort
to an overhasty mode of action which must be doubtful in
its issue.
10. " For though amid dangers youth ought to be ener
getic and bold, so also in cases of necessity it should
show itself manageable and prudent. Now what I think
best to be done, if your opinion accords with mine, and
if your just indignation will endure it, I will briefly
explain. 11. "Already noon is approaching, we are weary with
our march, and if we advance we shall enter upon rugged
] 'aths where we can hardly see our way. As the moon is
waning the night will not be lighted up by any stars. .
The earth is burnt up with the heat, and will afford us no
supplies of water. And even if by any contrivance we
could get over these difficulties comfortably, still, when
the swarms of the enemy fall upon us, refreshed as they
will be with rest, meat, and drink, what will become
of us ? What strength will there be in our weary limbs,
exhausted as we shall be with hunger, thirst, and toil, to
encounter them ?
12. " Therefore, since the most critical difficulties are
often overcome by skilful arrangements, and since, after
good counsel has been taken in good part, divine-looking
remedies have often re-established affairs which seemed to
be tottering ; I entreat you to let us here, surrounded as

110 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Ch. xn,
we are with fosse and rampart, take our repose, after first
parcelling out our regular watches, and then, having
refreshed ourselves with sleep and food as well as the time
will allow, let us, under the protection of God, with the
earliest dawn move forth our conquering eagles and
standards to reap a certain triumph."
13. The soldiers would hardly allow him to finish his
speech, gnashing their teeth, and showing their eagerness
for combat by beating their shields with their spears ; and
entreating at once to be led against the enemy already in
their sight, relying on the favour of the God of heaven, and
on their own valour, and on the proved courage of their
fortunate general. And, as the result proved, it was a
certain kind genius that was present with them thus
prompting them to fight while still under his inspiration.
14. And this eagerness of theirs was further stimulated
by the full approval of the officers of high rank, and
especially of Florentius the prefect of the praetorian guard,
who openly gave his opinion for fighting at once, while
the enemy were in the solid mass in which they were now
arranged ; admitting the danger indeed, but still thinking
it the wisest plan, because, if the enemy once dispersed,
it would be impossible to restrain the soldiers, at all times
inclined by their natural vehemence of disposition towards
sedition ; and they were likely to be, as he thought, so in
dignant at being denied the victory they sought, as to be
easily tempted to the most lawless violence.
15. Two other considerations also added to the con
fidence of our men. First, because they recollected that
in the previous year, when the Eomans spread themselves
in every direction over the countries on the other side of
the Ehine, not one of the barbarians stood to defend his
home, nor ventured to encounter them ; but they contented
themselves with blockading the roads in every direction
with vast abattis, throughout the whole winter retiring into
the remote districts, and willingly endured the greatest
hardships rather than fight ; recollecting also that, after
the emperor actually invaded their territories, the barba
rians neither ventured to make any resistance, nor even
to show themselves at all, but implored peace in the most
suppliant manner, till they obtained it.
16. But no one considered that the times were changed,

AJ>.357.J EAGERNESS OF THE ROMANS FOR BATTLE. Ill
because the barbarians were at that time pressed with a
threefold danger. The emperor hastening against them
through the Tyrol, the Csesar who was actually in their
country cutting off all possibility of retreat, while the
neighbouring tribes, whom recent quarrels had converted
into enemies, were all but treading on their heels ; and
thus they were surrounded on all sides. But since that
time the emperor, having granted them peace, had returned
to Italy, and the neighbouring tribes, having all cause of
quarrel removed, were again in alliance with them ; and
the disgraceful retreat of one of the Eoman generals had
increased their natural confidence and boldness.
17. Moreover there was another circumstance which at
this crisis added weight to the difficulties which pressed
upon the Eomans. The two royal brothers, who had
obtained peace from Constantius in the preceding year,
being bound by the obligations of that treaty, neither
ventured to raise any disturbance, nor indeed to put them
selves in motion at all. But a little after the conclusion
of that peace one of them whose name was Gundomadus,
and who was the most loyal and the most faithful to his
word, was slain by treachery, and then all his tribe joined
our enemies; and on this the tribe of Vadomarius also,
against his will, as he affirmed, ranged itself on the side of
the barbarians who were arming for war.
18. Therefore, since all the soldiers of every rank, from
the highest to the lowest, approved of engaging instantly,
and would not relax the least from the rigour of their
determination, on a sudden the standard-bearer shouted
out, " Go forth, O Csesar, most fortunate of all princes.
Go whither thy better fortune leads thee. At least we
have learnt by your example the power of valour and
military skill. Go on and lead us, as a fortunate and
gallant champion. You shall see what a soldier under the
eye of a warlike general, a witness of the exploits of each
individual, can do, and how little, with the favour of the
Deity, any obstacle can avail against him."
19. When these words were heard, without a moment's
delay, the whole army advanced and approached a hill
of moderate height, covered with ripe corn, at no great
distance from the banks of the Ehine. On its summit
were posted three cavalry soldiers of the enemy as scouts,

112 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. 1**. XVI. Ch. xn..
who at once hastened back to their comrades to announce
that the Eoman army was at hand; but one infantry
soldier who was with them, not being able to keep up
with them, was taken prisoner by the activity of some of
our soldiers, and informed us that the Germans had been
passing over the river for three days and three nights.
20. And when our generals beheld them now at no
great distance forming their men into solid columns, they
halted, and formed all the first ranks of their troops into
a similarly solid body, and with equal caution the enemy
likewise halted.
21. And when in consequence of this halt, the enemy
saw (as the deserter I mentioned above had informed
them) that all our cavalry was ranged against them in
our right wing, then they posted all their own cavalry in
close order on their left wing. And with them they
mingled every here and there a few infantry, skirmishers
and light-armed soldiers, which indeed was a very wise
manoeuvre. 22. For they knew that a cavalry soldier, however skilful,
if fighting with one of our men in complete armour, while
his hands were occupied with shield and bridle, so that he
could use no offensive weapon but the spear which he
brandished in his right hand, could never injure an enemy
wholly covered with iron mail; but that an infantry
soldier, amid the actual struggles of personal conflict,
when nothing is usually guarded against by a combatant
except that which is straight before him, may crawl
unperceivedly along the ground, and piercing the side of
the Eoman soldier's horse, throw the rider down headlong,
rendering him thus an easy7 victim.
23. When these dispositions had been thus made, the
barbarians also protected their right flank with secret
ambuscades and snares. Now the whole of these warlike
and savage tribes were on this day under the command of
Chnodomarius and Serapio, monarchs of more power than
any of their former kings.
24. Chnodomarius was indeed the wicked instigator of
the whole war, and bearing on his head a helmet blazing
like fire, he led on the left wing with great boldness*
confiding much on his vast personal strength. And now
with great eagerness for the impending battle he mounted

4-D"35,-l THE BATTLE OF STRASBURG. 113
a spirited horse, that by the increased height he might be
ricre conspicuous, leaning upon a spear of most formidable
size, and remarkable for the splendour of his arms. Being
indeed a prince who had on former occasions shown him
self brave as a warrior and a general, eminent for skill
above his fellows.
25. The right wing was led by Serapio, a youth whose
beard had hardly grown, but who was beyond his years
in courage and strength. He was the son of Mederichus
the brother of Chnodomarius, a man throughout his whole
life of the greatest perfidy ; and he had received the name
of Serapio because his father, having been given as a
hostage, had been detained in Gaul for a long time, and
had there learnt some of the mysteries of the Greeks, in
consequence of which he had changed the name of his son,
who at his birth was named Agenarichus, into that of
Serapio. 26. These two leaders were followed by five other
kings who were but little inferior in power to themselves,
by ten petty princes, a vast number of nobles, and thirty-
five thousand armed men, collected from various nations
partly by pay, and partly by a promise of requiting their
service by similar assistance on a future day.
27. The trumpets now gave forth a terrible sound ;
Severus, the Eoman general in command of the left wing,
when he came near the ditches filled with armed men,
, from which the enemy had arranged that those who were
there concealed should suddenly rise up, and throw the
Eoman line into confusion, halted boldly, and suspecting
some yet hidden ambuscade, neither attempted to retreat
nor advance.
28. Seeing this, Julian, always full of courage at the
moment of the greatest difficulty, galloped with an escort
of two hundred cavalry through the ranks of the infantry
at full speed, addressing them with words of encourage
ment, as the critical circumstances in which they were
placed required.
29. And as the extent of the space over which they were
spread and the denseness of the multitude thus collected
into one body, would not allow him to address the whole
army (and also because on other accounts he wished to
avoid exposing himself to malice and envy, as well as not
i

114 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XVI. Ca. xn.
to affect that which Augustus thought belonged exclusively
to himself), he, while taking care of himself as he passed
within reach of the darts of the enemy, encouraged all
whom his voice could reach, whether known or unknown
to him, to fight bravely, with these and similar words : —
30. " Now, my comrades, the fit time for fighting has
arrived; the time which I, as well as you, have long de
sired, and which you just now invited when, with gestures
of impatience, you demanded to be led on." Again, when
he came to those in the rear rank, who were posted in
reserve : " Behold," said he, " my comrades, the long-
wished-for day is at hand, which incites us all to wash out
former stains, and to restore to its proper brightness the
Eoman majesty. These men before you are barbarians,
whom their own rage and intemperate madness have urged
forward to meet with the destruction of their fortunes, de
feated as they will now be by our might."
31. Presently, when making better dispositions for the
array of some troops who, by long experience in war, had
attained to greater skill, he aided his arrangements by
these exhortations. " Let us rise up like brave men ; let ,
us by our native valour repel the disgrace which has at
one time been brought upon our arms, from contemplating
whioh it was that after much delay I consented to take the
name of Csesar."
32. But to any whom he saw inconsiderately demanding
the signal to be given for instant battle, and likely by their
rash movements to be inattentive to orders, he said, " I
entreat you not to be too eager in your pursuit of the
flying enemy, so as to risk losing the glory of the victory
which awaits us, and also never to retreat, except under
the last necessity.
33. " For I shall certainly take no care of those who flee.
But among those who press on to the slaughter of the
enemy I shall be present, and share with you indiscrimi
nately, provided only that your charge be made with
moderation and prudence."
34. While repeatedly addressing these and similar ex
hortations to the troops, he drew up the principal part of
his army opposite to the front rank of the barbarians. And
suddenly there arose from the Allemanni a great shout,
mingled with indignant cries, all exclaiming with one

A.D.35?."', THE BATTLE OF STRASBURG. 115
voice that the princes ought to leave their horses and
fight in the ranks on equal terms with their men, lest if
any mischance should occur they should avail themselves
of the facility of escaping, and leave the mass of the army
in miserable plight.
35. When this was known, Chnodomarius immediately
leapt down from his horse, and the rest of the princes fol
lowed his example without hesitation. For indeed none of
them doubted but that their side would be victorious.
36. Then the signal for battle being given as usual by
the sound of trumpets, the armies rushed to the combat
with all their force. First of all javelins were hurled, and-
the Germans, hastening on with the utmost impetuosity7,
brandishing their javelins in their right hands, clashed
among the squadrons of our cavalry, uttering fearful cries.
They had excited themselves to more than usual rage ;
their flowing hair bristling with their eagerness, and fury
blazing from their eyes. While in opposition to them our
soldiers, standing steadily, protecting their heads with the
bulwark of their shields, and drawing their swords or
brandishing their javelins, equally threatened death to
their assailants.
37. And while in the very conflict of battle, the cavalry
kept their gallant squadrons in close order, and the in
fantry strengthened their flanks, standing shoulder to
shoulder with closely-locked shields, clouds of thick dust
arose, and the battle rocked to and fro, our mon some
times advancing, sometimes receding. Some of the most
powerful warriors among the barbarians pressed upon their
antagonists with their knees, trying to throw them down ;
and in the general excitement men fought hand to hand,
shield pressing upon shield ; while the heaven resounded
with the loud cries of the conquerors and of the dying.
Presently, when our left wing, advancing forward, had
driven back with superior strength the vast bands of
German assailants, and was itself advancing with loud
cries against the enemy, our cavalry on the right wing
unexpectedly retreated in disorder ; but when the leading
fugitives came upon those in the rear, they halted, perceiving
themselves covered by the legions, and renewed the battle.
38. This disaster had arisen from the cuirassiers see ng
their commander slightly wounded, and one of their

116 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Ch. xn
comrades crushed under the weight of his own arms,
and of his horse, which fell upon him while they were
changing their position, on which they all fled as each
could, and would have trampled down the infantry, and
thrown everything into confusion, if the infantry had not
steadily kept their ranks and stood immovable, supporting
each other. Julian, when from a distance he saw his
cavalry thus seeking safety in flight, spurred his horse
towards them, and himself stopped them like a barrier.
39. For as he was at once recognized by his purple
standard of the dragon, which was fixed to the top of a long
spear, waving its fringe as a real dragon sheds its skin,
the tribune of one squadron halted, and turning pale with
alarm, hastened back to renew the battle.
40. Then, as is customary in critical moments, Julian
gently reproached his men : " Whither," said he, " gallant
comrades, are ye retreating ? Are ye ignorant that flight,
¦which never insures safety, proves the folly of having
made a vain attempt ? Let us return to our army, to be
partakers of their glory, and not rashly desert those who
are fighting for the republic."
41. Saying these words in a dignified tone, he led them
all back to discharge their duties in the fight, imitating
in this the ancient hero Sylla, if we make allowances for
the difference of situation. For when Sylla, having led
his army against Archelaus, the general of Mithridates,
became exhausted by the violence of the conflict, and was
deserted by all his soldiers, he ran to the foremost rank,
and seizing a standard he turned it against the enemy, ex
claiming, " Go ! ye once chosen companions of my dangers ;
and when you are asked where I, your general, was left,
tell them this truth, — alone in Boeotia, fighting for us all,
to his own destruction."
42. The Allemanni, when our cavalry had been thus
driven back and thrown into confusion, attacked the first
line of our infantry, expecting to find their spirit abated,
and to be able to rout them without much resistance.
43. But when they came to close quarters with them,
they found they had met an equal match. The conflict
lasted long; for the Cornuti and Braccati,1 veterans of
1 Troops named from the fashion of their arms ; the Cornuti having
projections like horns on their helmets, the Braccati wearing drawers.

A.D. 357.] THE BATTLE OF STRASBimo. 117
great experience in war, frightening even by their ges
tures, shouted their battle cry, and the uproar, through
the heat of the conflict, rising up from a gentle murmur,
and becoming gradually louder and louder, gsew fierce as
that of waves dashing against the rocks; the javelins
hissed as they flew hither and thither through the air ; the
dust rose to the sky in one vast cloud, preventing all
possibility of seeing, and causing arms to fall upon arms,
man upon man.
44. But the barbarians, in their undisciplined anger and
fury, raged like the flames ; and with ceaseless blows of
their swords sought to pierce through the compact mass of
the shields with which our soldiers defended themselves,
as with the testudo.1 -
45. And when this was seen, the Batavi, with the royal
legion, hastened to the support of their comrades, a for
midable band, well able, if fortune aided them, to save
even those who were in the extremest danger. And amid
the fierce notes of their trumpets, the battle again raged
with undiminished ferocity.
46. But the Allemanni, still charging forward impetu
ously, strove more and more vigorously, hoping to bear
down all opposition by the violence of their fury. Darts,
spears, and javelins never ceased ; arrows pointed with
iron were shot ; while at the same time, in hand-to-hand
conflict, sword struck sword, breastplates were cloven, and
even the wounded, if not quite exhausted with loss of
blood, rose up still to deeds of greater daring.
47. In some sense it may be said that the combatants
were equal. The Allemanni were the stronger and the
taller men ; our soldiers by great practice were the more
skilful. The one were fierce and savage, the others com
posed and wary; the one trusted to their courage, the
others to their physical strength.
48. Often, indeed, the Eoman soldier was beaten down
by the weight of his enemy's arms, but he constantly rose
again ; and then, on the other hand, the barbarian, finding
his knees fail under him with fatigue, would rest his left
1 The testudo was properly applied to the maimer in which they
locked their shields over their heads while advancing to storm a walled
town.

118 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XVI. Cn, xn
knee on the ground, and even in that position attack his
enemy, an act of extreme obstinacy.
49. Presently there sprang forward with sudden vigour
a fiery band of nobles, among whom also were the princes of
the petty tribes, and, as the common soldiers followed
them in great numbers, they burst through our lines, and
forced a path for themselves up to the principal legion of
the reserve, which was stationed in the centre, in a posi
tion called the prsetorian camp ; and there the soldiery,
being in closer array, and in densely serried ranks, stood
firm as so many towers, and renewed the battle with
increased spirit. And intent upon parrying the blows of
the enemy, and covering themselves with their shields as
the Mirmillos1 do, with their drawn swords wounded
their antagonists in the sides, which their too vehement
impetuosity left unprotected.
50. And thus the barbarians threw away their lives in
their straggles for victory, while toiling to break the
compact array of our battahons. But still, in spite of
the ceaseless slaughter made among them by the Eomans,
whose courage rose with their success, fresh barbarians
succeeded those who fell; and as the frequent groans of
the dying were heard, many became panic-stricken, and
lost all strength.
51. At last, exhausted by their losses, and having no
strength for anything but flight, they sought to escape
with all speed by different roads, like as sailors and
traders, when the sea rages in a storm, are glad to flee
wherever the wind carries them. But any one then
present will confess that escape was a matter rather to be
wished than hoped for.
52. And the merciful protection of a favourable deity
was present on our side, so that our soldiers, now slashing
at the backs of the fugitives, and finding their swords so
battered that they were insufficient to wound, used the
enemy's own javelins, and so slew them. Nor could any
one of the pursuers satiate himself enough with their
blood, nor allow his hand to weary with slaughter, nor did
any one spare a suppliant out of pity.
53. Numbers, therefore, lay on the ground, mortally
1 The Mii-millo was a gladiator opposed to a Eetiarius, protecting
himself by his oblong shield against the net of the latter.

A.D.35J.] DEFEAT OF THE ALLEMANNI. 119
wounded, imploring instant death as a relief; others, half
dead, with failing breath turned their dying eyes to the
last enjoyment of the light. Of some the heads were
almost cut off by the huge weapons, and merely hung by
small strips to their necks; others, again, who had fallen
because the ground had been rendered slippery by the
blood of their comrades, without themselves receiving any
wound, were killed by being smothered in the mass of
those who fell over them.
54. While these events were proceeding thus prosper
ously for us, the conquerors pressed on vigorously, though
the edges of their weapons were blunted by frequent use,
and shining helmets and shields were trampled under foot.
At last, in the extremity of their distress, the barbarians,
finding the heaps of corpses block up all the paths, sought
the aid of the river, which was the only hope left to them,
and which they had now reached.
55. And because our soldiers unweariedly and with
great speed pressed, with arms in their hands, upon the
fleeing bands, many, hoping to be able to deliver them
selves from danger by their skill in swimming, trusted
their lives to the waves. And Julian, with prompt appre
hension, seeing what would be the result, strictly forbade
the tribunes and captains to allow any of our men to
pursue them so eagerly as to trust themselves to the dan
gerous currents of the river.
56. In consequence of which order they halted on the
brink, and from it wounded the Germans with every kind
of missile ; while, if any of them escaped from death of
that kind by the celerity of their movements, they still
sunk to the bottom from the weight of their own arms.
57. And as sometimes in a theatrical spectacle the cur
tain exhibits marvellous figures, so here one could see
many strange things in that danger ; some unconsciously
clinging to others who were good swimmers, others
who were floating were pushed off by those less encum
bered as so many logs, others again, as if the violence of
the stream itself fought against them, were swallowed up
in the eddies. Some supported themselves on their shields,
avoiding the heaviest attacks of the opposing waves by
crossing them in an oblique direction, and so, after many
dangers, reached the opposite brink, till at last the foaming

120 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Ch. xn.
river, discoloured with barbarian blood, was itself amazed
at the unusual increase it had received.
58. And while this was going on, Chnodomarius, the
king, finding an opportunity of escaping, making his way
over the heaps of dead with a small escort, hastened with
exceeding speed towards the camp which he had made
near the two Eoman fortresses of Alstatt and Lauterbourg, in
the country of the Tribocci, that he might embark in some
boats which had already been prepared in case of any
emergency, and so escape to some secret hiding-place in
which he might conceal himself.
59. And because it was impossible for him to reach his
camp without crossing the Ehine, he hid his face that he
might not be recognized, and after that retreated slowly.
And when he got near the bank of the river, as he was
feeling his way round a marsh, partly overflowed, seeking
some path by which to cross it, his horse suddenly stumbled
in some soft and sticky place, and he was thrown down,
but though he was fat and heavy, he without delay reached
the shelter of a hill in the neighbourhood ; there he was
recognized (for indeed he could not conceal who he was,
being betrayed by the greatness of his former fortune) : and
immediately a squadron of cavalry came up at full gallop
with its tribune, and cautiously surrounded the wooded
mound ; though they feared fo enter the thicket lest they
should fall into any ambuscade concealed among the trees.
60. But when he saw them he was seized with extreme
terror, and of his own accord came forth by himself and
surrendered ; and his companions, two hundred in number,
and his three most intimate friends, thinking it would be a
crime in them to survive their king, or not to die for him
if occasion required, gave themselves up also as prisoners.
61. And, as barbarians are naturally low spirited in
adverse fortune, and very much the reverse in moments of
prosperity, so now that he was in the power of another he
became pale and confused, his consciousness of guilt closing
his mouth ; widely different from him who lately, insulting
the ashes of the Gauls with ferocious and lamentable
violence, poured forth savage threats against the whole
empire. 62. Now after these affairs were thus by the favour of
the deity brought to an end, the victorious soldiers were

AJ>.35T.] DEATH OF CHNODOMARIUS. 121
recalled at the close of the day to their camp by the
signal of the trumpeter, and marched towards the bank of
the Ehine, and there erecting a rampart of shields piled
together in several rows, they refreshed themselves with
food and sleep.
63. There fell in this battle, of Eomans 243, and four
generals : Bainobaudes, the tribune of the Cornuti, and with
him Laipso, and Innocentius, who commanded the cuiras
siers, and one tribune who had no particular command,
and whose name I forget. But of the Allemanni, there
were found 6000 corpses on the field, and incalculable num
bers were carried down by the waves of the river.
64. Then Julian, as one who was now manifestly ap
proved by fortune, and was also greater in his merit than
even in his authority, was by unanimous acclamation hailed
as Augustus by the soldiers ; but he sharply reproved them
for so doing, affirming with an oath that he neither wished
for such an honour, nor would accept it.
65. In order to increase the joy at his recent success,
Julian ordered Chnodomarius to be brought before him at
his council; who at first bowing, and then like a sup
pliant, prostrating himself on the ground, and imploring
pardon with entreaties framed after the fashion of his
nation, was bidden to take courage.
66. A few days afterwards he was conducted to the court
of the emperor, and thence he was sent to Eome, where he
died of a lethargy in the foreign camp which is stationed on
Mons Cselius.
67. Notwithstanding that these numerous and important
events were brought to so happy an issue, some persons in
the palace of Constantius, disparaging Julian in order to
give pleasure to the emperor, in a tone of derision called
him Victorinus, because he, modestly relating how often
he had been employed in leading the army, at the same
time related that the Germans had received many defeats.
68. They at the same time, by loading the emperor with
empty praises, of which the extravagance was glaringly
conspicuous, so inflated an inherent pride, already beyond
all natural bounds, that he was led to believe that, what
ever took place in the whole circumference of the earth
was owing to his fortunate auspices.
69. So that, being inflated by the pompous language ot

122 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI. Ch. xn.
his flatterers, he then, and at all subsequent periods, be
came accustomed in all the edicts which he published to
advance many unfounded statements ; assuming, that he
by himself had fought and conquered, when in fact he had
not been present at anything that had happened ; often
also asserting that he had raised up the suppliant kings of
conquered nations. For instance, if while he was still in
Italy any of his generals had fought a brilliant campaign
against the Persians, the emperor would write triumphant
letters to the provinces without the slightest mention of
the general throughout its whole length, relating with
odious self-praise how he himself had fought in the front
ranks. 70. Lastly, edicts of his are still extant, laid up among
the public records of the empire .... relating . . . .*
and extolling himself to the skies. A letter also is to
be found, though he was forty days' journey from Stras-
burgi when the battle was fought, describing the engage
ment, saying that he marshalled the army, stood among
the standard-bearers, and put the barbarians to the rout ;
and with amazing falsehood asserting that Chnodomarius
was brought before him, without (oh shameful indignity!)
saying a single word about the exploits of Julian ; which
he would have utterly buried in oblivion if fame had not
refused to let great deeds die, however many people may
try to keep them in the shade.
* The text is mutilated here, as in many other passages similarly
marked.

*J>. 35K.1 123

BOOK XVII.

ARGUMENT.
I. Julian crosses the Ehine and plunders and burns the towns of the
Allemanni, repairs the fortress of Trajan, and grants the barbarians
a truce for ten months. — II. He hems in six hundred Franks
who aTe devastating the second Germania, and starves them into
surrender. — HI. He endeavours to relieve the Gauls from some
of the tribute which weighs them down. — IV. By order of the
Emperor Constantius an obelisk is erected at Eome in the Circus
Maximus ; — some observations on obelisks and on hieroglyphics. —
V. Constantius and Sapor, king of the Persians, by means of
ambassadors and letters, enter into a vain negotiation for peace. —
VI. The Nethargi, an Alleman tribe, are defeated in the Tyrol,
which they were laying waste. — VII. Nicomedia is destroyed by
an earthquake ; some observations on earthquakes — Vni. Julian
receives the surrender of the Salii, a Frankish tribe. He defeats
one body of the Chamari, takes another body prisoners, and grants
peace to the rest. — IX. He repairs three forts on the Meuse that
had been destroyed by the barbarians. His soldiers suffer from
want, and become discontented and reproachful. — X. Surmarius
and Hortarius, kings of the Allemanni, surrender their prisoners
and obtain peace from Julian. — XI. Julian, after his successes in
Gaul, is disparaged at the court of Constantius by enviers of his
fame, and is spoken of as inactive and cowardly. — XII. The
Emperor Constantius compels the Sarmatians to give hostage, and
to restore their prisoners ; and imposes a king on thte Sarmatian
exiles, whom he restores to their country and to freedom. — XIII. He
compels the Limigantes, after defeating them with great slaughter,
to emigrate, and harangues his own soldiers. — XIV. The Eoman
ambassadors, who had been sent to treat for peace, return from
Persia ; and Sapor returns into Armenia and Mesopotamia.
I.
a.d. 357.
§ 1. After the various affairs which we have described
were brought to a conclusion, the warlike young prince,
now that the battle of Strasburg had secured him the na
vigation of the Ehine, felt anxious that the ill-omened

124 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XVU. Ch. i
birds should not feed on the corpses of the slain, and so
ordered them all to be buried without distinction. And
having dismissed the ambassadors whom we have men
tioned as having come with some arrogant messages before
the battle, he returned to Saverne.
2. From this place he ordered all the booty and the
prisoners to be brought to Metz, to be left there till his
return. Then departing for Mayence, to lay down a bridge
at that city and to seek the barbarians in their own terri
tories, since he had left none of them in arms, he was at
first met by great opposition on the part of his army ; but
addressing them with eloquence and persuasion he soon
won them to his opinion. For their affection for him, be
coming strengthened by repeated experience, induced them
to follow one who shared in all their toils, and who, while
never surrendering his authority, was still accustomed, as
every one saw, to impose more labour on himself than on
his men. They soon arrived at the appointed spot, and,
crossing the river by a bridge they laid down, occupied
the territory of the enemy.
3. The barbarians, amazed at the greatness of his enter
prise, inasmuch as they had fancied they were situated in
a position in which they could hardly be disturbed, were
now led by the destruction of their countrymen to think
anxiously of their own future fate, and accordingly, pre
tending to implore peace that they might escape from the
violence of his first invasion, they sent ambassadors to him
with a set message, offering a lasting treaty of agreement;
but (though it is not known what design or change of
circumstances altered their purpose) they immediately
afterwards sent off some others with all speed, to threaten
our troops with implacable war if they did not at once quit
their territories.
4. And when this was known, the CjEsar, as soon as all
was quiet, at the beginning of night embarked 800 men in
some small swift boats, with the intention that they7 should
row with all their strength up stream for some distance,
and then land and destroy all they could find with fire
and sword.
5. After he had made this arrangement, the barbarians
were seen at daybreak on the tops of the mountains, on

a.d. 35V.J JULIAN PURSUES THE ALLEMANNI. 125
which our soldiers were led with speed to the higher
ground ; and when no enemy was found there (since the
barbarians, divining their plan, immediately retreated to
a distance), presently large volumes of smoke were seen,
which indicated that our men had broken into the enemy's
territory, and were laying it waste.
6. This event broke the spirit of the Germans, who, de
serting the ambuscades which they had laid for our men
in narrow defiles full of lurking-places, they fled across
the river Maine to carry aid to their countrymen.
7. For, as is often the case in times of uncertainty and
difficulty, they were panic-stricken by the incursion of our
cavalry on the one side, and the sudden attacks of our
infantry, conveyed in boats, on the other ; and therefore,
relying on their knowledge of the country, they sought
safety in the rapidity of their flight ; and, as their retreat
left the motions of our troops free, we plundered the
wealthy farms of their crops and their cattle, sparing no
one. And having carried off a number of prisoners, we
set fire to, and burnt to the ground all their houses, which
in that district were built more carefully than usual, in
the Eoman fashion.
8. And when we had penetrated a distance of ten miles,
till we came near a wood terrible from the denseness of its
shade, our army halted for a while, and stayed its advance,
having learnt from information given by a deserter that
a number of enemies were concealed in some subterranean
passages and caverns with many entrances in the neigh
bourhood, ready to sally forth when a favourable oppor
tunity should appear.
9. Nevertheless our men presently ventured to advance
in full confidence, and found the roads blockaded by oaks,
ashes, and pines, of great size, cut down and laid together.
And so they retreated with caution, perceiving that it was
impossible to advance except by long and rugged defiles ;
though they could hardly restrain their indignation at
being compelled to do so.
10. The weather too became very sever e, so that they
were enveloped in all kinds of toil and danger to no pur
pose (forasmuch as it was now past the autumnal equinox,
and the snow, which had already fallen in those regions,
covered the mountains and the plains), and so, instead of

126 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Ch. .,
proceeding, Julian undertook a work worthy of being
related. 11. He repaired with great expedition, while there was
no one to hinder him, the fortress which Trajan had con
structed in the territory of the Allemanni, and to which
he had given his own name, and which had lately been
attacked with great violence and almost destroyed. And
he placed there a temporary garrison, and also some maga
zines, which he had collected from the barbarians.
12. But when the Allemanni saw these preparations
made for their destruction, they assembled rapidly in great
consternation at what had already been done, and sent
ambassadors to implore peace, with prayers of extreme
humility. And the Csesar, now that he had fully matured
and secured the success of all his designs, taking into con
sideration all probabilities, granted them a truce for ten
months. In reality he was especially influenced by this
prudent consideration, that the camp which he had thus
occupied without hindrance, in a way that could hardly
have been hoped for, required, nevertheless, to be fortified
with mural engines and other adequate equipments.
13. Trusting to this truce, three of the most ferocious
of those kings who had sent reinforcements to their
countrymen when defeated at Strasburg, came to him,
though still in some degree of alarm, and took the oaths
according to the formula in use in, their country, that they
would create no further disturbance, but that they would
keep the truce faithfully up to the appointed day, because
that had been the decision of our generals ; and that they
would not attack the fortress ; and that they would even
bring supplies to it on their shoulders if the garrison
informed them that they were in want; all which they
promised, because their fear bridled their treachery.
14. In this memorable war, which deserves to be com
pared with those against the Carthaginians or the Gauls,
yet was accompanied with very little loss to the republic,
Julian triumphed as a fortunate and successful leader.
The very smallness of his losses might have given some
colour to the assertions of his detractors, who declared
that he had only fought bravely on all occasions, because
he preferred dying gloriously to being put to death like
his brother Gallus, as a condemned malefactor, as they had

A-D-35'] JULIAN'S OPERATIONS. 127
expected he would be, if he had not, after the death of
Constantius, continued to distinguish himself equallv bv
splendid exploits. ' u J J
II.
§ 1. Now when everything was settled in that country as
fairly as the case permitted, Julian, returning to his winter
quarters, found some trouble still left for him. Severus,
the master of the horse, being on the way to Eheims through
Cologne and Juliers, fell in with some strong battalions of
Franks, consisting of six hundred light-armed soldiers, who
were laying waste those places which were not defended
by garrisons. They had been encouraged to this audacious
wickedness by the opportunity afforded them when the
Csesar was occupied in the remote districts of the Alle
manni, thinking to obtain a rich booty without any hin
drance. But in fear of the army which had now returned,
they occupied two fortresses which had been abandoned
for some time, and defended themselves there as long as
they could.
2. Julian, amazed at the novelty of such an attempt, and
thinking it impossible to say how far such a spirit would
spread if he allowed it to pass without a check, halted
his soldiers, and gave orders to blockade the forts. . . .
The Meuse passes beneath them ; and the blockade was
protracted for fifty-four days, through nearly the entire
months of December and January, the barbarians resisting
with incredible obstinacy and courage.
3. Then the Caesar, like an experienced general, fearing
that the barbarians might take advantage of some moonless
night to cross over the river, which was now thoroughly
frozen, ordered soldiers to go up and down the stream
every day in light boats, from sunset till daybreak, so as to
break the crust of ice and prevent any one from escaping
in that manner. Owing to this manoeuvre, the barbarians
were so exhausted by hunger, watching, and the extremity
of despair, that at last they voluntarily surrendered, and
were immediately sent to the court of the emperor.
4. And a vast multitude of Franks, who had come to
their assistance, hearing that they were taken prisoners and
sent off, would not venture on any further enterprise, but
returned to their own country. And when this affaii

128 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [M XVII. Ch. in.
was finished, the Csesar retired to Paris to pats the winter
there. III.
§ 1. It was now expected that a number of tribes would
unite in greater force, and therefore the prudent Julian,
bearing in mind the uncertainties of war, became very
anxious and full of care. And as he thought that the
truce lately made, though not free from trouble, and not
of long duration, still gave him opportunity to remedy
some things which were faulty, he began to remodel the
arrangements about tribute.
2. And when Florentius, the prefect of the prsetorium,
having taken an estimate of everything, affirmed that
whatever deficiency there might be in the produce of a
capitation tax he should be able to make good from what
he could levy by force, Julian, deprecating this prac
tice, determined to lose his own life rather than permit
it. 3. For he knew that the wounds inflicted by such ex
tortions, or, as I should rather call them, confiscations, are
incurable, and have often reduced provinces to extreme
destitution. Indeed, such conduct, as will be related here
after, utterly lost us Illyricum.
4. And when, owing to this resolution of his, the
praetorian prefect exclaimed that it could not be endured
that he, to whom the emperor had intrusted the chief
authority in this matter, should be thus distrusted, Julian
attempted to appease him, showing by exact and accurate
calculations that the capitation tax was not only enough,
but more than enough to provide all the necessary
supplies. 5. And when some time afterwards an edict for a
supplementary tax was nevertheless presented to him by
Florentius, he refused to sign or even to read it ; and
threw it on the ground ; and when warned by letters
from the emperor (written on receiving the prefect's
report) not to act in so embarrassing a manner, lest he
should seem to be diminishing the authority of Florentius,
Julian wrote in answer, that it was a matter to be
thankful for, if a province that had been devastfited in
every direction could still pay its regular taxes, without

a j>. 35J.] Julian's measures lv gaul. 129
demanding from it any extraordinary contributions, which
indeed no punishments could extort from men in a state of
destitution : and then, and from that time forward, owing
to the firmness of one man, no one ever attempted to extort
anything illegal in Gaul beyond the regular taxes.
0. The Csesar had also in another affair set an example
wholly unprecedented, entreating the prefect to intrust
to him the government of the second Belgic province,
which was oppressed by manifold evils ; on the especial
and single condition that no officer, either belonging to the
prefect or to the garrison, should force any one to pay
anything. And the whole people whom he thus took
under his care, comforted and relieved by this mildness,
paid all the taxes due from them before the appointed day,
without any demand being made upon them.
IV.
§ 1. While Julian was thus beginning to put Gaul into
aJbetter condition, and while Orfitus was still governor of
the second province, an obelisk was erected at Eome, in
the Circus Maximus, concerning which, as this seems a
convenient opportunity, I will mention a few particulars.
2. The city of Thebes, in Egypt, built in remote ages,
with enormous walls, and celebrated also for entrances by
a hundred gates, was from this circumstance called by its
founders tKaro/nryXoc (Hecatompyhs) ; and from the name of
this city the whole district is known as Thebais.
3. When Carthage began to rise in greatness, the Cartha
ginian generals conquered and destroyed Thebes by a
sudden attack. And after it was rebuilt, Cambyses, the
celebrated king of Persia, who throughout his whole life
was covetous and ferocious, overran Egypt, and again
attacked this city that he might plunder it of it6 wealth,
which was enough to excite his envy ; and he spared not
even the offerings which had been made to the gods.
4. And while he was in his savage manner moving to
and fro among his plunderers, he got entangled in his own
flowing robes, and fell on his face, and by the fall his
dagger, which he wore close to his thigh, got loose from
the scabbard, and he was mortally wounded and died.
5. And long afterwards, Cornelius Gallus, who was gover

130 AMMIANUS MARCELUNUS. [Be.XVII. Ch.iv.
nor of Egypt at the time when Octavianus was emperor of
Eome, impoverished the city by plundering it of most of
its treasuries ; and returning to Eome on being accused of
theft and of laying waste the province, he, from fear of the
nobles, who were bitterly indignant against him, as one to
whom the emperor had committed a most honourable task,
fell on his own sword and so died. If I mistake not, he is
the same person as Gallus the poet, whose loss Virgil de
plores at the end of his Bucolics, celebrating his memory
in sweet verses.
6. In this city of Thebes, among many works of art . and
different structures recording the tales relating to the
Egyptian deities, we saw several obelisks in their places,
and others which had been thrown down and broken;
which the ancient kings, when elated at some victory or
at the general prosperity of their affairs, had caused to be
hewn out of mountains in distant parts of the world, and
erected in honour of the gods, to whom they solemnly
consecrated them.
7. Now an obelisk is a rough stone, rising to a great
height, shaped like a pillar in the stadium ; and it tapers
upwards in imitation of a sunbeam, keeping its quadri
lateral shape, till it rises almost to a point, being made
smooth by the hand of a sculptor
8. On these obelisks the ancient authority of elementary
wisdom has caused innumerable marks of strange forms
all over them, which are called hieroglyphics.
9. For the workmen, carving many kinds of birds and
beasts, some even such as must belong to another world, in
order that the recollection of the exploits which the obelisk
was designed to commemorate might reach to subsequent
ages, showed by them the accomplishment of vows which
the kings had made.
10. For it was not the case then as it is now, that the
established number of letters can distinctly express what
ever the human mind conceives ; nor did the ancient Egyp
tians write in such a manner ; but each separate character
served for a separate noun or verb, and sometimes even
for an entire sense.
11. Of which fact the two following may for the present
be sufficient instances : by the figure of a vulture they
indicate the name of nature ; because naturalists declare

*-».35i.] EGYPTIAN OBELISKS. 131
that no males are found in this class of bird. And by the
figure of a bee making honey they indicate a king ; show
ing by such a sign that stings as well as sweetness are
the characteristics of a ruler ; and there are many similar
emblems. 12. And because the flatterers, who were continually
whispering into the ear of Constantius, kept always affirm
ing that when Augustus Octavianus had brought two obe
lisks from Heliopolis, a city of Egypt, one of which was
placed in the Circus Maximus, and the other in the Campus
Martius, he yet did not venture to touch or move this
one which has just been brought to Eome, being alarmed
at the greatness of such a task ; I would have those, who
do not know the truth, learn that the ancient emperor,
though he moved several obelisks, left this one untouched,
because it was especially dedicated to the Sun-god, and
was set up within the precincts of his magnificent temple,
which it was impious to profane ; and of which it was the
most conspicuous ornament.
13. But Constantine deeming that a consideration of no
importance, had it torn up from its place, and thinking
rightly that he should not be offering any insult to religion
if he removed a splendid work from some other temple to
dedicate it to the gods at Eome, which is the temple of the
whole world, let it lie on the ground for some time while
arrangements for its removal were being prepared. And
when it had been carried down the Nile, and landed at
Alexandria, a ship of a burden hitherto unexampled, re
quiring three hundred rowers to propel it, was built to
receive it.
14. And when these preparations were made, and after
the aforenamed emperor had died, the enterprise began
to cool. However, after a time it was at last put on board
ship, and conveyed over sea, and up the stream of the
Tiber, whioh seemed as it were frightened, lest its own
winding waters should hardly be equal to conveying a
present from the almost unknown Nile to the walls which
itself cherished. At last the obelisk reached the village
of Alexandria, three miles from the city ; and then it was
placed in a cradle, and drawn slowly on, and brought
through the Ostran gate and the public fish-market to the
Circus Maximus.

132 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Ch. iv.
15. The only work remaining to be done was to raise it,
which was generally believed to be hardly, if at all, practi
cable. And vast beams having been raised on end in a
most dangerous manner, so that they looked like a grove
of machines, long ropes of huge size were fastened to
them, darkening the very sky with their density, as they
formed a web of innumerable threads ; and into them the
great stone itself, covered over as it was with elements of
writing, was bound, and gradually raised into the empty
air, and long suspended, many thousands of men turning it
round and round like a millstone, till it was at last placed
in the middle of the square ; and on it was placed a
brazen sphere, made brighter with plates of gold : and as
that was immediately afterwards struck by lightning, and
destroyed, a brazen figure like a torch was placed on it,
also plated with gold — to look as if the torch were fully
alight. 16. Subsequent ages also removed other obelisks; one
of which is in the Vatican, a second in the garden of
Sallust ; and two in the monument of Augustus.
17. But the writing which is engraven on the old
obelisk in the Circus, we have set forth below in Greek
characters, following in this the work of Hermapion : —
APXHN AnO TON NOTION AIEPMHNEYMENA
EXEI
2TIX0S LT.PGT02 TAAE.
18. The first line, beginning on the south side, bears
this interpretation — " The Sun to Eamestes the king— I
have given to thee to reign with joy over the whole
earth ; to thee whom the Sun and Apollo love — to thee, the
mighty truth-loving son of Heron — the god-born ruler of
the habitable earth ; whom the Sun has chosen above all
men, the valiant warlike King Eamestes. Under whose
power, by his valour and might, the whole world is placed.
The King Eamestes, the immortal son of the Sun."
19. The second line is — " The mighty Apollo, who
takes his stand upon truth, the lord of the diadem, he who
has honoured Egypt by becoming its master, adorning
Heliopolis, and having created the rest of the world, and
having greatly honoured the gods who have their shrinea
in the city of the Sun; whom the son loves."

Ai.358.-1 INSCRIPTIONS ON THE OBELISKS. 133
20. The third line—'' The mighty Apollo, the all-
bnlliant son of the Sun, whom the Sun chose above all
others, and to whom the valiant Mars gave gifts. Thou
whose good fortune abideth for ever. Thou whom
Ammon loves. Thou who hast filled the temple of the
Phoenix with good things. Thou to whom the gods have
given long life. Apollo the mighty son of Heron, Eamestes
the king of the world. Who has defended Egypt, having
subdued the foreign enemy. Whom the Sun loves. To
whom the gods have given long life— the master of the
world — the immortal Eamestes."
21. Another second line — "The Sun, the great God,
the master of heaven. I have given unto thee a life free
from satiety. Apollo, the mighty master of the diadem ;
to whom nothing is comparable. To whom the lord of*
Egypt has erected many statues in this kingdom. And
has made the city of Heliopolis as brilliant as the Sun him
self, the master of heaven. The son of the Sun, the king
living for ever, has co-operated in the completion of this
work." 22. A third line — " I, the Sun, the god, the master of
heaven, have given to Eamestes the king might and
authority over all. Whom Apollo the truth-lover, the
master of time, and Vulcan the father of the gods hath
chosen above others by reason of his courage. The all-
rejoicing king, the son of the Sun, and beloved by the
Sun." 23. The first line, looking towards the east — " The great
God of Heliopolis, the mighty Apollo who dwelleth in
Heaven, the son of Heron whom the Sun hath guided.
Whom the gods have honoured. He who ruleth over all
the earth : whom the Sun has chosen before all others.
The king valiant by the favour of Mars. Whom Ammon
loveth, and the all-shining god, who hath chosen him as a
king for everlasting." And so on.
V.
a.d. 358.
§ 1. In the consulship of Datianus and Cerealis, when all
arrangements in Gaul were made with more careful zeal
than before, and while the terror caused by past events

134 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Ch. r
Btill checked the outbreaks of the barbarians, the king of
the Persians, being still on the frontiers of those nations
which border on his dominions, and having made a treaty
of alliance with the Chionitse and the Gelani, the most
warlike and indefatigable of all tribes, being about to
return to his own country, received the letters of Tamsapor
which announced to him that the Eoman emperor was a
suppliant for peace.
2. And he, suspecting that Constantius would never
have done so if the empire had not been weakened all over,
raised his own pretensions, and embracing the name indeed
of peace, offered very unwelcome conditions. And having
sent a man of the name of Narses as ambassador with many
presents, he gave him letters to Constantius, in which he in
no respect abated of his natural pride. The purport of
these letters we have understood to be this : —
3. " I, Sapor, king of kings, partner of the stars, brother
of the sun and moon, to Constantius Csesar my brother send
much greeting. I am glad and am well pleased that at
last thou hast returned to the right way, and hast acknow
ledged the incorruptible decree of equity, having gained
experience by facts, and having learnt what disasters an
obstinate covetousness of the property of others has often
caused. 4. " Because therefore the language of truth ought to be
unrestrained and free, and because men in the highest
rank ought only to say what they mean, I will reduce my
propositions into a few words ; remembering that I have
already often repeated what I am now about to say.
5. " Even your own ancient records bear witness that
my ancestors possessed all the countiy up to the Strymon
and the frontier of Macedonia. And these lands it is
fitting that I who (not to speak arrogantly) am superior
to those ancient kings in magnificence, and in all eminent
virtues, should now reclaim. But I am at all times
thoughtful to remember that, from my earliest youth, I
have never done anything to repent of.
6. " And therefore it is a duty in me to recover
Armenia and Mesopotamia, which were wrested from my
ancestor by deliberate treachery. That principle was
never admitted by us which you with exultation assert,
that all successes in war deserve praise, without con-

*J>.3$8.] SAPOR'S LETTER. 135
sidering whether they were achieved by valour or by
treachery. 7. " Lastly, if you are willing to be guided by one who
gives you good advice, I would bid you despise a small
part of your dominions which is ever the parent of
sorrow and bloodshed, in order to reign in safety over the
rest. Wisely considering that physicians also sometimes
apply cautery or amputation, and cut off portions of the
body that the patient may have good use of the rest of
his limbs. Nay, that even beasts do the same : since
when they observe on what account they are most espe
cially hunted, they will of their own accord deprive them
selves of that, in order henceforth to be able to live in
security. 8. " This, in short, I declare, that should my present
embassy return without having succeeded in its object,
after giving the winter season to rest I will gird myself up
with all my strength, and while fortune and justice give
me a well-founded hope of ultimate success, I will hasten
my march as much as Providence will permit."
9. Having given long consideration to this letter, the
emperor with upright and wise heart, as the saying is,
made answer in this manner : —
10. " Constantius, always august, conqueror by land and
sea, to my brother Sapor much health. I congratulate
thee on thy safety, as one who is willing to be a friend to
thee if thou wilt. But I greatly blame thy insatiable
covetousness, now more grasping than ever.
11. " Thou demandest Mesopotamia as thine own, and
then Armenia. And thou biddest me cut off some members
from my sound body in order to place its health on a
sound footing : a demand which is to be rejected at once
rather than to be encouraged by any consent. Eeceive
therefore the truth, not covered with any pretences, but
clear, and not to be shaken by any threats.
12. " The prefect of my prsetorian guard, thinking to
undertake an affair which might be beneficial to the state,
without my knowledge discoursed about peace with thy
generals, by the agency of some low persons. Peace we
should neither regret nor refuse— let it only come with
credit and honour, in such a way as to impair neither our
self-respect nor our dignity.

136 AMMIANUS MARCELLlNUS, [Be. XVII. Ch. n,
13. " For it would be an unbecoming and shameful
thing when all men's ears are filled with our exploits,
so as to have shut even the mouth of envy ; when after
the destruction of tyrants the whole Eoman world obeys
us, to give up those territories which even when limited
to the narrow boundaries of the east we preserved un
diminished. 14. " But I pray thee make an end of the threats which
thou utterest against me, in obedience to thy national
habit, when it cannot be doubted that it is not from
inactivity, but from moderation, that we have at times
endured attacks instead of being the assailants ourselves :
and know that, whenever we are attacked, we defend our
own with bravery and good will : being assured both by
thy reading and thy personal experience that in battle it
has been rare for Eomans to meet with disaster ; and that
in the final issue of a war we have never come off the
worst." 15. The embassy was therefore dismissed without gaining
any of its objects ; and indeed no other reply could he
given to the unbridled covetousness of the king. And a
few days afterwards, Count Prosper followed, and Spectatus
the tribune and secretary ; and also, by the suggestion of
Musonianus, Eustathius the philosopher, as one skilful in
persuading, bearing a letter from the emperor, and
presents, with a view to induce Sapor to suspend his pre
parations, so that all our attention might be turned to
fortifying the northern provinces in the most effective

VI.
§ 1 . Now while these affairs, of so doubtful a complexion,
were proceeding, that portion of the Allemanni which
borders on the regions of Italy, forgetful of the peace and
of the treaties which they only obtained by abject entreaty,
laid waste the Tyrol with such fury that they even
went beyond their usual habit in undertaking the siege of
some walled towns.
2. And when a strong force had been sent to repel them
under the command of Barbatio, who had been promoted
to the command of the infantry in the room of Silvanrs,

A.D. 358.] EARTHQUAKES IN ASIA. 137
a man of not much activity, but a fluent talker, he, as his
troops were in a high state of indignation at the invaders,
gave them so terrible a defeat, that only a very few, who
took to flight in their panic, escaped to earuy back their
tears and lamentations to their homes.
3. In this battle iS'evita, who afterwards became consul,
was present as commander of a squadron of cavalry, and
displayed great gallantry. VII.
§ 1. This year also some terrible earthquakes took place in
Macedonia, Asia Minor, and Pontus, and their repeated
shocks overthrew many towns, and even mountains. But
the most remarkable of all the manifold disasters which
they caused was the entire ruin of Nicomedia, the metro
polis of Bithynia ; which I will here relate with truth and
brevity. 2. On the 23rd of August, at daybreak, some heavy black
clouds suddenly obscured the sky, which just before was
quite fair. And the sun was so wholly concealed that it
was impossible to see what was near or eyen quite close,
so completely did a thick lurid darkness settle on the
ground, preventing the least use of the eyes.
3. Presently, as if the supreme deity were himself
letting loose his fatal wrath, and stirring up the winds
from their hinges, a violent raging storm descended, by
the fury of which the groaning mountains were struck,
and the crash of the waves on the shore was heard to a
vast distance. And then followed typhoons and whirlwinds
with a horrid trembling of the earth, throwing down
the whole city and its suburbs.
4. And as most of the houses were built on the slopes of
the hills, they now fell down one over the other, while all
around resounded with the vast crash of their fall. In
the meantime the tops of the hills re-echoed all sorts of
noises, as well as outcries of men seeking their wives and
children, and other relations.
5. At last, after two hours, or at least within three,
the air became again clear and serene, and disclosed
the destruction which till then was unseen. Some,
overwhelmed by the enormous masses of ruins which had
fallen upon them, were crushed to death. Some were

138 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Ch. vn,
buried up to the neck, and might have been saved if tliere
had been any timely help at hand, but perished for want of
assistance ; others were transfixed by the points of beams
projecting forth, on which they hung suspended.
6. Here was seen a crowd of persons slain by one blow ;
there a promiscuous heap of corpses piled in various ways
— some were buried beneath the roofs of falling houses,
which leant over so as to protect them from any actual
blows, but reserved them for an agonizing death by starva
tion. Among whom was Aristsenetus, who, with the
authority of deputy, governed Bithynia, which had been
recently erected into a province ; and to which Constantius
had given the name of Piety, in honour of his wife Eusehia,
(a Greek word, equivalent to Pietas in Latin) ; and he
perished thus by a lingering death.
7. Others who were overwhelmed by the sudden fall of
vast buildings, are still lying entombed beneath the im
movable masses. Some with their skulls fractured, or
their shoulders or legs cut through, lay between life and
death, imploring aid from others suffering equally with
themselves; but in spite of their entreaties they were
abandoned. 8. Not but what the greater part of the temples and
buildings and of the citizens also would have escaped
unhurt, if a fire had not suddenly broken out, which
raged with great violence for fifty days and nights, and
destroyed all that remained.
9. I think this a good opportunity to enumerate a few of
the conjectures which the ancients have formed about
earthquakes. For as to any accurate knowledge of their
causes, not only has that never been attained by the
ignorance of the common people, but they have equally
eluded the long lucubrations and subtle researches of
natural philosophers.
10. And on this account in all priestly ceremonies,
whether ritual or pontifical, care is taken not at such
times to name one god more than another, for fear of
impiety, since it is quite uncertain which god causes these
visitations. 1 1 . But as the various opinions, among which Aristotle
wavers and hesitates, suggest, earthquakes are engendered
either in small caverns under the earth, which the Greeks

AJ>-3580 CAUSES OF EARTHQUAKES. 139
call crvptyyee, because of the waters pouring through them
with a more rapid motion than usual, or, as Anaxagoras
affirms, they arise from the force of the wind penetrating
the lower parts of the earth, which, when they have got
down to the encrusted solid mass, finding no vent-holes,
shake those portions in their solid state, into which they
have got entrance when in a state of solution. And this
is corroborated by the observation that at such times no
breezes of wind are felt by us above ground, because the
winds are occupied in the lowest recesses of the earth.
12. Anaximander says that the earth when burnt up by
excessive heat and drought, and also after excessive rains,
opens larger fissures than usual, which the upper air pene
trates with great force and in excessive quantities, and the
earth, shaken by the furious blasts which penetrate those
fissures, is disturbed to its very foundations ; for which
reason these fearful events occur either at times of great
evaporation or ehe at those of an extravagant fall of rain
from heaven. And therefore the ancient poets and theo
logians gave Neptune the name of Earthshaker,1 as being
the power of moist substance.
13. Now earthquakes take place in four manners :
either they are brasmatice* which raise up the ground in a
terrible manner, and throw vast masses up to the surface,
as in Asia, Delos arose, and Hiera ; and also Anaphe and
Ehodes, which has at different times been called Ophiusa
and Pelagia, and was once watered with a shower of
gold ; 3 and Eleusis in Boeotia, and the Hellenian islands in
the Tyrrhenian sea, and many other islands. Or they are
climaticB* which, with a slanting and oblique blow, level
cities, edifices, and mountains. Or chasmatice,5 which sud
denly, by a violent motion, open huge mouths, and so
swallow up portions of the earth, as in the Atlantic sea,
1 'EvoaixQav, ^eifflxSav, 'Ewoiriytiaios, from 4v68u and <rzlu>, to shake,
and %ekv and ytua, the earth.
2 From Ppafa, to boil over.
1 Strabo gives Ophiusa as one of the names of Ehodes, and Homer
mentions the golden shower : —
Kai ff<piv &effir4criov ttXovtov KaT*xev€ Kpovi&iy. — II. jS. vi. 70.
\.s also does Pindar, 01. vii. 63.
4 From K\lva>, to lay down.
6 From x6"P-a> a chasm, derived from xa^va>, to gape.

140 AMMIANUS MARCELL1NUS. [Be. XVII. Ch. vm.
on the coast of Europe, a large island1 was swallowed
up, and in the Crisssean Gulf, Helice and Bura,2 and in
Italy, in the Ciminian district, the town of Saccumum3 was
swallowed up in a deep gulf and hidden in everlasting
darkness. And among these three kinds of earthquakes,
myamiotioe* are heard with a threatening roar, when the
elements either spring apart, their joints being broken, or
again resettle in their former places, when the earth also
settles back ; for then it cannot be but that crashes and '
roars of the earth should resound with bull-like bellowings.
Let us now return to our original subject.
VIII.
§ 1. Cesar, passing his winter among the Parisii, was
eagerly preparing to anticipate the Allemanni, who were
not yet assembled in one body, but who, since the battle
of Strasburg, were working themselves up to a pitch of
insane audacity and ferocity. And he was waiting with
great impatience for the month of July, when the Gallic
campaigns usually begin. For indeed he could not march
before the summer had banished the frost and cold, and
allowed him to receive supplies from Aquitania.
2. But as diligence overcomes almost all difficulties, he,
revolving many plans of all kinds in his mind, at last con
ceived the idea of not waiting till the crops were ripe,
but falling on the barbarians before they expected him.
And having resolved on that plan, he caused his men to
take corn for twenty days' consumption from what they
had in store, and to make it into biscuit, so that it might
keep longer ; and this enabled the soldiers to carry it,
which they did willingly. And relying on this provision,
and setting out as before, with favourable auspices, he
reckoned that in the course of five or six months he might
finish two urgent and indispensable expeditions.
3. And when all his preparations were made, he first
1 This is a tale told by Plato in the Timseus (which is believed to
have no foundation).
2 The destruction of Helice is related in Diodorus Sic. xiv. 48 ,- cf.
Ov. Met. xv. 290.
3 The lake Ciminus was near CentumcellEe, cf. Virg. Mn. vii. 097.
The town of Saccumum is not mentioned by any other writer.
4 From /j.vK(iu>, to roar like a bull.

a.d. 358.] VIGOUR OF JULIAN. 141
marched against the Franks, that is against that tribe of
them usually called Salii, who some time before had
ventured with great boldness to fix their habitations on the
Eoman soil near Toxandria.1 But when he had reached
Tongres, he was met by an embassy from this tribe, who
expected still to find him in his winter quarters, offering
him peace on condition of his leaving them unattacked and
unmolested, as if the ground they had seized were right
fully their own. Julian comprehended the whole affair,
and having given the ambassadors an ambiguous reply,
and also some presents, sent them back again, leaving
them to suppose he would remain in the same place till
they returned.
4. But the moment they had departed he followed
them, sending Severus along the bank of the river, and
suddenly came upon the whole settlement like a thunder
bolt ; and availing himself of his victory to make a reason
able exhibition of clemency, as indeed they met him with
entreaties rather than with resistance, he received the
submission of them and their children.
5. He then attacked the Chamavi,2 who had been guilty
of similar audacity, and through the same celerity of move
ment he slew one portion of them, and another who made
a vigorous resistance he took prisoners, while others who
fled precipitately he allowed to escape unhurt to their
own territories, to avoid exhausting his soldiers with a
long campaign. And when ambassadors were afterwards
sent by them to implore his pardon, and generally to do
what they could for them, when they prostrated them
selves before him, he granted them peace on condition of
retiring to their own districts without doing any mischief.
IX.
§ 1. Everything thus succeeding according to his wish,
Julian, always on the watch to establish by every means
in his power the security of the provinces on a solid foun
dation, determined to put in as good repair as the time
permitted those fortresses erected in a line on the banks of
the Meuse, which some time before had been destroyed by
1 Toxandria was in Belgium, on the Scheldt.
' The Chamari were a tribe at the mouth of the Ehine.

142 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XVII. Ch. ix
an attack of the barbarians. And accordingly he desisted
for a while from all other operations, and restored them.
2. And that he might by a prudent rapidity insure
their safety, he took a part of the seventeen days' pro
visions, which troops, when going on an expedition, carry
on their backs, and stored in those forts, hoping to replace
what he thus took from the soldiers by seizing the crops
of the Chamavi.
3. But he was greatly disappointed. For as the crops
were not yet ripe, the soldiers when they had consumed
what they had with them were unable to find food, and
began to utter violent threats against Julian, mingled with
fierce cries and reproaches, oalling him Asiatic, Greek, a
cheat, and a fool pretending to be wise. And as it is com
monly the case among soldiers that some men are found of
remarkable fluency of speech, they poured forth such
harangues as this : —
4. " Whither are we being dragged, having lost all hope
of good fortune ? We formerly, indeed, suffered terrible
hardships in the snow, and cruel biting frost ; but now
(oh, shame !), when we have the fate of the enemy in our
hands, we are wasting away with famine, the most miser
able of all deaths. Let no one think that we are stirrers up
of tumults ; we declare that we are speaking for our very
lives. We do not ask for gold or silver, which it is long
since we have touched or seen, and which are as much
denied to us as if we had been convicted of having en
countered all our toils and perils in the service of the
enemies of the republic."
5. And their complaints were just. For after all his
gallant exploits and all his doubtful changes and dangers,
the soldiers were exhausted by his Gallic campaigns, with
out even receiving either donation or pay from the time that
Julian was sent to take the command ; because he himself
had nothing to give, nor would Constantius permit any
thing to be drawn for that purpose from the treasury, as
had been the custom.
6. And at a later period it was manifest that this was
owing more to ill-will than to parsimony, because when
Julian had given so me small coin to one of the common
soldiers, who, as was the custom, had asked for some to get
shaved with, he was attacked for it with most insulting

*JX-3S8-] SUBMISSION OF SURMARIUS. 143
calumnies by Gaudentius, the secretary, who had long
remained in Gaul as a spy "upon his actions, and whom he
himself subsequently ordered to be put to death, as will be
related in its fitting place.

§ 1. When at length their discontent was appeased by
various kinds of caresses, and when the Ehine had been
crossed by a bridge of boats, which was thrown over it,
Severus, the master of the horse, up to that time a brave
and energetic soldier, suddenly lost all his vigour.
2. And he who had frequently been used to exhort the
troops, both in bodies and as individuals, to gallant acts,
now seemed a base and timid skulker from battle, as if he
feared the approach of death. As we read in the books of
Tages ' that those who are fated to be soon struck by light
ning, so lose their senses that they cannot hear thunder,
or even greater noises. And he marched on in a lazy way,
not natural to him, and even threatened with death the
guides, who were leading on the army7 with a brisk step, if
they would not agree to cay that they were wholly igno
rant of the road any further. So they, fearing his power,
and being forbidden to show the way any more, advanced
no further.
3. But amid this delay, Suomarius, king of the Alle
manni, arrived unexpectedly with his suite ; and he who
had formerly been fierce and eager for any injury to the
Eomans, was now inclined to regard it as an unexpected
gain to be permitted to retain his former possessions. And
because his looks and his gait showed him to be a sup
pliant, he was received as a friend, and desired to be of
good cheer. But still he submitted himself to Julian's
discretion, and implored peace on his bended knees. And
peace was granted him, with pardon for the past, on con
dition of giving up our prisoners and of supplying our
soldiers with food, whenever it was required, receiving,
like any ordinary purveyor, security for payment of what
1 Tages was an Etruscan, the son, it is said, of a genius, Jovialis, and
grandson of Jupiter, who rose out of the ground as a man named
Tarchon was ploughing near Tarquinii, and instructed the auspices iu
divination. Cf. Cic. Div. ii. 23.

144 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Ch. X
he provided. But he was at the same time warned, that if
he did not furnish the required supplies in time he would
be liable to be called in question for his former hostility.
5. And that which had been discreetly planned was car
ried out without hindrance. Julian desiring to reach a
town belonging to another chieftain, named Hortarius, to
wards which object nothing seemed wanting but guides,
gave orders to Nestica, a tribune of the Scutarii, and to Cha-
riettoa, a man of marvellous courage, to take great pains
to capture a prisoner and to bring him to him. A youth
of the Allemanni was speedily caught and brought before
him, who, on condition of obtaining his freedom, pro
mised to show the road. The army, following him as its
guide, was soon obstructed by an abattis of lofty7 trees,
which had been cut down ; but by taking long and cir
cuitous paths, they at last came to the desired spot, and
the soldiers in their rage laid waste the fields with fire,
carried off the cattle and the inhabitants, and slew all who
resisted without mercy.
6. The king, bewildered at this disaster, seeing the nume
rous legions, and the remains of his burnt villages, and look
ing upon the last calamities of fortune as impending over
him, of his own accord implored pardon, promising to do all
that should be commanded him, and binding himself on
oath to restore all his prisoners. For that was the object
about which Julian was the most anxious. But still he
restored only a few, and detained the greater part of them.
7. When Julian knew this, he was filled with just indig
nation, and when the king came to receive the customary
presents, the Csesar refused to release his four companions,
on whose support and fidelity the king principally relied,
till all the prisoners were restored.
8. But when the king was summoned by the Csesar to a
conference, looking up at him with trembling eyes, he was
overcome by the aspect of the conqueror, and overwhelmed
by a sense of his own embarrassing condition, and especially
by the compulsion under which he was now (since it was
reasonable that after so many successes of the Eomans that
the cities which had been destroyed by the violence of the
barbarians should be rebuilt) to supply waggons and
materials from his own stores and those of his subjects.
9. And after he had promised to do so, and had bound hira-

A.D. 358.] MALICE TOWARDS JULIAN. 145
self with an oath to consent to die if he were guilty of any
treachery, he was permitted to return to his own country.
For he could not be compelled to furnish provisions like
Suomarius, because his land had been so utterly laid waste
that nothing could be found on it for him to give.
10. Thus those kings who were formerly so proud and
accustomed to grow rich by the plunder of our citizens,
were now brought under the Eoman yoke ; and as if they
had been born and brought up among our tributaries, they
submitted to our commands, though with reluctance. And
when these events were thus brought to a conclusion, the
Csesar distributed his army among its usual stations, and
returned to his winter quarters. XI.
§ 1. When these transactions presently became known in
the court of Constantius — for the knowledge of them could
not be concealed, since the Csesar, as if he had been
merely an officer of the emperor's, referred to him on all
occasions — those who had the greatest influence in the
palace, being skilful professors of flattery, turned all Julian's
well-arranged plans and their successful accomplishment
into ridicule ; continually uttering such malicious sayings
as this, " We have had enough of the goat and his victo
ries ;" sneering at Julian because of his beard, and calling
him a chattering mole, a purple-robed ape, and a Greek
pedant. And pouring forth numbers of sneers of the same
kind, acceptable to the emperor, who liked to hear them,
they endeavoured with shameless speeches to overwhelm
Julian's virtues, slandering him as a lazy, timid, carpet-
knight, and one whose chief care was to set off his exploits
by. fine descriptions ; it not being the first time that such
a thing had been done.
2. For the greatest glory is always exposed to envy.
So we read in respect of the illustrious generals of old,
that, though no fault could be found in them, still the
malignity which found offence in their greatest actions was
constantly inventing false charges and accusations against
them. 3. In the same manner Cimon the son of Miltiades, who
destroyed a vast host of the Persians on the Eurymedon, a
L

146 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Ch. m.
river in Pamphylia, and compelled a nation always insolent
and arrogant to beg for peace most humbly, was accused
of intemperance; and again Scipio iEmilianus, by whose
indomitable vigilance two1 most powerful cities, which had
made great efforts to injure Eome, were both destroyed,
was disparaged as a mere drone.
4. Moreover, wicked detractors, scrutinizing the cha
uacter of Pompey, when no pretext for finding fault with
him could be discovered, remarked two qualities in which
they could raise a laugh against him ; one that he had a
sort of natural trick of scratching his head with one
finger : another that for the purpose of concealing an un
sightly sore, he used to bind one of his legs with a white
bandage. Of which habits, the first they said showed a
dissolute man; the second, one eager for a change of
government ; contending, with a somewhat meagre argu
ment, that it did not signify what part of his body he
clothed with a badge of royal dignity ; so snarling at
that man of whom the most glorious proofs show that no
braver and truer patriot ever lived.
5. During these transactions, Artemius, the deputy go
vernor of Eome, succeeded Bassus in the prefecture also ;
for Bassus, who had lately been promoted to be prefect of
the city, had since died. His administration had been
marked by turbulent sedition, but by no other events suffi
ciently memorable to deserve mention.
XII.
§ 1 . In the mean time, while the emperor was passing the
winter quietly at Sirmium, he received frequent and trust
worthy intelligence that the Sarmatians and the Quadi,
two tribes contiguous to each other, and similar in man
ners and mode of warfare, were oonjointly overrunning
Pannonia and the second province of Mcesia, in straggling
detachments. 2. These tribes are more suited to predatory incur
sions than to regular war ; they carry long spears, and wear
breastplates made of horn scraped and polished, let into
linen jackets, so that the layers of horn are like the feathers
1 Carthage and Numantia.

A J). 35S.] HE DEFEATS THE SARMATIANS. 1 i7

J,

f a bird. Their horses are chiefly geldings, lest at the
sight of mares they should be excited and run away, or,
when held back in reserve, should betray their riders by
their fierce neighing.
3. They cover vast spaces in their movements, whether
in pursuit or in retreat, their horses being swift and very
manageable; and they lead with them one or sometimes
two spare chargers apiece, in order that the change may
keep up the strength of their cattle, and that their vigour
may be preserved by alternations of rest.
4. Therefore, after the vernal equinox was past, the
emperor, having collected a strong body of soldiers,
marched forth under the guidance of propitious fortune.
Having arrived at a suitable place, he crossed the Danube,
which was now flooded from the melting of the snow, by
a bridge of boats, and descended on the lands of the
barbarians, which he began to lay waste. They, being
taken by surprise through the rapidity of his march, and
seeing that the battalions of his warlike army were at
their throats, when they had not supposed it possible that
such a force could be collected for a year, had no courage
to make a stand, but, as the only means of escaping un
expected destruction, took to flight.
5. When many had been slain, fear fettering their
steps, those whose speed had saved them from death hid
themselves among the secret defiles of the mountains, and
from thence beheld their country destroyed by the sword,
which they might have delivered if they had resisted with
as much vigour as they fled.
6. These events took place in that part of Sarmatia
which looks towards the second Pannonia. Another mili
tary expedition, conducted with equal courage, routed
the troops of the barbarians in Valeria, who were plunder
ing and destroying everything within their reach.
7. Terrified at the greatness of this disaster, the Sar-
matians, under pretext of imploring peace, planned to
divide their force into three bodies, and to attack our
army while in a state of fancied security ; so that they
should neither be able to prepare their weapons, nor
avoid wounds, nor (which is the last resource in a despe
rate case) take to flight.
8. Ther3 were with the Sarmatians likewise on this

148 AMMIANUS MAECELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Ca. xa
occasion, as partners in their danger, the Quadi,1 who
had often before taken part in the injuries inflicted on us ;
but their prompt boldness did not help them on this
occasion, rushing as they did into open danger.
9. For many of them were slain, and the survivors
escaped among the hills, with which they were familiar.
And as this event raised the spirits and courage of our
army, they united in solid columns, and marched with
speed into the territories of the Quadi; who, having
learnt by the past to dread the evils which impended over
them, came boldly into the emperor's presence to implore
peace as suppliants, since he was inclined to be merciful
in such cases. On the day appointed for settling the
conditions, one of their princes named Zizais, a young man
of great stature, marshalled the ranks of the Sarmatians to
offer their entreaties of peace in the fashion of an army ;
and as soon as they came within sight, he threw away his
arms, and fell like one dead, prostrating himself on his
breast before the emperor ; his very voice from fear
refusing its office, when he ought to have uttered his en
treaties, he awakened the more pity, making many attempts,
and being scarcely able from the violence of his sobs to
give utterance to his wishes.
10. At last, having recovered himself, and being bidden
to rise up, he knelt, and having regained the use of his
tongue, he implored pardon for his offences. His followers
also, whose mouths had been closed by fear while the fate
of their leader was still doubtful, were admitted to offer
the same petition, and when he, being commanded to rise,
gave them the signal which they had been long expecting,
to present their petition, they all threw away their javelins
and their shields, and held out their hands in an attitude
of supplication, striving to surpass their prince in the
humility of their entreaties.
11. Among the other Sarmatians the prince had brought
with him three chiefs of tribes, Eumo, Zinafer, and Fragi-
ledus, and many nobles who came to offer the same petition
with earnest hope of success. And they, being elated at
the promise of safety, undertook to make amends for their
former deeds of hostility by performing the conditions now
imposed on them ; giving up willingly into the power
1 The Quadi occupied a part of Hungary.

AJ). 358.] SUBMISSION OF OTHER CHIEFS. 149
of the Eomans themselves, their wives and children, and
all their possessions. The kindness of the emperor, united
with justice, subdued them ; and he bidding them be of
good cheer and return to their homes, they restored
our prisoners. They also brought the hostages who were
demanded of them, and promised prompt obedience to all
the emperor's commands.
12. Then, encouraged by this example of our clemency,
other chieftains came with all their tribe, by name Ara-
harius and Osafer, men of distinction among the nobles,
and at the head of a great force of their country
men ; one of them being chief of a portion of the Quadi
who dwelt beyond the mountains, and the other of a
division of the Sarmatians : the two being united by the
proximity of their territories, and their natural ferocity.
But the emperor, fearing the number of their followers,
lest, while pretending to make a treaty, they should sud
denly rise up in arms, separated them; ordering those
who were acting for the Sarmatians to retire for a while,
while he was examining into the affairs of Araharius and
the Quadi.
13. And when they presented themselves before him,
bowing according to their national custom, as they were
not able to clear themselves of heavy charges, so, fearing
extreme punishment, they gave the hostages which were
demanded, though they had never before been compelled
to give pledges for their fidelity.
14. These matters being thus equitably and successfully
settled, Usafer was admitted to offer his petition, though
Araharius loudly protested against this, and maintained
that the peace ratified with him ought to comprehend
Usafer also, as an ally of his though of inferior rank, and
subject to his command.
15. But when the question was discussed, the Sarma
tians were pronounced independent of any other power,
as having been always vassals of the Eoman empire ; and
they willingly embraced the proposal of giving hostages as
a pledge of the maintenance of tranquillity.
16. After this there came a vast number of nations
and princes, flocking in crowds, when they heard that
Araharius had been allowed to depart in safety, imploring
us to withdraw the sword which was at their throats ; and

150 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVILCh. xn.
they also obtained the peace which they requested en
similar terms, and without any delay gave as hostages the
sons of their nobles whom they brought from the interior
of the country ; and they also surrendered, as we insisted,
all their prisoners, from whom they parted as unwillingly
as from their own relations.
17. When these arrangements were completed, the
emperor's anxiety was transferred to the Sarmatians, who
were objects of pity rather than of anger. It is incredible
how much prosperity our connection with their affairs had
brought them, so as to give grounds for really believing,
what some persons do imagine, that Fate may be either
overcome or created at the will of the emperor.
18. There were formerly many natives of this kingdom,
of high birth and great power, but a secret conspiracy
armed their slaves against them ; and as among barbarians
all right consists in might, they, as they were equal to
their masters in ferocity, and superior in number, com
pletely overcame them.
19. And these native chiefs, losing all their wisdom in
their fear, fled to the Victohali,1 whose settlements were
at a great distance, thinking it better in the choice of
evils to become subject to their protectors than slaves to
their own slaves. But afterwards, when they had obtained
pardon from us, and had been received as faithful allies,
they deplored their hard fate, and invoked our direct pro
tection. Moved by the undeserved hardship of their lot,
the emperor, when they were assembled before him, ad
dressed them with kind words in the presence of his army,
and commanded them for the future to own no master but
himself and the Eoman generals.
20. And that the restoration of their liberty might carry
with it additional dignity, he made Zizais their king, a
man, as the event proved, deserving the rewards of eminent
fortune, and faithful. After these glorious transactions,
none of the Sarmatians were allowed to depart till all our
prisoners had returned, as we had before insisted.
21. When these matters had been concluded in the
territories of the barbarians, the camp was moved to
Szceni,8 that there also the emperor might, by subjugation
1 The Victohali were a tribe of Goths.
2 Szoeni, called by Ammianus Bregetio, is near Cormorn.

AJ>.358.] ADVANCE OF THE ROMAN ARMY. 151
or slaughter, terminate the war with the Quadi, who were
keeping that district in a state of agitation. Their prince
Vitrodorus, the son of king Viduarius, and Agilimundus,
an inferior chieftain, with the other nobles and judges who
governed the different tribes, as soon as they saw the im
perial army in the bosom of their kingdom and of their
native land, threw themselves at the feet of the soldiers,
and having obtained pardon, promised obedience ; and gave
their children as hostages for the performance of the con
ditions imposed upon them ; and drawing their swords,
which they worship as deities, they swore to remain
faithful. XIII.
§ 1. These matters then, as has been related, having been
thus successfully terminated, the public interests required
that the army should at once march against the Limigantes,
the revolted slaves of the Sarmatians, who had perpetrated
many atrocities with impunity. For, as soon as the
countrymen of free blood had attacked us, they also, forget
ful of their former condition, thinking to take advantage
of a favourable opportunity, burst through the Eoman
frontier, in this wickedness alone agreeing with their
masters and enemies.
2. But on deliberation we determined that their offence
also should be punished with more moderation than its
greatness deserved ; and that vengeance should limit itself
to removing them to a distance where they could no longer
harass our territories. The consciousness of a long series
of crimes made them fearful of danger.
3. And therefore, suspecting that the weight of war was
about to fall upon them, they were prepared, as exigency
might require, to resort to stratagem, arms, or entreaties.
But at the first sight of our army they became as it were
panic-stricken ; and being reduced to despair, they begged
their lives, offering a yearly tribute, and a body of their
chosen youths for our army, and promising perpetual obedi
ence. But they were prepared to refuse if they were
ordered to emigrate (as they showed by their gestures and
countenances), trusting to the strength of the place where,
after they had expelled their masters, they had fixed thefr
abode.

152 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Ch. xm
4. For the Parthiscus1 waters this land, proceeding with
oblique windings till it falls into the Danube. But while it
flows unmixed, it passes through a vast extent of country,
which, near its junction with the Danube, it narrows into
a very small corner, so that over on the side of the Danube
those who live in that district are protected from the
attack of the Eomans, and on the side of the Parthiscus
they are secured from any irruptions of the barbarians;
Since along its course the greater part of the ground is
frequently under water from the floods, and always swampy
and full of osiers, so as to be quite impassable to strangers ;
and besides the mainland there is an island close to the
mouth of the river, which the stream itself seems to have
separated into its present state.
5. Accordingly, at the desire of the emperor, they came
with native arrogance to our bank of the river, not, as the
result showed, with the intention of obeying his commands,
but that they might not seem alarmed at the presence of
his soldiers. And there they stood, stubbornly showing
that they had come bent on resistance.
6. And as the emperor had foreseen that this might
happen, he secretly divided his army into several squadrons,
and by the rapidity of their movements hemmed in the
barbarians between his own lines. And then, standing on
a mound, with a few of his officers and a small body-guard,
he gently admonished them not to give way to ferocity.
7. But they, wavering and in doubt, were agitated by
various feelings, and mingling craft with their fury, they
had recourse to arms and to prayers at the same time.
And meditating to make a sudden attack on those of our
men who were nearest, they threw their shields some
distance before them, with the intent that while they
made some steps forward to recover them, they might thus
steal a little ground without giving any indication of their
purpose. 8. And as it was now nearly evening, and the departing
light warned us to avoid further delay, our soldiers raised
their standards and fell upon them with a fiery onset
And they, in close order, directed all their force against
the mound on which (as has been already said) the em-
1 The Theiss.

A.D.358.] DEFEAT OF THE LIMIG ANTES. 153
peror himself was standing, fixing their eyes on him, and
uttering fierce outcries against him.
9. Our army was indignant at such insane audacity, and
forming into a triangle, to which military simplicity has
given the name of " the boar's head," with a violent charge
they scattered the barbarians now pressing vigorously
upon the emperor ; on the right our infantry slew their
infantry, and on the left our cavalry dashed among their
squadrons of light horsemen.
10. The prsetorian cohort, carefully guarding the em
peror, spared neither the breasts of those who attacked nor
the backs of those who fled, and the barbarians, yielding
in their stubbornness to death alone, showed by their
horrid cries that they grieved not so much at their own
death as at the triumph of our army. And, beside the
dead, many lay with their legs cut off, and so deprived of
the resource of flight, others had lost their hands ; some
who had received no wound were crushed by the weight
of those who fell upon them, and bore their torments in
profound silence.
11. Nor, amid all their sufferings, did any one of them
ask for mercy, or throw away his sword, or implore a
speedy death, but clinging resolutely to their arms,
wounded as they were, they thought it a lesser evil to
be subdued by the strength of another than by their own
consciences, and at times they were heard to grumble that
what had happened was the work of fortune, not of their
deserts. And so this whole battle was brought to an end
in half an hour, in which such numbers of barbarians fell
that nothing but the fact of our victory proved that there
had been any battle at all.
12. Those in arms had scarcely been routed when the
relations of the dead, of every age and sex, were brought
forward in crowds, having been dragged from their humble
dwellings. And all their former pride being now gone,
they descended to the lowest depths of servile obedience,
and after a very short time nothing but barrows of the
dead and bands of captives were beheld.
13. So, the heat of strife and the excitement of victory
stimulating our men, they rose up to destroy all who had
escaped the battle, or who were lying hidden in their
dwellings. And when, eager for the blood of the bar-

154 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Cfl. xm
barians, our soldiers had reached the spot, they tore to
pieces the slight straw-thatched huts ; nor could even the
strongest-built cottages, or the stoutest beams save any
one from death,
14. At last, when everything was set on fire, and when
no one could be concealed any longer, since every protec
tion for their lives was destroyed, they either perished
obstinately in the flames, or else, if they avoided the fire
and sallied out, they only escaped that destruction to fall
beneath the sword of their enemies.
15. Some, however, did escape from the weapons of the
enemy and from the spreading flames, and committed
themselves to the stream, trusting to their skill in swim
ming to enable them to reach the further bank ; but many
of them were drowned, and others were transfixed by our
javelins, so that the winding stream of the vast river was
discoloured with blood, and thus, by the agency of both
elements, did the indignation and valour of the conquerors
destroy the Sarmatians.
16. After these events it was determined to leave
the barbarians no hope nor comfort of life ; and after
burning their houses and carrying off their families, an
order was given to collect boats in order to hunt out
those who, being on the opposite bank of the river, had
escaped the attack of our men.
17. And immediately, that the alacrity of our warriors
might have no time to cool, some lightvarmed troops were
embarked in boats, and led by secret paths to occupy the
retreats of the Sarmatians. The barbarians at first were
deceived by seeing only the boats of their own country,
and crews with whom they were acquainted.
18. But when the weapons glittered in the distance,
and they perceived that what they feared was upon them,
they sought refuge in their accustomed marshes. And our
soldiers pursuing them with great animosity, slew numbers
of them, and gained a victory in a place where it had not
been supposed that any soldier could find a footing, much
less do any bold action.
19. After the Anicenses1 had thus been routed and
almost destroyed, we proceeded at once to attack the
Picenses, who are so called from the regions which they
1 The Anicenses and Picenses were Dacian tribes.

AJ>.358.] SUBMISSION OF THE LIMIGANTES. 155
inhabit, which border on one another ; and these tribes had
fancied themselves the more secure from the disasters of
their allies, which they had heard of by frequent rumours.
To crush them (for it was an arduous task for those who
did not know the country to follow men scattered in
many directions as they were) the aid of Taifali ' and of
the free-born Sarmatians was sought.
20. And as the nature of the ground separated the
auxiliary battalions from each other, our own troops took
the ground nearest Mcesia, the Taifali that nearest to their
own settlements, while the free Sarmatians occupied that in
front of their original position.
21. The Limigantes, alarmed at the still fresh examples
of nations subdued and crushed by us, for a long time
hesitated and wavered whether they should attack us or ask
for peace, having arguments of no small weight for either
line of conduct. But at last, through the influence of the
council of the elders, the idea of surrender prevailed ; and
the submission also of those who had dared to attack their
free-born masters was added to our numerous victories ;
and the rest of them, who had previously despised their
masters, thinking them unwarlike and easily subdued,
now finding them stronger than themselves, submitted to
them. 22. Accordingly, having received pledges of their safety,
and having quitted the defence of their mountains, the
greater portion of them came with speed to the Eoman
camp, and they spread over a vast extent of ground,
bringing with them their parents, their children, their
wives, and all the movable treasures which their rapid
motions had allowed them to carry off.
23. And those who it had been supposed would rather
lose their lives than quit their country, while they mistook
their mad licentiousness for liberty, now submitted to
obey our orders, and to take up another abode in peace
and good faith, so as to be undisturbed for the future by
wars or seditions. And having been thus accepted as
subjects, in accordance with their own wish as it was
believed, they remained quiet for a time ; but afterwards
they broke out in destructive wickedness, as shall be
related at the proper time.
i The Taifali were a tribe of the Western Goths.

156 AMMIANUS MARCEL ...NUS. [Be. X VII. Ch. xm
24. While our affairs were thus prospering, Illyricum
was put in a state of twofold security, since the emperor,
in endeavouring by two means to accomplish this object,
succeeded in both. He brought back and established in
their ancient homes the people who had been banished,
whom, although they were objects of suspicion from their
natural fickleness, he believed would go on more mode
rately than of old. And to crown this kindness, he set
over them as a king, not one of low birth, but the
very man whom they themselves had formerly chosen, as
eminent for all the virtues of mind and body.
25. After such a wise action, Constantius, being now
raised above all fear, and having received from the una
nimous consent of his soldiers the title of Sarmaticus, from
the name of the nation which he had subdued ; and being
now about to leave the army, summoned all his cohorts
and centuries and maniples, and mounting the tribune,
surrounded by the standards and eagles, and by a great
number of soldiers of all ranks, he addressed the troops in
these words, choosing his topics as usual so as to gain
the favour of all.
26. " The recollection of our glorious exploits, the
dearest of all feelings to brave men, encourages me to
repeat, though with great moderation, what, in our heaven-
granted victories, and before battle, and in the very heat
of the strife, we, the most faithful champions of the Eoman
state, have conducted to a deservedly prosperous issue.
For what can be so honourable or so justly worthy to be
handed down to the recollection of posterity as the exult
ation of the soldier in his brave deeds, and of the general
in his wise plans ?
27. "The rage of our enemies, in their arrogant pride
thinking to profit by our absence, while we were pro
tecting Italy and Gaul, was overrunning Illyricum, and
with continual sallies they were ravaging even the districts
beyond our frontiers ; crossing the rivers, sometimes in
boats made of hollow trees, sometimes on foot ; not relying
on combats, nor on their arms and strength, but being
acoustomed to secret forays, and having been from the
very earliest era of their nation an object of fear to our
ancestors, from their cunning and the variety of their
manoeuvres, which we indeed, being at a great distance,

A-D-358-l SPEECH OF CONSTANTIUS. 157
bore as long as we could, thinking that the vigour of our
generals would be able to protect us from even slight
injury. 28. " But when their licentiousness led them on to
bolder attempts, and to inflict great and frequent injury
on our provinces, we, having first fortified the passes of
the Tyrol, and having secured the safety of the Gauls by
watchful care, leaving no danger behind us, have marched
into Pannonia, in order, with the favour of the everlasting
deity, to strengthen our tottering interests in that country.
And after everything was prepared, we set forth, as you
know, at the end of the spring, and undertook a great
enterprise ; first of all taking care that the countless darts
of the enemy should not prevent us from making a bridge.
And when, with no great trouble, this had been ac
complished, after we had set our foot upon the enemy's
territories, we defeated, with very little loss to ourselves,
the Sarmatians, who with obstinate courage set themselves
to resist us to the death. And we also crushed the Quadi,
who were bringing reinforcements to the Sarmatians, and
who with similar courage attacked our noble legions.
29. " These tribes, after heavy losses sustained in their
attacks, and their stubborn and toilsome resistance, have
at length learnt the power of our valour, and throwing
away their arms, have allowed their hands, prepared for
fighting, to be bound behind their backs ; and seeing that
their only hope of safety is in prayer, have fallen at the
feet of your merciful emperor, whose wars they found
are usually successful. Having got rid of these enemies,
we with equal courage defeated the Limigantes, and after
we had put numbers of them to the sword, the rest found
their only means of escaping danger lay in fleeing to their
hiding-places in the marshes.
30. " And when these things were successfully ter
minated, it seemed to be a seasonable opportunity for
mercy. So we compelled the Limigantes to remove to
very distant lands, that they might not be able any more
to move to our injury ; and we spared the greatest part of
them. And we made Zizais king over the free-born por
tion of them, sure that he would be faithful to us, and
thinking it more honour to create a king for the barbarians
than to take one from them, the dignity being increased bj

158 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVII. Cb. xn
this honourable consideration, that the ruler whom we
thus gave them had before been elected and accepted by
them. 31. " So we and the republic have in one campaign
obtained a fourfold reward : first, vengence on our guilty
assailants ; next, abundance of captive slaves from the
enemy, for valour is entitled to those rewards which it has
earned with its toil and prowess.
32. " Thirdly, we have ample resources and great
treasures of wealth ; our labour and courage having pre
served the patrimony of each of us undiminished. This,
in the mind of a good sovereign, is the best fruit of pros
perity. 33. " Lastly, I myself have the well-won spoil of a
surname derived from the enemy — the title of Sarmaticus
— which you unanimously have (if I may say so without
arrogance) deservedly conferred on me."
34. After he had made an end of speaking, the whole
assembly, with more alacrity than usual, since its hope of
booty and gain was increased, rose up with joyful voices
in praise of the emperor ; and, as usual, calling God to
witness that Constantius was invincible, returned with joy
to their tents. And the emperor was conducted back to
his palace, and having rested two days, re-entered Sir-
mium with a triumphal procession; and the troops re
turned to their appointed stations.

XIV.
§ 1. About this time Prosper and Spectatus and Eus-
tathius, who, as has been mentioned above, had been sent
as ambassadors to the Persians, found the Persian king at
Ctesiphon, on his return from his campaign, and they
delivered the emperor's letters and presents, and requested
peace while affairs were still in their existing state. And
mindful of what had been enjoined them, they never
forgot the interests nor the dignity of the Eoman empire,
maintaining that the peace ought to be made on the con
dition that no alteration should be made in the state of
Armenia or Mesopotamia.
2. And having remained for some time, when they saw

AJ>.3B8.] MISSION OF PROCOP1US. 159
that the king was obstinate, and resolute not to admit of
peace unless the absolute dominion of those regions was
assigned to him, they returned without having completed
their business.
3. After which, Lucillianus, a count, and Procopius, at
that time secretary, were sent to obtain the same condi
tions, with equal powers. Procopius being the same man
who afterwards, under the pressure of violent necessity,
committed himself to a revolutionary movement.

BOOK XVIII.

AKGTJMENT.

The Csesar Julian consults the welfare of the Gauls, and provides
for the general observance of justice. — II. He repairs the walls of
the castles on the Ehine whiGh he had recovered ; crosses the
Ehine, and having conquered those of the Alemanni who remained
hostile, he compels their kings to sue for peace, and to restore
their prisoners. — IH. Why Barbatio, the commander of the
infantry, and his wife, were beheaded by command of Constantius.
— IV. Sapor, king of Persia, prepares to attack the Eomans with
all his power. — V. Antoninus, the protector, deserts to Sapor,
with all his men ; and increases his eagerness to engage in war
with the Eomans.— VI. Ursicinus, the commander of the legions,
being summoned from the East, when he had reached Thrace was
sent back to Mesopotamia, and having arrived there he hears from
Marcellinus of Sapor's approach. — VII. Sapor, with the kings of
the Chionitae and Albani, invades Mesopotamia — The Eomans of
their own accord lay waste their lands with fire ; compelled the
countrymen to come into the towns, and fortify the western bank
of the Euphrates with castles and garrisons.— Vin. Seven hundred
Illyrian cavalry are surprised by the Persians, and put to flight —
Ursicinus escapes in one direction, and Marcellinus in another. —
IX. A description of Amida; and how many legions and squadrons
were there in garrison. — X. Sapor receives the surrender of two
Eoman fortresses.

a.d. 359.
§ 1. These events took place in the different parts of the
world in one and the same year. But while the affairs in
Gaul were in a better state ; and while titles of consul

160 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be: XVIII: Ch: n
were ennobling the brothers Eusebius and Hypatius,
Julian, illustrious for his uninterrupted successes, now
in his winter quarters, being relieved for a while from
his warlike anxieties, was devoting equal care to many
points connected with the welfare of the provinces.
Taking anxious care that no one should be oppressed by
the burden of taxation ; that the power of the officers
should not be stretched into extortion; that those who
increase their property by the public distresses, should
have no sanction, and that no judge should violate justice
with impunity.
2. And he found it easy to correct what was wrong
on this head, because he himself decided all causes in
which the persons concerned were of any great importance ;
and showed himself a most impartial discerner of right
and wrong.
3. And although there are many acts of his in deciding
these disputes worthy of praise, it will be sufficient to
mention one, on the model of which all his other words
and actions were framed.
4. Numerius, a native of Narbonne, had a little time
before been accused before the governor as a thief, and
Julian, by an unusual exercise of the censor's power, heard
his cause in public ; admitting into the court all who
sought entrance. And when Numerius denied all that was
charged against him, and could not be convicted on any
point, DeJphidius the orator, who was assailing him with
great bitterness, being enraged at the failure of his charges,
exclaimed, " But, great Csesar, will any one ever be found
guilty if it be enough to deny the charge ?" To whom
Julian, with seasonable wisdom, replied, " Can any one be
judged innocent if it be enough to make a charge ?" And
he did many similar actions in his civil capacity.
II.
§ 1. But when he was about to set out on an important
expedition against some tribes of the Allemanni whom he
considered hostile, and likely to proceed to acts of atrocious
daring if they were not defeated in a way to be an example
to the rest, he hesitated in great anxiety, since a report
of his intentions had gone before him, what force he could

A.n.359.] ADVANCE OF JULIAN. 161
employ, and how he could be quick enough to take them
by surprise the first moment that circumstances should
afford him an opportunity.
2. But after he had meditated on many different plans,
he decided on trying one, which the result proved to be
good, without any one being aware of it. He had sent
Hariobaudes, a tribune who at that time had no particular
command, a man of honour, loyalty, and courage, under
pretext of an embassy, to Hortarius the king who was now
in a state of friendship with us ; in order that from his
court Hariobaudes might easily proceed to the frontiers of
the enemy whom he was proposing to attack ; and so
ascertain what they were about, being thoroughly skilled
in the language of the barbarians.
3. And when he had gone boldly on this commission,
Julian himself, as it was now a favourable time of the year,
assembled his soldiers from all quarters for the expedition,
and set out ; thinking it above all things desirable, before
the war had got warm, to effect his entrance into the cities
which had been destroyed some time before, and having
recovered them to put them in a state of defence ; and
also to establish granaries in the place of those which had
been burnt, in which to store the corn usually imported
from Britain.
4. Both these objects were accomplished, and that more
speedily than could have been looked for. For the store
houses were rapidly built, and abundance of provisions
laid up in them; and seven cities were occupied. The
camp of Hercules, Quadriburgium,1 Kellen, Kuys, Bonn,
Andemach, and Bingen. At which last city, by exceedingly
good fortune, Florentius the prefect also arrived unex
pectedly, bringing with him a division of soldiers, ana a,
supply of provisions sufficient to last a long time.
5. After this, the next measure of urgent necessity was
to repair the walls of the recovered cities, while as yet no
one raised any hindrance ; and it is abundantly plain that
at that time the barbarians did out of fear what was com
manded them for the public interests, while the Eomans
did it for love of their ruler.
6. According to the treaty made in the preceding year,
1 It is not known what towns are meant by Castra Herculis and
Quadriburgium. ¦ M

162 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XVIII. Ch. rt
the kings sent their own waggons with many articles
useful for building. And the auxiliary soldiers who
always hold themselves above employments of this kind,
being won over by Julian's caresses to diligent obedience,
now carried beams fifty feet long and more on their
shoulders, and gave the greatest aid to the labours of the
architect. 7. And while all this was being done with diligence and
speed, Hariobaudes, having learnt all he wanted, returned
and related what he had ascertained. And after his
arrival the army marched with all speed, and soon reached
Mayence, where, though Florentius and Lupicinus, who
succeeded Severus, insisted vehemently that they might
cross by the bridge laid down at that town, the Csesar
strenuously objected, maintaining that it was not well to
trample on the lands of those who were brought into a
state of tranquillity and friendship ; lest the treaty made
with them should be brought to an abrupt end, as had
often happened through the discourtesy of the soldiers ra
vaging everything that came in their way.
8. But all the Allemanni who were the objects of our
attack, seeing the clanger now on their borders, with many
threats urged Surmarius their king, who by a previous
treaty was on friendly terms with us, to prevent the
Eomans from crossing the river. For their villages were
on the eastern bank of the Ehine. But when Surmarius
affirmed that he by himself was unable to offer effectual
resistance, the barbarian host assembled in a body, and
came up to Mayence, intending by main force to prevent
our army from crossing the river.
9. So that Cesar's advice now seemed best in two points,
both not to ravage the lands of our friends ; and also, not
in the teeth of the opposition of a most warlike people, to
risk the loss of many lives in order to make a bridge, even
in a spot the most favourable for such a work.
1 0. And the enemy, watching his movements with great
skill, marched slowly along the opposite bank, and when
they saw our men pitching their tents at a distance, they
still watched all night, exerting the most sleepless vigi
lance to prevent the passage of the river from being
attempted. 11. But when our men reached the spot intended, they

*-».359.] HE CROSSES THE RHINE. 163
surrounded their camp with a rampart and ditch, and took
¦ their rest; and the Caasar, having taken counsel with
Lupicinus, ordered some of the tribunes to get ready three
hundred light-armed soldiers with stakes, without letting
them know what was to be done, or whither they were going.
12. They being collected, when the night was well
advanced, and being all embarked on board of forty light
boats, which were all that were at hand, were ordered to
go down the stream so silently as not to use even their
oars, lest the noise should rouse the barbarians, and
then using all activity both of mind and body, to force a
landing on the opposite bank, within the frontier of the
enemy, while they were still watching the camp-fires of
our men.
13. While these orders were being performed with great
promptness, King Hortarius, who had been previously
bound to us by treaties, and was without any intention of
revolting, kept on friendly terms with the bordering tribes,
having invited all their kings, princes, and chieftains to a
banquet, detained them to the third watch, the banquet
being prolonged so late according to the custom of his
nation. And as they were departing, our men chanced to
come upon them suddenly, but could neither stay nor
capture any of them owing to the darkness of the night
and the fleetness of their horses, on which they fled at
random in all directions. A number of sutlers and slaves,
however, who were following them on foot, our men slew ;
the few who escaped being likewise protected by the dark
ness of the hour.
14. When it became known that the Eomans had
crossed the river (and they then as well as in all former
expeditions accounted it a great relief to their labours
when they could find the enemy), the kings and their
people, who were watching zealously to prevent the
bridge from being made, were alarmed, and being panic-
stricken fled in all directions, and their violent fury being
thus cooled, they hastened to remove their relations and their
treasures to a distance. And as all difficulties were now
surmounted, the bridge was at once made, and before the
barbarians could expect it, the Eoman army appeared in
their territories, and passed through the dominions of
Hortarius without doing any injury.

164 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XVIII. Ch. Jr.
15. But when they reached the lands of those kings who
were still hostile, they went on invincibly through the
midst of their rebellious country, laying waste with fire
and sword, and plundering everything. And after their
frail houses were destroyed by fire, and a vast number of
men had been slain, and the army, having nothing to
face but corpses and suppliants, had arrived in the region
called Capellatum, or Palas, where there are boundary
stones marking the frontiers of the Allemanni and the
Burgundians ; the army pitched its camp, in order that
Macrianus and Hariobaudus, brothers, and both kings, might
be received by us, and delivered from their fears. Since
they, thinking their destruction imminent, were coming
with great anxiety to sue for peace.
16. And immediately after them King Vadomarius also
came, whose abode was opposite Augst : and having pro
duced some letters of the Emperor Constantius, in which
he was strictly recommended to the protection of the
Eomans, he was courteously received, as became one who
had been admitted by the emperor as a client of the
Eoman empire.
17. And Macrianus and his brother, being admitted
among our eagles and standards, marvelled at the imposing
appearance of our arms, and various resources which they
had never seen before. And they offered up petitions on
behalf of their people. But Vadomarius, who had met us
before, since he was close to our frontier, admired indeed
the appointments of our daring expedition, but remembered
that he had often seen such before, ever since his child
hood. 1 8. At last, after long deliberation, with the unanimous
consent of all, peace was granted to Macrianus and Hario
baudus ; but an answer could not be given to Vadomarius,
who had come to secure his own safety, and also as an
ambassador to intercede for the kings Urius, Ursicinus,
and Vestralpus, imploring peace for them also ; lest, as the
barbarians are men of wavering faith, they might recover
their spirits when our army was withdrawn, and refuse
adherence to conditions procured by the agency of
others. 19. But when they also, after their crops and houses
had been burnt, and many7 of their soldiers had been slain

iD-3590 CONDUCT OF BARBATIO. 1G5
or taken prisoners, sent ambassadors of their own, and
sued for mercy as if they had been guilty of similar vio
lence to our subjects, they obtained peace on similar terms ;
of which that most rigorously insisted on was that tkey
should restore all the prisoners which they had taken in
their frequent incursions. III.
§ 1. While the god-like wisdom of the Csesar was thus
successful in Gaul, great disturbances arose in the court of
the emperor, which from slight beginnings increased to
grief and lamentations. Some bees swarmed on the house
of Barbatio, at that time the commander of the infantry.
And when he consulted the interpreters of prodigies on
this event, he received for an answer, that it was an omen
of great danger ; the answer being founded on the idea
that these animals, after they have fixed their abode, and
laid up their stores, are usually expelled by smoke and
the noisy din of cymbals.
2. Barbatio's wife was a woman called Assyria, neither
silent nor prudent. And when he had gone on an expe
dition which caused her much alarm, she, because of the
predictions which she recollected to have been given
her, and being full of female vanity, having summoned a
handmaid who was skilful in writing, and of whom she
had become possessed by inheritance from her father
Silvanus, sent an unseasonable letter to her husband, full
of lamentations, and of entreaties that after the approach
ing death of Constantius, if he himself, as she hoped, wias
admitted to a share in the empire, he would not despise
her, and prefer to marry Eusebia, who was Constantius's
empress, and who was of a beauty equalled by few
women. 3. She sent this letter as secretly as she could ; but the
maid, when the troops had returned from their expedition
at the beginning of the night, took a copy of the letter
which she had written at the dictation of her mistress, to
Arbetio, and being eagerly admitted by him, she gave him
the paper.
4. He, relying on this evidence, being at all times a man
eager to bring forward accusations, conveyed it to the

166 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVIIL Ch. m.
emperor. As was usual, no delay was allowed, and Bar
batio, who confessed that he had received the letter, and
his wife, who was distinctly proved to have written it,
were both beheaded.
5. After this execution, investigations were carried
further, and many persons, innocent as well as guilty, were
brought into question. Among whom was Valentinus,
who having lately been an officer of the protectores, had
been promoted to be a tribune ; and he with many others
was put to the torture as having been privy to the affair,
though he was wholly ignorant of it. But he survived his
sufferings ; and as some compensation for the injury done
to him, and for his danger, he received the rank of duke of
Illyricum. 6. This same Barbatio was a man of rude and arrogant
manners, and very unpopular, because while captain of the
protectores of the household, in the time of Gallus Csesar,
he was a false and treacherous man ; and after he had
attained the higher rank he became so elated that he
invented calumnies against the Csesar Julian, and, though
all good men hated him, whispered many wicked lies into
the ever-ready ears of the emperor.
7. Being forsooth ignorant of the wise old saying of
Aristotle, who when he sent Callisthenes, his pupil and
relation, to the king Alexander, warned him to say as
little as he could, and that only of a pleasant kind, before
a man who carried the power of life and death on the tip
of his tongue.
8. We should not wonder that mankind, whose minds
we look upon as akin to those of the gods, can sometimes
discern what is likely to be beneficial or hurtful to them,
when even animals devoid of reason sometimes secure
their own safety by profound silence, of which the follow
ing is a notorious instance : —
9. When the wild geese leave the East because of the
heat, and seek a western climate, as soon as they reach
Mount Taurus, which is full of eagles, fearing those war
like birds, they stop up their own beaks with stones, that
not even the hardest necessity may draw a cry from them ;
they fly more rapidly than usual across that range, and
when they have passed it they throw away the stones, and
then proceed more securely.

*J>-35J.] DESIGNS OF SAPOR. 167

IV.
§ 1. While these investigations were being carried on
with great diligence at Sirmium, the fortune of the East
sounded the terrible trumpet of danger. For the king of
Persia, being strengthened by the aid of the fierce nations
whom he had lately subdued, and being above all men
ambitious of extending his territories, began to prepare
men and arms and supplies, mingling hellish wisdom
with his human counsels, and consulting all kinds of
soothsayers about futurity. And when he had collected
everything, he proposed to invade our territories at the
first opening of the spring.
2. And when the emperor learnt this, at first by report,
but subsequently by certain intelligence, and while all
were in suspense from dread of the impending danger, the
dependents of the court, hammering on the same anvil day
and night (as the saying is), at the prompting of the
eunuchs, held up Ursicinus as a Gorgon's head before the
suspicious and timid emperor, continually repeating that,
because on the death of Silvanus, in a dearth of better men,
he had been sent to defend the eastern districts, he had
become ambitious of still greater power.
3. And by this base compliance many tried to purchase
the favour of Eusebius, at that time the principal chamber
lain, with whom (if we are to say the real truth) Con
stantius had great influence, and who was now a bitter
enemy of the safety of the master of the horse, Ursicinus,
on two accounts ; first, because he was the only person
who did not need his assistance, as others did ; and secondly,
because he would not give up his house at Antioch, which
Eusebius greatly coveted.
4. So this latter, like a snake abounding in poison, and
exciting its offsping as soon as they can crawl to do mis
chief, stirred up the other chamberlains, that they, while
performing their more private duties about the prince's
person, with their thin and boyish voices, might damage
the reputation of a brave man by pouring into the too
open ears of the emperor accusations of great odium. And
they soon did what they were commanded.
5. Disgust at this and similar events leads one to praise

168 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVTIT. Ch. V.
Domitian, who although, by the unalterable detestation he
incurred, has ever stained the memory of his father and
his brother,' still deserved credit for a most excellent law,
by which he forbade with severe threats any one to castrate
any boy within the limits of the Eoman jurisdiction. For
if there were no such edict, who could endure the swarms of
such creatures as would exist, when it is so difficult to bear
even, a few of them ?
6. However, they proceeded with caution, lest, as
Eusebius suggested, if Ursicinus were again sent for, he
should take alarm and throw everything into confusion ;
but it was proposed that on the first casual opportunity
he should be put to death.
7. While they were waiting for this chance, and full of
doubt and anxiety ; and while we2 were tarrying a short
time at Samosata, the greatest city of what had formerly
been the kingdom of Commagene, we suddenly received
frequent and consistent reports of some new commotions,
which I will now proceed to relate.
V.
§ 1. A certain man named Antoninus, who from having
been a wealthy merchant had become superintendent of
the accounts of the duke of Mesopotamia, and after that
entered the corps of the protectores, a man of experience
and wisdom, and very well known in all that country.
Being through the avarice of certain persons involved in
heavy losses, and perceiving that while defending actions
against men of influence he was being sunk lower and
lower through injustice, since the judges who had to decide
on his affairs sought to gratify people in power, he, not
wishing to kick against the pricks, bent himself to ob
sequious caresses ; and confessing that he owed what
was claimed of him, the claim, by collusion, was trans
ferred to the treasury. He now, having resolved on a
flagitious plan, began secretly to look into the secrets of
the whole republic; and being acquainted with both
languages, he devoted his attention to the accounts ; re-
' Vespasian and Titus.
2 Ammianus was still in attendance on Ursicinus.

A.D. 359.] -1REACHERY OF ANTONINUS. 169
marking the amount, quality, and situation of the different
di\isions of the army, and the employment of them on any
expeditions ; inquiring also with unwearied diligence into
the extent of the supplies of arms and provisions, and
other things likely to be needful in war.
2. And when he had made himself acquainted with all
the internal circumstances of the East, and had learnt that
a great portion of the troops and of the money for their
pay was distributed in Illyricum, where the emperor him
self was detained by serious business ; as the day was now
approaching which had been fixed for the payment of the
money for which he had been constrained by fear to give
an acknowledgment of his bond ; and as he saw that he
must be overwhelmed by disasters on all sides, since the
chief treasurer was devoted to the interests of his adversary ;
he conceived the audacious design of crossing over to the
Persians with his wife and children, and his whole nume
rous family of relations.
3. And to elude the observation of the soldiers at their
different stations, he bought for a small price a farm
in Hiaspis, a district on the banks of the Tigris. And,
relying on this pretext, since no one would venture to ask
why a landed proprietor should go to the extreme frontier
of the Eoman territory, as many others did the same, by
the agency of some trusty friends who were skilful
swimmers, he carried on frequent secret negotiations with
Tamsapor, who was at that time governing the country on
the other side of the river with the rank of duke, and with
whom he was already acquainted. And at last, having
received from the Persian camp an escort of well-mounted
men, he embarked in some boats, and crossed over at night
with all his family, in the same manner as Zopyrus, the
betrayer of Babylon, had formerly done, only with an
opposite object.
4. While affairs in Mesopotamia were in this state, the
hangers-on of the palace, always singing the same song
for our destruction, at last found a handle to injure the
gallant Ursicinus; the gang of eunuchs being still the
contrivers and promoters of the plot; since they_ are
always sour tempered and savage, and having no relations,
cling to riches as their dearest kindred.
5. The design now adopted was to send Sabinianus, a
withered old man of great wealth, but infirm and timid,

170 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. iJe.XVHI.Cb.Ti
and from the lowness of his birth far removed from any
office of command, to govern the districts of the East;
while Ursicinus should be recalled to court, to command
the infantry, as successor to Barbatio. And then he, this
greedy promoter of revolution, as they called him, being
within their reach, could easily be attacked by his bitter
and formidable enemies.
6. While these things were going on in the camp
of Constantius, as at a festival or a theatre, and while
the dispensers of rank which was bought and sold were
distributing the price agreed upon among the influential
houses, Antoninus, having reached Sapor's winter quarters,
was received with gladness ; and being ennobled by the
grant of a turban, an honour which gives admission to the
royal table, and also that of assisting at and delivering
one's opinion in the councils of the Persians, went onwards,
not with a punt pole or a tar rope, as the proverb is
(that is to say, not by any tedious or circuitous path), but
with flowing sails into the conduct of state affairs, and
stirring up Sapor, as former! y Maharbal roused the sluggish
Hannibal, was always telling him that he knew how to
conquer, but not how to use a victory.
7. For having been bred up in active life, and being a
thorough man of business, he got possession of the feelings
of his hearers, who like what tickles their ears, and who
do not utter their praises aloud, but, like the Phseacians
in Homer, admire in silence,1 while he recounted the
events of the last forty years ; urging that, after all these
continual wars, and especially the battles of Hileia and
Singara,2 where that fierce combat by night took place, in
which we lost a vast number of our men, as if some fecial
had interposed to stop them, the Persians, though victo
rious, had never advanced as far as Edessa or the bridges
over the Euphrates. Though with their warlike power
1 Homer, Od. xiii. 1 ; translated by Pope —
" He ceased, but left, so pleasing on their ear,
His voice, that listening still they seemed to hear."
And imitated by Milton, Paradise Lost, ix. 1 —
" The angel ended, and in Adam's ear
So pleasing left his voice that he awhile
Thought him still speaking, still stood fixed to hear."
1 The battle of Hileia took place a.d. 348 ; that of Singara three
years earlier,

*-»-359.] URSICINUS IS SENT !"..«. 171
and splendid success, they might have pushed their advan
tages, especially at that moment, when in consequence of
the protracted troubles of their civil wars the blood of the
Eomans was being poured out on all sides.
8. By these and similar speeches the deserter, pre
serving his sobriety at the banquets, where, after the
fashion of the ancient Greeks, the Persians deliberate on
war and other important affairs, stimulated the fiery
monarch, and persuaded him to rely upon the greatness of
his fortune, and to take up arms the moment that the
winter was over, and he himself boldly promised his assist
ance in many important matters. VI.
§ 1. About this time Sabinianus, being elated at the
power which he had suddenly acquired, and having arrived
in Cilicia, gave his predecessor letters from the emperor,
desiring him to hasten to court to be invested with higher
dignities. In fact the affairs of Asia were in sueh a
state that, even if Ursicinus had been at Ultima Thule
their urgency would have required him to be summoned
thence to set them right, since he was a man of the
ancient discipline, and from long experience especially
skilful in the Persian manner of conducting war.
2. But when the report of this reached the provinces,
all ranks of the citizens and agricultural population, by
formal edicts and by unanimous outcries, endeavoured
to detain him, almost forcibly, as the public defender oi
their country, remembering that though for ten years
he had been left to his own resources with a scanty and
unwarlike force, he had yet incurred no loss ; and fearing
for their safety if at so critical a. time he should be
removed and a man of utter inactivity assume the rule in
his stead.
3. We believe, and indeed there is no doubt of it, that fame
flies on wings through the paths of the air ; and she it was
who now gave information of these events to the Persians
while deliberating on the entire aspect of affairs. At last,
after many arguments pro and con, they determined, on
the advice of Antoninus, that as Ursicinus was removed,
and as the new governor was contemptible, they might

172 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVIII. C«. vi.
venture to neglect laying siege to cities, an operation
which would cause a mischievous loss of time, and at once
cross the Euphrates, and advance further, in order, out
stripping all rumour of their march, to occupy those pro
vinces which, throughout all our wars, had always been
Bafe (except in the time of Gallienus), and which, from
their long enjoyment of peace, were very wealthy. And
in this enterprise, with the favour of God, Antoninus of
fered himself as a most desirable guide.
4. His advice, therefore, being unanimously praised and
adopted, and the attention of the whole nation being
directed to the speedy collection of those things which
were required, supplies, soldiers, arms, and equipments,
the preparation of everything for the coming campaign
was continued the whole winter.
5. In the mean time, we, hastening at the emperor's com
mand towards Italy, after having been detained a short
time on the western side of Mount Taurus, reached the
river Hebrus, which descends from the mountains of the
Odrysse ', and there we received letters from the emperor,
ordering us, without the least delay, to return to Meso
potamia, without any officers, and having, indeed, no im
portant duty to discharge, since all the power had been
transferred to another.
6. And this had been arranged by those mischievous
meddlers in the government, in order that if the Persians
failed and returned to their own country, our success
might be attributed to the valour of the new governor;
while, if our affairs turned out ill, Ursicinus might be
impeached as a traitor to the republic.
7. Accordingly we, being tossed about without any
reason, after much time had been lost, returned, and found
Sabinianus, a man full of pride, of small stature, and of a
petty and narrow mind, scarcely able without fear to
encounter the slight noise of a beast, much less to face the
crash of battle.
8. Nevertheless, since our spies brought positive and
consistent intelligence that all kind of preparations were
going on among the enemy, and since their report was
confirmed by that of the deserters, while this manikin
was in a state of perplexity, we hastened to Nisibis to

A-D-359] STATE OF NIS1B1S. 17S
make such preparation as seemed requisite, lest the Persians,
while concealing their intention to besiege it, should come
upon it by surprise.
9. And while all things- necessary were being pressed
forward within the walls, continued fires and columns of
smoke being seen on the other side of the Tigris, near
the town called the Camp of the Moors, and Sisara, and
the other districts on the Persian frontier, and spreading up
to the city itself, showed that the predatory bands of the
enemy had crossed the river, and entered our territories.
10. And therefore we hastened forwards with a forced
march, to prevent the roads from being occupied; and
when we had advanced two miles, we saw a fine boy of
about eight y7ears old, as we guessed, wearing a necklace, of
noble appearance, standing on the top of a small hillock,
and crying out, stating himself to be the son of a man of
noble birth, whom his mother, while fleeing in her alarm
at the approach of the enemy, had left in her panic in
order to be less encumbered. We pitied him, and at the
command of our general, I put him on my horse, in front
of me, and took him back to the city, while the predatory
bands of the enemy, having blockaded the city, were
ravaging all around.
11. And because I was alarmed at the difficulties in
which we should be placed by a blockade, I put the child
in at a half-open postern gate, and hastened back with
all speed to my troop. And I was very nearly taken
prisoner ; for a tribune named Abdigidus, accompanied
by a groom, was fleeing, pursued by a squadron of
cavalry, and though the master escaped the servant was
taken. And as I was passing by rapidly, they, examining
the servant, inquired of him who was the chief who had
advanced against them ; and when they heard that Ursi
cinus had a little while before entered the city, and was
on his way to Mount Izala, they put their informant to
death, and then, forming into one body, pursued us with
ceaseless speed.
12. But I outstripped them by the speed of my horse,
and finding my comrades reposing securely under the walls
of a slight fort, called Amudis, with their horses dispersed
over the grass, I waved my hand, and raising the hem of
my cloak: by this usual signal I gave notice fhat the

174 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XVIII. Ch. vi.
enemy was at hand, and then joining them we retreated
together, though my horse was greatly fatigued.
13. Our alarm was increased by the brightness of the
night, as the moon was full, and by the even level of the
plain, which, if our danger should become worse, afforded
no possible hiding-place, as having neither trees, nor
bushes, nor anything but low herbage.
14. Accordingly we adopted the following plan : we lit
a lamp and fastened it tightly on a horse, which we
turned loose without a rider, and let go where it pleased
to our left, while we marched towards the high ground on
our right, in order that the Persians might fancy the light
a torch held before the general as he proceeded slowly
forwards, and so keep on in that direction. And unless
we had adopted this precaution we should have been cir
cumvented, and have fallen as prisoners into the power of
the enemy.
15. Being delivered from this danger, when we had
come to a woody spot, full of vines and fruit-bearing
trees, called Meiacarire, a name derived from the cool
springs found there, we found that the inhabitants had all
fled, and there was only a single soldier remaining behind,
concealed in a remote corner. And when he was brought
before our general, and through fear told all kinds of
different stories, and so became an object of suspicion; at1
last, under the compulsion of our threats, he told the real
truth, that he was a native of Gaul, and had been born
among the Parisii, that he had served in our cavalry, but
that fearing punishment for some offence he had deserted
to the Persians ; that he had since married a wife of ex
cellent character, and had a family, and that having been
frequently sent as a spy to our camp, he had always
brought the Persians true intelligence. And now he
said he had been sent by the nobles Tamsapor and
Nohodares, who were in command of the predatory bands,
to bring them such intelligence as he could collect. After
telling us this, and also that he knew of the operations
of the enemy, he was put to death.
16. Afterwards, as our anxiety increased, we proceeded
from thence with as much speed as we could make to
Amida, a city celebrated at a later period for the disaster
which befel it. And when our scouts had rejoined us there

">-369. MESSAGE FROM PROCOPIUS. 175
we found in one of their scabbards a scrap of parchment
written in cipher, which they had been ordered to convey
to us by Procopius, whom I have already spoken of as
ambassador to the Persians with the Count Lucillianus ;
its terms were purposely obscure, lest if the bearers should
be taken prisoners, and the sense of the writing under
stood, materials should be found for fatal mischief.
17. The purport was, " The ambassadors of the Greeks,
having been rejected, and being perhaps to be put to death,
the aged king, not contented with the Hellespont, will
throw bridges over the Granicus and the Ehyndacus, and
invade Asia Minor with a numerous host, being by his own
natural disposition irritable and fierce ; and being now
prompted and inflamed by him who was formerly the suc
cessor of the Eoman emperor Hadrian.' it is all over with
the Greeks if they do not take care."
18. The meaning of this was that the Persian king,
having crossed the rivers Anzaba and Tigris, at the
prompting of Antoninus was aiming at the sovereignty of
the entire East. When it had been interpreted with diffi
culty, from its great obscurity, a wise plan was decided
on. 19. The satrap of Corduena, a province under the au
thority of the Persians, was a man named Jovinianus, who
had grown up to manhood in the Eoman territories, and
was secretly friendly to us, because he had been detained
as a hostage in Syria, and being now allured by the love of
liberal studies, he was exceedingly desirous to return
among us.
20. To this man I, being sent with a faithful centurion,
for the purpose of learning with greater certainty what was
being done, reached ' him by travelling over pathless
mountains, and dangerous defiles. And when he saw and
recognized me, he received me courteously, and I avowed
to him alone the reason of my coming ; and having received
from him a silent guide, well acquainted with the country,
I was sent to some lofty rocks at a distance, from which,
if one's eyes did not fail, one could see even the most
minute object fifty miles off.
21. There we remained two whole days ; and on the
morning of the third day we saw all the circuit of the
1 Antoninus is meant, as Hadrian was succeeded by Antoninus Pius

176 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. X VIII. Ch. vn
earth, whioh we call the horizon, filled with countless hosts
of men, and the king marching before them glittering with
the brilliancy of his robes. And next to him on his left
hand marched Grumbates, king of the Chionitse, a man of
middle age, and wrinkled limbs, but of a grand spirit,
and already distinguished for many victories. On his
right hand was the king of the Albani, of equal rank and
spendour. After them came various generals, renowned
for their rank and power, who were followed by a multi
tude of all classes, picked from the flower of the neighbour
ing nations, and trained by long hardship to endure any
toil or danger.
22. How long, 0 mendacious Greece, wilt thou tell us
of Doriscus,1 the Thracian town, and of the army counted
there in battalions in a fenced space, when we careful, or
to speak more truly, cautious historians, exaggerate nothing,
and merely record what is established by evidence neither
doubtful nor uncertain ! VII.
§ 1. After the kings had passed by Nineveh, an important
city of the province of Adiabena, they offered a sacrifice
in the middle of the bridge over the Anzaba, and as the
omens were favourable, they advanced with great joy;
while we, calculating that the rest of their host could
hardly pass over in three days, returned with speed to
the satrap, and rested, refreshing ourselves by his hospi
table kindness.
2. And returning from thence through a deserted and
solitary country, under the pressure of great necessity, and
reaching our army more rapidly than could have been
expected, we brought to those who were hesitating the
certain intelligence that the kings had crossed over the
river by a bridge of boats, and were marching straight
towards us.
3. Without delay, therefore, horsemen with horses of
picked speed were sent to Cassianus, duke of Mesopotamia,
and to Euphronius, at that time the governor of the
province, to compel the residents in the country to retire
1 Doriscus was the town where Xerxes reviewed and counted hia
army, as is related by Herodotus, vii. 60.

A.D. 359.] WILD BEASTS IN MESOPOTAMIA. 177
with their families and all their flocks to a safer place ; and
to quit at once the town of Carrse, which was defended
by very slight walls ; and further, to burn all the stand
ing crops, that the enemy might get no supplies from the
land. 4. And when these orders had been executed, as they
were without delay, and when the fire was kindled, the
violence of the raging element so completely destroyed all
the corn,' which was just beginning to swell and turn
yellow, and all the young herbage, that from the Euphrates
to the Tigris nothing green was to be seen. And many
wild beasts were burnt, and especially lions, who infest
these districts terribly, but who are often destroyed or
blinded in this manner.
5. They wander in countless droves among the beds of
rushes on the banks of the rivers of Mesopotamia, and in
the jungles; and lie quiet all the winter, which is very
mild in that country. But when the warm weather
returns, as these regions are exposed to great heat, they
are forced out by the vapours, and by the size of the
gnats, with swarms of which every part of that country
is filled. And these winged insects attack the eyes, as
being both moist and sparkling, sitting on and biting the
eyelids ; the lions, unable to bear the torture, are either
drowned in the rivers, to which they flee for refuge, or
else by frequent scratchings tear their eyes out themselves
with their claws, and then become mad. And if this did
1 " Ammianus has marked the chronology of this year by three
signs which do not perfectly coincide with each other, or with the
series of the history : — 1. The corn was ripe when Sapor invaded
Mesopotamia, 'cum jura stipula flavente turgerent' — a circumstance
which, in the latitude of Aleppo, would naturally refer us to the
month of April or May. 2. The progress of Sapor was checked by the
overflowing of the Euphrates, which generally happens in July and
August. 3. When Sapor had taken Amida, after a siege of seventy-
three days, the autumn was far advanced. ' Autumno prsecipiti hsBdo-
rumque improbo sidere exorto.' To reconcile these apparent contra
dictions, we must allow for some delay in the Persian king, some
inaccuracy in the historian, and some disorder in the seasons."— Gibbon,
cap. xix. ; ed. Bohn, vol. ii. 320. " Clinton, F. E., i. 442, sees no such
difficulty as Gibbon has here supposed ; he makes Sapor to have passed
the Tigris in May, reached the Euphrates July 8th, arrived before
Amida July 27th, and stormed the place October 7th."— Editor of
Bohn's ed. N

178 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVIII. Cfi. vn
not happen the whole of the East would be overrun with
beasts of this kind.
6. While the plains were thus being laid waste by fire,
as I have described, tne tribunes, who were sent with a
body of protectores, fortified all the western bank of the
Euphrates with castles and sharp palisades and every
kind of defence, fixing also large engines for hurling
missiles on those spots where the more tranquil condition
of the river made it likely that the enemy might attempt
to cross.
7. While these things were being expeditiously done,
Sabinianus, chosen in the hurried moment of general
danger as the fittest conductor of an internecine war, was
living luxuriously, according to his custom, at the tombs of
Edessa,1 as if he had established peace with the dead,
and had nothing to fear : and he took especial pleasure
in breaking the silence of the place with the sounding
measures of the martial pyathicari, instead of the usual
theatrical exhibitions ; a fancy, considering the place, preg
nant with omens. Since these and similar gloomy scenes
foreshow future commotions, as we learn in the progress
of time, all good men ought to avoid them.
8. In the mean time, passing by Nisibis as of no import
ance, while the conflagration increased through the dry
ness of the crops, the kings, dreading a scarcity of food,
marched through the grassy valleys at the foot of the
mountains. 9. When they had arrived at a small place called
Bebase (from which place to the town of Constantina,
which is one hundred miles distant, the whole country is
an arid desert, except where a little water is found in
some wells), they hesitated for some time, doubting what
to do ; and at last resolving to proceed in reliance on the
endurance of their men, they7 learnt from a trusty spy that
the Euphrates was swollen by the melting of the snow, and
was now extensively inundating the adjacent lands, and
so could not possibly be forded.
10. Therefore they turned to see what opportunities
chance might afford them, being now cut off unexpectedly
from the hope which they had conceived. And in the
1 That is, in the suburbs of Edessa, as cemeteries in ancient times
were usually outside the walls of cities.

"¦-59 THE ARMY MARCHES TO SAM08ATA. 179
present emergency a council was held, at which Antoninus
was requested to give his advice : and he counselled them
to direct their march to the right, so that by a longer circuit
they might reach the two strong forts of Barzala and Lau-
dias, to which he could guide them through a region fertile
in everything, and still undestroyed, since the march of the
army was expected to be made in a straight line. And
the only river on their road was one small and narrow, to
be passed near its source, before it was increased by any
other streams, and easily fordable.
11. When they had heard this, they praised their
adviser, and bidding him lead the way, the whole army
turned from its previously appointed line, and followed his
guidance. VIII.
§ 1. When our generals received intelligence of this from
their spies, we settled to march in haste to Samosata, in
order to cross the river at that point, and destroying the
bridges at Zeugma and Capersana, to check the invasion of
the enemy if we could find a favourable chance for attack
ing them.
2. But we met with a sad disaster, worthy to be buried
in profound silence. For two squadrons of cavalry, of
about seven hundred men, who had just been sent from
Illyricum to Mesopotamia as a reinforcement, and who
were guarding the passes, becoming enervated and timid,
and fearing a surprise by night, withdrew from the public
causeways in the evening, a time above all others when
they most required watching.
3. And when it was remarked that they were all sunk in
wine and sleep, about twenty thousand Persians, under the
command of Tamsapor and Nohodares, passed without any
one perceiving them, and fully armed as they were, con
cealed themselves behind the Jiigh ground in the neigh
bourhood of Amida.
4. Presently, when (as has been said) we started before
daybreak on our march to Samosata, our advanced guard,
on reaching a high spot which commanded a more distant
view, was suddenly alarmed by the glitter of shining
arms ; and cried out in a hurried manner that the enemy

180 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVHI. Ch. vm.
were at hand. Upon this the signal for battle was given,
and we halted in a solid column, never thinking of
fleeing, since, indeed, those who would have pursued us
were in sight ; nor to engage in battle with an enemy
superior to us in numbers, and especially in cavalry ; but
seeing the necessity for caution in the danger of certain
death which lay before us.
5. At last, when it seemed clear that a battle could not
be avoided, and while we were still hesitating what to do,
some of our men rashly advanced as skirmishers, and were
slain. And then, as each side pressed onwards, Antoninus,
ambitiously marching in front of the enemy, was recognized
by Ursicinus, and addressed by him in a tone of reproach,
and called a traitor and a scoundrel ; till at last, taking off
the tiara which he wore on his head as a badge of honour,
he dismounted from his horse, and bending down till his
face nearly touched the ground, he saluted the Eoman
general, calling him patron and master; and holding his
hands hehind his back, which among the Assyrians is a
gesture of supplication, he said, " Pardon me, most noble
count, who have been driven to this guilt by necessity,
not by my own will. My creditors, as you know, drove
me headlong into it : men whose avarice even your high
authority, which tried to support me in my distress, could
not overcome." Having said this, he withdrew without
turning his back upon him, but retiring backwards in a
respectful manner, with his face towards him.
6. And while this was taking place, which did not
occupy above half an hour, our second rank, which
occupied the higher ground, cried out that another body of
cuirassiers appeared behind, and was coming on with great
speed. 7. And then, as is often the case at critical moments,
doubting which enemy we ought, or even could resist, and
being pressed on all sides by an overwhelming mass, we
dispersed in every direction, each fleeing where he could.
And while every one was trying to extricate himself from
the danger, we were brought, without any order, face to
face with the enemy.
8. And so struggling vigorously while giving up all
desire of saving our lives, we were driven back to the
high banks of the Tigris. Some of our men, driven into

a.d. 359.J PERSONAL DANGER OF AMMIANUS. 181
the water where it was shallow, locked their arms, and so
made a stand ; others were carried off by the current and
drowned ; some, still fighting with the enemy, met with
various fortune, or, panic-stricken at the numbers of the
barbarians, sought the nearest defiles of Mount Taurus.
Among these was the general himself, who was recognized
and surrounded by a vast body of the enemy ; but he
escaped with the tribune Aiadalthes and one groom, being
saved by the swiftness of his horse.
9. I myself was separated from my comrades, and
while looking round to see what to do, I met with one
of the protectores named Verennianus, whose thigh was
pierced through by an arrow, and while at his entreaty I
was trying to pull it out, I found myself surrounded on all
sides by Persians, some of whom had passed beyond me. I
therefore hastened back with all speed towards the city,
which, being placed on high ground, is only accessible
by one very narrow path on the side on which we were
attacked ; and that path is made narrower still by escarp
ments of the rocks, and barriers built on purpose to make
the approach more difficult.
10. Here we became mingled with the Persians, who were
hastening with a run, racing with us, to make themselves
masters of the higher ground : and till the dawn of the
next day we stood without moving, so closely packed, that
the bodies of those who were slain were so propped up
by the mass that they could not find room to fall to the
ground ; and a soldier in front of me, whose head was
cloven asunder into equal portions by a mighty sword-
blow, still stood upright like a log, being pressed upon all
sides. 11. And although javelins were incessantly hurled from
the battlements by every kind of engine, yet we were pro
tected from that danger by the proximity of the walls.
And at last I got in at the postern gate, which I found
thronged by a multitude of both sexes flocking in from the
neighbouring districts. For it happened by chance co
these very days that it was the time of a great annual fair
which was held in the suburbs, and which was visited by
multitudes of the country people.
12. In the mean time all was in disorder with every
kind of noise ; some bewailing those whom they had lost ;

182 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XVI11. Cil. IX.
others being mortally wounded ; and many calling on their
different relations whom the crowd prevented them from
discovering. IX.
§ 1. This city had formerly been a very small one, till
Constantius while Csesar, at the same time that he built
another town called Antinopolis, surrounded Amida also
with strong towers ar>d stout walls, that the people in the
neighbourhood might have a safe place of refuge. And
he placed there a store of mural engines, making it for
midable to the enemy, as he wished it to be called by his
own name.
2. On the southern side it is watered by the Tigris,
which passes close to it, making a kind of elbow : on the
east it looks towards the plains of Mesopotamia, on the
north it is close to the river Nymphseus, and is over
shadowed by the chain of Mount Taurus, which sepa
rates the nations on the other side of the Tigris from
Armenia. On the west it borders on the province of
Gumathena, a fertile and well-cultivated district, in which
is a village known as Abarne, celebrated for the healing
properties of its hot springs. But in the very centre of
Amida, under the citadel, there rises a rich spring of water,
drinkable indeed, but often tainted with hot vapours.
3. In the garrison of this town, the fifth or Parthian
legion was always located with a considerable squadron
of native cavalry. But at that time six legions, by forced
marches, had outstripped the Persian host in its advance,
and greatly strengthened the garrison : they were the
Magnentian and Decentian legions whom, after the end of
the civil war, the emperor had sent as mutinous and dis
contented to the East, since there the only danger was
from foreign wars : the tenth, and the thirteenth legion
called the Fretensian :' and two legions of light infantry
called prseventores and superventores,8 with .ZElian, who
was now a count. Of these latter, when only new recruits,
1 It is not known what this name is derived from : some read
Fortensis, instead of Fretensis, and those who prefer this reading derive
it either from Fortis, brave ; or from Fortia, a small town of Asiatic
Sarmatia. 2 Prseventores, or " going before ;" superventores, " coining after,*'
as a reserve.

A.B.359.] SURRENDER OF ROMAN FORTS. 183
we have already1 spoken, as sallying out from Singara at
the instigation of this same iElian, then only one of the
guard, and slaying a great number of Persians whom they
had surprised in their sleep.
4. There was also the greater part of the force called
companion archers, being squadrons of cavalry so named,
in which all the freeborn barbarians serve, and who are
conspicuous among all others for the splendour of their
arms and for their prowess. X.
§ 1 . While the first onset of the Persians was by its unex
pected vehemence throwing these troops into disorder,
the king, with his native and foreign troops, having after
leaving Bebase turned his march to the right, according to
the advice of Antoninus, passed by Horre and Meiacarire
and Charcha, as if he meant also to pass by Amida. And
when he had come near the Eoman forts, one of which is
called Eeman, and the other Busan, he learnt from some
deserters that many persons had removed their treasures
there for protection, trusting to their lofty and strong
walls ; and it was also added that there was there, with a
great many valuables, a woman of exquisite beauty, the
wife of a citizen of Nisibis named Craugasius, of great con
sideration by birth, character, and influence ; with her little
daughter. 2. Sapor, eager to seize what belonged to another,
hastened on, and attacked the castle with force ; and the
garrison, being seized with a sudden panic at the variety of
arms of the assailants, surrendered themselves, and all who
had fled to them for protection ; and at the first summons
gave up the keys of the gates. Possession being taken, all
that was stored there was ransacked ; women bewildered
with fear were dragged forth; and children clinging to
their mothers were taught bitter suffering at the very
beginning of their infancy.
3. And when Sapor, by asking each whose wife she was,
had found that of Craugasius trembling with fear of
violence, he allowed her to come in safety to him, and
when he saw her, veiled as she was with a black veil
to her lips, he kindly encouraged her with a promise that
1 In one of the earlier books which has been lost.

184 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX.
she should recover her husband, and that her honour
should be preserved inviolate. For hearing that her
husband was exceedingly devoted to her, he thought that
by this bribe he might win him over to betray Nisibis.
4. And he also extended his protection to other virgins
who, according to Christian rites, had been formally con
secrated to the service of God, ordering that they should
be kept uninjured, and be allowed to perform the offices of
religion as they had been accustomed. Affecting clemency
for a time, in order that those who were alarmed at his
former ferocity and cruelty might now discard their fears,
and come to him of their own accord, learning from these
recent examples that he tempered the greatness of his suc
cess with humanity and courtesy.

BOOK XIX.

ABGUMENT.

I. Sapor, while exhorting the citizens of Amida to surrender, is assailed
with arrows and javelins by the garrison — And when king Grum
bates makes a similar attempt, his son is slain. — II. Amida is
blockaded, and within two days is twice assaulted by the Persians.
— III. Ursicinus makes a vain proposal to sally out by night, and
surprise the besiegers, being resisted by Sabinianus, the com
mander of the forces. —IV. A pestilence, which breaks out in
Amida, is checked within ten days by a little rain — A discussion
of the causes, and different kinds of pestilences. — V. Amida.,
betrayed by a deserter, is assailed both by assaults on the walls
and by underground mines. — VI. A sally of the Gallic legions
does great harm to the Persians. — VH. Towers and other engines
are brought close to the walls of the city, but they are burnt by
the Eomans. — VIII. Attempts are made to raise lofty mounds
close to the walls of Amida, and by these means it is entered —
After the fall of the city, Marcellinus escapes by night, and flees
to Antioch. — IX. Of the Eoman generals at Amida, some are put
to death, and others are kept as prisoners — Craugasius of Nisibis
deserts to the Persians from love of his wife, who is their prisoner.
— X. The people of Eome, fearing a scarcity, become seditious.—
XI. The Limigantes of Sarmatia, under pretence of suing for
peace, attack Constantius, who is di ceived by their trick ; but are
driven back with heavy loss. — XII. Many are prosecuted for
treason, and condemned. — XHI. Lauricius, of the Isaurians,
checks the hordes of banditti.

A.». 369.] SAPOR SUMMONS AMIDA TO SURRENDER. 185

§ 1. The king, rejoicing at this our disaster and captivity,
and expecting other successes, advanced from this castle,
and marching slowly, on the third day came to Amida.
2. And at daybreak, everything, as far as we could see,
glittered with shining arms ; and an iron cavalry filled the
plains and the hills.
3. And he himself, mounted on his charger, and being
taller than the rest, led his whole army, wearing instead
of a crown a golden figure of a ram's head inlaid with
jewels ; being also splendid from the retinue of men of high
rank and of different nations which followed him. And it
was evident that his purpose was merely to try the garrison
of the walls with a parley, as, in following out the counsel
of Antoninus, he was hastening to another quarter.
4. But the deity of heaven, mercifully limiting the dis
asters of the empire within the compass of one region, led
on this king to such an extravagant degree of elation, that
he seemed to believe that the moment he made his appear
ance the besieged would be suddenly panic-stricken, and
have recourse to supplication and entreaty.
5. He rode up to the gates, escorted by the cohort of
his royal guard ; and while pushing on more boldly, so
that his very features might be plainly recognized, his,
ornaments made him such a mark for arrows and other
missiles, that he would have been slain, if the dust had not
hindered the sight of those who were shooting at him ; so
that after a part of his robe had been cut off by a blow of
a javelin, he escaped to cause vast slaughter at a future
time. 6. After this, raging as if against sacrilegious men who
had violated a temple, he cried out that the lord of so many
monarchs and nations had been insulted, and resolved to
use all his efforts to destroy the city. But at the entreaty
of his choicest generals not to break the example of mercy
which he had so gloriously set, by indulging in anger, he
was pacified, and the next day ordered the garrison to be
summoned to surrender.
7. Therefore, at daybreak, Grumbates, king of the Chi-
onitse, went boldly up to the walls to effect that object,

186 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk.XIX.Ch.it.
with a brave body of guards ; and when a skilful recon-
noitrer had noticed him coming within shot, he let fly his
balista, and struck down his son in the flower of his youth,
who was at his father's side, piercing through his breast
plate, breast and all ; and he was a prince who in stature
and beauty was superior to all his comrades.
8. At his death all his countrymen took to flight, but
presently returning in order to prevent his body from being
carried off, and having roused with their dissonant cla
mours various tribes to their aid, a stern conflict arose, the
arrows flying on both sides like hail.
9. The deadly struggle having been continued till the
close of day, it was nightfall before the corpse of the
young prince, which had been so stubbornly defended, was
extricated from the heap of dead and streams of blood,
amid the thick darkness ; as formerly at Troy, the armies
fought in furious combat for the comrade of the Thessahan
chieftain.1 10. At his death the count was sad, and all the nobles as
well as his father were distressed at his sudden loss ; and
a cessation of arms having been ordered, the youth, so
noble and beloved, was mourned after the fashion of his
nation. He was carried out in the arms he was wont to
wear, and placed on a spacious and lofty pile ; around him
ten couches were dressed, bearing effigies of dead men, so
carefully laid out, that they resembled corpses already
buried ; and for seven days all the men in the companies
and battalions celebrated a funeral feast, dancing, and sing
ing melancholy kinds of dirges in lamentation for the royal
youth. 11. And the women, with pitiable wailing, deplored with
their customary weepings the hope of their nation thus cut
off in the early bloom of youth ; as the worshippers of
Venus are often seen to do in the solemn festival of Adonis,
which the mystical doctrines of religion show to be some
sort of image of the ripened fruits of the earth.
II.
§ 1. When the body was burnt and the bones collected in
a silver urn, which his father had ordered to be carried
1 Patroclus, the companion of Achilles.

»•»• 359.1 BLOCKADE OF AMIDA. 187
back to his native land, to be there buried beneath the
earth, Sapor, after taking counsel, determined to propitiate
the shade of the deceased prince by making the destroyed
city of Amida his monument. Nor indeed was Grumbates
willing to move onward while the shade of his only son
remained unavenged.
2. And having given two days to rest, and sent out
large bodies of troops to ravage the fertile and well-
cultivated fields which were as heavy with crops as in the
time of peace, the enemy surrounded the city with a line
of heavy-armed soldiers five deep ; and at the begin
ning of the third day the brilliant squadrons filled every
spot as far as the eye could see in every direction, and the
ranks marching slowly, took up the positions appointed to
each by lot.
3. All the Persians were employed in surrounding the
wails ; that part which looked eastward, where that youth
so fatal to us was slain, fell to the Chionitaa. The Vertse
were appointed to the south ; the Albani watched the
north ; while opposite to the western gate were posted the
Segestani, the fiercest warriors of all, with whom were
trains of tall elephants, horrid with their wrinkled skins,
which marched on slowly, loaded with armed men, terrible
beyond the savageness of any other frightful sight, as we
have often said.
4. When we saw these countless hosts thus deliberately
collected for the conflagration of the Eoman world, and
directed to our own immediate destruction, we despaired
of safety, and sought only how to end our lives gloriously,
as we all desired.
5. From the rising of the sun to its setting, the enemy's
lines stood immovable, as if rooted to the ground, without
changing a step or uttering a sound ; nor was even the
neigh of a horse heard ; and the men having withdrawn in
the same order as they7 had advanced, after refreshing
themselves with food and sleep, even before the dawn,
returned, led by the clang of brazen trumpets, to surround
the city, as if fated to fall with their terrible ring.
6. And scarcely had Grumbates, like a Eoman fecial,
hurled at us a spear stained with blood, according to his
native fashion, than the whole army, rattling their arms,
mounted up to the walls, and instantly the tumult of

188 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Ch. n.
war grew fierce, while all the squadrons hastened with
speed and alacrity to the attack, and our men on their
side opposed them with equal fierceness and resolution.
7. Soon many of the enemy fell with their heads crushed
by vast stones hurled from scorpions, some were pierced
with arrows, others were transfixed with javelins, and
strewed the ground with their bodies ; others, wounded,
fled back in haste to their comrades.
8. Nor was there less grief or less slaughter in the city,
where the cloud of arrows obscured the air, and the vast
engines, of which the Persians had got possession when
they took Singara, scattered wounds everywhere.
9. For the garrison, collecting all their forces, returning
in constant reliefs to the combat, in their eagerness to
defend the city, fell wounded, to the hindrance of their
comrades, or, being sadly torn as they fell, threw down
those who stood near them, or if still alive, sought the
aid of those skilful in extracting darts which had become
fixed in their bodies.
10. So slaughter was met by slaughter, and lasted till
the close of day, being scarcely stopped by the darkness of
evening, so great was the obstinacy with which both sides
fought. 11. And the watches of the night were passed under
arms, and the hills resounded with the shouts raised on both
sides, while our men extolled the valour of Constantius
Csesar as lord of the empire and of the world, and the
Persians styled Sapor Saansas and Pyroses, which appella
tions mean king of kings, and conqueror in wars.
12. The next morning, before daybreak, the trumpet
gave the signal, and countless numbers from all sides
flocked like birds to a contest of similar violence ; and in
overy direction, as far as the eye could reach, nothing
•could be seen in the plains and valleys but the glittering
arms of these savage nations.
13. And presently a shout was raised, and as the enemy
rushed forward all at once, they were met by a dense
shower of missiles from the walls ; and as may be con
jectured, none were hurled in vain, falling as they did
among so dense a crowd. For while so many evils sur
rounded us, we fought as I have said before, with the hope,
not of procuring safety, but of dying bravely ; and from

A.D. 359.] VIGILANCE OF AMMIANUS. 189
dawn to eventide the battle was evenly balanced, both
fighting with more ferocity than method, and there arose
the shouts of men striking and falling, so that from the
eagerness of both parties there was scarcely any one who
did not give or receive wounds.
14. At last, night put an end to the slaughter, and the
losses on both sides caused a longer truce. For when the
time intended for rest was allowed to us, continual sleepr
less toil still exhausted our little remaining strength, in
spite of the dread caused by the bloodshed and the pallid
faces of the dying, whom the scantiness of our room did
not permit us even the last solace of burying ; since with
in the circuit of a moderate city there were seven legions,
and a vast promiscuous multitude of citizens and strangers
of both sexes, and other soldiers, so that at least twenty
thousand men were shut up within the walls.
15. So each attended to his own wounds as well as he
could, availing himself of whatever assistance or remedies
came in his way. While some, being severely wounded,
died of loss of blood ; and some, pierced through by swords,
lay on the ground, and breathed their last in the open air ;
others who were pierced through and through the skilful
refused to touch, in order not to pain them further by
inflicting useless sufferings ; some, seeking the doubtful
remedy of extracting the arrows, only incurred agonies
worse than death.
ni.
§ 1. While the war was going on in this manner around
Amida, Ursicinus, vexed at being dependent on the will
of another, gave continual warning to Sabinianus, who
had superior authority over the soldiers, and who still
remained in the quarter of the tombs, to collect all iris
light-armed troops, and hasten by secret paths along the
foot of the mountain chain, with the idea that by the aid
of this light force, if chance should aid them, they might
surprise some of the enemy's outposts, and attack with suc
cess the night watches of the army, which, with its vast cir
cuit, was surrounding the walls, or else by incessant attacks
might harass those who clung resolutely to the blockade.
2. But Sabinianus rejected this proposal as mischievous,

190 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIS. Cu. iv.
and produced some letters from the emperor, expressly
enjoining that all that could be done was to be done with
out exposing the troops to any danger ; but his own secret
motive he kept in his own bosom, namely, that he had been
constantly recommended while at court to refuse his pre
decessor, who was very eager for glory, every opportunity
of acquiring renown, however much it might be for the
interest of the republic.
3. Extreme pains were taken, even to the ruin of the
provinces, to prevent the gallant Ursicinus from being
spoken of as the author of or partner in any memorable
exploit. Therefore, bewildered with these misfortunes,
Ursicinus, seeing that, though constantly sending spies to
us (although from the strict watch that was set it was not
easy for any one to enter the city), and proposing many
advantageous plans, he did no good, seemed like a lion,
terrible for his size and fierceness, but with his claws cut
and his teeth drawn, so that he could not dare to save from
danger his cubs entangled in the nets of the hunters.
IV.
§ 1. But in the city, where the number of the corpses
which lay scattered over the streets was too great for aay
one to perform the funeral rites over them, a pestilence
Was soon added to the other calamities of the citizens ; the
carcases becoming full of worms and corruption, from the
evaporation caused by the heat, and the various diseases of
the people ; and here I will briefly explain whence diseases
of this kind arise.
2. Both philosophers and skilful physicians agree that
excess of cold, or of heat, or of moisture, or of drought,
all cause pestilences ; on which account those who dwell
in marshy or wet districts are subject to coughs and com
plaints in the eyes, and other similar maladies : on the
other hand, those who dwell in hot climates are liable to
fevers and inflammations. But since fire is the most power
ful of all elements, so drought is the quickest at killing.
3. On this account it is that when the Greeks were
toiling at the ten years' war,1 to prevent a foreigner from
1 The Trojan war. See the account of the pestilence, Homa
II. i. 50.

"•359 1 PESTILENCE IN AMIDA. 191
profiting by his violation of a royal marriage, • pestilence
broke out among them, and numbers died by the darts of
Apollo, who is the same as the Sun.
4. Again, as Thucydides relates, that pestilence which
at the beginning of the Peloponnesian war harassed the
Athenians with a most cruel kind of sickness, came by
slow steps from the burning plains of Ethiopia to Attica.
5. Others maintain that the air and the water, becoming
tainted by the smell of corpses, and similar things, takes
away the healthiness of a place, or at all events that the
sudden change of temperature brings forth slighter sick
nesses. 6. Some again affirm that the air becomes heavier by
emanations from the earth, and kills some individuals by
checking the perspiration of the body, for which reason
we learn from Homer, that, besides men, the other living
creatures also died ; and we know by many instances, that
in such plagues this does occur.
7. Now the first species of pestilence is called pandemic ;
this causes those who live in dry places to be attacked by
frequent heats. The second is called epidemic, which
gets gradually more violent, dims the sight of the eyes,
and awakens dangerous humours. The third is called
loamodes,1 which is also temporary, but still often kills
with great rapidity.
8. We were attacked by this deadly pestilence from the
excessive heat, which our numbers aggravated, though but
few died : and at last, on the night after the tenth day
from the first attack, the heavy and dense air was softened
by a little rain, and the health of the garrison was restored
and preserved. V.
§ 1. In the mean time the restless Persians were sur
rounding the city with a fence of wicker-work, and
mounds were commenced ; lofty towers also were con
structed with iron fronts, in the top of each of which
a balista was placed, in order to drive down the garri-
1 i. e., \oip£STis, from \oiphs, pestilence. Pandemic means " attack
ing the whole people." Epidemic, "spreading from individual U
individual."

192 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Ch. t.
son from the battlements ; but during the whole time the
shower of missiles from the archers and slingers never
ceased for a moment.
2. We had with us two of the legions which had served
under Magnentius, and which, as we have said, had lately
been brought from Gaul, composed of brave and active
men well adapted for conflicts in the plain ; but not only
useless for such a kind of war as that by whioh we were
now pressed, but actually in the way. For as they had no
skill either in working the engines, or in constructing
works, but were continually making foolish sallies, and
fighting bravely, they always returned with diminished
numbers ; doing just as much good, as the saying is, as a
bucket of water brought by a single hand to a general
conflagration. 3. At last, when the gates were completely blocked, and
they were utterly unable to get out, in spite of the entrea
ties of their tribunes, they became furious as wild beasts.
But on subsequent occasions their services became con
spicuous, as we shall show.
4. In a remote part of the walls on the southern side,
which looks down on the Tigris, there was a high tower,
below which yawned an abrupt precipice, which it was
impossible to look over without giddiness. From this
by a hollow subterranean passage along the foot of the
mountain some steps were cut with great skill, which led
up to the level of the city, by which water was secretly
obtained from the river, as we have seen to be the case
in all the fortresses in that district which are situated on
any river.
5. This passage was dark, and because of the precipitous
character of the rock was neglected by the besiegers, till,
under the guidance of a deserter who went over to them,
seventy Persian archers of the royal battalion, men of emi
nent skill and courage, being protected by the remoteness
of the spot which prevented their being heard, climbed up
by the steps one by one at midnight, and reached the third
story of the tower. There they concealed themselves till
daybreak, when they held out a scarlet cloak as a signal for
commencing an assault, when they saw that the city was
entirely surrounded by the multitude of their comrades ;
and then they emptied their quivers and threw them down

AJXS69-J VIGOUR OF THE ENEMY. 193
at their feet, and with loud cries shot their arrows among
tne citizens with prodigious skill.
6. And presently the whole of the mighty host of the
6Anemy fSSaulted the city with more ferocity than ever.
And while we stood hesitating and perplexed to know
which danger to oppose first, whether to make head against
the foe above us, or against the multitude who were
scaling the battlements with ladders, our force was
divided; and five of the lighter balistas were brought
round and placed so as to attack our tower. They shot
out heavy wooden javelins with great rapidity, sometimes
transfixing two of our men at one blow, so that many
of them fell to the ground severely wounded, and some
jumped down in haste from fear of the creaking engines,
and being terribly lacerated by the fall, died.
7. But by measures promptly taken, the walls were
again secured on that side, and the engines replaced in
their former situation.
8. And since the crime of desertion had increased the
labours of our soldiers, they, full of indignation, moved
along the battlements as if on level ground, hurling
missiles of all kinds, and exerting themselves so strenu
ously that the Virtse, who were attacking on the south
side, were repulsed covered by wounds, and retired in
consternation to their tents, having to lament the fall of
many of their number. VI.
§ 1. Thus fortune showed us a ray of safety, granting us
one day in which we suffered but little, while the enemy
sustained a heavy loss ; the remainder of the day was given
to rest in order to recruit our strength ; and at the dawn of
the next morning we saw from the citadel an innumera
ble multitude, which, after the capture of the fort called
Ziata, was being led to 'he enemy's camp. For a promis
cuous multitude had taken refuge in Ziata on account of
its size and strength ; it being a place ten furlongs in cir
cumference. 2. In those days many other fortresses also were stormed
and burnt, and many thousands of men and women carried
off from them into slavery ; among whom were many men
o

194 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Cn. n
and women, enfeebled by age, who, fainting from different
causes, broke down under the length of the journey, gave
up all desire of life, and were hamstrung and left behind.
3. The Gallic soldiers beholding these wretched crowds,
demanded by a natural but unseasonable impulse to be led
against the forces of the enemy, threatening their tribunes
and principal centurions with death if they refused them
leave. 4. And as wild beasts kept in cages, being rendered
more savage by the smell of blood, dash themselves against
their movable bars in the hope of escaping, so these men
smote the gates, which we have already spoken of as being
blockaded, with their swords ; being very anxious not to
be involved in the destruction of the city till they had
done some gallant exploit ; or, if they ultimately escaped
from their dangers, not to be spoken of as having done
nothing worth speaking of, or worthy of their Gallic
courage. Although when they had sallied out before, as
they had often done, and had inflicted some loss on the
raisers of the mounds, they had always experienced equal
loss themselves.
5. We, at a loss what to do, and not knowing what
resistance to oppose to these furious men, at length, having
with some difficulty won their consent thereto, decided,
since the evil could be endured no longer, to allow them to
attack the Persian advanced guard, which was not much
beyond bow-shot ; and then, if they could force their line,
they might push their advance further. For it was plain
that if they succeeded in this, they would cause a great
slaughter of the enemy.
6. And while the preparations for this sally were
being made, the walls were still gallantly defended with
unmitigated labour and watching, and planting engines
for shooting stones and darts in every direction. But
two high mounds had been raised by the Persian in
fantry, and the blockade of the city was still pressed
forward by gradual operations; against which our men,
exerting themselves still more vigorously, raised also im
mense structures, topping the highest works of the enemy ;
and sufficiently strong to support the immense weight of
their defenders.
7. In the mean time the Gallic troops, impatient of delay.

AJ>.359.] COURAGE OF THE GARRISON. 195
armed with their axes and swords, went forth from the
open postern gate, taking advantage of a dark and moonless
night. And imploring the Deity to be propitious, and
repressing even their breath when they got near the
enemy, they advanced with quick step and in close order,
slew some of the watch at the outposts, and the outer
sentinels of the camp ^who were asleep, fearing no such
event), and entertained secret hopes of penetrating even to
the king's tent if fortune assisted them.
8. But some noise, though slight, was made by them in
their march, and the groans of the slain aroused many from
sleep ; and while each separately raised the cry " to arms,"
our soldiers halted and stood firm, not venturing to move
any further forward. For it would not have been prudent,
now that those whom they sought to surprise were
awakened, to hasten into open danger, while the bands
of Persians were now heard to be flocking to battle from all
quarters. 9. Nevertheless the Gallic troops, with undiminished
strength and boldness, continued to hew down their foes
with their swords, though some of their own men were also
slain, pierced by the arrows which were flying from all
quarters ; and they still stood firm, when they saw the whole
danger collected into one point, and the bands of the enemy
coming on with speed ; yet no one turned his back : and
they withdrew, retiring slowly as if in time to music, and
gradually fell behind the pales of the camp, being unable
to sustain the weight of the battalions pressing close upon
them, and being deafened by the clang of the Persian
trumpets. 10. And while many trumpets in turn poured out their
clang from the city, the gates were opened to receive our
men, if they should be able to reach them : and the engines
for missiles creaked, though no javelins were shot from
them, in order that the captains of the advanced guard of
the Persians, ignorant of the slaughter of their comrades,
might be terrified by the noise into falling back, and so
allowing our gallant troops to be admitted in safety.
11. And owing to this manoeuvre, the Gauls about day
break entered the gate although with diminished numbers ;
many of them severely and others slightly wounded.
They lost four hundred men this night, when if they had

196 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Ch. va
not been hindered by more formidable obstacles, they would
have slain in his very tent not lihexus nor Thracians sleep
ing before the walls of Troy, but the king of Persia, sur
rounded by one hundred thousand armed men.
12. To their leaders, as champions of valiant actions, the
emperor, after the fall of the city, ordered statues in
armour to be erected at Edessa in a frequented spot. And
those statues are preserved up to the present time unhurt.
13. When the next day showed the slaughter which had
been made, nobles and satraps were found lying amongst
the corpses, and all kinds of dissonant cries and tears indi
cated the changed posture of the Persian host : everywhere
was heard wailing ; and great indignation was expressed by
the princes, who thought that the Eomans had forced their
way through the sentries in front of the walls. A truce was
made for three days by the common consent of both armies,
and we gladly accepted a little respite in which to take
breath. VII.
§ 1. Now the nations of the barbarians, being amazed at the
novelty of this attempt, and rendered by it more savage
than ever, discarding all delay, determined to proceed with
their works, since open assaults availed them but little.
And with extreme warlike eagerness they all now hastened
to die gloriously, or else to propitiate the souls of the dead
by the ruin of the city.
2. And now, the necessary preparations having been
completed by the universal alacrity, at the rising of the
day-star all kinds of structures and iron towers were
brought up to the walls ; on the lofty summits of which
balistse were fitted, which beat down the garrison who were
placed on lower ground.
3. And w7hen day broke the iron coverings of the bodies
of the foe darkened the whole heaven, and the dense lines
advanced without any skirmishers in front, and not in an
irregular manner as- before, but to the regular and soft
music of trumpets ; protected by the roofs of the engines,
and holding before them wicker shields.
4. And when they came within reach of our missiles, the
1 Ammian alludes to the expedition of Ulysses and Diomed. related
by Homer, II. viii.

Aj> 359.] DANGER OF THE GARRISON. 197
Persian infantry, holding their shields in front of them, and
even then having difficulty in avoiding the arrows which
were shot from the engines on the walls, for scarcely any
kind of weapon found an empty space, they broke their
jine a little ; and even the cuirassiers were checked and
began to retreat, which raised the spirits of our men.
5. Still the balistse of the enemy, placed on their iron
towers, and pouring down missiles with great power from
their high ground on those in a lower position, spread a
great deal of slaughter in our ranks. At last, when evening
came on, both sides retired to rest, and the greater part of
the night was spent by us in considering what device could
be adopted to resist the formidable engines of the enemy.
6. At length, after we had considered many plans, we
determined on one which the rapidity with which it «;ould
be executed made the safest — to oppose four scorpions to the
four balistae ; which were carefully moved (a very difficult
operation) from the place in which they were ; but before
this work was finished, day arrived, bringing us a mournful
sight, inasmuch as it showed us the formidable battalions
of the Persians, with their trains of elephants, the noise and
size of which animals are such that nothing more terrible
can be presented to the mind of man.
7. And while we were pressed on all sides with the vast
masses of arms, and works, and beasts, still our scorpions
were kept at work with their iron slings, hurling huge
round stones from the battlements, by which the towers of
the enemy were crushed and the balistas and those who
worked them were dashed to the ground, so that many were
desperately injured, and many crushed by7 the weight of the
falling structures. And the elephants were driven back
with violence, and surrounded by the flames which we
poured forth against them, the moment that they were
wounded retired, and could not be restrained by their
riders. The works were all burnt, but still there was no
oessation from the conflict.
8. For the king of the Persians himself, who is never ex
pected to mingle in the fight, being indignant at these dis
asters, adopting a new and unprecedented mode of action,
sprang forth like a common soldier among his own dense
columns ; and as the very number of his guards made him
the more conspicuous to us who looked from afar on the

198 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Ch. vm.
scene, he was assailed by numerous missiles, and was forced
to retire after he had lost many of his escort, while his troops
fell back by echellons ; and at the end of the day, though
frightened neither by the sad sight of the slaughter nor of
the wounds, he at length allowed a short period to be given
to rest. VIII.
§ 1. Night had put an end to the combat ; and when a
slight rest had been procured from sleep, the moment that
the dawn, looked for as the harbinger of better fortune,
appeared, Sapor, full of rage and indignation, and per
fectly reckless, called forth his people to attack us. And
as his works were all burnt, as we have related, and the
attack had to be conducted by means of their lofty mounds
raised close to our walls, we also from mounds within
the walls, as fast as we could raise them, struggled in
spite of all our difficulties, with all our might, and with
equal courage, against our assailants.
2. And long did the bloody conflict last, nor was any one
of the garrison driven by fear of death from his resolution
to defend the city. The conflict was prolonged, till at last,
while the fortune of the two sides was still undecided, the
structure raised by our men, having been long assailed and
shaken, at last fell, as if by an earthquake.
3. And the whole space which was between the wall
and the external mound being made level as if by a cause
way or a bridge, opened a passage to the enemy, which
was no longer embarrassed by any obstacles ; aDd numbers
of our men, being crushed or enfeebled by their wounds,
gave up the struggle. Still men flocked from all quarters
to repel so imminent a danger, but from their eager haste
they got in one another's way, while the boldness of the
enemy increased with their success.
4. By the command of the king all his troops now has
tened into action, and a hand-to-hand engagement ensued.
Blood ran down from the vast slaughter on both sides : the
ditches were filled with corpses, and thus a wider path was
opened for the besiegers. And the city, being now filled
tvith the eager crowd which forced its way in, all hope of
defence or of escape was cut off, and armed and unarmed

AJ>-359-] ESCAPE OF AMMIANUS.

199

without any distinction of age or sex were slaughtered like
sheep. 5. It was full evening, when, though fortune had proved
adverse, the bulk of our troops was still fighting in good
order; and I, having concealed myself with two com
panions in an obscure corner of the city, now under cover
of darkness, made my escape by a postern gate where
there was no guard ; and aided by my own knowledge of
the country and by the speed of my companions, I at last
reached the tenth milestone from the city.
6. Here, having lightly- refreshed ourselves, I tried to
proceed, but found myself, as a noble unaccustomed to
such toil, overcome by fatigue of the march. I happened
to fall in, however, with what, though a most unsightly
object, was to me, completely tired out, a most seasonable
relief. 7. A groom riding a runaway horse, barebacked and
without a bridle, in order to prevent his falling had
knotted the halter by which he was guiding him tightly
to his left hand, and presently, being thrown, and unable
to break the knot, he was torn to pieces as he was
dragged over the rough ground and through the bushes,
till at last the weight of his dead body stopped the tired
beast ; I caught him, and mounting him, availed myself of
his services at a most seasonable moment, and after much
suffering arrived with my companions at some sulphur
ous springs of naturally hot water.
8. On account of the heat we had suffered greatly from
thirst, and had been crawling about for some time in
search of water ; and now when we came to this well it
was so deep that we could not descend into it, nor had
we any ropes ; but, taught by extreme necessity, we tore up
the linen clothes which we wore into long rags, which we
made into one great rope, and fastened to the end of it a
cap which one of us wore beneath his helmet ; and letting
that down by the rope, and drawing up water in it like
a sponge, we easily quenched our thirst.
y. From hence we proceeded rapidly to the Euphrates,
intending to cross to the other side in the boat which
long custom had stationed in that quarter, to convey men
and cattle across.
10. When lo ! we see at a distance a Eoman force with

200 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XIX. Ch re.
cavalry standards, scattered and pursued by a division of
Persians, though we did not know from what quarter it
had eome so suddenly on them in their march.
11. This example showed us that what men call in
digenous people are not sprung from the bowels of the
earth, but merely appear unexpectedly by reason of the
speed of their movements : and because they were seen
unexpectedly in various places, they got the name of
Sparti, ' and were believed to have sprung from the ground,
antiquity exaggerating their renown in a fabulous manner,
as it does that of other things.
12. Eoused by this sight, since our only hope of safety
lay in our speed, we drew off through the thickets and
woods to the high mountains ; and from thence we went
to Melitina, a town of the Lesser Armenia, where we found
our chief just on the point of setting off, in whose company
we went on to Antioch. IX.
§ 1. In the mean time Sapor and the Persians began to
think of returning home, because they feared to penetrate
more inland with their prisoners and booty, now that the
autumn was nearly over, and the unhealthy star of the
Kids had arisen.
2. But amid the massacres and plunder of the destroyed
city, .ZElian the count, and the tribunes by whose vigour
the walls of Amida had been defended, and the losses of
the Persians multiplied, were wickedly crucified; and
Jacobus and Cassias, the treasurers of the commander of
the cavalry, and others of the band of protectores, were led
as prisoners, with their hands bound behind their backs ;
and the people of the district beyond the Tigris, who were
diligently sought for, were all slain without distinction of
rank or dignity.
3. But the wife of Craugasius, who, preserving her
chastity inviolate, was treated with the respect due to a
high-born matron, was mourning as if she were to be
carried to another world without her husband, although
1 Ammianus is wrong here ; it was only the Thebans who were called
Siraprol, from o"7relpw, to sow, because of the fable of the dragon's teeth
sown by Cadmus ; the Athenians, who claimed to be earthbom, not
called iirapToi, but air6x6ovcs.

A.D.359] STORY OF THE WIFE OF CRAUGASIUS. 201
she had indications afforded her that she might hope for a
higher future.
4. Therefore, thinking of her own interests, and having
a wise forecast of the future, she was torn with a twofold
anxiety, loathing both widowhood and the marriage she
saw before her. Accordingly, she secretly sent off a
friend of sure fidelity, and well acquainted with Mesopo
tamia, to pass by Mount Izala, between the two forts
called Maride and Lome, and so to effect his entrance into
Nisibis, calling upon her husband, with urgent entreaties
and the revelation of many secrets of her own private
condition, after hearing what the messenger could tell
him, to come to Persia and live happily with her there.
5. The messenger, travelling with great speed through
jungle roads and thickets, reached Nisibis, pretending that
he had never seen his mistress, and that, as in all likeli
hood she was slain, he had availed himself of an accidental
opportunity to make his esoape from the enemy's camp.
And so, being neglected as one of no importance, he got
access to Craugasius, and told him what had happened.
And having received from him an assurance that, as soon
as he could do so with safety, he would gladly rejoin his
wife, he departed, bearing the wished-for intelligence to
the lady. She, when she received it, addressed herself,
through the medium of Tamsapor, to the king, entreating
him that, if the opportunity offered before he quitted the
Eoman territories, he would order her husband to be
restored to her.
6. But the fact of this stranger having departed thus
unexpectedly, without any one suspecting it, after his
secret return, raised suspicions in the mind of Duke Cas-
sianus and the other nobles who had authority in the city,
who addressed severe menaces to Craugasius, insisting
that the man could neither have come nor have gone with
out his privity.
7. And he, fearing the charge of treason, and being very
anxious lest the flight of the deserter should cause a sus
picion that his wife was still alive and was well treated by
the enemy, feigned to court a marriage with another
virgin of high rank. And having gone out to a villa
which he had eight miles from the city, as if with the
object of making the necessary preparations for the wed-

202 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Cn. X
ding feast, he mounted a horse, and fled at full speed to a
predatory troop of Persians which he had learnt was in
the neighbourhood, and being cordially received, when it
was seen from what he said who he was, he was delivered
over to Tamsapor on the fifth day, and by him he was
introduced to the king, and recovered not only his wife,
but his family and all his treasures, though he lost his
wife only a few months afterwards. And he was esteemed
only second to Antoninus, though as a great poet has said,
" Longo proximus intervallo.''1
8. For Antoninus was eminent both for genius and
experience in affairs, and had useful counsels for every
enterprise that could be proposed, while Craugasius was
of a less subtle nature, though also very celebrated. And
all these events took place within a short time after the
fall of Amida.
9. But the king, though showing no marks of anxiety
on his countenance, and though he appeared full of exult
ation at the fall of the city, still in the depths of his heart
was greatly perplexed, recollecting that in the siege he
had frequently sustained severe losses, and that he had lost
more men, and those too of more importance than any
prisoners whom he had taken from us, or than we had lost
in all the battles that had taken place ; as indeed had also
been the case at Singara, and at Nisibis. In the seventy-
three days during which he had been blockading Amida,
he had lost thirty thousand soldiers, as was reckoned a few
days later by Discenes, a tribune and secretary ; the cal
culation being the more easily made because the coipses
of our men very soon shrink and lose their colour, so that
their faces can never be recognized after four days ; but the
bodies of the Persians dry up like the trunks of trees, so
that nothing exudes from them, nor do they suffer from any
suffusion of blood, which is caused by their more sparing
diet, and by the dryness and heat of their native land.

§ 1. While these events and troubles were proceeding
rapidly in the remote districts of the East, the Eternal
1 A quotation from the description of the foot-race in Virgil, Mn.
v, 320.

*-D-359J SCARCITY AT ROME. 203
City was fearing distress from an impending scarcity of
corn ; and the violence of the common people, infuriated
by the expectation of that worst of all evils, was vented
upon Tertullus, who at that time was prefect of the city.
This was unreasonable, since it did not depend upon
him that the provisions were embarked in a stormy season
in ships which, through the unusually tempestuous state
of the sea, and the violence of contrary winds, were
driven into any ports they could make, and were unable
to reach the port of Augustus, from the greatness of the
dangers which threatened them.
2. Nevertheless, Tertullus was continually troubled by
the seditious movements of the people, who worked them
selves up to great rage, being excited by the imminent
danger of a famine ; till, having no hope of preserving his
own safety, he wisely brought his little boys out to the
people, who, though in a state of tumultuous disorder, were
often influenced by sudden accidents, and with tears ad
dressed them thus : —
3. " Behold your fellow-citizens, who (may the gods
avert the omen), unless fortune should take a more favour
able turn, will be exposed to the same sufferings as your
selves. If then you think that by destroying them you
will be saved from all suffering, they are in your power."
The people, of their own nature inclined to mercy, were
propitiated by this sad address, and made no answer, but
awaited their impending fate with resignation.
4. And soon, by the favour of the deity who has
watched over the growth of Eome from its first origin,
and who promised that it should last for ever, while
Tertullus was at Ostia, sacrificing in the temple of Castor
and Pollux, the sea became calm, the wind changed to a
gentle south-east breeze, and the ships in full sail entered
the port, laden with corn to fill the granaries.
XI.
§ 1. While these perplexing transactions were taking place,
intelligence full of importance and danger reached Constan
tius who was reposing in winter quarters at Sirmium, in
forming him (as he had already greatly feared) that the
Sarmatian Limigantes, who, as we have before related, had

204 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Ch. xi.
expelled their masters from their hereditary homes, had
learnt to despise the lands which had been generously al
lotted to them in the preceding year, in order to prevent so
fickle a class from undertaking any mischievous enterprise,
and had seized on the districts over the border ; that they
were straggling, according to their national custom, with
great licence over the whole country, and would throw
everything into disorder if they were not put down.
2. The emperor, judging that any delay would increase
their insolence, collected from all quarters a strong force
of veteran soldiers, and before the spring was much ad
vanced, set forth on an expedition against them, being
urged to greater activity by two considerations ; first,
because the army, having acquired great booty during the
last summer, was likely to be encouraged to successful
exertion in the hope of similar reward ; and secondly,
because, as Anatolius was at that time prefect of Illyricum,
everything necessary for such an expedition could be
readily provided without recourse to any stringent measures.
3. For under no other prefect's government (as is agreed
by all), up to the present time, had the northern provinces
ever been so flourishing in every point of view ; all abuses
being corrected with a kind and prudent hand, while the
people were relieved from the burden of transporting the
public stores (which often caused such losses as to ruin
many families), and also from the heavy income tax. So
that the natives of those districts would have been free
from all damage and cause of complaint, if at a later period
some detestable collectors had not come among them,
extorting money, and exaggerating accusations, in order to
build up wealth and influence for themselves, and to
procure their own safety and prosperity by draining the
natives ; carrying their severities to the proscription and
even execution of many of them.
4. To apply a remedy to this insurrection, the emperor
set out, as 1 have said, with a splendid staff, and reached
Valeria, which was formerly a part of Pannonia, but which
had been established as a separate province, and received
its new name in honour of Valeria, the daughter of Dio
cletian. And having encamped his army on the banks of
the Danube, he watched the movements of the barbarians,
who, before his arrival, had been proposing, under friendly

A.D. 359.] TREACHERY OF THE LIMIGANTES. 205
pretences, to enter Pannonia, meaning to lay it waste
during the severity of the winter season, before the snow
had been melted by the warmth of spring and the river
had become passable, and while our people were unable
from the cold to bear bivouacking in the open air.
5. He at once therefore sent two tribunes, each ac
companied by an interpreter, to the Limigantes, to inquire
mildly why they had quitted the homes which at their
own request had been assigned to them after the conclusion
of the treaty of peace, and why they were now straggling
in various directions, and passing their boundaries in con
tempt of his prohibitions.
6. They made vain and frivolous excuses, fear compelling
them to have recourse to lies, and implored the emperor's
pardon, beseeching him to discard his displeasure, and to
allow them to cross the river and come to him to explain
the hardships under which they were labouring ; alleging
their willingness, if required, to retire to remoter lands,
only within the Eoman frontier, where, enjoying lasting
peace and worshipping tranquillity as their tutelary deity,
they7 would submit to the name and discharge the duties of
tributary subjects.
7. When the tribunes relumed and related this, the
emperor, exulting that an affair which appeared full of
inextricable difficulties was likely to be brought to a con
clusion without any trouble, and being eager to add to his
acquisitions, admitted them all to his presence. His eager
ness for acquiring territory was fanned by a swarm of
flatterers, who were incessantly saying that when all
distant districts were at peace, and when tranquillity was
established everywhere, he would gain many subjects, and
would be able to enlist powerful bodies of recruits, thereby
relieving the provinces, which would often rather give
money than personal service (though this expectation has
more than once proved very mischievous to the state).
8. Presently he pitched his camp near Acimincum,1 where
a lofty mound was raised to serve for a tribune ; and
some boats, loaded with soldiers of the legions, without
their baggage, under command of Innocentius, an engineer
who had suggested the measure, were sent to watch the
1 Salankemen, in Hungarj

206 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Ch. xi.
channel of the river, keeping close under the bank ; so
that, if they perceived the barbarians in disorder, they
might come upon them and surprise their rear, while
their attention was directed elsewhere.
9. The Limigantes became aware of the measures thus
promptly taken, but still employed no other means of
defence than humility and entreaty ; though secretly they
cherished designs very different from those indicated by
their words and gestures.
10. But when they saw the emperor on his high mound
preparing a mild harangue, and about to address them as
men who would prove obedient in future, one of them,
seized with a sudden fury, hurled his shoe at the tribune,
and cried out, " Marha, Marha !" which in their language
is a signal of war ; and a disorderly mob following him,
suddenly raised their barbaric standard, and with fierce
howls rushed upon the emperor himself.
11. And when he, looking down from his high position,
saw the whole place filled with thousands of men running
to and fro, and their drawn swords and rapiers threatening
him with immediate destruction, he descended, and min
gling both with the barbarians and his own men, without
any one perceiving him or knowing whether he was an
officer or a common soldier ; and gince there was no time
for delay or inaction, he mounted a speedy horse, and
galloped away, and so escaped.
12. But his few guards, while endeavouring to keep
back the mutineers, who rushed on with the fierceness of
fire, were all killed, either by wounds, or by being
crushed beneath the weight of others who fell upon them ;
and the royal throne, with its golden cushion, was torn to
pieces without any one making an effort to save it.
13. But presently, when it became known that the emperor,
after having been in the most imminent danger of his life,
was still in peril, the army, feeling it to be the most
important of all objects to assist him, for they did not yet
think him safe, and confiding in their prowess, though from
the suddenness of the attack they were only half formed,
threw themselves, with loud and warlike cries upon tho
bands of the barbarians, fearlessly braving death.
14. And because in their fiery valour our men were
resolved to wipe out disgrace by glory, and were full o

AJ>.359.] PROSECUTIONS FOR TREASON. 207
anger at the treachery of the foe, they slew every one
whom they met without mercy, trampling all under foot,
living, wounded, and dead alike ; so that heaps of dead
were piled up before their hands were weary of the
slaughter. For the rebels were completely overwhelmed,
some being slain, and others fleeing in fear, many of
whom implored their lives with various entreaties, but
were slaughtered with repeated wounds. And when, after
they were all destroyed, the trumpets sounded a retreat,
it was found that only a very few of our men were killed,
and these had either been trampled down at first, or had
perished from the insufficiency of their armour to resist
the violence of tho enemy.
15. But the most glorious death was that of Cella, the
tribune of the Scutarii, who at the beginning of the
uproar set the example of plunging first into the middle of
the Sarmatian host.
16. After these blood-stained transactions, Constantius
took what precautions prudence suggested for the security
of his frontiers, and then returned to Sirmium, having
avenged himself on the perfidity of his enemies. And
having there settled everything which the occasion re
quired, he quitted Sirmium and went to Constantinople,
that by being nearer to the East, he might remedy the
disasters which had been sustained at Amida, and having
reinforced his army with new levies, he might check the
attempts of the king of Persia with equal vigour ; as it
was clear that Sapor, if Providence and some more pressing
occupation did not prevent him, would leave Mesopotamia
and bring the war over the plains on this side of that
country. XII.
§ 1. Bur amid these causes of anxiety, as if in accordance
with old-established custom, instead of the signal for civil
war, the trumpet sounded groundless charges of treason,
and a secretary, whom we shall often have to speak of,
named Paulus, was sent to inquire into these charges. He
was a man skilful in all the contrivances of crueltv, making
gain and profit of tortures and executions, as a master of
gladiators does of his fatal games.
2. For as he was firm and resolute in his purpose of

208 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Ch. xn
injuring people, he did not abstain even from theft, and
invented all kinds of causes for the destruction of innocent
men, while engaged in this miserable campaign.
3. A slight and trivial circumstance afforded infinite
material for extending his investigations. There is a town
called Abydum in the most remote corner of the Egyptian
Thebais, where an oracle of the god, known in that region
by the name of Besa, had formerly enjoyed some celebrity
for its prophecies, and had sacred rites performed at it
with all the ceremonies anciently in use in the neigh
bouring districts.
4. Some used to go themselves to consult this oracle,
some to send bj7 others documents containing their wishes,
and with prayers couched in explicit language inquired
the will of the deities ; and the paper or parchment on
which their wants were written, after the answer had been
given, was sometimes left in the temple.
5. Some of these were spitefully sent to the emperor,
and he, narrow minded as he was, though often deaf to
other matters of serious consequence, had, as the proverb
says, a soft place in his ear for this kind of information ; and
being of a suspicious and petty temper, became full of gall
and fury ; and immediately ordered Paulus to repair with
all speed to the East, giving him authority, as to a chief of
great eminence and experience, to try all the causes as he
pleased. 6. And Modestus also, at that time count of the East, a
man well suited for such a business, was joined with him
in this commission. For Hermogenes of Pontus, at that
time prefect of the prsetorium, was passed over as of too
gentle a disposition.
7. Paulus proceeded, as he was ordered, full of deadly
eagerness and rage ; inviting all kinds of calumnies, so
that numbers from every part of the empire were brought
before him, noble and low born alike ; some of whom were
condemned to imprisonment, others to instant death.
8. The city which was chosen to witness these fatal
scenes was Scythopolis in Palestine, which for two reasons
seemed the most suitable of all places ; first, because it
was little frequented and secondly, because it was half
way between Antioch and Alexandria, from which city
many of those brought befogs this tribunal came.

A-D-359.] NUMEROUS EXECUTIONS. 209
9. One of the first persons accused was Simplicius, the
son of Philip ; a man who, after having been prefect and
consul, was now impeached on the ground that, he was
said to have consulted the oracle how to obtain the empire.
He was sentenced to the torture by the express command
of the emperor, who in these cases never erred on the side
of mercy ; but by some special fate he was saved from it,
and with uninjured body was condemned to distant banish
ment. 1 0. The next victim was Parnasius, who had been pre
fect of Egypt, a man of simple manners, but now in danger
of _ being condemned to death, and glad to escape with
exile: because long ago he had been heard to say that
when he left Patrse in Achaia, the place of his birth, with
the view of procuring some high office, he had in a dream
seen himself conducted on his road by several figures in
tragic robes.
11. The next was Andronicus, subsequently celebrated
for his liberal accomplishments and his poetry ; he was
brought before the court without having given any real
ground for suspicion of any7 kind, and defended himself so
vigorously7 that he was acquitted.
12. There was also Demetrius, surnamed Chytras, a
philosopher, of great age, but still firm in mind and body ;
he, when charged with having frequently offered sacrifices
in the temple of his oracle, could not deny it; but affirmed
thai, for the sake of propitiating the deity, he had con
stantly done so from his early youth, and not with any
idea of aiming at any higher fortune by his questions ; nor
hail he known any one who had aimed at such. And
though he was long on the rack he .supported it with great
constancy, never varying in his statement, till at length
he was acquitted and allowed to retire to Alexandria, where
he was born.
13. These and a few others, justice, coming to the aid of
truth, delivered from their imminent dangers. But as
accuoations extended more widely, involving numbers
without, end in their snares, many perished; some with
their bodies mangled on the rack ; others were condemned
to death and confiscation of their goods ; while Paulus kept
on inventing groundless accusations, as if he had a store
of lies on which to draw, and Suggesting various pretences p

210 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XIX. Ch. xn.
for injuring people, so that on his nod, it may be said,
the safety of every one in the place depended.
14. For if any one wore on his neck a charm against the
quartan ague or any other disease, or if by any information
laid by his ill-wishers he was accused of having passed by
a sepulchre at nightfall, and therefore of being a sorcerer,
and one who dealt in the horrors of tombs and the vain
mockeries of the shades which haunt them, he was found
guilty and condemned to death.
1 5. And the affairs went on as if people had been con
sulting Claros, or the oaks at Dodona, or the Delphic
oracles of old fame, with a view to the destruction of the
emperor. 16. Meantime, the crowd of courtiers, inventing every
kind of deceitful flattery, affirmed that he would be free from
all common misfortunes, asserting that his fate had always
shone forth with vigour and power in destroying all who
attempted anything injurious to him.
17. That indeed strict investigation should be made into
such matters, no one in his senses will deny ; nor do we
question that the safety of our lawful prince, the cham
pion and defender of the good, and on whom the safety of
all other people depends, ought to be watched over by the
combined zeal of all men ; and for the sake of insuring this
more completely, when any treasonable enterprise is dis
covered, the Cornelian laws have provided that no rank
shall be exempted even from torture if necessary for the
investigation. 18. But it is not decent to exult unrestrainedly in
melancholy events, lest the subjects should seem to be
governed by tyranny, not by authority. It is better to
imitate Cicero, who, when he had it in his power either to
spare or to strike, preferred, as he tells us himself, to seek
occasions for pardoning rather than for punishing, which
is characteristic of a prudent and wise judge.
1 9. At that time a monster, horrible both to see and to
describe, was produced at Daphne, a beautiful and cele
brated suburb of Antioch; namely, an infant with two
mouthB, two sets of teeth, two heads, four eyes, and only
two very short ears. And sucha mis-shapen offspring was
an omen that the republic would become deformed.
20. Prodigies of this kind are often produced, presaging
/

A.D. 359.] AFFAIRS OF THE ISAUUIANS. 211
events of various kinds ; but as they are not now publicly
expiated, as they were among the ancients, they are un
heard of and unknown to people in general.
XIII.
§ 1. During this period the Isaurians, who had been tran
quil for some time after the transactions already mentioned,
and the attempt to take the city7 of Seleucia, gradually
reviving, as serpents come out of their holes in the
warmth of spring, descended from their rocky and path
less jungles, and forming into large troops, harassed their
neighbours with predatoiy incursions ; escaping, from their
activity as mountaineers, all attempts of the soldiers to
take them, and from long use moving easily over rocks and
through thickets.
2. So Lauricius was sent among them as governor, with
the additional title of count, to reduce them to order
by fair means or foul. He was a man of sound civil
wisdom, correcting things in general by threats rather
than by severity, so that while he governed the province,
which he did for some time, nothing happened deserving
of particular notice.

BOOK XX.

abgtjjiemt.

L Lupicinus is sent as eommander-in-chief into Britain with an army
to check the incursions of the Picts and Scots. — H. UrsicinuB,
commander of the infantry, is attacked by calumnies, and dis
missed. — III. An eclipse of the sun — A discussion on the two
suns, and on the causes of solar and lunar eclipses, and the various
changes and shapes of the moon— IV. The Caesar Julian, against
his will, is saluted as emperor at Paris, where he was wintering,
by his Gallican soldiers, whom Constantius had ordered to be
taken from him, and sent to the East to act against the Persians.
 V. He harangues his soldiers. — VL Singara is besieged and
taken by Sapor : the citizens, with the auxiliary cavalry and two
legions in garrison, are carried off to Persia— The town is razed to
the ground  VH. Sapor storms the town of Bezabde, which is

212 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XX. Ch. I.
defended by three legions ; repairs it, and places in it a garrison
and magazines ; he also attacks the fortress of Victa, without
success. — VIII. Julian writes to Constantius to inform him of
what had taken place at Paris. — IX. Constantius desires Julian
to be content with the title of Caesar ; but the Gallican legions
unanimously refuse to allow him to be so. — X. The Emperor
Julian unexpectedly attacks a Frank tribe, known as the Attuarii,
on the other side of the Ehine ; slays some, takes others prisoners,
and grants peace to the rest, on their petition. — XI. Constantius
attacks Bezabde with his whole force, but fails — A discussion on
the rainbow. I.
a.d. 360.
§. 1 . These were the events which took place in Illyricum and
in the East. But the next year, that of Constantius's tenth
and Julian's third consulship, the affairs of Britain became
troubled, in consequence of the incursions of the savage
nations of Picts and Scots, who breaking the peace to which
they had agreed, were plundering the districts on their
borders, and keeping in constant alarm the provinces ex
hausted by former disasters, Csesar, who was wintering at
Paris, having his mind divided by7 various cares, feared to
go to the aid of his subjects across the channel (as we
have related Constans to have done), lest he should leave
the Gauls without a governor, while the Allemanni were
still full of fierce and warlike inclinations.
2. Therefore, to tranquillize these districts by reason or
by force, it was decided to send Lupicinus, who was at that
time commander of the forces ; a man of talent in war, and
especially7 skilful in all that related to camps, but very
haughty, and smelling, as one may say, of the tragic bus
kin, while parts of his conduct made it a question which
predominated — his avarice or his cruelty.
3. Accordingly, an auxiliary force of light-armed troops,
Heruli and Batavi, with two legions from Mcesia, were
in the very depth of winter put under the command of this
general, with which he marched to Boulogne, and having
procured some vessels and embarked his soldiers on them,
he sailed with a fair wind, and reached Eichborough on the
opposite coast, from which place he proceeded to London,
that he might there deliberate on the aspect of affairs, and
take immediate measures for his campaign.

A.D. 380.] CHARGES AGAINST URSICINUS. 213

II.
§ 1. In the mean time, after the fall of Amida, and after
Ursicinus had returned as commander of the infantry to
the emperor's camp (for we have already mentioned that
he had been appointed to succeed Barbatio), he was at
once attacked by slanderers, who at first tried to whisper
his character away, but presently openly brought forward
false charges against him.
2. And the emperor, listening to them, since he com
monly formed his opinions on vain conjecture, and was
always ready to yield his judgment to crafty persons,
appointed Arbetio and Florentius, the chief steward, as
judges to inquire how it was that the town was destroyed.
They rejected the plain and easily proved causes of the
disaster, fearing that Eusebius, at that time high cham
berlain, would be offended if they admitted proofs which
showed undeniably that what had happened was owing to
the obstinate inactivity of Sabinianus ; and so distorting
the truth, they examined only some points of no conse
quence, and having no bearing on the transaction.
3. Ursicinus felt the iniquity of this proceeding; and
said, " Although the emperor despises me, still the import
ance of this affair is such that it cannot be judged of and
punished by any decision lower than that of the emperor.
Nevertheless, let him know what I venture to prophesy,
that while he is concerning himself about this disaster at
Amida, of which he has received a faithful account ; and
while he gives himself up to the influence of the eunuchs,
he will not in the ensuing spring,1 even if he himself
should come with the entire strength of his army, be able
to prevent the dismemberment of Mesopotamia." This
speech having been related to the emperor with many7
additions, and a malignant interpretation, Constantius
became enraged beyond measure ; and without allowing
1 " The minute interval which may be interposed between the hyeme
adultd and the primo vere of Ammianus, instead of allowing a sufficient
space for a march of three thousand miles, would render the orders of
Constantius as extravagant as they were unjust ; the troops of Gaul
could not have reached Syria till the end of autumn. The memory of
Ammianus must have been inaccurate, and his language incorrect. '—
Gibbon, c. xxii.

214 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. LBl.itCB.lll
the affair to be discussed, or those things to be explained to
him of which he was ignorant, he believed all the calum
nies against Ursicinus, arid deposing him from his office,
ordered him into retirement ; promoting Agilo, by a vast
leap, to take his place, he having been before only a tribune
of a native troop of Scutarii. III.
§ 1. At the same time one day the sky in the east was
perceived to be covered with a thick darkness, and from
daybreak to noon the stars were visible throughout ; and,
as an addition to these terrors, while the light of heaven
was thus withdrawn, and the world almost buried in
clouds, men, from the length of the eclipse, began to
believe that the sun had wholly disappeared. Presently,
however, it was seen again like a new moon, then like a
half-moon, and at last it was restored entire.
2. A thing which on other occasions did not happen so
visibly except when after several unequal revolutions, the
moon returns to exactly the same point at fixed intervals ;
that is to say, when the moon is found in the same sign of
the zodiac, exactly opposite to the rays of the sun, and stops
there a few minutes, which in geometry are called parts of
parts. 3. And although the changes and motions of both sun
and moon, as the inquiries into intelligible causes have
remarked, perpetually return to the same conjunction at
the end of each lunar month, still the sun is not always
eclipsed on these occasions, but only when the moon, as by
a kind of balance, is in the exact centre between the sun
and our sight.
4. In short, the sun is eclipsed, and his brilliancy
removed from our sight, when he and the moon, which of
all the constellations of heaven is the lowest, proceeding
with equal pace in their orbits, are placed in conjunction
in spite of the height which separates them (as Ptolemy
learnedly explains it), and afterwards return to the dimen
sions which are called ascending or descending points of the
ecliptic conjunctions : or, as the Greeks call them, defective
conjunctions. And if these great lights find themselves in the
neighbourhood of these points cr knots, the eclipse is small.

41 360-j CAUSES OF ECHrSE^. 215
5. But if they are exactly in the knots which form ths
points of intersection between the ascending and descending
path of the moon, then the sky will be covered with denser
darkness, and the whole atmosphere becomes so thick that
we cannot see what is close to us.
6. Again, the sun is conceived to appear double when a
cloud is raised higher than usual, which from its proximity
to the eternal fires, shines in such a manner that it forms
the brightness of a second orb as from a purer mirror.
7. Now let us come to the moon. The moon sustains a
clear and visible eclipse when, being at the full, and exactly
opposite to the sun, she is distant from his orb one hundred
and eighty degrees, that is, is in the seventh sign ; and
although this happens at every full moon, still there is not
always one eclipse.
8. But since she is always nearest to the earth as it re
volves, and the most distant from the rest of the other stars,
and sometimes exposes itself to the light which strikes it,
and sometimes also is partially obscured by the interven
tion of the shade of night, which comes over it in the
form of a cone ; and then she is involved in thick dark
ness, when the sun, being surrounded by the centre of the
lowest sphere, cannot illuminate her with his rays, because
the mass of the earth is in the way ; for opinions agree
that the moon has no light of her own.
9. And when she returns to the same sign of the zodiac
which the sun occupies, she is obscured (as has been said),
her brightness being wholly dimmed, and this is called a
conjunction of the moon.
10. Again the moon is said to be new when she has the
sun above her with a slight variation from the peipendi-
cular, and then she appears very thin to mankind, even
when leaving the sun she reaches the second sign. Then,
when she has advanced further, and shines brilliantly with
a sort of horned figure, she is said to be crescent shaped ;
but when she begins to be a long way distant from the sun,
and reaches the fourth sign, she gets a greater light, the
sun's rays being turned upon her, and then she is of the
shape of a semicircle.
11. As she goes on still further, and reaches the fifth
sion, she assumes a convex shape, a sort of hump appear
ing from each side. And when she is exactly opposite the

-216 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be.XX.-Ch. rv
sun, she shines with a full light, having arrived at the
seventh sign ; and even while she is there, having advanced
but a very little further, she begins to diminish, which we
call waning ; and as she gets older, she resumes the same
shapes that she had while increasing. But it is established
by unanimous consent that she is never seen to be eclipsed
except in the middle of her course.
12. But when we said that the sun moves sometimes in
the ether, sometimes in the lower world, it must be under
stood that the starry bodies, considered in relation to the
universe, neither set nor rise ; but only appear to do so to
our sight on earth, which is suspended by the motion of
some interior spirit, and compared with the immensity of
things is but a little point, which causes the stars in their
eternal order to appear sometimes fixed in heaven, and at
others, from the imperfection of human vision, moving from
their places. Let us now return to our original subject.

IV.
§ 1. Even while he was hastening to lead succours to the
East, which, as the concurrent testimony of both spies and
deserters assured him, was on the point of being invaded
by the Persians, Constantius was greatly disturbed by the
virtues of Julian, which were now becoming renowned
among all nations, so highly did fame extol his great
labours, achievements, and victories, in having conquered
several kingdoms of the Allemanni, and recovered several
towns in Gaul which had been plundered and destroyed by
the barbarians, and having compelled the barbarians them
selves to become subjects and tributaries of the empire.
2. Influenced by these considerations, and fearing lest
Julian's influence should become greater, at the instigation,
as it is said, of the prefect Florentius, he sent Decentius,
the tribune and secretary, to bring awray at once the
auxiliary troops of the Heruli and Batavi, and the Cellse,
and the legion called Petulantes,1 and three hundred
picked men from the other forces ; enjoining him to make all
speed on the plea that their presence was required with the
1 According to Erdfurt, this legion was so named from its contu
macious and mutinous disposition.

*-D-"6n0 PRUDENCE OF JULIAN. 217
army which it was intended to march at the beginning of
spring against the Parthians.
3. Also, Lupicinus was directed to come as commander
of these auxiliary troops with the three hundred picked
men, and to lose no time, as it was not known that he had
crossed over to Britain ; and Sintula, at that time the
superintendent, of Julian's stables, was ordered to select the
best men of the Scutarii and Gentiles,1 and to bring them
also to join the emperor.
4. Julian made no remonstrance, but obeyed these
orders, yielding in all respects to the will of the emperor.
But on one point he could not conceal his feelings nor keep
silence : but entreated that those men might be spared from
this hardship who had left their homes on the other side of
the Ehine, and had joined his army on condition of never
being moved into any country beyond the Alps, urging that
if this were known, it might be feared that other volunteers
of the barbarian nations, who had often enlisted in our ser- ,
vice on similar conditions, would be prevented from doing
so in future. But he argued in vain.
5. For the tribune, disregarding his complaints, carried
out the commands of the emperor, and having chosen out a
band suited for forced marches, of pre-eminent vigour and
activity, set out with them full of hope of promotion.
6. And as Julian, being in doubt what to do about 1he
rest of the troops whom he was ordered to send, and revolv
ing all kinds of plans in his mind, consideied that ihe
matter ought to be managed with great care, as there was
on one side the fierceness of the barbarians, and on the
other the authority of the orders he had received (his per
plexity being further increased by the absence of the com
mander of the cavaliy), he urged the prefect, who had gone
some time before to Vienne under the pretence of procuring
corn, but in reality to escape from military troubles, to
return to him.
7. For the prefect bore in mind the substance of a report
which he was suspected to have sent some time before, and
which recommended the withdrawing from the defence of
Gaul those troops so renowned for their valour, and already
objects of dread to the barbarians.
1 The Gentiles were body-guards of the emperor, or of the Caesar, of
barbarian extraction, whether Scythians, Goths, Pranks, Germans, &c.

218 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. , [Be. XX. Ch. it.
8. The prefect, as soon as he had received Julian's
letters, informing him of what had happened, and entreat
ing him to come speedily to him to aid the republic with
his counsels, positively refused, being alarmed because
the letters expressly declared that in any crisis of danger
the prefect ought never to be absent from the general.
And it was added that if he declined to give his aid,
Julian himself would, of his own accord, renounce the
emblems of authority, thinking it better to die, if so it was
fated, than to have the ruin of the provinces attributed to
him. But the obstinacy of the prefect prevailed, and he
resolutely refused to comply with the wishes thus reason
ably expressed and enforced.
9. But during the delay which arose from the absence of
Lupicinus and of any military movement on the part of the
alarmed prefect, Julian, deprived of all assistance in the
way of advice, and being greatly perplexed, thought it best
to hasten the departure of all his troops from the stations
in which they were passing the winter, and to let them
begin their march.
1 0. When this was known, some one privily threw down
a bitter libel near the standard of the Petulantes legion,
which, among other things, contained these words, — " We
are being driven to the farthest parts of the earth like con
demned criminals, and our relations will become slaves to
the Allemanni after we have delivered them from that first
captivity by desperate battles."
11. When this writing was taken to head-quarters and
read, Julian, considering the reasonableness of the com
plaint, ordered that their families should go to the East
with them, and allowed them the use of the public wagons
for the purpose of moving them. And as it was for some
time doubted which road they should take, he decided,
at the suggestion of the secretary Decentius, that they
shjuld go by Paris, where he himself still was, not having
moved. 12. And so it was done. And when they arrived in the
suburbs, the prince, according to his custom, met them,
praising those whom he recognized, and reminding indi
viduals of their gallant deeds, he congratulated them with
courteous words, encouraging them to go cheerfully to join
the emperor, as they would reap the most worthy rewards

AJ>.360.] THE SOLDIERS SALUTE JULIAN EMPEROR. 219
of their exertions where power was the greatest and mofct
extensive. 13. And to do them the more honour, as they were
going to a great distance, he invited their chief's to a
supper, when he bade them ask whatever they desired.
And they, having been treated with such liberality, de
parted, anxious and sorrowful on two accounts, because
cruel fortune was separating them at once from so kind a
ruler and from their native land. And with this sorrowful
feeling they retired to their camp.
14. But when night came on they broke out into open
discontent, and their minds being excited, as his own griefs
pressed upon each individual, they had recourse to force,
and took up arms, and with a great outcry thronged to the
palace, and surrounding it so as to prevent any7 one from
escaping, they saluted Julian as emperor with loud vocife
rations, insisting vehemently on his coming forth to them ;
and though they were compelled to wait till daylight, still,
as they would not depart, at last he did come forth. And
when he appeared, they saluted him emperor with re
doubled and unanimous cheers.
15. But he steadily resisted them individually and col
lectively, at one time showing himself indignant, at another
holding out his hands and entreating and beseeching 1hem
not to sully their numerous victories with anything un
becoming, and not to let unseasonable rashness and pre
cipitation awaken materials for discord. At last he appeased
them, and having addressed them mildly, he added —
16. "I beseech you let your anger depart for a while :
without any dissension or attempt at revolution what you
wish will easily be obtained. Since you are so strongly
bound by love of your country, and fear strange lands to
which you are unaccustomed, return now to your homes,
certain that you shall not cross the Alps, since you dislike
it. And I will explain the matter to the full satisfaction
of the emperor, who is a man of great wisdom, and will
listen to reason."
17. Nevertheless, after his speech was ended, the cries
were repeated with as much vigour and unanimity as ever ;
and so vehement was the uproar and zeal, which did not
even spare reproaches and threats, that Julian was com
pelled to consent. And being lifted up on the shield of an

220 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XX. Cn. rv.
infantry soldier, and raised up in sight of all, he was
saluted as Augustus with one universal acclamation, and
was ordered to produce a diadem. And when he said that
he had never had one, his wife's coronet or necklace was
demanded. 18. And when he protested that it was not fitting for
him at his first accession to be adorned with female orna
ments, the frontlet of a horse was sought for, so that being
crowned therewith, he might have some badge, however ob
scure, of supreme power. But when he insisted that that
also would be unbecoming, a man named Maurus, after
wards a count, the same who was defeated in the defile
or the Succi, but who was then only one of the front-
rank men of the Petulantes. tore a chain off his own neck,
which he wore in his quality of standard-bearer, and placed
it boldly on Julian's head, who, being thus brought under
extreme compulsion, and seeing that he could not escape
the most imminent danger to his life if he persisted in
his resistance, consented to their w7ishes, and promised a
largesse of five pieces of gold and a pound of silver to
every man.
19. After this Julian felt more anxiety than ever ; and
keenly alive to the future consequences, neither wore his
diadem or appeared in public, nor would he even transact
the serious business which pressed upon his attention,
but sought retirement, being full of consternation at the
strangeness of the recent events. This continued till one
of the decurions of the palace (which is an office of dig
nity) came in great haste to the standards of the Petulantes
and of the Celtic legion, and in a violent manner exclaimed
that it was a monstrous thing that he who had the day
before been by their will declared emperor should have
been privily assassinated.
20. \\ hen this was heard, the soldiers, as readily excited
by what they did not know as by what they did, began
to brandish their javelins, and draw their swords, and
(as is usual at times of sudden tumult) to flock from every
quarter in haste and disorder to the palace. The sei-tinels
were alarmed at the uproar, as were the tribunes and the
captain of the guard, and suspecting some treachery from
the fickle soldiery, they fled, fearing sudden death to them
selves.

AJ>. 360.] THg '|'R00rS RETURN TO PARIS, 221
21. When all before them seemed tranquil, the soldiers
stood quietly awhile ; and on being asked what was the
cause of their sudden and precipitate movement, they at
first hesitated, and then avowing their alarm for the safety
of the emperor, declared they would not retire till they
had been admitted into the council-chamber, and had seen
him safe in his imperial robes.

§ 1. When the news of these events reached the troops,
¦whom we have spoken of as having already marched under
the command of Sintula, they returned with him quietly to
Paris. And an order having been issued that the next
morning they should all assemble in the open space in
front of the camp, Julian advanced among them, and
a,scended a tribunal more splendid than usual, surrounded
with the eagles, standards, and banners, and guarded by a
strong band of armed soldiers.
2. And after a moment's quiet, while he looked down
from his height on the countenances of those before him,
and saw them all full of joy and alacrity, he kindled their
loyalty with a few simple words, as with a trumpet.
3. " The difficulty of my situation, 0 brave and faithful
ehampions of myself and of the republic, who have often
with me exposed your lives for the welfare of the pro
vinces, requires that, since you have now by your resolute
decision raised me, your Csesar, to the highest of all dignities,
I should briefly set before you the state of affairs, in order
that safe and prudent remedies for their new condition may
be devised.
4. " While little more than a youth, as y7ou well know, I
was for form's sake invested with the purple, and by the
decision of the emperor was intrusted to your protection.
Since that time I have never forgotten iny resolution of a
virtuous life : I have been seen with you as the partner of
all your labours, when, in consequence of the diminution of
the confidence felt in us by the barbarians, terrible disas
ters fell upon the empire, our cities being stormed, and
countless thousands of men being slain, and even the little
that was left to us being in a very tottering condition. I
think it supeifluous to recapitulate how often, in the depth

222 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be.XX.Ch.v
of winter, beneath a frozen sky, at a season when there is
usually a cessation from war both by land and sea, we
have defeated with heavy loss the Allemanni, previously7
unconquered. 5. " One circumstance may neither be passed over nor
suppressed. On that glorious day which we saw at Stras-
burg, which brought peipetual liberty to Gaul, we together,
I throwing my7self among the thickly falling darts, and you
Deing invincible by your vigour and experience, repelled
the enemy who poured upon us like a torrent ; slaying
them as we did with the sword, or driving them to he
drowned in the river, with very little loss of our own men,
whose funerals we celebrated with glorious panegyrics
rather than with mourning.
6. " It is my belief that after such mighty achievements
posterity will not be silent respecting your services to the
republic, in every country, if you now, in case of any
danger or misfortune, vigorously support with your valour
and resolution me whom you have raised to the lofty dig
nity of emperor.
7. " But to maintain things in their due order, so as to
preserve to brave men their well-merited rewards and
prevent underhand ambition from forestalling your honours,
1 make this rule in the honourable presence of your counsel,
That jio civil or military officer shall be promoted from any7
other consideration than that of his own merits ; and he
shall be disgraced who solicits promotion for any one on
any other ground."
8. The lower class of soldiers, who had long been de
prived of rank or reward, were encouraged by this speech
to entertain better hopes, and now rising up with a great
noise, and beating their shields with their spears, they
with unanimous shouts showed their approbation of his
language and purpose.
9. And that no opportunity, however brief, might be
afforded to disturb so wise an arrangement, the Petu
lantes and Celtic legion immediately hesought him, on
behalf of their commissaries, to give them the govern
ment of any provinces he pleased, and when he refused
them, they retired without being either offended or out of
humour. 10. But the very night before the day on which he was

A.D. 360.] ADVANCE OF THE KING OF PERSIA. 223
thus proclaimed emperor, Julian had mentioned to his
most intimate friends that during his slumbers some one
had appeared to him in a dream, in the form and habit of
the genius of the empire, who uttered these words in a
tone of reproach: "For some time, Julian, have I been
secretly watching the door of thy palace, wishing to in
crease thy dignity, and I have often retired as one rejected ;
but if I am not now admitted, when the opinion of the
many is unanimous, I shall retire discouraged and sorrow
ful. But lay this up in the depth of thy heart, that I will
dwell with thee no longer." VI.
§ 1. While these transactions were proceeding in Gaul,
to the great anxiety of many, the fierce king of Persia (the
advice of Antoninus being now seconded by the arrival
of Craugasius), burning with eagerness to obtain Meso
potamia, while Constantius with his army was at a dis
tance, crossed the Tigris in due form with a vast army,
and laid siege to Singara with a thoionghly equipped force,
sufficient for the siege of a town which, in the opinion of
the chief commanders of those regions, was abundantly
fortified and supplied.
2. The garrison, as soon as they saw the enemy, while
still at a distance, at once closed their gates, and with
great spirit thronged to the towers and battlements, collect
ing on them stones and warlike engines. And then, having
made all their preparations, they stood prepared to repel
the advancing host if they should venture to approach the
walls. 3. Therefore the king, when he arrived and found that,
though they would admit some of his nobles near enough
to confer with them, he could not. by any conciliatory lan
guage, bend the garrison to his wishes, he gave one entire
day to rest, and then, at daybreak, on a signal made by the
raising of a scarlet flag, the whole city was surrounded by
men carrying ladders, while others began to raise engines ;
all being protected by fences and penthouses while seeking
a way to assail the foundation of the walls.
4. Against these attempts the citizens, standing on the
lofty battlements, drove back with stones and every kind

7/24 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XX. Ch. vl
of missile the assailants who were seeking with great
ferocity to find an entrance.
5. For many days the struggle continued without any
decided result, many being wounded and killed on both
sides. At last, the struggle growing fiercer, one day on
the approach of evening a very heavy battering-ram was
brought forward among other engines, which battered a
round tower with repeated blows, at a point where we
mentioned that the city had been laid open in a former
siege. 6. The citizens at once repaired to this point, and a
violent conflict arose in this small space ; torches and fire
brands were brought from all quarters to consume this
formidable engine, while arrows and bullets were showered
down -without cessation on the assailants. But the keen
ness of the ram prevailed over every means of defence,
digging through the mortal- of the recently cemented stones,
which was still moist and unsettled.
7. And while the contest was thus proceeding with fire
and sword, the tower fell, and a path was opened into the
city, the place being stripped of its defenders, whom the
magnitude of the danger had scattered. The Persian bands
raised a wild shout, and without hindrance filled every
quarter of the city. A very few of the inhabitants were
slain, and all the rest, by command of Sapor, were taken
alive and transported to the most distant regions of Persia.
8. There had been assigned for the protection of this city
two legions, the first Flavian and the first Parthian, and a
great body of native troops, as well as a division of auxi
liary cavalry which had been shut up in it through the
suddenness of the attack made upon it. All of these, as I
have said, were taken prisoners, without receiving any
assi tance from our armies.
9. For the greater part of our army was in tents taking
care of Nisibis, which was at a considerable distance. But
even if it had not been so, no one even in ancient times
could easily bring aid to Singara when in danger, since the
whole country around laboured under a scarcity of water.
And although a former generation had placed this fort very
advisedly, to check sudden movements of hostility, yet itj
whs a great burden to the state, having been several times
:aken, and always involving the loss of its garrison

sapor ADVANCES. 225

VII.
§ 1. After Singara had fallen, Sapor prudently avoided
Nisibis, recollecting the losses which he had several times
sustained before it, and turned to the right by a circuitous
path, hoping either to subdue by force or to win by bribes
the garrison of Bezabde, which its founders also called
Phcenice, and to make himself master of that town, which
is an exceedingly strong fortress, placed on a hill of
moderate height, and close to the banks of the Tigris,
having a double wall, as many places have which from their
situation are thought to be especially exposed. For its de
fence three legions had been assigned ; the second Flavian,
the second Armenian, and the second Parthian, with a
large body of archers of the Zabdiceni, a tribe subject to
us, in whose territory this town was situated.
2. At the beginning of the siege, the king, with an
escort of glittering cuirassiers, himself taller than any of
them, rode entirely round the camp, coming up boldly to
the very edge of the fosse, where he was at once a mark for
the unerring bullets of the balistse, and arrows ; but he was
so completely covered with thick scale armour that he
retired unhurt.
3. Then laying aside his anger, he sent some heralds
with all due solemnity, courteously inviting the besieged
to consult the safety of their lives, and seeing the despe-
rateness of their situation, to put an end to the siege by a
timely surrender ; to open their gates and come forth, pre
senting themselves as suppliants before the conqueror of
nations. 4. When these messengers approached the walls, the garri
son spared them because they had with them some men ot
noble birth, who had been made prisoners at Singara, and
were well known to the citizens ; and out of pity to them no
one shot an arrow, though they would give no reply to the
proposal of peace.
5. Then a truce being made for a day and night, before
dawn on the second day the entire force of the Persians
attacked the palisade with ferocious threats and cries,
coming up boldly to the walls, where a fierce contest
ensued, the citizens resisting with great vigour. Q

226 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BE.XX.CH.vn.
6. So that many of the Parthians ' were wounded,
because some of them carrying ladders, and others wicker
screens, advanced as it were blindfold, and were not spared
by our men. For the clouds of arrows flew thickly,
piercing the enemy packed in close order. At last, after
sunset the two sides separated, having suffered about equal
loss : and the next day before dawn the combat was re
newed with greater vehemence than before, the trumpets
cheering the men on both sides, and again a terrible
slaughter of each took place, both armies struggling with
the most determined obstinacy.
7. But on the following day both armies by common
consent rested from their terrible exertions, the defenders
of the walls and the Persians being equally dismayed.
When a Christian priest made sign by gestures that he
desired to go forth, and having received a promise that he
should be allowed to return in safety, he advanced to the
king's tent.
8. When he was permitted to speak, he, with gentle
language, urged the Persians to depart to their own country,
affirming that after the losses each side had sustained they
had reason perhaps to fear even greater disasters in future.
But these and other similar arguments were uttered to no
purpose. The fierce madness of the king robbing them of
their effect, as Sapor swore positively that he would never
retire till he had destroyed our camp.
9. Nevertheless a groundless suspicion was whispered
against the bishop, wholly false in my opinion, though
supported by the assertions of many, that he had secretly
informed Sapor what part of the wall to attack, as being
internally slight and weak. Though the suspicion derived
some corroboration from the fact that afterwards the
engines of the enemy were carefully and with great ex
ultation directed against the places which were weakest,
or most decayed, as if those who worked them were ac
quainted with what parts were most easily penetrable.
10. And although the narrowness of the causeway made
the approach to the walls hard, and though the battering-
rams when equipped were brought forward with great
difficulty, from fear of the stones and arrows hurled upon
1 It maybe remarked that Ammianus continually uses the words Per
sian and Parthian as synonymous.

A.D. 360.] SIEGE OF BEZABDE. 227
the assailants by the besieged, still neither the balistse ncr
the scorpions rested a moment, the first shooting javelins,
and the latter hurling showers of stones, 'and baskets on
fire, smeared with pitch and tar; and as these were per
petually rolled down, the engines halted as if rooted to
the ground, and fiery darts and firebrands well-aimed set
them on fire.
11. Still while this was going on, and numbers were
falling on both sides, the besiegers were the more eager to
destroy a town, strong both by its natural situation and its
powerful defences, before the arrival of winter, thinking it
impossible to appease the fury7 of their king if they should
fail. Therefore neither abundant bloodshed nor the sight
of numbers of their comrades pierced with deadly wounds
could deter the rest from similar audacity.
12. But for a long time, fighting with absolute desperation,
they exposed themselves to imminent danger ; while those
who worked the battering-rams were prevented from ad
vancing by the vast weight of millstones, and all kinds of
fiery missiles hurled against them.
13. One battering-ram was higher than the rest, and was
covered with bull's hides wetted, and being therefore safer
from any accident of fire, or from lighted javelins, it
led the way in the attacks on the wall with mighty blows,
and with its terrible point it dug into the joints of the
stones till it overthrew the tower. The tower fell with a
mighty crash, and those in it were thrown down with a
sudden jerk, and breaking their limbs, or being buried
beneath the ruins, perished by various and unexpected
kinds of death ; then, a safer entrance having been thus
found, the multitude of the enemy poured in with their
arms. 14. While the war-cry of the Persians sounded in the
trembling ears of the defeated garrison, a fierce battb
within the narrower bounds raged within the walls, while
bands of our men and of the enemy fought hand to hand,
being jammed together, with swords drawn on both sides,
and no quarter given.
15. At last the besieged, after making head with mighty
exertion against the destruction which long seemed
doubtful, were overwhelmed with the weight of the
countless host which pressed upon them. And the swords

228 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XX. Ch. vm,
of the furious foe cut down all they could find ; children
were torn from their mother's bosom, and the mothers
were slain, no one regarding what he did. Among these
mournful scenes the Persians, devoted to plunder, loaded
with every kind of booty, and driving before them a
vast multitude of prisoners, returned in triumph to their
tents. 16. But the king, elated with insolence and triumph,
having long been desirous to obtain possession of Phoenice,
as a most important fortress, did not retire till he had re
paired in the strongest manner that portion of the walls
which had been shaken, and till he had stocked it with
ample magazines of provisions, and placed in it a garrison
of men noble by birth and eminent for their skill in war.
For he feared (what indeed happened) that the Eomans,
being indignant at the loss of this their grand camp, would
exert themselves with all their might to recover it.
17. Then, being full of exultation, and cherishing
greater hopes than ever of gaining whatever he desired,
after taking a few forts of small importance, he prepared to
attack Victa, a very ancient fortress, believed to have been
founded by Alexander, the Macedonian, situated on the
most distant border of Mesopotamia, and surrounded with
winding walls full of projecting angles, and so well fur
nished at all points as to be almost unassailable.
18. And when he had tried every expedient against it,
at one time trying to bribe the garrison with promises, at
another to terrify them with threats of torture, and em
ploying all kinds of engines such as are used in sieges,
after sustaining more injury than he inflicted, he at last
retired from his unsuccessful enterprise.
VIII.
§ 1. These were the events of this year between the Tigris
and the Euphrates. And when frequent intelligence of
them had reached Constantius, who was in continual dread
of Parthian expeditions, and was passing the winter at
Constantinople, he devoted greater care than ever to
strengthening his frontiers with every kind of warlike
equipment. He collected veterans, and enlisted recruits,
and increased the legions with reinforcements of vigorous

A.D. 360.] JULIAN WINTERS AT PARIS. 229
youths, who had already repeatedly signalized their valour
in the battles of the eastern campaigns : and beside these
he collected auxiliary forces from among the Scythians by
urgent requests and promises of pay, in order to set out
from Thrace in the spring, and at once march to the dis
turbed provinces.
2. During the same time Julian, who was wintering at
Paris, alarmed at the prospect of the ultimate issue of the
events in that district, became full of anxiety, feeling sure,
after deep consideration, that Constantius would never
give his consent to what had been done in his case, since
he had always disdained him as a person of no importance.
3. Therefore, after much reflection on the somewhat
disturbed beginning which the present novel state of
affairs showed, he determined to send envoys to him to
relate all that had taken place ; and he gave them letters
setting forth fully what had been done, and what ought to
be done next, supporting his recommendations by proofs.
4. Although in reality7 he believed that the emperor
was already informed of all, from the report of Decentius,
who had returned to him some time before ; and of the
chamberlains who had recently gone back from Gaul,
after having brought him some formal orders. And
although he was not in reality vexed at his promotion,
still he avoided all arrogant language in his letters, that he
might not appear to have suddenly shaken off his authority.
Now the following was the purport of his letters.
5. " I have at all times been of the same mind, and
have adhered to my original intentions, not less by my
conduct than by my promises, as far as lay7 in my power,
as has been abundantly plain from repeated actions of
mine. 6. " And up to this time, since you created me Cassar,
and exposed me to the din of war, contented with the
power you conferred on me, as a faithful officer I have
sent you continued intelligence of all your affairs proceed
ing according to your wishes ; never speaking of my own
dangers ; though it can easily be proved, that, while the
Germans have been routed in every direction, I have
always been the first in all toils and the last to allow
myself any rest.
7. " But allow me to say, that if any violent change has

230 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XX. Ch. vm.
taken place, as you think, the soldier who has been passing
his life in many terrible wars without reward, has only
completed what he has long had under consideration,
being indignant and impatient at being only under a chief
of the second class, as knowing that from a Csesar no
adequate reward for his continued exertions and frequent
victories could possibly be procured.
8. " And while angry at the feeling that he could
neither expect promotion nor annual pay, he had this
sudden aggravation to his discontent, that he, a man used
to cold climates, was ordered to march to the most remote
districts of the East, to be separated from his wife and
children, and to be dragged away in want and nakedness.
This made him fiercer than usual ; and so the troops one
night collected and laid siege to the palace, saluting
with loud and incessant outcries Julian as emperor.
9. " I shuddered at their boldness, I confess, and
withdrew myself. And retiring while I could, I sought
safety in concealment and disguise — and as they would not
desist, armed, so to say, with the shield of my own free
heart, I came out before them all, thinking that the tumult
might be appeased by authority, or by conciliatory language.
10. " They became wonderfully excited, and proceeded
to such lengths that, when I endeavoured to overcome
their pertinacity with my entreaties, they came close up
to me, threatening me with instant death. At last I was
overcome, and arguing with myself that if I were mur
dered by them some one else would willingly accept the
dignity of emperor, I consented, hoping thus to pacify
their armed violence.
11. " This is the plain account of what has been done ;
and I entreat you to listen to it with mildness. Do not
believe that anything else is the truth ; and do not listen to
malignant men who deal in mischievous whispers, always
eager to seek their own gain by causing ill will between
princes. Banish flattery, which is the nurse of vice, and
listen to the voice of that most excellent of all virtues,
justice. And receive with good faith the equitable con
dition which I propose, considering in your mind that
such things are for the interest of the Eoman state, and of
us also who are united by affection of blood, and by an
equality of superior fortune.

A.H.3S0.] LETTER OF JULIAN. 231
12. " And pardon me. These reasonable requests of mine
I am not so anxious to see carried out, as to see them
approved by you as expedient and proper ; and I shall
with eagerness follow all your instructions.
13. " What requires to be done I will briefly explain.
I will provide you some Spanish draught horses, and some
youths to mingle with the Gentiles and Scutarii of the
Letian tribe, a race of barbarians on the side of the Ehine ;
or else of those people which have come over to our
side. And I promise till the end of my life to do all
I can to assist you, not only with gratitude, but with
eagerness. 14. " Your clemency will appoint us prefects for our
prsetorium of known equity and virtue : the appointment
of the ordinary judges, and the promotion of the military
officers it is fair should be left to me ; as also the selection
of my guard. For it would be unreasonable, when it is
possible to be guarded against, that those persons should
be placed about an emperor of whose manners and in
clinations he is ignorant.
15. " These things I can further assure you of positively.
The Gauls will neither of their own accord, nor by any
amount of compulsion, be brought to send recruits to
foreign and distant countries, since they have been long
harassed by protracted annoyances and heavy disasters,
lest the youth of the nation should be destroyed, and the
whole people, while recollecting their past sufferings,
. hould abandon themselves to despair for the future.
16. " Nor is it fit to seek from hence assistance against
the Parthians, when even now the attempts of the bar
barians against this land are not brought to an end, and
while, if you will suffer me to tell the truth, these pro
vinces are still exposed to continual dangers on being de
prived of all foreign or adequate assistance.
17. " In speaking thus, I do think I have written to you
in a manner suited to the interests of the state, both in my
demands and my entreaties. For I well know, not to
speak in a lofty tone, though such might not misbecome an
emperor, what wretched states of affairs, even when utterly
desperate and given up, have been before now retrieved
and re-established by the agreement of princes, each
yielding reciprocally to one another. While it is also

232 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XX. Ch. VW.
plain from the example of our ancestors, that rulers who
acknowledge and act upon such principles do somehow
ever find the means of living prosperously and happily, and
leave behind them to the latest posterity an enviable
fame." 18. To these letters he added others of a more secret
purport, to be given privily to Constantius, in which he
blamed and reproached him ; though their exact tenor was
not fit to be known, nor if known, fit to be divulged to the
public. 19. For the office of delivering these letters, men of
great dignity were chosen ; namely, Pentadius, the master
of the ceremonies, and Eutherius, at that time the principal
chamberlain ; who were charged, after they had delivered
the letters, to relate what they had seen, without suppress
ing anything ; and to take their own measures boldly on
all future emergencies which might arise.
20. In the mean time the flight of Florentius, the pre
fect, aggravated the envy with which these circumstances
were regarded. For he, as if he foresaw the commotion
likely to arise, as might be gathered from general conver
sation, from the act of sending for the troops, had departed
for Vienne (being also desirous to get out of the way of
Julian, whom he had often slandered), pretending to be
compelled to this journey for the sake of providing supplies
for the army.
21. Afterwards, when he had heard of Julian's being
raised to the dignity7 of emperor, being greatly alarmed,
and giving up almost all hope of saving his life, he availed
himself of his distance from Julian to escape from the
evils which he suspected ; and leaving behind him all his
family, he proceeded by slow journeys to Constantius ; and
to prove his own innocence he brought forward many
charges of rebellion against Julian.
22. And after his departure, Julian, adopting wise mea
sures, and wishing it to be known that, even if he had
him in his power, he would have spared him, allowed his
relations to take with them all their property, and even
granted them the use of the public conveyances to retire
with safety to the East.

A.D. 360.] DISPLEASURE OF CONSTANTIUS. 233

IX.
§1. The envoys whom I have mentioned took equal care
to discharge their orders ; but while eager to pursue their
journey they were unjustly detained by some of the
superior magistrates on their road ; and having been long
and vexatiously delayed in Italy and Illyricum, they at
last passed the Bosphorus, and advancing by slow journeys,
they found Constantius still staying at Cassarea in Cappa-
docia, a town formerly known as Mazaca, admirably7 situ
ated at the foot of Mount Argseus, and of high reputation.
2. Being admitted to the presence, they received permis
sion to present their letters ; but when they were read the
emperor became immoderately angry, and looking askance
at them so as to make them fear for their lives, he ordered
them to be gone without asking them any questions or
permitting them to speak.
3. But in spite of his anger he was greatly perplexed
to decide whether to move those troops whom he could
trust against the Persians, or against Julian ; and while
he was hesitating, and long balancing between the two
plans, he yielded to the useful advice of some of his
counsellors, and ordered the army to march to the East.
4. Immediately also he dismissed the envoys, and ordered
his quaestor Leonas to go with all speed with letters from
him to Julian ; in which he asserted that he himself would
permit no innovators, and recommended Julian, if he had
any regard for his own safety or that of his relations, to
lay aside his arrogance, and resume the rank of Csesar.
5. And, in order to alarm him by the magnitude of his
preparations, as if he really was possessed of great power,
he appointed Nebridius, who was at that time Julian's
quasstor, to succeed Florentius as prefect of the prastorium,
and made Felix the secretary, master of the ceremonies,
with several other appointments. Gumoharius, the com
mander of the heavy infantry, he had already appointed
to succeed Lupicinus, before any of these events were
known. 6. Accordingly Leonas reached Paris, and was there
received as an honourable and discreet man ; and the next
day, when Julian had proceeded into the plain in front of

234 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XX. Ch. x.
the' camp with a great multitude of soldiers and common
people, whioh he had ordered to assemble on purpose, he
mounted a tribune, in order from that high position to be
more conspicuous, and desired Leonas to present his
letters ; and when he had opened the edict which had
been sent, and began to read it, as soon as he arrived at
the passage that Constantius disapproved of all that had
been done, and desired Julian to be content with the
power of a Csesar, a terrible shout was raised on all sides,
7. " Julian emperor, as has been decreed by the autho
rity of the province, of the army, and of the republic,
which is indeed re-established, but which still dreads the
renewed attacks of the barbarians."
8. Leonas heard this, and, after receiving letters from
Julian, stating what had occurred, was dismissed in
safety : the only one of the emperor's appointments which
was allowed to take effect was that of Nebridius, which
Julian in his letters had plainly said would be in accord
ance with his wishes. For he himself had some time
before appointed Anatolius to be master of the ceremonies,
having been formerly his private secretary ; and he had
also made such other appointments as seemed useful and
safe. 9. And since, while matters were going on in this
matter, Lupicinus, as being a proud and arrogant man,
was an object of fear, though absent and still in Britain ;
and since there was a suspicion that if he heard of these
occurrences while on the other side of the channel, he
might cause disorders in the island, a secretary was sent
to Boulogne to take care that no one should be allowed to
cross ; and as that was contrived, Lupicinus returned with
out hearing of any of these matters, and so had no oppor
tunity of giving trouble. X.
§ 1. But Julian, being gratified at his increase of rank,
and at the confidence of the soldiers in him, not to let
his good fortune cool, or to give any colour for charging
him with inactivity or indolence, after he had sent his
envoys to Constantius, marched to the frontier of the pro
vince of lower Germany ; and having with him all the force

»J>. 360.] JULIAN CROSSES THE RHINE. 235
which the business in hand demanded, he approached the
town of Santon.'
2. Then crossing the Ehine, he suddenly entered the
district belonging to a Frank tribe, called the Attuarii,
men of a turbulent character, who at that very moment
were licentiously plundering the districts of Gaul. He
attacked them unexpectedly while they were apprehensive
of no hostile measures, but were reposing in fancied se
curity, relying on the ruggedness and difficulty of the
roads which led into their country, and which no prince
within their recollection had ever penetrated. He, how
ever, easily surmounted all difficulties, and having put
many to the sword and taken many prisoners, he granted
the survivors peace at their request, thinking such a course
best for their neighbours.
3. Then with equal celerity he repassed the river, and
examining carefully the state of the garrisons on the fron
tier, and putting them in a proper state, he marched
towards Basle ; and having recovered the places which the
barbarians had taken and still retained in their hands, and
having carefully strengthened them, he went to Vienne,
passing through Besancon, and there took up his winter
quarters. XI.
§ 1. Thesk were the events which took place in Gaul, and
while they were thus conducted with prudence and good
fortune, Constantius, having summoned Arsaces, king of
Armenia, and having received him with great courtesy,
advised and exhorted him to continue friendly and faithful
to us.
2. For he had heard that the king of Persia had often
tried by deceits and threats, and all kinds, of stratagems,
to induce him to forsake the Eoman alliance and join his
party. 3. But he, vowing with many oaths that he would rather
lose his life than change his opinion, received ample rewards,
and returned to his kingdom with the retinue which he
brought with him ; and never ventured at any subsequent
time to break any of his promises, being bound by many
1 Santon ig near Cleves.

236 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XX. Ch. Et
ties of gratitude to Constantius. The sti ongest tie of all
being that the emperor had given him for a wife, Olympias,
the daughter of Abladius, formerly prefect of the pras-
torium, who had once been betrothed to his own brother
Constans. 4. And when Arsaces had been dismissed, Constantius
left Cappadocia, and going by Melitina, a town of the
lesser Armenia, and Lacotene, and Samosata, he crossed
the Euphrates and arrived at Edessa. Stopping some time
in each town, while waiting for divisions of soldiers who
were flocking in from all quarters, and for sufficient sup
plies of provisions. And after the autumnal equinox, he
proceeded onwards on his way to Amida.
5. When he approached the walls of that town, and saw
everything buried in ashes, he groaned and wept, recollect
ing what sufferings the wretched city had suffered. And
Ursulus, the treasurer, who happened to be present, was
moved with indignation, and exclaimed, " Behold the
courage with which cities are defended by our soldiers ;
men for whose pay the whole wealth of the empire is
exhausted." This bitter speech the crowd of soldiers after
wards recollected at Chalcedon, when they rose up and
destroyed him.
6. Then proceeding onward in close column, he reached
Bezabde, and having fixed his camp there, and fortified it
with a rampart and a deep fosse, as he took a long ride
round the camp, he satisfied himself, by the account which
he received from several persons, that those places in the
walls which the carelessness of ancient times had allowed
to become decayed, had been repaired so as to be stronger
than ever.
7. And, not to omit anything which was necessary to
do before the heat of the contest was renewed, he sent
prudent men to the garrison to offer them two conditions ;
either to withdraw to their own country, giving up what
did not belong to them, without causing bloodshed by
resistance, or else to become subjects of the Eomans, in
which case they should receive rank and rewards. But
when they, with native obstinacy, resisted the demands as
became men of noble birth, who had been hardened by
dangers and labours, everything was prepared for the
siege.

A.D. 360.] SIEGE OF BEZABDE. 237
8. Therefore the soldiers with alacrity, in dense order,
and cheered by the sound of trumpets, attacked every side
of the town ; and the legions, being protected by7 various
kinds of defences, advanced in safety, endeavouring by slow
degrees to overthrow the walls ; and because all kinds of
missiles were poured down upon them, which disjoined the
union of their shields, they fell back, the signal for a
retreat being given.
9. Then a truce was agreed upon for one day ; but the
day after, having protected themselves moi e skilfully, they
again raised their war-cry , and tried on every side to scale the
walls. And although the garrison, having stretched cloths
before them not to be distinguished, lay concealed within
the walls ; still, as often as necessity required, they boldly
put out their arms and hurled down stones and javelins on
their assailants below.
10. And while the wicker penthouses were advanced
boldly and brought close to the walls, the besieged dropped
upon them heavy casks and millstones, and fragments of
pillars, by the overpowering weight of which the assailants
were crushed, their defences torn to pieces, and wide open
ings made in them, so that they7 incurred terrible dangers,
and were again forced to retreat.
11. Therefore, on the tenth day from the beginning of
the siege, when the confidence of our men began to fill the
town with alarm, we determined on bringing up a vast
battering-ram, which, after having destroyed Antioch with
it sometime before, the Persians had left at Carrhss ; and
as soon as that appeared, and was begun to be skilfully
set up, it cowed the spirits of the besieged, so that they
were almost on the point of surrendering, when they again
plucked up courage and prepared means for resisting this
engine. 12. From this time neither their courage nor their inge
nuity failed ; for as the ram was old, and it had been taken
to pieces for the facility of transporting it, so while it was
being put together again, it was attacked with great exer
tions and vigour by the garrison, and defended with equal
valour and firmness by the besiegers ; and engines hurling
showers of stones, and slings, and missiles of all sorts, slew
numbers on each side. Meantime, high mounds rose up
with speedy growth ; and the siege grew fiercer and sterner

238 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XX. Cn. xi
daily ; many of our men being slain because, fighting as
they were under the eye of the emperor, and eager for
reward, they took off their helmets in order to be the
more easily recognized, and so with bare heads, were an
easy mark for the skilful archers of the enemy.
13. The days and nights being alike spent in watching,
made each side the more careful ; and the Persians, being
alarmed at the vast height to which the mounds were now
carried, and at the enormous ram, which was accompanied
by others of smaller size, made great exertions to burn
them, and kept continually shooting firebrands and incen
diary missiles at them ; but their labour was vain, because
the chief part of them was covered with wet skins and
cloths, and some parts also had been steeped in alum, so
that the fire might fall harmless upon them.
14. But the Eomans, driving these rams on with great
courage, although they had difficulty in defending them
selves, disregarded danger, however imminent, in the hope
of making themselves masters of the town.
15. And on the other hand, when the enormous ram was
brought against the tower to which it was applied, as if it
could at once throw it down, the garrison, by a clever
contrivance, entangled its projecting iron head, which in
shape was like that of a ram, with long cords on both
sides, to prevent its being drawn back and then driven for
ward with great force, and to hinder it from making any
serious impression on the walls by repeated blows ; and
meanwhile they poured on it burning pitch, and for a long
time these engines were fixed at the point to which they
had been advanced, and exposed to all the stones and
javelins which were hurled fi om the walls.
16. By this time the mounds were raised to a consider
able height, and the garrison, thinking that unless they
used extraordinary vigilance their destruction must be at
hand, resorted to extreme audacity ; and making an un
expected sally from the gates, they attacked our front rank,
and with all their might, hurled firebrands and iron braziers
loaded with fire against the rams.
17. But after a fierce but undecided conflict, the bulk of
them were driven within the walls, without having suc
ceeded in their attempt; and presently the battlements
were attacked from the mounds which the Eomans had

AJ>.360.] SIEGE OF BEZABDE. 239
raised, with arrows and slings and lighted javelins, which
flew over the roofs of the towers, but did no harm, means
having been prepared to extinguish any flames.
18. And as the ranks on both sides became thinner, and
the Persians were now reduced to extremities unless
some aid could be found, they prepared with redoubled
energy a fresh sally from the camp : accordingly, they
made a sudden sally, supported by increased numbers, and
among the armed men were many bearing torches, and
iron b.iskets full of fire, and faggots ; and all kinds of things
best adapted for setting fire to the works of the besiegers
were hurled against them.
19. And because the dense clouds of smoke obscured the
ight, when the trumpet gave the signal for battle, the
legions came up with quick step ; and as the eagerness of
the conflict grew hotter, after they had engaged, suddenly
all the engines, except the great ram, caught fire from the
flames which were hurled at them ; but the ropes which
held the chief ram were broken asunder, and that the
vigorous efforts of some gallant men saved when it was
half burnt.
20. When the darkness of night terminated the combat,
only a short time was allowed to the soldiers for rest; but
when they had been refreshed by a little food and sleep,
they wore awakened by their captains, and ordered to re
move their works away from the walls of the town, and
prepare to fight at closer quarters from the lofty mounds
which were untouched by the flames, and now commanded
the walls. And to drive the defenders from the walls, on
the summit of the mounds they stationed two balistas, in
fear of which they thought that none of the enemy would
venture even to look out.
21. After having taken these efficacious measures, a
triple line of our men, having a more threatening aspect
than usual from the nodding cones of their helmets (many
of them also bearing ladders), attempted about twilight to
scale the walls. Arms clashed and trumpets sounded, and
both sides fought with equal boldness and ardour. The
Eomans, extending their lines more widely, when they saw
the Persians hiding from fear of the engines which had been
stationed on the mounds, battered the wall with their ram,
and with spades, and axes, and levers, and ladders, pressed

240 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XX. Ch. xi.
fiercely on, while missiles from each side flew without
ceasing. 22. But the Persians were especially pressed by the
various missiles shot from the balistse, which, from the
artificial mounds, came down upon them in torrents ; and
having become desperate, they rushed on, fearless of
death, and distributing their force as if at the last ex
tremity, they left some to guard the walls, while the
rest, secretly opening a postern gate, rushed forth va
liantly with drawn swords, followed by others who carried
concealed fire.
23. And while the Romans at one moment were pressing
on those who retreated, at another receiving the assault of
those who attacked them, those who carried the fire crept
round by a circuitous path, and pushed the burning coals
in among the interstices of one of the mounds, which was
made up of branches of trees, and rushes, and bundles of
reeds. This soon caught fire and was utterly destroyed,
the soldiers themselves having great difficulty in 'escaping
and saving their engines.
24. But when the approach of evening broke off the
conflict, and the two sides separated to snatch a brief
repose, the emperor, after due reflection, resolved to change
his plans. Although many reasons of great urgency pressed
him to force on the destruction of Phosnice, as of a fortress
which would prove an impregnable barrier to the inroads
of the enemy, yet the lateness of the season was an objec
tion to persevering any longer. He determined, therefore,
while he preserved his position, to carry on the siege for
the future by slight skirmishes, thinking that the Persians
would be forced to surrender from want of provisions,
which, however, turned out very different.
25. For while the conflict was proceeding sharply,
the heavens became moist, and watery clouds appeared
with threatening darkness ; and presently the ground got
so wet from continual rain, that the whole country was
changed into an adhesive mud (for the soil is naturally
rich), and every plan was thrown into confusion ; mean
time, thunder with incessant crashes and ceaseless light
ning filled men's minds with fear.
26. To these portents were added continual rainbows.
A t;hort explanation will serve to show how these appear-

i-D- 360.] NATURE OF THE RAINBOW. 241
ances are formed. The vapours of the earth becoming
warmer, and the watery particles gathering in clouds, and
thence being dispersed in spray, and made brilliant by the
fusion of rays, turn upwards towards the fiery orb of the
sun, and form a rainbow, which sweeps round with a large
curve because it is spread over our world, which physical
investigations place on the moiety of a sphere.
27. Its appearance, as far as mortal sight can discern, is,
in the first line yellow, in the second tawny, in the third
scarlet, in the fourth purple, and in the last a mixture of
blue and green.
28. And it is so tempered with this mixed beauty, as
mankind believe, because its first portion is discerned in
a thin diluted state, of the same colour as the air which
surrounds it ; the next line is tawny, that is a somewhat
richer colour than yellow ; the third is scarlet, because it
is opposite to the bright rays of the sun, and so pumps up
and appropriates, if one may so say, the most subtle portion
of its beams ; the fourth is purple, because the density of
the spray by which the splendour of the sun's rays is
quenched shines between, and so it assumes a colour near
that of flame ; and as that colour is the more diffused, it
shades off into blue and green.
29. Others think that the rainbow is caused by the rays
of the sun becoming infused into some dense cloud, and
pouring into it a liquid light, which, as it can find no
exit, falls back upon itself, and shines the more brilliantly7
because of a kind of attrition; and receives those hues
which are most akin to white from the sun above ; its
green hues from the cloud under which it lies, as often
happens in the sea, where the waters which beat upon the
shore are white, and those farther from the land, which,
as being so, are more free from any admixture, are blue.
30. And since it is an indication of a change in the
atmosphere (as we have already said), when in a clear sky
sudden masses of clouds appear, or on the other hand, when
the sky changed from a gloomy look to a joyful serenity,
therefore we often read in the poets that Iris is sent, from
heaven when a change is required in the condition of any
present affairs. There are various other opinions which it
would be superfluous now to enumerate, since my narration
must hasten back to the point from which it digressed. R

242 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI.
3 1 . By these and similar events the emperor was kept
wavering between hope and fear, as the severity of
winter was increasing, and he suspected ambuscades in the
country, which was destitute of roads ; fearing also, among
other things, the discontent of the exasperated soldiers.
And it further goaded his unquiet spirit to return balked
of his purpose, after, as it were, the door of the rich mansion
was opened to him.
32. However, giving up his enterprise as fruitless, he
returned into the unwelcome Syria, to winter at Antioch,
after having suffered a succession of melancholy disasters.
For, as if some unfriendly constellation so governed
events, Constantius himself, while warring with the Per
sians, was always attended by adverse fortune ; on which
account he hoped at least to gain victories by means
of his generals ; and this, as we remember, usually hap
pened.

BOOK XXL

ARGUMENT.

I, The Emperor Julian at Vienne learns that Constantius is about to
die — How he knew it — An essay on the different arts of learning
the future.— II. Julian at Vienne feigns to he a Christian in order
to conciliate the multitude, and on a day of festival worships God
among the Christians.— III. Vadomarius, king of the Allemanni,
breaking his treaty, lays waste our frontier, and slays Count
Libino, with a few of his men.— IV. Julian having intercepted
letters of Vadomarius to the Emperor Constantius, contrives to
have him seized at a banquet ; and having slain some of the Alle
manni, and compelled others to surrender, grants the rest peace
at their entreaty.— Julian harangues his soldiers, and makes them
all promise obedience to him, intending to make war upon the
Emperor Constantius.— VI. Constantius marries Faustina— In
creases his army by fresh levies ; gains over the kings of Armenia
and Hibena by gifts.— VII. Constantius, at that time at Antioch
retains Africa m his power by means of his secretary Gaudentius-
crosses the Euphrates, and moves with his army upon Edessa. 
VIH. After settling the affairs of Gaul, Julian marches to the
Danube, sending on before a part of his army through Italy aud

A.».3«0.] PLANS OF JULIAN. 243
the Tyrol. — IX. Taurus and Florentius, consuls, and prefects of
the prsetorium, fly at the approach of Julian, the one through
Dlyricum, the other through Italy — Lucillianus, the com
mander of the cavalry, who was preparing to resist Julian, is
crushed by him. — X. Julian receives the allegiance of Sirmium,
the capital of Western Illyricum, and of its garrison — Occupies
the country of the Sacci, and writes to the senate letters of com
plaint against Constantius. — XI. Two of the legions of Constantius
which at Sirmium had passed over to Julian are sent by him into
Gaul, and occupy Aquileia, with the consent of the citizens,
who, however, shut their gates against the troops of Julian. —
XII. Aquileia takes the part of Constantius, and is besieged, but
presently, when news of his death arrives, surrenders to Julian. —
XIII. Sa>por leads back bis army home, because the auspices forbid
war — Constantius, intending to march against Julian, harangues
his soldiers. — XIV. Omens of the death of Constantius. —
XV. Constantius dies at MopsucrenaB in Cilicia. — XVI. His vir
tues and vices. I.
a.d. 360.
§ 1. While Constantius was detained by this perplexing
war beyond the Euphrates, Julian at Vienne devoted his
days and nights to forming plans for the future, as far as
his limited resources would allow ; being in great suspense,
and continually doubting whether to try every expedient
to win Constantius over to friendship, or to anticipate his
attack, with the view of alarming him.
2. And while anxiously considering these points he
feared him, as likely to be in the one case a cruel friend,
while in the other case he recollected that he had always
been successful in civil disturbances. Above all things
his anxiety was increased by the example of his brother
Gallus, who had been betrayed by his own want of caution
and the perjured deceit of certain individuals.
3. Nevertheless he often raised himself to ideas of
energetic action, thinking it safest to show himself as an
avowed enemy to him whose movements he could, as a pru
dent man, judge of only from his past actions, in order not
to be entrapped by secret snares founded on pretended
friendship. 4. Therefore, paying little attention to the letters which
Constantius had sent by Leonas, and admitting none of his
appointments with the exception of that of I\ebridius, he

244 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XXL Ce. 1,
now celebrated the Quinquennalia1 as emperor, and wore a
splendid diadem inlaid with precious stones, though when
first entering on that power he had worn but a paltry-
looking crown like that of a president of the public
games. 5. At this time also he sent the body of his wife Helen,
recently deceased, to Eome, to be buried in the suburb on
the road to Nomentum, where also Constantina, his sister-
in-law, the wife of Gallus, had been buried.
6. His desire to march against Constantius, now that
Gaul was tranquillized, was inflamed by the belief which
he had adopted from many omens (in the interpretation of
which he had great skill), and from dreams that the
emperor would soon die.
7. And since malignant people have attributed to this
prince, so erudite and so eager to acquire all knowledge,
wicked practices for the purpose of learning future events,
we may here briefly point out how this important branch
of learning may be acquired by a wise man.
8. The spirit which directs all the elements, and which
at all times and throughout all places exercises its activity
by the movement of these eternal bodies, can communicate
to us tho capacity of foreseeing the future by the sciences
which we attain through various kinds of discipline. And
the ruling powers, when properly propitiated, as from
everlasting springs, supply mankind with words of pro
phecy, over which the deity of Themis is said to preside,
and which, because she teaches men to know what has been
settled for the future by the law of Fate, has received that
name from the Greek word redeipeva ("fixed"), and has
been placed by ancient theologians in the bed and on the
throne of Jupiter, who gives life to all the world.
9. Auguries and auspices are not collected from the will
of birds who are themselves ignorant of the future (for
there is no one so silly as to say they understand it) ; but
God directs the flight of birds, so that the sound of their
beaks, or the motion of their feathers, whether quiet or
disturbed, indicates the character of the future. For the
1 The Quinquennalia (games under which title had been previously
instituted in honour of Julius Csesar and Augustus) were revived by
Nero, a.d. 60, again fell into disuse, and were again revived by Do
mitian. — Cf. Taeit. An. xiv. 20.

i.e. 360.] MODES OF AUGURY. 245
kindness of the deity, whether it be that men deserve it,
or that he is touched by affection for them, likes by these
acts to give information of what is impending.
10. Again, those who attend to the prophetic entrails of
cattle, which often take all kinds of shapes, learn from
them what happens. Of this practice a man called Tages
was the inventor, who, as is reported, was certainly seen
to rise up out of the earth in the district of Etruria.
11. Men too, when their hearts are in a state of excite
ment, foretell the future, but then they are speaking under.
divine inspiration. For the sun, which is, as natural
philosophers say, the mind of the world, and which scatters
our minds among us as sparks proceeding from itself, when
it has inflamed them with more than usual vehemence,
renders them conscious of the future. From which the
Sibyls often say they are burning and fired by a vast
power of flames ; and with reference to these cases the sound
of voices, various signs, thunder, lightning, thunderbolts,
and falling-stars, have a great significance.
12. But the helief in dreams would be strong and un
doubted if the interpreters of them were never deceived ;
and sometimes, as Aristotle asserts, they are fixed and
stable when the eye of the person, being soundly asleep,
turns neither way, but looks straight forward.
13. And because the ignorance of the vulgar often talks
loudly, though ignorantly, against these ideas, asking why,
if there were any faculty of foreseeing the future, one man
should be ignorant that he would be killed in battle, or
another that he would meet with some misfortune, and so
on; it will be enough to reply7 that sometimes a gram
marian has spoken incorrectly, or a musician has sung out
of tune, or a physician been ignorant of the proper remedy
for a disease ; but these facts do not disprove the existence
of the sciences of grammar, music, or medicine.
14. So that Tully is right in this as well as other sayings
of his, when he says, " Signs of future events are shown
by the gods ; if any one mistakes them he errs, not
because of the nature of the gods, but because of the con
jectures of men." But lest this discussion, running on this
point beyond the goal, as the proverb is, should disgust
the reader, we will now return to relate what follows.

246 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ce. m.
II.
§ 1. While Julian, still with the rank of Csesar only, was
at Paris one day, exercising himself in the camp-field, and
moving his shield in various directions, the joints by which
it was fastened gave way, and the handle alone remained
in his hand, which he still held firmly, and when those
present were alarmed, thinking it a bad omen, he said,
" Let no one be alarmed, I still hold firmly what I had
before." 2. And again, when one day after a slight dinner, he
was sleeping at Vienne, in the middle of the darkness^ of
the night a figure of unusual splendour appeared to him,
and when he was all but awake, repeated to him the follow
ing heroic verses, reciting them over and over again ;
which he believed, so that he felt sure that no ill fortune
remained for him : —
" When Jove has passed the water-carrier's sign,
And Saturn's light, for five-and-twenty days
Has lightened up the maid ; the king divine
Of Asia's land shall enter on the ways
That painful lead to death and Styx's gloomy maze.''
3. Therefore in the mean time he made no change in the
existing condition of affairs, but arranged everything that
occurred with a quiet and easy mind, gradually strengthen
ing himself, in order to make the increase of his power
correspond with the increase of his dignity.
4. And in order, without any hindrance, to conciliate the
goodwill of all men, he pretended to adhere to the Christian
religion, which in fact he had long since secretly aban
doned, though very few were aware of his private opinions,
giving up his whole attention to soothsaying and divina
tion, and the other arts which have always been practised
by the worshippers of the gods.
5. But to conceal this for a while, on the day of the
festival at the beginning of January, which the Christians
call Epiphany7, he went into their church, and offered
solemn public prayer to their God.
III.
§ 1. While these events were proceeding, and spring was
coming on, Julian was suddenly smitten with grief and
Borrow by unexpected intelligence. For he learnt that

A.D. 360.] MEASURES OF JULIAN. 247
the Allemanni had poured forth from the district of Vado
marius, in which quarter, after the treaty which had been
made with him, no troubles had been anticipated, and were
laying waste the borders of the Tyrol, pouring their pre
datory bands over the whole frontier, and leaving nothing
unravaged. 2. He feared that if this were passed over it might
rekindle the flames of war ; and so at once sent a count
named Libino, with the Celtic and Petulantes legions,
who were in winter quarters with him, to put a decided and
immediate end to this affair.
3. Libino marched with speed, and arrived at Seckingen ;
but was seen while at a distance by the barbarians, who
had already hidden themselves in the valleys with the
intention of giving him battle. His soldiers were inferior
in number, but very eager for battle ; and he, after
haranguing them, rashly attacked the Germans, and at the
very beginning of the fight was slain among the first. At
his death the confidence of the barbarians increased, while
the Eomans were excited to avenge their general ; and so
the conflict proceeded with great obstinacy, but our men
were overpowered by numbers, though their loss in killed
and wounded was but small.
4. Constantius, as has been related, had made peace
with this Vadomarius, and his brother Gundomadus, who
was also a king. And when afterwards Gundomadus died,
thinking that Vadomarius would be faithful to him, and a
silent and vigorous executor of his secret orders (if one
may believe what is only report), he gave him directions
by letter to harass the countries on his borders, as if he
had broken off the treaty of peace, in order to keep Julian,
through his fears of him, from ever abandoning the protec
tion of Gaul.
5. In obedience to these directions, it is fair to believe
that Vadomarius committed this and other similar actions ;
being a man from his earliest y7outh marvellously skilled
in artifice and deceit, as he afterwards showed when he
enjoyed the dukedom of Phoenice.1
6. But now, being discovered, he desisted from his hos
tilities. For one of his secretaries, whom he had sent to
Constantius, was taken prisoner by7 Julian's outposts, and
1 V. infra, Leo xxvi. c. 8.

248 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ca. rr.
when he was searched to see if he was the bearer of any
thing, a letter was found on him, which contained these
words among others, "Your Csesar is not submissive."
But when he wrote to Julian he always addressed him as
lord, and emperor, and god. IV.
§ 1. These affairs were full of danger and doubt ; and Julian
considering them likely to lead to absolute destruction,
bent all his mind to the one object of seizing Vadomarius
unawares, through the rapidity of his movements, in order
to secure his own safety and that of the provinces. And
the plan which he decided on was this.
2. He sent to those districts Philagrius, one of his
secretaries, afterwards count of the East, in whose proved
prudence and fidelity he could thoroughly rely; and
besides a general authority to act as he could upon emer
gencies, he gave him also a paper signed by himself, which
he bade him not to open nor read unless Vadomarius
appeared on the western side of the Ehine.
3. Philagrius went as he was ordered, and while he was
in that district busying himself with various arrangements,
Vadomarius crossed the river, as if he had nothing to fear,
in a time of profound peace, and pretending to know of
nothing having been done contrary to treaty, when he saw
the commander of the troops who were stationed there,
made him a short customary speech, and to remove all
suspicion, of his own accord promised to come to a ban
quet to which Philagrius also had been invited.
4. As soon as Philagrius arrived, when he saw the king,
he recollected Julian's words, and pretending some serious
and urgent business, returned to his lodging, where having
read the paper intrusted to him, and learnt what he was to
do, he immediately returned and took his seat among the
rest. 5. But when the banquet was over he boldly arrested
Vadomarius, and gave him to the commander of the forces,
to be kept in strict custody in the camp, reading to him
the commands he had received ; but as nothing was men
tioned about Vadomarius's retinue, he ordered them to
return to their own country.

AJ>. 360.] HE DEFEATS THE BARBARIANS. 249
6. But the king was afterwards conducted to Julian's
camp, and despaired of pardon when he heard that his
secretary had been taken, and the letters which he had
written to Constantius read ; he was however not even
reproached by Julian, but merely sent off to Spain, as it
was an object of great importance that, while Julian was
absent from Gaul, this ferocious man should not be able to
throw into confusion the provinces which had been tran
quillized with such great difficulty.
7. Julian, being much elated at this occurrence, since the
king, whom he feared to leave behind him while at a dis
tance, had been caught more quickly than he expected,
without delay prepared to attack the barbarians who, as
we have just related, had slain Count Libino and some of
his soldiers in battle.
8. And to prevent any rumour of his approach giving
them warning to retire to remoter districts, he passed the
Ehine by night with great silence, with some of the most
rapid of his auxiliary bands ; and so came upon them while
fearing nothing of the sort. And he at once attacked them
the moment they were first roused by the sound of enemies,
and while still examining their swords and javelins ; some
he slew, some he took prisoners, who sued for mercy and
offered to surrender their booty ; to the rest who remained
and implored peace, and promised to be quiet for the
future, he granted peace. V.
§ 1. While these transactions were carried on in this
spirited manner, Julian, considering to what great internal
divisions his conduct had given rise, and that nothing is so
advantageous for the success of sudden enterprise as
celerity of action, saw with his usual sagacity that if he
openly avowed his revolt from the emperor, he should be
safer ; and feeling uncertain of the fidelity of the soldiers,
having offered secret propitiatory sacrifices to Bellona, he
summoned the army by sound of trumpet to an assembly,
and standing on a tribune built of stone, with every
appearance of confidence in his manner, he spoke thus
with a voice unusually loud : —
2. " I imagine that you, my gallant comrades, exalted
by the greatness of your own achievements, have long been

250 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. T.
silently expecting this meeting, in order to form a previous
judgment of, and to take wise measures against the events
which may be expected. For soldiers united by glorious
actions ought to hear rather than speak ; nor ought a com
mander of proved justice to think anything but what is
worthy of praise and approbation. That therefore I may
explain to you what 1 propose, I entreat you to listen
favourably to what I will briefly set before you.
3. " From my earliest year, by the will of God, I have
been placed among you, with whom I have crushed the
incessant inroads of the Franks and Allemanni, and checked
the endless licentiousness of their ravages ; by our united
vigour we have opened the Ehine tothe Eoman armies, when
ever they choose to cross it ; standing immovable against
reports, as well as against the violent attacks of powerful
nations, because I trusted to the invincibility of your valour.
4. " Gaul, which has beheld our labours, and which, after
much slaughter and many periods of protracted and severe
disasters, is at last replaced in a healthy state, will for ever
bear witness to posterity of our achievements.
5. " But now since, constrained both by the authority of
your judgment, and also by the necessity of the case, I
have been raised to the rank of emperor, under the favour
of God and of you, I aim at still greater things, if fortune
should smile on my undertakings. Boasting at least that I
have secured to the army, whose equity and mighty ex
ploits are so renowned, a moderate and merciful chief in
time of peace, and in war a prudent and wary leader
against the combined forces of the barbarians.
6. "In order therefore that by the cordial unanimity of
our opinions we may prevent ill fortune by anticipating it,
I beg you to follow my counsel, salutary, as I think it,
since the state of our affairs corresponds to the purity of my
intentions and wishes. And while the legions of Illyricum
are occupied by no greater force than usual, let us occupy
the further frontier of Dacia ; and then take counsel from
our success what is to be done next.
7. " But as brave generals. I entreat you to promise
with an oath that you will adhere to me with unanimity
and fidelity ; while I will give my customary careful
attention to prevent anything from being done rashly or
carelessly ; and if any one requires it, will pledge my

a.d. 360.] Julian's speech to his soldiers. 251
own unsullied honour that I will never attempt ncr think
of anything but what is for the common good.
8. " This especially I request and beseech you to observe,
that none of you let any impulse of sudden ardour lead
you to inflict injury on any private individual ; recollecting
that our greatest renown is not derived so much from the
numberless defeats of the enemy as from the safety of the
provinces, and their freedom from injury, which is cele
brated as an eminent example of our virtue."
9. The emperor's speech was approved as though it had
been the voice of an oracle, and the whole assembly was
greatly excited, and being eager for a change, they aU with
one consent raised a tremendous shout, and beat their
shields with a violent crash, calling him a great and noble
general, and, as had been proved, a fortunate conqueror
and king.
10. And being all ordered solemnly to swear fidelity to
him, they put their swords to their throats with terrible
curses, and took the oath in the prescribed form, that for
him they would undergo every kind of suffering, and even
death itself, if necessity should require it ; and their officers
and all the friends of the prince gave a similar pledge with
the same forms.
11. Nebridius the prefect alone, boldly and unshakenly
refused, declaring that he could not possibly bind himself
by an oath hostile to Constantius, from whom he had
received many and great obligations.
12. When these words of his were lieard, the soldiers
who were nearest to him were greatly enraged, and wished
to kill him ; but he threw himself at the feet of Julian,
who shielded him with his cloak. Presently, when he
returned to the palace, Nebridius appeared before him,
threw himself at his feet as a suppliant, and entreated
him to relieve his fears by giving him his right hand.
Julian replied, " Will there be any conspicuous favour
reserved for my own friends if you are allowed to touch
my hand? However, depart in peace as you will." On
receiving this answer, Nebridius retired in safety to his
own house in Tuscany.
13. By these preliminary measures, Julian having learnt,
as the importance of the affair required, what great in
fluence promptness and being beforehand has in a tumultu-

252 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. vi
bus state of affairs, gave the signal to march towards
Pannonia, and advancing his standard and his camp, boldly
committed himself to fickle fortune.
VI.
A.D. 361.
§ 1. It is fitting now to retrace our steps and to relate
briefly what (while these events just related were taking
place in Gaul) Constantius, who passed the winter at
Antioch, did, whether in peace or war.
2. Besides many others of high rank, some of the most
distinguished tribunes generally come to salute an emperor
on his arrival from distant lands. And accordingly, when
Constantius, on his return from Mesopotamia, received
this compliment, a Paphlagonian named Amphilochius,
who had been a tribune, and whom suspicion, not very
far removed from the truth, hinted at as having, while
serving formerly under Constans, sown the seeds of discord
between him and his brother, now ventured, with no little
audacity, to come forward as if he were to be admitted to
pay his duty in this way, but was recognized and refused
admittance. Many also raised an outcry against him,
crying out that he, as a stubborn rebel, ought not to be
permitted to see another day. But Constantius, on this
occasion more merciful than usual, said, " Cease to press
upon a man who, indeed, as I believe, is guilty, but who
has not been convicted. And remember that if he has done
anything of the kind, he, as long as he is in my sight, will
be punished by the judgment of his own conscience, which
he will not be able to escape." And so he departed.
3. The next day, at the Circensian games, the same
man was present as a spectator, just opposite the usual
seat of the emperor, when a sudden shout was raised at the
moment of the commencement of the expected contest;
the barriers, on which he with many others was leaning,
were broken, and the whole crowd as well as he were
thrown forward into the empty space ; and though a few
were slightly hurt, he alone was found to be killed, having
received some internal injury. At which Constantius re
joiced, prognosticating from this omen protection from his
other enemies.

A.D. 361.] CONSTANTIUS MARRIES FAUSTINA. 253
4. About the same time (his wife Eusebia having died
some time before) he took another wife, named Faustina.
Eusebia's brothers were two men of consular rank, Hypatius
aud Eusebius. She had been a woman of pre-eminent
beauty both of person and character, and for one of her
high rank most courteous and humane. And to her favour
and justice it was owing, as we have already mentioned,
that Julian was saved from danger and declared Csesar.
5. About the same time Florentius also was rewarded,
who had quitted Gaul from fear of a revolution. He was
now appointed to succeed Anatolius, the prefect of the
prsetorium in Illyricum, who had lately died. And in
conjunction with Taurus, who was appointed to the same
office in Italy, he received the ensigns of this most honour
able dignity.
6. Nevertheless, the preparations for both foreign and
civil wars went on, the number of the squadrons of cavalry
was augmented, and reinforcements for the legions were
enlisted with equal zeal, recruits being collected all over
the provinces. Also every class and profession was ex
posed to annoyances, being called upon to furnish arms,
clothes, military engines, and even gold and silver
and abundant stores of provisions, and various kinds of
animals. 7. And because, as the king of Persia had been com
pelled unwillingly to fall back on account of the difficulties
of the winter, it was feared that as soon as the weather
became open he would return with greater impetuosity
than ever, ambassadors were sent to the kings and satraps
across the Tigris, with splendid presents, to advise and
entreat them all to join us, and abstain from all designs or
plots against us.
8. But the most important object of all was to win over
Arsaces and Meribanes, the kings of Armenia and Hiberia,
who were conciliated by the gift of magnificent and honour
able robes and by presents of all kinds, and who could
have done great harm to the Eoman interests if at such a
crisis they had gone over to the Persians.
9. At this important time, Hermogenes died, and was
succeeded in his prefecture by Helpidius, a native of
Paphlagonia, a man of mean appearance and no eloquence,
but of a frank and truthful disposition, humane and merci-

254 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XSI. Ch vii.
ful. So much so that once when Constantius ordered an
innocent man to be put to the torture before him, he calmly
requested to be deprived of his office, and that such com
missions might be given to others who would discharge
them in a manner more in accordance with the emperor's
sentence. VII.
§ 1. Constantius was perplexed at the danger of the crisis
before him, and doubted what to do, being for some time
in deep anxiety whether to march against Julian, who
was still at a distance, or to drive back the Persians, who
were already threatening to cross the Euphrates. And
while he was hesitating, and often taking counsel with
his generals, he at last decided that he would first finish,
or at all events take the edge off, the war which was
nearest, so as to leave nothing formidable behind him,
and then penetrate through Illyricum and Italy, thinking
to catch Julian at the very outset of his enterprise, as he
might catch a deer with hounds. _ For so he used to boast,
to appease the fears of those about him.
2. But that his purpose might not appear to cool, and
that he might not seem to have neglected any side of the
war, he spread formidable rumours of his approach in every
direction. And fearing that Africa, which on all occasions
seemed to invite usurpers, might be invaded during his
absence, as if he had already quitted the eastern frontier,
he sent by sea to that country his secretary Gaudentius,
whom we have already mentioned as a spy upon the
actions of Julian in Gaul.
3. He had two reasons for thinking that this man would
be able with prompt obedience to do all that he desired,
both because he feared the other side, which he had
offended, and also because he was anxious to take this
opportunity to gain the favour of Constantius, whom he
expected beyond a doubt to see victorious. Indeed no one
at that time had any other opinion.
4. When Gaudentius arrived in Africa, recollecting the
emperor's orders, he sent letters to Count Cretio, and to the
other officers, to instruct them what his object was ; and
having collected a formidable force from all quarters, and
having brought over a light division of skirmishers from

A.D. 361.] CONSTANTIUS CROSSES THE EUPHRATES. 255
the two Mauritanias, he watohed the coasts opposite to
Italy and Gaul with great strictness.
5. Nor was Constantius deceived in the wisdom of this
measure. For as long as Gaudentius lived none of the
adverse party ever reached that country, although a vast
multitude in arms was watching the Sicilian coast between
Cape Boeo and Cape Passaro, and ready to cross in a
moment if they could find an opportunity.
6. Having made these arrangements as well as the case
admitted, in such a way as he thought most for his advan
tage, and having settled other things also of smaller im
portance, Constantius was warned by messengers and
letters from his generals that the Persian army, in one solid
body, and led by its haughty king, was now marching
close to the banks of the Tigris, though it was as yet
uncertain at what point they meant to cross the frontier.
7. And he, feeling the importance of this intelligence,
in order, by being near them, to anticipate their intended
enterprises, quitted his winter quarters in haste, having
called in the infantry and cavalry on which he could rely
from all quarters, crossed the Euphrates by a bridge of
boats at Capessana, and marched towards Edessa, which
was well provisioned and strongly fortified, intending to
wait there a short time till he could receive from spies or
deserters certain information of the enemy's motions.
VIII.
§ 1. In the mean time, Julian leaving the district of Basle,
and having taken all the steps which we have already
mentioned, sent Sallustius, whom he had promoted to be a
prefect, into Gaul, and appointed Germanianus to succeed
Nebridius. At the same time he gave Nevitta the com
mand of the heavy cavalry, being afraid of the old traitor
Gumoarius, who, when he was commander of the Scutarii,
he heard had secretly betrayed his chief officer, Vetranio.
The qusftstorship he gave to Jovius, of whom we have
spoken when relating the acts of Magnentius, and the
treasury he allotted to Mamertinus. Dagalaiphus also
was made captain of the household guard, and many others,
with whose merits and fidelity he was acquainted, received
different commands at his discretion.

256 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. tx.
2. Being now about to march through the Black Forest,
and the country lying on the banks of the Danube, he
on a sudden conceived great doubt and fear whether the
smallness of his force might not breed contempt, and en
courage the numerous population of the district to resist
his advance.
¦ 3. To prevent this, he took prudent precautions, and
distributing his army into divisions, he sent some under
Jovenius and Jovius to advance with all speed by the well-
trodden roads of Italy; others under the command of
Nevitta, the commander of the cavalry, were to take the
inland road of the Tyrol. So that his army, by being
scattered over various countries, might cause a belief that
its numbers were immense, and might fill all nations with
fear. Alexander the Great, and many other skilful generals,
had done the same thing when their affairs required it.
4. But he charged them, when they set forth, to march
with all speed, as if likely to meet at any moment with
an enemy, and carefully to post watches and sentries and
outposts at night, so as to be free from the danger of any
sudden attack. IX.
§ 1. These things having been arranged according to the
best of his judgment, Julian adhering to the maxim by
which he had often forced his way through the countries
of the barbarians, and trusting in his continued successes,
proceeded in his advance.
2. And when he had reached the spot at which he had
been informed that the river was navigable, he embarked
on board some boats which good fortune had brought
thither in numbers, and passed as secretly as he could
down the stream, escaping notice the more because his
habits of endurance and fortitude had made him indifferent
to delicate food ; so that, being contented with meagre and
poor fare, he did not care to approach their towns or
camps, forming his conduct in this respect according to
the celebrated saying of the ancient Cyrus, who, when he
was introduced to a host who asked him what he wished
to have got ready for supper, answered, " Nothing beyond
bread, for that he hoped he should sup by the side of a

J>.361.] THE ADVANCE OF JULIAN. 257
3. But Fame, which, as they say, having a thousand
tongues, always exaggerates the truth, at this time spread
abroad a report among all the tribes of Illyricum that
Julian, having overthrown a number of kings and nations
in Gaul, was coming on flushed with success and with a
numerous army.
4. Jovinus, the prefect of the prsetorium, being alarmed
at this rumour, fled in haste, as if from a foreign enemy ;
and going by the public conveyances with frequent relays,
he crossed the Julian Alps, taking with him also Florentius
the prefect.
5. But Count Lucillianus, who at that time had the
command of the army in these districts, being at Sirmium,
and having received some slight intelligence of Julian's
movements, collected the soldiers whom the emergency
gave time for being quickly called from their several sta
tions, and proposed to resist his advance.
6. Julian, however, like a firebrand or torch once kindled,
hastened quickly to his object ; and when, at the waning of
the moon, he had reached Bonmunster, which is about nine
teen miles from Sirmium,1 and when, therefore, the main
part of the night was dark, he unexpectedly quitted his
boats, and at once sent forward Dagalaiphus with his light
troops to summon Lucillianus to his presence, and to drag
him before him if he resisted.
7. He was asleep, and when he was awakened by7 the
violence of this uproar, and saw himself surrounded by a
crowd of strangers, perceiving the state of the case, and
being filled with awe at the name of the emperor, he
obeyed his orders, though sadly against his will. And
though commander of the cavalry, a little while before
proud and fierce, he now obeyed tne will of another, and
mounting a horse which was brought him on a sudden, he
was led before Julian as an ignoble prisoner, and from
fear was hardly able to collect his senses.
8. But as soon as he saw the emperor, and was relieved
by receiving permission to offer his salutations to his purple
robe, he recovered his courage, and feeling safe said, "You
have been incautious and rash, O emperor, to trust yourseJf
with but a few troops in the country of another." But
Julian, with a sarcastic smile, replied, " Keep these prudent
1 Sirmium was very near the existing town of Peterwaradin. S

258 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. x,
speeches for Constantius. I offered you the ensign of my
royal rank to ease you of your fears, and not to take yoa
for my counsellor." X.
§ 1. So after he had got rid of Lucillianus, thinking no
further delay or hesitation admissible, being bold and con
fident in all emergencies, and on the way, as he presumed,
to a city inclined to surrender, he marched on with great
speed. When he came near the suburbs, whioh are very-
large and much extended, a vast crowd of soldiers and of
every class of the population came forth to meet him
with lights and flowers and auspicious prayers, and after
saluting him as emperor and lord, conducted him to the
palace. 2. He, pleased at these favourable omens, and conceiving
therefrom a sanguine hope of future success, concluded
that the example of so populous and illustrious a metro
polis would be followed as a guiding-star by other cities
also, and therefore on the very next day exhibited a
chariot race, to the great joy of the people. On the third
day, unable to brook any delay, he proceeded by the public
roads, and without any resistance seized upon Succi, and
appointed Nevitta governor of the place, as one whom he
could trust. It is fitting that I should now explain the
situation of this place Succi.
3. The summits of the mountain chains of Hsemus ' and
Ehodope, the first of which rises up from the very banks of
the Danube, and the other from the southern bank of the
river Axius, ending with swelling ridges at one narrow
point, separate the Illyrians and the Thracians, being on
the one side near the inland Dacians and Serdica, on the
other looking towards Thrace and the rich and noble city
of Philippopolis. And, as if Nature had provided for bring
ing the surrounding nations under the dominion of the
Eomans, they are of such a form as to lead to this end.
Affording at first only a single exit through narrow defiles,
but; at a later period they were opened out with roads of
such size and beauty as to be passable even for waggons.
Though still, when the passes have been blocked up, they
1 Now the Balkan.

aj>. 36i.] Julian's letter to the senate. 259
have often repelled the attacks of great generals and
mighty armies.
4. The part which looks to Illyricum is of a more
gentle ascent, so as to be climbed almost imperceptibly ;
but the side opposite to Thrace is very steep and preci
pitous, in some places absolutely impassable, and in others
hard to climb even where no one seeks to prevent it.
Beneath this lofty chain a spacious level plain extends in
every direction, the upper portion of it reaching even to
the Julian Alps, while the lower portion of it is so open
and level as to present no obstacles all the way to the
straits and sea of Marmora.
5. Having arranged these matters as well as the occasion
permitted, and having left there the commander of the
cavalry7, the emperor returned to Nissa, a considerable.town,
in order, without any hindrance; to settle everything in
the way most suited to his interests.
6. While there he appointed Victor, an historical writer,
whom he had seen at Sirmium, and whom he ordered to
follow him from that city, to be consular governor of the
second Pannonia ; and he erected in his honour a brazen
statue, as a man to be imitated for his temperance ; and
some time after he was appointed prefect of Eome.
7. And now, giving the rein to loftier ideas, and believing
it to be impossible to bring Constantius to terms, he wrote
a speech full of bitter invectives to the senate, setting forth
many charges of disgrace and vice against him. And when
this harangue, Tertullus still being prefect of the city, was
read in the senate, the gratitude of the nobles, as wall as
their splendid boldness, was very conspicuous ; for they all
cried out with one unanimous feeling, " We expect that you
should show reverence to the author of your own great
ness." 8. Then he assailed the memory of Constantine also as
an innovator and a disturber of established laws and of
customs received from ancient times, accusing him of
haying been the first to promote barbarians to the fasces
and robe of the consul. But in this respect he spoke with
folly aud levity, since, in the face of what he so bitterly
reproved, he a very short time afterwards added to Ma
mertinus, as his colleague in the consulship, Nevitta, a
man neither in rank, experience, or reputation at all equal

260 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. xi,
to those on whom Constantine had conferred that illus-
trous magistracy, but who, on the contrary, was desti
tute of accomplishments and somewhat rude ; and what
was less easy to be endured, made a cruel use of his high
power. XI.
§ 1. While Julian was occupied with these and similar
thoughts, and was anxious about great and important
affairs, a messenger came with terrible and unexpected
news of the monstrous attempts of some persons which
were likely to hinder his fiery progress, unless by prompt
vigilance he could crush them before they came to a head.
I will briefly relate what they were.
2. Under pretence of -urgent necessity, but in reality
because he still suspected their fidelity to him, he had sent
into Gaul two legions belonging to the army of Constantius,
with a troop of archers which he had found at Sirmium.
They, moving slowly, and dreading the length of the
journey and the fierce and continual attacks of the hostile
Germans, planned a mutiny, being prompted and en
couraged by lS'igrinus, a tribune of a squadron of cavalry,
a native of Mesopotamia. And having arranged the matter
in secret conferences, and kept it close in profound silence,
when they7 arrived at Aquileia, a city important from its
situation and wealth, and fortified with strong walls, they
suddenly closed the gates in a hostile manner, the native
population, by whom the name of Constantius was still
beloved, increasing the confusion and the terror. And
having blockaded all the approaches, and armed the towers
and battlements, they prepared measures to encounter the
impending struggle, being in the mean time free and un
restrained. By this daring conduct they roused the Italian
natives of the district to espouse the side of Constantius,
who was still alive. XII.
§ 1. When Julian heard of this transaction, being then at
Nissa, as he feared nothing unfriendly in his rear, and
had read and heard that this city, though often besieged,

4.D. 361.] SIEGE OF AQUILEIA. 261
had never been destroyed or taken, hastened the more
eagerly7 to gain it, either by stratagem, or by some kind of
flattery or other, before any more formidable event should
arise. 2. Therefore he ordered Jovinus, the captain of his
cavalry, who was marching over the Alps, and had entered
Noricum, to return with all speed, to remedy by some
means or other, the evil which had burst out. And, that
nothing might be wanting, he bade him retain all the
soldiers who were marching after his court or his standards
and passing through that town, and to avail himself of
their help to the utmost.
3. When he had made these arrangements, having soon
afterwards heard of the death of Constantius, he crossed
through Thrace, and entered Constantinople : and having
been often assured that the siege would be protracted
rather than formidable, he sent Immo with some other
counts to conduct it ; and removed Jovinus to employ him
in other matters of greater importance.
4. Therefore, having surrounded Aquileia with a double
line of heavy infantry, the generals all agreed upon trying
to induce the garrison to surrender, using alternately
threats and caresses ; but after many proposals and replies
had been interchanged, their obstinacy only increased, and
the conferences were abandoned, having proved wholly
ineffectual. 5. And because there was now no prospect but that of a
battle, both sides refreshed themselves with sleep and
food ; and at daybreak the trumpets sounded, and the two
armies, arrayed for reciprocal slaughter, attacked one
another with loud shouts, but with more ferocity than
skill. 6. Therefore the besiegers, bearing wooden penthouses
over them, and closely woven wicker defences, marched on
slowly and cautiously, and attempted to undermine the
walls with iron tools : many also bore ladders which had
been made of the height of the walls, and came up close
to them : when some were dashed down by stones hurled
on their heads, others were transfixed by whizzing jave
lins, and falling back, dragged with them those who were
in their rear ,- and others, from fear of similar mischances,
shrank from the attack.

262 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. xn.
7. The besieged being encouraged by the issue of this
first conflict, and hoping for still better success, disregarded
the rest of the attacks made on them; and with resolute
minds they stationed engines in suitable positions, and
with unwearied toil discharged the duties of watching and
of whatever else could tend to their safety.
8. On the other hand, the besiegers, though fearing an
other combat, and full of anxiety, still out of shame would
not appear lazy or cowardly, and as they could make no
way by open attacks, they also applied themselves to the
various manoeuvres employed in sieges. And because
there was no ground favourable for working battering-rams
or other engines, nor for making mines, since the river
Natiso passed under the walls of the city, they contrived
a plan worthy to be compared with any effort of ancient
skill. 9. With great, rapidity they built some wooden towers,
higher than the battlements of the enemy, and then fasten
ing their boats together, they placed these towers on them.
In them they stationed soldiers, who, with undaunted reso
lution, laboured to drive down the garrison from the walls;
while under them were bodies of light infantry wholly
unencumbered, who going forth from the hollow parts of
the towers below, threw drawbridges across, which they
had put together beforehand, and so tried to cross over to the
bottom of the wall while the attention of the garrison was
diverted from them ; so that while those above them were
attacking one another with darts and stones, those who
crossed over on the drawbridges might be able without
interruption to break down a portion of the wall and so
effect an entrance.
10. But once more a clever design failed in its result.
For when the towers came close to the walls, they were
assailed with brands steeped in pitch, and reeds, and
faggots, and every kind of food for flames, all kindled.
The towers quickly caught fire, and yielding under the
weight of the men who were mounted on them, fell into
the river, while some of the soldiers on their summits,
even before they fell, had been pierced with javelins hurled
from the engines on the walls, and so died.
11. Meanwhile the soldiers at the foot of the wall, being
cut off by the destruction of their comrades in the boats,

A.D. 361.] SIEGE OF AyUILEIA. 263
were crushed with huge stones, with the exception of a
few, who, in spite of the difficult ground over which
their flight lay, escaped by their swiftness of foot. At
last, when the contest had been protracted till even
ing, the usual signal for retreat was given, and the
combatants parted to pass the night with very different
feelings. 12. The losses of the besiegers, who had suffered greatly,
encouraged the defenders of the town with hopes of vic
tory, though they also had to mourn the deaths of some
few of their number. Nevertheless, the preparations went
on rapidly. Eest and food refreshed their bodies during
the night ; and at dawn of day the conflict was renewed
at the trumpet's signal.
13. Some, holding their shields over their heads, in
order to fight with more activity; others, in front, hore
ladders on their shoulders, and rushed on with eager vehe
mence, exposing their breasts to wounds from every kind
of weapon. Some endeavoured to break down tho iron
bars of the gates ; but wese attacked with fire, or crushed
under stones hurled from the walls. Some boldly strove
to cross the fosses, but fell beneath the sudden sallies of
soldiers rushing out from postern gates, or were driven
back with severe wounds. For those who sallied forth
had an easy retreat within the walls, and the rampart in
front of the walls, strengthened with turf, saved those who
lay in wait behind it from all danger.
14. Although the garrison excelled in endurance and in
the arts of war, without any other aid than that of their
walls, still our soldiers, being attacked as they were from a
more numerous force, became impatient of the long delay7,
and moved round and round the suburbs, seeking diligently
to discover by what force or what engines they could make
their way out of the city.
15. But as, through the greatness of the difficulties in
their way, they could not accomplish this, they began to
slacken their exertions as to the siege itself, and leaving a
few watches and outposts, ravaged the adjacent country,
and thus obtained all kinds of supplies, dividing their
booty with their comrades. The consequence was, that
excessive eating and drinking proved injurious to their
health.

264 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXL Ch. xa.
16. When, however, Immo and his colleagues reported
this to Julian, who was passing the winter at Constan
tinople, he applied a wise remedy to such a disorder, and
sent thither Agilo, the commander of his infantry, an
officer in great esteem, that when a man of his rank and
reputation appeared there and took the intelligence of the
death of Constantius to the army, the siege might be ter
minated in that way.
17. In the mean while, not to abandon the siege of
Aquileia, as all other attempts had proved futile, the
generals endeavoured to compel the citizens to surrender
by want of water. So they cut the aqueducts ; but as the
garrison still resisted with undiminished courage, they,
with vast valour, diverted the stream of the river. But
this again was done in vain ; for they reduced the allow
ance of water to each man ; and contented themselves with
the scanty supply they could procure from wells.
18. While these affairs were proceeding thus, Agilo
arrived, as he had been commanded ; and, being protected
by a strong body of heavy infantry, came up boldly close
to the walls ; and in a long and veracious speech, told the
citizens of the death of Constantius, and the confirmation
of Julian's power ; but was reviled and treated as a liar.
Nor would any one believe his statement of what had
occurred, till on promise of safety he was admitted by
himself to the edge of the defences ; where, with a solemn
oath, he repeated what he had before related.
19. When his story was heard, they all, eager to be
released from their protracted sufferings, threw open the
gates and rushed out, admitting him in the joy as a captain
who brought them peace ; and excusing themselves, they
gave up Nigrinus as the author of their mad resistance,
and a few others ; demanding that their punishment should
be taken as an atonement for the treason and sufferings of
the city.
20. Accordingly, a few days later, the affair was rigor
ously investigated; Mamertinus, the prefect of the prse
torium, sitting as j'udge ; and Nigrinus, as the cause of the
war, was burnt alive. After him, Eomulus and Sabostius,
men who had held high office, being convicted of having
sown discord in the empire without any regard to the con
sequences, were beheaded; and all the rest escaped un-

A.».361.] SIEGE OF AQUILEIA. 265
punished, as men who had been driven to hostilities by
necessity, and not by their own inclination ; this being
the decision of the merciful and clement emperor, after a
full consideration of justice. These things, however, hap
pened some time afterwards.
21. But Julian, who was still at Nissa, was occupied in
the graver cases, being full of fears on both sides. For he
was apprehensive lest the defiles of the Julian Alps might
be seized and barred against him by some sudden onset of
the troops who had been shut up in Aquileia ; by which
he might lose the provinces beyond, and the supplies
which he w7as daily expecting from that quarter.
22. And he also greatly feared the power of the East ;
hearing that the soldiers who were scattered over Thrace
had been suddenly collected together to act against him,
and were advancing towards the frontiers of the Succi, under
command of Count Marcianus. But, devising measures suit
able to this mass of pressing anxieties, he quickly assembled
his Illyrian army, long inured to war, and eager to renew
its martial labours under a warlike chief.
23. Nor even at this critical moment did he forget the
interests of individuals ; but devoted some time to hearing
contested causes, especially those concerning municipal
bodies, in whose favour he was too partial, so that he raised
several persons who did not deserve such honour to
public offices.
24. It was here that he found Symmachus and Maximus,
two eminent senators, who had been sent by the nobles as
envoys to Constantius, and had returned again. He pro
moted them with great honour ; so that, preferring them
to others more deserving, he made Maximus prefect of
the eternal city, in order to gratify Eufinus Vulcatius,
whose nephew he was. Under his administration the city
enjoyed great plenty, and there was an end to the com
plaints of the common people, which had been so frequent.
25. Afterwards, in order to add security to those of his
affairs which were still unsettled, and encourage the con
fidence of the loyal, he raised Mamertinus, the prefect
of the prsetorium in Illyricum, and Nevitta to the consul
ship ; though he had so lately assailed the memory of
Constantine as the person who had set the example of thus
promoting low-born barbarians.

266 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. xm
XIII.
§ 1. While Julian was thus carrying out new projects, and
alternating between hope and fear, Constantius at Edessa,
being made anxious by the various accounts brought him
by his spies, was full of perplexity. At one time collecting
his army for battle ; at another, wishing to lay siege to
Bezabde on two sides, if he could find an opportunity ;
taking at the same time prudent precautions not to leave
Mesopotamia unprotected, while about to march into the
districts of Armenia.
2. But while still undecided, he was detained by various
causes. Sapor also remained on the other side of the
Tigris till the sacrifices should become propitious to his
moving. For if after crossing the river he found no re
sistance, he might without difficulty penetrate to the
Euphrates. On the other hand, if he wished to keep his
soldiers for the civil war, he feared to expose them to the
dangers of a siege ; having already experienced the strength
of the walls and the vigour of the garrison.
3. However, not to lose time, and to avoid inactivity, he
sent Arbetio and Agilo, the captains of his infantry and
cavalry, with very large forces, to march with all speed ;
not to provoke the Persians to battle, but to establish
forts on the nearest bank of the Tigris, which might be
able to reconnoitre, and see in what direction the furious
monarch broke forth ; and with many counsels given both
verbally and in writing, he charged them to retreat with
celerity the moment the enemy's army began to cross the
river. 4. While these generals were watching the frontier as
they were ordered, and spying out the secret designs of
their most crafty enemy, he himself, with the main body
of his army, made head against his most pressing foes, as if
prepared for battle ; and defended the adjacent towns by
rapid movements. Meantime spies and deserters con
tinually coming in, related to him opposite stories ; being
in fact ignorant of what was intended, because among the
Persians no one knows what is decided on except a few
taciturn and trusty nobles, by whom the god Silence is
worshipped. 5. But the emperor was continually sent for by the

aj>. 36i.] Julian's march through thrace. 267
generals whom I have mentioned, who implored him to
send them aid. For they protested that unless the whole
strength of the army was collected together, it would be
impossible to withstand the onset of the furious Sapor.
6. And while things in this quarter were thus full of
anxiety, other messengers arrived in numbers, by whose
accurate statements he learnt that Julian had traversed
Italy and Illyricum with great rapidity7, had occupied the
defiles of the Succi, and called in auxiliaries from all
quarters, and was now marching through Thrace with a
very large force.
7. Constantius, learning this, was overwhelmed with
grief, but supported by one comfort, that he had always
triumphed over internal commotions. Nevertheless, though
the affair made it very difficult for him to decide on a line
of action, he chose the best ; and sent a body of troops on
by public conveyances, in order as quickly as possible to
make head against the impending danger.
8. And as that plan was universally approved, the troops
went as they were commanded, in the lightest marching
order. But the next day, while he was finally arranging
these matters, he received intelligence that Sapor, with his
whole army, had returned to his own country, because the
auspices were unfavourable. So, his fears being removed,
he called in all the troops except those who as usual
were assigned for the protection of Mesopotamia, and
returned to Hierapolis.
9. And still doubting what would be the final result of
all his difficulties, when he had collected his army together
he convened all the centuries and companies and squadrons
by sound of trumpet ; and the whole plain being filled with
the host, he, standing on a lofty tribune, in order to
encourage them the more readily to execute what he
should direct, and being surrounded by a numerous retinue,
spoke thus with great appearance of calmness and a
studied look of confidence.
10. " Being always anxious never to do or say anything
inconsistent with incorruptible honour, like a cautious
pilot, who turns his helm this way or that way aocording
to the movement of the waves, I am now constrained, my
most affectionate subjects, to confess my errors to you,
or rather, if I were to say the plain truth, my humanity,

268 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. xin.
which I did think would be beneficial to our common in
terests. So now that you may the better understand
what is the object of convoking this assembly, listen, I
pray you, with impartiality and kindness.
11. " At the time when Magnentius, whom your bravery
overcome, was obstinately labouring to throw all things
into confusion, I sent Gallus my cousin, who had been
lately raised to the rank of Csesar, to guard the East.
But he, having by many wicked and shameful arts departed
from justice, was punished by a legal sentence.
12. " Would that Envy had then been contented, that
most bitter exciter of troubles! And that we had nothing
to grieve us but the single recollection of past sorrows,
unaccompanied by any idea of present danger ! But now
a new circumstance, more grievous than any former one I
will venture to say, has taken place, which the gods who
aid us will put an end to by means of your innate valour.
13. " Julian, whom, while you were combating the
nations which threaten Illyricum on all sides, I appointed
to protect Gaul, presuming on the issue of some trifling
battles which he has fought against the half-armed
Germans, and full of silly elation, has taken a few
auxiliary battalions into his noble alliance, men from their
natural ferocity and the desperateness of their situation
ready for acts of the most mischievous audacity, and has
conspired against the public safety, trampling down
justice, the parent and nurse of the Eoman world. That
power I believe, both because I myself have experienced
it, and because all antiquity assures me of its might, will,
as an avenger of wickedness, soon trample down their pride
like so many ashes.
14. " What then remains, except to hasten to encounter
the whirlwind thus raised against us ? so as by prompti
tude to crush the fury of this rising war before it comes
to maturity and strength ? Nor can it be questioned
that, with the favour of the supreme deity, by whose
everlasting sentence ungrateful men are condemned, the
sword which they have wickedly drawn will be turned
to their own destruction. Since never having received
any provocation, but rather after having been loaded with
benefits, they have risen up to threaten innocent men with
danger.

i:>-361.] SPEECH OF CONSTANTIUS. 269
_ 15. "For as my7 mind augurs, and as justice, which will
aid upright counsels, promises, I feel sure that when once
we come to close quarters, they will be so benumbed with
fear as neither to be able to stand the fire of your glanc
ing eyes nor the sound of your battle cry." This
speech harmonized well with the feelings of the soldiers.
In their rage they brandished their shields, and after
answering him in terms of eager goodwill, demanded
to be led at once against the rebels. Their cordiality
changed the emperor's fear into joy ; and having dismissed
the assembly, as he knew by past experience that Arbetio
was most eminently successful in putting an end to intestine
wars, he ordered him to advance first by the road which
he himself designed to take, with the spearmen and the
legion of Mattium,' and several battalions of light troops ;
he also ordered Gomoarius to take with him the Leti, to
check the enemy on their arrival among the defiles of the
Succi ; he was selected for this service because he was
unfriendly to Julian on account of some slight he had
received from him in Gaul. XIV.
§ 1. While the fortune of Constantius was now wavering
and tottering in this tumult of adverse circumstances, it
showed plainly by signs which almost spoke that a very
critical moment of his life was at hand. For he was
terrified by nocturnal visions, and before he was thoroughly
asleep he had seen the shade of his father bringing him a
beautiful child; and when he received it and placed it in
his bosom, it struck a globe which he had in his right hand
to a distance. Now this indicated a change of circum
stances, although those who interpreted it gave favourable
answers when consulted.
2. After this he confessed to his most intimate friends
that, as if he were wholly forsaken, he had ceased to see a
secret vision which sometimes he had fancied appeared to
him in mournful guise ; and he believed that the genius
who had been appointed to watch over his safety had
abandoned him, as one who was soon to leave the world.
1 It is believed that Mattium is the same as Marburg; it is no*
quite certain.

270 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Oh. xr.
3. For the opinion of theologians is, that all men when
they7 are born (without prejudice to the power of destiny)
are connected with a superior power of this kind, who, as
it were, guides their actions ; but who is seen by very
few, and only7 by those who are endued with great and
various virtues.
4. This may be collected both from oracles and from
eminent writers. Among whom is the comic poet Menan-
der, in whose works these two verses are found : —
" A spirit is assigned to every man
When born to guide him iu the path of life."
5. It may also be gathered from the immortal poetry of
Homer, that they were not really the gods of heaven who
conversed with his heroes, or stood by them and aided
them in their combats ; but the familiar genii who be
longed to them ; to whom also, as their principal support,
Pythagoras owes his eminence, and Socrates and l\uma
Pompilius and the elder Scipio. And, as some fancy,
Marius, and Octavianus the first, who took the name of
Augustus. And Hermes Trismegistus, and Apollonius of
Tyana, and Plotinus, who ventured upon some very
mystical discussions of this point ; and endeavoured to
show by profound reasoning what is the original cause
why these genii, being thus connected with the souls of
mortals, protect them as if they had been nursed in their
own bosoms, sis far as they are permitted; and, if they
find them pure, preserving the body untainted by7 any
connection with vice, and free from all taint of sin, instinct
them in loftier mysteries.
XV.
§ 1. Constantius therefore, having hastened to Antioch,
according to his wont, at the first movement of a civil war
which he was eager to encounter, as soon as he had made
all his preparations, was in amazing haste to march, though
many of his court were so unwilling as even to proceed to
murnrirs. For no one dare openly to remonstrate or
object to his plan.
2. He set forth towards the end of autumn ; and when
he reached the suburb called Hippocephalus, which is
about three miles from the town, as soon as it was daylight

A.D.361.J DEATH OF CONSTANTIUS 271
he saw on his right the corpse of a man who had been
murdered, lying with his head torn off from the body,
stretched out towards the west — and though alarmed at the
omen, which seemed as if the Fates were preparing his end,
he went on more resolutely, and came to Tarsus, where he
caught a slight fever ; and thinking that the motion of his
journey would remove the distemper, he went on by bad
roads ; directing his course by Mopsucrense, the farthest
station in Cilicia for those who travel from hence, at the
foot of Mount Taurus.
3. But when he attempted to proceed the next day he
was prevented by the increasing violence of his disorder,
and the fever began gradually to inflame his veins, so that
his body felt like a little fire, and could scarcely be touched ;
and as all remedies failed, he began in the last extremity
to bewail his death ; and while his mental faculties were
still entire, he is said to have indicated Julian as the suc
cessor to his power. Presently the last struggle of death
came on, and he lost the power of speech. And after long
and painful agony he died on the fifth of October, having
lived and reigned forty years and a few months.
4. After bewailing his death with groans, lament
ations, and mourning, those of the highest rank in the
royal palace deliberated what to do or to attempt ; and
having secretly consulted a few persons about the election
of an emperor, at the instigation, as it is said, of Eusebius,
who was stimulated by his consciousness of guilt (since
Julian was approaching who was prepared to oppose his
attempts at innovation), they sent Theolaiphus and Aligil-
dus, who at that time were counts, to him, to announce
the death of his kinsman ; and to entreat him to lay aside
all delay and hasten to take possession of the East, which
was prepared to obey him.
5. But fame and an uncertain report whispered that
Constantius had left a will, in which, as we have already-
mentioned, he had named Julian as his heir; and had
given commissions and legacies to his friends. But he left
his wife in the family way, who subsequently had a
daughter, who received the same name, and was afterwards
married to G rati anus.

272 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. xvi

XVI.
§ 1. In accurately distinguishing the virtues and vices of
Constantius, it will be well to take the virtues first.
Always preserving the dignity of the imperial authority,
he proudly and magnanimously disdained popularity. In
conferring the higher dignities he wras very sparing, and
allowed very few changes to be made in the administration
of the finances. Nor did he ever encourage the arrogance
of the soldiers.
2. Nor under him was any general promoted to the
title of most illustrious.1 For there was also, as we have
already mentioned, the title of most perfect.8 Nor had the
governor of a province occasion to court a commander of
cavalry ; as Constantius never allowed those officers to
meddle with civil affairs. But all officers, both military
and civil, were according to the respectful usages of old,
inferior to that of the prefect of the prsetorium, which was
the most honourable of nil.
3. In taking care of the soldiers he was very cautious :
an examiner into their merits, sometimes over-scrupulous,
giving dignities about the palace as if with scales. Under
him no one who was not well known to him, or who was
favoured merely by some sudden impulse, ever received
any high appointment in the palace. But only such as
had served ten years in some capacity or other could look
for such appointments as master of the ceremonies or trea
surer. The successful candidates could always be known
beforehand ; and it very seldom happened that any military
officer was transferred to a civil office ; while on the other
hand none but veteran soldiers were appointed to com
mand troops.
1 These and other titles, such as " respectable " (spectabiles), " illus
trious " (egregrie, illustres), were invented by the emperors of this
century. They none of them appear to have conferred any substantive
power. a This office had been first established by Augustus, who created
two prefects of the prsetorian cohorts, under whose command also all
the soldiers in Italy were placed. Commodus raised the number to
three, and Constantine to four, whom (when he abolished the prsetorian
cohort), he made, in fact, governors of provinces. There was one
prsefectus prsetorio for Gaul, one for Italy, one for Dlyrieum, and one
for the East.

AJ>. Ml "| CHARACTER OF CONSTANTIUS. 273
4. He was a diligent cultivator of learning, but, as his
blunted talent was not suited to rhetoric, he devoted
himself to versification ; in which, however, he did nothing
worth speaking of.
5. In his way of life he was economical and temperate,
and by moderation in eating and drinking he preserved
such robust health that he was rarely ill, though when ill
dangerously so. For repeated experience and proof has
shown that this is the case with persons who avoid licen
tiousness and luxury.
6. He was contented with very little sleep, which he
took when time and season allowed ; and throughout his
long life he was so extremely chaste that no suspicion was
ever cast on him in this respect, though it is a charge
which, even wdien it can find no ground, malignity is apt
to fasten on princes.
7. In riding and throwing the javelin, in shooting with
the bow, and in all the accomplishments of military exer
cises, he was admirably skilful. That he never blew his
nose in public, never spat, never was seen to change coun
tenance, and that he never in all his life ate any fruit I
pass over, as what has been often related before.
8. Having now briefly enumerated his good qualities
with which we have been able to become acquainted, let
us now proceed to speak of his vices. In other respects
he was equal to average princes, but if he had the slightest
reason (even if founded on wholly false information) for
suspecting any one of aiming at supreme power, he would
at once institute the most rigorous inquiry, trampling
down right and wrong alike, and outdo the cruelty of
Caligula, Domitian, or Commodus, whose barbarity he
rivalled at the very beginning of his reign, when he
shamefully put to death his own connections and relations.
9. And his cruelty and morose suspicions, which were
directed against everything of the kind, were a cruel addi
tion to the sufferings of the unhappy persons who were
accused of sedition or treason.
10. And if anything of the kind got wind, he instituted
investigations of a more terrible nature than the law sanc
tioned, appointing men of known cruelty as judges in such
cases ; and in punishing offenders he endeavoured to pro
tract their deaths as long as nature would allow, being in
T

274 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXI. Ch. xv i.
such cases more savage than even Gallienus. For he,
though assailed by incessant and real plots of rebels, such
as Aureolus, Posthumus, Ingenuus, and Valens who was
surnamed the Thessalonian, and many others, often miti
gated the penalty of crimes liable to sentence of death ;
wliile Constantius caused facts which were really unques
tionable to be looked upon as doubtful by the excessive
inhumanity of his tortures.
11. In such cases he had a mortal hatred of justice, even
though his great object was to be accounted just and mer
ciful : and as sparks flying from a dry wood, by a mere
breath of wind are sometimes carried on with unrestrained
course to the danger of the country villages around, so ho
also from the most trivial causes kindled heaps of evils ,
being very unlike that wise emperor Marcus Aurelius,
who, when Cassius in Syria aspired to the supreme power,
and w7hen a bundle of letters which he had written to his
accomplices, was taken with their bearer, and brought to
him, ordered them at once to be burned, while he was still
in Illyricum, in order that he might not know who had
plotted against him, and so against his will be obliged to
consider some persons as his enemies.
12. And, as some right-thinking people are of opinion,
it was rather an indication of great virtue in Constantius
to have quelled the empire without shedding more blood,
than to have revenged himself with such cruelty.
13. As Cicero also teaches us, when in one of his letters
to Nepos he accuses Cassar of cruelty, " For," says he,
" felicity is nothing else but success in what is honour
able ;" or to define it in another way, " Felicity is fortune
assisting good counsels, and he who is not guided by such
cannot be happy. Therefore in wicked and impious de
signs such as those of Csesar there could be no felicity ;
and in my judgment Camillus when in exile was happier
than Manlius at the same time, even if Manlius had been
able to make himself king, as he wished. '
14. The same is the language of Heraclitus of Ephesus,
when he remarks that men of eminent capacity and virtue,
through the caprice of fortune, have often been overcome
by men destitute of either talent or energy. But that that
gloiy is the best when power, existing with high rank,
forces, as it were, its inclinations to be angry and cruel,

A.D.36U CHARACTER OF CONSTANTIUS. 275
and oppressive under the yoke, and so erects a glorious
trophy in the citadel of its victorious mind.
15. But as in his foreign wars this emperor was unsuc
cessful and unfortunate, on the other hand in his civil
contests he was successful ; and in all those domestic cala
mities he covered himself with the horrid blood of the
enemies of the republic and of himself; and yielding to
his elation at these triumphs in a way neither right nor
usual, he erected at a vast expense triumphal arches in
Gaul and the two Pannonias, to record his triumphs over
his own provinces ; engraving on them the titles of his
exploits ... as long as they should last, to those who
read the inscriptions.
16. He was preposterously addicted to listening to his
wives, and to the thin voices of his eunuchs, and some of
his courtiers, who applauded all his words, and watched
everything he said, whether in approval or disapproval, in
order to agree with it.
17. The misery of these times was further increased by
the insatiable covetousness of his tax-collectors, who
brought him more odium than money ; and to many
persons this seemed the more intolerable, because he
never listened to any excuse, never took any measures for
relief of the provinces when oppressed by the multiplicity of
taxes and imposts ; and in addition to all this he was very
apt to take back any exemptions which he had granted.
18. He confused the Christian religion, which is plain
and simple, with old women's superstitions ; in investi
gating which he preferred perplexing himself to settling
its questions with dignity, so that he excited much dissen
sion ; which he further encouraged by diffuse wordy
explanations : he ruined the establishment of public con
veyances by devoting them to the service of crowds of
priests, who went to and fro to different synods, as they
call the meetings at which they endeavour to settle every
thing according to their own fancy.
19. As to his personal appearance and stature, he was
of a dark complexion with prominent eyes ; of keen sight,
soft hair, with his cheeks carefully shaved, and bright
looking. From his waist to his neck he was rather long,
his legs were very short and crooked, which made him a
good leaper and runner.

276 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXU.
20. When the body of the deceased emperor had been
laid out, and placed in a coffin, Jovianus, at that time the
chief officer of the guard, was ordered to attend it with
royal pomp to Constantinople, to be buried among his
relations. 21. While he was proceeding on the vehicle which bore
the remains, samples of the military provisions were
brought to him as an offering, as is usual in the case of
princes ; and the public animals were paraded before
him ; and a concourse of people came out to meet him as
was usual; which, with other similar demonstrations,
seemed to portend to Jovianus, as the superintendent of his
funeral, the attainment of the empire, hut an authority
only curtailed and shadowy.

BOOK XXII.

ARGUMENT.

I. From fear of Constantius Julian halts in Dacia, and secretly con
sults the augurs and soothsayers. — II. When he hears of Con
stantius's death he passes through Thrace, and enters Constan
tinople, which he finds quiet ; and without a battle becomes sole
master of the Roman empire. — III. Some of the adherents of
Constantius are condemned, some deservedly, some wrongfully. —
IV. Julian expels from the palace all the eunuchs, barbers, and
cooks — A statement of the vices of the eunuchs about the palace,
and the corrupt state of military discipline. — V. Julian openly
professes his adherence to the pagan worship, which he had
hitherto concealed ; and lets the Christian bishops dispute with
one another. —VI. How he compelled some Egyptian litigants,
who modestly sought his intervention, to return home. — VII. At
Constantinople he often administers justice in the senate-house ;
he arranges the affairs of Thrace, and receives anxious embassies
from foreign nations.— VIII. A description of Thrace, and of the Sea
of Marmora, and of the regions and nations contiguous to the
Black Sea. — IX. Having enlarged and beautified Constantinople,
Julian goes to Antioch; on his road he joins the citizens of
Nicomedia moving to restore their city ; and at Ancyra presides
in the court of justice. — X. He winters at Antioch, and presides
in the court of justice ; and oppresses no one on account of his
religion. — XI. George, bishop of Alexandria, with two others, is
dragged through the streets by the Gentiles of Alexandria, and

a.* 361.] PROCEEDINGS OF JULIAN. 277
torn to pieces arid burnt, without any one being punished for
this action. — XII. Julian prepares an expedition against the Per
sians, and, in order to know beforehand the result of the war, he
consults the oracles ; and sacrifices innumerable victims, devoting
himself wholly to soothsaying and augury. — XHI. He unjustly
attributes the burning of the temple of Apollo at Daphne to the
Christians, and orders the great church at Antioch to be shut up.
¦ — XIV. He sacrifices to Jupiter on Mount Casius — Why he writes
the Misopogon in his anger against the citizens of Antioch. —
XV. A description of Egypt ; mention of the Nile, the crocodile,
the ibis, and the pyramids. — XVI. Description of the five pro
vinces of Egypt, and of their famous cities.
I.
A.D. 361.
§ 1. While the variable events of fortune were bringing to
pass these events in different parts of the world, Julian,
amid the many plans which he was revolving while in
Illyricum, was continually consulting the entrails of vic
tims and watching the flight of birds in his eagerness to
know the result of what was about to happen.
2. Aprunculus Gallus, an orator and a man of skill as a
soothsayer, who was afterwards promoted to be governor
of Narbonne, announced these results to him, being taught
beforehand by the inspection of a liver, as he affirmed,
which he had seen covered with a double skin. And
while Julian was fearing that he was inventing stories to
correspond with his desires, and was on that account out
of humour, he himself beheld a far more favourable omen,
which clearly predicted the death of Constantius. For at
the same moment that that prince died in Cilicia, the
soldier who, as he was going to mount his horse, had
supported him with his right hand, fell down, on which
Julian at once exclaimed, in the hearing of many persons,
that he who had raised him to the summit had fallen.
3. But he did not change his plans, but remained within
the border of Dacia, still being harassed with many
fears. Nor did he think it prudent to trust to conjectures,
which might perhaps turn out contrary to his expect
ations. II.
§ 1. But while he was thus in suspense, the ambassadors,
Theolaiphus and Aligildus, who had been despatched to

278 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XXII, Oh. II,
him to announce the death of Constantius, suddenly ar
rived, adding that that prince with his last words had
named him as his successor in his dignity.
2. As soon as he learnt this, being delighted at his deli
verance from the turmoils of war and its consequent dis
orders, and fully relying on the prophecies he had received,
having besides often experienced the advantages of celerity
of action, he issued orders to march to Thrace. Therefore
speedily advancing his standards, he passed over the high
ground occupied by the Succi, and marched towards the
ancient city of Eumolpias, now called Philippopolis, all
his army following him with alacrity.
3. For they now saw that the imperial power which
they were on their way to seize, in the face of imminent
danger, was in a measure beyond their hopes put into their
hands by the course of nature. And as report is wont
marvellously to exaggerate events, a rumour got abroad
that Julian, formidable both by sea and land, had entered
Heraclea, called also Perinthus, borne over its unresisting
walls on the chariot of Triptolemus, which from its rapid
movements the ancients, who loved fables, had stated to
be drawn by flying serpents and dragons.
4. When he arrived at Constantinople, people of every
age and sex poured forth to meet him, as though he were
some one dropped from heaven. On the eleventh of De
cember he was received with respectful duty by the senate,
and by the unanimous applause of the citizens, and was
escorted into the city by vast troops of soldiers and civi
lians, marshalled like an army, while all eyes were turned
on him, not only with the gaze of curiosity, but with great
admiration. 5. For it seemed to them like a dream, that a youth in
the flower of his age, of slight body, but renowned for
great exploits, after many victories over barbarian kings
and nations, having passed from city to city with un
paralleled speed, should now, by an accession of wealth
and power as rapid as the spread of fire, have become the
unresisted master of the world ; and the will of God itself
having given him the empire, should thus have obtained
it without any injury to the state.

*T».S61.J SEVERITIES OF JULIAN. 279

III.
§ 1. His first step was to give to Secundus Sallustius,
whom he promoted to be prefect of the prastorium, being
well assured of his loyalty, a commission to conduct some
important investigations, joining with him as colleagues
Mamertinus, Arbetio, Agdo, and Nevitta, and also Jovinus,
whom he had recently promoted to the command of the
Cavalry in Illyricum.
2. They all went to Chalcedon, and in the presence of
the chiefs and tribunes, the Jovian and Herculian legions,
they tried several causes with too much rigour, though
there were some in which it was undeniable that the
accused were really guilty.
3. They banished Palladius, the master of the ceremonies,
to Britain, though there was but a suspicion that he had
prejudiced Constantius against Gallus, while he was master
of the ceremonies under that prince as Caesar.
¦ 4. They banished Taurus, who had been prefect of the
prastorium, to Vercelli, who, to all persons capable of dis
tinguishing between right and wrong, will appear very
excusable in respect to the act for which he was con
demned. For his offence was only that, fearing a violent
disturbance which had arisen, he fled to the protection of
his prince. And the treatment inflicted on him could not
be read without great horror, when the preamble of the
public accusation began thus : — " In the consulship of
Taurus and Florentius, Taurus being brought before the
criers — "
5. Pentadius also was destined for a similar sentence ;
the charge against him being that, having been sent on
a mission by Constantius, he had made notes of the replies
given by Gallus when he was examined on several sub
jects before he was put to death. But as he defended
himself with justice, he was at last discharged.
6. With similar iniquity, Florentius, at that time master
of the ceremonies, the son of Nigrinianus, was banished to
Boas, an island on the coast of Dalmatia. The other
•Florentius, who had been prefect of the prsetorium, and
was then consul, being alarmed at the sudden change in
the aspect of affairs, in order to save himself from danger,

280 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. JBe. XXII. Ch. m
hid himself and his wife for some time, and never returned
during Julian's life ; still he was, though absent, con
demned to death.
7. In the same way, Evagrius, the comptroller of the
private demesnes of the emperor, and Saturninus, late
superintendent of the palace, and Cyrinus, late secretary,
were all banished. But Justice herself seems to have
mourned over the death of Ursulus, the treasurer, and
to accuse Julian of ingratitude to him. For when, as
Csesar, he was sent to the west, with the intent that he
was to be kept in great poverty, and without any power of
making presents to any of his soldiers, in order to make
them less inclined to favour any enterprise which he
might conceive, this same Ursulus gave him letters to
the superintendent of the Gallic treasury, desiring him
to give the Caesar whatever he might require.
8. After his death, Julian, feeling that he was exposed
to general reproach and execration, thinking that an un
pardonable crime could be excused, affirmed that the man
had been put to death without his being aware of it,
pretending that he had been massacred by the fury of the
soldiers, who recollected what he had said (as we men
tioned before) when he saw the destruction of Amida.
9. And therefore it seemed to be through fear, or else
from a want of understanding what was proper, that he
appointed Arbetio, a man always vacillating and arrogant,
to preside over these investigations, with others of the
chief officers of the legions present for the look of the
thing, when he knew that he had been one of the chief
enemies to his safety, as was natural in one who had borne
a distinguished share in the successes of the civil war.
10. And though these transactions which I have men
tioned vexed those who wished him well, those which
came afterwards were carried out with a proper vigour
and severity.
1 1 . It was only a deserved destiny which befel Apode
mius, who had been the chief steward, and whose cruel
machinations with respect to the deaths of Silvanus and
Gallus we have already mentioned, and Paulus, the secre
tary, surnamed " The Chain," men who are never spoken
of without general horror, and who were now sentenced to
be burnt alive.

a.d. Ml.] SEVERITIES OF JULIAN. 281
12. They also sentenced to death Eusebius, the chief
chamberlain of Constantius, a man equally full of am
bition and cruelty, who from the lowest rank had been
raised so high as even almost to lord it over the emperor,
and who had thus become wholly intolerable ; and whom
Nemesis, who beholds all human affairs, having often, as
the saying is, plucked him by the ear, and warned to con
duct himself with more moderation, now, in spite of his
struggles, hurled headlong from his high position.
IV.
§ 1. After this Julian directed his whole favour and affec
tion to people of every description about the palace ; not
acting in this like a philosopher anxious for the discovery
of truth.
2. For he might have been praised if he had re
tained a few who were moderate in their disposition, and
of proved honesty and respectability. We must, indeed,
confess that the greater part of them had nourished as it
were such a seed-bed of all vices, which they spread abroad
so as to infect the whole republic with evil desires, and
did even more injury by their example than by the im
punity which they granted to crimes.
3. Some of them had been fed on the spoils of temples,
had smelt out gain on every occasion, and having raised
themselves from the lowest poverty to vast riches, had set
no bounds to their bribery, their plunder, or their ex
travagance, being at all times accustomed to seize what
belonged to others.
4. From which habit the beginnings of licentious life
sprang up, with perjuries, contempt of public opinion, and
an insane arrogance, sacrificing good faith to infamous
gains. 5. Among which vices, debauchery and unrestrained
gluttony grew to a head, and costly banquets superseded
triumphs for victories. The common use of silken robes
prevailed, the textile arts were encouraged, and above
all was the anxious care about the kitchen. Vast spaces
were sought out for ostentatious houses, so vast that if the
consul Cincinnatus had possessed as much land, he would
have lost the glory of poverty after his dictatorship.

282 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII. Ch. v.
6. To these shameful vices was added the loss of mili
tary discipline ; the soldier practised songs instead of his
battle-cry, and a stone would no longer serve him for a
bed, as formerly, but he wanted feathers and yielding
mattresses, and goblets heavier than his sword, for he was
now ashamed to drink out of earthenware ; and he
required marble houses, though it is recorded in ancient
histories that a Spartan soldier was severely punished for
venturing to appear under a roof at all during a campaign.
7. But now the soldier was fierce and rapacious towards
his own countrymen, but towards the enemy he was
inactive and timid, by courting different parties, and in
times of peace he had acquired riches, and was now a
judge of gold and precious stones, in a manner wholly
contrary to the recollection of very recent times.
8. For it is well known that when, in the time of the
Caesar Maximian, the camp of the king of Persia was plun
dered ; a common soldier, after finding a Persian bag full
of pearls, threw the gems away in ignorance of their value,
and went away contented with the mere beauty of his
bit of dressed leather.
9. In those days it also happened that a barber who had
been sent for to cut the emperor's hair, came handsomely
dressed ; and when Julian saw him, he was amazed, and
said, "I did not send for a superintendent, but for a
barber." And when he was asked what he made by his
business, he answered that he every clay made enough to
keep twenty persons, and as many horses, and also a large
annual income, besides many sources of accidental gain.
10. And Julian, angry at this, expelled all the men of
this trade, and the cooks, and all who made similar profits,
as of no use to him, telling them, however, to go where
they pleased.

§ i . And although from his earliest childhood he was in
clined to the worship of the gods,1 and gradually, as he
grew up, became more attached to it, yet he was influenced
by many apprehensions which made him act in things
relating to that subject as secretly as he could.
1 Ammianus uses the phrase "worship of the gods,'' in opposition
tc Chris'tianity.

AJ>. 361.J HIS CONDUCT RESPECTING RELIGION. 283
2. But when his fears were terminated, and he found
himself at liberty to do what he pleased, he then showed
his secret inclinations, and by plain and positive decrees
ordered the temples to be opened, and victims to be
brought to the altars for the worship of the gods.
3. And in order to give more effect to his intentions, he
ordered the priests of the different Christian sects, with
the adherents of each sect, to be admitted into the palace,
and in a constitutional spirit expressed his wish that their
dissensions being appeased, each without any hindrance
might fearlessly follow the religion he preferred.
4. He did this the more resolutely because, as long
licence increased their dissensions, he thought he should
never have to fear the unanimity of the common people,
having found by experience that no wild beasts are so
hostile to men as Christian sects in general are to one
another. And he often used to say, "Listen to me, to
whom the Allemanni and Franks have listened ;" imitating
in this an expression of the ancient emperor Marcus
Aurelius. But he omitted to notice that there was a great
difference between himself and his predecessor.
5. For when Marcus was passing through Palestine, on
his road to Egypt, he is said, when wearied by the dirt
and rebellious spirit of the Jews, to have often exclaimed
with sorrow, " 0 Marcomanni, 0 Quadi, 0 Sarmatians, I
have at last found others worse than you !"
VI.
§ 1. About the same time many Egyptians, excited by
various rumours, arrived at Constantinople ; a race given
to controversy, and extremely addicted to habits of litiga
tion, covetous, and apt to ask payment of debts due to
them over and over again ; and also, by way of escaping
from making the payments due to them, to accuse the rich
of embezzlement, and the tax-gatherers of extortion.
2. These men, collecting into one body7, came screeching
like so many jackdaws, claiming in a rude manner the atten
tion of the emperor himself, and of the prefects of the prae-^
torium, and demanding the restoration of the contributions
which they had been compelled to furnish, justly or- un
justly, for the last seventy years.

284 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XXII. Ch. VII
3. And as they hindered the transaction of any other
business, Julian issued an edict in which he ordered them
all to go to Chalcedon, promising that he himself also
would soon come there, and settle all their business.
4. And when they had gone, an order was given to all
the captains of ships which go to and fro, that none of
them should venture to take an Egyptian foi a passenger.
And as this command was carefully observed, their ob
stinacy in bringing false accusations came to an end, and
they all, being disappointed in their object, returned
home. 5. After which, as if at the dictation of justice herself,
a law was published forbidding any one to exact from any
officer the restitution of things which that officer had
legally received. VII.
a.d. 362.
§ 1. At the beginning of the new y7ear, when the consular
records had received the names of Mamertinus andNevitta,
the prince humbled himself by walking in their train with
other men of high rank; an act which some praised,
while others blame it as full of affectation, and mean.
2. Afterwards, when Mamertinus was celebrating the
Circensian games, Julian, following an ancient fashion,
manumitted some slaves, who were introduced by the
consul's officer ; but afterwards, being informed that on
that day7 the supreme jurisdiction belonged to another, he
fined himself ten pounds of gold as an offender.
3. At the same time he was a continual attendant in
the court of justice, settling many actions which were
brought in all kinds of cases. One day while he was
sitting as judge, the arrival of a certain philosopher from
Asia named Maximus, was announced, on which he leapt
down from the judgment seat in an unseemly manner, and
forgetting himself so far as to run at full speed from the
hall, he kissed him, and received him with great reverence,
and led him into the palace, appearing by this unseasonable
ostentation a seeker of empty glory, and forgetful of those
admirable words of Cicero, which describe people like him.
4. " Those very philosophers inscribe their names on the
identical books which they write about the contempt of

A.D.362.] HIS CONDUCT TOWARDS THE ARMY. 285
glory, in order that they may be named and extolled in
that very thing in which they proclaim their contempt for
mention and for praise." '
5. Not long afterwards, two of the secretaries who had
been banished came to him, boldly promising to point
out the hiding-place of Florentius if he would restore
them to their rank in the army ; but he abused them, and
called them informers ; adding that it did not become an
emperor to be led by underhand information to bring back
a man who had concealed himself out of fear of death, and
who perhaps would not long be left in his retreat un
pardoned. 6. On all these occasions Praetextatus was present, a
senator of a noble disposition and of old-fashioned dignity ;
who at that time had come to Constantinople on his own
private affairs, and whom Julian by his own choice selected
as governor of Achaia with the rank of proconsul.
7. Still, while thus diligent in correcting civil evils,
Julian did not omit the affairs of the army : continually
appointing over the soldiers officers of long-tried worth ;
repairing the exterior defences of all the cities throughout
Thrace, and taking great care that the soldiers on the
banks of the Danube, who were exposed to the attacks of
the barbarians, and who, as he heard were doing their
duty with vigilance and courage, should never be in want
of arms, clothes, pay, or provisions.
8. And while superintending these matters he allowed
nothing to be done carelessly : and when those about him
advised him to attack the Gauls as neighbours who were
always deceitful and perfidious, he said he wished for more
formidable foes ; for that the Gallic merchants were enough
for them, who sold them at all times without any distinc
tion of rank.
9. While he gave his attention to these and similar
matters, his fame was spreading among foreign nations for
courage, temperance, skill in war, and eminent endow
ments of every kind of virtue, so that he gradually became
renowned throughout the whole world.
10. And as the fear of his approach pervaded both
neighbouring and distant countries, embassies hastened to
him with unusual speed from all quarters at one time ; the
1 Fro Archias Foeta, cap. xxii.

286 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXH. Ch. vnj.
people beyond the Tigris and the Armenians sued for
peace. At another the Indian tribes vied with each other,
sending nobles loaded with gifts even from the Maldive
Islands and Ceylon ; from the south the Moors offered
themselves as subjects of the Roman empire ; from the
north, and also from those hot climates through wliich the
Phasis passes on its way to the sea, and from the people of
the Bosphorus, and from other unknown tribes came
ambassadors entreating that on the payment of annual
duties they might be allowed to live in peace within their
native countries. VIII.
§ 1. The time is now appropriate, in my7 opinion, since in
treating of this mighty prince we are come to speak of
these districts, to explain perspicuously what we have
learnt by our own eyesight or by reading, about the
frontiers of Thrace and the situation of the Black Sea.
2; The lofty mountains of Athos in Macedonia, once
made passable for ships by the Persians, and the Eubcean
rocky promontory of Caphareus, where Nauplius the
father of Palamedes wrecked the Grecian fleet, though
far distant from one another, separate the iEgean from the
Thessalian Sea, which, extending as it proceeds, on the
right, where it is widest, is full of the Sporades and
Cyclades islands, which latter are so called becaus-e they
lie round Delos, an island celebrated as the birthplace of
the gods ; on the left it washes Imbros, Tenedos, Lemnos,
and Thasos ; and when agitated by any gale it beats
violently on Lesbos.
3. From thence, with a receding current, it flows past
the temple of Apollo Sminthius, and Troas, and Troy,
renowned for the adventures of heroes ; and on the west it
forms the Gulf of Melas, near the head of which is seen
Abdera, the abode of Protagoras and Democritus ; and the
blood-stained seat of the Thracian Diomede ; and the
valleys through which the Maritza flows on its way to its
waves ; and Maronea, and iEnus, founded under sad
auspices and soon deserted by iEneas, when under the
guidance of the gods he hastened onwards to ancient Italy7.
4. After this it narrows gradually, and, as if by a kind
of natural wish to mingle with its waters, it rushes

A-D. 362.] CHARACTER OF THRACE. 287
towards the Black Sea; and taking a portion of it fort is a
figure like the Greek *. Then separating the Hellespont
from Mount Ehodope, it passes by Cynossema,' where
Hecuba is supposed to be buried, and Casla, and Sestos,
and Callipolis, and passing by the tombs of Ajax and
Achilles, it touches Dardanus and Abydos (where Xerxes,
throwing a bridge across, passed over the waters on foot),
and Lampsacus, given to Themistocles by the king of
Persia ; and Parion, founded by Parius the son of Jason.
5. Then curving round in a semicircle and separating
• the opposite lands more widely in the round gulf of the
sea of Marmora, it washes on the east Cyzicus, and
Dindyma, the holy seat of the mighty mother Cybele, and
Apamia, and Cius, and Astacus afterwarda called Nicomedia
from the King Nicomedes.
6. On the west it beats against the Chersonese, iEgospo-
tami where Anaxagoras predicted that stones would fall
from heaven, and Lysimachia, and the city which Hercules
founded and consecrated to the memory of his comrade
Perinthus. And in order to preserve the full and complete
figure of the letter <t>, in the very centre of the circular gulf
lies the oblong island of Proconnesus, and also Besbicus.
7. Beyond the upper end of this island the sea again
becomes very narrow where it separates Bithynia from
Europe, passing by Chalcedon and Chrysopolis, and some
other places of no importance.
8. Its left shore is looked down upon by Port Athyras
and Selymbria, and Constantinople, formerly called Byzan
tium, a colony of the Athenians, and Cape Ceras, having
at its extremity a lofty tower to serve as a lighthouse
to ships — from which cape also a very cold wind which
often arises from that point is called Cerates.
9. The sea thus broken, and terminated by mingling
with the seas at each end, and now becoming very calm,
spreads out into wider waters, as far as the eye can reach
both in length and breadth. Its entire circuit, if one
should measure it as one would measure an island, sailing
along its shores, is 23,000 furlongs according to Eratos
thenes, Hecataeus, and Ptolemy, and other accurate inves
tigators of subjects of this kind, resembling, by the consent
1 The fablo was that Hecuba was turned into a bitch, from which
this place was called kovos <rrop.a, a dog's tomb.

288 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Ee. XXIL Ch vm,
of all geographers, a Scythian bow, held at both ends by
its string.
10. When the sun rises from the eastern ocean, it is
shut in by the marshes of the Sea of Azov. On the west
it is bounded by the Roman provinces. On the north lie
many tribes differing in language and manners; its southern
side describes a gentle curve.
11. Over this extended space are dispersed many Greek
cities, which have for the most part been founded by the
people of Miletus, an Athenian colony, long since esta
blished in Asia among the other Ionians by Nileus, the son
of the famous Codrus, who is said to have devoted himself
to his country in the Doric war.
12. The thin extremities of the bow at each end are
commanded by the two Bospori, the Thracian and
Cimmerian, placed opposite to one another ; and they are
called Bospori because through them the daughter of
Inachus,1 who was changed (as the poets relate) into a
cow, passed into the Ionian sea.
13. The right curve of the Thracian Bosphorus is covered
by a side of Bithynia, formerly called Mygdonia, of which
province Thynia and Mariandena are districts ; as also is
Bebiycia, the inhabitants of which were delivered from the
cruelty of Amycus by the valour of Pollux ; and also the
remote spot in which the soothsay7er Phineus was terrified
by the threatening flight of the Harpies.
14. The shores are curved into several long bays, into
which fall the rivers Sangarius, and Phyllis, and Bizes,
and Rebas ; and opposite to them at the lower end are the
Symplegades, two rocks which rise into abrupt peaks, and
which in former times were accustomed to dash against one
another with a fearful crash, and then rebounding with a
sharp spring, to recoil once more against the object already
struck. Even a bird could by no speed of its wings pass
between these rocks as they pass and meet again without
being crushed to death.
15. These rocks, when the Argo, the first of all
ships, hastening to Colchis to carry off the golden fleece,
had passed unhurt by them, stood immovable for the
future, the power of the whirlwind which used to agitate
1 To — the name Boottojios is derived from 0obs ir6pos, the passage of
the Cow.

aj>. 363.J DESCRIPTION OF ASIA MINOR. 289
them being broken ; and are now so firmly united that no one
who saw them now would believe that they had ever been
separated ; if all the poems of the ancients did not agree on
the point.
16. After this portion of Bithyma, the next provinces are
Pontus and Paphlagonia, in which are the noble citiea
of Heraclea, and Sinope, and Polemonium, and Amisus, and
Tios, and Amastris, all originally founded by the energy of
the Greeks ; and Cerasus, from which Lucullus brought the
cherry, and two lofty islands which contain the famous
cities of Trapezus and Pityus.
17. Beyond these places is the Acherusian cave, which
the natives call Mv-xpnovriov ; and the harbour of Acone, and
several rivers, the Acheron, the Arcadius, the Iris, the
Tibris, and near to that the Parthenius, all of which pro
ceed with a rapid stream into the sea. Close to them is
the Thermodon, which rises in Mount Armonius, and flows
through the forest of Themiscyra, to which necessity for
merly compelled the Amazons to migrate.
18. The Amazons, as maybe here explained, after having
ravaged their neighbours by bloody7 inroads, and over
powered them by repeated defeats, began to entertain
greater projects ; and perceiving their own strength to be
superior to their neighbours', and being continually cove
tous of their possessions, they forced their way through
many nations, pad .attacked the Athenians. But they were
routed in a fierce battle, and their flanks being uncovered
by cavalry, they all perished.
19. When their destruction became known, the rest, who
had been left at home as unwarlike, were reduced to the
last extremities ; and fearing the attacks of their neigh
bours, who would now retaliate on them, they removed
to the more quiet district of the Thermodon. And after a
long time, their posterity again becoming numerous, re
turned in great force to their native regions, and became
in later ages formidable to the people of many nations.
20. Not far from hence is the gentle hill Carambis, on
the north, opposite to which, at a distance of 2,500 furlongs,
is the Criu-Metopon, a promontory of Taurica. . From
this spot the whole of the sea-coast, beginning at the
river Halys, is like the chord of an arc fastened at both
ends. u

290 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII. CH.vm.
21. On the frontiers of this district are the Dahre,1 the
fiercest of all warriors ; and the Chalybes, the first people
who dug up iron, and wrought it to the use of man.
Next to them lies a large plain occupied by the Byzares,
the Saqires, the Tibareni, the Mosynasci, the Macrones
and the Philyres, tribes with which we have no inter
course. 22. And at a small distance from them are some monu
ments of heroes, where Sthenelus, Idmon, and Tiphys are
buried, the first being that one of Hercules's comrades who
was mortally7 wounded in the war with the Amazons ; the
second the soothsayer of the Argonauts; the third the
skilful pilot of the crew.
2 j. After passing by the aforesaid districts, we come to
the cave Aulon, and the river of Callichorus, which
derives its name from the fact that when Bacchus, having
subdued the nations of India in a three years' war, came
into those countries, he chose the green and shady banks
of this river for the re-establishment of his ancient orgies
and dances ; and some think that such festivals as these
were those called Trieterica.8
24. Next to these frontiers come the famous cantons of
the Camaritae, and the Phasis, which with its roaring
streams reaches the Colchi, a race descended from the
Egyptians ; among whom, besides other cities, is one called
Phasis from the name of the river ; and Dioscurias,3 still
famous, which is said to have been founded by the Spartans
Amphitus and Cercius, the charioteers of Castor and Pollux ;
from whom the nation of Heniochi 4 derives its origin.
25. At a little distance from these are the Achaei, who
after some earlier Trojan war, and not that which began
about Helen, as some authors have affirmed, were driven
into Pontus by7 foul winds, and, as all around was hostile,
so that they could nowhere find a settled abode, they
alway7s stationed themselves on the tops of snowy moun
tains : and, under the pressure of an unfavourable climate
they contracted a habit Of living on plunder in contempt
1 So Virgil calls themlndomitique Dahse. In the Georgics. also, he
speaks of the Chalybes as producers of iron. At Chalybes nudi ferrum.
- Or triennial, from rpeis, three ; and Itoj, a year.
* From M6<rKovpoi, the sons of Jupiter, i. e., Castor aud Pollux.
* From 7jvloxps, a charioteer.

A.D. 362.] THE TRIBES OF THE CASPIAN. 291
of all danger ; and thus became the most ferocious of all
nations. Of the Cercetae, who lie next to them, nothing is
known worth speaking of.
26. Behind them lie the inhabitants of the Cimmerian
Bosphorus, living in cities founded by the Milesiani, the
chief of which is Panticapaeum, which is on the Bog a
river of great size, both from its natural waters and the
streams which fall into it.
27. Then for a great distance the Amazons stretch as
far as the Caspian sea ; occupying the banks of the Don,
which rises in Mount Caucasus, and proceeds in a winding
course, separating Asia from Europe, and falls into the
swampy sea of Azov.
28. Near to this is the Rha, on the banks of which
grows a vegetable of the same name, which is useful as a
remedy for many7 diseases.
29. Beyond the Don, taking the plain in its width, lie the
Saurornataa, whose land is watered by the never-failing
rivers Manecus, Rhombites, Theophanes, and Totordanes.
And there is at a vast distance another nation also known
as Sauromatas, touching the shore at the point where the
river Corax falls into the sea.
30. Near to this is the sea of Azov, of great extent,
from the abundant sources of which a great body of
water pours through the straits of Patares, near the Black
Sea ; on the right are the islands Phanagorus and Her-
monassa, which have been settled by the industry of the
Greeks. 31. Round the furthest extremity of this gulf dwell
many tribes differing from one another in language and
habits ; the Jaxamatae, the Masotas, the Jazyges, the Rox-
olani, the Alani, the MelanchlaenaB, the Geloni, and the
Agathyrsi, whose land abounds in adamant.
32. And there are others beyond, who are the most re
mote people of the whole world. On the left side of this
gulf lies the Crimea, full of Greek colonies ; the people of
which are quiet and steady : they practise agriculture, and
live on the produce of the land.
33. From them the Tauri, though at no great distance,
are separated by several kingdoms, among which are the
Arinchi, a most savage tribe, the Sinchi, and the Napaei,
whose cruelty, being aggravated by continual licence, is

292 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII. Ch. ve.
the reason why the sea is called the Inhospitable,1 from
which by the rule of contrary it gets the name of the
Euxine, just as the Greeks call a fool tir/dtie, and night
tvBpovrj, and the furies, the ~E.vpevil.ec.
34. For they propitiated the gods with human victims,
sacrificing strangers to Diana, whom they call Oreiloche,
and fix the heads of the slain on the walls of their temples,
as perpetual monuments of their deeds.
35. In this kingdom of the Tauri lies the uninhabited
island of Leuce, which is consecrated to Achilles ; and if
any ever visit it, as soon as they have examined the traces
of antiquity, and the temple and offerings dedicated to
the hero, they return the same evening to their ships, as
it is said that no one can pass the night there without
danger to his life.
36. There is water there, and white birds like king
fishers, the origin of which, and the battles of the Helle
spont, we will discuss at a proper time. And there are
some cities in this region of which the most eminent are
Eupatoria, Dandaca, and Theodosia, and several others
which are free from the wickedness of human sacrifices.
37. Up to this we reckon that one of the extremities of
the arc extends. We will now follow, as order suggests,
the rest of the curve which extends towards the north,
along the left side of the Thracian Bosphorus, just remind
ing the reader that while the bows of all other nations
bend along the whole of their material, those of the
Scythians and Parthians have a straight rounded line in the
centre, from which they curve their spreading horns so as
to present the figure of the waning moon.
38. At the very beginning then of this district, where
the Rhipasan mountains end, lie the Arimphasi, a just
people known for their quiet character, whose land is
watered by the rivers Chronius and Bisula ; and next to
them are the Massagetae, the Alani, and the Sargetee, and
several other tribes of little note, of whom we know
neither the names nor the customs.
39. Then, a long way off, is the bay Carcinites, and a
1 The old name was "A£eii<os, inhospitable ; turned into fH^tvos,
friendly to strangers — eu^SriJ, according to etymology, would mean
"of a good disposition:'' e6</>p<Jnj, "the time when people have happy
thoughts;" Etfyxeyi'Sey, " deities of propitious might."

4.D.362.] DESCRIPTION OF THE DANUBE. 293
river of the same name, and a grove of Diana, frequented
by many votaries in those countries.
40. After that we come to the Dnieper (Borysthenes),
which rises in the mountains of the Neuri ; a river very-
large at its first beginning, and which increases by the
influx of many other streams, till it falls into the sea with
great violence ; on its woody banks is the town of Borys
thenes, and Cephalonesus, and some altars consecrated to
Alexander the Great and Augustus Cassar.
41. Next, at a great distance, is an island inhabited by
the Sindi, a tribe of low-born persons, who upon the over
throw of their lords and masters in Asia, took possession of
their wives and properties. Below them is a narrow strip of
coast called by the natives the Course of Achilles, having
been made memorable in olden time by the exercises of the
Thessalian chief, and next to that is the city of Tyros, a
colony of the Phoenicians, watered by the river Dniester.
42. But in the middle of the arc which we have de
scribed as being of an extended roundness, and which
takes an active traveller fifteen days to traverse, are the
European Alani, the Costoboci, and the countless tribes
of the Scythians, who extend over territories which have
no ascertained limit ; a small part of whom live on grain.
But the rest wander over vast deserts, knowing neither
ploughtime nor seedtime ; but living in cold and frost, and
feeding like great beasts. They place their relations,
their homes, and their wretched furniture on w7aggons
covered with bark, and, whenever they choose, they
migrate without hindrance, driving off these waggons
wherever they like.
43. When one arrives at another point of the circuit
where there is a harbour, which bounds the figure of the
arc at that extremity, the island Peuce is conspicuous,
inhabited by the Troglodytae, and Peuci, and other inferior
tribes, and we come also to Histros, formerly a city of
great power, and to Tomi, Apollonia, Anchialos, Odissos,
and many others on the Thracian coast.
44. But the Danube, rising near Basle on the borders of
the Tyrol, extending over a wider space, and receiving
on his way nearly sixty navigable rivers, pours through
the Scythian territory by seven mouths into the Black
Sea.

294 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. Be. XXII. Ch. vnt
45. The first mouth (according to the Greek interpreta
tion of the names) is at the island of Peuce, which we have
mentioned; the second is at Naracustoma, the third at
Calonstoma, tho fourth at Pseudostoma. The Boreonstoma
and the Sthenostoma, are much smaller, and the seventh is
large and black-looking like a bog.
46. But the whole sea, all around, is full of mists and
shoals, and is sweeter than seas in general, because by the
evaporation of moisture the air is often thick and dense,
and its waters are tempered by the immensity of the rivers
which fall into it ; and it is full of shifting shallows,
because the number of the streams which surround it pour
in mud and lumps of soil.
47. And it is well known that fish flock in large shoals
to its most remote extremities that they may spawn and
rear their young more healthfully, in consequence of the
salubrity of the water ; while the hollow caverns, which
are very numerous there, protect them from voracious mon
sters. For nothing of the kind is ever seen in this sea,
except some small dolphins, and they do no harm.
48. Now the portions of the Black Sea which are
exposed to the north wind are so thoroughly frozen that,
while the rivers, as it is believed, cannot continue their
course beneath the ice, yet neither can the foot of beast or
man proceed firmly over the treacherous and shifting
ground ; a fault which is never found in a pure sea, but
only in one of which the waters are mingled with those of
rivers. We have digressed more than we had intended,
so now let us turn back to what remains to be told.
49. Another circumstance came to raise Julian's present
joy, one which indeed had been long expected, but which
had been deferred by all manner of delays. For intel
ligence was brought by Agilo and Jovius, who was after
wards quaastor, that the garrison of Aquileia, weary of the
length of the siege, and having heard of the death of Con
stantius, had opened their gates and come forth, delivering
up the authors of the revolt ; and that, after they had been
burnt alive, as has been related, the rest had obtained
pardon for their offences.

A.D 362.] ELATION OF JULIAN. 295

IX.
§ 1. But Julian, elated at his prosperity, began to aspire to
greatness beyond what is granted to man : amid continual
dangers he had learnt by experience that propitious
fortune held out to him, thus peacefully governing the
Roman world, a cornucopia as it were of human blessings
and all kinds of glory and success : adding this also to his
former titles of victory, that while he alone held the reins
of empire he was neither disturbed by intestine commo
tions, nor did any barbarians venture to cross his frontiers ,
but all nations, eager at all times to find fault with what is
past, as mischievous and unjust, were with marvellous
unanimity agreed in his praises.
2. Having therefore arranged with profound delibera
tion all the matters which were required either by the cir
cumstances of the state or by the time, and having
encouraged the soldiers by repeated harangues and by
adequate pay to be active in accomplishing all that w7as to
be done, Julian, being in great favour with all men, set
out for Antioch, leaving Constantinople, which he had
greatly strengthened and enriched ; for he had been born
there, and loved and protected it as his native city.
3. Then crossing the straits, and passing by Chalcedon
and Libyssa, where Hannibal the Carthaginian is buried,
he came to Nicomedia ; a city of ancient renown, and so
adorned at the great expense of former emperors, that
from the multitude of its public and private buildings
good judges look on it as a quarter, as it were, of the
eternal city.
4. When Julian beheld its walls buried in miserable
ashes, he showed the anguish of his mind by silent tears,
and went slowly7 on towards the palace ; especially lament
ing its misfortunes, because the senators who came out to
meet him were in poor-looking condition, as well as the
people who had formerly been most prosperous ; some of
them he recognized having been brought up there by the
bishop Eusebius, of whom he was a distant relation.
5. Having here made many arrangements for repairing
the damage done by an earthquake, he passed through
Nisaea to the frontier of Gallograscia, and then turning to

296 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII. Ch. ix.
the right, he went to Pessinus, to see the ancient temple of
Cj'bele ; from which town in the second Punic war, in ac
cordance with the warning of the Sibylline verses, the image
of the goddess was removed to Rome by Scipio Nasica.
6. Of its arrival in Italy, with many other matters con
nected with it, we made mention in recording the acts of
the emperor Commodus ; but as to what the reason was
for the town receiving this name writers differ.
7. For some have declared that the city was so called
and roi irtatlv, from falling ; inventing a tale that the statue
fell from heaven ; others affirm that Ilus, the son of Tros,
king of Dardania, gave the place this name, which Theo-
pompus says it received not from this, but from Midas,
formerly a most powerful king of Phrygia.
8. Accordingly7, having paid his worship to the goddess,
and propitiated her with sacrifices and prayers, he returned
to Ancyra ; and as he was proceeding on this way from
thence he was disturbed by a multitude ; some violently-
demanding the restoration of what had been taken from
them, others complaining that they had been unjustly
attached fo different courts ; some, regardless of the risk
they ran, tried to enrage him against their adversaries, by
charging them with treason.
9. But he, a sterner judge than Cassius or Lycurgus,
¦weighed the charges with justice, and gave each his due ;
never being swayed from the truth, but very severe
to calumniators, whom he hated, because he himself, while
still a private individual and of low estate, had often
experienced the petulant frenzy of many in a way which
placed him in great danger.
10. And though there are many other examples of his
patience in such matters, it will suffice to relate one here.
A certain man laid an information against his enemy, with
whom he had a most bitter quarrel, affirming that he had
been guilty of outrage and sedition ; and when the emperor
concealed his own opinion, he renewed the charge for
several days, and when at last he was asked who the man
was whom he was accusing, he replied, a rich citizen.
When the emperor heard this he smiled and said, " What
proof led you to the discovery of this conduct of his ?•" He
replied., " The man has had made for himself a purple silk
robe."

AJ>.362.] VISIT TO ANTIOCH. 297
11. And on this, being ordered to depart in silence, and
though unpunished as a low fellow who was accusing one
of his own class of too difficult an enterprise to be believed,
he nevertheless insisted on the truth of the accusation, till
Julian, being wearied by his pertinacity, said to the
treasurer, whom he saw near him, " Bid them give this
dangerous chatterer some purple shoes to take to his
enemy, who, as he gives me to understood, has made him
self a robe of that colour ; that so he may know how little
a worthless piece of cloth can help a man, without the
greatest strength."
12. But as such conduct as this is praiseworthy and
deserving the imitation of virtuous rulers, so it was a sad
thing and deserving of censure, that in his time it was
very hard for any one who was accused by any magistrate
to obtain justice, however fortified he might be by pri
vileges, or the number of his campaigns, or by7 a host of
friends. So that many persons being alaimed bought off
all such annoyances by secret bribes.
13. Therefore, when after a long journey he had reached
Pylae, a place on the frontiers of Cappadocia and Cilicia,
he received the ruler of the province, Celsus, already
known to him by7 his Attic studies, with a kiss, and taking
him up into his chariot conducted him with him into
Tarsus. 14. From hence, desiring to see Antioch, the splendid
metropolis of the East, he went thither by the usual stages,
and when he came near the city he was received as if he
had been a god, with public prayers, so that he marvelled
at the voices of the vast multitude, who cried out that he
had come to shine like a star on the Eastern regions.
15. It happened that just at that time, the annual period
for the celebration of the festival of Adonis, according to
the old fashion, came round ; the story7 being, as the poets
relate, that Adonis had been loved by Venus, and slain by
a boar's tusk, which is an emblem of the fruits of the
earth being cut down in their prime. And it appeared a
sad thing that when the emperor was now for the first
time making his entrance into a splendid city, the abode
of princes, wailing lamentations and sounds of mourning
ehould be heard in every direction.
16. And here was seen a proof of his gentle disposition,

298 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII. Ch. a.
shown indeed in a trifling, but very remarkable instance.
He had long hated a man named Thalassius, an officer in
one of the law courts, as having been concerned in plots
against his brother Gallus. He prohibited him from pay
ing his salutations to him and presenting himself among the
men of rank ; which encouraged his enemies against whom
he had actions in the courts of law, the next day, when a
great crowd was collected in the presence of the emperor,
to cry out, " Thalassius, the enemy of your clemency, has
violently deprived us of our rights ;" and Julian, thinking
that this was an opportunity for crushing him, replied,
" I acknowledge that I am justly offended with the man
whom you mention, and so you ought to keep silence till
he has made satisfaction to me who am his principal
enemy." And, he commanded the prefect who was sitting
by him not to hear their business till he himself was
recognized by Thalassius, which happened soon afterwards.
X.
§ 1. While wintering at Antioch, according to his wish, he
yielded to none of the allurements of pleasure in which
all Syria abounds ; but under pretence of repose, he
devoted himself to judicial affairs, which are not less diffi
cult than those of war, and in which he expended exceed
ing care, showing exquisite willingness to receive informa
tion, and carefully balancing how to assign to every one
his due. And by his just sentence the wicked were
chastised with moderate punishments, and the innocent
were maintained in the undiminished possession of their
fortunes. 2. And although in the discussion of causes he was
often unreasonable, asking at unsuitable times to what
religion each of the litigants adhered, yet none of his
decisions were found inconsistent with equity, nor could
he ever'be accused, either from considerations of religion
or of anything else, of having deviated from the strict
path of justice.
3. For that is a desirable and right judgment which pro
ceeds from repeated examinations of what is just and un
just. Julian feared anything which might lead him away
from such, as a sailor fears dangerous rocks ; and he was

»¦»• 362.1 JULIANS CLEMENCY. 299
the better able to attain to correctness, because, knowing
the levity of his own impetuous disposition, he used to
permit the prefects and his chosen counsellors to check,
by timely admonition, his own impulses when they were
inclined to stray ; and he continually showed that he was
vexed if he committed errors, and was desirous of being
corrected. 4. And when the advocates in some actions were once
applauding him greatly as one who had attained to per
fect wisdom, he is said to ' have exclaimed with much
emotion, " I was glad and made it my pride to be praised
by those whom I knew to be competent to find fault with
me, if I had said or done anything wrong."
5. But it will be sufficient out of the many instances of
his clemency which he afforded in judging causes to men
tion this one, which is not irrelevant to our subject or in
significant. A certain woman being brought before the
court, saw that her adversary, formerly one of the officers of
the palace, but who had been displaced, was now, contrary
to her expectation, re-established and girt in his official
dress, complained in a violent manner of this circum
stance; and the emperor replied, " Proceed,, 0 woman, if
you think that you have been injured in any respect ; he
is girt as you see in order to go more quickly through the
mire ; your cause will not suffer from it."
6. And these and similar actions led to the belief, as he
was constantly saying, that that ancient justice which
Aratus states to have fled to heaven in disgust at the vices
of mankind, had returned to earth ; only that sometimes
he acted according to his own will rather than according
to law, making mistakes which somewhat darkened the
glorious course of his renown.
7. After many trials he corrected numerous abuses in
the laws, cutting away circuitous proceedings, and mak
ing the enactments show more plainly what they com
manded or forbade. But his forbidding masters of rhetoric
and grammar to instruct Christians was a cruel action, and
one deserving to be buried in everlasting silence.

300 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII Ch. xx

XI.
§ 1. At this time, Gaudentius the secretaiy, whom 1 have
mentioned above as having been sent by Constantius to
oppose Julian in Africa, and a man of the name of Julian,
who had been a deputy governor, and who was an intem
perate partisan of the late emperor, were brought back as
prisoners, and put to death.
2. And at the same time, A'rtemius, who had been Duke
of Egypt, and against whom the citizens of Alexandria
brought a great mass of heavy accusations, was also put to
death, and the son of Marcellus too, who had been com
mander both of the infantry and of the cavalry, was pub
licly executed as one who had aspired to the empire by
force of arms. Romanus, too, and Vincentius, the tribunes
of the first and second battalion of the Scutarii, being
convicted of aiming at things beyond their due, were
banished. 3. And after a short time, when the death of Artemius
was known, the citizens of Alexandria who had feared his
return, lest, as he threatened, he should come back among
them with power, and avenge himself on many of them for
the offences which he had received, now turned all their
anger against George, the bishop, by whom they had, so
to say, been often attacked with poisonous bites.
4. George having been born in a fuller's shop, as was
reported, in Epiphania, a town of Cilicia, and having caused
the ruin of many individuals, was, contrary both to his own
interest and to that of the commonwealth, ordained bishop
of Alexandria, a city which from its own impulses, and
without any special cause, is continually agitated by
seditious tumults, as the oracles also show.
5. Men of this irritable disposition were readily in
censed by George, who accused numbers to the willing
ears of Constantius, as being opposed to his authority ; and,
forgetting his profession, which ought to give no counsel
but what is just and merciful, he adopted all the wicked
acts of informers.
6. And among other things he was reported to have
maliciouslj7 informed Constantius that in that city all the
edifices which had been built by Alexander, its founder,

A.D. 362.] DEATH OF GEORGE. 301
at vast public expense, ought properly to be a source of
emolument to the treasury.
7. To these wicked suggestions he added this also, which
soon afterwards led to his destruction. As he was return
ing from court, and passing by the superb temple of the
Genius, escorted by a large train, as was his custom, he
turned his eyes towards the temple, and said, " How long
shall this sepulchre stand ?" And the multitude, hearing
this, was thunderstruck, and fearing that he would seek
to destroy this also, laboured to the utmost of their power
to effect his ruin by secret plots.
8. When suddenly there came the joyful news that Arte-
mius was dead ; on which all the populace, triumphing with
unexpected joy, gnashed their teeth, and with horrid out
cries set upon George, trampling upon him and kicking
him, and tearing him to pieces with every kind of muti
lation. 9. With him also, Dracontius, the master of the mint,
and a count named Diodorus, were put to death, and
dragged with ropes tied to their legs through the street ;
the one because he had overthrown the altar lately set up
in the mint, of which he was governor ; the other because
while superintending the building of a church, he insolently
cut off the curls of the boys, thinking thus to affect the
worship of the gods.
10. But the savage populace were not content with this ;
but having mutilated their bodies, put them on camels
and conveyed them to the shore, where they burnt them
and threw the ashes into the sea ; fearing, as they ex
claimed, lest their remains should be collected and a temple
raised over them, as the relics of men who. being urged
to forsake their religion, had preferred to endure torturing
punishments even to a glorious death, and so, by keeping
their faith inviolate, earning the appellation of martyrs.
In truth the wretched men who underwent such cruel
punishment might have been protected by the aid of the
Christians, if both parties had not been equally exasperated
by hatred of George.
11. When this event reached the emperor's ears, he
roused himself to avenge the impious deed ; but when
about to inflict the extremity of punishment on the guilty,
he was appeased by the intercession of those about himt

302 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII. Ch xii.
and contented himself with issuing an edict in which he
condemned the crime which had been committed in stern
language, and threatening all with the severest vengeance
if anything should be attempted for the future contrary to
the principles of justice and law.
XII.
§ 1 . In the mean time, while preparing the expedition against
the Persians, which he had long been meditating with all
the vigour of his mind, he resolved firmly to avenge their
past victories ; hearing from others, and knowing by his
own experience, that for nearly sixty years that most fero
cious people had stamped upon the East bloody records of
massacre and ravage, many of our armies having often been
entirely destroyed by them.
2. And he was inflamed with a desire for the war on two
grounds : first, because he was weary of peace, and dream
ing always of trumpets and battles ; and secondly, because,
having been in his youth exposed to the attacks of savage
nations, the wishes of whose kings and princes were already
turning against us, and whom, as was believed, it would be
easier to conquer than to reduce to the condition of sup
pliants, he was eager to add to his other glories the sur
name of Parthicusi
3. But when his inactive and malicious detractors saw
that these preparations were being pressed forward with
great speed and energy, they cried out that it was an un
worthy and shameful thing for such unseasonable troubles
to be caused by the change of a single prince, and laboured
with all their zeal to postpone the campaign; and they
were in the habit of saying, in the presence of those whom
they thought likely to report their words to the emperor,
that, unless he conducted himself with moderation during
his excess of prosperity, he, like an over-luxuriant crop,
would soon be destroyed by his own fertility.
4. And they were continually propagating sayings of
this kind, barking in vain at the inflexible prince with
secret attacks, as the Pygmies or the clown Thiodamas of
Lindus assailed Hercules.
5. But he, as more magnanimous, allowed no delay to
take place, nor any diminution in the magnitude of his

A.D. 362.] PROCEEDINGS OF JULIAN. 303
expedition, but devoted the most energetic care to prepare
everything suitable for such an enterprise.
6. He offered repeated victims on the altars of the gods ;
sometimes sacrificing one hundred bulls, and countless
flocks of animals of all kinds, and white birds, which he
sought for everywhere by land and sea ; so that every day
individual soldiers who had stuffed themselves like boors
with too much meat, or who were senseless from the eager
ness with which they had drunk, were placed on the
shoulders of passers-by, and carried to their homes through
the streets from the public temples where they had
indulged in feasts which deserved punishment rather than
indulgence. Especially the Petulantes and the Celtic '
legion, whose audacity at this time had increased to a mar
vellous degree.
7. And rites and ceremonies were marvellously multi
plied with a vastness of expense hitherto unprecedented ;
and, as it was now allowed without hindrance, every one
professed himself skilful in divination, and all, whether
illiterate or learned, without any limit or any prescribed
order, were permitted to consult the oracles, and to inspect
the entrails of victims ; and omens from the voice of birds,
and every kind of sign of the future, was sought for with an
ostentatious variety of proceeding.
8. And while this was going on, as if it were a time of
profound peace, Julian, being curious in all such branches
of learning, entered on a new path of divination. He pro
posed to reopen the prophetic springs of. the fountain of
Castalia, which Hadrian was said to have blocked up with
a huge mass of stones, fearing lest, as he himself had
attained the sovereignty through obedience to the pre
dictions of these waters, others might learn a similar
lesson ; and Julian immediately ordered the bodies which
had been buried around it to be removed with the same
ceremonies as those with which the Athenians had purified
the island of Delos. XIII.
§ 1. About the same time, on the 22nd of October, the
splendid temple of Apollo, at Daphne, which that furious
and cruel king Antiochus Epiphanes had built with the

304 AMMIANUS MARCELLING. [Be. XXII. Ch. xjt,
statue of the god, equal in size to that of Olympian Jupiter,
was suddenly burnt down.
2. This terrible accident inflamed the emperor with
such anger, that he instantly ordered investigations of
unprecedented severity to be instituted, and the chief
church of Antioch to be shut up. For he suspected that
the Christians had done it out of envy, not being able to
bear the sight of the magnificent colonnade which sur
rounded the temple.
3. But it was reported, though the rumour was most
vague, that the temple had been burnt by means of Ascle-
piades the philosopher, of whom we have made mention
while relating the actions of Magnentius. He is said to
have come to the suburb in which the temple stood to pay
a visit to Julian, and being accustomed to carry with him
wherever he went a small silver statue of the Heavenly
Venus, he placed it at the feet of the image of Apollo, and
then, according to his custom, having lighted wax tapers
in front of it, he went away. At midnight, when no one
was there to give any assistance, some sparks flying about
stuck to the aged timbers ; and from that dry fuel a fire
was kindled which burnt everything it could reach, how
ever separated from it by the height of the building.
4. The same year also, just as winter was approaching,
there was a fearful scarcity of water, so that some rivers
were dried up, and fountains too, which had hitherto
abounded with copious springs. But afterwards they all
were fully restored.
5. And on the second of December, as evening was coming
on, all that remained of Nicomedia was destroyed by an
earthquake, and no small portion of Nicaaa.
XIV.
§ 1. These events caused great concern to the emperor ;
but still he did not neglect other affairs of urgency, till
the time of entering on his intended campaign should arrive.
But in the midst of his important and serious concerns,
it appeared superfluous that, without any plausible reason,
and out of a mere thirst for popularity, he took measures
for producing cheapness ; a thing which often proves con
trary to expectation and produces scarcity and famine.

A.D;362.] THE M1SOPOGON< 305
2. And when the magistrates of Antioch plainly proved
to him that his orders could not be executed, he would not
depart from his purpose, being as obstinate as his brother
Gallus, but not bloodthirsty. On which account, becoming
furious against them, as slanderous and obstinate, he com
posed a volume of invectives which he called " The
Antiochean," or " Misopogon," enumerating in a bitter
spirit all the vices of the city, and adding others be
yond the truth ; and when on this he found that many
witticisms were uttered at his expense, he felt compelled
to conceal his feelings for a time ; but was full of internal
rage. 3. For he was ridiculed as a Cercops;1 again, as a
dwarf spreading out his narrow shoulders, wearing a beard
like that of a goat, and taking huge strides, as if he had
been the brother of Otus and Ephialtes,2 whose height
Horace speaks of as enormous. At another time he was
" the victim-killer," instead of the worshipper, in allusion
to the numbers of his victims ; and this piece of ridicule
was seasonable and deserved, as once out of ostentation
he was fond of carrying the sacred vessels before the priests,
attended by a train of girls. And although these and
similar jests made him very indignant, he nevertheless
kept silence, and concealed his emotions, and continued to
celebrate the solemn festivals.
4. At last, on the day appointed for the holiday, he
ascended Mount Casius, a mountain covered with trees,
very lofty, and of a round form ; from which at the second
crowing of the cock s we can see the sun rise. And while
he was sacrificing to Jupiter, on a sudden he perceived
some one lying on the ground, who, with the voice of a
suppliant, implored pardon and his life ; and when Julian
asked him who he was, he replied, that he was Theodotus,
formerly the chief magistrate of Hierapolis, who, when
Constantius quitted that city, had escorted him with other
men of rank on his way : basely flattering him as sure to
be victorious ; and he had entreated him with feigned
tears and lamentations to send them the head of Julian as
1 A people living in one of the islands near Sicily, and changed by
Jupiter as related, Ov. Met. xiv., into monkeys.
s Two of the chief giants, Horn. Od. xi.
¦' A time spoken of by Pliny as before the fourth watch. X

306 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXH. Ch. xrt
that of an ungrateful rebel, inthe same way as he recol
lected the head of Magnentius had been exhibited.
5. When Julian heard this, he said, " I have heard of
this before, from the relation of several persons. But go
thou home in security, being relieved of all fear by the
mercj7 of the emperor, who, like a wise man, has resolved
to diminish the number of his enemies, and is eager to in
crease that of his friends."
6. When he departed, having fully accomplished the
sacrifices, letters were brought to him from the governor
of Egypt, who informed him that after a long time he had
succeeded in finding a bull Apis, which he had been seek
ing with great labour, a circumstance which, in the opinion
of the inhabitants of those regions, indicates prosperity,
abundant crops, and several other kinds of good fortune.
7. On this subject it seems desirable to say a few words.
Among the animals which have been consecrated by the
reverence of the ancients, Mnevis and Apis are the most
eminent. Mnevis, concerning whom there is nothing re
markable related, is consecrated to the sun, Apis to the
moon. But the bull Apis is distinguished by several
natural marks ; and especially by a crescent-shaped figure,
like that of a new moon, on his right side. After living
his appointed time, he is drowned in the sacred fountain
(for he is not allowed to live beyond the time fixed by the
sacred authority of their mystical books : nor is a cow
brought to him more than once a year, who also must be
distinguished with particular marks) ; then another is
sought amid great public mourning ; and if one can be
found distinguished by all the required marks, he is led to
Memphis, a city of great renown, and especially celebrated
for the patronage of the god iEsculapius.
8. And after he has been led into the city by one hundred
priests, and conducted into a chamber, he is looked upon as
consecrated, and is said to point out hy evident means the
signs of future events. Some also of those who come to
him he repels by unfavourable signs ; as it is reported he
formally rejected Caesar Germauicus when he offered him
food ; thus portending what shortly happened.

THE AFFAIRS OF EGYPT. 307

XV.

§ 1. Let us then, since the occasion seems to require it,
touch briefly on the affairs of Egypt, of which we have
already made some mention in our account of the emperors
Hadrian and Severus, where we related several things which
we had seen.'
2. The Egyptian is the most ancient of all nations,
except indeed that its superior antiquity is contested by
the Scythians ; their country is bounded on the south * by
the greater Syrtes, Cape Ras, and Cape Borion, the
Garamantes, and other nations ; on the east, by Elephan
tine, and Meroe, cities of the Ethiopians, the Catadupi,
the Red Sea, and the Scenite Arabs, whom we now call
Saracens. On the north it joins a vast track of land,
where Asia and the Syrian provinces begin ; on the west
it is bounded by the Sea of Issus, which some call the Par-
thenian Sea.
3. We will also say a few words concerning that most
useful of all rivers, the Nile, which Homer calls the
jSEgyptus ; and after that we will enumerate other things
worthy of admiration in these regions.
4. The sources of the Nile, in my opinion, will be as
unknown to posterity as they are now. But since poete,
who relate fully, and geographers who differ from one
another, give various accounts of this hidden matter, I will
in a few words set forth such of their opinions as seem
to me to border on the truth.
5. Some natural philosophers affirm that in the districts
beneath the North Pole, when the severe winters bind up
everything, the vast masses of snow congeal ; and after
wards, melted by7 the warmth of the summer, they make
the clouds heavy with liquid moisture, which, being driven
to the south by the Etesian winds, and dissolved into rain
1 These books are lost.
2 We must remark here Ammianus's complete ignorance of compara
tive geography and the bearings of the different countries of which he
speaks. The Syrtes and Cape Ras are due west, not south of Egypt.
The Ethiopians and Catadupi are on the north ; while the Arabs, whom
lie places in the same line, are on the south-east. The Sea of Iesus, on
the Levant, which he places on the west, is on the north.

308 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII. Ch. xv
by the heat of the sun, furnish abundant increase to the
Nile. 6. Some, again, assert that the inundations of the river
at fixed times are caused by the rains in Ethiopia, which
tall in great abundance in that country during the hot
season ; but both these theories seem inconsistent with the
truth — for rain never falls in Ethiopia, or at least only at
rare intervals.
7. A more common opinion is, that during the continu
ance of the wind from the north, called the Precursor, and
of the Etesian gales, which last forty-five days without
interruption, they drive back the stream and check its
speed, so that it becomes swollen with its waves thus dammed
back ; then, when the wind changes, the force of the breeze
drives the waters to and fro, and the river growing rapidly
greater, its perennial sources driving it forward, it rises as
it advances, and covers everything, spreading over the
level plains till it resembles the sea.
8. But King Juba, relying on the text of the Carthaginian
books, affirms that the river rises in a mountain situated
in Mauritania, which looks on the Atlantic Ocean , and he
says, too, that this is proved by the fact that fishes, and
herbs, and animals resembling those of the Nile are found
in the marshes where the river rises.
9. But the Nile, passing through the districts of Ethiopia,
and many different countries which give it their own
names, swells its fertilizing stream till it comes to the
cataracts. These are abrupt rocks, from which in its pre
cipitous course it falls with such a crash, that the Ati,
who used to live in that district, having lost their hearin°-
from the incessant roar, were compelled to migrate to a
more quiet region.
10. Then proceeding more gently, and receiving no
accession of waters in Egypt, it falls into the sea through
seven mouths, each of which is as serviceable as, and re
sembles, a separate river. And besides the several streams
which are derived from its channel, and which fall with
others like themselves, there are seven navigable with large
waves ; named by the ancients the Heracleotic, the Seb-
ennitic, the , Bolbitic, the Phatnitic, the Mendesian, the
Tanitio, and the Pelusian mouths.
11. This river, rising as I have said, is driven on from

A.D. 362.J THE ISLANDS OF THE NILE. 309
the marshes to the cataracts, and forms several islands ;
some of which are said to be of such extent that the stream
is three days in passing them.
12. Among these are two of especial celebrity, Meroe and
Delta. The latter derives its name from its triangular
form like the Greek letter; but when the sun begins to
pass through the sign of Cancer, the river keeps increasing
till it passes into Libra ; and then, after flowing at a great
height for one hundred days, it falls again, and its waters
being diminished it exhibits, in a state fit for riding on,
fields which just before could only be passed over in boats.
13. If the inundation be too abundant it is mischievous,
just as it is unproductive if it be too sparing ; for if the
flood be excessive, it keeps the ground wet too long,
and so delays cultivation; while if it be deficient, it
threatens the land with barrenness. No landowner wishes
it to rise more than sixteen cubits. If the flood be mo
derate, then the seed sown in favourable ground sometimes
returns seventy fold. The Nile, too, is the only river
which does not cause a breeze.
14. Egypt also produces many animals both terrestrial
and aquatic, and some which live both on the earth and in
the water, and are therefore called amphibious. In the
dry districts antelopes and buffaloes are found, and sphinxes,
animals of an absurd-looking deformity, and other monsters
which it is not worth while to enumerate.
15. Of the terrestrial animals, the crocodile is abundant
in every part of the country. This is a most destructive
quadruped, accustomed to both elements, having no tongue,
and moving only the upper jaw, with teeth like a comb,
which obstinately fasten into everything he can reach.
He propagates his species by eggs like those of a goose.
16. And as he is armed with claws, if he had only thumbs
his enormous strength would suffice to upset large vessels,
for he is sometimes ten cubits long. At night he sleeps
under water ; in the day he feeds in the fields, trusting to
the stoutness of his skin, which is so thick that missiles
from military engines will scarcely pierce the mail of his
back. 17. Savage as these monsters are at all other times, yet
as if they had concluded an armistice, they are always
quiet, laying aside all their ferocity, during the seven dayf

310 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. Be. XXII. Ch. xv
of festival' on which the priests at Mempais celebrate the
birthday of Apis. .
18. Besides those which die accidentally, some are killec
by wounds which they receive in their bellies from the
dorsal fins of some fish resembling dolphins, which this
river also produces. .
19. Some also are killed by means of a little bird called
the trochilus, which, while seeking for some picking of
small food, and flying gently about the beast while asleep,
tickles its cheeks till it comes to the neighbourhood of its
throat. And when the hydrus, which is a kind of ich
neumon, perceives this, it penetrates into its mouth, which
the bird has caused to open, and descends into its sto
mach, where it devours its entrails, and then comes forth
again. 20. But the crocodile, though a bold beast towards those
who flee, is very timid when it finds a brave enemy. It
has a most acute sight, and for the four months of winter
is said to do without food.
21. The hippopotamus, also, is produced in this country ;
the most sagacious of all animals destitute of reason. He
is like a horse, with cloven hoofs, and a short tail. Of his
sagacity it will be sufficient to produce two instances.
22. The animal makes his lair among dense beds of reeds
of great height, and while keeping quiet watches vigilantly
for every opportunity of sallying out to feed on the crops.
And when he has gorged himself, and is ready to return, he
walks backwards, and makes many tracks, to prevent any
enemies from following the straight road and so finding
and easily killing him.
23. Again, when he feels lazy from having his stomach
swollen by excessive eating, it rolls its thighs and legs on
freshly-cut reeds, in order that the blood which is dis
charged through the wounds thus made may relieve his
fat. And then he smears his wounded flesh with clay till
the wounds get scarred over.
24. This monster was very rare till it was first exhibited
to the Roman people in the aedileship of Scaurus, the
father of that Scaurus whom Cicero defended, when he
charged the Sardinians to cherish the same opinion as the
rest of the world of the authority of that noble family.
Since that time, at different periods, many7 specimens have

A-D.362.] THE IBIS. 311
been brought to Rome, and now they aro not to be found
in Egypt, having been driven, according to the conjecture
of the inhabitants, up to the Blemmyae ' by being inces
santly pursued by the people.
25. Among the birds of Egypt, the variety of which is
countless, is the ibis, a sacred and amiable bird, also
valuable, because by heaping up the eggs of serpents in
its nest for food it causes these fatal pests to diminish.
26. They also sometimes encounter flocks of winged
snakes, which come laden with poison from the marshes of
Arabia. These, before they can quit their own region,
they overcome in the air, and then devour them. This
bird, we are told, produces its young through its mouth.
27. Egypt also produces innumerable quantities of
serpents, destructive beyond all other creatures. Basilisks,
amphisbamas,2 scytalae, acontias, dipsades, vipers, and many
others. The asp is the largest and most beautiful of all ;
but that never, of its own accord, quits the Nile.
28. There are also in this country many things exceed
ingly worthy of observation, of which it is a good time now
to mention a few. Everywhere there are temples of great
size. There are seven marvellous pyramids, the difficulty
of building which, and the length of time consumed in the
work, are recorded by Herodotus. They exceed in height
anything ever constructed by human labour, being towers
of vast width at the bottom and ending in sharp points.
29. And their shape received this name from the geo
metricians because they rise in a cone like fire (nvp). And
huge as they7 are, as they taper off gradually, they throw
no shadow, in accordance with a principle of mechanics.
30. There are also subterranean passages, and winding
retreats, which, it is said, men skilful in the ancient
mysteries, by means of which they divined the coming of
a flood, constructed in different places lest the memory of
all their sacred ceremonies should be lost. On the walls,
as they cut them out, they have sculptured several kinds
1 The Blemmyse were an Ethiopian tribe to the south of Egypt.
2 These names seem derived from the real or fancied shape of the
snakes mentioned : the amphisbsena, from a/iifl and fSalvw, to go both
ways, as it was believed to have a head at each end. The scytalas
was like "a staff;" the acontias, like "a javelin;" the dipsas was a
thirsty snake.

312 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII. Ch. xvi.
of birds and beasts, and countless other figures of animals,
which they call hieroglyphics.
31. There is also Syene, where at the time of the summer
solstice the rays surrounding upright objects do not allow
the shadows to extend beyond the bodies. And if any one
fixes a post upright in the ground, or sees a man or a tree
standing erect, he will perceive that their shadow is con
sumed at the extremities of their outlines. This also
happens at Meroe, which is the spot in Ethiopia nearest
to the equinoctial circle, and where for ninety days the
shadows fall in a way just opposite to ours, on account of
which the natives of that district are called Antiscii.'
32. But as there are many other wonders which would
go beyond the plan of our little work, we must lead these
to men of lofty genius, and content ourselves with re
lating a few things about the provinces.

XVI.
§ 1 . In former times Egypt is said to have been divided
into three provinces : Egypt proper, the Thebais, and Libya,
to which in later times two more have been added, Augus-
tamnica, which has been cut off from Egypt proper, and
Pentapolis, which has been detached from Libya.
2. Thebais, among many other cities, can boast especially
of Hermopolis, Coptos, and Antinous, which Hadrian built
in honour of his friend Antinous. As to Thebes, with its
hundred gates, there is no one ignorant of its renown.
3. In Augustamnica, among others, there is the noble
city of Pelusium, which is said to have been founded by
Peleus, the father of Achilles, who by command of the
gods was ordered to purify himself in the lake adjacent to
the walls of the city, when, after having slain his brother
Phocus, he was driven about by horrid images of the Furies ;
and Cassium, where the tomb of the great Pompey is, and
Ostracine, and Rhinocolura.
4. In Libya Pentapolis is Cyrene, a city of great an
tiquity, but now deserted, founded by Battus the Spartan,
and Ptolemais, and Arsinoe, known also as Teuahira, ani
Darnis, and Berenice, called also Hesperides.
1 From curl, opposite ; and cthio, shadow

A.D. 362.] ALEXANDRIA. 313
5. And in the dry Libya, besides a lew other insignifi
cant towns, there are Paraetonium, Chaerecla, and Neapolis.
6. Egypt proper, which ever since it has been united to
the Roman empire has been under the government of a
prefect, besides some other towns of smaller importance, is
distinguished by Athribis, and Oxyrynchus, and Thmuis,
and Memphis.
7. But the greatest of all the cities is Alexandria, en
nobled by many circumstances, and especially by the
grandeur of its great founder, and the skill of its architect
Dinocrates, who, when he was laying the foundation of its
extensive and beautiful walls, for want of mortar, which
¦ could not be procured at the moment, is said to have
marked out its outline with flour ; an incident which fore
showed that the city should hereafter abound in supplies
of provisions.
8. At Inibis the air is wholesome, the sky pure and
undisturbed ; and, as the experience of a long series of
ages proves, there is scarcely ever a day on which the
inhabitants of this city do not see the sun.
9. The shore is shifty and dangerous ; and as in former
times it exposed sailors to many dangers, Cleopatra erected
a lofty tower in the harbour, which was named Pharos,
from the spot on which it was built, and which afforded
light to vessels by night when coming from the Levant or
the Libyan sea along the plain and level coast, without
any signs of mountains or towns or eminences to direct
them, they were previously often wrecked by striking into
the soft and adhesive sand.
10. The same queen, for a well-known- and necessary
reason, made a causeway seven furlongs in extent, admirable
for its size and for the almost incredible rapidity with
which it was made. The island of Pharos, where Homer
in sublime language relates that Proteus used to amues
himself with his herds of seals, is almost a thousand yards
from the shore on which the city stands, and was liable to
pay tribute to the Rhodians.
11. And when on one occasion the farmers of this re
venue came to make exorbitant demands, she, being a wily
woman, on a pretext of it being the season of solemn holi
days, led them into the suburbs, and ordered the work to
be carried on without ceasing. And so seven furlongs were

314' AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXII. Ch. xvi.,
completed in seven days, being raised with the soil of the
adjacent shore. Then the queen, driving over it in her
chariot, said that the Rhodians were making a blunder in
demanding port dues for what was not an island but part
of the mainland.
12. Besides this there are many lofty temples, and
especially one to Serapis, which, although no words can
adequately describe it, we may yet say, from its splendid
halls supported by pillars, and its beautiful statues and'
other embellishments, is so superbly decorated, that next to
the Capitol, of which the ever-venerable Rome boasts, the
whole world has nothing worthier of admiration.
13. In it were libraries of inestimable value ; and the
concurrent testimony of ancient records affirm that 70,000
volumes, which had been collected by the anxious care of
the Ptolemies, were burnt in the Alexandrian war when
the city was sacked in the time of Cassar the Dictator.
14. Twelve miles from this city is Canopus, which,
according to ancient tradition, received its name from
the prophet of Menelaus, who was buried there. It is
a place exceedingly well supplied with good inns, of a
most wholesome climate, with refreshing breezes ; so that
any one who resides in that district might think himself
out of our world while he hears the breezes murmuring
through the sunny atmosphere.
15. Alexandria itself was not, like other cities, gradually
embellished, but at its very outset it was adorned with
spacious roa-V But after having been long torn by violent
seditions, at last, when Aurelian was emperor, and when
the intestine quarrels of its citizens had proceeded to
deadly strife, its walls were destroyed, and it lost the
largest half of its territory, which was called Bruchion, and
ha I long been the abode of eminent men.
16. There had lived Aristarchus, that illustrious gram
marian ; and Herodianus, that accurate inquirer into
the fine arts ; and Saccas Ammonius, the master of Plotinus,
and many other writers in various useful branches of
literature, among whom Didymus, surnamed Chalcenterus,
a man celebrated for his writings on many subjects of
science, deserves especial mention ; who, in the six books
in which he, sometimes incorrectly, attacks Cicero, imi
tating those malignant farce .writers, is justly blamed by

A.D. 362.] EMINENCE OF ITS SCHOOLS. 315
the learned as a puppy barking from a distance with puny
voice against the mighty roar of the lion.
17. And although, besides those I have mentioned, there
were many other men of eminence in ancient times, yet
even now there is much learning in the same city; for
teachers of various sects flourish, and many kinds of secret
knowledge are explained by geometrical science. Nor is
music dead among them, nor harmony. And by a few,
observations of the motion of the world and of the stars
are still cultivated ; while of learned arithmeticians the
number is considerable ; and besides them there are many
skilled in divination.
18. Again, of medicine, the aid of which in our present
extravagant and luxurious way of life is incessantly re
quired, the study7 is carried on with daily increasing eager
ness ; so that while the employment be of itself creditable,
it is sufficient as a recommendation for any medical man
to be able to say that he was educated at Alexandria. And
this is enough to say on this subject.
19. But if any one in the earnestness of his intellect
wishes to apply himself to the various branches of divine
knowledge, or to the examination of metaphysics, he will
find that the whole world owes this kind of learning to
Egypt. 20. Here first, far earlier than in any other country, men
arrived at the various cradles (if I may so say) of different
religions. Here they still carefully preserve the elements
of sacred rites as handed down in their .secret volumes.
21. It was in learning derived from Egypt that Pytha
goras was educated, which taught him to worship the
gods in secret, to establish the principle that in whatever
he said or ordered his authority was final, to exhibit his
golden thigh at Olympia, and to be continually seen in
conversation with an eagle.
22. Here it was that Anaxagoras derived the knowledge
which enabled him to predict that stones would fall from
heaven, and from the feeling of the mud in a well to foretell
impending earthquakes. Solon too derived aid from the
apophthegms of the priests of Egypt in the enactment of
his just and moderate laws, by which he gave great con
firmation to the Roman jurisprudence. From this sbure
too Plato, soaring amid sublime ideas, rivalling Jupiter

316 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXHT.
himself in the magnificence of his voice, acquired his
glorious wisdom by a visit to Egypt.
23. The inhabitants of Egypt are generally swarthy and
dark complexioned, and of a rather melancholy cast of
countenance, thin and dry looking, quick in every motion,
fond of controversy, and bitter exactors of their rights.
Among them a man is ashamed who has not resisted the
payment of tribute, and who does not carry about him
wheals which he has received before he could be compelled
to pay it. Nor have any tortures been found sufficiently
powerful to make the hardened robbers of this country
disclose their names unless they do so voluntarily.
24. It is well known, as the ancient annals prove, that
all Egypt was formerly under kings who were friendly to
us. But after Antony and Cleopatra were defeated in the
naval battle at Actium, it became a province under the
dominion of Octavianus Augustus. We became masters of
the dry Libya by the last will of king Apion. Cyrene
and the other cities of Libya Pentapolis we owe to the
liberality of Ptolemy. After this long digression, I will
now return to my original subject.

BOOK XXIIL

ARGUMENT.

L Julian in vain attempts to restore the temple at Jerusalem, which
had been destroyed long before.— H. He orders Arsaces, king of
Armenia, to prepare for the war with Persia; and with an army
and auxiliary troops of the Scythians crosses the Euphrates. 
III. As he marches through Mesopotamia, the princes of the
Saracenic tribes of their own accord offer him a golden crown and
auxiliary troops — A Roman fleet of eleven hundred ships arrives,
and bridges over the Euphrates. — IV. A description of several
engines, balistse, scorpions, or wild-asses, battering-rams, helepoles,
and fire-machines. — V. Julian, with all his army, crosses the river
Aboras by a bridge of boats at Circesium— He harangues his
soldiers. — VI. A description of the eighteen principal provinces
of Persia, their cities, and the customs of their inhabitants.

AD. 363.] TIIK TEMl'LE OF JERUSALEM. £,17
I.
a.d. 363.
§ 1. To pass over minute details, these were the principal
events of the year. But Julian, who in his third consul
ship had taken as his colleague Sallustius, the prefect of
Gaul, now entered on his fourth year, and by a novel
arrangement took as his colleague a private individual ; an
act of which no one recollected an instance since that of
Diocletian and Aristobulus.
2. And although, foreseeing in his anxious mind the
various accidents that might happen, he urged on with
great diligence all the endless preparations necessary for
his expedition, yet distributing his diligence everywhere ;
and being eager to extend the recollection of his reign by
the greatness of his exploits, he proposed to rebuild at a
vast expense the once magnificent temple of Jerusalem,
which after many deadly contests was with difficulty taken
by Vespasian and Titus, who suoceeded his father in the
conduct of the siege. And he assigned the task to Alypius
of Antioch, who. had formerly been proprefect of Britain.
3. But though Alypius applied himself vigorously to the
work, and though the governor of the province co-operated
with him, fearful balls of fire burst forth with continual
eruptions close to the foundations, burning several of the
workmen and making the spot altogether inaccessible.
And thus the very elements, as if by some fate, repelling
the attempt, it was laid aside.
4. About the same time the emperor conferred various
honours on the ambassadors who were sent to him from the
Eternal City, being men of high rank and established ex
cellence of character. He appointed Apronianus to be
prefect of Rome, Octavianus to be proconsul of Africa,
Venustus to be viceroy of Spain, and promoted Rufinus
Aradius to be count of the East in the room of his tmole
Julian, lately deceased.
5. When all this had been carried out as he arranged,
he was alarmed by an omen which, as the result showed,
indicated an event immediately at hand. Felix, the prin
cipal treasurer, having died suddenly of a hemorrhage,
and Count Julian having followed him, the populace, look-

318 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIII. Ch. n.
ing on their public titles, hailed Julian as Felix and
Augustus. 6. Another bad omen had preceded this, for, on the very-
first day of the year, as the emperor was mounting tho
steps of the temple of the Genius, one of the priests,
the eldest of all, fell without any7 one striking him,
and suddenly expired ; an event which the bystanders,
either out of ignorance or a desire to flatter, affirmed was
an omen affecting Sallustius, as the elder consul ; but it
was soon seen that the death it portended was not to the
elder man, but to the higher authority.
7. Besides these several other lesser signs from time to
time indicated what was about to happen ; for, at the very
beginning of the arrangements for the Parthian campaign,
news came that there had been an earthquake at Constan
tinople, which those skilful in divination declared to be
an unfavourable omen to a ruler about to invade a foreign
country ; and therefore advised Julian to abandon his
unreasonable enterprise, affiiming that these and similar
signs can only be disregarded with propriety when one's
country is invaded by foreign armies, as then there is one
everlasting and invariable law, to defend its safety by
every possible means, allowing no relaxation nor delay.
News also came by letter that at Rome the Sibylline
volumes had been consulted on the subject of the war by
Julian's order, and that they had in plain terms warned
him not to quit his own territories that year.
II.
§ 1. But in the mean time embassies arrived from several
nations promising aid, and they were liberally received
and dismissed ; the emperor with plausible confidence re
plying that it by no means became the power of Rome
to rely on foreign aid to avenge itself, as it was rather
fitting that Rome should give support to its friends and
allies if necessity drove them to ask it.
2. He only warned Arsaces, king of Armenia, to collect
a strong force, and wait for his orders, as he should soon
know which way to march, and what to do. Then, as
soon as prudence afforded him an opportunity, hastening
to anticipate every rumour of his approach by the occupa-

AD 303." JULIAN CROSSES THE EUPHRATES. 319
lion of the enemy's country, before spring had well set in,
he sent the signal for the advance to all his troops, com
manding them to cross the Euphrates.
3. As soon as the order reached them, they hastened to
quit their winter quarters ; and having crossed the river,
according to their orders, they dispersed into their various
stations, and awaited the arrival of the emperor. But he,
being about to quit Antioch, appointed a citizen of Helio
polis, named Alexander, a man of turbulent and ferocious
character, to govern Syria, saying that he indeed had not
deserved such a post, but that the Antiochians, being
covetous and insolent, required a judge of that kind.
. 4. When he was about to set forth, escorted by a pro
miscuous multitude who wished him a fortunate march
and a glorious return, praying that he would be merciful
and kinder than he had been, he (for the anger which
their addresses and reproaches had excited in his breast
was not yet appeased) spoke with severity to them, and
declared that he would never see them again.
5. For he said that he had determined, after his campaign
was over, to return by a shorter road to Tarsus in Cilicia,
to winter there : and that he had written to Memorius, the
governor of the city, to prepare everything that he might
require in that city. This happened not long afterwards ;
for his body was brought back thither and buried in the
suburbs with a very plain funeral, as he himself had com
manded. 6. As the weather was now getting warm he set out
on the fifth of March, and by the usual stages arrived
at Hieropolis ; and as he entered the gates of that large
city a portico on the left suddenly fell down, and as fifty
soldiers were passing under it at that moment it wounded
many, crushing them beneath the vast weight of the beams
and tiles.
7. Having collected all his troops from thence, he
marched with such speed towards Mesopotamia, that before
any intelligence of his march could arrive (an object about
which he was especially solicitous) he came upon the
Assyrians quite unexpectedly. Then having led his whole
army and the Scythian auxiliaries across the Euphrates
by a bridge of boats, he arrived at Batnae, a town jf
Osdroene,. and there again- a sad omen met him.

320 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIII. Ch. hi
8. For when a great crowd of grooms was standing near
an enormously high haystack, in order to receive their
forage (for in this way those supplies used to be stored
in that country), the mass was shaken by the numbers
who sought to strip it, and falling down, overwhelmed
fifty men.

III.
§ 1. Leaving this place with a heavy heart, he marched
with great speed, and arrived at Carrhae, an ancient town
notorious for the disasters of Crassus and the Roman army.
From this town two royal roads branch off, both leading
into Persia ; that on the left hand through Adiabena and
along the Tigris, that on the right through the Assyrians
and along the Euphrates.
2. There he stayed some days, preparing necessary
supplies ; and according to the custom of the district he
offered sacrifices to the moon, which is religiously wor
shipped in that region ; and it is said that while before
the altar, no witness to the action being admitted, he
secretly gave his own purple robe to Procopius, and bade
him boldly assume the sovereignty if he should hear that
he had died among the Parthians.
3. Here while asleep his mind was agitated with dreams,
and foresaw some sad event about to happen ; on which
account he and the interpreters of dreams consider
ing the omens which presented themselves, pronounced
that the next day, which was the nineteenth of March,
ought to be solemnly observed. But, as was ascertained
subsequently, that very same night, while Apronianus
was prefect of Rome, the temple of the Palatine Apollo
was burnt in the Eternal City ; and if aid from all quar
ters had not come to the rescue the violence of the confla
gration would have destroyed even the prophetic volumes
of the Sibyl.
4. After these things had happened in this manner,
and while Julian was settling his line of march, and
making arrangements for supplies of all kinds, his scouts
come panting in, and bring him word that some squadrons ol
the enemy's cavalry have suddenly passed the frontier in

A.D 3«?..J ADVANCE UF JULIAN. 321
the neighbourhood of the camp, and have driven off a
large booty.
5. Indignant at such atrocity and at such an insult, he
immediately (as indeed he had previously contemplated)
put thirty thousand chosen men under the orders of Pro
copius, who has been already mentioned, uniting with
him in this command Count Sebastian, formerly Duke of
Egypt; and he ordered them to act on this side of the
Tigris, observing everything vigilantly, so that no danger
might arise on any side where it was not expected, for
such things had frequently happened. He charged them
further, if it could be done, to join King Arsaces ; and
march with him suddenly through Corduena and Moxoene,
ravaging Chiliocomus, a very fertile district of Media, and
other places ; and then to rejoin him while still in Assyria,
in order to assist him as he might require.
6. Having taken these measures, Julian himself, pre
tending to march by the line of the Tigris, on which road
he had purposely commanded magazines of provisions to
be prepared, turned towards the right, and after a quiet
night, asked in the morning for the horse which he was
accustomed to ride : his name was Babylonius. And when
he was brought, being suddenly griped and; starting at the
pain, he fell down, and rolling about scattered the gold
and jewels with which his trappings were decked. Julian,
in joy at this omen, cried out, amid the applause of those
around, that " Babylon had fallen, and was stripped of
all her ornaments."
7. Having delayed a little that he might confirm the
omen by the sacrifice of some victims, he advanced to
Davana, where he had a garrison-fortress, and where the
river Belias rises which falls into the Euphrates. Here
he refreshed Iris men with food and sleep, and the next
day reached Callinicus, a strong fortress, and also a great
commercial mart, where, on the 27th of March (the
day on which at Rome the annual festival in honour of
Cybele is celebrated, and the car in which her image is
borne is, as it is said, washed in the waters of the Ahno),
he kept the same feast according to the manner of the
ancients, and then, retiring to rest, passed a triumphant
and joyful night.
8. The next day he proceeded along the bank of the

322 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIII. Ch. rv,
river, which other streams began to augment, marching
with an armed escort ; and at night he rested in a tent,
where some princes of the Saracenic tribes came as sup
pliants, bringing him a golden crown, and adoring him as
the master of the world and of their own nations : he
received them graciously, as people well adapted for sur
prises in war.
9. And while addressing them a fleet arrived equal to
that of the mighty sovereign Xerxes, under the command
of the tribune Constantianus, and Count Lucillianus ; they
threw a bridge over the broadest part of the Euphrates :
the fleet consisted of one thousand transports, of various
sorts and sizes, bringing large supplies of provisions, and
arms, and engines for sieges, and fifty ships of war, and as
many more suitable for the construction of bridges.
IV.
§ 1. I am reminded by the circumstances to explain instru
ments of this kind briefly, as far as my moderate talent
may enable me to do, and first I will set forth the figure of
the balista.
2. Between two axletrees a strong large iron bar is
fastened, like a great rule, round, smooth, and polished ;
from its centre a square pin projects for some distance,
hollowed out into a narrow channel down its middle.
This is bound by many ligatures of twisted cords : to it
two wooden nuts are accurately fitted, by one of which.
stands a skilful man who works it, and who fits neatly into
the hollow of the pin or pole a wooden arrow with a large
point ; and as soon as this is done, some strong young men
rapidly turn a wheel.
3. When the tip of the arrow's point has reached the
extremity of the cords, the arrow is struck by a blow from
the balista, and flies out of sight ; sometimes even giving
forth sparks by its great velocity, and it often happens
that before the arrow is seen, it has given a fatal wound.
4. The scorpion, which they now call the wild-ass, is in
the following form. Two axletrees of oak or box are cut
out and slightly curved, so as to project in small humps,
and they are fastened together like a sawing machine, being
perforated with large holes on each side ; and between

A.D. 363.] "VARLIKE ENGINES. 323
them, through the holes, strong ropes are fastened to hold
the two parts together, and prevent them from starting
asunder. 5. From these ropes thus placed a wooden pin rises in
an oblique direction, like the pole of a chariot, and it is
go fastened by knotted cords as to be raised or depressed
at pleasure. To its top, iron hooks are fastened, from
which a sling hangs, made of either cord or iron. Below
the pin is a large sack filled with shreds of cloth, fastened
by strong ties, and resting on heaped-up turves or mounds
of brick. For an engine of this kind, if placed on a stone
wall, would destroy whatever was beneath it, not by its
weight, but by the violence of its concussion.
6. Then when a conflict begins, a round stone is placed
on the sling, and four youths on each side, loosening the
bar to which the cords are attached, bend the pin back till
it points almost upright into the air ; then the worker of
'he engine, standing by on high ground, frees by a blow
with the heavy hammer the bolt which keeps down the
whole engine ; and the pin being set free by the stroke,
and striking against the mass of cloth shreds, hurls forth
the stone with such force as to crush whatever it strikes.
7. This engine is called a tormentum, because all its parte
are twisted (torquetur) ; or a scorpion, because it has an
erect sting ; but modern times have given it the name of
the wild-ass, because when wild asses are hunted, they
throw the stones behind them by their kicks so as to
pierce the chests of those who pursue them, or to fracture
their skulls.
8. Now let us come to the battering ram. A lofty
pine or ash is chosen, the top of which is armed with a
long and hard head of iron, resembling a lam, which form
has given the name to the engine. It is suspended from
iron beams running across on each side, like the top of a
pair of scales, and is kept in its place by ropes hanging
from a third beam. A number of men draw it back as far
as there is room, and then again drive it forward to
break down whatever opposes it by mighty blows, like a
ram which rises up and butts.
9. By the frequent blows of this rebounding thunder
bolt, buildings are torn asunder and walls are loosened
and thrown down. By this kind of engine, if worked with
proper vigour, garrisons are deprived of their defences, and

324 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIH. Ch. V
the strongest cities are laid open and sieges rapidly brought
to a conclusion.
10. Instead of these rams, which from their common use
came to be despised, a machine was framed called in
Greek the helepolis, by the frequent use of which Deme
trius, the son of king Antigonus, took Rhodes and other
cities, and earned the surname of Poliorcetes.
11. It is constructed in this manner. A vast testudo
is put together, strengthened with long beams and fastened
with iron nails ; it is covered with bullocks' hides and
wickerwork made of freshly cut twigs, and its top is
smeared over with clay to keep off missiles and fiery darts.
12. Along its front very sharp spears with three points
are fastened, heavy with iron, like the thunderbolts repre
sented by painters or sculptors, and strong enough with
the projecting points to tear to pieces whatever it strikes.
13. A number of soldiers within guide this vast mast
with wheels and ropes, urging with vehement impulse
against the weaker parts of the wall, so that, unless re
pelled by the strength of the garrison above, it breaks
down the wall and lays open a great breach.
14. The firebolts, which are a kind of missile, are made
thus. They take an arrow of cane, joined together be
tween the point and the reed with jagged iron, and made
in the shape of a woman's spindle, with which linen threads
are spun ; this is cunningly hollowed out in the belly and
made with several openings, and in the cavity fire and fuel
of some kind is placed.
15. Then if it be shot slowly from a slack bow (for if it
be shot with too much speed the fire is extinguished), so
as to stick anywhere, it burns obstinately, and if sprinkled
with water it creates a still fiercer fire, nor will anything
but throwing dust upon it quench it. This is enough to
say of mural engines ; let us now return to our original
subject. V.
I 1. Having received the reinforcements of the Saracens
which they so cheerfully offered, the emperor advanced
with speed, and at the beginning of April entered Cir-
cesium, a very secure fortress, and skilfully built: it is
surrounded by the two rivers Aboras (or Chaboras) and
Euphrates, which make it as it were an island.

*D 3630 circesium. 325
2. It had formerly been small and insecure, till Diocletian
surrounded it with lofty towers and walls when he was
strengthening his inner frontier within the very territories
of the barbarians, in order to prevent the Persians from
overrunning Sy7ria, as had happened a few years before
to the great injury of the province.
3. For it happened one day at Antioch, when the city
was in perfect tranquillity, a comic actor being on the stage
with his wife, acting some common play, while the people
were delighted with his acting, the wife suddenly ex
claimed, " Unless I am dreaming, here are the Persians ;"
and immediately the populace turning round, were put to
flight, and driven about in every direction while seeking
to escape the darts which were showered upon them ; and
so the city being burnt and numbers of the citizens slain, '
who, as is usual in time of peace, were strolling about care
lessly, and all the places in the neighbourhood being burnt
and laid waste, the enemy loaded with booty returned in
safety to their own country after having burnt Mareades
alive, who had wickedly guided them to the destruction of
his fellow-citizens. This event took place in the time of
Gallienus. 4. But Julian, while remaining at Circesium to give
time for his army and all its followers to cross the bridge
of boats over the Aboras, received letters with bad news
from Sallust, the prefect of Gaul, entreating him to suspend
his expedition against the Parthians, and imploring him
not in such arn unseasonable manner to rush on irrevocable
destruction before propitiating the gods.
5. But Julian disregarded his prudent adviser, and
advanced boldly ; since no human power or virtue can ever
avail to prevent events prescribed by the order of the Fates.
And immediately, having crossed the river, he ordered
the bridge to be taken to pieces, that the soldiers might
have no hope of safety by quitting their ranks and
returning. 6. Here also a bad omen was seen ; the corpse of an
officer who had been put to death by the executioner,
.whom Sallust, the prefect, while in this country had con
demned to death, because, after having promised to deliver
an additional supply of provisions by an appointed day, he
disappointed him through some hindrance. But after the
unhappy man had been executed, the very next day there

326 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIII. Ch. V.
arrived, as he had promised, another fleet heavily laden
with corn.
7. Leaving Circesium, -we came to Zaitha, the name of
the place meaning an olive-tree. Here we saw the tomb
of the emperor Gordian, which is visible a long way off,
whose actions from his earliest youth, and whose most for
tunate campaigns and treacherous murder we related at the
proper time,1 and when, in accordance with his innate
piety he had offered due honours to this deified emperor,
and was on his way to Dura, a town now deserted, he stood
without moving on beholding a large body of soldiers.
8. And as he was doubting what their object was, they
brought him an enormous lion which had attacked their
ranks and had been slain by their javelins. He, elated at
this circumstance, which he looked on as an omen of suc
cess in his enterprise, advanced with increased exultation ;
but so uncertain is fortune, the event was quite contrary
to his expectation. The death of a king was certainly fore
shown, but who was the king was uncertain.
9. For we often read of ambiguous oracles, never under-
Stood till the results interpreted them ; as, for instance,
the Delphic prophecy, which foretold that after crossing
the Halys, Croesus would overthrow a mighty kingdom ; and
another, which by hints pointed out the sea to the Athe
nians as the field of combat against the Medes ; and another,
later than these, but not less ambiguous : —
" O son of JEacus,
I say that you the Romans can subdue."
10. The Etrurian soothsayers who accompanied him,
being men skilful in portents, had often warned him against
this campaign, but got no credit ; so now they produced
their books of such signs, and showed that this was an
omen of a forbidding character, and unfavourable to a prince
who should invade the country of another sovereign how
ever justly.
11. But he spurned the opposition of philosophers,
whose authority he ought to have reverenced, though at
times they were mistaken, and though they were some
times obstinate in cases which they did not thoroughly
understand. In truth, they brought forward as a plausible
argument to secure credit to their knowledge, that in time
1 The book containing this account is lost.

A.D. 363.] OMENS. 327
past, when Caesar Maximianus was about to fight Narses,
king of the Persians, a lion and a huge boar which had
been slain were at the same time brought to him, and
after subduing that nation he returned in safety; forget-'
ting that the destruction which was now portended was
to him who invaded the dominions of another, and that
Narses had given the offence by being the first to make
an inroad into Armenia, a country under the Roman juris
diction. 12. On the next day, which was the 7th of April, as the
sun was setting, suddenly the air became darkened, and
all light wholly disappeared, and after repeated claps of
thunder and flashes of lightning, a soldier named Jovianus
was struck by the lightning and killed, with two horses
which he was leading back from the river to which he had
taken them to drink.
13. When this was seen, the interpreters of such things
were sent for and questioned, and they with increased
boldness affirmed that this event forbade the campaign,
demonstrating it to be a monitory lightning (for this
term is applied to signs which advise or discourage any
line of action). And this, as they said, was to be the more
guarded against, because it had killed a soldier of rank,
with war-horses ; and the books which explain lightnings
pronounce that places struck in this manner should not be
trodden on, nor even looked upon.
14. On the other hand, the philosophers declared that
the brilliancy of this sacred fire thus suddenly presented
to the eye had no special meaning, but was merely the
course of a fiercer breath descending by some singular
power from the sky to the lower parts of the world ; and
that if any foreknowledge were to be derived from such %
circumstance, it was rather an increase of renown which
was portended to the emperor now engaged in a glorious
enterprise ; since it is notorious that flame, if it meet with
no obstacle, does of its own nature fly upwards.
15. The bridge then, as has been narrated, having been
finished, and all the troops having crossed it, the emperor
thought it the most important of all things to addret-s his
soldiers who were advancing resolutely, in full reliance
on their leader and on themselves. Accordingly, a signal
having been given by the trumpets, the centurions, cohorts,
and maniples assembled, and he, standing on a mound of

328 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXHI. Ch. v.
earth, and surrounded by a ring of officers of high rank,
spoke thus with a cheerful face, being favourably heard
with the unanimous good will of all present.
16. " Seeing, my brave soldiers, that you are full of great
vigour and alacrity, I have determined to address you, to
prove to you by several arguments that the Romans are
not, as spiteful grumblers assert, now for the first time
invading the kingdom of Persia. For, to say nothing of
Lucullus or of Pompey, who, having forced his way-
through the Albani and Massagetse, whom we call Alani,
penetrated through this nation also so as to reach the
Caspian lake; we know that Ventidins, the lieutenant of
Antony, gained many victories in these regions.
17. " But to leave those ancient times, 1 will enumerate
other exploits of more recent memory. Trajan, and Verus,
and Severus have all gained victories and trophies in this
country ; and the younger Gordian, whose monument we
have just been honouring, would have reaped similar glory,
having conquered and routed the king of Persia at Resaina,
if he had not been wickedly murdered in this very place
by the faction of Philip, the prefect of the praatorium, with
the assistance of a few other impious men.
18. " But his shade was not long left to wander un
avenged, since, as if Justice herself had laboured in the
cause, all those who conspired against him have been put
to death with torture. Those men, indeed, ambition
prompted to the atrocious deed ; but we are exhorted by
the miserable fate of cities recently taken, by the unavenged
shades of our slaughtered armies, by the heaviness of our
losses, and the loss of many camps and fortresses, to the
enterprise -which we have undertaken. All men uniting
in their wishes that we may remedy past evils, and having
secured the honour and safety of the republic on this side,
may leave posterity reason to speak nobly of us.
19. "By the assistance of the eternal deity, I, your
emperor, will be always among you as a leader and a com
rade, relying, as I well believe, on favourable omens. But
if variable fortune shall defeat me in battle, it will still be
sufficient for me to have devoted myself for the welfare of
the Roman world, like ancient Curtii and Mucii, and the
illustrious family of the Decii. We have to abolish a
most pernicious nation, on whose swords the blood of our
kindred is not yet dry.

A.D. 363.] SPEECH OF JULIAN. .'. <3Z9
20. " Our ancestors have before now devoted ages to
cause the destruction of. enemies who harassed them.
Carthage was overthrown after a long and distressing war ;
and its great conqueror feared to let it survive his victory.
After a long and often disastrous siege, Scipio utterly
destroyed Numantia. Rome destroyed Fidenas, that it
might not grow up as a rival to the empire ; and so
entirely laid waste Falisci and Veii, that it is not easy7 to
attach so much faith to ancient records as to believe that
those cities ever were powerful.
t 21. " These transactions I have related to you as one
acquainted with ancient history. It follows that all
should lay aside, as unworthy of him, the love of plunder,
which has often been the insidious bane of the Roman
soldier, and that every one should keep steadily to his own
troop and his own standard, when the necessity for fighting
arises, knowing that should he loiter anywhere he will
be hamstrung and left to his fate. I fear nothing of our
over-crafty enemies but their tricks and perfidy.
22. " Finally, I promise you all, that when our affairs
have met with success, without entrenching myself behind
my imperial prerogative, so as to consider all my own
decisions and opinions irrefragably just and reasonable
because of my authorit}7, I will give, if required, a full
explanation of all that I have done, that you may be able
to judge whether it has been wise or not. ,
23. " Therefore, I entreat you, now summon all your
courage, in full reliance on your good fortune, sure at all
events that I will share all dangers equally with you, and
believing that victoiy ever accompanies justice."
24. When he had ended his harangue with this pleasant
peroration, the soldiers, exulting inthe glory of their chief,
and elated with the hopes of success, lifted up their
shields on high, and cried out that they should think
nothing dangerous nor difficult under an emperor who
imposed more toil on himself than on his common soldiers.
: 25. And above all the rest his Gallic troops showed
this feeling with triumphant shouts, remembering hoW
often while he as their leader was marshalling their
tanks, they had seen some nations defeated and others
6ompelled to sue for mercy and peace.

330 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIII. Ch. vt

VI.
§ 1. Our history here leads us to a digression explana
tory of the situation of Persia. It has been already dilated
upon by those who describe different nations, though but
few of them have given a correct account ; if my story
should be a little longer, it will contribute to a better
knowledge of the country. For whoever affects excessive
conciseness while speaking of things but little known, does
not so much consider how to explain matters intelligibly,
as how much he may omit.
2. This kingdom, formerly but small, and one which had
been known by several names, from causes which we have
often mentioned, after the death of Alexander at Babylon
received the name of Parthia from Arsaces, a youth of
obscure birth, who in his early youth was a leader of
banditti, but who gradually improved his condition, and
rose to high renown from his illustrious actions.
3. After many splendid and gallant exploits he defeated
Nicator Seleucus, the successor of the above-named Alex
ander, who had received the surname of Nicator' from his
repeated victories ; and having expelled the Macedonian
garrisons, he lived for the remainder of his life in peace,
like a merciful ruler of willing subjects.
4. At last, after all the neighbouring districts had been
brought under his power, either by force or by fear, or by
his reputation for justice, he died a peaceful death in
middle age, after he had filled all Persia with flourishing
cities and well-fortified camps and fortresses, and had
made it an object of terror to its neighbours whom pre
viously it used to fear. And he was the first of these
kings who had by the unanimous consent of all his coun
trymen of all ranks, in accordance with the tenets of their
religion, had his memory consecrated as one now placed
among the stars.
5. And it is from his era that the arrogant sovereigns
of that nation have allowed themselves to be entitled bro
thers of the sun and moon. And, as the title of Augustus
is sought for and desired by our emperors, so now the
additional dignities first earned by the fortunate auspices
1 From ptKcttf, to conquer.

A.D. 363.] GLORY OF ARSACES. 331
of Arsaces are claimed by all the Parthian kings, who were
formerly abject and inconsiderable.
6. So that they still worship and honour Arsaces as a
god, and down to our day have given him so much honour
that, in conferring the royal power, one of his race has
been always preferred to any one else. And also in
intestine quarrels, such as are common in that nation, every
one avoids as sacrilege wounding any descendant of
Arsaces, whether in arms or living as a private individual.
7. It is well known that this nation, after subduing
many others by force, extended its dominions as far as the
Propontis and Thrace ; but that it subsequently became
diminished and suffered great disasters, owing to the
arrogance of its ambitious monarchs, who carried their
licentious inroads into distant countries. First, in conse
quence of the conduct of Cyras, who crossed theBosphorus
with a fabulous host, but was wholly destroyed by Tomyris,
queen of the Scythians, who thus terribly avenged her sons.
8. After him, when Darius, and subsequently Xerxes,
changed the use ' of the elements and invaded Greece, they
had nearly all their forces destroyed by land and sea, and
could scarcely escape in safety themselves. I say nothing
of the wars of Alexander, and of his leaving the sovereignty
over the whole nation by will to his successor.
9. Then, a long time after these events, while our re
public was under consuls, and was afterwards brought
under the power of the Caesars, that nation was constantly
warring with us, sometimes with equal fortune ; being at
one time defeated, and at another victorious.
10. Now I will in a few words describe the situation
and position of the country as well as I can. It is a
region of great extent both in length and breadth, entirely
surrounding on all sides the famous Persian gulf with its
many islands. The mouth of this gulf is so narrow, that
1 As the Greek epigram has it —
Tip yair/s Kal ttAvtov afieupOettraifft Ke\cu0oh
Nairriv ijirelpov, rti^Airopov ireXiyovs.
Thus translated in Bohn s ' Greek Anthology,' p. 25 : —
Him, who reversed the laws great Nature gave,
Sail'd o'er the continent and walk'd the wave,
Three hundred spears from Sparta s iron plain
Have stopp'd. Oh blush, ye mountains and thou main 1

332 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. L"e. XXIII. Ch. vr.
from Harmozon, the promontory of Carniania, the opposite
headland, which the natives call Maces, is easily seen.
11. When the strait between these capes is passed, and
the water becomes wider, they are navigable up to the city
Teredon, where, after having suffered a great diminution
of its waters, the Euphrates falls into the sea. The entire
gulf, if measured round the shore, is 20,000 furlongs, being
Of a circular form as if turned in a lathe. And all round
its coasts are towns and villages in great numbers ; and
the vessels which navigate its waters are likewise very
numerous. 12. Having then passed through this strait we come to
the gulf of Armenia on the east, the gulf of Cantichus on
the south, and on the west to a third, which they call
Chalites.1 These gulfs, after washing many islands, of
which but few are known, join the great Indian Ocean,
which is the first to receive the glowing rising of the sun,
and is itself of an excessive heat.
13. As the pens of geographers delineate it, the whole
of the region which we have been speaking of is thus
divided. From the north to the Caspian gates it borders
on the Cadusii, and on many Scythian tribes, and on the
Arimaspi, a fierce one-eyed people. On the west it is
bounded by the Armenians, and Mount Niphates, the
Asiatic Albani, the Red Sea, and the Scenite Arabs, whom
later times have called the Saracens. To the south.it looks
towards Mesopotamia, on the east it reaches to the Ganges,
which falls into the Southern Ocean after intersecting the
countries of the Indians.
14. The principal districts of Persia, under command of
the Vitaxs, that is to say of the generals of the cavalry,
and of the king's Satraps, for the many inferior provinces
it would be difficult and superfluous to enumerate, are
Assyria, Susiana, Media, -Persia, Parthia, the greater
Carniania, Hyrcania, Margiana, the Bactrians, the Sogdians,
the Saoas, Scythia beyond Mount Emodes, Serica, Aria,
the Paropanisadae, Drangiana, Arachosia, and Gedrosia.
1 The probability is that all these names are corrupt. Ammianus's
ignorance of the relative bearings of countries makes it difficult to
decide what they ought to be. If the proper reading of the last name
be, as Valesius thinks, Sarbaletes, that is the name given by Ptolemy
to a part of the Bed Sea. A French translator of the last century
considers the Gulf of Armenia a portion of the Caspian Sea.

A.D. 393, j ASSYRIA. 333
15. Superior to all the rest is that which is the nearest
to us, Assyria, both in renown, and extent, and its varied
riches and fertility7. It was formerly divided among
several peoples and tribes, but is now known under one
common name as Assyria. It is in that country that amid
its abundance of fruits and ordinary crops, there is a lake
named Sosingites, near which bitumen is found. In this
lake the Tigris is for a while absorbed, flowing beneath its
bed, till, at a great distance, it emerges again.
16. Here also is produced naphtha, an article of a pitchy
and glutinous character, resembling bitumen : ' on which if
ever so small a bird perches, it finds its flight impeded and
speedily dies. It is a species of liquid, and when once it
has taken fire, human ingenuity can find nc means of ex
tinguishing it except that of heaping dust on it.
17. In the same district is seen an opening in the earth
from which a deadly vapour arises, which by its foul
odour destro37s any animal which comes near it. The
evil arises from a deep well, and if that odour spread
beyond its wide mouth before it rose higher, it would
make all the country around uninhabitable by its fetid
effect. 18. There used, as some affirm, to be a similar chasm
near Hierapolis in Phrygia ; from which a noxious vapour
rose in like manner with a fetid smell which never ceased,
and destroyed everything within the reach of its influence,
except eunuchs ; to what this was owing we leave natural
philosophers to determine.
19. Also near the temple of the Asbamaean Jupiter, in
Cappadocia (in which district that eminent philosopher
Apollonius is said to have been born near the town of
Tyana), a spring rises from a marsh, which, however
swollen with its rising floods, never overflows its banks.
20. Within this circuit is Adiabene, which was formerly
called Assyria, but by long custom has received its present
name from the circumstance, that being placed between
the two navigable rivers the Ona and the Tigris, it
can never be approached by fording; for in Greek we
use Siafialveiv for to " cross :" this was the belief -of the
ancients. 21. But we say that in this country there are two rivers
which never fail, which we ourselves have crossed, the

S34 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIII. Ch. vi.
Diabas, and the Adiabas : both having bridges of boats
over them ; and that Adiabene has received its name
from this last, as Homer tells us Egypt received its name
from its great river, and India also, and Commagena
which was formerly called Euphratensis, as did the
country now called Spain, which was formerly called
Iberia from the Iberus.1 And the great Spanish province
of Boetica from the river Bostis.
22. In this district of Adiabene is the city of Nineveh,
named after Ninus, a most mighty sovereign of former
times, and the husband of Semiramis, who was formerly
queen of Persia, and also the cities of Ecbatana, Arbela,
and Gaugamela, where Alexander, after several other
battles, gave the crowning defeat to Darius.
23. In Assyria there are many cities, among which one
of the most eminent is Apamia, surnamed Mesene, and
Teredon, and Apollonia, and Vologesia, and many others of
equal importance. But the most splendid and celebrated
are these three, Babylon, the walls of which Semiramis
cemented with pitch ; for its citadel indeed was founded
by that most eminent monarch Belus. And Ctesiphon
which Vardanes built long ago, and which subsequently
King Pacorus enlarged by7 an immigration of many citizens,
fortifying it also with walls, and giving it a name, made
it the most splendid place in Persia — next to it Seleucia,
the splendid work of Seleucus Nicator.
24. This, however, as we have already related, was
stormed by the generals of Verus Caesar, who carried the
image of the Cumaean Apollo to Rome, and placed it in the
temple of the Palatine Apollo, where it was formally
dedicated to that god by his priests. But it is said that
after this statue was carried off, and the city was burnt,
the soldiers, searching the temple, found a narrow hole,
and when this was opened in the hope of finding some
thing of value in it, from some deep gulf which the secret
science of the Chaldaeans had closed up, issued a pestilence,
loaded with the force of incurable disease, which in the
time of Verus and Marcus Antoninus polluted the whole
world from the borders of Persia to the Rhine and Gaul
with contagion and death.
» The Ebro. * The Guadalquivir.

»•». SS3.] CHALD.EA. 335
25. Near to this is the region of the Chaldseans, the
nurse of the ancient philosophy, as the Chaldaeans them
selves affirm ; and where the art of true divination has
most especially been conspicuous. This district is watered
by the noble rivers already mentioned, by the Marses,
by the Royal river, and by that best of all, the Euphrates,
which divides into three branches, and is navigable in
them all, having many islands, and irrigating the fields
around in a manner superior to any industry of cultivators,
making them fit both for the plough and for the production
of trees.26. Next to these come the Susians, in whose province
there are not many towns ; though Susa itself is celebrated
as a city which has often been the home of kings, and
Arsiana, and Sele, and Aracha. The other towns in this
district are unimportant and obscure. Many rivers flow
through this region, the chief of which are the Oroates,
the Harax, and the Meseus, passing through the narrow
sandy plain which separates the Caspian from the Red Sea,
and then fall into the sea.
27. On the left, Media is bounded by the Hyrcanian
Sea ;' a country which, before the reign of the elder Cyrus
and the rise of Persia, we read was the supreme mistress
of all Asia after the Assyrians had been conquered; the
greater part of whose cantons had their name changed
into one general appellation of Acrapatena, and fell by
right of war under the power of the Medes.
28. They are a warlike nation, and the most formidable
of all the eastern tribes, next to the Parthians, by whom
alone they are conquered. The region which they inhabit
is in the form of a square. All the inhabitants of these
districts extend over great breadth of country, reaching to
the foot of a lofty chain of mountains known by the names
of Zagrus, Orontes, and Jasonium.
29. There is another very lofty mountain called
Coronus ; and those who dwell on its western side abound
in corn land and vineyards, being blessed with a most
fertile soil, and one enriched by rivers and fountains.
30. They have also green meadows, and breeds of noble
horses, on which (as ancient writers relate, and as we
* Ammianus seems to distinguish between the Hyrcanian and Caspian
Sea, which are only different names for the same sea or inland lake.

336 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be XXIII. Ch. v*
ourselves have witnessed) their men when going to battle
mount with great exultation. They call them Nesaei.1
31. They have also as many cities as Media, and villages
as strongly built as towns in other countries, inhabited by
large bodies of citizens. In short, it is the richest quarter
of the kingdom.
32. Jn these districts the lands of the Magi are fertile;
and it may be as well to give a short account of that sect and
their studies, since we have occasion to mention their name.
Plato, that most learned deliverer of wise opinions, teaches
us that Magiae is by a mystic name Machagistia,2 that is to
say, the purest worship of divine beings ; of which know
ledge in olden times the Bactrian Zoroaster derived much
from the secret rites of the Chaldasans ; and after him
Hystaspes, a very wise monarch, the father of Darius.
33. Who while boldly penetrating into the remoter dis
tricts of upper India, came to a certain woody retreat, of
which with its tranquil silence the Brahmans, men of sub
lime genius, were the possessors. From their teaching he
learnt the principles of the motion of the world and of the
stars, and the pure rites of sacrifice, as far as he could ; and
of what he learnt he infused some portion into the minds
of the Magi, which they have handed down by tradition to
later ages, each instructing his own children, and adding
to it their own system of divination.
34. From his time, though many ages to the present era,
a number of priests of one and the same race has arisen,
dedicated to the worship of the gods. And they say, if it
can be believed, that they even keep alive in everlasting
fires a flame which descended from heaven among them ;
a small portion of which, as a favourable omen, used to
be borne before the kings of Asia.
35. Of this class the number among the ancients was
small, and the Persian sovereigns employed their ministry
in the solemn performance of divine sacrifices, and it was
profanation to approach the altars, or to touch a victim
before a Magus with solemn prayers had poured over it a
preliminary libation. But becoming gradually more
1 A name not very unlike Nejid, to this day the most celebrated
Arab breed.
: 2 There is evidently some corruption here; there is no such Greek
word as Machagistia.

a.d. 363.] RIVERS OF PERSIA. 337
numerous they arrived at the dignity and reputation of a
substantial race ; inhabiting towns protected by no fortifi
cations, allowed to live by their own laws, and honoured
from the regard borne to their religion.
a 6. It was of this race of Magi that the ancient volumes
relate that after the death of Cambyses, seven men seized on
the kingdom of Persia, who were put down by Darius, after
he obtained the kingdom through the neighing of his horse.
37. In this district a medical oil is prepared with which
if an arrow be smeared, and it be shot gently from a loose
bow (for it loses its effect in a rapid flight), wherever it
sticks it burns steadily, and if any one attempts to quench
it with water it only burns more fiercely, nor can it be
put out by any means except by throwing dust on it.
38. It is made in this manner. Those skilful in such
arts mix common oil with a certain herb, keep it a long
time, and when the mixture is completed they thicken it
with a material derived from some natural source, like a
thicker oil. The material being a liquor produced in
Persia, and called, as I have already said, naphtha in their
native language.
39. In this district there are many cities, the most cele
brated of which are Zombis, Patigran, and Gazaca ; but the
richest and most strongly fortified are Heraclia, Arsacia,
Europos, Cyropolis, and Ecbatana, all of which are situated
in the Syromedian region at the foot of Mount Jasonius.
40. There are many rivers in this country, the principal
of which are the Choaspes, the Gyndes, the Amardus, the
Charinda, the Cambyses, and the Cyrus, to which, on account
of its size and beauty, the elder Cyrus, that amiable king,
gave its present name, abolishing that which it used to
bear, when he was proceeding on his expedition against
Scythia; his reason being that it was strong, as he ac
counted himself to be, and that making its way with great
violence, as he proposed to do, it falls into the Caspian Sea.
41. Beyond this frontier ancient Persia, stretching to
wards the south, extends as far as the sea, and is very
thickly peopled, being also rich in grain and date-trees,
and well supplied with excellent water. Many of its
rivers fall into the gulf already mentioned, the chief of
which are the Vatrachites, the Rogomanis, the Brisoana,
and the Bagrada.

338 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIU. Ch. vi
42. Its inland towns are very considerable ; it is uncer
tain why they built nothing remarkable on the sea-coast.
Those of most note are Persepolis, Ardea, Obroatis, and
Tragonice. The only islands visible from that coast are
these : — Tabiana, Fara, and Alexandria.
43. On the borders of this ancient Persia towards the
north is Parthia, a country subject to snow and frost ; the
principal river which intersects that region is the Choatres ;
the chief towns are Genonia, Mossia, Charax, Apamia,
Artacana, and Hecatompylos ; from its frontier along the
shores of the Caspian Sea-to the Caspian gates is a distance
of 1040 furlongs.
44. The inhabitants of all the countries in that district
are fierce and warlike, and they are so fond of war and
battle that he who is slain in battle is accounted the hap
piest of men, while those who die a natural death are re
proached as degenerate and cowardly.
45. These tribes are bounded on the east and the south
by Arabia Felix, so called because it abounds equally in
corn, cattle, vines, and every kind of spice : a great portion
of that country reaches on the right down to the Red S6a,
and on its left extends to the Persian Gulf; so that the
inhabitants reap the benefits of both.
46. There are in that country many havens and secure
harbours, and well-frequented marts ; many spacious and
splendid abodes for their kings, and wholesome springs of
water naturally warm, and a great number of rivers and
streams ; the climate is temperate and healthy, so that if
one considers the matter rightly, the natives seem to want
nothing to perfect their happiness.
47. There are in it very many cities both on the coast
and inland; many fertile hills and valleys. The chief
cities are Geapolis, Nascon, Baraba, Nagara, Mephra,
Taphra, and Dioscurias. And in both seas it possesses
several islands lying off the coast, which it is not worth
while to enumerate. But the most important of them is
Turgana, in which there is said to be a magnificent temple
of Serapis.
48. Beyond the frontier of this nation is the greater
Carmania, lying on high ground, and stretching to the
Indian Sea ; fertile in fruit and timber trees, but neither
so productive nor so extensive as Arabia. With rivers it

4.D. 363.] THE HYRCANI. 339
is as well supplied, and in grass and herbage scarcely
inferior. 49. The most important rivers are the Sagareus, the
Saganis, and the Hydriacus. The cities are not numerous,
but admirably supplied with all the necessaries and luxuries
of life ; the most celebrated of them all are Carmania the
metropolis, Portospana, Alexandria, and Hermopolis.
50. Proceeding inland, we next come to the Hyrcanians,
who live on the coast of the sea of that name. Here the
land is so poor that it kills the seed crops, so that agricul
ture is not much attended to ; but they live by hunting,
taking wonderful pleasure in every kind of sport. Thou
sands of tigers are found among them, and all kinds of wild
beasts ; we have already mentioned the various devices by
which they are caught.
51. Not indeed that they are ignorant of the art of
ploughing, and some districts where the soil is fertile are
regularly sown ; nor are trees wanting to plant in suitable
spots : many of the people too support themselves by
commerce. 52. In this province are two rivers of universal celebrity
the Oxus and the Maxera, which tigers sometimes, when
urged by hunger, cross by swimming, and unexpectedly
ravage the neighbouring districts. It has also besides
other smaller towns some strong cities, two on the sea
shore named Socunda and Saramanna ; and some inland,
such a's Azmorna and Sole, and Hyrcana, of higher reputa
tion than either.
53. Opposite to this tribe, towards the north, live the
Abii, a very devout nation, accustomed to trample under
foot all worldly things, and whom, as Homer somewhat
fabulously says, Jupiter keeps in view from Mount Ida.
54. The regions next to the Hyrcaneans are possessed
by the Margiani, whose district is almost wholly sur
rounded by high hills, by which they are separated from
the sea ; and although the greater part of this province is
deserted from want of water, still there are some towns in
it ; the best known of which are Jasonium,Antiochia, and
Nisasa. 55. Next to them are the Bactrians, a nation formerly
very warlike and powerful, and always hostile to the
Persians, till they drew all the nations around under their

340 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIH. Ch. ru
dominion, and united them under their own name ; and in
old time the Bactrian kings were formidable even to Arsaces.
56. The greater part of their country, like that of
the Margiani, is situated far from the sea-shore, but its
soil is fertile, and the cattle which feed both on the plains
and oh the mountains in that district are very large and
powerful ; of this the camels which Mithridates brought
from thence, and which were first seen by the Romans at
the siege of Cyzicus, are a proof.
57. Many tribes are subject to the Bactrians, the most
considerable of which are the Tochari : their country is
like Italy7 in the number of its rivers, some of which are
the Artemis and the Zariaspes, which were formerly
joined, and the Ochus and Orchomanes, which also unite
and afterwards fall into the Oxus, and increase that large
liver with their streams.
58. There are also cities in that country, many of them on
the border of different rivers, the best of which are Chatra,
Charte, Alicodra, Astacea, Menapila, and Bactra itself,
which has given its name both to the region and to the
people. 59. At the foot of the mountains lie a people called the
Sogdians, in whose country are two rivers navigable for
large vessels, the Araxates and the Dymas, which, flowing
among the hills and through the valleys into the open plain,
form the extensive Oxian marsh. In this district the most
celebrated towns are Alexandria, Cyreschata, and Drepsa
the metropolis.
60. Bordering on these are the Sacae, a fierce nation
dwelling in a gloomy-looking district, only fit for cattle,
and on that account destitute of cities. They are at the
foot of Mount Aseanimia and Mount Comedus, along the
bottom of which, and by a town called the Stone Tower,
is the long road much frequented by merchants which
leads to China.
61. Around the glens at the bottom of the Imauian and
Tapurian mountains, and within the Persian frontier, is a
tribe of Scythians, bordering on the Asiatic Sarmatians,
and touching the furthest side of the Allemanni, who, like
dwellers in a secluded spot, and made for solitude, are
scattered over the regions at long distances from one
another, and live on hard and poor food.

*•»• 363.] SCYTHIA. 341
62. And various tribes inhabit these districts, which, as
I am hastening to other topics, I think superfluous to
enumerate. But this is worth knowing, that among these
tribes, which are almost unapproachable on account of their
excessive ferocity, there are some races of gentle and
devout men, as the Jaxartaa and the Galactophagi, whom
Homer mentions in his verses : —
TXaKTotpAytav, 'ABiwvTe, SiKatOTdrcov avBpdiiruv.1
63. Among the many rivers which flow through this
land, either uniting at last with larger streams, or proceed
ing straight to the sea, the most celebrated are the Roern-
nus, the Jaxartes, and the Talicus. There are but three
cities there of any note, Aspabota, Chauriana, and Saga.
64. Beyond the districts of the two Scythias, on the
eastern side, is a ring of mountains 'which surround Serica,
a country considerable both for its extent and the fertility
of its soil. This tribe on their western side border on
the Scythians, on the north and the east they look towards
snowy deserts ; towards the south they extend as far as
India and the Ganges. The best known of its mountains
a e Annib, Nazavicium, Asmira, Emodon, and Opurocarra.
65. The plain, which descends very suddenly from the
hills, and is of considerable extent, is watered by two
famous rivers, the CEchardes and the Bautis, which is
less rapid than the other. The character too of the dif
ferent districts is very varied. One is extensive and level,
the other is on a gentle slope, and therefore very fertile in
corn, and cattle, and trees.
06. The most fertile part of the country is inhabited by
various tribes, of which the Alitrophagi, the Annibi, the
Sisyges, and the Chardi lie to the north, exposed to the
frost ; towards the east are the Rabannas, the Asmiras, and
the Essedones, the most powerful of all, who are joined on
the west by the Athagorae, and the Aspacaras ; and on the
south by the Betae, who live on the highest slopes of the
mountains. Though they have not many cities they have
some of great size and wealth ; the most beautiful and re
nowned of which are Asmira, Essedon, Asparata, and Sera.
67. The Seres themselves live quietly, always avoid;*
> H. xiii. 10.

342 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIII. Ch. vi
ing arms and battles ; and as ease is pleasant to moderate
and quiet men, they give trouble to none of their neigh
bours. Their climate is agreeable and healthy ; the sky
serene, the breezes gentle and delicious. They have
numbers of shining groves, the trees of which through
continued watering produce a crop like the fleece of a
sheep, which the natives make into a delicate wool, and
spin into a kind of fine cloth, formerly confined to the use
of the nobles, but now procurable by the lowest of the people
without distinction.
68. The natives themselves are the most frugal of men,
cultivating a peaceful life, and shunning the society of
other men. And when strangers cross their river to buy
their cloth, or any other of their merchandise, they inter
change no conversation, but settle the price of the articles
wanted by nods and signs ; and they are so moderate that,
while selling their own produce, they never buy any
foreign wares.
69. Beyond the Seres, towards the north, live the
Ariani ; their land is intersected by a navigable river called
the Arias, which forms a huge lake known by the same
name. This district of Asia is full of towns, the most
illustrious of which are Bitaxa, Sarmatina, Sotera, Nisibis,
and Alexandria, from which last down the river to the
Caspian Sea is a distance of fifteen hundred furlongs.
70. Close to their border, living on the slopes of the
mountains, are the Paropanisatae, looking on the east to
wards India, and on the west towards Mount Caucasus.
Their principal river is Ortogordomaris, which rises in
Bactria. They have some cities, the principal being Agazaca,
Naulibus, and Ortopana, from which if you coast along the
shore to the borders of Media which are nearest to the
Caspian gates, the distance is two thousand two hundred
furlongs. 71. Next to them, among the hills, are the Drangiani,
whose chief river is the Arabis, so called because it rises
in Arabia ; and their two principal towns are Prophthasia
and Aniaspe, both wealthy and well known.
72. Next to them is Arachosia, which on the right
extends as far as India. It is abundantly watered by a
river much smaller than the Indus, that greatest of rivers,
which gives its name to the surrounding regions ; in fact

A.D. 363.J THE RACES OF MEN. 343
their river flows out of the Indus, and passes on till it
forms the marsh known as Arachotoscrene. Its leading
cities are Alexandria, Arbaca, and Choaspa.
73. In the most inland districts of Persia is Gedrosia ;
which on its right touches the frontier of India, and is
fertilized by several rivers, of which the greatest is the
Artabius. There the Barbitani mountains end, and from
their lowest parts rise several rivers which fall into the
Indus, losing their own names in the greatness of that
superior stream. They have several islands, and their
principal cities are Sedratyra and Gynaecon.
74. We need not detail minutely every portion of the sea-
coast on the extremity of Persia, as it would lead us into
too long a digression. It will suffice to say that the sea
which stretches from the Caspian mountains along the
northern side to the straits above mentioned, is nine thou
sand furlongs in extent ; the southern frontier, from the
mouth of the Nile to the beginning of Carmania, is four
teen thousand furlongs.
75. In these varied districts of different languages, the
races of men are as different as the places. But to describe
their persons and customs in general terms/they are nearly
all slight in figure, swarthy or rather ofa pale livid com
plexion ; fierce-looking, with goat-like eyes, and eyebrows
arched in a semicircle and joined, with handsome beards,
and long hair. They at all times, even at banquets and
festivals, wear swords ( a custom which that excellent
author Thucydides tells us the Athenians were the first of
the Greeks to lay7 asidey
76. They are generally amazingly addicted to amatory
pleasures ; each man scarcely contenting himself with a
multitude of concubines : from unnatural vices they are
free. Each man marries many or few wives, as he can
afford them, so that natural affection is lost among them
because of the numerous objects of their licence. They
are frugal in their banquets, avoiding immoderate indulg-
ence_and especially hard drinking, as they would the plague.
'. 77. Nor, except at the king's table, have they any
settled time for dining, bui each man's stomach serves as
his sun-dial ; nor does any ofie eat after he is satisfied/)
78. They7 are marvellously temperate and cautious, so
that when sometimes marching among the gardens and

344 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIII. Ch. vt.
vineyards of enemies, they neither desire nor touch any
thing, from fear of poison or witchcraft.
<T97 They perform all the secret functions of nature with
the most scrupulous secrecy and modesty?)
80. But they are so loose in their gait, and move with
such correct ease and freedom, that you would think them
effeminate, though they are most vigorous warriors ; still
they are rather crafty than bold, and are most formi
dable at a distance. They abound in empty words, and
speak wildly and fiercely ; they talk big, are proud, un
manageable, and threatening alike in prosperity and adver
sity; they are cunning, arrogant, and cruel, exercising the
power of life ^and death over their slaves, and all low-born
plebeians. (*fhey flay men alive, both piecemeal, and by
stripping off the whole skin. No servant while waiting
on them, or standing at their table, may gape, speak, or
spit, so that their mouths are completely shut.
81. Their laws are remarkably severe ; the most stringent
are against ingratitude and against deserters ; some too
are abominable, inasmuch as for the crime of one man they
condemn all his relations.
82. But as those only are appointed judges who are
men of proved experience and uprightness, and of such
wisdom as to stand in no need of advice, they laugh at
our custom of sometimes appointing men of eloquence
and skill in public jurisprudence as guides to ignorant
judges. The story that one judge was compelled to sit
on the skin of another, who had been condemned for his
injustice, is either an ancient fable, or else, if ever there
was such a custom, it has become obsolete^
83. In military system and discipline, by continual ex
ercises in the business of the camp, and the adoption of
the various manoeuvres which they have learnt from us,
they have become formidable even to the greatest armies ;
they trust chiefly to the valour of their cavalry, in which
all their nobles and rich men serve. / Their infantry are
armed like mirmillos,1 and are as obedient as grooms ; and
they always follow the cavalry like a band condemned to
everlasting slavery, never receiving either pay or gratuity.
This nation, besides those whom it has permanently sub-
1 A kind of gladiator.

4-3.363.) THEIR CUSTOMS. 345
dued, has aiso compelled many others to go under the
yoke ; so brave is it and so skilful in all warlike exercises,
that it would be invincible were it not continually weak
ened by civil and by foreign wars.
84. Most of them wear garments brilliant with various
colours, so completely enveloping the body that even
though they leave the bosoms and sides of their robes
open so as to flutter in the wind, still from their shoes to
their head no part of their person is exposed. After con
quering Croesus and subduing Lydia, they learnt also to
wear golden armlets and necklaces, and jewels, especially
pearls, of which they had great quantities.
85. It only remains for me to say a few words about the
origin of this stone. Among the Indians and Persians
pearls are found in strong white sea-shells, being created
at a regular time by the admixture of dew. For the shells,
desiring as it were a kind of copulation, open so as to
receive moisture from the nocturnal aspersion. Then
becoming big they produce little pearls in triplets, or
pairs, or unions, which are so called because the shells
when scaled often produce only single pearls, which then
are larger.
86. And a proof that this produce arises from and is
nourished by some aerial derivation rather than by any
fattening power in the sea, is that the drops of morning
dew when infused into them make the stones bright and
round ; while the evening dew makes them crooked and
red, and sometimes spotted. They become either small or
large in proportion to the quality of the moisture which
they imbibe, and other circumstances. When they are
shaken, as is often the case by thunder, the shells either
become empty, or produce only weak pearls, or such as
never come to maturity.
87. Fishing for them is difficult and dangerous, and
this circumstance increases their value ; because, on account
of the snares of the fishermen they are said to avoid the
shores most frequented by them, and hide around rocks
which are difficult of access and the hiding-places of
sharks. 88. We are not ignorant that the same species of jewel
is also produced and collected in the remote parts of the
British sea ; though of an inferior value.

346 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXJV. Oa. fc

BOOK XXIV.

ARGUMENT.
I. Julian invades Assyria with his army; receives the surrender of
Anatha, a fort on the Euphrates, and burns it. — II. Having made
attempts on other fortresses and towns, he burns some which were
deserted, and receives the surrender of Pirisabora, and burns it. —
III. On account of his successes, he promises his soldiers one
hundred denarii a man ; and as they disdain so small a donation,
he in a modest oration recalls them to a proper feeling. — IV. The
town of Maogamalcha is stormed by the Eomans, and rased to the
ground. — V. The Eomans storm a fort of great strength, both in
its situation and fortifications, and burn it. — VI. Julian defeats
the Persians, slays two thousand five hundred of them, with the
loss of hardly seventy of his own men ; and in a public assembly
presents many of his soldiers with crowns. — VH. Being deterred
from laying siege to Ctesiphon, he rashly orders all his boats to
be burnt, and retreats from the river. — VIII. As he was neither
able to make bridges, nor to he joined by a portion of his forces,
he determines to return by Corduena. L
a.d. 363.
§ 1. After having ascertained the alacrity of his army,
which with ardour and unanimity declared with their
customary shout that their fortunate emperor was invin
cible, Julian thinking it well to put an early end to his
enterprise, after a quiet night ordered the trumpets to
sound a march ; and everything being prepared wliich the
arduous difficulties of the war required, he at daybreak
entered the Assyrian territory in high spirits, riding in
front of his ranks, and exciting all to discharge the duties
of brave men in emulation of his own courage.
2. And as a leader of experience and skill, fearing lest
his ignorance of the country might lead to his being sur
prised by secret ambuscades, he began his march in line
of battle. He ordered fifteen hundred skirmishers to
precede him a short distance, who were to march slowly
looking out on each side and also in front, to prevent any
sudden attack. The infantry in the centre were under
his own command, they being the flower and chief strength

AJ>.363.] JULIAN INVADES ASSYRIA. 347
of the whole army, while on the right were some legions
under Nevitta, who was ordered to march along the banks
of the Euphrates. The left wing with the cavalry7 he
gave to Arinthaeus and Hormisdas, with orders to lead
them in close order through the level and easy country
of the plain. The rear was brought up by Dagalaiphus
and Victor, and the last of all was Secundinus, Duke of
Osdruena. 3. Then in order to alarm the enemy by the idea of his
superior numbers, should they attack him anywhere, or
perceive him from a distance, he opened his ranks so as
to spread both horses and men over a larger space, in such
a way that the rear was distant from the van nearly ten
miles ; a manoeuvre of great skill which Pyrrhus of Epirus
is said to have often put in practice, extending his camp,
or his lines, and sometimes on the other hand compressing
them all, so as to present an appearance of greater or lesser
numbers than the reality, according to the circumstances of
the moment.
4. The baggage, the sutlers, all the camp-followers, and
every kind of equipment, he placed between the two flanks
of troops as they marched, so as not to leave them unpro
tected and liable to be carried off by any sudden attack, as
has often happened. The fleet, although the river was
exceedingly7 winding, was not allowed either to fall behind
or to advance before the army.
5. After two days' march we came near a deserted
town called Dura, on the bank of the river, where many
herds of deer were found, some of which were slain by
arrows, and others knocked down with the heavy oars, so
that soldiers and sailors all had plenty of food ; though the
greater part of the animals, being used to swimming,
plunged into the rapid stream and could not be stopped
till they had reached their well known haunts.
6. Then after an easy march of four days, as evening
came on, he embarked a thousand light-armed troops on
board his boats, and sent the Count Lucillianus to storm
the fortress of Anatha, which, like many other forts in that
country, is surrounded by the waters of the Euphrates ;
Lucillianus having, as he was ordered, placed his ships in
suitable places, besieged the island, a cloudy night favour
ing a secret assault.

348 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIV. Cn. I.
7. But as soon as it became light, one of the garrison
going out to get water, saw the enemy, and immediately
raised an outcry, which roused the awakened garrison to
arm in their defence. And presently, from a high watch-
tower, the emperor examined the situation of the fort, and
came up with all speed escorted by two vessels, and fol
lowed by a considerable squadron laden with engines for
the siege.
8. And as he approached the walls, and considered that
the contest could not be carried on without great risk, he
tried both by conciliatory and threatening language to in
duce the garrison to surrender ; and they7, having invited
Hormisdas to a conference, were won over by his promises
and oaths to rely on the mercy of the Romans.
9. At last, driving before them a crowned ox, which
among them is a sign of peace, they descended from the
fort as suppliants ; the fort was burnt, and Pusaeus, its
commander, who was afterwards Duke of Egypt, was
appointed to the rank of tribune. The rest of the garrison
with their families and property were conducted with all
kindness to the Syrian city of Chalcis.
10. Among them was found a certain soldier, who
formerly, when Maximian invaded Persia, had been left in
this district as an invalid, though a very young man, but
who was now bent with age, and according to his own
account had several wives, as is the custom of that country,
and a numerous offspring. He now full of joy, professing
to have been a principal cause of the surrender, was led to
our camp, calling many of his comrades to witness that he
had long foreseen and often foretold that, though nearly a
hundred years' old, he should be buried in Roman ground.
After this event, the Saracens brought in some skirmishers
of the enemy whom they had taken ; these were received
with joy by the emperor, the Saracens rewarded, and sent
back to achieve similar exploits.
1 1 . The next day another disaster took place ; a whirlwind
arose, and made havoc in many places, throwing down many
buildings, tearing in pieces the tents, and throwing the
soldiers on their backs or on their faces, the violence of the
wind overpowering their steadiness of foot. And the same
day another equally perilous occurrence took place. For the
river suddenly overflowed its banks, and some of the ships

a.d- 363.] TAKES THE CHIEF CITY. 349
laden with provisions were wrecked, the piers and dams
which had been constructed of stone to check and repress
the waters being swept away ; and whether that was done
by treachery or through the weight of the waters could not
be known.
12. After having stormed and burnt the chief city, and
sent away the prisoners, the army with increased confi
dence raised triumphant shouts in honour of the emperor,
thinking that the gods were evidently making him the
object of their peculiar care.
13. And because in these unknown districts they were
forced to be on unusual guard against hidden dangers, the
troops especially feared the craft and exceeding deceitful
ness of the enemy ; and therefore the emperor was every
where, sometimes in front, sometimes with his light-
armed battalions protecting the rear, in order to see that
no concealed danger threatened it, reconnoitring the dense
jungles and valleys, and restraining the distant sallies of
his soldiers, sometimes with his natural gentleness, and
sometimes with threats.
14. But he allowed the fields of the enemy which were
loaded with every kind of produce to be burnt with their
crops and cottages, after his men had collected all that they
could themselves make use of. And in this way the enemy
were terribly injured before they were aware of it ; for
the soldiers freely used what they had acquired with their
own hands, thinking that they had found a fresh field for
their valour ; and joyful at the abundance of their supplies,
they saved what they had in their own boats.
15. But one rash soldier, being intoxicated, and having
crossed over to the opposite bank of the river, was taken
prisoner before our eyes by the enemy, and was put to
death. II.
§ 1. After this we arrived at a fort called Thilutha, situated
in the middle of the river on a very high piece of ground,
and fortified by nature as if by the art of man. The inha
bitants were invited gently, as was best, to surrender,
since the height of their fort made it impregnable ; but
they refused all terms as yet, though they answered that
when the Romans had advanced further so as to occupy the

350 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bx. XX1V. Ch. ii.
interior of the country, they also as an appendage would
come over to the conqueror.
2. Having made this reply they quietly looked down upon
our boats as they passed under the very walls without
attempting to molest them. When that fort was passed we
came to another called Achaiacala, also defended by the
river flowing round it, and difficult to scale, where we
received a similar answer, and so passed on. The next
day we came to another fort which had been deserted
because its walls were weak ; and we burnt it and pro
ceeded. 3. In the two next days we marched two hundred fur
longs, and arrived at a place called Paraxmalcha. We
then crossed the river, and seven miles further on we
entered the city of Diacira, which we found empty of
inhabitants but full of corn and excellent salt, and here we
saw a temple placed on the summit of a lofty height. We
burnt the city and put a few women to death whom we
found there, and having passed a bituminous spring, we
entered the town of Ozogardana, which its inhabitants had
deserted for fear of our approaching army ; in that town is
shown a tribunal of the emperor Trajan.
4. This town also we burnt after we had rested there
two days to refresh our bodies. On the second day just
at nightfall, the Surena (who is the officer next in rank to
the king among the Persians), and a man named Malechus
Podosaces, the chief of the Assanite Saracens, who had long
ravaged our frontiers with great ferocity, laid a snare for
Hormisdas, whom by some means or other they had learnt
was about to go forth on a reconnoitring expedition, and
only failed because the river being very narrow at that
point, was so deep as to be unfordable.
5. And so at daybreak, when the enemy were now in
sight, the moment that they were discovered by their
glittering helmets and bristling armour, our men sprang
up vigorously to the conflict, and dashed at them with
great courage ; and although the enemy wielded their huge
bows with great strength, and the glistening of their
weapons increased the alarm of our soldiers, yet their rage,
and the compactness of their ranks, kept alive and added
fuel to their courage.
6. Animated by their first success, our army advanced

A.D. 363.] CROSSES THE RIVER. 351
to the village of Macepracta, where were seen vestiges
of walls half destroyed, whioh had once been of great
extent, and had served to protect Assyria from foreign
invasion. 7. At this point a portion of the river is drawn off in
large canals which convey it to the interior districts of
Babylonia, for the service of the surrounding country and
cities. Another branch of the river known as the Naha-
malca, which means " the river of kings," passes by Ctesi-
phon : at the beginning of this stream there is a lofty
tower like a lighthouse, by which our infantry passed on
a carefully constructed bridge.
8. The cavalry and cattle then took the stream where
it was less violent, and swam across obliquely; another
body was suddenly attacked by the enemy with a storm of
arrows and javelins, but our light-armed auxiliaries as
soon as they reached the other side, supported them, and
put the enemy to flight, cutting them to pieces as they fled.
9. After having successfully accomplished this exploit,
we arrived at the city of Pirisabora, of great size and
populousness, and also surrounded with water. But the
emperor having ridden all round the walls and recon
noitred its position, began to lay siege to it with great
caution, as if he would make the townsmen abandon its
defence from mere terror. But after several negotiations
and conferences with them, as they would yield neither to
promises nor to threats, he set about the siege in earnest,
and surrounded the walls with three lines of soldiers. The
whole of the first day the combat was carried on with
missiles till nightfall.
10. But the garrison, full of courage and vigour, spread
ing cloths loose everywhere over the battlements to weaken
the attacks of our weapons, and protected by shields strongly
woven of osier, made a brave resistance, looking like figures
of iron, since they had plates of iron closely fitting over
every limb, which covered their whole person with a safe
defence. 11. Sometimes also they earnestly invited Hormisdas as
a countryman and a prince of royal blood to a conference ;
but when he came they reviled him with abuse and
reproaches as a traitor and deserter ; and after a great part
of the day had been consumed in this slow disputing, at the

352 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIV. Ch. n.
beginning of night many kinds of engines were brought
against the walls, and we began to fill up the ditches.
12. But before it was quite dawn, the garrison perceived
what was being done, with the addition that a violent
stroke of a battering-ram had broken down a tower at one
corner ; so they abandoned the double city wall, and occu
pied a citadel close to the wall, erected on the level summit
of a ragged hill, of which the centre, rising up to a great
height in its round circle, resembled an Argive shield,
except that in the north it was not quite round, but at
that point it was protected by a precipice which ran sheer
down into the Euphrates ; the walls were built of baked
bricks and bitumen, a combination which is well known
to be the strongest of all materials.
13. And now the savage soldiery, having traversed the
city, which they found empty, were fighting fiercely with
the defenders who poured all kinds of missiles on them from
the citadel. Being hard pressed by the catapults and
balistaa of our men, they also raised on the height huge
bows of great power, the extremities of which, rising high
on each side, could only be bent slowly ; but the string,
when loosed by violent exertion of the fingers, sent forth
iron- tipped arrows with such force as to inflict fatal wounds
on any one whom they struck.
14. Nevertheless, the fight was maintained on both sides
with showers of stones thrown by the hand, and as neither
gained any ground a fierce contest was protracted from
daybreak to nightfall with great obstinacy ; and at last
they parted without any advantage to either side. The
next day the fight was renewed with great violence, and
numbers were slain on each side, and still the result was
even ; when the emperor, being eager amid this reciprocal
slaughter to try every chance, being guarded by a solid
column, and defended from the arrows of the enemy by
their closely packed shields, rushed forward with a rapid
charge up to the enemy's gates, which were faced with
stout iron.
15. And although he was still in some "danger, being
hard pressed with stones and bullets and other weapons,
still he cheered on his men with frequent war-cries while
they were preparing to force in the gates in order to effect
an entrance, and did not retreat till he found himself on

••D-W3.] HIS EMULATION OF SCIPIO. 35£
the point of being entirely overwhelmed by the mass of
missiles which were poured down on him.
16. However, he came off safe with only a few of hie
men slightly wounded ; not without feeling some modest
shame at being repulsed. For he had read that Scipio
iEmilianus, with the historian Bolybius, a citizen of Mega
lopolis in Arcadia, and thirty thousand soldiers, had, by a
similar attack, forced the gate of Carthage.
17. But the account given by the old writers may serve
to defend this modern attempt ; for .SCmilianus approached
a gate protected by a stone-covered testudo, under which
he safely forced his way into the city7 while the garrison
was occupied in demolishing this stone roof. But Julian
attacked a place completely exposed, while the whole face
of heaven was darkened by the fragments of rock and
weapons which were showered upon him, and was even
then with great, difficulty repulsed and forced to retire.
18. After this hasty and tumultuous assault, as the vast
preparations of sheds and mounds which were carried on
were attended with much difficulty, through the hindrances
offered by the garrison, Julian ordered an engine caP.ed
helepolis to be constructed with all speed ; which, as wi
have already mentioned, King Demetrius used, and earnei
the title of Poliorcetes by the number of cities which he took.
19. The garrison, anxiously viewing this engine, which
was to exceed the height of their lofty towers, and consi
dering at the same time the determination of the besiegers,
suddenly betook themselves to supplications, and spreading
over the towers and walls, imploring the pardon and pro
tection of the Romans with outstretched hands.
20. And when they saw that the works of the Romans
were suspended, and that those who were constructing
them were doing nothing, which seemed a sure token of
peace, they requested an opportunity of conferring with
Hormisdas. 21. And when this was granted, Mamersides, the com
mander of the garrison, was let down by a rope, and con
ducted to the emperor as he desired ; and having received
a promise of his own life, and of impunity to all his com
rades, he was allowed to return to the city. And when
he related what had been done, the citizens unanimously
agreed to follow his advice and accept the terms ; and
2 a

354 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. -Be. XXIV. Ch. m.
peace was solemnly made with all the sanctions of religion,
the gates were thrown open, and the whole population
went forth proclaiming that a protecting genius had shone
upon them in the person of the great and merciful Caesar.
22. The number of those who surrendered was two
thousand five hundred, for the rest of the citizens, expect
ing the siege beforehand, had crossed the river in small
boats and abandoned the city. In the citadel a great store
of arms and provisions was found ; and after they had
taken what they required, the conquerors burnt the rest as
well as the place itself. III.
§ t. The day after these transactions, serious news reached
the emperor as he was quietly taking his dinner, that the
Surena, the Persian general, had surprised three squadrons
of our advanced guard, and slain a few, among whom was
one tribune ; and had also taken a standard.
2. Immediately Julian became violently exasperated,
and flew to the spot with an armed band, placing much
hope of success in the rapidity of his movements : he
routed the assailants disgracefully, cashiered the other
two tribunes as blunderers and cowards, and in imitation
of the ancient laws of Rome disbanded ten of the soldiers
who had fled, and then condemned them to death.
3. Then, having burnt the city as I have already
mentioned, he mounted a tribunal which he had caused to
be erected, and having convoked his army, he thanked
them, and counted upon their achieving other similar ex
ploits. He als? promised them each a hundred pieces of
silver ; but seeing that they were inclined to murmur, as
being disappointed at the smallness of the sum, he became
most indignant and said : —
4. " Behold the Persians who abound in wealth of
every kind ; their riches may enrich you if we only
behave gallantly with one unanimous spirit of resolution.
But after having been very rich, I assure you that the
republic is at this moment in great want, through the
conduct of those men who, to increase their own wealth,
taught former emperors to return home after buying peace
of the barbarians with gold.
5. " The treasury is empty, the cities are exhausted,

A.D.363.J HIS SPEECH TO HIS SOLDIERS. 355
the finances are stripped bare. I myself have neither
treasures, nor, noble as I am by birth, do I inherit any
thing from my family but a heart free from all fear. Nor
shall I be ashamed to place all my happiness in the cul
tivation of my mind, while preferring an honourable
poverty. For the Fabricii also conducted great wars
while poor in estate and rich only in glory.
6. " Of all these things you may have plenty, if, dis
carding all fear, you act with moderation, obeying the
cautious guidance of God and myself, as far as human
reason can lead you safely ; but if you disobey, and choose
to return to your former shameful mutinies, proceed.
7. As an emperor should do, I by myself, having per
formed the important duties which belong to me, will die
standing, despising a life which any fever may take fiom
me : or else 1 will abdicate my power, fox I have not lived
so as to be unable to descend to a private station. I
rejoice in, and feel proud of the fact that there are with
me many leaders of proved skill and courage, perfect in
every kind of military knowledge."
8. By this modest speech of their emperor, thus un
moved alike by prosperity and adversity, the soldiers
were for a time appeased, regaining confidence with an
expectation of better success ; and unanimously promised
to be docile and obedient, at the same time extolling
Julian's authority and magnanimity to the skies; and, as
is their wont when their feelings are genuine and cordial,
they showed them by a gentle rattling of their arms.
9. Then they returned to their tents, and refreshed
themselves with food, for which they had abundant
means, and with sleep during the night. But Julian
encouraged his army not by the idea of their families, but
by the thoughts of the greatness of the enterprises in
which they were embarked : continually making vows —
" So might he be able to make the Persians pass under
the yoke." " So might he restore the Roman power which
had been shaken in those regions," — in imitation of Trajan,
who was accustomed frequently to confirm anything he
had said by the imprecations — " So may I see Dacia re
duced to the condition of a province ; so may I bridge over
the Danube and Euphrates," — using many similar Lrms
of attestation.

356 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIV. Ch. m.
10. Then after proceeding fourteen miles further we
came to a certain spot where the soil is fertilized by the
abundance of water. But as the Persians had leamt that
we should advance by this road, they removed the dams,
and allowed the waters to flood the country.
11. The ground being thereby, for a great distance, re
duced to the state of a marsh, the emperor gave the soldiers
the next day for rest, and advancing in front himself, con
structed a number of little bridges of bladders, and
coracles1 made of skins, and rafts of palm-tree timber, and
thus led his army across, though not without difficulty.
12. In this region many7 of the fields are planted with
vineyards and various kinds of fruit trees ; and palm-trees
grow there over a great extent of country, reaching as far
as Mesene and the ocean, forming great groves. And
wherever any one goes he sees continual stocks and
suckers of palms, from the fruit of which abundance of
honey and wine is made, and the palms themselves are
said to be divided into male and female, and it is added
that the two sexes can be easily distinguished.
13. They say further that the female trees produce fruit
when impregnated by the seeds of the male trees, and
even that they feel delight in their mutual love : and that
this is clearly shown by the fact that they lean towards
one another, and cannot be bent back even by strong
winds — and if by any7 unusual accident a female tree is not
impregnated by the male seed, it produces nothing but
imperfect fruit, and if they cannot find out with what
male tree any female tree is in love, they smear the trunk
of some tree with the oil which proceeds from her, and
then some other tree naturally conceives a fondness for the
odour ; and these proofs create some belief in the story of
their copulation.
1 4. The army then, having sated itself with these fruits,
passed by several islands, and instead of the scarcity which
they7 apprehended, the fear arose that they would become
too fat. At last, after having been attacked by an am
buscade of the enemy's archers, but having avenged them
selves well, they came to a spot where the larger portion
of the Euphrates is divided into a number of small streams.
1 Small boats made of wicker and covered with hide ; still used in
Wales, where they are also called thorricle, truckle, or cobble.

A.D.363.] HIS DANGER. 357

IV.
§ 1. In this district a city, which on account of the lowness
of its walls, had been deserted by its Jewish inhabitants,
was burnt by our angry soldiers. And afterwards the
emperor proceeded further on, being elated at the manifest
protection, as he deemed it, of the Deity.
2. And when he had reached Maogamalcha, a city of
great size and surrounded with strong walls, he pitched
his tent, and took anxious care that his camp should not
be surprised by any sudden attack of the Persian cavalry ;
whose courage in the open plains is marvellously dreaded
by the surrounding nations.
3. And when he had made his arrangements, he himself,
with an escort of a few light troops, went forth on foot to
reconnoitre the position of a city by a close personal
examination ; but he fell into a dangerous snare from
which he with difficulty escaped with his life.
4. For ten armed Persians stole out by a gate of the
town of which he was not aware, and crawled on their
hands and knees along the bottom of the hill, till they got
within reach so as to fall silently upon our men, and two
of them distinguishing the emperor by his superior appear
ance, made at him with drawn swords ; but he encountered
them with his shield raised, and protecting himself with
that, and fighting with great and noble courage, he ran
one of them through the body7, while his guards killed the
other with repeated blows. The rest, of whom some were
wounded, were put to flight, and the two who were slain
were stripped of their arms, and the emperor led back his
comrades in safety, laden with their spoils, into the camp,
where he was received with universal joy.
5. Torquatus took a golden necklace from one of the
enemy whom he had slain. "Valerius by the aid of a crow
defeated a haughty Gaul and earned the surname of Cor-
vinus, and by this glory these heroes were recommended
to posterity. We do not envy them, but let this gallant
exploit be added to those ancient memorials.
6. The next day a bridge was laid across the river, and
the army passed over it, and pitched their camp in a fresh
and more healthy place, fortifying it with a double

358 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIV. Ch. rr.
rampart, since, as we have said, the open plains were
regarded with apprehension. And then he undertook the
siege of the town, thinking it too dangerous to march
forward while leaving formidable enemies in his rear.
7. While he was making great exertions to complete
his preparations, the Surena, the enemy's general, fell
upon the cattle which were feeding in the palm groves, but
was repulsed by those of our squadrons who were ap
pointed to that, service, aud, having lost a few men, he
retired. 8. And the inhabitants of two cities which are made
islands by the rivers which surround them, fearing to trust
in their means of defence, fled for refuge to Ctesiphon,
some fleeing through the thick woods, others crossing the
neighbouring marshes on canoes formed out of hollowed
trees, and thus made a long journey to the principal or
indeed the only shelter which existed for them, intending
to proceed to still more distant regions.
9. Some of them were overtaken, and on their resist
ance were put to death by our soldiers, who, traversing
various districts in barks and small boats, brought in from
time to time many prisoners. For it had been cleverly
arranged that, while the infantry was besieging the town,
the squadrons of cavalry should scour the country in small
bands in order to bring in booty. And by this system,
without doing any injury to the inhabitants of the pro
vinces, the soldiers fed on the bowels of the enemy.
10. And by this time the emperor was besieging with
all his might and with a triple line of heavily armed
soldiers this town which was fortified with a double wall ;
and he had great hope of succeeding in his enterprise.
But if the attempt was indispensable, the execution was
very difficult. For the approach to the town lay every
where over rocks of great height and abruptness ; across
which there was no straight road ; and dangers of two
kinds seemed to render the place inaccessible. In the first
place there were towers formidable both for their height
and for the number of their garrison ; equalling in height
the natural mountain on which the citadel was built ; and
secondly, a sloping plain reached down to the river, which
again was protected by stout ramparts.
11. There was a third difficulty not less formidable that

AJ>. 863.] GALLANTRY OF THE ASSAILANTS. 359
the numerous garrison of picked men which defended the
place could not be won over by any caresses to surrender,
but resisted the enemy as if resolved either to conquer or
to perish amid the ashes of their country. The soldiers,
who desired to attack at once, and also insisted upon a
pitched battle in a fair field, could hardly be restrained,
and when the retreat was sounded they7 burnt with indig
nation, being eager to make courageous onsets on the
enemy. 12. But the wisdom of our leaders overcame the eager
ness of mere courage ; and the work being distributed,
every one set about his allotted task with great alacrity.
For on one side high mounds were raised ; on another
other parties were raising the deep ditches to the level of
the ground ; in other quarters hollow pitfalls were covered
over with long planks ; artisans also were placing mural
engines soon intended to burst forth with fatal roars.
13. Nevitta and Dagalaiphus superintended the miners
and the erection of the vineae, or penthouses ; but the begin
ning of the actual conflict, and the defence of the machines
from fire or from sallies of the garrison, the emperor took
to himself. And when all the preparations for taking the
city had been completed by this variety of labour, and the
soldiers demanded to be led to the assault, a captain named
Victor returned, who had explored all the roads as far as
Ctesiphon, and now brought word that he had met with no
obstacles. 14. At this news all the soldiers became wild with joy,
and being more elated and eager for the contest than ever,
they waited under arms for the signal.
15. And now on both sides the trumpets sounded with
martial clang, and the . Roman vanguard, with incessant
attacks and threatening cries, assailed the enemy, who
were covered from head to foot with thin plates of iron
like the feathers of a bird, and who had full confidence
that any weapons that fell on this hard iron would recoil ;
while our close-packed shields with which our men
covered themselves as with a testudo, opened loosely so
as to adapt themselves to their continual motion. On the
other hand the Persians, obstinately clinging to their walls,
laboured with all their might to avoid and frustrate our
deadly attacks.

360 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk.XXIV.Cu.it
16. But when the assailants, pushing the osier fences
before them, passed up to the walls, the archers, slingers
and others, rolling down huge stones, with firebrands and
fire-pots, repelled them to a distance. Then the balistae,
armed with wooden arrows, were bent and loosened with a
horrid creak, and poured forth incessant storms of darts.
And the scorpions hurled forth round stones under the
guidance of the skilful hands of their workers.
17. The combat was repeated and redoubled in violence,
till the heat increasing up to midday, and the sun burning
up everything with its evaporation, recalled from the
battle the combatants on both sides, equally intent as they7
were on the works and on the fray, but thoroughly ex
hausted by fatigue and dripping with sweat.
18. The same plan was followed the next day, the two
parties contending resolutely in various modes of fight
ing, and again they parted with equal valour, and equal
fortune. But in every danger the emperor was foremost
among the armed combatants, urging on the destruction of
the city lest, by being detained too long before its walls, he
should be forced to abandon other objects which he had
at heart.
19. But in times of emergency nothing is so unim
portant as not occasionally to influence great affairs, even
contrary to all expectation. For when, as had often
happened, the two sides were fighting slackly, and on the
point of giving over, a battering-ram which had just been
brought up, being pushed forward awkwardly, struck down
a tower which was higher than any of the others, and was
very strongly built of baked brick, and its fall brought
down all the adjacent portion of the wall with a mighty
crash. 20. Then in the variety of incidents which arose, the
exertions of the besiegers and the gallantry of the besieged
were equally conspicuous with noble exploits. For to our
soldiers, inflamed with anger ' and indignation, nothing
appeared difficult. To the garrison, fighting for their safety,
nothing seemed dangerous or formidable. At last, when
the fierce contest had raged a long time and was still
undecided, great slaughter, having been made on both
sides, the close of day broke it off, and both armies yielded
to fatigue.

A.D. 363.] LABOURS OF THE MINERS. 361
21. While these matters were thus going on in broad
daylight, news was brought to the emperor, who was full
of watchful care, that the legionary soldiers to whom the
digging of the mines had been intrusted, having hollowed
out their subterranean paths and supported them with
stout stakes, had now reached the bottom of the founda
tions of the walls, and were ready to issue forth if he
thought fit.
22. When therefore a great part of the night was passed,
the brazen trumpets sounded the signal for advancing to
battle, and the troops ran to arms ; and as had been
planned, the wall was attacked on both its faces, in order
that while the garrison were running to and fro to repel
the danger, and while the noise of the iron tools of the
miners digging at the foundations was overpowered by the
din of battle, the miners should come forth on a sudden
without any one being at the mouth of the mine to resist
them. 23. When these plans had all been arranged, and the
garrison was fully occupied, the mine was opened, and
Exsuperius, a soldier of the Victorian legion, sprung out,
followed by a tribune named Magnus, and Jovianus, a
secretary, and an intrepid body of common soldiers, who,
after slaughtering all the men found in the temple into
which the mine opened, went cautiously forward and slew
the sentinels, who were occupying themselves after the
fashion of their country in singing the praises, the justice,
and good fortune of their king.
24. It was believed that Mars himself (if indeed the
gods are permitted to mingle with men) aided Luscinus
when he forced the camp of the Lucanians. And it was
the more believed because in the height of the conflict
there was seen an armed figure of enormous size carrying
ladders, who the next day, when the roll was called over,
though sought for very carefully, could not be found any
where ; when if he had really been a soldier he would have
come forward of his own accord from a consciousness of
his gallant action. But though on that occasion it was
never known who performed that splendid achievement,
yet those who now behaved bravely were not unknown,
but received obsidional crowns, and were publicly praised
according to the ancient fashion.

302 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk.XXIV. Ch. iv.
25. At last the fated city, its numerous entrances being
laid open, was entered by the Romans, and the furious
troops destroyed all whom they found, without regard to
age or sex. Some of the citizens, from dread of impending
destruction, threatened on one side with fire, on the other
with the sword, weeping threw themselves headlong over
the walls, and being crippled in all their limbs, led for a
few hours or days a life more miserable than any death,
till they were finally killed.
26. But Nabdates, the captain of the garrison, was
taken alive with eighty of his guards ; and when he was
brought before the emperor, that magnanimous and merciful
prince ordered him to be kept in safety. The booty was
divided according to a fair estimate of the merits and
labours of the troops. The emperor, who w7as contented
with very little, took for his own share of the victory he
had thus gained three pieces of gold and a dumb child who
was brought to him, and who by elegant signs and gesticu
lations explained all he knew, and considered that an
acceptable and sufficient prize.
27. But of the virgins who were taken prisoners, and
who, as was likely in Persia, where female beauty is re
markable, were exceedingly beautiful, he would neither
touch nor even see one ; imitating Alexander and Scipio,
who refused similar opportunities, in order, after having
proved themselves unconquered by toil, not to show them
selves the victims of desire.
28. V\ hile the battle was going on, an engineer on our
side, whose name I do not know, who happened to be
standing just behind a scorpion, was knocked down and
killed by the recoil of a stone, which the worker of the
engine had fitted to the sling carelessly, his whole body
being so dislocated and battered that he could not even be
recognized. 29. After the town was taken intelligence was brought
to the emperor that a troop was lying in ambuscade in
some concealed pits around the walls of the town just
taken (of which pits there are many in those districts),
with the intention of surprising the rear of our army by
a sudden attack.
30. A body7 of picked infantry of tried courage was there
fore sent to take the troop prisoners. But as they could

*•»¦ 363.] THE ROMANS ADVANCE. 363
neither force their way into the pits, nor induce those con
cealed io them to come forth to fight, they collected some
straw and faggots, and piled them up before the mouths of
the caves, and then set them on fire, from which the smoke
penetrated into the caverns through the narrow crevice,
being the more dense because of the small space through
which it was forced, and so suffocated some of them ; others
the fire compelled to come forth to instant destruction ;
aud in this manner they7 were destroyed by sword or by
fire, and our men returned with speed to their camp. Thus
was this large and populous city, with its powerful garrison,
stormed by the Romans, and the city itself reduced to
ruins. 31. After this glorious exploit the bridges which led
over several rivers were crossed in succession, and we
reached two forts, constructed with great strength and
skill, where the son of the king endeavoured to prevent
Count Victor, who was marching in the van of the army,
from crossing the river, having advanced for that purpose
from Ctesiphon with a large body of nobles and a con
siderable armed force ; but when he saw the numbers
which were following Victor, he retreated.
V.
§ 1. So we advanced and came to some groves, and also to
some fields fertile with a great variety of crops, where we
found a palace built in the Roman fashion, which, so
pleased were we with the circumstance, we left unhurt.
2. There was also in this same place a large round space,
enclosed, containing wild beasts, intended for the king's
amusement ; lions with shaggy manes, tusked boars, and
bears of amazing ferocity (as the Persian bears are), and
other chosen beasts of vast size. Our cavalry, however,
forced the gates of this enclosure, and killed all the beasts
with hunting-spears and clouds of arrows.
3. This district is rich and well cultivated : not far off
is Coche, which is also called Seleucia ; where we fortified
a camp with great celerity, and rested there two days to
refresh the army with timely supplies of water and pro
visions. The emperor himself inthe meanwhile proceeded
with his advanced guard and reconnoitred a deserted city
which had been formerly destroyed by the Emperor Verus,

364 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIV. Cn. v.
where an everlasting spring forms a large tube which com
municates with the Tigris. Here we saw, hanging on
gallows, many bodies of the relations of the man whom we
have spoken of above as having betrayed Pirisabora.
4. Here also Nabdates was burnt alive, he whom I have
mentioned above as having been taken with eighty of his
garrison while hiding among the ruins of the city which
we had taken ; because at the beginning of the siege he
had secretly promised to betray it, but afterwards had re
sisted us vigorously, and after having been unexpectedly
pardoned had risen to such a pitch of violence as to launch
all kinds of abuse against Hormisdas.
. 5. Then after advancing some distance we heard of a
sad disaster : for while three cohorts of the advanced
guard, who were in light marching order, were fighting
with a Persian division which had made a sally out of the
city gates, another body of the enemy cut off and slew our
cattle, which were following us on the other side of the
river, with a few of our foragers who were straggling
about in no great order.
6. The emperor was enraged and indignant at this ; he
was now near the district of Ctesiphon, and had just
reached a lofty and well-fortified castle. He went himself
to reconnoitre it, being, as he fancied, concealed, as he
rode with a small escort close to the walls ; but as from
too much eagerness he got within bowshot, he was soon
noticed, and was immediately assailed by every kind of
missile, and would have been killed by an arrow shot from
an engine on the walls, if it had not struck his armour-
bearer, who kept close by his side, and he himself, being
protected by the closely-packed shields of his guards, fell
back, after having been exposed to great danger.
7. At this he was greatly enraged, and determined to
lay siege to the fort : but the garrison was very resolute to
defend it, believing the place to be nearly inaccessible, and
that the king, who was advancing with great speed at the
head of a large army, would soon arrive to their assistance.
8. And now, the vineae and everything else required
for the siege being prepared, at the second watch, when
the night, which happened to be one of very bright
moonlight, made everything visible to the defenders on
the battlements, suddenly the whole multitude of the

A-B-383-] ENERGY OF JULIAN. 365
garrison formed into one body, threw open the gates and
sallied out, and attacking a division of our men who were
not expecting them, slew numbers, among whom one
tribune was killed as he was endeavouring to repel the
attack. £. And while this was going on, the Persians, having
attacked a portion of our men in the same manner as
before from the opposite side of the river, slew some and
took others prisoners. And our men, in alarm, and because
they believed the enemy had come into the field in very
superior numbers, behaved at first with but little spirit ;
but presently, when they recovered their courage, they
flew again to arms, and being roused by the sound of the
trumpets, they hastened to the charge with threatening
cries, upon which the Persians retired to the garrison
without further contest.
10. And the emperor, being terribly angry, reduced
those of the cavalry who had shown a want of courage
when attacked to serve in the infantry, which is a severer
service and one of less honour.
11. Then, being veiy eager to take a castle where he had
incurred so much danger, he devoted all his own labour
and care to that end, never himself retiring from the front
ranks of his men, in order that by fighting in the van
he might be an example of gallantry to his soldiers, and
might be also sure to see, and therefore able to reward,
every gallant action. And when he had exposed himself
a long time to imminent danger, the castle, having been
assailed by every kind of manoeuvre, weapon, and engine,
and by great valour on the part of the besiegers, was at
length taken and burnt.
12. After this, in consideration of the great labour of
the exploits which they had performed, and which were
before them, he granted rest to his army, exhausted with
its excessive toil, and distributed among them provisions
in abundance. Then a rampart was raised round the camp,
with dense rows of palisades, and a deep fosse, as sudden
sallies and various formidable manoeuvres were dreaded,
since they were very near Ctesiphon.

366 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIV. Ca VI.
VI.
§ 1. From this place they advanced to a canal known aa
Naharmalcha, a name which means " The River of Kings."
It was then dry. Long ago Trajan, and after him Severus,
had caused the soil to be dug out, and had given great
attention to constructing this as a canal of great size, so
that, being filled with water from the Euphrates, it might
enable vessels to pass into the Tigris.
2. And for every object in view it appeared best that
this should now be cleaned out, as the Persians, fearing
such an operation, had blocked it up with a mass of stones.
After it had been cleared and the dams removed, a large
body of water was let in, so that our fleet, after a safe
voyage of thirty furlongs, passed into the Tigris. There
the army at once threw bridges across the river, and
passing over to the other side, marched upon Coche.
3. And that after our fatigue we might enjoy seasonable
rest, we encamped in an open plain, rich with trees, vines,
and cypresses, in the middle of which was a shady and
delicious pavilion, having all over it, according to the
fashion of the country, pictures of the king slaying wild
beasts in the chase ; for they never paint or in any way
represent anything except different kinds of slaughter and
war. 4. Having now finished everything according to his
wish, the emperor, rising higher in spirit as his difficulties
increased, and building such hopes on Fortune, which had
not yet proved unfavourable to him, that he often pushed
his boldness to the verge of temerity, unloaded some of the
strongest of the vessels which were carrying provisions
and warlike engines, and put on board of them eight hun
dred armed men ; and keeping the main part of the fleet
with him, which he divided into three squadrons, he
settled that one under the command of Count Victor should
start at nightfall, in order to cross the river with speed,
and so seize on the bank in possession of the enemy.
5. The generals were greatly alarmed at this plan, and
unanimously entreated him to forego it ; but as they could
not prevail, the signal for sailing was raised, as he com
manded, and at once five ships hastened onwards out of
sight ; and when they drew near to the bank they were

»J»-S63.-] COURAGE OF JULIAN. 367
attacked with an incessant storm of fire-pots and every
kind of contrivance to handle flames, and they would have
been burnt soldiers and all if the emperor, being roused,
had not with great energy hastened to the spot, shouting
out that our men, as they were ordered, had made him a
signal that they were now masters of the bank of the river,
and ordering the whole fleet to hasten forward with all speed.
6. In consequence of which vigour the ships were saved,
and the soldiers, though harassed by the enemy from their
commanding ground with stones and every kind of missile,
nevertheless after a fierce conflict made good their footing
on the high bank of the river, and established themselves
immovably. 7. History marvels that Sertorius swam across the
Rhone with his arms and his breastplate ; but on this
occasion, some soldiers, though disordered, fearing to re
main behind after the signal for battle was raised, clinging
firmly to their shields, which are broad and concave, and
guiding them, though without much skill, kept pace with
the speed of the vessels through a river full of currents.
8. The Persians resisted this attack with squadrons of
cuirassier cavalry in such close order that their bodies
dazzled the eye, fitting together, as it seemed, with their
brilliant armour; while their horses were all protected
with a covering of stout leather. As a reserve to support
them several maniples of infantry were stationed, protected
by crooked, oblong shields, made of wicker-work and raw
hides, behind which they moved in compact order. Behind
them were elephants, like so many walking hills, which by
every motion of their huge bodies threatened destruction
to all who came near them, and our men had been taught
to fear them by past experience.
9. On this the emperor, according to the arrangement of
the Greek army as mentioned by Homer,1 allotted the
i See H. iv. 297 :—
'lirirTJas pXv trpSbira trbv XrrKQurw Kal 8xeff$lv
ire£ovs 8' *\tnnfev ffrrifffy iroAeos Te Kal ia&Xovs
%pKos %\txv tto\€/xoio, KaKoi»s 5'els piffffov %Xaff<rev.
Tims translated by Pope : —
'• The horse and chariots to the front assigned,
\i-|iG foot (the strength of war) he placed behind:
Tlie middle space suspected troops supply,
iuiielosed by both, nor left the power to fly."

368 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIV. Ch. vt
centre space between his two lines to his weakest infantry,
lest if they were placed in the front rank, and should then
misbehave, they should disorder the whole of his line ; or
lest, on the other hand, if posted in the rear, behind all the
other centuries, they should flee without shame, since there
would be no one to check them : he with his light-armed
auxiliaries moving as might be required between the lines.
10. Therefore when the two armies beheld each other,
the Romans glittering with their crested helmets, and
brandishing their shields, proceeded slowly7, their bands
playing an anapaestic measure ; and after a preliminary
skirmish, carried on by the missiles of the front rank, they
rushed to battle with such vehemence that the earth
trembled beneath them.
11. The battle-shout was raised on all sides, as was
usual, the braying trumpets encouraged the eagerness of
the men : all fought in close combat with spears and drawn
swords, so that the soldiers were free from all danger of
arrows the more rapidly they pressed onwards. Mean
while, Julian, like a gallant comrade, at the same time
that he was a skilful general, hasten to support his hardly-
pressed battalions with reserves, and to cheer on the
laggards. 12. So the front line of the Persians wavered, having
been never very fierce ; and at last, no longer able to
support the heat of their armour, they retreated in haste
to their city, which was near ¦ they7 were pursued by
our soldiers, weary as they were with having fought in
those torrid plains from daybreak to sunset ; and we,
pressing close on their heels, drove them, with their
choicest generals, Pigranes, the Surena, and Narses, right
up to the walls of Ctesiphon, inflicting many wounds on
their legs and backs.
13. And we should have forced our entrance into the
city7 if a general named Victor had not, by lifting up his
hands and his voice, checked us, being himself pierced
through the shoulder with an arrow, and fearing lest if the
soldiers allowed themselves to be hurried within the walls
without any order, and could then find no means of re
turning, they might be overwhelmed by the mass of their
enemies. 14. Let the poets celebrate the ancient battles of Hector,

*,D-363.] SACRIFICE TO MARS. 369
or extol the valour of the Thessalian Achilles ; let past ages
tell the praises of Sophanes, and Aminias, and Callimachus,
and Cynaegirus, those thunderbolts of war in the struggles
of the Greeks against Persia ; but it is evident by the con
fession of all men that the gallantry displayed by some of
our troops on that day was equal to any of their exploits.
15. After having laid aside their fears, and trampled on
the carcases of their enemies, the soldiers, still stained
with the blood so justly shed, collected round the tent
of the emperor, loading him with praises and thanks,
because, while behaving with such bravery that it was
hard to say whether he had been more a general or a
soldier, he had conducted the affair with such success
that not above seventy of our men had fallen, while nearly
two thousand five hundred of the Persians had been slain.
And he in his turn addressed by name most of those
whose steady courage and gallant actions he had wit
nessed, presenting them with naval, civic, and military
crowns. 16. Thinking that this achievement would surely be
followed by other similar successes, he prepared a large
sacrifice to Mars the Avenger. Ten most beautiful bulls
were brought for the purpose, nine of which, even before
they reached the altars, lay down of their own accord with
mournful countenances, but the tenth broke his bonds and
escaped, and was with difficulty brought back at all ; and
when sacrificed displayed very unfavourable omens ;
but when he saw this, Julian became very indignant, and
exclaimed, calling Jupiter to witness, that henceforth he
would offer no sacrifices to Mars. Nor did he recall his
vow, being cut off by a speedy death.
VII.
§ 1. Julian, having discussed with his chief officers the
plan for the siege of Ctesiphon, it appeared to some of
them that it would be an act of unseasonable temerity to
attack that city, both because its situation made it almost
impregnable, and also because King Sapor was believed to
be hastening to its protection with a formidable army.
2. The better opinion prevailed ; and the sagacious em
peror being convinced of its wisdom, sent Arinthaeus with
2 B

370 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIV. Ch. v.
a division of light infantry, to lay waste the surrounding
districts, which were rich both in herds and in crops, with
orders also to pursue the enemy with equal energy, for
many of them were wandering about, concealed amid over
grown by-ways, and lurking-places known only to them
selves. The booty was abundant.
3. But Julian himself, being always eager to extend his
conquests, disregarded the advice of those who remon
strated against his advance ; and reproaching his chiefs, as
men who out of mere laziness and a love of ease advised
him to let go the kingdom of Persia when he had almost
made himself master of it, left the river on his left hand,
and led by unlucky guides, determined to proceed towards
the inland parts of the country by forced marches.
4. And he ordered all his ships to be burnt, as if with
the fatal torch of Bellona herself, except twelve of the
smaller vessels, which he arranged should be carried on
waggons, as likely to be of use for building bridges. And
he thought this a most excellently conceived plan, to prevent
his fleet if left behind from being of any use to the enemy,
or on the other hand to prevent what happened at the out
set of the expedition, nearly twenty thousand men being
occupied in moving and managing the vessels.
5. Then, as the men began in their alarm to grumble to
themselves (as indeed manifest truth pointed out), that the
soldiers if hindered from advancing by the height of the
mountains or the dryness of the country, would have no
means of returning to get water, and when the deserters,
on being put to the torture openly confessed that they had
made a false report, he ordered all hands to labour to extin
guish the flames. But the fire, having got to a great
head, had consumed most of them, so that only the twelve
could be preserved unhurt, which were set apart to be
taken care of.
6. In this way the fleet being unseasonably destroyed,
Julian, relying on his army which was now all united,
having none of its divisions diverted to other occupations,
and so being strong in numbers, advanced inland, the rich
district through which he marched supplying him with an
abundance of provisions.
7. When this was known, the enemy, with a view to
distressing us by want of supplies, burnt up all the grass

A.D. 363.] THE PERSIANS BURN THE CROPS. 371
and ehe nearly ripe crops ; and we, being unable to ad
vance by reason of the conflagration, remained stationary
in our camp till the fire was exhausted. And the Persians,
insulting us from a distance, sometimes spread themselves
widely on purpose, sometimes offered us resistance in a
compact body ; so that to us who beheld them from a dis
tance it might seem that the reinforcements of the king
had come up, and we might imagine that it was on that
account that they had ventured on their audacious sallies
and unwonted enterprises.
8. Both the emperor and the troops were greatly vexed
at this, because they had no means of constructing a bridge,
since the ships had been inconsiderately destroyed, nor
could any check be offered to the movements of the
strange enemy, whom the glistening brilliancy of their
arms showed to be close at hand ; this armour of theirs
being singularly adapted to all the inflections of their body.
There was another evil of no small weight, that the rein
forcements which we were expecting to arrive under the
command of Arsaces and some of our own generals, did
not make their appearance, being detained by the causes
already mentioned. VIII.
§ 1. The emperor, to comfort his soldiers who were made
anxious by these events, ordered the prisoners who were
of slender make, as the Persians usually are, and who were
now more than usually emaciated, to be brought before
the army ; and looking at our men he said, " Behold what
those warlike spirits consider men, little ugly dirty goats ;
and creatures who, as many events hasre shown, throw
away their arms and take to flight before they can come to
blows." 2. And when he had said this, and had ordered the
prisoners to be removed, he held a consultation on what was
to be done ; and after many opinions of different kinds had
been delivered, the common soldiers inconsiderately crying
out that it was best to return by the same way they had
advanced, the emperor steadily opposed this idea, and was
joined by several officers who contended that this could
not be done, since all the forage and crops had been
destroyed throughout the plain, and the remains of the

372 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIV. Ch. v
villages which had been burnt were all in complete desti
tution, and could afford no supplies ; because also the whole
soil was soaked everywhere from the snows of winter, and
the rivers had overflowed their banks and were now for
midable torrents.
3. There was this further difficulty, that in those dis
tricts where the heat and evaporation are great, every place
is infested with swarms of flies and gnats, and in such
numbers that the light of the sun and of the stars is com
pletely hidden by them.
4. And as human sagacity was of no avail in such a
state of affairs, we were long in doubt and perplexity ; and
raising altars and sacrificing victims we consulted the will
of the gods ; inquiring whether it was their will that we
should return through Assyria, or advancing slowly along
the foot of the mountain chain, should surprise and plunder
Chiliocomum near Corduena ; but neither of these plans
was conformable to the omens presented by an inspection
of the sacrifices.
5. However it was decided, that since there was no
better prospect before us, to seize on Corduena ; and on
the 16th June we struck our camp, and at daybreak the
emperor set forth, when suddenly was seen either smoke
or a great cloud of dust ; so that many thought it was
caused by herds of wild asses, of which there are countless
numbers in those regions, and who were now moving in a
troop, in order by their compactness to ward off the fero
cious attacks of lions.
6. Some, however, fancied that it was caused by the
approach of the Saracen chieftains, our allies, who had
heard that the emperor was besieging Ctesiphon in great
force : some again affirmed that the Persians were lying in
evait for us on our march.
7. Therefore amid all these doubtful opinions, the trum
pets sounded a halt, in order to guard against any re
verse, and we halted in a grassy valley near a stream,
where, packing our shields in close order and in a circular
figure, we pitched our camp and rested in safety. Nor, so
dark did it continue till evening, could we distinguish what
it was that had so long obscured the view.

A.». 363.] 373

BOOK XXV.

1. The Persians attack the Eomans on their march, but are gallantly
repelled. — II. The army is distressed by want of corn and forage ;
Julian is alarmed by prodigies. — III. The emperor, while, in order
to repulse the Persians, who pressed him on all quarters, lie
rashly rushes into battle without his breastplate, is wounded by
a spear, and is borne back to his tent, where he addresses those
around him, and, after drinking some cold water, dies.— IV. His
virtues and vices ; his personal appearance. — V. Jovian, the
captain ' of the imperial guards, is tumultuously elected em
peror. — VI." The Eomans hasten to retreat from Persia, and on
their march are continually attacked by the Persians and Sara
cens, whom, however, they repulse with great loss. — VII. The
emperor Jovian, being influenced by the scarcity and distress with
which his army is oppressed, makes a necessary but disgraceful
peace with Sapor ; abandoning five provinces, with the cities of
Nisibis and Singara. — VIII. The Eomans having crossed tho
Tigris, after a very long and terrible scarcity of provisions, which
they endured with great courage, at length reach Mesopotamia —
Jovian arranges the affairs of Illyricum and Gaul to the best of his
power. — IX. Bineses, a noble Persian, acting for Sapor, receives
from Jovian the impregnable city of Nisibis; the citizens are
unwilling to quit their country, but are qompelled to migrate to
Amida — Five provinces, with the city of Singara, and sixteen
fortresses, are, according to the terms of the treaty, handed over
to the Persian nobles. - X. Jovian, fearing a revolution, marches
with great speed through Syria, Cilicia, Cappadocia, and Galatia,
and at Ancyra enters on the consulship, with his infant son Varro-
nianus, and soon afterwards dies suddenly at Dadastana.
I.
a.d. 363.
§ 1. The night was dark and starless, and passed by us as
nights are passed in times of difficulty and perplexity ; no
one out of fear daring to sit down, or to close his eyes.
But as soon as day broke, brilliant breastplates sur
rounded with steel fringes, and glittering cuirasses, were
seen at a distance, and showed that the king's army was
at hand.
1 Primicerius : he was the third officer of the guard ; the first being
the lower ; the second, the tribune — answering, as one might say, to
our major.

374 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ch. 1
2. The soldiers were roused at this sight, and hastened
to engage, since only a small stream separated them from
the Persians, but were checked by the emperor ; a sharp
skirmish did indeed take place between our outposts and
the Persians, close to the rampart of our camp, in
which Machamaeus, the captain of one of our squadrons,
was stricken down : his brother Maurus, afterwards Duke
of Phoenicia, flew to his support, and slew the man who
had killed Machamaeus, and crushed all who came in his
way, till he himself was wounded in the shoulder by a
javelin ; but he still was able by great exertions to
bring off his brother, who was now pale with approaching
death. 3. Both sides were nearly exhausted with the intolerable
violence of the heat and the repeated conflicts, but at
last the hostile battalions were driven back in great dis
order. Then while we fell back to a greater distance, the
Saracens were also compelled to retreat from fear of our
infantry, but presently afterwards joining themselves to
the Persian host, they attacked us again, with more safety
to themselves for the purpose of carrying off the Roman
baggage. But when they saw the emperor they again
retreated upon their reserve.
4. After leaving this district we reached a village called
Hucumbra, where we rested two days, procuring all kinds
of provisions and abundance of corn, so that we moved on
again after being refreshed beyond our hopes ; all that the
time would not allow us to take away we burnt.
5. The next day the army was advancing more quietly,
when the Persians unexpectedly fell upon our last division,
to whom that day the duty fell of bringing up the rear, and
would easily have slain all the men, had not our cavalry,
which happened to be at hand, the moment that they
heard what was going on, hastened up, though scattered
over the wide valley, and repulsed this dangerous attack,
wounding all who had thus surprised them.
6. In this skirmish fell Adaces, a noble satrap, who had
formerly been sent as ambassador to the emperor Constan
tius, and had been kindly received by him. The soldier
who slew him brought his arms to Julian, and received
the reward he deserved.
7. The same day one of our corps of cavalry, known as

A.D. 363.] COWARDICE OF ONE CORPS. 375
the third legion, was accused of having gradually given
way, so that when the legions were on the point of break
ing the enemy's line, they nearly broke the spirit of the
whole army.
8. And Julian, being justly indignant at this, de
prived them of their standards, broke their spears, and
condemned all those who were convicted of having mis
behaved of marching among the baggage and prisoners ;
while their captain, the only one of their number who had
behaved well, was appointed to the command of another
squadron, the tribune of which was convicted of having
shamefully left the field.
9. And four other tribunes of companies were also
cashiered for similar misconduct ; for the emperor was
contented with this moderate degree of punishment out of
consideration for his impending difficulties.
10. Accordingly, having advanced seventy furlongs with
very scanty7 supplies, the herbage and the corn being all
burnt, each man saved for himself just as much of the
grain or forage as he could snatch from the flames and
carry. 11. And having left this spot, when the army had
arrived at the district called Maranx, near daybreak an
immense multitude of Persians appeared, with Merenes,
the captain of their cavalry, and two sons of the king, and
many nobles.
12. All the troops were clothed in steel, in such a
way that their bodies were covered with strong plates, so
that the hard joints of the armour fitted every limb of
their bodies ; and on their heads were effigies of human
faces so accurately fitted, that their whole persons being
covered with metal, the only place where any missiles
which fell upon them could stick, was either where there
were minute openings to allow of the sight of the eyes
penetrating, or where holes for breathing were left at the
extremities of the nostrils.
13. Part of them who were prepared to fight with pikes
stood immovable, so that you might have fancied they were
held in their places by fastenings of brass ; and next to
them the archers (in which art that nation has always
been most skilful from the cradle) bent their supple bows
with widely extended arms, so that the strings touched

376 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ch. i.
their right breasts, while the arrows lay just upon their
left, hands ; and the whistling arrows flew, let loose with
great skill of finger, bearing deadly wounds.
14. Behind them stood the glittering elephants in for
midable array, whose grim looks our terrified men could
hardly endure ; while the horses were still more alarmed
at their growl , odour, and unwonted aspect.
15. Their drivers rode on them, ani bore knives with
handles fastened to their right hands, remembering the
disaster which they had experienced at Nisibis ; and if the
ferocious animal overpowered his overseer, they pierced
the spine where the head is joined to the neck with a
vigorous blow, that the beast might not recoil upon their
own ranks, as had happened on that occasion, and trample
down their own people ; for it was found out by Hasdrubal,
the brother of Hannibal, that in this way these animals
might be very easily deprived of life.
16. The sight of these beasts caused great alarm ; and so
this most intrepid emperor, attended with a strong body
of his armed cohorts and many of his chief officers, as the
crisis and the superior numbers of the enemy required,
marshalled his troops in the form of a crescent with the
wings bending inwards to encounter the enemy.
17. And to hinder the onset of the archers from dis
ordering our columns, by advancing with great speed he
baffled the aim of their arrows ; and after he had given the
formal signal for fighting, the Roman infantiy, in close
order, beat back the front of the enemy with a vigorous
effort. 18. The struggle was fierce, and the clashing of the
shields, the din of the men, and the doleful whistle of the
javelins, which continued without intermission, covered the
plains with blood and corpses, the Persians falling in every
direction ; and though they were often slack in fighting,
being accustomed chiefly to combat at a distance by means
of missiles, still now foot to foot they made a stout resist
ance ; and when they found any of their divisions giving
way, they retreated like rain before the wind, still with
showers of arrows seeking to deter their foes from pur
suing them. So the Parthians were defeated by prodigious
efforts, till our soldiers, exhausted by the heat of the
-day, on the signal for retreat being sounded, returned to

A.D. .563.] SELF-DENIAL OF JULIAN. 377
their camp, encouraged for the future to greater deeds of
daring. 19. In this battle, as I have said, the loss of the Persians
was very great — ours was very slight. But the most im
portant death in our ranks was that of Vetranio, a gallant
soldier who commanded the legion of Zianni.1
II.
§ 1. After this there was an armistice for three days, while
the men attended to their own wounds or those of their
friends, during which we were destitute of supplies, and
distressed by intolerable hunger ; and since, as all the corn
and forage was burnt, both men and cattle were in extreme
danger of starvation, a portion of the food which the
horses of the tribunes and superior officers were carrying
was distributed among the lower classes of the soldiers,
who were in extreme want.
2. And the emperor, who had no royal dainties pre
pared for himself, but who was intending to sup under the
props of a small tent on a scanty portion of pulse, such as
would often have been despised by a prosperous common
soldier, indifferent to his own comfort, distributed what was
prepared for him among the poorest of his comrades.
3. He gave a short time to anxious and troubled sleep ;
and when he awoke, and, as was his custom, began to
write something in his tent, in imitation of Julius Caesar,
while the night was still dark, being occupied with the
consideration of the writings of some philosophers, he saw,
as he told his friends, in mournful guise, the vision of the
Genius of the Empire, whom, when he first became em
peror, he had seen in Gaul, sorrowfully departing through
the curtains of his tent with the cornucopia, which he
bore in his hand veiled, as well as his head.
4. And although for a moment he stood stupefied, yet
being above all fear, he commended the future to the will
of heaven ; and leaving his bed, which was made on the
ground, he rose, while it was still but little past mid
night, and supplicating the deities with sacred rites to
avert misfortune, he thought he saw a bright torch, falling,
i The Zianni were an Armenian tribe. The legion belonged to the
Thracian establishment.

378 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ch. B.
cut a passage through the air and vanish from his sight ;
and then he was horror-stricken, fearing that the star of
Mars had appeared openly threatening him.
5. For this brightness was of the kind which we call
HiaioaovTa, not falling down or reaching the ground.
Indeed, he who thinks that solid substances can fall from
heaven is rightly accounted profane and mad. But these
occurrences take place in many ways, of which it will be
enough to enumerate a few.
6. Some think that sparks falling off from the ethereal
fire, as they are able to proceed but a short distance, soon
become extinguished ; or, perhaps, that rays of fire coming
against the dense clouds, sparkle from the suddenness of
the contact ; or that some light attaches itself to a cloud,
and taking the form of a star, runs on as long as it is sup
ported by the power of the fire ; but being presently ex
hausted by the magnitude of the space which it traverses,
it becomes dissolved into air, passing into that substance
from the excessive attrition of which it originally derived
its heat.
7. Therefore, without loss of time, before daybreak, he
sent for the Etruscan soothsayers, and consulted them
what this new kind of star portended ; who replied, that
he must cautiously avoid attempting any new enterprise at
present, showing that it was laid down in the works of
Tarquitius,1 " on divine affairs," that when a light of this
kind is seen in heaven, no battle ought to be engaged in,
or any similar measure be undertaken.
8. But as he despised this and many other similar warn
ings, the diviners at least entreated him to delay his march
for some hours ; but they could not prevail even to this
extent, as the emperor was always opposed to the whole
science of divination. So at break of day the camp was
struck. III.
§ 1. When we set forward, the Persians, who had learnt
by their frequent defeats to shun pitched battles, laid
secret ambuscades on our road, and, occupying the hills on
each side, continually reconnoitred our battalions as they
1 Tarquitius was an ancient Etruscan soothsayer, who had written on
the subject of his art.

*">.363.; JULIAN IS VOJNDED. 379
marched, so that our soldiers, being kept all day on the
watch, could neither find time to erect ramparts round
their camp, or to fortify themselves with palisades.
2. And while our flanks were strongly guarded, and the
army proceeded onward in as good order as the nature of
the ground would allow, being formed in squares, though
not quite closed up, suddenly news was brought to the
emperor, who had gone on unarmed to reconnoitre the
ground in front, that our rear was attacked.
3. He, roused to anger by this mishap, without stop
ping to put on his breastplate, snatched up his shield in a
hurry, and while hastening to support his rear, was re
called by fresh news that the van which he had quitted
was now exposed to a similar attack.
4. Without a thought of personal danger, he now
hastened to strengthen this division, and then, on another
side, a troop of Persian cuirassiers attacked his centre, and
pouring down with vehemence on his left wing, which
began to give way, as our men could hardly bear up
against the foul smell and horrid cries of the elephants,
they pressed us hard with spears and clouds of arrows.
5. The emperor flew to every part of the field where the
danger was hottest ; and our light-armed troops dashing
out wounded the backs of the Persians, and the hocks of
the animals, which were turned the other way.
6. Julian, disregarding all care for his own safety, made
signs by waving his hands, and shouted out that the
enemy were fleeing in consternation ; and cheering on his
men to the pursuit, threw himself eagerly into the con
flict. His guards called out to him from all sides to be
ware of the mass of fugitives who were scattered in con
sternation, as he would beware of the fall of an ill-built
roof, when suddenly a cavalry spear, grazing the skin of
his arm, pierced his side, and fixed itself in the bottom of
his liver.
7. He tried to pull it out with his right hand, and cut
the sinews of his fingers with the double-edged point of
the weapon ; and, falling from his horse, he was borne
with speed by the men around him to his tent ; and the
physician tried to relieve him.
8. Presently, when his pain was somewhat mitigated, so
that his apprehensions were relieved, contending against

380 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ch. ni
death with great energy, he asked for arms aud a horse,
in order that, by revisiting his troops, who were still
engaged, he might restore their confidence, and appear
so secure of his own recovery as to have room for
anxiety for the safety7 of others ; with the same energy7,
though with a different object, with which the celebrated
leader, Epaminondas, when he was mortally wounded at
Mantinea, and had been borne out of the battle, asked
anxiously for his shield ; and when he saw it he died of
his wound cheerfully, having been in fear for the loss of
his shield, while quite fearless about the loss of his
life. 9. But as Julian's strength was inferior to his firmness,
and as he was weakened by the loss of blood, he remained
without moving : and presently he gave up all hope of
life ; because, on inquiry, he found that the place where
he had fallen was called Phrygia ; for he had been assured
by an oracle that he was destined to die in Phrygia.
10. When he was brought back to his tent, it was mar
vellous with what eagerness the soldiers flew to avenge
him, agitated with anger and sorrow ; and striking their
spears against their shields, determined to die if Fate
so willed it. And although vast clouds of dust obscured
their sight, and the burning heat hindered the activity of
their movements, still, as if they were released from all
military discipline by the loss of their chief, they rushed
unshrinkingly on the enemy's swords.
11. On the other hand the Persians, fighting with in
creased spirit, shot forth such clouds of arrows, that we
could hardly see the shooters through them ; while the
elephants, slowly marching in front, by the vast size of
their bodies, and the formidable appearance of their crests,
terrified alike our horses and our men.
12. And far off was heard the clashing of armed men,
the groans of the dying, the snorting of the horses, and the
clang of swords, till both sides were weary of inflicting
wounds, and the darkness of night put an end to the con
test. 13. Fifty nobles and satraps of the Persians, with a vast
number of the common soldiers, were slain ; and among
them, two of their principal generals, Merena and Noho
dares. Let the grandiloquence of antiquity marvel at the

ao. 363.] julian's dying speech. 381
twenty battles fought by Marcellus in different places ; let
. it add Sicinius Dentatus, adorned with his mass of military
crowns ; let it further extol Sergius, who is said to have
received twenty-three wounds in his different battles,
among whose posterity was that last Catiline, who tar
nished the glories of his distinguished family by everlasting
infamy. 14. But sorrow now overpowered the joy at this success.
While the conflict was thus carried on after the withdrawal
of the emperor, the right wing of the army was exhausted
by its exertions ; and Anatolius, at that time the master
of the offices, was killed ; Sallust the prefect was in
imminent danger, and was saved only by the exertions of
his attendant, so that at last he escaped, while Sophorius
his counsellor was killed ; and certain soldiers, who, after
great danger, had thrown themselves into a neighbouring
fort, were unable to rejoin the main army till three days
afterwards. 15. And while these events were taking place, Julian,
lying in his tent, thus addressed those who stood around
him sorrowing and mourning : "The seasonable moment
for my surrendering this life, 0 comrades, has now ar
rived, and, like an honest debtor, I exult in preparing
to restore what nature reclaims ; not in affliction and
sorrow, since I have learnt, from the general teaching of
philosophers, how much more capable of happiness the
mind is than the body ; and considering that when the
better part is separated from the worse, it is a subject of
joy7 rather than of mourning. Reflecting, also, that there
have been instances in which even the gods have given to
some persons of extreme piety, death as the best of all
rewards. 16. " And I well know that it is intended as a gift of
kindness to me, to save me from yielding to arduous diffi
culties, and from forgetting or losing myself ; knowing by
experience that all sorrows, while they triumph over the
weak, flee before those who endure them manfully.
17. " Nor have I to repent of any actions ; nor am I
oppressed by the recollection of any grave crime, either
when I was kept in the shade, and, as it were, in a corner,
or after I arrived at the empire, which, as an honour con
ferred on me by the gods, I have preserved, as I believe,'

882 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ch. ill.
unstained. In civil affairs I have ruled with moderation,
and, whether carrying on offensive or defensive war, have
always been under the influence of deliberate reason;
prosperity, however, does not always correspond to the
wisdom of man's counsels, since the powers above reserve
to themselves the regulation of results.
18. " But always keeping in mind that the aim of a just
sovereign is the advantage and safety of his subjects, I have
been always, as you know, inclined to peace, eradicating
all licentiousness — that great corruptress of things and
manners — by7 every part of my own conduct ; and I am
glad to feel that in whatever instances the republic, like
an imperious mother, has exposed me deliberately to
danger, I have stood firm, inured to brave all fortuitous
disturbing events.
19. " Nor am I ashamed to confess that I have long
known, from prophecy, that I should fall by the sword.
And therefore do I venerate the everlasting God that I
mow die, not by any secret treachery, nor by a long or
severe disease, or like a condemned criminal, but I quit
the world with honour, fairly earned, in the midst of a
career of flourishing glory. For, to any impartial judge,
that man is base and cowardly who seeks to die when
he ought not, or who avoids death when it is seasonable
for'him. 20. " This is enough for me to say, since my strength is
failing me ; but I designedly forbear to speak of creating a
new emperor, lest I should unintentionally pass over some
worthy man ; or, on the other hand, if I should name one
whom I think proper, I should expose him to danger in
the event of some one else being preferred. But, as an
honest child of the republic, I hope that a good sovereign
will be found to succeed me."
21. After having spoken quietly to this effect, he, as
it were with the last effort of his pen, distributed his
private property among his dearest friends, asking for
Anatolius, the master of the offices. And when the prefect
Sallust replied that he was now happy, he understood that
he was slain, and bitterly bewailed the death of his friend,
though he had so proudly disregarded his own.
22. And as all around were weeping, he reproved them
with still undiminished authority, saying that it was a

a.d.363.] julian's character. 383
humiliating thing to mourn for an emperor who was just
united to heaven and the stars.
23. And as they then became silent, he entered into an
intricate discussion with the philosophers Maximus and
Priscus on the sublime nature of the soul, while the wound
of his pierced side was gaping wide. At last the swelling
of his veins began to choke his breath, and having drank
some cold water, which he had asked for, he expired quietly
about midnight, in the thirty-first year of his age. He
was born at Constantinople, and in his childhood lost
his father, Constantius, who, after the death of his
brother Constantine, perished amid the crowd of competi
tors for the vacant crown. And at the same early age he
lost his mother, Basilina, a woman descended from a long
line of noble ancestors. IV.
§ 1. Julian was a man to be classed with heroic characters,
and conspicuous for the brilliancy of his exploits and his
innate majesty. For since, as wise men lay it down, there
are four cardinal virtues, — temperance, prudence, justice,
and fortitude, — with corresponding external accessaries,
such as military skill, authority, prosperity, and liberality,
he eagerly cultivated them all as if they had been but one.
2. And in the first place, he was of a chastity so inviolate
that, after the loss of his wife he never indulged in any
sexual pleasures, recollecting what is told in Plato of
Sophocles the tragedian, that being asked when he was a
very old man whether he still had any commerce with
women, he said " No," with this further addition, that " he
was glad to say that he had at all times avoided such
indulgence as a tyrannous and cruel master."
3. And to strengthen this resolution he often called to
mind the words of the lyric poet Bacchylides, whom he
used to read with pleasure, and who said that as a fine
painter makes a handsome face, so chastity adorns a life
that aims at greatness. And even when in the prime of
life he so carefully avoided this taint that there was never
the least suspicion of his becoming enamoured even of
any of his household, as has often happened.
4. And this kind of temperance increased in him, being
strengthened bj a sparing indulgence in eating and sleep-

384 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ch. rv.
ing, to which he rigidly adhered whether abroad or at
home. For in time of peace his frugal allowance of food
was a marvel to all who knew him, as resembling that of a
man always wishing to resume the philosopher's cloak.
And in his various campaigns he used commonly only to
take a little plain food while standing, as is the custom of
soldiers. 5. And when after being fatigued by labour he had
refreshed his body with a short rest, as soon as he awoke he
would go by himself round all the sentries and outposts ;
after which he retired to his serious studies.
6. And if any voice could bear witness to his use of the
nocturnal lamp, by which he pursued his lucubrations,
it would show that there was a vast difference between
some emperors and him, who did not even indulge himself
in those pleasures permitted by the necessities of human
nature. 7. Of his prudence there were also many proofs, of
which it will be sufficient to recount a few. He was pro
foundly skilled in war, and also in the arts of peace. He
was very attentive to courtesy, claiming just so much
respect as he considered sufficient to mark the difference
between contempt and insolence. He was older in virtue
than in years, being eager to acquire all kinds of know7-
ledge. He was a most incorruptible judge, a rigid censor
of morals and manners, mild, a despiser of riches, and
indeed of all mortal things. Lastly, it was a common
sayring of his, " That it was beneath a wise man, since he
had a soul, to aim at acquiring praise by his body."
8. Of his justice there are many conspicuous proofs :
first, because, with all proper regard to circumstances and
persons, he inspired awe without being cruel ; secondly,
because he repressed vice by making examples of a few,
and also because he threatened severe punishment more
frequently than he employed it.
9. Lastly, to pass over many circumstances, it is certain
that he treated with extreme moderation some who were
openly convicted of plotting against him, and mitigated
the rigour of the punishment to which they were sentenced
with genuine humanity.
10. His many battles and constant wars displayed his
fortitude, as did his endurance of extreme cold and heat.

AJ>. 363.] HIS MILITARY SKILL. 385
From a common soldier we require the services of the
body, from an emperor those of the mind. But having
boldly thrown himself into battle, he would slay a ferocious
foe at a single blow ; and more than once he by himself
checked the retreat of our men at his own personal risk;
And when he was putting down the rule of the furious
Germans, and also in the scorching sands of Persia, he en
couraged his men by fighting in the front ranks of his army.
11. Many well-known facts attest his skill in all that
Concerns a camp ; his storming of cities and castles amid
the most formidable dangers ; the variety of his tactics for
battles, the skill he showed in choosing healthy spots
for his camps, the safe principles on which his lines of
defence and outposts were managed.
12. So great was his authority, that while he was feared
he was also greatly loved as his men's comrade in their
perils and dangers. And in the hottest struggles he took
notice of cowards for punishment. And while he was yet
only Cassar, he kept his soldiers in order while confront
ing the barbarians, and destitute of pay as I have men
tioned before. And haranguing his discontented troops,
the threat which he used was that he would retire into
private life if they continued mutinous.
13. Lastly, this single instance will do as well as many,
by haranguing the Gallic legions, who were accustomed
to the frozen Rhine, in a simple address, he persuaded
them to traverse vast regions and to march through the
warm plains of Assyria to the borders of Media.
; 14. His good fortune was so conspicuous that, riding as
-it were on the shoulders of Fortune, who was long his
faithful guide, he overcame enormous difficulties in his
victorious career. And after he quitted the regions of tho
west, they all remained quiet during his life-time, as if
under the influence of a wand powerful enough to tran
quillize the world.
15. Of his liberality there are many and undoubted
-proofs. Among which are his light exactions of tribute,
nis remission of the tribute of crowns, and of debts long
due, his putting the rights of individuals on an equal
footing with those of the treasury, his restoration of their
revenues and their lands to different cities, with the ex
ception of such as had been lawfully sold by former
2c

386 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Cii.rv,
princes ; and also the fact that he was never covetous of
money, which he thought was better kept by its owners,
often quoting the saying, " that Alexander the Great, when
he was asked where he kept his treasures, kindly answered
' Among my friends.' "
16. Having discussed those of his good qualities which
have come within our knowledge, let us now proceed to
unfold his faults, though they have been already slightly
noticed. He was of an unsteady disposition ; but this
fault he corrected by an excellent plan, allowing people
to set him right when guilty of indiscretion.
17. He was a frequent talker, rarely silent. Too much
devoted to divination, so much so as in this particular to
equal the emperor Adrian. He was rather a superstitious
than a legitimate observer of sacred rites, sacrificing count
less numbers of victims ; so that it was reckoned that if he
had returned from the Parthians there would have been
a scarcity of cattle. Like the celebrated case of Marcus
Caesar,1 about whom it was written, as it is said, "The
white cattle to Marcus Caesar, greeting. If you conquer
there is an end of us."
18. He was very fond of the applause of the common
people, and an immoderate seeker after praise even in the
most trifling matters ; often, from a desire of popularity,
indulging in conversation with unworthy persons.
19. But in spite of all this he deserved, as he used to
say himself, to have it thought that that ancient Justice,
whom Aratus says fled to heaven from disgust with the
vices of men, had in his reign returned again to the earth ;
only that sometimes he acted arbitrarily and inconsistently.
20. For he made some laws which, with but few excep
tions, were not offensive, though they very positively en
forced or forbade certain actions. Among the exceptions
was that cruel one which forbade Christian masters of
rhetoric and grammar to teach unless they came over to
the worship of the heathen gods.
21. And this other ordinance was equally intolerable,
namely one which allowed some persons to be unjustly
enrolled in the companies of the municipal guilds, though
they were foreigners, or by privilege or birth wholly
unconnected with such companies.
1 That is Marcus Aurelius.

A.D. 363.] HTS PERSONAL APPEARANCE. 38?
22. As to his personal appearance it was this. He was
of moderate stature, with soft hair, as if he had carefully
dressed it, with a rough beard ending in a point, with
beautiful brilliant eyes, which displayed the subtlety of
his mind, with handsome eyebrows and a straight nose, a
rather large mouth, with a drooping lower lip, a thick and
stooping neck, large and broad shoulders. From head to
foot he was straight and well proportioned, which made
him strong and a good runner.
23. And since his detractors have accused him of provok
ing new wars, to the injury of the commonwealth, let them
know the unquestionable truth, that it was not Julian but
Constantius who occasioned the hostility of the Parthians
by greedily acquiescing in the falsehoods of Metrodorus,
as we have already set forth.
24. In consequence of this conduct our armies were
slain, numbers of our soldiers were taken prisoners, cities
were rased, fortresses were stormed and destroyed, pro
vinces were exhausted by heavy expenses, and in short the
Persians, putting their threats into effect, were led to seek
to become masters of everything up to Bithynia and the
shores of the Propontis.
25. While the Gallic wars grew more and more violent,
the Germans overrunning our territories, and being on the
point of forcing the passes of the Alps in order to invade
Italy, there was nothing to be seen but tears and consterna
tion, the recollection of the past being bitter, the expecta
tion of the future still more woeful. All these miseries,
this youth, being sent into the West with the rank of Caesar,
put an end. to with marvellous celerity, treating the kings
of those countries as base-born slaves.
26. Then in order to re-establish the prosperity of the
east, with similar energy he attacked the Persians, and
would have gained in that country both a triumph and a
surname, if the will of heaven had been in accordance with
his glorious plans and actions.
27. And as we know by experience that some men are
so rash and hasty that if conquered they return to battle,
if shipwrecked, to the sea, in short, each to the difficulties
by which he has been frequently overcome, so some find
fault with this emperor for returning to similar exploits
after having been repeatedly victorious.

388 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be.XXV.Ch, v.-

§ 1. After these events there was no time for lamentation
or weeping. For after he had been laid out as well as the'
circumstances and time permitted, that he might be buried'
where he himself had formerly proposed, at daybreak the>
next morning, which was on the 27th of June, while the
enemy surrounded us on every side, the generals of the
army assembled, and having convened the chief officers of
the cavalry and of the legions, deliberated about the election
of an emperor.
2. There were great and noisy divisions. Arinthaeus
and Victor, and the rest of those who had been attached to
the court of Constantius, sought for a fit man of their own
party. On the other hand, Nevitta and Dagalaiphus, and
the nobles of the Gauls, sought for a man among their own-
ranks. 3. While the matter was thus in dispute, they all unani
mously agreed upon Sallustius. And when he pleaded ill
health and old age, one of the soldiers of rank observing
his real and fixed reluctance said, " And what would you do
if the emperor while absent himself, as has often happened,
had intrasted you with the conduct of this war? Would
you not have postponed all other considerations and applied
yourself to extricating the soldiers at once from the
difficulties which press on them ? Do so now : and then,
if we are allowed to reach Mesopotamia, it will be time''
enough for the united suffrages of both armies to declare a
lawful emperor."
4. Amid these little delays in so important a matter/
before opinions were justly weighed, a few made an uproar,
as often happens in critical circumstances, and Jovian was
elected emperor, being the chief officer of the guards, and'
a man of fair reputation in respect of his father's services.
For he was the son of Varronianus, a distinguished count,1'
who had not long since retired from military service to lead
a private life.
5. And immediately he was clothed in the imperial
robes, and was suddenly led forth out of the tent and
1 It must be remembered that throughout Ammianus'a history a
count is always spoken of aa of higher, rank than a duke.

:».»-363.] .JOVIAN IS CHOSEN EMPEROR. 389
; passed at a quick pace through the army as it was pre
paring to march.
, ' 6. And as the line extended four miles, those in the van
; hearing some persons salute Jovian as Augustus, raised the
same cry still more loudly, for they were caught by the
. relationship, so to say, of the name, which differed only by
one letter from that of Julian, and so they thought that
Julian was recovered and was being led forth with great
acclamations as had often been the case. But when the
new emperor, who was both taller and less upright, was
seen, they suspected what had happened, and gave vent
to tears and lamentations.
7. And if any lover of justice should find fault with
what was done at this extreme crisis as imprudent, he
, might still more justly blame sailors who, having lost a
. skilful pilot when both winds and waves are agitated by
a storm, commit the helm of their vessel to some one of
their comrades.
8. This affair having been thus settled by a blind sort of
decision of Fortune, the standard-bearer of the Jovian
legion, which Varronianus had formerly commanded, having
had a quarrel with the new emperor while he was a private
-individual, because he had been a violent disparager of his
father, now fearing danger at his hand, since he had risen
;t»o a height exceeding any ordinary fortune, fled to the
, Persians. And having been allowed to tell what he knew,
he informed Sapor, who was at hand, that the prince whom
he dreaded was dead, and that Jovian, who had hitherto
been only an officer of the guards, a man of neither energy
nor courage, had been raised by a mob of camp drudges
to a kind of shadow of the imperial authority.
9. Sapor hearing this news, which he had always
anxiously prayed for, and being elated by this unexpected
good fortune, having reinforced the troops who had fought
against, us with a strong body of the royal cavalry, sent
them forward with speed to attack the rear of our army.
VI.
§ 1. And while these arrangements were being made, the
victims and entrails were inspected on behalf of Jovian,
and it was pronounced that he would ruin everything if he

390 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ch. *I.
remained in the camp, as he proposed, but that if he quitted
it he would have the advantage.
2. And just as we were beginning our march, the
Persians attacked us, preceded by their elephants. Both
our horses and men were at first disordered by their roaring
and formidable onset ; but the Jovian and Herculean le
gions slew a few of the monsters, and made a gallant re
sistance to the mounted cuirassiers.
3. Then the legions of the Jovii and Victores coming up
to aid their comrades, who were in distress, also slew two
elephants and a great number of the enemy's troops. And
on our left wing three most gallant men were blain, Julian,
Macrobius, and Maximus, all tribunes of the legions which
were then the chief of the whole army. '
4. When they were buried as well as circumstances
permitted, as night was drawing on, and as we were press
ing forward with all speed towards a fort called Sumere,
the dead body of Anatolius was recognized and buried with
a hurried funeral. Here also we were rejoined by sixty
soldiers and a party of the guards of the palace, whom we
have mentioned as having taken refuge in a fort called
Vaccatum. 5. Then on the following day we pitched our camp in a
valley in as favourable a spot as the nature of the ground
permitted, surrounding it with a rampart like a wall, with
sharp stakes fixed all round like so many swords^ with the
exception of one wide entrance.
6 And when the enemy saw this they attacked us with
all kinds of missiles from their thickets, reproaching us
also as traitors and murderers of an excellent prince. For
they had heard by the vague report of some deserters that
Julian had fallen by the weapon of a Roman.
7. And presently, while this was going on, a body of
cavalry ventured to force their way in by the Praetorian
gate, and to advance almost up to the emperor's tent. But
they were vigorously repulsed with the loss of many of
their men killed and wounded.
8. Quitting this camp, the next night we reached a place
called Charcha, where we were safe, because the artificial
mounds of the river had been broken to prevent the Saracens
from overrunning Armenia, so that no one was able tb
harass our lines as they had done before.

*¦»¦ 363.] ATTACKS OF THE SARACENS. 39 i
9. Then on the 1st of July we marched thirty furlongs
more, and came to a city called Dura, where our baggage-
horses were so jaded, that their drivers, being mostly re
cruits, marched on foot till they were hemmed in by a
troop of Saracens ; and they would all have been killed if
some squadrons of our light cavalry had not gone to their
assistance in their distress.
10.- We were exposed to the hostility of these Saracens
because Julian had forbidden that the presents and gra
tuities, to which they had been accustomed, should be
given to them ; and when they complained to him, they
were only told that a warlike and vigilant emperor had
iron, not gold.
11. Here, owing to the obstinate hostility of the Persians,
we lost four days. For when we advanced they followed
us, compelling us to retrace our steps by their incessant
attacks. When we halted gradually to fight, they retired,
tormenting us by their long delay. And now (for when
men are in great fear even falsehoods please them) a report
being spread that we were at no great distance from our
own frontier, the army raised an impatient shout, and
demanded to be at once led across the Tigris.
12. But the emperor and his officers opposed this de
mand, and showed them that the river, now just at the
time of the rising of the Dogstar, was much flooded, en
treated them not to trust themselves to its dangerous
currents, reminding them that most of them could not
swim, and adding likewise that the enemy had occupied
the banks of the river, swoln as it was at many parts.
13. But when the demand was repeated over and over
again in the camp, and the soldiers with shouts and great
eagerness began to threaten violence, the order was given
very unwillingly that the Gauls, mingled with the northern
Germans, should lead the way into the river, in order that
if they were carried away by the violence of the stream
the obstinacy of the rest might be shaken ; or on the other
hand, if they accomplished the passage in safety the rest
might attempt it with more confidence.
14. And men were selected suited to such an enterprise,
who from their childhood had been accustomed in their
native land to cross the greatest rivers. And when the
darkness of night presented an opportunity for making the

392 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ch. vn,
attempt unperceived, as if they had just escaped from a
prison, they reached the opposite bank sooner than could
have heen expected ; and having beaten down and slain
numbers of the Persians whom, though they had been
placed there to guard the passage, their fancied security
had lulled into a gentle slumber, they held up their hands,
and shook their cloaks so as to give the concerted signal
that their bold attempt had succeeded.
15. And when the signal was seen, the soldiers became
eager to cross, and could only be restrained by the promise
of the engineers to make them bridges by means of bladders
and the hides of slaughtered animals.
VII.
§ 1. While these vain attempts were going on, king Sapor,
both while at a distance, and also when he approached,
received from his scouts and from our deserters a true
account of the gallant exploits of our men, of the disgraceful
slaughter of his own troops, and also of his elephants in
greater numbers than he ever remembered to have lost
before. And he heard also that the Roman army, being
hardened by its continual labours since the death of its
glorious chief, did not now think so much, as they said, of
safety as of revenge ; and were resolved to extricate them
selves from their difficulties either by a complete victory
or by a glorious death.
2. He looked on this news as formidable, being aware by
experience that our troops who were scattered over these
provinces could easily be assembled, and knowing also that
his own troops after their heavy losses were in a state of
the greatest alarm ; he also heard that we had in Meso
potamia an army little inferior in numbers to that before
him. 3. And besides all this, his courage was damped by the
fact of five hundred men having crossed that swollen river
by swimming in perfect safety, and having slain his guards^
and so emboldening the rest of their comrades to similar
hardihood. 4. In the mean time, as the violence of the stream pre
vented any bridges from being constructed, and as every
thing whioh could be eaten was consumed, wo passed twa

,*•»¦ 363.] DISTRESS OF THE ARMY. 393
-days in great misery, and the starving soldiers began to be
•furious with rage, thinking it better to perish by the sword
than by hunger, that most degrading death.
5. But the eternal providence of God was on our side,
and beyond our hopes the Persians made the first overtures,
sending the Surena and another noble as ambassadors to
treat for peace, and they themselves being in a state of
despondency, as the Romans, having proved superior in
almost every battle, weakened them daily.
6. But the conditions which they proposed were difficult
and intricate, since they pretended that, out of regard for
humanity7, their merciful monarch was willing to permit
the remains of our army to return home, provided the
Caesar, with his officers, would satisfy his demands.
7. In reply, we sent as ambassadors on our part, Arin-
thseus and Sallustius ; and while the proper terms were
being discussed with great deliberation, we passed four
more days in great suffering from want of provisions, more
painful than any kind of torture.
8. And in this truce, if before the ambassadors were sent,
the emperor, being disabused, had retired slowly from the
territories of the enemy, he would have reached the forts
of Corduena, a rich region belonging to us, only one hun
dred miles from the spot where these transactions were
being carried on.
9. But Sapor obstinately demanded (to use his own
language) the restoration of those territories which had
been taken from him by Maximian ; but as was seen in
the progress of the negotiation, he in reality required, as
the price of our redemption, five provinces on the other
side of the Tigris, — Arzanena, Moxoena, Zabdicena, Rohe-
mena, and Corduena, with fifteen fortresses, besides Nisibis.
and Singara, and the important fortress called the camp of
the Moors.
10. And though it would have been better to fight ten
battles than to give up one of them, still a set of flatterers
harassed our pusillanimous emperor with harping on the
dreaded name of Procopius, and affirmed that unless we
quickly recrossed the river, that chieftain, as soon as he
heard of the death of Julian, would easily bring about a
revolution which no one could resist, by means of the
fresh troops which he had under his command.

394 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ch. vrtt
11. Jovian, being wrought upon by the constant reite1-
ration of these evil counsels, without further delay gave
up everything that was demanded, with this abatement,
which he obtained with difficulty, that the inhabitants of
Nisibis and Singara should not be given up to the Persians
as well as the cities themselves.; and that the Roman gar
risons in the forts about to be surrendered should be
permitted to retire to fortresses of our own.
12. To which another mischievous and unfair condition
was added, that after this treaty was concluded we were
not to be at liberty to assist Arsaces against the Persians,
if he implored our aid, though he had always been our
friend and trusty ally. And this was insisted on by Sapor
for two reasons, in order that the man might be punished
who had laid waste Chiliocomum at the emperor's com
mand, and also that facility might be given for invading
Armenia without a check. In consequence of this it fell
out subsequently that Arsaces was taken prisoner, and
that, amid different dissensions and disturbances, the
Parthians laid violent hands on the greater portion of
Armenia, where it borders on Media, and on the town of
Artaxata. 13. This ignoble treaty being made, that nothing might
be done during the armistice, in contravention of its terms,
some men of rank were given as hostages on each side :
on ours, Remora, Victor, and Bellovaedius, tribunes of dis
tinguished legions : and on that of the enemy, one of their
chief nobles named Bineses, and three other satraps of
note. 14. So peace was made for thirty years, and ratified by
solemn oaths ; and we, returning by another line of march,
because the parts near the river were rugged and difficult,
suffered severely for want of water and pi ovisions.
VIII.
§ 1. The peace which had been granted on pretence of
humanity was turned to the ruin of many who were so
exhausted by want of food as to be at the last gasp, and
who in consequence could only creep along, and were
either carried away by the current of the river from not
being able to swim, or if able to overcome the force of the;

.AJ>,363.] THE ARMY ADVANCE TO HATHA. 395
stream so far as to reach the bank, were either slain like
sheep by the Saracens or Persians (because, as we stated
some time back, the Germans had driven them out), or sent
to a distance to be sold for slaves.
2. But when the trumpets openly gave the signal for
crossing the river, it was dreadful to see with what ardour
every individual hastened to rush into this danger, pre
ferring himself to all his comrades, in the desire of avoid
ing the many dangers and distresses behind him. Some
tried to guide the beasts who were swimming about at
random, with hurdles hurriedly put together ; others, seated
on bladders, and others, being driven by necessity to all
kinds of expedients, sought to pass through the opposing
waves by crossing them obliquely.
3. The emperor himself with a few others crossed over
in the small boats, which we said were saved when the
fleet was burnt, and then sent the same vessels backwards
and forwards till our whole body was brought across.
And at length all of us, except such as were drowned,
reached the opposite bank of the river, being saved amid
our difficulties by the favour of the Supreme Deity.
4. While we were still oppressed with the fear of inv-
pending disasters, we learnt from information brought in
by our outposts that the Persians were throwing a bridge
over the river some way off, at a point out of our sight, in
order that while all ideas of war were put an end to on our
side by the ratification of the treaty of peace, they might
come upon our invalids as they proceeded carelessly
onwards, and on the animals exhausted with fatigue. But
when they found their purpose discovered, they relin
quished their base design.
5. Being now relieved from this suspicion, we hastened
on by rapid marches, and approached Hatra, an ancient
town in the middle of a desert, which had been long since
abandoned, though at different times those warlike em
perors, Trajan and Severus, had attacked it with a view
to its destruction, but had been almost destroyed with
their armies, as we have related in our history of their
exploits. 6. And as we now learnt that over the vast plain before;
us for seventy miles in that arid region no water could be
found but "such as was brackish and fetid, and no kind oi ,

,-396 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XXV. Ch. VlU
food but southernwood, wormwood, dracontium, and other
bitter herbs, we filled the vessels which we had with
sweet water, and having slain the camels and the rest of
the beasts of burden, we thus sought to insure some kind
¦ of supplies, though not very wholesome.
-; 7. For six days the army marched, till at last even grass,
the last comfort of extreme necessity7, could not be found ;
when Cassianus, Duke of Mesopotamia, and the tribune
Mauricius, who had been sent forward with this object,
came to a fort called Ur, and brought some food from the
,'supplies which the army under 'Procopius and Sebastian,
by living sparingly, had managed to preserve.
8. From this place another person of the name of Proco
pius, a secretary, and Memoridus, a military tribune, was
sent forward to Illyricum and Gaul to announce the death
of Julian, and the subsequent promotion of Jovian to the
rank of emperor.
9. And Jovian deputed them to present his father-in-
law Lucillianus (who, after giving up military service,
had retired to the tranquillity of private life, and who was
at that time dwelling at Sirmium) with a commission as
captain of the forces of cavalry and infantry, and to urge
thim at the same time to hasten to Milan, to support him
;there in any difficulties which might arise, or (what he
feared most) to oppose any attempts which might be made
to bring about a revolution.
10. And he also gave them still more secret letters, in
which he warned Lucillianus to bring him some picked
men of tried energy and fidelity, of whose aid he might
avail himself according as affairs should turn out.
11. He also made a wise choice, and selected Malarichus,
Svho was at that time in Italy on his own private affairs,
sending him the ensigns of office that he might succeed
Jovinus as commander of the forces in Gaul, in which
appointment he had an eye on two important objects;
first, to remove a general of especial merit who was an
object of suspicion on that very account, and also by the
promotion to so high a position of a man whose hopes were
not set on anything so lofty to bind him to exert all his
zeal in supporting the doubtful position of the maker of
his fortunes.
i 12. And the officers who went to perform these com-

A.D. 363.] IMPORTANCE OF NISIBIS. 397
mands were also enjoined to extol the emperor's con
duct, and wherever they went to agree in reporting that-
the Parthian campaign had been brought to an honourable
termination ; they were also charged to prosecute their
journey with all speed by night and day, delivering as they
went letters from the new emperor to all the governors of
provinces and commanders of the forces on their road ;
and when they had secretly learnt the opinions of them all,
to return to him with all speed, in order that when he1
knew what was being done in the distant provinces, he might
be able to frame well-digested and wise plans for strength
ening himself in his government.
13. But Fame (being al way the most rapid bearer of bad
news) , outstripping these couriers, flew through the differ
ent provinces and nations ; and above all others struck the
citizens of Nisibis with bitter sorrow when they heard that
their city was surrendered to Sapor, whose anger and
enmity they dreaded, from recollecting the havoc and
slaughter which he had made in his frequent attempts to
take the place.
14. For it was clear that the whole eastern empire would
have fallen under the power of Persia long before if it had
not been for the resistance which this city, strong in its
admirable position and its mighty walls, had been able to
offer. But miserable as they now were, and although they
were filled with a still greater fear of what might befall
them hereafter, they were supported by this slender hope,
that, either from his own inclination or from being won
over by their prayers, the emperor might consent to keep
their city in its existing state, as the strongest bulwark of
the east.
15. While different reports were flying about of what
had taken place, the scanty supplies which I have spoken
of as having been brought, were consumed, and necessity
might have driven the men to eat one another, if the flesh
of the animals slain had not lasted them a little longer i
but the consequence of our destitute condition was, that
the arms and baggage were thrown away; for we were
so worn out with this terrible famine, that whenever a
single bushel of corn was found (which seldom happened),
it was sold for ten pieces of gold at the least.
- 16. Marching on from thence, we come to Thilsaphata

398 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Ca. IX.
where Sebastian and Procopius, with the tribunes and chief
officers of the legions which had been placed under their
command for the protection of Mesopotamia, came to meet
the emperor as the solemn occasion required, and being
kindly received, accompanied us on our march.
17. After this, proceeding with all possible speed, we
rejoiced when we saw Nisibis, where the emperor pitched
a standing camp outside the walls ; and being most
earnestly entreated by the whole population to come to
lodge in the palace according to the custom of his prede
cessors, he positively refused, being ashamed that an im
pregnable city should be surrendered to an enraged enemy
while he was within its walls.
. 18. But as the evening was getting dark, Jovian, the chief
secretary, was seized while at supper, the man who at the
siege of the city Maogamalcha we have spoken of as escaping
with others by a subterranean passage, and being led to an
out-of-the-way place, was thrown headlong down a dry well,
and overwhelmed with a heap of stones which were thrown
down upon him, because after the death of Julian he also
had been named by a few persons as fit to be made emperor ;
and after the election of his namesake had not behaved
with any modesty, but had been heard to utter secret
whispers concerning the business, and had from time to
time invited some of the leading soldiers to entertainments.
IX.
§ 1. The next day Bineses, one of the Persians of whom
we have spoken as the most distinguished among them,
hastening to execute the commission of his king, demanded
from Jovian the immediate performance of his promise;
and by his permission he entered the city of Nisibis, and
raised the standard of his nation on the citadel, announcing
to the citizens a miserable emigration from their native
place. 2. Immediately they were all commanded to expatriate
themselves, in vain stretching forth their hands in entreaty
not to be compelled to depart, affirming that they by them
selves, without drawing on the public resources for either
E revisions or soldiers, were sufficient to defend their own
ome in full confidence that Justice would be on their side

AJ>.K63"] SEVERITY OF JOVIAN. 399-..
while fighting for the place of their birth, as they had often
found her to be before. Both nobles and common people ,
joined in this supplication ; but they spoke in vain as to the,
winds, the emperor fearing the crime of perjury, as he
pretended, though in reality the object of his fear was
very different.
3. Then a man of the name of Sabinus, eminent among
his fellow-citizens both for his fortune and birth, replied
with great fluency that Constantius too was at one time
defeated by the Persians in the terrible strife of fierce war,
that afterwards he fled with a small body of comrades to
the unguarded station of Hibita, where he lived on a scanty,
and uncertain supply of bread which was brought him by
an old woman from the country ; and yet that to the end
of his life he lost no territory; while Jovian, at the very
beginning of his reign, was yielding up the wall of his
provinces, by the protection of which barrier they had
hitherto remained safe from the earliest ages.
4. But as he could not prevail on the emperor, who per
sisted obstinately in alleging the obligation of his oath, pre
sently, when Jovian, who had for some time refused the
crown which was offered to him, accepted it under a show
of compulsion, an advocate, named Silvanus, exclaimed
boldly, " May you, 0 emperor, be so crowned in the rest
of your cities." But Jovian was offended at his words,
and ordered the whole body of citizens to quit the city
within three days, in despair as they were at the existing
state of affairs.
5. Accordingly, men were appointed to compel obedience
to this order, with threats of death to every one who de
layed his departure ; and the whole city was a scene of
mourning and lamentation, and in every quarter nothing
was heard but one universal wail, matrons tearing their
hair when about to be driven from their homes, in which
they had been born and brought up, the mother who had
lost her children, or the wife her husband, about to be torn
from the place rendered sacred by their shades, clinging to
their doorposts, embracing their thresholds, and pouring
forth floods of tears.
6. Every road was crowded, each person straggling
away as he could. Many, too, loaded themselves with as
much of their property as they thought they could carry

400 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. Cn. IX
while leaving behind them abundant and costly furniture,
for this they could not remove for want of beasts of
burden. 7. Thou in this place, O fortune of the Roman world,-
art justly an object of accusation, who, while storms were
agitating the republic, didst strike the helm from the
hand of a wise sovereign, to intrust it to an inexperienced
youth, whom, as he was not previously known for any re
markable actions in his previous life, it is not fair either to
blame or praise.
8. But it sunk into the heart of all good citizens, that,
while, out of fear of a rival claimant of his power, and
constantly fancying some one in Gaul or in Illyricum
might have formed ambitious designs, he was hastening to
outstrip the intelligence of his approach, he should have?
committed, under pretence of reverence for an oath, ani
act so unworthy of his imperial power as to abandon
Nisibis, which ever since the time of Mithridates had been
the chief hindrance to the encroachments of the Persians
in the East.
9. For never before since the foundation of Rome, if
one consults all its annals, I believe has any portion of our
territories been surrendered by emperor or consul to an
enemy. Nor is there an instance of a triumph having been
celebrated for the recovery of anything that had been lost,
but only for the increase of our dominions.
10. On this principle, a triumph was refused to Publius-
Scipio for the recovery of Spain, to Fulvius for the acqui-;
sition of Capua after a long struggle, and to Opimius after
many battles with various results, because the people of
Fregellee, who at that time were our implacable enemies,
had been compelled to surrender.
11. For ancient records teach us that disgraceful treaties,
made under the pressure of extreme necessity, even after
the parties to them have sworn to their observance in set
terms, have nevertheless been soon dissolved by the renewal
of war ; as in the olden time, after the legions had been
made to pass under the yoke at the Caudine Forks, in Sam-
nium ; and also when an infamous peace was contemplated
by Albinus in Numidia ; and when Mancinus, the author of a
peace which was concluded in disgraceful haste, was suri
rendered to -the people of Numantia.

A.D.363.] THE ARMY AT ANTIOCH. 401
.' 12. Accordingly, when the citizens had been with
drawn, the city surrendered, and the tribune Constantiu ;
had been sent to deliver up to the Persian nobles the for
tresses and districts agreed upon, Procopius was sent'
forward with the remains of Julian, to bury them in the
suburbs of Tarsus, according to his directions while alive.
He departed, I say, to fulfil this commission, and as soon
as the body was buried, he quitted Tarsus, and though
sought for with great diligence, he could not be found
anywhere, till long afterwards he was suddenly seen at
Constantinople invested with the purple.
X.
§ 1. These transactions having been thus concluded, after
a long march we arrived at Antioch, where for several
days in succession many terrible omens were seen, as if
the gods were offended, since those who were skilled in
the interpretation of prodigies foretold that impending
events would be melancholy.
2. For the statue of Maximian Caesar, which was placed
in the vestibule of the palace, suddenly lost the brazen
globe, formed after the figure of the heavens, which it
bore in its hand. Also the beams in the council chamber
sounded with an ominous creak ; comets were seen in the
daytime, respecting the nature of which natural philo
sophers differ.
3. For some think they have received the name because
they scatter fire wreathed like hair ' by a number of stars
being collected into one mass ; others think that they
derive their fire from the dry evaporation of the earth
rising gradually to a greater height ; some fancy that the
sunbeams as they rapidly pass, being prevented by dense
clouds from descending lower, by infusing their brilliancy
into a dense body show a light which, as it were, seems
spotted with stars to the eyes of mortals. Some again
have a fixed opinion that this kind of light is visible when
some cloud, rising to a greater height than usual, becomes
illuminated by its proximity to the eternal fires ; or, that
at all events there are some stars like the rest, of which
the special times of their rising and setting are not under-
1 From k6uti, hair,
2d

402 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXV. CH. X.
stood by man. There are many other suggestions about
comets which have been put forth by men skilled in mun
dane philosophy, but I must pass over them, as my subject
calls me in another direction.
4. The emperor remained a short time at Antioch, dis
tracted by many important cares, but desirous above all
things to proceed. And so, sparing neither man nor beast,
he started from that city in the depth of winter, though,
as I have stated, many omens warned him from such a
course, and made his entrance into Tarsus, a noble city
of Cilicia, the origin of which I have already related.
5. Being in excessive haste to depart from -thence, he
ordered decorations for the tomb of Julian, which was
placed in the suburb, in the road leading to the defiles of
Mount Taurus. Though a sound judgment would have
decided that the ashes of such a prince ought not to lie
within sight of the Cydnus, however beautiful and clear
that river is, but, to perpetuate the glory of his achieve
ments, ought rather to be placed where they might be
washed by the Tiber as it passes through the Eternal
City and winds round the monuments of the ancient gods.
6. Then quitting Tarsus, he reached by7 forced marches
Tyana, a town of Cappadocia, where Procopius the secre
tary and Memoridus the tribune met him on their return,
and related to him all that occurred ; beginning, as the
order of events required, at the moment when Lucillianus
(who had entered Milan with the tribunes Seniauchus and
Valentinian, whom he had brought with him, as soon as it
was known that Malarichus had refused to accept the post
which was offered to him) hastened on with all speed to
Rheims. 7. There, as if it had been a time of profound tranquil
lity, he went quite beside the mark, as we say, and while
things were still in a very unsettled state, he most unsea
sonably devoted his attention to scrutinizing the accounts
of the commissary, who, being conscious of fraud and guilt,
fled to the standards of the soldiers, and pretended that
while Julian was still alive some one of the common
people had attempted a revolution. By this false report
the army beoame so greatly excited that they put Lucil
lianus and Seniauchus to death. For Valentinian, who
soon afterwards became emperor, had been concealed by

A.D. 364.] THE GALLIC ARMY EMBRACES THE CAUSE OF JOVIAN. 403
his host Primitivus in a safe place, overwhelmed with fear
and not knowing which way to flee.
8. This disastrous intelligence was accompanied by one
piece of favourable news, — that the soldiers who had been
sent by Jovian were approaching (men known in the camp
as the heads of the classes), who brought word that the
Gallic army had cordially embraced the cause of Jovian.
9. When this was known, the command of the second
class of the Scutarii was given to Valentinian, who had
returned with those men ; and Vitalianus, who had been
a soldier of the Heruli, was placed among the body
guards, and afterwards, when raised to the rank of count,
met with very ill success in Illyricum. And at the same
time Arinthaeus was despatched into Gaul with letters for
Jovinus, with an injunction to maintain his ground and
act with resolution and constancy ; and he was further
charged to make an example of the author of the disturb
ance wliich had taken place, and to send the ringleaders of
the sedition as prisoners to the court.
10. When these matters had been arranged as seemed
most expedient, the Gallic soldiers obtained an audience
of the emperor at Aspuna, a small town of Galatia, and
having been admitted into the council chamber, after
the message which they brought had been listened to with
approval, they received rewards and were ordered to re
turn to their standards. a.d. 364.
11. When the emperor had made his entry into Ancyra,
everything necessary for his procession having been pre
pared as well as the time permitted, Jovian entered on
the consulship, and took as his colleague his son Varroni-
anus, who was as yet quite a child, and whose cries as he
obstinately resisted being borne in the curule chair, ac
cording to the ancient fashion, was an omen of what shortly
happened. 12. Here also the appointed termination of life carried
off Jovian with rapidity. For when he had reached Dadas-
tana, a place on the borders of Bithynia and Galatia, he
was found dead in the night ; and many uncertain reports
were spread concerning his death.
13. It was said that he had been unable to bear the

404 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bu. XXV. Ch, v..
unwholesome smell of the fresh mortar with which his
bedchamber had been plastered. Also that his head had
swollen in consequence of a great fire of coals, and that
this had been the cause of his death ; others said that he
had died of a surfeit from over.eating. He was in the
thirty-third year of his age. And though he and Scipio
iEmilianus both died in the same manner, we have not
found out that any investigation into the death of either
ever took place.
14. Jovian was slow in his movements, of a cheerful
countenance, with blue eyes ; very tall, so much so that
it was long before any of the royal robes could be found to
fit him. He was anxious to imitate Constantius, often oc
cupying himself with serious business till after midday,
and being fond of jesting with his friends in public.
15. He was given to the study of the Christian law,
sometimes doing it marked honour ; he was tolerably
learned in it, very- well inclined to its professors, and
disposed to promote them to be judges, as was seen in
some of his appointments. He was fond of eating, ad
dicted to wine and women, though he would perhaps have
corrected these propensities from a sense of what was due
to the imperial dignity.
16. It was said that his father, Varronianus, through the
warning of a dream, had long since foreseen what hap
pened, and had foretold it to two of his most faithful
friends, with the addition that he himself also should
become consul. But though part of his prophecy became
true, he could not procure the fulfilment of the rest. - For
though he heard of his son's high fortune, he died before
he could see him.
17. And because the old man had it foretold to him
in his sleep that the highest office was destined for his
name, his grandson Varronianus, while still an infant, was
made consul with his father Jovian, as we have related
above. ;

*•»¦ 364.] 405

BOOK XXVI.

I. Valentinian, the tribune of the second school of the Scutarii, by the
unanimous consent of both the civil and military officers, is elected
emperor at Nicaea, in his absence — A dissertation on leap-year. —
II. Valentinian, being summoned from Ancyra, comes with
speed to Nicaea, and is again unanimously elected emperor, and
. having been clothed in the purple, and saluted as Augustus,
harangues the army. — III. Concerning the prefecture of Eome, as
administered by Apronianus.— IV. Valentinian at Nicomedia
makes Valens, his brother, who was master of the horse, his
colleague in the empire, and repeats his appointment at Constan
tinople, with the consent of the army — V. The two emperors
-divide the counts and the army between them, and soon afterwards
enter on their first consulship, the one at Milan, the other at
Constantinople — The Allemanni lay waste Gaul — Procopius
attempts a revolt in the East.— VI. The country, family, habits,
and rank of Procopius ; his obscurity ia the time of Jovian, and
how he came to be saluted emperor at Constantinople. — VII. Pro-
; copius, without bloodshed, reduces Thrace to acknowledge his
authority ; and by promises prevails on the cavalry and in
fantry, who were marching through that country, to take the
oath of fidelity to him ; he also by a speech wins over the Jovian
and Victorian legions, which were sent against him by Valens. —
VIII. Nicaea and Chalcedon being delivered from their blockades,
Bithynia acknowledges the sovereignty of Procopius ; aspresently,
after Cyzicus is stormed, the Hellespont does likewise. — IX. Pro
copius is deserted by his troops in Bithynia, Lycia, and Phrygia,
is delivered alive to Valens, and beheaded. — X. Marcellus, a
captain of the guard, his kinsman, and many of his partisans are
put to death.

a.d. 364.
§ 1. Having narrated with exceeding care the series of
transactions in my own immediate recollection, it is
necessary now to quit the track of notorious events, in
order to avoid the dangers often found in connection with
truth ; and also to avoid exposing ourselves to unreason
able critics of our work, who would make an outcry as if
they had been personally injured, if anything should be
passed over which the emperor has said at dinner, if any
cause should be overlooked for which the common soldiers

406 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Ch. j.
were assembled round their standards, or if there were
not inserted a mention of every insignificant fort, however
little such things ought to have room in a varied descrip
tion of different districts. Or if the name of every one
who filled the office of urban praetor be not given, and
many other things quite impertinent to the proper idea
of a history, which duly touches on prominent occur
rences, and does not stoop to investigate petiy details or
secret motives, which any one who wishes to know may
as well hope to be able to count those little indivisible
bodies flying through space, which we call atoms.
2. Some of the ancients, fearing this kind of criticism,
though they composed accounts of various actions in a
beautiful style, forbore to publish them, as Tnlly, a wit
ness of authority, mentions in a letter to Cornelius Nepos.
However, let us, despising the ignorance of people in
general, proceed with the remainder of our narrative.
3. The course of events being terminated so mournfully,
by the death of two emperors at such brief intervals,
the army, having paid the last honours to the dead body
which was sent to Constantinople to be interred among
the other emperors, advanced towards Nicaea, which is
the metropolis of Bithynia, where the chief civil and
military authorities applied themselves to an anxious con
sideration of the state of affairs, and as some of them
were full of vain hopes, they sought for a ruler of dignity
and proved wisdom.
4. In reports, and the concealed whispers of a few
persons, the name of Equitius was ventilated, who was at
that time tribune of the first class of the Scutarii ; but he
was disapproved by the most influential leaders as being
rough and boorish; and their , inclinations rather tended
towards Januarius, a kinsman of Julian, who was the chief
commissary of the camp in Illyricum.
5. However, he also was rejected because he was at a
distance ; and, as a man well qualified and at hand, Va
lentinian was elected by the unanimous consent of all
men, and the manifest favour of the Deity. He was the
tribune of the second class of the Scutarii, and had been
left at Ancyra, it having been arranged that he should
follow afterwards. And. because no one denied that this
was for the advantage of the republic, messengers were sent

A.D. 364.] CONDUCT OF VALENTINIAN. 407
to beg him to come -with all speed ; and for ton days the
empire was without a ruler, which the soothsayer Marcus,
by an inspection of entrails at Rome, announced to be the
case at that moment in Asia.
6. But in the meanwhile, to prevent any attempt to
overturn what had been thus settled, or any movement on
the part of the fickle soldiers to set aside the election in
favour of some one on the spot, Equitius and Leo, who
was acting as commissary under Dagalaiphus the com
mander of the cavalry, and who afterwards incurred great
odium as master of the offices,1 strove with great prudence
and vigilance to establish, to the best of their power, what
had been the decision of the whole army, they being also
natives of Pannonia, and partisans of the emperor elect.
7. When Valentinian arrived in answer to the summons
he had received, either in obedience to omens which
guided him in the prosecution of the affair, as was gene
rally7 thought, or to repeated warnings conveyed in dreams,
he would not come into public or be seen by any one for
two days, because he wished to avoid the bissextile day of
February which came at that time, and which he knew to
have been often an unfortunate day for the Roman empire :
of this day I will here give a plain explanation.
8. The ancients who were skilled in the motions of the
world and the stars, among whom the most eminent are
Meton, Euctemon, Hipparchus, and Archimedes, define" it
as the period of the revolving year when the sun, in accord
ance with the laws which regulate the heavens, having
gone through the zodiac, in three hundred and sixty-five
days and nights, returns to the same point : as, for instance,
when, after having moved on from the second degree of
the Ram, it returns again to it after having completed its
circuit. 9. But the exact period of a year extends over the num
ber of days above mentioned and six hours more. And
so the correct commencement of the next year will not
begin till after midday and ends in the evening. The
third year begins at the first watch, and lasts till the sixth
hour of the night. The fourth begins at daybreak.
10. Now as the beginning of each year varies, one com
mencing at the sixth hour of the day, another at the same
» Master of the Offices— v. Bohn'a ' Gibbon,' ii., 223.

408 .AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Ca. it,
hour of the night, to prevent the calculation from throwing
all science into confusion by its perplexing diversity, and
the months of autumn from sometimes being found to come
in the spring, it has been settled that those six hours
which in a period of four years amount to twenty-four
shall be put together so as to make one day and night.
11. And after much consideration it has been so arranged
with the concurrence of many learned men, that thus the
revolutions of the year may come to one regular end,
removed from all vagueness and uncertainty, so that the
theory of the heavens may not be clouded by any error,
and that the months may retain their appointed position.
12. Before their dominions had reached any wide extent,
the Romans were for a long time ignorant of this fact, and
having been for many years involved in obscure difficulties,
they were in deeper darkness and error than ever, when
they gave the priests the power of intercalating, which
they, in profligate subservience to the interests of the far
mers of the revenue, or people engaged in lawsuits, effected
by making additions or subtractions at their own pleasure.
13. And from this mode of prooeeding many other expe
dients were adopted, all of which were fallacious, and which
I think it superfluous now to enumerate. But when they
were given up, Octavianus Augustus, in imitation of the
Greeks, corrected these disorderly arrangements and put
an end to these fluctuations, after great deliberation fixing
the duration of the year at twelve months and six hours,
during which the sun with its perpetual movement runs
through the whole twelve signs, and concludes the period
of a whole y7ear.
14. This rule of the bissextile year, Rome, which is
destined to endure to the end of time, established with the
aid of the heavenly Deity. Now let us return to our
history.
§ 1. When this day, so little fit in the opinion of many for
beginning any great affair, had passed, at the approach of
evening, by the advice of the prefect Sallust, an order was
issued by general consent, and with the penalty of death
attached to any neglect of it, that no one of higher autho-

¦40). 364.] VALENTINIAN IS SALUTED AS AUGUSTUS. 409
rity, or suspected of aiming at any objects of ambition,
should appear in public the next morning.
2. And when, while the numbers who allowed their
own empty wishes to torment them were weary of the
slowness of time, the night ended at last, and daylight
appeared, the soldiers were all assembled in one body,
and Valentinian advanced into the open space, and
mounting a tribunal of some height which had been
erected on purpose, he was declared ruler of the empire
as a man of due wisdom by this assembly, bearing the'
likeness of a comitia, with the unanimous acclamations of
all present.
3. Presently he was clothed with the imperial robe,
and crowned, and saluted as Augustus with all .the delight
which the pleasure of this novelty could engender; and
then he began to harangue the multitude in a piemeditated
speech. But as he put forth his arm to speak more freely,
a great murmur arose, the centuries and maniples be
ginning to raise an uproar, and the whole mass of the
cohorts presently urging that a second emperor should be
at once elected.
4. And though some people fancied that this cry was
raised by a few corrupt men in order to gain the favour of
, those who had been passed over, it appeared that that was
a mistake, for the cry that was raised did not resemble
.a purchased clamour, but rather the unanimous voice
of the whole multitude all animated with the same wish,
because recent examples had taught them to fear the
(instability of this high fortune. Presently the murmurs of
,the furious and uproarious army appeared likely to give
rise to a complete tumult, and men began to fear that
:the audacity of the soldiers might break out into some
.atrocious act.
5. And as Valentinian feared this above everything, he
raised his hand firmly with the vigour of an emperor full
of confidence, and venturing to rebuke some as obstinate
and seditious, he delivered the speech he had intended
without interruption.
6. " I exult, 0 ye gallant defenders of our provinces,
and boast and always shall boast that your valour has con7
ferred on me, who neither expected nor desired such an
honour, the government of the Roman empire, as the fittest

410 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Ch. n.
man to discharge its duties. That which was in your
hands before an emperor was elected, you have completed
beneficially and gloriously, by raising to this summit of
honour a man whom you know by experience to have
lived from his earliest youth to his present age with
honour and integrity. Now then I entreat you to listen
with quietness to a few plain observations which I think
will be for the public advantage.
7. " So numerous are the matters for the consideration
of an emperor, that I neither deny nor even doubt that it is
a desirable thing that he should have a colleague of equal
power to deal with every contingency. And I myself, as
a man, do also fear the great accumulation of cares which
must be mine, and the various changes of events. But
still we must use every exertion to insure concord, by
which even the smallest affairs give strength. And that
is easily secured if, your patience concurring with your
equity, you willingly grant me what belongs to me in
this matter. For Fortune, the ally of all good coun
sels, will I trust aid me, while to the very utmost of
my ability and power, I diligently search for a wise and
temperate partner. For as wise men lay it down, not
only in the case of empire where the dangers are frequent
and vast, but also in matters of private and everyday life,
a man ought rather to take a stranger into his friendship
after he has had opportunities of judging him to be wise,
than to ascertain his wisdom after he has made him his
friend. 8. " This, in hopes of a happier fortune, I promise. Do
you, retaining your steadiness of conduct and loyalty,
recruit the vigour of your minds and' bodies while rest
in your winter quarters allows you to do so. And you
shall soon receive what is your due on my nomination
as emperor."
9. Having finished this speech, to which his unexpected
authority gave weight, the emperor by it brought all over
to his opinion. And even those who a few minutes before
with loud voices demanded something different, now, fol
lowing his advice, surrounded him with the eagles and
standards, and, forming a splendid and formidable escort
of all classes and ranks of the army, conducted him to the
palace.

AJ>.364.] ENERGY OF APRONIANUS. 411

III.
§ 1 . While the decisions of Fate were rapidly bringing these
events to pass in the East, Apronianus, the governor of
Rome, an upright and severe judge, among the grave cases
by which that prefecture is continually oppressed, was
labouring with most particular solicitude to suppress the
magicians, who were now getting scarce, and who, having
been taken prisoners, had been, after being put to the
question, manifestly convicted by the evidence of their
accomplices of having injured some persons. These he
put to death, hoping thus, by the punishment of a few, to
drive the rest, if any were still concealed, out of the city
through fear of similar treatment.
2. And he is said to have acted thus energetically
because having been promoted by Julian while he was still
in Syria, he had lost one eye on his journey to take pos
session of his office, and he suspected that this was owing
to his having been the object of some nefarious practices ;
therefore with just but unusual indignation he exerted
great industry in searching out these and similar crimes.
This made him appear cruel to some persons, because the
populace were continually pouring - in crowds into the
amphitheatre while he was conducting the examination of
some of the greatest criminals.
3. At last, after many punishments of this kind had
been inflicted, he condemned to death the charioteer Hila-
rinus, who was convicted on his own confession of having
intrusted his son, who was but a very young hoy, to a
sorcerer to be taught some secret mysteries forbidden by
the laws, in order that he might avail himself of unlawful
assistance without the privity of any one. But, as the
executioner held him but loosely he suddenly escaped and
fled to a Christian altar, and had to be dragged from it,
when he was immediately beheaded.
4. But soon ample precautions were taken against the
recurrence of this and similar offences, and there were
none or very few who ventured afterwards to insult the
rigour of the public law by7 practising these iniquities. But
at a later period long impunity nourished atrocions crimes ;
and licentiousness increased to such a pitch that a certain

412 . AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XX VI. Ch. IV.
senator followed the example of Hilarinus, and was con
victed of having almost articled by a regular contract one
of his slaves to a teacher of the black art, to be instmcted
in his impious mysteries, though he'e'scaped punishment
by an enormous bribe, as common report went.
5. And, as it was said, having thus procured an ac
quittal, though he ought to have been ashamed even to have
such an accusation, he took no pains to- efface the stain,
but as if, among a lot of infamous persons, he were the
only one absolutely innocent, he used to ride on a hand
somely caparisoned horse through the streets, and is still
always attended by a troop of slaves, as if by a new and
.curious fashion be were desirous to attract particular ob
servation, just asDuilius in ancient times after his glorious
naval victory became so arrogant as to cause a flute-player
to precede him with soft airs when he returned to his
house after any dinner-party.
6. Under this same Apronianus all necessaries were so
abundant in Rome that not the slightest murmur because
of any scarcity of supplies was ever heard, which is very
common at Rome. IV.
.§ 1. But in Bithynia, Valentinian, as we have already
mentioned, having been declared emperor, having fixed the
next day but one for beginning his march, assembled his
chief officers, and, as if the course which he preferred "was
to follow their advice, inquired whom they recommended
him to take for his colleague ; and when no one made him
any answer, Dagalaiphus, who at that time was commander
of the cavalry, boldly answered " If, O excellent emperor,
you love your own kindred, you have a brother ; if you
love the republic, then seek the fittest man to invest."
2. Valentinian was offended with this speech, but kept
silence, and dissembled his displeasure and his intentions.
And having-made a rapid journey he reached Nicomediaon
the first of March, where he appointed his brother Valens
master of the horse with the rank of tribune.
3. And after that, when he reached Constantinople,
revolving many considerations in his mind, and considering
that he himself was already overwhelmed with the mag-

AjD. 364.] INRpADS OF THE BARBARIANS. 413.'
nitude of pressing business, he thought that the emergency
would admit of no delay ; and on the 28th of March he led
Valens into the suburbs, where, with the consent of all
men (and indeed no one dared to object), he declared him
emperor, had him clothed -in the imperial robes,- and
crowned with a diadem, and then brought him back in the
same carriage with himself as the legitimate partner of his
power, though in fact he was to be more like an obedient
servant, as the remainder of my narrative will show,
4. After these matters had been thus settled without
any interruption, the two emperors suffered a long time
from a violent fever; but when out of danger (as they
were more active .in the investigation of evils than in
removing them) they intrusted the commission to in
vestigate the secret causes of this malady to Ursatius the
master of the offices, a fierce Dalmatian, and to Juventius
Siscianus the quasstor, their real motive, as was constantly-
reported, being to bring the memory7 of Julian and that
of his friends into odium, as if their illness had been owing
to their secret malpractices. But this insinuation was
easily disposed of, since not a word could be adduced to
justify any imputation of such treason.
, 5. At this time the trumpet as it were gave signal for
war throughout the whole Roman world ; and the bar-,
barian tribes on our frontier were moved to make, incur
sion on those territories which lay nearest to them. The
Allemanni laid waste Gaul and Rheetia at the same time.
The Sarmatians and Quadi ravaged Pannonia. The Picts,
Scots, Saxons, and Atacotti harassed the Britons with in-,
cCssant invasions ; the Austoriani and other Moorish tribes
attacked Africa with more than usual violence. Predatory
bands of the Goths plundered Thrace.
6. The king of the Persians poured troops into Armenia,
exerting all his power to reduce that people again into
subjection to his authority ; without any just cause,
arguing, that after the death of Julian, with whom he
had made a treaty of peace, there was nothing that ought
to hinder him from recovering those lands which he could
prove to have belonged in former times to his ancestors,

414 . AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Ch vi
V.
A.D. 365.
§ 1. So after the winter had passed off quietly, the two
emperors in perfect harmony, one having been formally
elected, and the other having been admitted to share that
honour, though chiefly in appearance, having traversed
Thrace, arrived at Nissa, where in the suburb which is
known as Mediana, and is three miles from the city, they
divided the counts between them as if they were going to
separate. 2. To the share of Valentinian, by whose will every
thing was settled, there fell Jovinus, who had lately been
promoted by Julian to be the commander of the forces in
Gaul, and Dagalaiphus, on whom Jovian had conferred a
similar rank ; while Victor was appointed to follow Valens
to the east : and he also had originally been promoted by
the decision of Julian ; and to him was given Ariathseus
as a colleague. For Lupicinus, who in like manner had
sometime before been appointed by Jovian to command
the cavalry, was defending the eastern districts.
3. At the same time Equitius received the command
of the army of Illyricum, with the rank not of general but
of. count ; and Serenianus, who sometime before had re
tired from the service, now, being a citizen of Pannonia,
returned to it, and joined Valens as commander of the
cohort of his guards. This was the way in which these
affairs were settled, and in which the troops were divided.
4. After this, when the two brothers entered Sirmium,
they divided their-courts also, and Valentinian as the chief
took Milan, while Valens retired to Constantinople.
5. Sallust, with the authority of prefect, governed the
East, Mamertinus Italy with Africa and Illyricum, and
Germanianus the provinces of Gaul.
6. It was in the cities of Milan and Constantinople that
the emperors first assumed the consular robes. But the
whole year was one of heavy disaster to the Roman state.
7-i For the Allemanni burst through the limits of Ger
many, and the cause of their unusual ferocity was this.
They had sent ambassadors to the court, and according to

a.d.365] ATTEMITS OF PROCOPIUS. 415
custom they were entitled to regular fixed presents, but
received gifts of inferior value ; which, in great indigna
tion, they threw away as utterly beneath them. For this
they were roughly treated by Ursatius, a man of a pas
sionate and cruel temper, who at that time was master of
the offices ; and when they returned and related, with con
siderable exaggeration, how they had been treated, they7
roused the anger of their savage countrymen as if they had
been despised and insulted in their persons.
8. About the same time, or not much later, Procopius
attempted a revolution in the east ; and both these occur
rences were announced to Valentinian on the same day,
the 1st of November, as he was on the point of making
his entry into Paris.
9. He instantly sent Dagalaiphus to make head against
the Allemanni, who, when they had laid waste the land
nearest to them, had departed to a distance without blood
shed. But with respect to the measures necessary to
crush the attempt of Procopius before it gained any
strength, he was greatly perplexed, being made especially
anxious by his ignorance whether Valens were alive or
dead, that Procopius thus attempted to make himself master
of the empire.
1 0. For Equitius, as soon as he heard the account of the
tribune Antonius, who was in command of the army in the
interior of Dacia, before he was able to ascertain the real
truth of everything, brought the emperor a plain state
ment of what had taken place.
11. On this Valentinian promoted Equitius to the com-,
mand of a division, and resolved on retiring to Illyricum
to prevent a rebel who was already formidable from over
running Thrace and then carrying an hostile invasion into
Pannonia. For he was greatly terrified by recollecting
recent events, considering how, not long before, Julian,
despising an emperor who had been invariably successful
in every civil war, before he was expected or looked for,
passed on from city to. city with incredible rapidity.
' 12. But his eager desire to return was cooled by the
advice of those about him, who counselled and implored
him not to expose Gaul to the barbarians, who were
threatening'1 it ; nor to abandon on such a pretence pro
vinces which were -in need of great support.' And then

416 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Ch. yi.
prayers were seconded by embassies from several important
cities which entreated him not in a doubtful and disastrous
crisis to leave them wholly undefended, when by his pre
sence he might at once deliver them from the greatest
dangers, by the mere terror which his mighty name would
strike into the Germans.
13. At last, having given much deliberation to what
might be most advisable, he adopted the opinion of the
majority, and replied that Procopius was the foe only of
himself and his brother, but the Allemanni were the
enemies of the whole Roman world ; and so he determined
in the mean time not to move beyond the frontier of
Gaul. 14. And advancing to Rheims, being also anxious that
Africa should not be suddenly invaded, he appointed
Neotherius, who at that time was only a secretary, but who
afterwards became a consul, to go to the protection of that
country ; and with him Masaucio, an officer of the domestic
guard, being induced to add him by the consideration that
he was well acquainted with the disturbed parts, since he
had been brought up there under his father Cretion, who
was formerly Count of Africa ; he added further, Gauden
tius, a commander of the Scutarii, a man whom he had
long known, and on whose fidelity he placed entire con
fidence. 15. Because therefore these sad disturbances arose on
both sides at one and the same time, we will here arrange
our account of each separately in suitable order ; relating
first what took place in the East, and afterwards the war
with the barbarians ; since the chief events both in the
West and the East occurred in the same months ; lest, by
any other plan, if we skipped over in haste from place to
place, we should present only a confused account of every
thing, and so involve our whole narrative in perplexity and
disorder, VI.
§ 1. Procopius was bom and bred in Cilicia, of a noble
family, and occupied an advantageous position from his
youth, as being a relation of Julian who afterwards became
emperor. He was very strict in his way of life and morals,
reserved and silent ; but both as secretary, and afterwards as

AJ>.365.] FORMER CAREER OF PROCOPIUS. 417
tribune distinguishing himself by his services in war, and
rising gradually to the highest rank. After the death of
Constantius, in the changes that ensued, he, being a kins
man of the emperor, began to entertain higher aims,
especially after he was admitted to the order of counts ;
and it became evident that if ever he were sufficiently
powerful, he would be a disturber of the public peace.
2. When Julian invaded Persia he left him in Mesopo
tamia, in command of a strong division of troops, giving
him Sebastian for his colleague with equal power; and
he was enjoined (as an uncertain rumour whispered, for
no certain authority for the statement could be produced)
to be guided by the course of events, and if he should find
the republic in a languid state, and in need of further aid,
to cause himself without delay to be saluted as emperor.
3. Procopius executed his commission in a courteous
and prudent manner; and soon afterwards heard of the
mortal wound and death of Julian, and of the elevation of
Jovian to the supreme authority ; while at the same time
an ungrounded report had got abroad that Julian with his
last breath had declared that it was his will that the helm
of the state should be intrusted to Procopius. He therefore,
fearing that in consequence of this report he might be put
to death uncondemned, withdrew from public observation ;
being especially alarmed after the execution of Jovian,
the principal secretary, who, as he heard, had been cruelly
put to death with torture, because after the death of
Julian he had been named by a few soldiers as one worthy
to succeed to the sovereignty, and on that account was
suspected of meditating a revolution.
4. And because he was aware that he was sought for
with great care, he withdrew into a most remote and
secret district, seeking to avoid giving offence to any one.
Then, finding that his hiding-place was still sought out
by Jovian with increased diligence, he gr6w weary of
living like a wild beast (since he was not only driven
from high rank to a low station, but was often in distress
even for food, and deprived of all human society) ; so at
last, under the pressure of extreme necessity, he returned
by secret roads into the district of Chalcedon.
5. Where, since that appeared a safer retreat, he con
cealed himself in the house of a trusty friend, a man of
2 E

418 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Ch. vi.
the name of Strategius, who from being an officer about
the palace had risen to be a senator ; crossing over at times
to Constantinople whenever he cotild do so without being
perceived ; as was subsequently learnt from the evidence
of this same Strategius after repeated investigations had
been made into the conduct of all who w7ere accomplices in
his enterprise.
6. Accordingly, like a skilful scout, since hardship and
want had so altered his countenance that no one knew
him, he collected the reports that were flying about, spread
by many who, as the present is always grievous, accused
Valens of being inflamed with a passion for seizing what
belonged to others.
7. An additional stimulus to his ferocity was the em
peror's father-in-law, Petronius, who, from the command
of the Martensian cohort, had been suddenly promoted to
be a patrician. He was a man deformed both in mind
and appearance, and cruelly eager to plunder every person
without distinction ; torturing all, guilty and innocent,
and then binding them with fourfold bonds ; exacting debts
due as far back as the time of the emperor Aurelian, an 1
grieving if any one escaped without loss.
8. And his natural cruelty -was inflamed by this addi
tional incentive, that as he was enriched by the sufferings
of others, he was inexorable, cruel, hard hearted, and un
feeling, incapable either of doing justice or of listening to
reason. He was more hated than even Oleander, who, as
we read, while prefect in the time of Commodus, oppressed
people of all ranks with his foolish arrogance ; and more
tyrannical than Plautian, who was prefect under Severus,
and who with more than mortal pride would have thrown
everything into confusion, if he had not been murdered
out of revenge.
9. The cruelties which in the time of Valens, who acted
under the influence of Petronius, closed many nouses both
of poor men and nobles, and the fear of still worse im
pending, sank deep into the hearts of both the provincials
and soldiers, who groaned under the same burdens ; and
though the prayers breathed were silent and secret, yet
some change of the existing state of things by the inter
position of the supreme Deity was unanimously prayed for.
10. This state of affairs came home to the knowledge cf

A.D. 365.] ATTEMPTS OF PROCOPIUS. 419
Procopius, and he, thinking that if Fate were at all propi
tious, he might easily rise to the highest power, lay in
wait like a wild beast which prepares to make its spring
the moment it sees anything to seize.
11. And while he was eagerly maturing his plans, the
following chance gave him an opportunity which proved
most seasonable. After the winter was past, Valens has
tened into Syria ; and when he had reached the borders
of Bithynia he learnt from the accounts of the generals
that the nation of the Goths, who up to that time had never
come into collision with us, and who were therefore very
fierce and untractable, were all with one consent preparing
for an invasion of our Thracian frontier. V\ hen he heard
this, in order to proceed on his own journey without hin
drance, he ordered a sufficient force of cavalry and infantry
to be sent into the districts in which the inroads of these
barbarians were apprehended.
12. Therefore, as the emperor was now at a distance,
Procopius, being wearied by his protracted sufferings, and
thinking even a cruel death preferable to a longer endur
ance of them, precipitately plunged into danger ; and not
fearing the last extremities, but being wrought up almost
to madness, he undertook a most audacious enterprise. His
desire was to win over the legions known as the Divi-
tenses and the younger Tungricani, who were under orders
to march through Thrace for the coming campaign, and,
according to custom, would stop two days at Constan
tinople on their way ; and for this object he intended to
employ some of them whom he knew, thinking it safer
to rely on the fidelity of a few, and dangerous and difficult
to harangue the whole body.
13. Those whom he selected as emissaries, being secured
by the hope of great rewards, promised with a solemn oath
to do everything he desired ; and undertook also for the
goodwill of their comrades, among whom they had great
influence from their long and distinguished service.
14. As was settled between them, when day broke,
Procopius, agitated by all kinds of thoughts and plans,
repaired to the Baths of Anastasia, so called from the sister
of Constantine, where he knew these legions were sta
tioned ; and being assured by his emissaries that in an
assembly which had been held during the preceding night

420 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. <XVJ.Ch.vi
all the men had declared their adherence to his party, he
received from them a promise of safety, and was gladly
admitted to their assembly ; where, however, though treated
with all honour by the throng of mercenary soldiers, he
found himself detained almost as a hostage ; for they, like
the praetorians who after the death of Pertinax had ac
cepted Julian as their emperor because he bid highest,
now undertook the cause of Procopius in the hope of
great gain to themselves from the unlucky reign he was
planning. 15. Procopius therefore stood among them, looking
pale and ghost-like ; and as a proper royal robe could not
be found, he wore a tunic spangled with gold, like that of
an officer of the palace, and the lower part of his dress like
that of a boy at school ; and purple shoes ; he also bore
a spear, and carried a small piece of purple cloth in his
right hand, so that one might fancy that some theatrical
figure or dramatic personification had suddenly come upon
the stage.
16. Being thus ridiculously put forward as if in mockery
of all honours, he addressed the authors of his elevation
with servile flattery, promising them vast riches and high
rank as the first-fruits of his promotion ; and then he
advanced into the streets, escorted by a multitude of
armed men ; and with raised standards he prepared to pro
ceed, surrounded by a horrid din of shields clashing with a
mournful clang, as the soldiers, fearing lest they might be
injured by stones or tiles from the housetops, joined them
together above their heads in close order.
17. As he thus advanced boldly the people showed
him neither aversion nor favour ; but he was encou
raged by the love of sudden novelty, which is implanted
in the minds of most of the common people, and was
further excited by the knowledge that all men unani
mously detested Petronius, who, as I have said before, was
accumulating riches by all kinds of violence, reviving
actions that had long been buried, and oppressing all ranks
with the exaction of forgotten debts.
18. Therefore when Procopius ascended the tribunal,
and when, as all seemed thunderstruck and bewildered,
even the gloomy silence was terrible, thinking (or, indeed,
expecting) that he had only found a shorter way- to death,

A.D. 385.] PROCOPIUS SALUTED EMPEROR. 421
trembling so as to be unable to speak, he stood for some
time in silence. Presently- when he began, with a broken
and languid voice, to say a few words, in which he spoke
of his relationship to the imperial family, he was met at
first with but a faint murmur of applause from those whom
he had bribed ; but presently he was hailed by the tumul
tuous clamours of the populace .in general as emperor, and
hurried off to the senate-house, where he found none of the
nobles, but only a small number of the rabble of the city ;
and so he went on with speed, but in an ignoble style, to
the palace.
19. One might marvel that this ridiculous beginning, so
improvidently and rashly engaged in, should have led to
melancholy disasters for the republic, if one were ignorant
of previous history, and imagined that this was the first
time any such thing had happened. But, in truth, it
was in a similar manner that Andriscus of Adramyttium,
a man of the very lowest class, assuming the name of
Philip, added a third calamitous war to the previous
Macedonian wars. Again, while the emperor Macrinus
was at Antioch, it was then that Antoninus Heliogabalns
issued forth from Emessa. Thus also Alexander, and his
mother Mamasa, were put to death by the unexpected
enterprise of Maximinus. And in Africa the elder Gor-
dian was raised to the imperial authority, till, being over
whelmed with agony at the dangers which threatened him,
he put an end to his life by hanging himself.
VII.
§ 1. So the dealers in cheap luxuries, and those who were
about the palace, or who had ceased to serve, and all
who, having been in the ranks of the army, had retired
to a more tranquil life, now embarked in this unusual and
doubtful enterprise, some against their will, and others
willingly. Some, however, thinking anything better than
the present state of affairs, escaped secretly from the city,
and hastened with all speed to the emperor's camp.
2. They were all outstripped by the amazing celerity
of Sophronius, at that time a secretary, afterwards prefect
of Constantinople, who reached Valens as he was just
about to set out from Caesarea in Cappadocia, in order,

422 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Co. vn.
now that the hot weather of Cilicia was over, to go to
Antioch ; and having related to him all that had taken
place, brought him, though wholly amazed and bewildered
at so doubtful and perplexing a crisis, back into Galatia to
encounter the danger before it had risen to a head.
3. While Valens was pushing forward with all speed,
Procopius was using all his energy day and night, pro
ducing different persons who with cunning boldness
pretended that they had arrived, some from the east,
some from Gaul, and who reported that Valentinian was
dead, and that everything was easy7 for the new and
favoured emperor.
4. And because enterprises suddenly and wantonly
attempted are often strengthened by promptness of action,
and in order to neglect nothing, Nebridius, who had been
recently promoted through the influence of Petronius to
be prefect of the praetorium in the placo of Sallust, and
Caesarius, the prefect of Constantinople, were at once
thrown into prison ; and Phronemius was intrusted with
the government of the city, with the customary powers ;
and Euphrasius was made master of the offices, both
being Gauls, and men of known accomplishments and
good character. The government of the camp was in
trusted to Gomoarius and Agilo, who were recalled to
military service with that object — a very ill-judged ap
pointment, as was seen by the result.
5. Now because Count Julius, who was commanding
the forces in Thrace, was feared as likely to employ the
troops at the nearest stations to crush the rebels if he
received information of what was being clone, a vigorous
measure was adopted ; and he was summoned to Constan
tinople by letter, which Nebridius, while still in prison,
was compelled to write, as if he had been appointed by
Valens to conduct some serious measures in connection
with the movements of the barbarians ; and as soon as he
arrived he was seized and kept in close custody. By this
cunning artifice the warlike tribes of Thrace were brought
over without bloodshed, and proved a great assistance to
this disorderly enterprise.
6. After this success, Araxius, by a court intrigue, was
made prefect of the pratorium, as if at the recommenda
tion of Agilo, his son-in-law. Many others were admitted

A.D. 365.] MEASURES TAKEN BY PROCOPIUS. 423
to various posts in the palace, and to the government of
provinces ; some against their will, others voluntarily, and
even giving bribes for their promotion.
7. And, as often happens in times of intestine commo
tion, some men, from the very dregs of the populace, rose
to a high position, led by desperate boldness and insane
expectations ; while, on the contrary, others of noble
birth fell from the highest elevation down to exile and
death. 8. When by these and similar acts the party of Pro
copius seemed firmly established, the next thing was to
assemble a sufficient military force ; and that was easily-
managed, though sometimes, in times of public disorder,
a failure here has hindered great enterprises, and even
some which had a lawful origin.
9. The divisions of cavalry and infantry which were
passing through Thrace were easily gained over, and
being kindly and liberally treated, were collected into one
body, and at once presented the appearance of an army ;
and being excited by magnificent promises, they swore
with solemn oaths fidelity to Procopius, promising to
defend him with unswerving loyalty.
10. For a most seasonable opportunity of gaining them
over was found ; because he carried in his arms the little
daughter of Constantius, whose memory was still held in
reverence, himself also claiming relationship with Julian.
He also availed himself of another seasonable incident,
namely7, that it was while Faustina, the mother of the
child, was present that he had received the insignia of the
imperial rites.
1 1 . He employed also another expedient (though it re
quired great promptitude) ; he chose some persons, as
stupid as they were rash, whom he sent to Illyricum,
relying on no support except their own impudence ; but
also well furnished with pieces of gold stamped with the
head of the new emperor, and with other means suited to
win over the multitude. But these men were arrested by
Equitius, who was the commander of the forces in that
country, and were put to death by various methods.
12. And then, fearing similar attempts by Procopius, he
blocked up the three narrowest entrances into the northern
province ; one through Dacia, along the course of the dif-

424 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Ch. vu
ferent rivers ; another, and that the most frequented,
through the Succi; and the third through Macedonia,
which is known as the Acontisma. And in consequence
of these precautions the usurper was deprived of all hope
of becoming master of Illyricum, and lost one great re
source for carrying on the war.
13. In the mean time Valens, overwhelmed with the
strange nature of this intelligence, and being already7 on
his return through Gallo-Grascia, after he had heard what
had happened at Constantinople, advanced with great
diffidence and alarm ; and as his sudden fears deprived
him of his usual prudence, he fell into such despondency
that he thought of laying aside his imperial robes as too
heavy a burden; and in truth he would have done so
if those about him had not hindered him from adopting so
dishonourable a resolution. So, being encouraged by the
opinions of braver men, he ordered two legions, known as
the Jovian and the Victorian, to advance in front to
storm the rebel camp.
14. And when they approaohed, Procopius, who had
returned from Nicaea, to which city he had lately gone
with the legion of Divitenses and a promiscuous body of
deserters, which he had collected in a few days, hastened
to Mygdus on the Sangarius.
15. And when the legions, being now prepared for
battle, assembled there, and while both sides were ex
changing missiles as if wishing to provoke an attack,
Prooopius advanced by himself into the middle, and under
the guidance of favourable fortune, he remarked in the
opposite ranks a man named Vitalianus (it is uncertain
whether he had known him before), and having given him
his hand and embraced him, he said, while both armies
were equally astonished.
16. " And is this the end of the ancient fidelity of the
Roman armies, and of the oaths taken under the strictest
obligations of religion ! Have you decided, 0 gallant men,
to use your swords in defence of strangers, and that a
degenerate Pannonian should undermine and upset every
thing, and so enjoy a sovereign power which he never
even ventured to picture to himself in his prayers, while
we lament over your ill-fortune and our own. Follow
rather the race of your own noble princes which is now

SIEGE OF CHALCEDON AND NIOEA RAISED. 425
in arms, not with the view of seizing what does not belong
to it, but with the hope of recovering its ancestral posses
sions and hereditary dignities."
17. All were propitiated by this conciliatory speech,
and those who had come with the intention of fighting
now readily lowered their standards and eagles, and of
their own accord came over to him; instead of uttering
their fearful yells, they unanimously saluted Procopius
emperor, and escorted him to his camp, calling Jupiter
to witness, after their military fashion, that Procopius
should prove invincible. VIII.
§ 1. Another fortunate circumstance occurred to swell the
prosperity of the rebels. A tribune named Rumitalca,
who had joined the partisans of Procopius, having been
intrusted with the guard of the palace, digested a plan,
and after mingling with the soldiers, passed over by sea
to the town formerly known as Drepanum, but now as
Helenopolis, and thence marched upon Nicaea, and made
himself master of it before any one dreamt of such a step.
2. Valens sent Vadomarius, who had formerly been
duke and king of the Allemanni, with a body of troops
experienced in that kind of work, to besiege Nicaea, and
proceeded himself to Nicomedia ; and passing on from that
city, he pressed the siege of Chalcedon with all his might ;
but the citizens poured reproaches on him from the walls,
calling him Sabaiarius, or beer-drinker. Now Sabai is a
drink made of barley or other grain, and is used only by
poor people in Illyricum.
3. At last, being worn out by the scarcity of supplies
and the exceeding obstinacy of the garrison, he was pre
paring to raise the siege, when the garrison who were
shut up in Nicaea suddenly opened the gates and issued
forth, destroying a great portion of the works of the be
siegers, and under the command of the faithful Rumitalca
hastened on eagerly in the hope of cutting off Valens, who
had not yet quitted the suburb of Chalcedon. And they
would have succeeded in their attempt if he had not
learnt the imminence of his danger from some rumour,
and eluded the enemy who were pressing on his track,

426 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVII. Ch. vm.
by departing with all speed by a road lying between the
lake Sunon and the winding course of the river Gallus.
And through this circumstance Bithynia also fell into the
hands of Procopius.
4. When Valens had returned by forced marches from
this city to Ancyra, and Jiad learnt that Lupicinus was
approaching with no inconsiderable force from the East,
he began to entei-tain better hopes, and sent Arinfhams
as his most approved general to encounter the enemy7.
5. And when Arinthaaus reached Dadastana, where we
have mentioned that Jovian died, he suddenly saw in his
front, Hy7perechius, who had previously been only a su
baltern, but who now, as a trusty friend, had received
from Procopius the command of the auxiliary forces. And
thinking it no credit to defeat in battle a man of no
renown, relying on his authority and on his lofty personal
stature, he shouted out a command to the enemy them
selves to take and bind their commander ; they obeyed,
and so this mere shadow of a general was arrested by the
hands of his own men.
6. In the interim, a man of the name of Venustus, who
had been an officer of the treasury under Valens, and who
had some time before been sent to Nicomedia, to distribute
pay to the soldiers who were scattered over the East,
when he heard of this disaster, perceived that the time
was unfavourable for the execution of his commission, and
repaired in haste to Cyzicus with the money which he had
with him.
7. There, as it happened, he met Serenianus, who was
at that time the count of the guards, and who had been
sent to protect the treasury, and who now, with a garrison
collected in a hurry, had undertaken the defence of the
city, which was impregnable in its walls, and celebrated
also for many- ancient monuments, though Procopius, in
order, now that he had got possession of Bithynia, to make
himself master of the Hellespont, had sent a strong force
to besiege it.
8. The siege went on slowly ; often numbers of the
besiegers were wounded by arrows and bullets, and other
missiles ; and by the skill of the garrison a barrier of the
strongest iron chain was thrown across the mouth of the
harbour, fastened strongly to the land on each side, to

A.D. 365] FALL OF CYZICUS. 427
prevent the ships of the enemy, which were armed with
beaks, from forcing their way in.
9. This boom, however, after great exertions on the part
of both soldiers and generals, who were all exhausted by
the fierce nature of the struggle, a tribune of the name of
Aliso, an experienced and skilful warrior, cut through in
the following manner : — He fastened together three vessels,
and placed upon them a kind of testudo, thus, — on the
benches stood a body of armed men, united together by
their shields, which joined above their heads ; behind them
was another row, who stooped, so as to be lower ; a third
rank bent lower still, so as to form a regular gradation ; so
that the last row of all, resting on their haunches, gave the
whole formation the appearance of an arch. This kind of
machine is employed in contests under the walls of towns,
in order that while the blows of missiles and stones fall on
the slippery descent they may pass off like so much rain.
10. Aliso then, being for a while defended from the
shower of missiles, by his own vast strength held a log
under this chain, while with a mighty blow of his axe
he cut it through, so that being driven asunder, it left the
broad entrance open, and thus the city was laid open rm.-
protected to the assault of the enemy. And on this
account, when, after the death of the originator of all this
confusion, cruel vengeance was taken on the members of
his party, the same tribune, from a recollection of his
gallant action, was granted his life and allowed to retain
his commission, and a long time afterwards fell in Isauria
in a conflict with a band of ravagers.
11. When Cyzicus was thus opened to him, Procopius
hastened thither, and pardoned all who had opposed him,
except Serenianus, whom be put in irons, and sent to
Nicaea, to be kept in close confinement.
12. And immediately he appointed the young Hormisdas
(the son of the former Prince Hormisdas) proconsul
intrusting him in the ancient fashion with the command
both in civil and military affairs. He conducted himself,
as his natural disposition prompted him, with moderation,
but was almost seized by the soldiers whom Valens had
sent by the difficult passes of Phrygia ; he saved himself,
however, by great energy, embarking on board a vessel
which he kept in readiness for any emergency, carrying

428 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Ch. ix.
off also his wife, who followed him, and was nearly taken
prisoner, had he not protected her under a shower of
arrows. She was a lady of high family and great wealth,
whose modesty and the glorious destiny reserved for her
subsequently saved her husband from great dangers.
13. In consequence of this victory Procopius was elated
beyond measure, and not knowing that a man, however
happy, if Fortune turns her wheel may become most
miserable before evening, he ordered the house of Arbetio,
which he had previously spared as that of one of his own
partisans, to be rifled, and it was full of furniture of
countless value. The reason of his indignation against
Arbetio was, that though he had summoned him several
times to come to him, he had deferred his audience,
pleading old age and sickness.
14. And this presumptuous man might, from the uncer
tainty in human affairs, have feared some great change ;
but though without any resistance he could have overrun
the provinces of the East with the willing consent of the
natives themselves, who, from weariness of the severe rule
under which they then were, were eager for any change
whatever, he indolently lingered, hoping to gain over some
cities of Asia Minor, and to collect some men who were
skilful in procuring gold, and who would be of use to him
in future battles, which he expected would be both nume
rous and severe.
15. Thus he was allowing himself to grow blunt, like
a rusty sword ; just as formerly Pescennius Niger, when
repeatedly urged by the Roman people to come to their
aid at a time of great extremity, lost a great deal of time
in Syria, and at last was defeated by Severus in the Gulf
of Issus (which is a town in Cilicia, where Alexander
conquered Darius), and was put to death by a common
soldier in a suburb of Antioch.
IX.
a.d. 3G6.
§ 1. These events took place in the depth of winter, in
the consulship of Valentinian and Valens. But this high
office of consul was transferred to Gratian, who was as yet
only a private individual, and to Dagalaiphus. And then,

*.D. 366.] MEASURES TAKEN BY VALENS. 4291
having collected his forces at the approach of spring,
Valens, having united Lupicimis's troops, which were a
numerous body, to his own, marched with all speed to
wards Pessinus, which was formerly reckoned a town of
Phrygia, but was now considered to belong to Galatia.
2. Having speedily secured it with a garrison, to pre
vent any unforeseen danger from arising in that district, he
proceeded along the foot of Mount Olympus by very diffi
cult passes to Lycia, intending to attack Gomoarius, who
was loitering in that province.
3. Many vehemently opposed this project from this con
sideration, that his enemy, as has been already mentioned,
always bore with him on a litter the little daughter of
Constantius, with her mother Faustina, both when march
ing and when preparing for battle, thus exciting the
soldiers to fight more resolutely for the imperial family,
with which, as he told them, he himself was connected.
So formerly, when the Macedonians were on the point of
engaging in battle with the Illyrians, they placed their
king, who was still an infant,1 in his cradle behind the
line of battle, and the fear lest he should be taken prisoner
made them exert themselves the more so as to defeat their
enemies. 4. To counteract this crafty manoeuvre the emperor, in
the critical state of his affairs, devised a sagacious remedy,
and summoned Arbetio, formerly consul, but who was now
living in privacy, to join him, in order that the fierce
minds of the soldiers might be awed by the presence of
a general who had served under Constantine. And it
happened as he expected.
5. For when that officer, who was older in years than all
around him, and superior in rank, showed his venerable
gray hairs to the numbers who were inclined to violate
their oaths, and accused Procopius as a public robber, and
addressing the soldiers who followed his guilty leadership
as his own sons and the partners of his former toils, en
treated them rather to follow him as a parent known to
them before as a successful leader than obey a profligate
spendthrift who ought to be abandoned, and who would
soon fall.
6. And when Gomoarius heard this, though he might
1 The young king's name was Eropus, v. Justin, vii. 122.

430 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUa. rBE. XXVL Ch. IX.
have escaped from the enemy and returned in safety to the
place from whence he came, yet, availing himself of the
proximity of the emperor's camp, he passed over under
the guise of a prisoner, as if he had been surrounded by the
sudden advance of a superior force.
7. Encouraged by this, Valens quickly moved his camp
to Phrygia, and engaged the enemy near Nacolia, and the
battle was doubtful till Agilo, the leader of Procopius's
forces, betrayed his side by a sudden desertion of his ranks ;
and he was followed by many who, brandishing their
javelins and their swords, crossed over to the emperor,
bearing their standards and their shields reversed, which is
the most manifest sign of defection.
8. When this unexpected event took place, Procopius
abandoning all hope of safety, dismounted, and sought a
hiding-place on foot in the groves and hills. He was
followed by Florentius and the tribune Barchalbas, who
having been known ever since the time of Constantine in
all the terrible wars which had taken place, was now
driven into treason by necessity not by inclination.
9. So when the greater part of the night was passed, as
the moon, which had risen in the evening, by continuing
her light till dawn increased their fear, Procopius, finding it
impossible to escape, and having no resources, as is often
the case in moments of extreme danger, began to blame his
mournful and disastrous fortune. And being overwhelmed
with care, he was on a sudden taken and bound by his own
comrades, and at daybreak led to the camp, and brought,
silent and downcast, before the emperor. He was imme
diately beheaded ; and his death put an end to the increas
ing disturbances of civil war. His fate resembled that of
Perpenna of old, who, after Sertorius had been slain at a
banquet, enjoyed the pow7er for a short time, but was
dragged out of the thicket where he was concealed, and
brought to Pompey, by whose orders he was put to death.
10. Giving way to equal indignation against Florentius
and Barchalbas, though they delivered up Procopius, he
instantly ordered them also to be slain, without listening
to reason. For if they had betrayed their legitimate
prince, Justice herself would pronounce them justly slain ;
but if he whom they7 betrayed was a rebel and an enemy to
the tranquillity of the state, as was alleged, then they ought

AJ). 366.] MOVEMENTS OF MARCELLUS. 431
to have received an ample rsward for so memorable an
action. 11. Procopius perished at the age of forty years and ten
months. He was of a goodly appearance, tall, inclined to
stoop, always looking on the ground as he walked, and in
his reserved and melancholy manners like Crassus, whom
Lucilfius and Cicero record never to have smiled but once
in his life ; and what is very remarkable, as long as he lived
he never shed blood. X.
§ 1. About the same time, his kinsman Marcellus, an officer
of the guard, who commanded the garrison of Nicaea, hear
ing of the treachery of the soldiers and the death of
Procopius, attacked Serenianusi who was confined in the
palace, unexpectedly at midnight, and put him to death.
And his death was the safety of many.
2. For if he, a man of rude manners, bitter temper, and
a love of injuring people, had survived Valens's victory,
having also great influence with Valens from the similarity
of his disposition and the proximity of their birthplaces,
he would have studied the secret inclinations of a prince
always inclined to cruelty, and would have shed the blood
of many innocent persons.
3. Having killed him, Marcellus by a rapid march
seized on Chalcedon, and with the aid of a few people,
whom the lowness of their condition and despair urged
to crime, obtained a shadow of authority which proved
fatal to him, being deceived by two circumstances, because
he thought that the three thousand Goths who, after their
kings had been conciliated, had been. sent to aid Procopius,
who had prevailed on them to support him by pleading his
relationship to Constantine, would at a small cost be easily
won over to support him, and also because he was igno
rant of what had happened in Illyricum.
4. While these alarming events were taking place, Equi
tius, having learnt by trustworthy reports from his scouts
that the whole stress of the war was now7 to be found
in Asia, passed through the Succi, and made a vigorous
attempt to take Philippopolis, the ancient Eumolpias,'
1 Called also Trimontium, from standing on three hills ; the modern
name is Fliilippopoli. See Smith's ' Anc. Geography,' p. 333.

432 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. LBk- XXVI. Ch. x
which was occupied by a garrison of the enemy. It Was
a city in a most favourable position, and likely to prove an
obstacle to his approach if left in his rear, and if he, while
conducting reinforcements to Valens (for he was not y7et
acquainted with what had happened at Nacolia), should be
compelled to hasten to the district around Mount Hsemus.
5. But when, a few days later, he heard of the foolish
usurpation of Marcellus, he sent against him a body of
bold and active, troops, who seized him as a mischievous.
slave, and threw him into prison. From which, some days
afterwards, he was brought forth, scourged severely with
his accomplices, and put to death, having deserved favour
by no action of his life except that he had slain Serenianus,
a man as cruel as Phalaris, and faithful only in barbarity,
which he displayed on the slightest pretext.
6. The war being now at an end by the death of the leader,
many were treated with much greater severity than their
errors or faults required, especially the defenders of Philip-
popolis, who would not surrender the city or themselves
till they saw the head of Procopius, which was conveyed to
Gaul. 7. Some, however, by the influence of intercessors, re
ceived mercy, the most eminent of whom was Araxius,
who, when the crisis was at its height, had applied for and
obtained the office of prefect. He, by the intercession of
his son-in-law Agilo, was punished only by banishment to
an island, from which he soon afterwards escaped.
8. But Euphrasius and Phronemius were sent to the
west to be at the disposal of Valentinian. Euphrasius was
acquitted, but Phronemius was transported to the Cher-
sonesus, being punished more severely than the other,
though their case was the same, because he had been a
favourite with the late emperor Julian, whose memorable
virtues the two brothers now on the throne joined in
disparaging, though they were neither like nor equal to
him. 9. To these severities other grievances of greater im
portance, and more to be dreaded than any sufferings in
battle, were added. For the executioner, and the rack, and
bloody modes of torture, now attacked men of every rank,
class, or fortune, without distinction. Peace seemed as a
pretext for establishing a detestable tribunal, while all men

AJ..366.] CRUELTY OF THE EMPEROR. 433
cursed the ill-omened victory that had been gained as
worse than the most deadly war.
10. For amid arms and trumpets the equality of every
one's chance makes danger seem lighter; and often the
might of martial valour obtains what it aims at ; or else
a sudden death, if it befalls a man, is attended by no feel
ing of ignominy, but brings an end to life and to suffering
at the same time. When, however, laws and statutes are
put forth as pretexts for wicked counsels, and judges, affect
ing the equity of Cato or Cassius, sit on the bench, though
in fact everything is dono at the discretion of over-arrogant
power, on the whim of which every man's life or death
depends, the mischief is fatal and incurable.
11. For at this time any one might go to the palace on
any pretext, and if he were inflamed with a desire of
appropriating the goods of others, though the person he
accused might be notoriously innocent, he was received by
the emperor as a friend to be trusted and deserving to be
enriched at the expense of others.
12. For the emperor was quick to inflict injury, always
ready to listen to informers, admitting the most deadly
accusations, and exulting unrestrainedly in the diversity of
punishments devised ; ignorant of the expression of Tully,
which teaches us that those men are unhappy who think
themselves privileged to do everything.
13. This implacability, unworthy of a just cause, and
disgracing his victory, exposed many innocent men to the
torturers, crushing them beneath the rack, or slaying them
by the stroke of the fierce executioner. Men who, if nature
had permitted, would rather have lost ten lives in battle
than be thus tortured while guiltless of all crime, having
their estates confiscated, as if guilty of treason, and their
bodies mutilated before death, which is the most bitter
kind of death.
14. At last, when his ferocity was exhausted by his
cruelties, men of the highest rank were still exposed to
proscription, banishment, and other punishments which,
though severe, appear lighter to some people. And in order
to enrich some one else, men of noble birth, and perhaps
still more richly endowed with virtues, were stripped of
their patrimony and driven into exile, where they were
exhausted with misery, perhaps being even reduced to
2 F

434 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVI. Ch. x.
subsist by beggary. Nor was any limit put to the cruelties
which were inflicted till both the prince and those about
him were satiated with plunder and bloodshed.
15. While the usurper, whose various acts and death we
have been relating, was still alive, on the 2 1st of July, in
the first consulship of Valentinian and his brother, fearful
dangers suddenly overspread the whole world, such as are
related in no ancient fables or histories.
16. For a little before sunrise there was a terrible earth
quake, preceded by incessant and furious lightning. The
sea was driven backwards, so as to recede from the land,
and the very depths were uncovered, so that many marine
animals were left sticking in the mud. And the depths of
its valleys and the recesses of the hills, which from the
very first origin of all things had been lying beneath the
boundless waters, now beheld the beams of the sun.
17. Many ships were stranded on the dry shore, while
people straggling about the shoal water picked up fishes
and things of that kind in their hands. In another quarter
the waves, as if raging against the violence with which
they had been driven back, rose, and swelling over the
boiling shallows, beat upon the islands and the extended
coasts of the mainland, levelling cities and houses wherever
they encountered them. All the elements were in furious
discord, and the whole face of the world seemed turned
upside down, revealing the most extraordinary sights.
1 8. For the vast waves subsided when it was least ex
pected, and thus drowned many thousand men. Even
ships were swallowed up in the furious currents of the
returning tide, and were seen to sink when the fury of the
sea was exhausted ; and the bodies of those who perished
by shipwreck floated about on their backs or faces.
1 9. Other vessels of great size were driven on shore by
the violence of the wind, and cast upon the housetops, as
happened at Alexandria ; and some were even driven two
miles inland, of which we ourselves saw one in Laconia,
near the town of Mothone, which was lying and rotting
where it had been driven.

AJ). 367.] 435
BOOK XXVII.
ARGUMENT.
L The Allemanni having defeated the Romans, put the counts Chari-
etto and Severianus to death. — II. Jovinus, the commander of the
cavalry in Gaul, surprises and routs two divisions of the Allemanni ;
defeats a third army in the country of the Catalauni, the enemy
losing six thousand killed and four thousand wounded. —
III. About the three prefects of the city, Symmachus, Lampadius,
and Juventius — The quarrels of Damasus and Ursinus about the
bishopric of Borne. — IV. The people and the six provinces of
Thrace are described, and the chief cities in each province. —
V. The emperor Valens attacks the Goths, who had sent Procopius'
auxiliary troops to be employed against him, and after three years
makes peace with them. — VI. Valentinian, with the consent of
the army, makes his son Gratian emperor ; and, after investing the
boy with the purple, exhorts him to behave bravely, and recom
mends him to the soldiers. — VII. The passionate temper, ferocity,
and cruelty of the emperor Valentinian. — VIII. Count Theodosius
defeats the Picts, Attacotti, and Scots, who were ravaging Britain
with impunity, after having slain the duke and count of that
province, and makes them restore their plunder. — IX. The
Moorish tribes ravage Africa — Valens checks the predatory incur
sions of the Isaurians — Concerning the office of city prefect. —
X. The emperor Valentinian crosses the Ehine, and in a battle,
attended with heavy loss to both sides, defeats and routs the
Allemanni, who had taken refuge in their highest mountains. —
XI. On the high family, wealth, dignity, and character of Probus.
— XII. The Eomans and Persians quarrel about the possession of
Armenia and Iberia. I.
a.d. 367.
§ 1. While these events which we have related were taking
place with various consequences in the east, the Allemanni,
After the many disasters and defeats which they had received
in their frequent contests with the emperor Julian, at
length, having recruited their strength, though not to a
degree equal to their former condition, for the reason which
has been already set forth, crossed the frontier of Gaul in
formidable numbers. And immediately after the beginning
of the year, while winter was still in its greatest severity
in those frozen districts, a vast multitude poured forth in a
solid column, plundering all the places around in the most
licentious manner.

436 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVII. Ch. xi.
2. Their first, division was met by Charietto, who at
that time had the authority of count in both the Gern ,-vo
provinces, and who marched against them with his mo~t
active troops, having with him as a colleague count, Seveii-
anus, a man of great age and feeble health, who had the
legions Divitensis and Tungricana under his command,
near Cabillonum (Chalons).1
3. Then having formed the whole force into one solid
body, and having with great rapidity thrown a bridge over
a small stream, the Romans assailed the barbarians from a
distance with arrows and light javelins, which they shot
back at us with great vigour.
4. But when the battalions met and fought with drawn
swords, our line was shaken by the vehement onset of the
enemy, and could neither resist nor do any valorous deeds
by way of attack, but were all put to flight as soon as they
saw Severianus struck down from his horse and severely
wounded by an arrow.
5. Charietto, too, while labouring by the exposure of his
own person, and with bitter reproaches, to encourage his
men, who were giving way, and while by the gallantry
with which he maintained his own position he strove to
efface the disgrace they were incurring, was slain by a
mortal wound from a javelin.
6. And after his death the standard of the Eruli and of
the Batavi was lost, and the barbarians raised it on high,
insulting it, dancing round it, but after a fierce struggle
it was recovered. II.
a.d. 367.
§ 1. The news of this disaster was received with great
sorrow, and Dagalaiphus was sent from Paris to restore
affairs to order. But as he delayed some time, and made
excuses, alleging that he was unable to attack the bar
barians, who were dispersed over various districts, and as
he was soon after sent for to receive the consulship with
Gratian, who was still only a private individual, Jovinus
was appointed commander of the cavalry : and he being well
provided and fully prepared, attacked the fortress of Chur-
1 Cabillonum is Chalons-sur-Soane, in Burgundy ; Catalauni is Cha,-
lons-sui-Marne, in Champagne.

ab.36?.] ' VIGOUR OF JOVINUS. 437
peigne, protecting both his wings and flanks with great
care. And at this place he fell on the barbarians un
expectedly, before they could arm themselves, and in a
very short time utterly destroyed them.
2. Then leading on the soldiers while exulting in the
glory of this easy victory, to defeat the other divisions,
and advancing slowly, he learnt from the faithful report of
his scouts that a band of ravagers, after having plundered
the villages around, were resting on the bank of the river.
And as he approached, while his army was concealed by
the lowness of the ground and the thickness of the trees,
he saw some of them bathing, some adorning their hair
after their fashion, and some carousing.
3. And seizing this favourable opportunity, he sud
denly bade the trumpet give the signal, and burst into the
camp of the marauders. On the other hand, the Germans
could do nothing but pour forth useless threats and shouts,
not being allowed time to collect their scattered arms,
or to form in any strength, so vigorously were they
pressed by the conquerors. Thus numbers of them fell
pierced with javelins and swords, and many took to flight,
and were saved by the winding and narrow paths.
4. After this success, which was won by valour and good
fortune, Jovinus struck his camp without delay, and led
on his soldiers with increased confidence (sending out a
body of careful scouts in advance) against the third division.
And arriving at Chalons by forced marches, he there formed
th.e whole body ready for battle.
5. And having constructed a rampart with seasonable
haste, and refreshed his men with food and sleep as well
as the time permitted, at daybreak he arranged his army
in an open plain, extending his line with admirable
skill, in order that by occupying an extensive space of
ground the Romans might appear to be equal in number to
the enemy : being in fact inferior in that respect though
equal in strength.
6. Accordingly, when the trumpet gave the signal and
the battle began to rage at close quarters, the Germans
stood amazed, alarmed at the well-known appearance of
the shining standards. But though they were checked for
a moment, they presently recovered themselves, and the
conflict was protracted till the close of the day, when our

438 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVTI. Ch. n.
valorous troops would have reaped the fruit of their
gallantry without any loss if it had not been for Balcho-
baudes, a tribune of the legions, who being as sluggish as
he was boastful, at the approach of evening retreated in
disorder to the camp. And if the rest of the cohorts had
followed his example and had also retired, the affair would
have turned out so ruinous that not one of our men would
have been left alive to tell what had happened.
7. But our soldiers, persisting with energy and courage,
showed such a superiority in personal strength that they
wounded four thousand of the enemy and slew six thousand,
while they did not themselves lose more than twelve hun
dred killed and two hundred wounded.
8. At the approach of night the battle terminated, and
our wear}7 men having recruited their strength, a little
before dawn our skilful general led forth his army in a
square, and found that the barbarians had availed them
selves of the darkness to escape. And having no fear there
of ambuscade, he pursued them over the open plain, tramp
ling on the dying and the dead, many of whom had perished
from the effect of the severity of the cold on their wounds.
9. After he had advanced some way further, without
finding any of the enemy he returned, and then he learnt
that the king of the hostile army had been taken prisoner,
with a few followers, by the Ascarii,1 whom he himself had
sent by another road to plunder the tents of the Allemanni,
and they7 had hanged him. But the general being angry
at this, ordered the punishment of the tribune who had
ventured on such an act without consulting his superior
officer, and he would have condemned him if he had not
been able to establish by manifest proof that the atrocious
act had been committed by the violent impulse of the
soldiers. 10. After this, when he returned to Paris with the glory
of this success, the emperor met him with joy, and appointed
him to be consul the next year, being additionally rejoiced
because at the very same time he received the head of
Procopius, which had been sent to him by Valens.
1 1 . Besides these events, many other battles of inferior
1 These seem to have been a tribe of the Batavi ; but some editors
give, aa a various reading, Hastarii, wliich may be translated, a detach
ment of lancers.

A.D. 369.] CHARACTER OF SYMMACHUS. 439
interest and importance took place in Gaul, which it would
be superfluous to recount, since they brought no results
worth mentioning, and it is not fit to spin out history with
petty details.

III.
§ 1. At this time, or a little before, a new kind of prodigy
appeared in the corn district of Tuscany ; those who were
skilful in interpreting such things being wholly ignorant
of what it portended. For in the town of Pistoja, at
about the third hour of the day, in the sight of many
persons, an ass mounted the tribunal, where he was heard
to bray loudly. All the bystanders were amazed, as were
all those who heard of the occurrence from the report of
others, as no one could conjecture what was to happen.
2. But soon afterwards the events showed what was por
tended, for a man of the name of Terence, a person of low
birth and a baker by trade, as a reward for having given
information against Orsitus, who had formerly been pre
fect, which led to his being convicted of peculation, was
intrusted with the government of this same province. And
becoming elated and confident, he threw affairs into great
disorder, till he was convicted of fraud on transactions
relating to some ship-masters, as was reported, and was
executed while Claudius was prefect of Rome.
3. But some time before this happened Symmachus
succeeded Apronianus ; a man deseiving to be named
among the most eminent examples of learning and mo
deration ; under whose government the most sacred city
enjoyed peace and plenty in an unusual degree ; being
also adorned with a magnificent and solid bridge which he
constructed, and opened amid the great joy of his un
grateful fellow-citizens, as the result very plainly showed.
4. For they some years afterwards burnt his beautiful
house on the other side of the Tiber, being enraged
because some worthless plebeian had invented a story,
which there was no evidence or witness to support, that
be had said that he would prefer putting out the limekilns
with his own wine, to selling the lime at the price expected
of him.

440 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. (He. XXVU. Ca. m.
5. After him the prefect of the city was Lampadius, who
had been prefect of the praetorium, a man of such bound
less arrogance, that he grew very indignant if he were not
praised even when he spat, as if he did that with more
grace than any one else ; but still a man of justice, virtue,
and economy.
6. When as praetor he was celebrating some splendid
games, and giving abundant largesses, being unable to
bear the tumult of the populace, which was often urgent
to have gifts distributed to those who were unworthy, in
order to show his liberality and his contempt for the
multitude, he sent for a crowd of beggars from the Vatican,
and enriched them with great presents.
7. But, not to digress too much, it will be sufficient to
reeord one instance of his vanity, which, though of no
great importance, may serve as a warning to judges. In
every quarter of the city which had been adorned at the
expense of different emperors he inscribed his own name,
and that, not as if he were the restorer of old works, but
their founder. This same fault is said to have characterized
the emperor Trajan, from which the people in jest named
him " The Pellitory of the wall."
8. While he was prefect he was disturbed by frequent
commotions, the most formidable being when a vast mob
of the lowest of the people collected, and with firebrands
and torches would have burnt his house near the baths of
Constantine, if they had not been driven away by the
prompt assistance of his friends and neighbours, who
pelted them with stones and tiles from the tops- of the
houses. 9. And he himself, being alarmed at a sedition, which
on this occasion had become so violent, retired to the
Mulvian bridge (which the elder Scaurus is said to have
built), and waited there till the discontent subsided, which
indeed had been excited by a substantial grievance.
10. For when he began to construct some new buildings,
he ordered the cost to be defrayed, not from the customary
sources of revenue, but if iron, or lead, or copper, or any
thing of that kind was required, he sent officers who, pre
tending to try the different articles, did in fact seize them
without paying any price for them. This so enraged the
poor, since they suffered repeated losses from such a prao-

A.D. 36T.] CONDITION OF ROME. 44]
tice, that it was all he could do to escape from them by a
rapid retreat.
11. His successor had formerly been a quaestor of the
palace, his name was Juventius, a man of integrity and
prudence, a Pannonian by birth. His administration was
tranquil and undisturbed, and the people enjoyed plenty
under it. Yet he also was alarmed by fierce seditions
raised by the discontented populace, which arose from the
following occurrence.
12. Damasus and Ursinus, being both immoderately eager
to obtain the bishopric, formed parties and earned on the
conflict with great asperity, the partisans of each carrying
their violence to actual battle, in which men were wounded
and killed. And as Juventius was unable to put an end
to, or even to soften these disorders, he was at last by their
violence compelled to withdraw to the suburbs.
13. Ultimately Damasus got the best of the strife by7 the
strenuous efforts of his partisans. It is certain that on one
day one hundred and thirty-seven dead bodies were found
in the Basilica of Sicininus, which is a Christian church.1
And the populace who had been thus roused to a state of
ferocity were with great difficulty restored to order.
14. I do not deny, when I consider the ostentation that
reigns at Rome, that those who desire such rank and
power may be justified in labouring with all possible exer
tion and vehemence to obtain their wishes ; since after they
liave succeeded, they will be secure for the future, being
enriched by offerings from matrons, riding in carriages,
dressing splendidly, and feasting luxuriously, so that their
entertainments surpass even royal banquets.
15. And they might be really happy if, despising the
vastness of the city, which they excite against themselves
by their vices, they were to live in imitation of some of
the priests in the provinces, whom the most rigid absti
nence in eating and drinking, and plainness of apparel,
and eyes always east on the ground, recommend to the
everlasting Deity and his true worshippers as pure and
sober-minded men. This is a sufficient digression on this
subject : let us now return to our narrative.
1 Probably the church of Santa Maria Maggiore ; but Bee note in
Gibbon, ch. xxv. (vol. iii. p. 91, Bohn).

442 ammianus marcellinus. [bk. xxvu, cu. r»

IV.
§ 1 . While the events above mentioned were taking plate
in Gaul and Italy, a new campaign was being prepared ia
Thrace. For Valens, acting on the decision of his brother,
by7 whose will he was entirely governed, marched against
the Goths, having a just cause of complaint against them,
because at the beginning of the late civil war they had
sent assistance to Procopius. It will here be desirable to
say a few words of the origin of this people, and the situation
of their country.
2. The description of Thrace would be easy if the pens
of ancient authors agreed on the subject ; but as the
obscurity and variety of their accounts is of but little
assistance to a work which professes to tell the truth, it
will be sufficient for us to record what we remember to
have seen ourselves.
3. The undying authority of Homer informs us that
these countries were formerly extended over an immense
space of tranquil plains and high rising grounds ; since
that poet represents both the north and the west wind as
blowing from thence ;' a statement which is either fabu
lous, or else which shows that, the extensive district in
habited by all those savage tribes was formerly included
under the single name of Thrace.
4. Part of this region was inhabited by the Scordieci,
who now live at a great distance from these provinces ; a
race formerly savage and uncivilized, as ancient history
proves, sacrificing their prisoners to Bellona and Mars,
and drinking with eagerness human blood out of skulls.
Then- ferocity engaged the Roman republic in many wars ;
1 See Iliad, ix. 5 : —
Bopeijs Ka.1 (f<pvpns tcots &pijKri6ev airrov
"EXbovr' e^airiv^s.
Thus translated by Pope :—
" As from its cloudy dungeon, issuing forth
A double tempest of the west and north
Swells o'er the sea from Thracia's frozen shore,
Heaps waves on waves, and bids th' iEgean roai. '

AJ>. 36?.] DESCRll TION OF THRACE. 443
and on one occasion led to the destruction of an entire army
with its general.'
5. But we see that the country now, the district being in
the form of a crescent, resembles a splendid theatre ; it is,
bounded on the west by mountains, on the abrupt summit
of which are the thickly wooded passes of the Succi, which
separate Thrace from Dacia.
6. On the left, or northern side, the heights of the
Balkan form the boundary7, as in one part does the Danube
also, where it touches the Roman territory : a river with
many cities, fortresses, and castles on its banks.
7. On the right, or southern side, lies Mount Rhodope ;
on the east, the country is bounded by a strait, which
becomes more rapid from being swollen by the waters of
the Euxine sea, and proceeds onwards with its tides
towards the iEgean, separating the continents of Europe
and Asia by a narrow space.
8. At a confined corner on the eastward it joins the
frontier of Macedonia by a strait and precipitous defile
named Acontisma ; near to which are the valley and
station of Arethusa, where one may see the tomb of
Euripides, illustrious for his sublime tragedies ; and Stagira;
where we are told that Aristotle, who as Cicero says pours
from his mouth a golden stream, was bom.
9. In ancient times, tribes of barbarians occupied these
countries, differing from each other in customs and
language. The most formidable of which, from their
exceeding ferocity, were the Odrysasans, men so accustomed
to shed human blood, that when they could not find enemies
enough, they would, at their feasts, when they had eaten
and drunk to satiety, stab their own bodies as if they be
longed to others.
10. But as the republic grew in strength while the
authority of the consular form of government prevailed,
Marcus Didius, with great perseverance, attacked these
tribes which had previously been deemed invincible, and
had roved about without any regard either to divine or
human laws. Diusus compelled them to confine themselves
i The contents of the sixty-third book of Livy record that C. Porciua
Cato lost his wliole army in a campaign against the Scordici, who wero
¦e Pannonian tribe ; but neither Livy nor any other writer, excep*
Ammianus, mentions that Cato himself was killed.

.'444 -AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVII. Ch. IV
to their own territories ; Minucius defeated them in a
great battle on the river Maritza, which flows down from
the lofty mountains of the Odrysasans; and after those
exploits, the rest of the tribes were almost destroyed in a
terrible battle by Appius Claudius the proconsul. Ani
the Roman fleets made themselves masters of the towns on
the Bosporus, and on the coast of the Sea of Marmora.
11. After these generals came Lucullus ; who was the
first of all our commanders who fought with the warlike
nation of the Bessi : and with similar vigour he crushed
the mountaineers of the district of the Balkan, in spite of
their obstinate resistance. And while he was in that
country the whole of Thrace was brought under the power
of our ancestors, and in this way, after many doubtful
campaigns, six provinces were added to the republic.
12. Of these provinces the first one comes to, that which
borders on the Illyrians, is called by the especial name of
Thrace ; its chief cities are Philippopolis, the ancient Eu-
molpias, and Bersea ; both splendid cities. Next to this
the province of the Balkan boasts of Hadrianople, which
used to be called Uscudama, and Anchialos, both great
pities. Next comes Mysia, in which is Marcianopolis, so
named from the sister of the emperor Trajan, also Doros-
torus, and Nicopolis, Odyssus.
13. Next comes Scythia, in which the chief towns are
Dionysiopolis, Tomis, and Calatis. The last of all is
Europa ; which besides many municipal towns has two
principal cities, Apri and Perinthus, which in later times
has received the name of Heraclea. Beyond this is Rho-
dope, in which are the cities of Maximianopolis, Maronea,
and iEnus, after founding and leaving which, it was
thought iEneas proceeded onwards to Italy, of which,
after long wanderings, he became master, expecting by
the auspices to enjoy there perpetual prosperity.
14. But it is certain, as the invariable accounts of all
writers represent, that these tribes were nearly all agri
cultural, and, that living on the high mountains in these
regions above mentioned, they are superior to us in health,
vigour, , and length of life ; and they believe that this
superiority arises from the fact, that in their food they for
the most part abstain from all that is hot ; also that the
constant dews besprinkle their persons with a cold and

A.D. 367.] SEVERITY OF VOLENS. 445
Bracing moisture, and that they enjoy the freshness of a
purer atmosphere ; and that they are the first of all tribes
to feel the rays of the morning sun, which are instinct with
life, before they become tainted with any of the foulness
arising from human things. Having discussed this matter
let us now return to our original narrative.
V.
§ 1. After Procopius had been overpowered in Phrygia, and
all material for domestic discords had thus been removed,
Victor, the commander of the cavalry, was sent to the Goths
to inquire, without disguise, why a nation friendly to the
Romans, and bound to it by treaties of equitable peace,
had given the support of its arms to a man who was
waging war against their lawful emperor. And they,
to excuse their conduct by a valid defence, produced
the letters from the above-mentioned Procopius, in which
he alleged that he had assumed the sovereignty as his due,
as the nearest relation to Constantine's family ; and they
asserted that this was a fair excuse for their error.
2. When Victor reported this allegation of theirs,
Valens disregarding it as a frivolous excuse, marched
against them, they having already got information of his
approach. And at the beginning of spring he assembled
his army in a great body, and pitched his camp near a for
tress named Daphne, where having made a bridge of boats
he crossed the Danube without meeting any resistance.
3. And being now full of elation and confidence, as
while traversing the country in every direction he met
with no enemy to be. either defeated or even alarmed by
his advance ; they having all been so terrified at the
approach of so formidable a host, that they had fled to the
high mountains of the Serri, which were inaccessible to all
except those who knew the country.
4. Therefore, that he might not waste the whole summer,
and return without having effected anything, he sent
forward Arinthaeus, the captain of the infantry, with some
light forces, who seized on a portion of their families,
which were overtaken as they were wandering over the
plains before coming to the steep and winding defiles of
the mountains. And having obtained this advantage, which
chance put in his way, . he returned with his men without

446 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVH. Ch. v.
having suffered any loss, and indeed without having in
flicted any.
5. The next year he attempted with equal vigour again
to invade the country of the enemy ; but being checked in
his advance by the inundations of the Danube, which
covered a wide extent of country, he remained near the
town of Capri, where he pitched a camp in which he re
mained till the autumn. And from thence, as he was pre
vented from undertaking any operations on account of the
magnitude of the floods, he retired to Marcianopolis into
winter quarters.
6. With similar perseverance he again invaded the land
of the barbarians a third year, having crossed the river by
a bridge of boats at Nivors ; and by a rapid march he
attacked the Gruthungi, a warlike and very remote tribe,
and after some trivial skirmishes, he defeated Athanaric,
at that time the most powerful man of the tribe, who
dared to resist him with what he fancied an adequate
force, but was compelled to flee for his life. And then
he returned himself with his army to Marcianopolis to
spend the winter there, as the cold was but slight in that
district. 7. After many various events in the campaigns of three
years, there arose at last some very strong reasons in the
minds of the barbarians for terminating the war. In the
first place, because the fear of the enemy was increased by
the continued stay made by the emperor in that country.
Secondly, because as all their commerce was cut off they
began to feel great want of necessaries. So that they sent
several embassies with submissive entreaties for pardon
and peace.
8. The emperor was as yet inoxperienced, but still he
was a very just observer of events, till having been cap
tivated by the pernicious allurements of flattery, he subse
quently involved the republic in an ever-to-be-lamented
disaster ; and now taking counsel for the common good, he
determined that it was right to grant them peace.
9. And in his turn he sent to them Victor and Arinthams,
who at that time were the commanders of his infantry and
cavalry ; and when they sent him letters truly stating that
the Goths were willing to agree to the conditions which
they had proposed, he appointed a suitable place for finally

AJ>. 387.1 ILLNESS OF VALENTINIAN. 447
settling the terms of the peace. And since Athanario
alleged that he was bound by a most dreadful oath, and
also forbidden by the strict commands of his father ever to
set foot on the Roman territory, and as he could not be
brought to do so, while, on the other hand, it would be
unbecoming and degrading for the emperor to cross over
to him, it was decided by negotiation that some boats
should be rowed into the middle of the river, on which the
emperor should embark with an armed guard, and that
there also the chief of the enemy should meet him with
his people, and conclude a peace as had been arranged.
10. When this had been arranged, and hostages had
been given, Valens returned to Constantinople, whither
afterwards Athanario fled, when he was driven from his
native land by a faction among his kinsmen ; and he died
in that city, and was buried with splendid ceremony ac
cording to the Roman fashion. VI.
§ 1. In the mean time, Valentinian being attacked with a
violent sickness and at the point of death, at a secret
entertainment of the Gauls who were present in the
emperor's army, Rusticus Julianus, at that time master
of the records, was proposed as the future emperor ; a man
as greedy of human blood as a wild beast, seeming to be
smitten with some frenzy, as had been shown while govern
ing Africa as proconsul.
2. For in his prefecture of the city7, a post which he was
filling when he died, fearing a change in the tyranny
through the exercise of which he, as if in a dearth of worthy
men, had been raised to that dignity, he was compelled to
appear more gentle and merciful.
3. Against his partisans others with higher aims were
exerting themselves in favour of Severus, who at that time
was captain of the infantry, as a man very fit for such a
dignity, who, although rough and unpopular, seemed yet
more tolerable than the other, and worthy of being pre
ferred to him by any means that could be devised.
4. But all these plans were formed to no purpose ; for in
the mean time, the emperor, through the variety of remedies
applied, recovered, and would scarcely believe that hits

448 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVII. Ch. vi
life had been saved with difficulty. And he proposed-
to invest his son Gratian, who was now on the point
of arriving at manhood, with the ensigns of the imperial
authority. 5. And when everything was prepared, and the consent
of the ooldiers secured, in order that all men might willingly
accept the new emperor, immediately upon the arrival of
Gratian, Valentinian advancing into the open space, mounted
the tribune, and surrounded by a splendid circle of nobles
and princes, and holding the boy by his right hand, showed
him to them all, and in the following formal harangue re
commended their intended sovereign to the army.
6. " This imperial robe which I wear is a happy indica
tion of your good will towards me when you adjudged me
superior to many illustrious men. Now, with you as the
partners of my counsels and the favourers of my wishes, I
will proceed to a seasonable work of affection, relying on
the protecting promises of God, to whose eternal assistance
it is owing that the Roman state stands and ever shall stand
unshaken. 7. " Listen, I beseech you, O most gallant men, with
willing minds to my desire, recollecting that these
things which the laws of natural affection sanction, we
have in this instance not only wished to accomplish with
your perfect cognizance, but we have also desired to have
them confirmed by you as what is proper for us and likely
to prove beneficial.
8. This, my grown-up son Gratian, to whom all of yon
bear affection as a common pledge, who has long lived
among your own children, I am, for the sake of securing
the public tranquillity on all sides, about to take as my
colleague in the imperial authority, if the propitious will
of the ruler of heaven and of your dignity, shall co-operate
with a parent's affection. He has not been trained by a
rigid education from his very cradle as we ourselves have ;
nor has he been equally taught to endure hardships ; nor is
he as yet, as you see, able to endure the toils of war ; but
in his disposition he is not unworthy of the glorious repu
tation of his family, or the mighty deeds of his ancestors,
and, I venture to say, he is likely to grow up equal to still
greater actions.
9. " For as I often think when contemplating, au I a o

A.D 367] SPEECH OF VALENTINIAN. 449
wont to do, his manners and passions though not yet come
to maturity, he is so furnished with the liberal sciences,
and in all accomplishments and graces, that even now,
while only entering on manhood, he will be able to form
an accurate judgment of virtuous and vicious actions. He
will so conduct himself that virtuous men may see that
they are appreciated; he will be eager in -the performance
of noble actions ; he will never desert the military standards
and eagles ; he will cheerfully bear heat, snow, frost, and
thirst ; he will, if necessity should arise, never shrink from
fighting in defence of his country ; he will expose his life to
save his comrades from danger, and (and this is the highest
and greatest work of piety) he will love the republic as his
own paternal and ancestral home."
10. Before he had finished his speech, every soldier
hastened to anticipate his comrades as well as his position
permitted him, in showing that these words of the em
peror met with their cheerful assent. And so, as par
takers in his joy, and as convinced of the advantage of
his proposal, they declared Gratian emperor, mingling the
propitious dashing of their arms with the loud roar of the
trumpets. 1 1 . When Valentinian saw this, his confidence increased ;
he adorned his son with a crown and with the robes befitting
his now supreme rank, and kissed him; and then thus
addressed him, brilliant as he appeared, and giving careful
attention to all his words : —
12. '-' You wear now," said he, " my Gratian, the impe
rial robe, as we have all desired, which has been conferred
on you with favourable auspices by my will and that of
our comrades. Therefore now, considering the weight of
the affairs which press upon us, gird yourself up as the
colleague of your father and your uncle ; and accustom
yourself to pass fearlessly with the infantry over the Danube
and the Rhine, which are made passable by the frost, to
keep close to your soldiers, to devote your blood and your
very life with all 6kill and deliberation for the safety of
those under your command ; to think nothing unworthy of
your attention which concerns any portion of the Roman
empire. 13. " This is enough by way of admonition to you at
the present moment, at other times I will not fail i& give
2 a

450 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVII. Ch. vi,
further advice. Now you who remain, the defenders of the
state, I entreat, I beseech you to preserve with a steady
affection and loyalty your youthful emperor thus intrusted
to your fidelity."
14. These words of the emperor were accepted and
ratified with all possible solemnity ; Eupraxius,. a native
of Mauritania Gassariensis, at that time master of the
records, led the way by the exclamation, " The family of
Gratian deserves this." And being at once promoted to
be quaestor, he set an example of judicious, confidence
worthy of being imitated by all wise men ; especially as
he in no wise departed from, the habits of his fearless
nature, but was at all times a man of consistency and
obedient to the laws, which, as we have remarked, speak
to all men with one and the same voice under the most
varied circumstances. He at this time was the more steady
in adhering to the side of justice which he always es
poused, because on one occasion when he had given good
advice, the emperor had attacked him with violence and
threats. 15. After this, the whole assembly broke out into praises
of both emperors, the elder and the new one ; and especially
of the boy, whose brilliant eyes, engaging countenance
and person, and apparent sweetness of disposition,, recom
mended him to their favour. And these qualities would
have rendered him an emperor worthy to be compared to
the most excellent princes of former times, if fate had
permitted, and his relations who even then began to over
shadow his virtue, before it was firmly rooted, with their
own wicked actions.
16. But in this affair, Valentinian went beyond the
custom which had been established far several generations;
in making his, brother and his son, not Cassar, but emperors ;
acting indeed in this respect with great kindness. Nor
had any one yet ever created a colleague- with powers equal
to his own, except the emperor Marcus Aurelius, who-
made his adopted brother Verus his colleague in the empire:
without any inferiority of power..

A.n.368.} VIRTUES OF RUFINUS, 451
VII.
a.d. 368.
§1. After these transactions had been thus settled to the
delight both of the prince and of the soldiers, but a few
days intervened ; and then Avitianus, who had been
deputy, accused Mamertinus, the prefect of the prastorium,
of peculation, on. his return from the city whither he had
gone to correct some abuses.
2. And in consequence of this accusation he was
replaced by Rufinus, a man accomplished in every respect,
who had attained the dignity of an honourable old
age, though it is true that he never let slip any oppor
tunity of making money when he thought he could do so
secretly. 3. He now availed himself of his access to the emperor
to obtain permission for Orfitus, who had been prefect of
the city, but who was now banished, to receive back his
property which had been confiscated, and return home.
4. And although Valentinian was a man of undisguised
ferocity, he nevertheless, at the beginning of his reign,
in order to lessen the opinion of his cruelty, took all
possible pains to restrain the fierce impetuosity of his
disposition. But this defect increasing gradually, from
having been checked for some time, presently broke out
more unrestrained to the ruin of many persons ; and his
severity was increased by the vehemence of his anger. For
wise men define passion as a lasting ulcer of the mind, and
sometimes an incurable one, usually engendered from a
weakness of the intellect ; and they have a plausible argu
ment for asserting this in the fact that people in bad health
are more passionate than those who are well ; women, than
men; old men, than youths; and people in bad circum
stances than the prosperous.
5.. About this time, among, the deaths of many persons
of low degree, that of Diodes, who had previously been
a treasurer of Illyricum, was especially remarked ; the
emperor having had him burnt alive for some very slight
offence, as was also the execution of Diodorus,. who had
previously had an honourable employment in the. pro
vinces, and also that of threa officers, of the vicar prefect

•452 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVII. CH. Til
of Italy, who were all put to death with great cruelty
because the count of Italy had complained to the emperor
that Diodorus had, though in a constitutional manner,
implored the aid of the law against him; and that the
officers, by command of the judge, served a summons on
him as he was setting out on a journey, commanding him
to answer to the action according to law. And the
Christians at Milan to this day cherish their memory, and
call the place where they were buried, the tomb of the
innocents. 6. Afterwards, in the affair of a certain Pannonian,
named Maxentius, on account of the execution of a sen
tence very properly commanded by the judge to be carried
out immediately, he ordered all the magistrates of these
towns to be put to death, when Eupraxius, who at that
time was quaestor, interposed, saying, " Be more sparing,
O most pious of emperors, for those whom you command to
be put to death as criminals, the Christian religion honours
as martyrs, that is as persons acceptable to the deity."
7. And the prefect Florentius, imitating the salutary
boldness of Eupraxius, when he heard that the emperor
was in a similar manner very angry about some trifling and
pardonable matter, and that he had ordered the execution
of three of the magistrates in each of several cities, said
to him, " And what is to be done if any town has not got
so many magistrates? It will be necessary to suspend
the execution there till there are a sufficient number for
the purpose."
8. And besides this cruel conduct there was another cir
cumstance horrible even to speak of, that if any one came
before him protesting against being judged by a powerful
enemy, and requiring that some other judge might hear his
tase, he always refused it ; and however just the arguments
of the man might be, he remitted his cause to the decision
of the very judge whom he feared. And there was another
very bad thing much spoken of ; namely, that when it was
urged that any debtor was in such absolute want as to be
unable to pay anything, he used to pronounce sentence
of death on him.
9. But some princes do these and other similar actions
with the more lofty arrogance, because they never allow
their friends any opportunity of setting them right in any

A.B. 368.J DISTRESS OF BRITAIN. 453
mistake they make, either in a plan or in its execution ;
while they terrify their enemies by the greatness of their
power. There can be no question of mistake or error
raised before men who consider whatever they choose to do
to be in itself the greatest of virtues.
VIII.
§ 1. Valentinian having left Amiens, and being on his
way to Treves in great haste, received the disastrous in
telligence that Britain was reduced by the ravages of the
united barbarians to the lowest extremity of distress ; that
Nectaridus, the count of the sea-coast, had been slain in
battle, and the duke Fullofaudes had been taken prisoner
by the enemy in an ambuscade.
2. This news struck him with great consternation, and
he immediately sent Severus, the count of the domestic
guards, to put an end to all these disasters if he could find
a desirable opportunity. Severus was soon recalled, and
Jovinus, who then went to that country, sent forward Pro-
vertuides with great expedition to ask for the aid of a
powerful army ; for they both affirmed that the imminence
of the danger required such a reinforcement.
3. Last of all, on account of the many formidable reports
which a continual stream of messengers brought from that
island, Theodosius was appointed to proceed thither, and
ordered to make great haste. He was an officer already
distinguished for his prowess in war, and having collected
a numerous force of cavalry and infantry, he proceeded to
assume the command in full confidence.
4. And since when I was compiling my account of
the acts of the emperor Constantine, I explained as well
as I could the movement of the sea in those parts at its
ebb and flow, and the situation of Britain, I look upon it
as superfluous to return to what has been once described ;
as the Ulysses of Homer when among the Phaeacians hesi
tated to repeat his adventures by reason of the sufferings
they brought to mind.
5. It will be sufficient here to mention that at that time
the Picts, who were divided into two nations, the Dicali-
dones and the Vecturiones, and likewise the Attacotti, a
very warlike people, and the Scots were all roving over

454 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [BE.XXVTLCn.vnl. ,
different parts of the country and committing great ravages.
While the Franks and the Saxons who are on the frontiers ¦
of the Gauls were ravaging their country wherever they ¦
could effect an entrance by sea or land, plundering and
burning, and murdering all the prisoners they could take. ,
6. To put a stop to these evils, if a favourable fortune
should afford an opportunity, the new and energetic general
repaired to that island situated at the extreme corner of
the earth ; and when he had reached the coast of Boulogne,
which is separated from the opposite coast by a very narrow
strait of the sea, which there rises and falls in a strange
manner, being raised by violent tides, and then again
sinking to a perfect level like a plain, without doing any
injury to the sailors. From Boulogne he crossed the strait
in a leisurely manner, and reached Richborough, a very
tranquil station on the opposite coast.
7. And when the Batavi, and Heruli, and the Jovian
and Victorian legions who followed from the same place,
had also arrived, he then, relying on their number and
power, landed and marched towards Londinium, an ancient
town which has since been named Augusta ; and dividing
his army into several detachments, he attacked the preda
tory and straggling bands of the enemy who were loaded
with the weight of their plunder, and having speedily
routed them while driving prisoners in chains and cattle
before them, he deprived them of their booty which they
had carried off from these miserable tributaries of Rome.
8. To whom he restored the whole except a small portion
which he allotted to his own weary soldiers ; and then
joyful and triumphant he made his entry into the city
which had just before been overwhelmed by disasters, but
was now suddenly re-established almost before it could
have hoped for deliverance.
9. This success encouraged him to deeds of greater
daring, and after considering what counsels might be
the safest, he hesitated, being full of doubts as to the
future, and convinced by the confession of his prisoners
and the information given him by deserters, that so vast
a multitude, composed of various nations, all incredibly
savage, could only be vanquished by secret stratagems and
unexpected attacks.
10. Then, by the publication of several edicts, in which

A.D. 368.] THE BARBARIANS OVERRUN AFRICA. 455
he promised them impunity, he invited deserters and
others who were straggling about the country on furlough,
to repair to his camp. At this summons numbers came
in, and he, though eager to advance, being detained by-
anxious cares, requested to have Civilis sent to him,
to govern Britain, with the rank of pro-prefect, a man of
quick temper, but just and upright ; and he asked at the
same time for Duleitius, a general eminent for his military
skill. IX.
§ 1. These were the events which occurred in Britain.
But in another quarter, from the very beginning of Valen-.
tinian's reign, Africa had been overrun by the fury of the
barbarians, intent on bloodshed and rapine, which they
sought to carry on by audacious incursions. Their licen
tiousness was encouraged by the indolence and general
covetousness of the soldiers, and especially by the conduct
of Count Romanus.
2. Who, foreseeing what was likely to happen, and being
very skilful in transferring to others the odium which he
himself deserved, was detested by men in general for the
savageness of his temper, and also because it seemed as if
his object was to outrun even our enemies in ravaging
tlie provinces. He greatly relied on his relationship to
Remigius, at that time master of the offices, who sent all
kinds of false and confused statements of the condition of
the country, so that the emperor, cautious and wary as he
plumed himself on being, was long kept in ignorance of
the terrible sufferings of the Africans.
3. I will explain with great diligence the complete
series of all the transactions which took place in those
regions, the death of Ruricius the governor, and of his
lieutenants, and all the other mournful events which took
place, when the proper opportunity arrives.
4. And since we are able here to speak freely, let us
openly say what we think, that this emperor was the first
of all our princes who raised the arrogance of the soldiers
to so great a height, to the great injury of the state,
ly increasing their rank, dignity, and riches. And
(which was a lamentable thing, both on public and private

456 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVII. Ch. ix.
accounts) while he punished the errors of the common
soldiers with unrelenting severity, he spared the officers,
who, as if complete licence were given to their misconduct,
proceeded to all possible lengths of rapacity and cruelty
for the acquisition of riches, and acting as if they thought
that the fortunes of all persons depended directly on
their nod.
5. The framers of our ancient laws had sought to repress
their pride and power, sometimes even condemning the
innocent to death, as is often done in cases when, from the
multitude concerned in some atrocity, some innocent men,
owing to their ill luck, suffer for the whole. And this
has occasionally extended even to the case of private
persons. 6. But in Isauria the banditti formed into bodies and
roamed through the villages, laying waste and plundering
the towns and wealthy country houses ; and by the mag
nitude of their ravages they also greatly distressed Pam
phylia and Cilicia. And when Musonius, who at that
time was the deputy of Asia Minor, having previously
Vbeen a master of rhetoric at Athens, had heard that they
were spreading massacre and rapine in every direction,
being filled with grief at the evil of which he had just-
heard, and perceiving that the soldiers were rusting
in luxury and inactivity, he took with him a few light-
armed troops, called Diogmitae, and resolved to attack the
first body of plunderers he could find. His way led
through a narrow and most difficult defile, and thus he
fell into an ambuscade, which he had no chance of
escaping, and was slain, with all the men under his
command. 7. The robber bands became elated at this advantage,
and roamed over the whole country with increased boldness,
slaying many, till at last our army was aroused, and drove
them to take refuge amid the recesses of the rocks and
mountains they inhabit. And then, as they were not
allowed to rest, and were cut off from all means of ob
taining necessary supplies, they at last begged for a truce,
as a prelude to peace, being led to this step by the advice
of the people of Germanioopolis, whose opinions always
had as much weight with them as standard-bearers have
with an army. And after giving hostages as they were

A.D.368.] MAYENCE IS STORMED. 457
desired, they remained for a long time quiet, without ven
turing on any hostilities.
8. While these events were taking' place, Praetextatus
was administering the prefecture of the city in a noble
manner, exhibiting numerous instances of integrity and
probity, virtues for which he had been eminent from his
earliest youth ; and thus he obtained what rarely happens
to any one, that while he was feared, he did not at the
same time lose the affection of his fellow-citizens, which
is seldom strongly felt for those whom they fear as
judges. 9. By his authority, impartiality, and just decisions,
a tumult was appeased, which the quarrels of the Chris
tians had excited, and after Ursinus was expelled complete
tranquillity was restored, which best corresponded to the
wishes of the Roman people ; while the glory of their
illustrious governor, who- performed so many useful actions,
continually7 increased.
10. For he also removed all, the balconies, which the
ancient laws of Rome had forbidden to be constructed, and
separated from the sacred temples the walls of private
houses which had been improperly joined to them ; and
established one uniform and proper weight in every
quarter, for by7 no other means could he check the covetous
ness of those who made their scales after their own plea
sure. And in the adjudication of lawsuits he exceeded all
men in obtaining that praise which Cicero mentions in his
panegyric of Brutus, that while he did nothing with a
view to please anybody, everything which he did pleased
everybody.

§ 1. About the same time, when Valentinian had gone
forth on an expedition very cautiously as he fancied, a
prince of the Allemanni, by name Rando, who had been for
some time preparing for the execution of a plan which he
had conceived, with a body of light-armed troops equipped
only for a predatory expedition, surprised and stormed
Mayence, which was wholly destitute of a garrison.
2. And as he arrived at the time when a great solemnity
of the Christian religion was being celebrated, he found

458 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVH. Ch. X.
no obstacle whatever in carrying off a vast multitude of
both men and women as prisoners, with no small quantity
©f goods as booty.
3. After this, for a short interval a sudden hope of
brighter fortune shone upon the affairs of Rome. For as
king Vithicabius, the son of Vadomarius, a bold and war
like man, though in appearanoe effeminate and diseased,
was continually raising up the troubles of war against
tis. great pains were taken to have him removed by some
means or other.
4. And because after many attempts it was found im
possible to defeat him or to procure his betrayal, his most
confidential servant was tampered with by one of our men,
and by his hand he lost his life ; and after his death,
all hostile attacks upon us were laid aside for a while.
But his murderer, fearing punishment if the truth should
v'jet abroad, without delay took refuge in the Roman
ti rritory. 5. After this an expedition on a larger scale than usual
was projected with great care and diligence against the
Allemanni, to consist of a great variety of troops : the
public safety imperatively required such a measure, since
the treacherous movements of that easily recruited nation
were regarded with continual apprehension, while our
soldiers were the more irritated, because, on account of the
constant suspicion which their character awakened, at one
time abject and suppliant, at another arrogant and threat
ening, they were never allowed to rest in peace.
6. Accordingly, a vast force was collected from all
quarters, well furnished with aims and supplies of pro
visions, and the count Sebastian having been sent for
with the Illyrian and Italian legions which he com
manded, as soon as the weather got warm, Valentinian,
accompanied by Gratian, crossed the Rhine without re
sistance. Having divided the whole army7 into four divi
sions, he himself marched with the centre, while Jovinus
and Severus, the two captains of the camp, commanded the
divisions on each side, thus protecting the army from any
sudden attack.
7. And immediately under the guidance of men who
knew the roads, all the approaches having been recon
noitred, the army advanced slowly through a most exten-

a.d. 368.] ADVANCE OF THE EMPEROR. 459t
sive district, the soldiers by the slowness of their march
being all the more excited to wish for battle, and gnahh-
ing their teeth in a threatening manner, as if they had
already found the barbarians. And as, after many days
had passed, no one could be found who offered any re
sistance, the troops applied the devouring flame to all the
houses and all the crops which were standing, with the
exception of such supplies for their own magazines as
the doubtful events of war compelled them to collect and
store up.
8. After this the emperor advanced further, with no'
great speed, till he arrived at a place called Solicinium,
where he halted, as if he had suddenly come upon some
barrier, being informed by the accurate report of his
advanced guard that the barbarians were seen at a dis
tance. 9. They, seeing no way of preserving their safety unless
they defended themselves by a speedy battle, trusting in
their acquaintance with the country, with one consent
occupied a lofty hill, abrupt and inaccessible in its rugged
heights on every side except the north, where the ascent
was gentle and easy. Our standards were fixed in the
usual manner, and the cry, " To arms!" was raised; and
the soldiers, by the command of the emperor and his
generals, rested in quiet obedience, waiting for the raising
of the emperor's banner as the signal for engaging in ¦
battle. 10. And because little or no time could be spared for
deliberation, since on one side the impatience of the
soldiers was formidable, and on the other the Allemanni
were shouting out their horrid yells all around, the ne
cessity for rapid operations led to the plan that Sebastian
with his division should seize the northern side of the
hill, where we have said the ascent was gentle, in which
position it was expected that, if fortune favoured him,
he would be able easily to destroy the flying barbarians.
And when he, as had been arranged, had moved forward
first, while Gratian was kept behind with the Jovian
legion, that young prince being as yet of an age unfit
for battle or for hard toil, Valentinian, like a deliberate
and prudent general, took off his helmet, and reviewed
his centuries and maniples, and not having informed any

460 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIL Ch. x.
of the nobles of his secret intentions, and having sent
back his numerous body of guards, went forward himself
with a very small escort, whose courage and fidelity
he could trust, to reconnoitre the foot of the hill, de
claring (as he was always apt to think highly of his own
skill) that it must be possible to find another path which
led to the summit besides that which the advanced guard
had reported.
11. He then, as he advanced by a devious track over
ground strange to him, and across pathless swamps, was
very nearly being killed by the sudden attack of a band
placed in an ambuscade on his flank, and being driven
to extremities, only escaped by spurring his horse to a
gallop in a different direction over a deep swamp, so at
last, after being in the most imminent danger, he rejoined
his legions. But so great had been his peril that his
chamberlain, who was carrying his helmet, which was
adorned with gold and precious stones, disappeared,
helmet and all, while the man's body could never be
found, so that it could be known positively whether he
were alive or dead.
12. Then, when the men had been refreshed by rest,
and the signal for battle was raised, and the clang of
warlike trumpets roused their courage, two youths of
prominent valour, eager to be the first to encounter the
danger, dashed on with fearless impetuosity before the
line of their comrades. One was of the band of Scutarii,
by name Salvius, the other, Lupicinus, belonging to the
Gentiles. They raised a terrible shout, brandished their
spears, and when they reached the foot of the rocks,
in spite of the efforts of the Allemanni to repel them,
pushed steadily on to the higher ground ; while behind ,
them came the main body of the army, which following
their lead over places rough with brambles and rugged, at
last, after vast exertions, reached the very summit of
the heights.
13. Then again, with great spirit on both sides, the
conflict raged with spears and swords. On our side the
soldiers were more skilful in the art of war ; on the other
side the barbarians, ferocious but incautious, closed with
them in the mighty fray ; while our army extending itself,
outflanked them on both sides with its overlapping

A.D.368.] VICTORY OF THE ROMANS. 461
wings, the enemy's alarm being increased by our shouts,
the neighing of the horses, and the clang of trumpets.
14. IS Nevertheless they resisted with indomitable courage,
and the battle was for some time undecided; both sides
exerted themselves to the utmost, and death was scattered
almost equall}7.
15. At last the barbarians were beaten down by the
ardour of the Romans, and being disordered and broken,
were thrown into complete confusion ; and as they began
to retreat they were assailed with great effect by the spears
and javelins of their enemies. Soon the retreat became
a flight, and panting and exhausted, they exposed their
backs and the back sinews of their legs and thighs to
their pursuers. After many had been slain, those who
fled fell into the ambuscade laid for them by Sebastian,
who was posted with his reserve at the back >f the moun
tain, and who now fell unexpectedly on their flank, and
slew numbers of them, while the rest who escaped con
cealed themselves in the recesses of the woods.
16. In this battle we also suffered no inconsiderable
loss. Among those who fell was Valerian, the first officer
of the domestic guards, and one of the Scutarii, named
Natuspardo, a warrior of such pre-eminent courage that he
might be compared to the ancient Sicinius or Sergius.
17. After these transactions, accompanied with this diver
sity of fortune, the army went into winter quarters, and
the emperor returned to Treves.

XI.
§ 1 . About this time, Vulcatius Rufinus died, while filling
the office of prefect of the prastorium, and Probus was sum
moned from Rome to succeed him, a man well known to
the whole Roman world for the eminence of his family, and
his influence, as well as for his vast riches, for he possessed
a patrimonial inheritance which was scattered over the
whole empire ; whether acquired justly or unjustly it is
not for us to decide.
2. A certain good fortune, as the poets would represent
it, attended him from his birth, and bore him on her rapid
wings, exhibiting him sometimes as a man of beneficent

462 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVH. Ch. xi.
character, promoting the interests of his friends, though
often also a formidable intriguer, and cruel and mischievous
in the gratification of his enmities. As long as he lived
he had great power, owing to the magnificence of his gifts
and to his frequent possession of office, and yet he was at
times timid towards the bold, though domineering over the
timid ; so that when full of self-confidence he appeared to
be spouting in the tragic buskin, and when he was afraid
he seemed more abased than the most abject character
in comedy.
3. And as fishes, when removed from their natural
element, cannot live long on the land, so he began to
pine when not in some post of authority which he was
driven to be solicitous for by the squabbles of his troops
of clients, whose boundless cupidity prevented their ever
being innocent, and who thrust their patron forward into
affairs of state in order to be able to perpetrate all sorts of
crimes with impunity.
4. For it must be confessed that though he was a man
Of such magnanimity that he never desired any dependent
or servant of his to do an unlawful thing, yet if he found
that any one of them had committed a crime, he laid aside
all consideration of justice, would not allow the case to be
inquired into, but defended the man without the slightest
regard for right or wrong. Now this is a fault expressly
.'condemned by Cicero, who thus speaks : " For what differ
ence is there between one, who has advised an action, and
one who approves of it after it is performed? or what
difference does it make whether I wished it be done, or
am glad that it is done ?"
5. He was a man of a suspicious temper, self- relying,
often wearing a bitter smile, and sometimes caressing a
man th© more effectually to injure him.
6. This vice is a very conspicuous one in dispositions of
that kind, and mostly so when it is thought possible
to conceal it. He was also> so implacable and obstinate
in his enmities, that if hie ever resolved to injure any
one he would never be diverted from his puipose by
any entreaties, nor be led to pardon any faults, so that
his ears seemed to be- stopped not with wax but with
lead. 7. Even when at the very, summit of wealth and dignity

*•»• 368.1 TREACHERY OF SAPOR. 463
he was always anxious and watchful, and therefore he was
continually subject to trifling illnesses.
8. Such was the course of events which took place in
the western provinces of the empire,
XII.
§ 1 . The King of Persia, the aged Sapor, who from the
very commencement of his reign had been addicted to the
love of plunder, after the death of the Emperor Julian,
and the disgraceful treaty of peace subsequently made,
for a short time seemed with his people to be friendly to
us ; brat presently he trampled under foot the agreement
which he had made with Jovian, and poured a body of
troops into Armenia to annex that country to his own
dominions, as if the whole of the former arrangements had
been abolished.
2. At first he contented himself with various tricks,
intrigues, and deceits, inflicting some trifling injuries on
the nation which unanimously resisted him, tampering
with some of the nobles and satraps, and making sudden
inroads into the districts belonging to others.
3. Afterwards by a system of artful cajolery fortified by
perjury, he got their king Arsaces into his hands, having
invited1 him to a banquet, when he ordered him to be
seized and conducted to a secret chamber behind, where
his eyes were put out, and he was loaded with silver
chains, which in that country is looked upon as a solace
under punishment for men of rank, trifling though it be ;
then he removed him from his country to a fortress called
Agabana, where he applied to him the torture, and finally
put him to death.
4. After this, in order that his perfidy might leave
nothing unpolluted, having expelled Sauromaces, whom
the authority of the Romans had made governor of Hiberia,
he conferred the government of that district on a man of
the name of Aspacuras, even giving him a diadem, to
mark the insult offered to the decision of our emperors.
5. And after these infamous actions he committed the
charge of Armenia to an eunuch named Cylaces, and to
Artabannes, a couple of deserters whom he had received
some time before (one of them having, been prefect of that

464 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVH. Ch. xn.
nation, and the other commander-in-chief) ; and he enjoined
them to use every exertion to destroy the town of Artoge-
rassa, a place defended by strong walls and a sufficient
garrison, in which were the treasures, and the wife and
son of Arsaces.
6. These generals commenced the siege as they were
ordered. And as it is a fortress placed on a very rugged
mountain height, it was inaccessible at that time, while
the ground was covered with snow and frost : and so Cylaces
being an eunuch, and, as such, suited to feminine manoeu
vres, taking Artabannes with him, approached the walls ;
after having received a promise of safety, and he and his
companion had been admitted into the city, he sought by a
mixture of advice and threats to persuade the garrison and
the queen to pacify the wrath of the implacable Sapor by
a speedy surrender.
7. And after many arguments had been urged on both
sides, the woman bewailing the sad fortune of her husband,
these men, who had been most active in wishing to com
pel her to surrender, pitying her distress, changed their
views ; and conceiving a hope of higher preferment, they
in secret conferences arranged that at an appointed hour of
the night the gates should he suddenly thrown open, and
a strong detachment should sally forth and fall upon the
ramparts of the enemy's camp, surprising it with sudden
slaughter ; the traitors promising that, to prevent any
knowledge of what was going on, they would come forward
to meet them.
8. Having ratified this agreement with an oath, they
quitted the town, and led the besiegers to acquiesce in
inaction by representing that the besieged had required
two da37s to deliberate on what course they ought to pur
sue. Then in the middle of the night, when they were all
doundly asleep in fancied security, the gates of the city were
thrown open, and a strong body of young men poured forth
with great speed, creeping on with noiseless steps and
drawn swords, till they entered the camp of the unsuspect
ing enemy, where they slew numbers of sleeping men,
without meeting with any resistance.
8. This unexpected treachery of his officers, and the loss
thus inflicted on the Persians, caused a terrible quarrel
between us and Sapor; and another cause for his anger

A.D. 368.J SAPOR INVADES ARMENIA. 465
was added, as the Emperor Valens received Para, the son
of Arsaces, who at his mother's instigation had quitted the
fortress with a small escort, and had desired him to stay at
Neo-CaeRarea, a most celebrated city on the Black Sea,
where he was treated with great liberality and high respect.
Cylaces and Artabannes, being allured by this humanity of
Valens, sent envoys to him to ask for assistance, and to
request that Para might be given them for their king.
10. However, for the moment assistance was refused
them ; but Para was conducted by the general Terentius
back to Armenia, where he was to rule that nation without
any of the insignia of royalty; which was a very wise
regulation, in order that we might not be accused of break
ing our treaty of peace.
1 1 . When this arrangement became known, Sapor was
enraged beyond all bounds, and collecting a vast army,
entered Armenia and ravaged it with the most ferocious
devastation. Para was terrified at his approach, as were
also Cylaces and Artabannes, and, as they saw no other
resource, fled into the recesses of the lofty mountains
which separate our frontiers from Lazica ; where they hid
in the depths of the woods and among the defiles of the
hills for five months, eluding the various attempts of the
king to discover them.
12. And Sapor, when he saw that he was losing his
labour in the middle of winter, burnt all the fruit trees,
and all the fortified castles and camps, of which he had
become master by force or treachery, and also burnt
Artogerassa, which had long been blockaded by his whole
army, and after many battles was taken through the ex
haustion of the garrison ; and he carried off from thence
the wife of Arsaces and all his treasures.
13. For these reasons, Arinthaeus was sent into these dis
tricts with the rank of count, to aid the Armenians if the
Persians should attempt to harass them by a second cam
paign. 14. At the same time, Sapor, with extraordinary cun
ning, being either humble or arrogant as best suited him,
under pretence of an intended alliance, sent secret mes
sengers to Para to reproach him as neglectful of his own
dignity, since, with the appearance of royal majesty, he was
really the slave of Cylaces and Artabannes. On which
2 H

466 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVII. Ch. xn.
Para, with great precipitation, cajoled them with caresses
till he got them in his power, and slew them, sending their
heads to Sapor in proof of his obedience.
15. When the death of these men became generally
known, it caused such dismay that Armenia would have
been ruined without striking a blow in its own defence, if
the Persians had not been so alarmed at the approach of
Arinthasus that they forbore to invade it again, contenting
themselves with sending ambassadors to the emperor,
demanding of him not to defend that nation, according to
the agreement made between them and Jovian.
16. Their ambassadors were rejected, and Sauromaces,
who, as we have said before, had been expelled from the
kingdom of Hiberia, was sent back with twelve legions
under the command of Terentius ; and when he reached the'
river Cyrus, Aspacuras entreated him that they might both
reign as partners, being cousins ; alleging that he could
not withdraw nor cross over to the side of the Romans,
because his son Ultra was as a hostage in the hands of the
Persians. 17. The emperor learning this, in order by wisdom and
prudence to put an end to the difficulties arising out of
this affair, acquiesced in the division of Hiberia, allowing
the Cyrus to be the boundary of the two divisions : Sauro
maces to have the portion next to the Armenians and
Lazians, and Aspacuras the districts which border on
Albania and Persia.
18. Sapor, indignant at this, exclaimed that he was un
worthily treated, because we had assisted Armenia con
trary to our treaty, and because the embassy had failed
which he had sent to procure redress, and because the
kingdom of Hiberia was divided without his consent or
privity ; and so, shutting as it were, the gates of friend
ship, he sought assistance among the neighbouring nations,
and prepared his own army in order, with the return
of fine weather, to overturn all the arrangements which
the Romans had made with a view to their own interests

A.D. 368.] 467

BOOK XXVIII.

I. Many persons, even senators and women of senatorial family are
accused at Borne of poisonings, adultery, and debauchery, and are
punished. — II. The Emperor Valentinian fortifies the whole Gallic
bank of the Bhine with forts, castles, and towers ; the Allemanni
slay the Eomans who are constructing a fortification on the other
side of the Bhine. — The Marathocrupeni, who are ravaging Syria;
are, by the command of Valens, destroyed with their children and
their town. — m. Theodosius restores the cities of Britain which
had been laid waste by the barbarians, repairs the fortresses, and
recovers the province of the island which is called Valentia. — ;
IV. Concerning the administration of Olybrius and Ampelius as
prefects of the city : and concerning the vices of the Eoman
senate and people. — V. The Saxons, after a time, are circumvented
in Gaul by the manoeuvres of the Eomans. Valentinian having
promised to unite his forces with them, sends the Burgundians to
invade Germany ; but they, finding themselves tricked and de
ceived, put all their prisoners to the sword, and return home. —
VI. The ravages inflicted in the province of Tripoli, and on the
people of Leptis and (Ea, by the Asturians, are concealed from
Valentinian by the bad faith of the Eoman count ; and so are not
properly avenged. I.
a.d. 368.
§ 1. While the perfidy of the king was exciting these un
expected troubles in Persia, as we have related above, and
while war was reviving in the east, sixteen years and rather
more after the death of Nepotianus, Bellona, raging through
the eternal city, destroyed everything, proceeding from
trifling beginnings to the most lamentable disasters.
Would that they could be buried in everlasting silence,
lest perhaps similar things may some day be again
attempted, which will do more harm by the general
example thus set than even by the misery they occasion.
2. And although after a careful consideration of different
circumstances, a reasonable fear would restrain me from
giving a minute account of the bloody deeds now perpe
trated, yet, relying on the moderation of the present age,

468 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. rBE. XXVHI. Ch. l
I will briefly touch upon the things most deserving of
record, nor shall I regret giving a concise account of the
fears which the events that happened at a former period
caused me.
3. In the first Median war, when the Persians had
ravaged Asia, they laid siege to Miletus with a vast host,
threatening the garrison with torture and death, and at
last reduced the citizens to such straits, that they all, being
overwhelmed with the magnitude of their distresses,
slew their nearest relations, cast all their furniture and
movables into the fire, and then threw themselves in
rivalry with one another on the common funeral pile of
their perishing country.
4. A short time afterwards, Phrynichus made this event
the subject of a tragedy which he exhibited on the stage at
Athens ; and after he had been for a short time listened to
with complacency, when amid all its fine language the
tiagedy became more and more distressing, it was con
demned by the indignation of the people, who thought that
it was insulting to produce this as the subject of a
dramatic poem, and that it had been prompted not by a
wish to console, but only to remind them to their own
disgrace of the sufferings which that beautiful city had
endured without receiving any aid from its founder and
parent. For Miletus was a colony of the Athenians, and
had been established there among the other Ionian states
by Neleus, the son of that Codrus who is said to have
devoted himself for his country in the Dorian war.
5. Let us now return to our subject. Maximinus,
formerly deputy prefect of Rome, was born in a very
obscure rank of life at Sopianae, a town of Valeria ; his
father being only a clerk in the president's office, descended
from the posterity of those Carpi whom Diocletian re
moved from their ancient homes and transferred to
Pannonia. 6. After a slight study of the liberal sciences, and
some small practice at the bar, he was promoted to be
governor of Corsica, then of Sardinia, and at last of
Tuscany. From hence, as his successor loitered a long
while on his road, he proceeded to superintend the supply
ing of the eternal city with provisions, still retaining
the government of the province ; and three different con-

a.d. 388.] FEROCITY OF MAXIMIN 469
siderations rendered him cautious on his first entrance into
office, namely : —
7. In the first place, because he bore in mind the pre
diction of his father, a man pre-eminently skilful in inter
preting what was portended by birds from whom auguries
were taken, or by the note of such birds as spoke. And he
bad warned him that though he would rise to supreme
authority, he would perish by the axe of the executioner ;
secondly, because he had fallen in with a Sardinian (whom
he himself subsequently put to death by treachery, as
report generally affirmed) who was a man skilled in raising
up evil spirits, and in gathering presages from ghosts ; and
as long as that Sardinian lived, he, fearing to be betrayed,
was more tractable and mild ; lastly, because while he
was slowly making his way through inferior appointments,
like a serpent that glides underground, he was not yet of
power sufficient to perpetrate any extensive destruction or
executions. 8. But the origin of his arriving at more extensive
power lay in the following transaction : Chilo, who had
been deputy, and his wife, named Maxima, complained to
Olybrius, at that time prefect of the city, asserting that
their lives had been attacked by poison, and with such
earnestness that the men whom they suspected were at
once arrested and thrown into prison. These were Serious,
a musician, Asbolius, a wrestling master, and Campensis,
a soothsayer. 9. But as the affair began to cool on account of the long-
continued violence of some illness with which 01y7brius
was attacked, the persons who had laid the complaint,
becoming impatient of delay, presented a petition in
which they asked to have the investigation of their charge
referred to the superintendent of the corn-market ; and,
from a desire for a speedy decision, this request was
granted. 10. Now, therefore, that he had an opportunity of doing
injury, Maximin displayed the innate ferocity which
was implanted in his cruel heart, just as wild beasts
exhibited in the amphitheatre often do when, at length
released from their cages. And, as this affair was repre
sented first in various ways, as if in a kind of prelude, and
some persons with their sides lacerated named certain

470 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVUI. Ch. I,
nobles, as if by means of their clients and other low-born
persons known as criminals and informers, they had em
ployed various artifices for injuring them. This infernal
delegate, carrying his investigations to an extravagant
length, presented a malicious report to the emperor, in
which he told him that such atrocious crimes as many
people had committed at Rome could not be investigated
nor punished without the severest penalties.
11. When the emperor learnt this he was exasperated
beyond measure, being rather a furious than a rigorous
enemy to vice; and accordingly, by one single edict
applying to causes of this kind, which in his arrogance he
treated as if they partook of treason, he commanded that
all those whom the equity of the ancient law and the
judgment of the gods had exempted from examination by
torture, should, if the case seemed to require it, be put to
the rack.
12. And in order that the authority to be established,
by being doubled and raised to greater distinction, might
be able to heap up greater calamities, he appointed Maximin
pro-prefect at Rome, and gave him as colleague in the
prosecution of these inquiries, which were being prepared
for the ruin of many persons, a secretary named Leo,
who was afterwards master of the ceremonies. He was
by birth a Pannonian, and by occupation originally a
brigand, as savage as a wild beast, and insatiable of
human blood.
1 3. The accession of a colleague so much like himself,
inflamed the cruel and malignant disposition of Maximin,
which was further encouraged by the commission which
conferred this dignity on them ; so that, flinging himself
about in his exultation, he seemed rather to dance than
to walk, while he studied to imitate the Brachmans who,
according to some accounts, move in the air amid the
altars. 14. And now the trumpets of intestine discords sounded,
while all men stood amazed at the atrocity of the things
which were done. Among which, besides many other cruel
and inhuman actions so various and so numerous that it is
impossible for me to relate them all, the death of Marinus,
the celebrated advocate, was especially remarkable. He
was condemned to death on a charge which was not even

A.D. 163.] FEROCITY OF MAXIMIN. 471
attempted to be supported by evidence, of having en
deavoured by wicked acts to compass a marriage with
Hispanilla. 15. And since I think that perhaps some persons may
read this history who, after careful investigation, will
object to it that such and such a thing was done before
another ; or again that this or that circumstance has been
omitted, I consider that I have inserted enough, because it
is not every event which has been brought about by base
people that is worth recording; nor, if it were neces
sary to relate them all, would there be materials for such
an account, not even if the public records themselves were
examined, when so many atrocious deeds were common,
and when this new frenzy was throwing everything into
confusion without the slightest restraint ; and when what
was feared was evidently not a judicial trial but a total
cessation of all justice.
16. At this time, Cethegus, a senator, who was accused of
adultery, was beheaded, and a young man of noble birth,
named Alypius, who had been banished for some trivial
misconduct, with some other persons of low descent, were
all publicly executed ; while every one appeared in their
sufferings to see a representation of what they themselves
might expect, and dreamt of nothing but tortures, prisons,
and dark dungeons.
17. At the same time also, the affair of Hymetius, a man
of very eminent character, took place, of which the circum
stances were as follows. When he was governing Africa as
pro-consul, and the Carthaginians were in extreme distress
for want of food, he supplied them with corn out of the
granaries destined for the Roman people ; and shortly after
wards, when there was a fine harvest, he without delay
fully replaced what he had thus consumed.
1 8. But as at the time of the scarcity ten bushels
had been sold to those who were in want for a piece of
gold, while he now bought thirty for the same sum, he
sent the profit derived from the difference in price to the
emperor's treasury. Therefore, Valentinian, suspecting
that there was not as much sent as there ought to have
been as the proceeds of this traffic, confiscated a portion of
his property.
19. And to aggravate the severity of this infliction,

472 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIII. CH. I
another circumstance happened abc.it the same time which
equally tended to his ruin. Amantius was a soothsayer
of pre-eminent celebrity at that period, and having been
accused by some secret informer of being employed by this
same Hymetius to offer a sacrifice for some evil purpose,
he was brought before a court of justice and put to the
rack ; but in spite of all his tortures, he denied the charge
with steadfast resolution.
20. And as he denied it, some secret papers were brought
from his house, among which was found a letter in the
handwriting of Hymetius, in which he asked Amantius to
propitiate the gods by some solemn sacrifices to engage
them to make the disposition of the emperor favourable
to him ; and at the end of the letter were found some
reproachful terms applied to the emperor as avaricious
and cruel.
21. Valentinian learnt these facts from the report of
some informers, who exaggerated the offence given, and with
very unnecessary vigour ordered an inquiry to be made
into the affair ; and because Frontinus, the assessor of
Hymetius, was accused of having been the instrument of
drawing up this letter, he was scourged with rods till he
confessed, and then he was condemned to exile in Britain.
But Amantius was subsequently convicted of some capital
crimes and was executed.
22. After these transactions, Hymetius was conducted
to the town of Otricoli, to be examined by Ampelius, the
prefect of the city, and deputy of Maximin; and when
he was on the point of being condemned, as was manifest
to every one, he judiciously seized an opportunity that
was afforded to him of appealing to the protection of the
emperor, and being protected by his name, he came off for
the time in safety.
23. The emperor, however, when he was consulted on
the matter, remitted it to the senate, who examined into
the whole affair with justice, and banished him to Bose a
village in Dalmatia, for which they were visited wi'th
the wrath of the emperor, who was exceedingly enraged
when he heard that a man whom in his own mind he
had condemned to death had been let off with a milder
punishment. 24. These and similar transactions led every one to fear

A.D. 368.] CONDUCT OF MAXIMIN. 473
that the treatment thus experienced by a few was intended
for all : and that these evils should not, by being con
cealed, grow greater and greater till they reached an
intolerable height, the nobles sent a deputation consisting
of Praetextatus, formerly a prefect of the city, Venustus,
formerly deputy, and Minervius, who had been a consular
governor, to entreat the emperor not to allow the punish
ments to exceed the offences, and not to permit any
senator to be exposed to the torture in an unprecedented
and unlawful manner.
25. But when these envoys were admitted into the
council chamber, Valentinian denied that he had ever given
such orders, and insisted that the charges made against him
were calumnies. He was, however, refuted with great
moderation by the praetor Eupraxius ; and in consequence
of this freedom, the cruel injunction that had been issued,
and which had surpassed all previous examples of cruelty
was amended.
26. About the same time, Lollianus, a youth of tender
age, the son of Lampadius, who had been prefect, being
accused before Maximin, who investigated his case with
great care, and being convicted of having copied out a
book on the subject of the unlawful acts (though, as his
age made it likely, without any definite plan of using it),
was, it seemed, on the point of being sentenced to banish
ment, when, at the suggestion of his father, he appealed
to the emperor ; and being by his order brought to court,
it appeared that he had, as the proverb has it, gone from
the frying-pan into the fire, as he was now handed over to
Phalangius, the consular governor of Bastica, and put to
death by the hand of the executioner.
27. There were also Tarratius Bassus, who afterwards
became prefect of the city, his brother Camenius, a man of
the name of Marcian, and Eusapius, all men of great
eminence, who were prosecuted on the ground of having
protected the charioteer Auchenius, and being his accom
plices in the act of poisoning. The evidence was very
doubtful, and they were acquitted by the decision of
Victorinus, as general report asserted ; Victorinus being a
most intimate friend of Maximin.
28. Women too were equally exposed to similar treat
ment. For many of this sex also, and of noble birth, were

474 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIII. Ch. I
put to death on being convicted of adultery or unchastity.
The most notorious cases were those of Claritas and
Flaviana ; the first of whom, when conducted to death,
was stripped of the clothes which she wore, not even
being permitted to retain enough to cover her with bare
decency ; and for this the executioner also was con
victed of having committed a great crime, and burnt to
death. 29. Paphius and Cornelius, both senators, confessed that
they had polluted themselves by the wicked practice of
poisoning, and were put to death by the sentence of Maxi
min ; and by a similar sentence the master of the mint was
executed. He also condemned Sericus and Asbolius, who
have been mentioned before ; and because while exhorting
them to name any others who occurred to them, he had
promised them with an oath that they should not them
selves be punished either by fire or sword, he had them
slain by violent blows from balls of lead. After this he also
burnt alive Campensis the soothsayer, not having in his
case bound himself by any oath or promise.
30. Here it is in my opinion convenient to explain the
cause which brought Aginatius headlong to destruction, a
man ennobled by a long race of ancestors, as unvarying
tradition affirms, though no proof of his ancestral renown
was ever substantiated.
31. Maximin, full of pride and arrogance, and being
then also prefect of the corn-market, and having many en
couragements to audacity, proceeded so far as to show his
contempt for Probus, the most illustrious of all the nobles,
and who was governing the provinces with the authority
of prefect of the prajtorium.
32. Aginatius, being indignant at this, and feeling it a
hardship that in the trial of causes Olybrius had preferred
Maximin to himself, while he was actually deputy at Rome,
secretly- informed Probus in private letters that the arro
gant and foolish man who had thus set himself against his
lofty merits, might easily be put down if he thought fit.
33. These letters, as some affirm, Probus sent to
Maximin, hardened as he was in wickedness, because he
feared his influence with the emperor ; letting none but
the bearer know the business. And when he had read
them, the cruel Maximin became furious, and henceforth

a.d.368.] CONDUCT OF MAXIMIN. 475
set all his engines at work to destroy Aginatius, like a
serpent that had been bruised by some one whom it
knew. 34. There was another still more powerful cause for in
triguing against him, which ultimately became his destruc
tion. For he charged Victorinus, who was dead, and from
whom he had received a very considerable legacy, with
having while alive made money of the decrees of Maximin ;
and with similar maliciousness he had also threatened his
wife Anepsia with a lawsuit.
35. Anepsia, alarmed at this, and to support herself
by the aid of Maximin, pretended that her husband in a
will which he had recently made, had left him three
thousand pounds weight of silver. He, full of covetous
ness, for this too was one of his vices, demanded half the
inheritance, and afterwards, not being contented with that,
as if it were hardly sufficient, he contrived another device
which he looked upon as both honourable and safe ; and
not to lose his hold of the handle thus put in his way
for obtaining a large estate, he demanded the daughter of
Anepsia, who was the stepdaughter of Victorinus, as a wife
for his son ; and this marriage was quickly arranged with
the consent of the woman.
36. Through these and other atrocities equally lamentable,
which threw a gloom over the whole of the eternal city,
this man, never to be named without a groan, grew by the
ruin of numerous other persons, and began to stretch out
his hands beyond the limits of lawsuits and trials : for it is
said that he had a small cord always suspended from a
remote window of the praetorium, the end of which had a
loop which was easily drawn tight, by means of which he
received secret informations supported by no evidence or
testimony, but capable, of being used to the ruin of many
innocent persons. And he used often to send his officers,
Mucianus and Barbaras, men fit for any deceit or treachery,
secretly out of his house.
37. Who then, as if bewailing some hardship which as
they pretended had fallen upon them, and exaggerating
the cruelty of the judge, with constant repetition assured
those who really lay under execution that there was no
remedy by which they could save themselves except that
of advancing heavy accusation against men of high rank ;

476 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XX VIII. Ch. I
because if such men were involved in such accusations,
they themselves would easily procure an acquittal.
38. In this way, Maximin's implacable temper over
whelmed those yet in his power ; numbers were thrown
into prison, and persons of the highest rank were seen with
anxious faces and in mourning attire. Nor ought any one
of them to be blamed for bowing down to the ground in
saluting this monster, when they heard him vociferating
with the tone of a wild beast, that no one could ever be
acquitted unless he choose.
39. For sayings like that, when instantly followed by
their natural result, would have terrified even men like
Numa, Pompilius, or Cato. In fact things went on in such a
way that some persons never had their eyes dried of the
tears caused by the misfortunes of others, as often happens
in such unsettled and dangerous times.
40. And the iron- hearted judge, continually disregarding
all law and justice, had but one thing about him which
made him endurable ; for sometimes he was prevailed upon
by entreaties to spare some one, though this too is affirmed
to be nearly a vice in the following passage of Cicero.
" If anger be implacable, it is the extreme of seve
rity ; if it yield to entreaties, it is the extreme of levity ;
though in times of misfortune even levity is to be preferred
to cruelty."
41. After these events, Leo arrived, and was received as
his successor, and Maximin was summoned to the emperor's
court and promoted to the office of prefect of the prsetorium,
where he was as cruel as ever, having indeed greater power
of inflicting injury, like a basilisk seipent.
42. Just at this time, or not long before, the brooms with
which the senate-house of the nobles was swept out were
seen to flower, and this portended that some persons of the
very lowest class would be raised to high rank and power.
43. Though it is now time to return to the course of our
regular history, yet without neglecting the proper order of
time, we must dwell on a few incidents, which through
the iniquity of the deputy prefects of the city, were done
most unjustly, being in fact done at the word and will of
Maximin by those same officers, who seemed to look on
themselves as the mere servants of his pleasure.
44. After him came Ursicinus, a man of a more merciful

a.d.368.] CRUELTY OF SIMPLICIUS. 477
disposition, who, wishing to act cautiously and in confor
mity to the constitution, confronted a man named Esaias
with some others who were in prison on a charge of
adultery with Rufina ; who had attempted to establish a
charge of treason against Marcellus her husband, formerly
in a situation of high trust. But this act led to his being
despised as a dawdler, and a person little fit to carry out
such designs with proper resolution, and so he was removed
from his place of deputy.
45. He was succeeded by Simplicius of Emona, who had
been a schoolmaster, but was now the assessor of Maximin.
After receiving this appointment, he did not grow more
proud or arrogant, but assumed a supercilious look, which
gave a repulsive expression to his countenance. His
language was studiously moderate, while he meditated the
most rigorous proceedings against many persons. And
first of all he put Rufina to death with all the partners of
her adultery, and all who were privy to it, concerning
whom Ursicinus, as we have related, had already made a
report. Then he put numbers of others to death, without
any distinction between the innocent and the guilty.
46. Running a race of bloodshed with Maximin, as if he
had, as it were, been his leader, he sought to surpass him
in destroying the noblest families, imitating Busiris and
Antaeus of old, and Phalaris, so that he seemed to want
nothing but the bull of Agrigentum.
47. After these and other similar transactions had taken
place, a certain matron named Hesychia, who was accused
of having attempted some crime, becoming greatly alarmed,
and being of a fierce and resolute disposition, killed herself
in the house of the officer to whom she was given in
custody, by muffling her face in a bed of feathers, and
stopping up her nostrils and so becoming suffocated.
48. To all these calamities another of no less severity
was added. For Eumenius and Abienus, two men of the
highest class, having been accused, during Maximin's term
of office, of adultery with Fausiana, a woman of rank, after '
the death of Victorinus, under whose protection they were
safe, being alarmed at the arrival of Simplicius, who was
as full of audacity and threats as Maximin, withdrew to
some secret hiding-place.

478 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIII. Ch. i.
49. But after Fausiana had been condemned, they were
recorded among the accused, and w7ere summoned by
public edict to appear, but they only hid themselves
the more carefully. And Abrenus was for a very long
time concealed in the house of Anepsia. But as it con
tinually happens that unexpected accidents come to aggra
vate the distresses of those who are already miserable, a
slave of Anepsia named Apaudulus, being angry because
his wife had been flogged, went by night to Simplicius,
and gave information of the whole affair, and officers
were sent to drag them both from their place of conceal
ment. 50. The charge against Abrenus was strengthened by
another charge which was brought against him, of having
seduced Anepsia, and he was condemned to death. But
Anepsia herself, to get some hope of saving her life by at
least procuring the delay of her execution, affirmed that
she had been assailed by unlawful arts, and had been
ravished in the house of Aginatius.
51. Simplicius with loud indignation reported to the
emperor all that had taken place, and as Maximin,
who was now at court, hated Aginatius for the reason
which we have already explained, and having his rage
increased against him at the same time that his power was
augmented, entreated with great urgency that he might be
sentenced to death ; and such a favour was readily granted
to this furious and influential exciter of the emperor's
severity. 52. Then fearing the exceeding unpopularity which
would fall upon him if a man of patrician family should
perish by the sentence of Simplicius, who was his new
assessor and friend, he kept the imperial edict for the
execution by him for a short time, wavering and doubting
whom to pitch upon as a trusty and efficient perpetrator of
so atrocious a deed.
53. At length, as like usually finds like, a certain
Gaul of the name of Doryphorianus was discovered, a
man daring even to madness ; and as he promised to
accomplish the matter in a short time, he obtained for him
the post of deputy, and gave him the emperor's letter with
an additional rescript; instructing the man, who though

a.d.368] CONDUCT OF DORYPHORIANUS. 479
savage had no experience in such matters, how, if he used
sufficient speed, he would meet with no obstacle to his siay-
ing Aginatius ; though, if there were any delay, he would
be very likely to escape.
54. Doryphorianus, as he was commanded, hastened to
Rome by rapid journeys ; and while beginning to discharge
the duties of his new office, he exerted great industry to
discover how he could put a senator of eminent family to
death without any assistance. And when he learnt that
he had been some time before found in his own house
where he was still kept in custody, he determined to have
him brought before him as the chief of all the criminals,
with Anepsia, in the middle of the night; an hour at
which men's minds are especially apt to be bewildered by
terror; as, among many other instances, the Ajax of
Homer1 shows us, when he expresses a wish rather to die
by daylight, than to suffer the additional terrors of the
night. 55. And as the judge, I should rather call him the
infamous robber, intent only on the service he had pro
mised to perform, carried everything to excess, having
ordered Aginatius to be brought in, he also commanded the
introduction of a troop of executioners ; and while the
chains rattled with a mournful sound, he tortured the slaves
who were already exhausted by their long confinement, till
they died, in order to extract from them matter affecting
the life of their master ; a proceeding which in a trial for
adultery our merciful laws expressly forbids.
56. At last, when the tortures which were all but mortal
had wrung some hints from the maid-servant, without any
careful examination of the truth of her words, Aginatius
was at once sentenced to be led to execution, and without
being allowed to say a word in his defence, though with
See the Iliad, XVIII. 1. 645, where Ajax prays : —
" Lord of earth and air,
O King ! O Father, hear my humble prayer I
Dispel this cloud, the light of heaven restore ;
Give me to see, and Ajax asks no more !
If Greece must perish, we thy will obey,
But let us perish in the face of day."
Pope's Trans., L 727, etc.

480 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIU. Ch. n
loud outcries he appealed to and invoked the names of the
emperors, he was carried off and put to death, and Anepsia
was executed by a similar sentence. The eternal city was
filled with mourning for these executions which were per
petrated either by Maximin himself when he was present
in the city, or by his emissaries when he was at a dis
tance. 57. But the avenging Furies of those who had been
murdered were preparing retribution. For, as I will after
wards relate at the proper season, this same Maximin
giving way to his intolerable pride when Gratian was
emperor, was put to death by the sword of the executioner ;
and Simplicius also was beheaded in Illyricum. Dorypho-
rianus too was condemned to death, and thrown into the
Tullian prison, but was taken from thence by the emperor
at his mother's suggestion, and when he was brought
back to his own country was put to death with terrible
torments. Let us now return to the point at which we
left our history. Such, however, was the state of affairs in
the city of Rome. II.
a.d. 369.
§ 1. Valentinian having several great and useful pro
jects in his head, began to fortify the entire banks of the
Rhine, from its beginning in the Tyrol to the straits of
the ocean,1 with vast works; raising lofty castles and
fortresses, and a perfect range of towers in every
suitable place, so as to protect the whole frontier of Gaul ;
and sometimes, by constructing works on the other side
of the river, he almost trenched upon the territories of the
enemy. 2. At last considering that one fortress, of which he
himself had laid the very foundations, though sufficiently
high and safe, yet, being built on the very edge of the
river Neckar, was liable to be gradually undermined by
the violent beating of its waters, he formed a plan to
divert the river itself into another channel ; and, having
sought out some workmen who were skilful in such works
1 See GibboD, vol. III. p. 97 (Bohn's edition).

a.d. 369.] PROGRESS OF THE ROMANS. 483
und collected a strong military force, he began that arduous
labour. 3. Day after day large masses of oaken beams were
fastened together, and thrown into the channel, and by
them huge piles were continually fixed and unfixed, being all
thrown into disorder by the rising of the stream, and after
wards they were broken and carried away by the current.
4. However, the resolute diligence of the emperor and
the labour of the obedient soldiery prevailed ; though the
troops were often up to their chins in the water while
at work ; and at last, though not without considerable
risk, the fixed camp was protected against all danger from
the violence of the current, and is still safe and strong.
5. Joyful and exulting in this success, the emperor, per
ceiving that the weather and the season of the year did
not allow him any other occupation, like a good and active
prince began to apply his attention to the general affairs
of the republic. And thinking the time very proper for
completing one work which he had been meditating, he
began with all speed to raise a fortification on the other
side of the Rhine, on Mount Piri, a spot which belongs to
the barbarians. And as rapidity of action was one great
means of executing this design with safety, he sent orders
to the Duke Arator, through Syagrius, who was then a
secretary, but who afterwards became prefect and consul,
to attempt to make himself master of this height in the
dead of the night.
6. The duke at once crossed over with the secretary, as
he was commanded ; and was beginning to employ the
soldiers whom he had brought with him to dig out the
foundations, when he received a successor, Hermogenes.
At the very same moment there arrived some nobles of the
Allemanni, fathers of the hostages, whom, in accordance
with our treaty, we were detaining as important pledges
for the long continuance of the peace.
7. And they, with bended knees entreated him not to
let the Romans, with an improvident disregard of all
safety (they whose fortune their everlasting good faith
had raised to the skies), now be misled by a base error to
trample all former agreements under foot, and attempt an
act unworthy of them.
8. But since it was to no purpose that they used these
2 i

482 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIII. Ch. n,
and similar arguments, as they were not listened to, and
finding that they had no chance of a conciliatory answer,
they reluctantly returned, bewailing the loss of their sons ;
and when they were gone, from a secret hiding-place
in a neighbouring hill a troop of barbarians sprang forth,
waiting, as far as was understood, for the answer which
was to be given to the nobles ; and attacking our half-
naked soldiers, who were carrying loads of earth, drew
their swords and quickly slew them, and with them the
two generals.
9. Nor was any one left to relate what had happened,
except Syagrius, who, after they were all destroyed returned
to the court, where by the sentence of his offended emperor
he was dismissed the service ; on which he retired to his
own home; being judged by the severe decision of the
prince to have deserved this sentence because he was the
only one who escaped.
10. Meanwhile the wicked fury of bands of robbers
raged through Gaul to the injury of many persons ; since
they occupied the most frequented roads, and without any
hesitation seized upon everything valuable which came in
their way. Besides many other persons who were the
victims of these treacherous attacks, Constantianus, the
tribune of the stable, was attacked by a secret ambus
cade and slain ; he was a relation of Valentinian, and the
brother of Cerealis and Justina.
11. In other countries, as if the Furies were stirring up
similiar evils to afflict us on every side, the Maratocupreni,
those most cruel banditti, spread their ravages in every
direction. They were the natives of a town of the same
name in Syria, near Apamea; very numerous, mar
vellously skilful in every kind of deceit, and an object of
universal fear, because, under the character of merchants
or soldiers of high rank, they spread themselves quietly
over the country, and then pillaged all the wealthy houses,
villages, and towns which eame in their way.
12. Nor could any one guard against their unexpected
attacks ; since they fell not upon any previously selected
victim, but in places in various parts, and at great dis
tances, and carried their devastations wherever the wind
led them. For which reason the Saxons were feared
beyond all other enemies, because of the suddenness of

a.d.369.] MEASURES OF THEODOSIUS. 483
their attacks. They then, in bands of sworn comrades,
destroyed the riches of many persons ; and being under the
impulse of absolute fury, they committed the most mournful
slaughters, being not less greedy of blood than of booty.
Nevertheless, that I may not, by entering into too minute
details, impede the progress of my history, it will be suffi
cient to relate one destructive device of theirs.
13. A body of these wicked, men assembled in one place,
pretending to be the retinue of a receiver of the revenue, or
of the governor of the province. In the darkness of the
evening they entered the city, while the crier made a
mournful proclamation, and attacked with swords the house
of one of the nobles, as if he had been proscribed and
sentenced to death. They seized all his valuable furni
ture, because his servants, being utterly bewildered by the
suddenness of the danger, did not defend the house ; they
slew several of them, and then before the return of day
light withdrew with great speed.
14. But being loaded with a great quantity of plunder,
since from their love of booty they had left nothing
behind, they were intercepted by a movement of the em
peror's troop, and were cut off and all slain to a man.
And their children, who were at the time very young,
were also destroyed to prevent their growing up in
the likeness of their fathers ; and their houses which
they had built with great splendour at the expense of
the misery of others, were all pulled down. These
things happened in the order in which they have been
related. III.
§ 1 . But Theodosius, a general of very famous reputation,
departed in high spirits from Augusta, which the ancients
used to call Londinium, with an army which he had col
lected with great energy and skill ; bringing a mighty aid
to the embarrassed and disturbed fortunes of the Britons.
His plan was to seek everywhere favourable situations for
laying ambuscades for the barbarians ; and to impose no
duties on his troops of the performance of which he did not
himself cheerfully set the example.
2. And in this way, while he performed the duties of a

484 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVHI. Ch. nr.
gallant soldier, and showed at the same time the prudence
of an illustrious general, he routed and vanquished the
various tribes in whom their past security had engendered
an insolence which led them to attack the Roman terri
tories : and he entirely restored the cities and the fortresses
which through the manifold disasters of the time had been
injured or destroyed, though they had been originally
founded to secure the tranquillity of the country.
3. But while he was pursuing this career, a great crime
was planned which was likely to have resulted in serious
danger, if it had not been crushed at the very beginning.
4. A certain man named Valentine, in Valeria of
Pannonia, a man of a proud spirit, the brother-in-law of
Maximin, that wieked and cruel deputy, who afterwards
became prefect, having been banished to Britain for some
grave crime, and being a restless and mischievous beast,
was eager for any kind of revolution or mischief, began to
plot with great insolence against Theodosius, whom he
looked upon as the only person with power to resist his
wicked enterprise.
5. But while both openly and privily taking many pre
cautions, as his pride and covetousness increased, he began
to tamper with the exiles and the soldiers, promising them
rewards sufficient to tempt them as far at least as the cir
cumstances and his enterprise would permit.
6. But when the time for putting his attempt into
execution drew near, the duke, who had received from
some trustworthy quarter information of what was going
on, being always a man inclined to a bold line of conduct,
and resolutely bent on chastising crimes when detected,
seized Valentine with a few of his accomplices who were
most deeply implicated, and handed them over to the general
Dulcitius to be put to death. But at the same time con
jecturing the future, through that knowledge of the soldiers
in which he surpassed other men, he forbade the institution
of any examination into the conspiracy generally, lest if
the fear of such an investigation should affect many, fresh
troubles might revive in the province.
7. After this he turned his attention to make many
necessary amendments, feeling wholly free from any
danger in such attempts, since .it was plain that all his
enterprises were attended by a propitious fortune. So

a.d.369.] SUCCESS OF THEODOSIUS. 485
he restored cities and fortresses, as we have already men
tioned, and established stations and outposts on our fron
tiers ; and he so completely recovered the province which
had yielded subjection to the enemy, that through his
agency it was again brought under the authority of its
legitimate ruler, and from that time forth was called
Valentia, by desire of the emperor, as a memorial of his
success. 8. The Areans, a class of men instituted in former
times, and of whom we have already made some mention
in recording the acts of Constans, had now gradually fallen
into bad practices, for which he removed them from their
stations ; in fact they had been undeniably convicted of
yielding to the temptation of the great rewards which
were given and promised to them, so as to have con
tinually betrayed to the barbarians what was done among
us. For their business was to traverse vast districts, and
report to our generals the warlike movements of the
neighbouring nations.
9. In this manner the affairs which I have already
mentioned, and others like them, having been settled, he
was summoned to the court, and leaving the provinces in
a state of exultation, like another Furius Camillus or
Papirius Cursor, he was celebrated everywhere for his
numerous and important victories. He was accompanied
by a large crowd of well-wishers to the coast, and crossing
over with a fair wind, arrived at the emperor's camp,
where he was received with joy and high praise, and
appointed to succeed Valens Jovinus, who was commander
of the cavalry. IV.
§ 1. I have thus made a long and extensive digression
from the affairs of the city, being constrained by the
abundance of events which took place abroad ; and now I
will return to give a cursory sketch of them, beginning
with the tranquil and moderate exercise of the prefect's
authority by Olybrius, who never forgot the rights of
humanity, but was continually anxious and careful that no
word or deed of his should ever be harsh or cruel. He
was a merciless punisher of calumnies ; he restrained the
exactions if the treasury wherever he could; he was a

486 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIII. Ch. rv.
careful discriminator of right and wrong; an equitable
judge, and very gentle towards those placed under his
authority. 2. But all these good qualities were clouded by one
vice which, though not injurious to the commonwealth,
was very discreditable to a judge of high rank ; namely,
that his private life was one of great luxury, devoted
to theatrical exhibitions, and to amours, though not such
as were either infamous or incestuous.
3. After him Ampelius succeeded to the government
of the city ; he also was a man addicted to pleasure, a
native of Antioch, and one who from having been master
of the offices was twice promoted to a proconsulship,
and sometime afterwards to that supreme rank, the prefec
ture. In other respects he was a cheerful man, and one
admirably suited to win the favour of the people ; though
sometimes over-severe, without being as firm in his pur
poses as might have been wished. Had he been, he would
have corrected, though perhaps not effectually, the glut
tonous and debauched habits which prevailed ; but, as it
was, by his laxity of conduct, he lost a glory which other
wise might have been enduring.
4. For he had determined that no wine-shop should be
opened before the fourth hour of the day ; and that none
of the common people, before a certain fixed hour, should
either warm water or expose dressed meat for sale ; and
that no one of respectable rank should be seen eating in
public. 5. Since these unseemly practices, and others still
worse, owing to long neglect and connivance, had grown
so frequent that even Epimenides of Crete, if, according to
the fabulous story, he could have risen from the dead and
returned to our times, would have been unable by himself
to purify Rome ; such deep stains of incurable vices over
whelmed it.
6. And in the first place we will speak of the faults of
the nobles, as we have already repeatedly done as far as
our space permitted; and then we will proceed to the
faults of the common people, touching, however, only
briefly and rapidly on either.
7. Some men, conspicuous for the illustriousness of their
ancestry as they think, gave themselves immoderate

*j>.369.J FAULTS OF THE NOBLES. 487
airs, and call themselves Reburri, and Fabunii, and
Pagonii, and Geriones, Dalii, Tarracii, or Perrasii, and
other fineby-sounding appellations, indicating the antiquity
of their family.
8. Some also are magnificent in silken robes, as if they
were being led to execution, or, to speak without words
of so unfavourable an omen, as if after the army had
passed they were bringing up the rear, and are followed
by a vast troop of servants, with a din like that of a com
pany of soldiers.
9. Such men when, while followed by fifty servants
apiece, they have entered the baths, cry out with threaten
ing voice, " Where are my people 'i" And if they sud
denly find out that any unknown female slave has appeared,
or any worn-out courtesan who has long been subservient
to the pleasures of the townspeople, they run up, as if to
win a race, and patting and caressing her with dis
gusting and unseemly blandishments, they extol her, as
the Parthians might praise Semiramis, Egypt her Cleo
patra, the Carians Artemisia, or the Palmyrene citizens
Zenohia. And men do this, whose ancestor, even though
a senator, would have been branded with a mark of infamy
because he dared, at an unbecoming time, to kiss his wife
in the presence of their common daughter.
. 10. Some of these, when any one meets and begins to
salute them, toss their heads like bulls preparing to butt,
offering their flatterers their knees or hands to kiss, think
ing that quite enough for their perfect happiness ; while
they deem it sufficient attention and civility to a stranger
who may happen to have laid them under some obligation
to ask him what warm or cold bath he frequents, or what
house he lives in.
11, And while they are so solemn, looking upon them
selves as especial cultivators of virtue, if they learn that
any one has brought intelligence that any fine horses or
skilful coachmen are coining from any place, they rush
with as much haste to see them, examine them, and put
questions concerning them, as their ancestors showed on
beholding the twin-brothers Tyndaridae,1 when they filled
1 This is an allusion to the story of Castor and Pollux bringing news
of the victory gained at the battle of Eegillus to Domitius (b.c. 496).
The legend adds that they stroked his black beard, which immediately

488 AMMIANUS MARCELLUS VS. Ixls. XXVDX Ch. 17
the whole city with' joy by the announcement of that an
cient victory.
12. A number of idle chatterers frequent their houses,
and, with various pretended modes of adulation, applaud
every word uttered by men of such high fortune ; resem
bling the parasites in a comedy, for as they puff up bragging
soldiers, attributing to them, as rivals of the heroes of old,
sieges of cities, and battles, and the death of thousands of
enemies, so these men admire the construction of the lofty
pillars, and the walls inlaid with stones of carefully chosen
colours, and extol these grandees with superhuman praises.
13. Sometimes scales are sent for at their entertain
ments to weigh the fish, or the birds, or the dormice
which are set on the table ; and then the size of them is
dwelt on over and over again, to the great weariness of
those present, as something never seen before ; especially
when near thirty secretaries stand by, with tablets and
memorandum books, to record all these circumstances ; so
that nothing seems to be wanting but a schoolmaster.
14. Some of them, hating learning as they hate poison,
read Juvenal and Marius Maximus1 with tolerably careful
study ; though, in their profound laziness, they never touch
any other volumes ; why, it does not belong to my poor
judgment to decide.
15. For, in consideration of their great glories and long
pedigrees, they ought to read a great variety of books ;
in which, for instance, they might learn that Socrates,
when condemned to death and thrown into prison, asked
some one who was playing a song of the Greek poet
Stesichorus with great skill, to teach him also to do that,
while it was still in his power ; and when the musician
asked him of what use this skill could be to him, as he
was to die the next day, he answered, " that I may7 know
something more before I die."
16. And there are among them some who are such severe
judges of offences, that if a slave is too long in bringing
them hot water, they will order him to be scourged with
three hundred stripes ; but should he intentionally have
became red ; from which he and his posterity derived the surname of
iEnobarbus. — See Dion. Hal. vi. 13.
1 Marius Maximus was an author who wrote an account of the lives
of the Csesars.

A-»- 369-] PRIDE OF THE NOBLES. 489
killed a man, while numbers insist that he ought to be
unhesitatingly condemned as guilty, his master will exclaim
" What can the poor wretch do ? what can one expect
from a good-for-nothing fellow like that?" But should
any one else venture to do anything of the kind, he
would be corrected.
17. Their ideas of civility are such that a stranger had
better kill a man's brother than send an excuse to them if he
be asked to dinner ; for a senator fancies that he has suffered
a terrible grievance, equal to the loss of his entire patri
mony, if any guest be absent, whom, after repeated deli
berations, he has once invited.
18. Some of them, if they have gone any distance to see
their estates in the country, or to hunt at a meeting col
lected for their amusement by others, think they have
equalled the marches of Alexander the Great, or of Caesar ;
or if they have gone in some painted boats from Lake
Avernus to Pozzuoli or Cajeta, especially if they have
ventured on such an exploit in warm weather. Where
if, amid their golden fans, a fly should perch on the silken
fringes, or if a slender ray of the sun should have pierced
through a hole in their awning, they complain that they
were not born among the Cimmerians.
19. Then, when they come from the bath of Silvanus, or
the waters of Mamaaa, which are so good for the health,
after they come out of the water, and have wiped themselves
with cloths of the finest linen, they open the presses, and
take out of them robes so delicate as to be transparent,
selecting them with care, till they have got enough to
clothe eleven persons ; and at length, after they have
picked out all they choose, they wrap themselves up in them,
and take the rings which they had given to their attendants
to hold, that they might not be injured by the damp ; and
then they depart when their fingers are properly cooled.
20. Again, if any one having lately quitted the military
service of the emperor, has retired to his home.1 . . .
21. Some of them, though not many, wish to avoid the
name of gamblers, and prefer to be called dice-players ;
the difference being much the same as that between a thief
and a robber. But this must be confessed that, while all
1 § 20 is mutilated, so that no sense can be extracted from the re
mainder of it.

490 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIII. Ch. iv.
friendships at Rome are rather cool, those alone which
are engendered by dice are sociable and intimate, as if
they had been formed amid glorious exertions, and were
firmly cemented by exceeding affection ; to which it is
owing that some of this class of gamblers live in such har
mony that you might think them the brothers Quintilii.1
And so you may sometimes see a man of base extraction,
who knows all the secrets of the dice, as grave as Porcius
Cato when he met with a repulse which he had never
expected nor dreamt of, when a candidate for the praetorship,
with affected solemnity and a serious face, because at some
grand entertainment or assembly some man of proconsular
rank has been preferred to himself.
22. Some lay siege to wealthy men, whether old or
young, childless or unmarried, or even with wives and
children (for with such an object no distinction is ever
regarded by them), seeking by most marvellous tricks to
allure them to make their wills ; and then if, after observing
all the forms of law, they bequeath to these persons what
they have to leave, being won over by them to this com
pliance, they speedily die.2
23. Another person, perhaps only in some subordinate
office, struts along with his head up, looking with so slight
and passing a glance upon those with whom he was pre
viously acquainted, that you might fancy it must be Marcus
Marcellus just returned from the capture of Syracuse.
24. Many among them deny the existence of a superior
Power in heaven, and yet neither appear in public, nor
dine, nor think that they can bathe with any prudence,
before they have carefully consulted an almanac, and
learnt where (for example) the planet Mercury is, or in
what portion of Cancer the moon is as she passes through
the heavens.
25. Another man, if he perceives his creditor to be
importunate in demanding a debt, flies to a charioteer
who is bold enough to venture on any audacious enterprise,
and takes care that he shall be harassed with dread of
persecution as a poisoner ; from which he cannot be released
without giving bail and incurring a very heavy expense.
1 Two brothers who had been colleagues in several important
offices, and who were at last put to death together by Commodus.
2 The end of § 22 is also mutilated.

A J). 369.] MEANNESS OF THE NOBLES. 491
One may add to this, that he includes under this head a
debtor who is only so through the engagements into which
he has entered to avoid a prosecution, as if he were a real
debtor, and that he never lets him go till he has obtained
the discharge of the debt.
26. On the other side, a wife, who, as the old proverb
has it, hammers on the same anvii day and night, to compel
her husband to make his will, and then the husband is
equally urgent that his wife shall do the same. And men
learned in the law are procured on each side, the one in
the bedchamber, and his opponent in the dining-room,
to draw up counter-documents. And under their employ
are placed ambiguous interpreters of the contracts of
their victims, who, on the one side, promise with great
liberality high offices, and the funerals of wealthy matrons ;
and from these they proceed to the obsequies of the hus
bands, giving hints that everything necessary ought to be
prepared ; and1 .... as Cicero says, "Nor in the
affairs of men do they understand anything good, except
what is profitable ; and they love those friends most (as
they would prefer sheep) from whom they expect to derivj
the greatest advantage."2
27. And when they borrow anything, they are s: */
humble and cringing, you would think you were at s>
comedy, and seeing Micon or Laches ; when they are con
strained to repay what they have borrowed, they become
so turgid and bombastic that you would take them for those
descendants of Hercules, Cresphontes and Temenus. This
is enough to say of the senatorial order.
28. And let us come to the idle and lazy commor \S
people, among whom some, who have not even got shoes
boast of high-sounding names ; calling themselves Cimes-
sores, Statarii. Semicupae, Serapina, or Cicimbricus,, oi
Gluturiorus, Trulla, Lucanicus, Pordaca, or Salsula,3
with numbers of other similar appellations. These
men spend their whole lives in drinking, and gam
bling, and brothels, and pleasures, and public spectacles ;
and to them the Circus Maximus is their temple, their
1 This passage, again, seems hopelessly mutilated.
s Cicero, de Amioitia, c. xxi.
3 These are not in reality noble names, but names derived from
low occupations. Trulla is a dish ; Salsula, belonging to pickles, &c.

492 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIIL Ch. r»,
home, their public assembly ; in fact, their whole hope
and desire.'
29. And you may see in the forum, and roads, and streets,
and places of meeting, knots of people collected, quarrel
ling violently with one another, and objecting to one
another, and splitting themselves into violent parties.
30. Among whom those who have lived long, having
influence by reason of their age, their gray hairs and
wrinkles, are continually crying out that the republic
cannot stand, if in the contest which is about to take place,
the skilful charioteer, whom some individual backs, is not
foremost in the race, and does not dextrously shave the
turning-post with the trace-horses.
31 . And when there is so much ruinous carelessness, when
the wished-for day of the equestrian games dawns, before
the sun has visibly risen , they all rush out with headlong
haste, as if with their speed they would outstrip the very
chariots which are going to race ; while as to the event of
the contest they are all torn asunder by opposite wishes,
and the greater part of them, through their anxiety, pass
sleepless nights.
32. From hence, if you go to some cheap theatre, the
actors on the stage are driven off by hisses, if they have
not taken the precaution to conciliate the lowest of the
people by gifts of money. And if there should be no
noise, then, in imitation of the people in the Tauric
Chersonese, they raise an outcry that the strangers ought
to be expelled (on whose assistance they have always
relied for their principal support), using foul and ridiculous
expressions ; such as are greatly at variance with the
pursuits and inclinations of that populace of old, whose
many facetious and elegant expressions are recorded by
tradition and by history.
33. For these clever gentlemen have now devised a new
method of expressing applause, which is, at every spectacle
to cry out to those who appear at the end, whether they
are couriers, huntsmen, or charioteers — in short, to the
whole body of actors, and to the magistrates, whether of
great or small- importance, and even to nations, " It is to
1 Compare Juvenal's description of the eircumspect in his time : 
" Atque duas tantum resarexius optat
Panem et Circenses."

i.D. 3t9.] INCURSIONS OF THE SAXONS. 493
your school that he ought to go." But what he is to learn
there no one can explain.
34. Among these men are many chiefly addicted to fat
tening themselves up by gluttony, who, following the
scent of any delicate food, and the shrill voices of the
women who, from cockcrow, cry out with a shrill scream,
like so many peacocks, and gliding over the ground on
tiptoe, get an entrance into the halls, biting their nails
while the dishes are getting cool. Others fix their eyes
intently- on the tainted meat which is being cooked, that
you might fancy Democritus, with a number of anatomists,
was gazing into the entrails of sacrificed victims, in order,
to teach posterity how best to relieve internal pains.
35. For the present this is enough to say of the affairs of
the city ; now let us return to other events which various
circumstances brought to pass in the provinces.
V.
§ 1. In the third consulship of the emperors a vast multi
tude of Saxons burst forth, and having crossed the difficult
passage of the ocean, made towards the Roman frontier by
rapid marches, having before often battened on the slaughter
of our men. The first storm of this invasion fell upon the
count Nannenus, who was in command in that district,
being a veteran general of great merit and experience.
2. He now engaged in battle with a host which
fought as if resolved on death ; but when he found that
he had lost many of his men, and that he himself, having
been wounded, would be unequal to a succession of battles,
he sent word to the emperor of what was necessary, and
prevailed on him to send Severus, the commander of
the infantry, to aid him at this crisis.
3. That general brought with him a sufficient body of
troops, and when he arrived in the countiy he so arrayed
his men that he terrified the barbarians, and threw them
into such disorder, even before any battle took place, that
they did not venture to engage him, but, panic-stricken at
the brilliant appearance of the standards and eagles, they
implored pardon and peace.
4. The question of granting it to them was long dis
cussed, with variety of opinion, between the Roman com-.

494 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIH. Ch. v
manders ; but at last, as it seemed for the advantage of the
republic, a truce was granted, and after they had agreed
to the . conditions proposed, one of which was that they
should furnish a number of young men suitable for military
service, the Saxons were permited to withdraw, but without
their baggage, and to return to their own country.
• 5. But when they, being now freed from all fear, were
preparing to return, some of our infantry were sent for
ward, who secretly laid an ambuscade in a certain hidden
defile, from which they would easily be able to attack
them as they passed. But the matter turned out very
differently from what was expected.
6. For some of our men being roused by the noise of the
Saxons, sprang from their ambush unseasonably ; and
being suddenly seen, while they were hastening to esta
blish themselves, the barbarians, with a terrible yell, put
them to flight. Presently, however, they halted in a
solid body, and being now driven to extremities, were
compelled to fight, though their strength was far from
great. The slaughter was great, and they would have
been all cut off to a man, had not a column of cuirassier
cavalry, which had been similarly placed in ambuscade at
a place where the road divided, in order there also to
attack the barbarians in their passage, been roused by the
uproar, and come up suddenly.
7. Then the battle raged more fiercely, and with daunt
less breasts the Romans pressed forward on all sides, and
with drawn swords hemmed in their enemies, and slew
them; nor did any of them ever return home, for not
one survived the slaughter. And although an impartial
judge will blame the action as treacherous and dis
graceful, still if he weighs all the circumstances, he
will not regret that a mischievous band of robbers was
at length destroyed when such an opportunity presented
itself. 8. After these affairs had been consummated thus suc
cessfully, Valentinian revolving in his mind a great variety
of opinions, was filled with anxious solicitude, considering
and contemplating different measures for breaking the
pride of the Allemanni and their king Macrianus, who
were incessantly and furiously disturbing the republio
with their restless movements.

a.d. 370.] OVERTURES TO THE BURGUNDIANS. 495
9. For that ferocious nation, though from its earliest
origin diminished by various disasters, yet continually
revives, so that it might be considered as having been free
from attacks for many ages. At last, after the emperor
had considered and approved of one plan after another, it
was finally determined to excite the Burgundians to attack
them, the Burgundians being a warlike people, with an.
immense population of active youths, and therefore for
midable to all their neighbours.
10. And the emperor sent repeated letters to their
chiefs by some silent and trustworthy messengers, to urge
them to attack the Allemanni at a certain fixed time, and
promising that he likewise would cross the Rhine with the
Roman legions, and attack their forces when in disorder,
and seeking to escape the unexpected attack of the Bur
gundians. 11. The letters of the emperor were received with joy,
for two reasons : first, because for many ages the Burgun
dians had looked upon themselves as descended from the
Romans; and secondly, because they had continual quarrels
with the Allemanni about their salt-pits and their borders.
So they sent against them some picked battalions, which,
before the Roman soldiers could be collected, advanced
as far as the banks of the Rhine, and, while the emperor
was engaged in the construction of some fortresses, caused
the greatest alarm to our people.
12. Therefore, after waiting for some time, Valentinian
having failed to come on the appointed day as promised,
and finding that none of his engagements were performed,
they sent ambassadors to the court, requesting assistance
to enable them to return in safety to their own land, and to
save them from exposing their rear unprotected to their
enemies. 13. But when they perceived that their request was
virtually refused by the excuses and pleas for delay with
which it was received, they departed from the court in
sorrow and indignation ; and when the chiefs of the Bur
gundians received their report, they were very furious,
thinking they had been mocked ; and so they slew all
their prisoners and returned to their native land.
14. Among them their king is called by one general name
of "Hendinos," and according to a very ancient custom

496 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. ,-3e. XXVIII. Ch. vi
of theirs, is deposed from his authority if under his go
vernment the state meets with any disaster in war ; or if
the earth fails to produce a good crop ; in the same way as
the Egyptians are accustomed to attribute calamities of
that kind to their rulers. The chief priest among tho
Burgundians is called " the Sinistus." But he is irre
movable and not exposed to any such dangers as the
kings. 16. Taking advantage of this favourable opportunity,
Theodosius, the commander of the cavalry, passed through
the Tyrol and attacked the Allemanni, who, out of fear
of the Burgundians, had dispersed into their villages.
He slew a great number, and took some prisoners, whom
by the emperor's command he sent to Italy, where some
fertile districts around the Po were assigned to them, which
they still inhabit as tributaries. VI.
§ 1. Let us now migrate, as it were, to another quarter of
the world, and proceed to relate the distresses of Tripoli,
a province of Africa ; distresses which, in my opinion,
even Justice herself must have lamented, and which burst
out rapidly like flames. I will now give an account both
of them and of their causes.
2. The Asturians are barbarians lying on the frontier of
this province, a people always in readiness for rapid in
vasions, accustomed to live on plunder and bloodshed ;
and who, after having been quiet for a while, now relapsed
into their natural state of disquiet, alleging the following
as the serious cause for their movements.
3. One of their countrymen, by name Stachao, while
freely traversing our territories, as in time of peace, did
some things forbidden by the laws ; the most flagrant
of his illegal acts being that he endeavoured, by every
kind of deceit and intrigue, to betray the province, as
was shown by the most undeniable evidence, for which
crime he was burnt to death.
4. To avenge his death, the Asturians, claiming him
as their clansman, and affirming that he had been un
justly condemned, burst forth from their own territory
like so many mad wild beasts during the reign of Jovian,

A.». 370.1 DISTRESS OF LEPTIS. 4? 7
but fearing to approach close to Leptis, which was a city
with a numerous population, and fortified by strong walls,
they occupied the district around it, which is very fertile,
for three days : and having slain the agricultural popula
tion on it, whom terror at their sudden inroad had deprived
of all spirit, or had driven to take refuge in caves, and
burnt a great quantity of furniture which could not be
carried off, they returned home, loaded with vast plunder,
taking with them as prisoner a man named Silva, the
principal noble of Leptis, whom they found with his
family at his country house.
5. The people of Leptis being terrified at this sudden
disaster, not wishing to incur the further calamities with
which the arrogance of the barbarians threatened them,
implored the protection of Count Romanus, who had
recently been promoted to the government of Africa.
But when he came at the head of an army, and received
their request to come to their immediate assistance in
their distress, he declared that he would not move a step
further unless abundant magazines and four thousand
camels were provided for his troops.
6. At this answer the wretched citizens were stupefied,
and declared to him, that after the devastations and con
flagrations to which they had been exposed, it was im
possible for them to make such exertions, even for thr
reparation of the cruel disasters which they had suffered ;
and, after waiting forty days there with vain pretences
and excuses, the count retired without attempting any
enterprise. 7. The people of Tripoli, disappointed in their hopes,
and dreading the worst extremities, a't their next council
day, appointed Severus and Flaccianus ambassadors to
carry to Valentinian some golden images of victory in
honour of his accession to the empire, and to state fully
and boldly to him the miserable distress of the province.
8. When this step became known, Romanus sent a swift
horseman as a messenger to the master of the offices,
Remigius, his own kinsman and his partner in plunder,
bidding him take care, that by the emperor's decision, the
investigation into this matter should be committed to tho
deputy and himself.
9. The ambassadors arrived at the court, and having
2k

498 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIII. Ch. vi.
obtained access to the emperor, they, in a set speech, laid
all their distresses before him, and presented him with a
decree of their council in which the whole affair was fully
set forth. When the emperor had read it, he neither
trusted the report of the master of the offices, framed
to defend tho misconduct of the count, nor, on the other
hand, did he place confidence in these men who made a
3ontrary report ; but promised a full investigation into the
affair, which however was deferred in the manner in which
high authorities are wont to let such matters give place to
their more pleasant occupations and amusements.
10. While waiting in suspense and protracted anxiety
for some relief from the emperor's camp, the citizens of
Tripoli were again attacked by troops of the same bar
barians, now elated with additional confidence by their
past successes. They ravaged the whole territory of
Leptis and also that of CEa, spreading total ruin and
desolation everywhere, and, at last, retired loaded with
an enormous quantity of spoil, and having slain many
of our officers, the most distinguished of whom were Rus-
ticianus, one of the priests, and the asdile, Nicasius.
11. This invasion was prevented from being repelled
by the fact, that at the entreaty of the ambassadors, the
conduct of the military affairs, which had at first been in
trusted to Ruricius, the president, had been subsequently
transferred to Count Romanus.
12. So now a new messenger was sent to Gaul with an
account of this fresh disaster ; and his intelligence roused
the emperor to great anger. So Palladius, his secretary,
who had also the rank of tribune, was sent at once to
liquidate the pay due to the soldiers, who were dispersed
over Africa, and to examine into all that had taken place in
Tripoli, he being an officer whose report could be trusted.'
13. But while all these delays took place from the con
tinual deliberations held on the case, and while the people
of Tripoli were still waiting for the answer, the Asturians,
now Still more insolent after their double success, like
birds of prey whose ferocity has been sharpened by the
taste of blood, flew once more to attack them ; and having
slain every one who did not flee from the danger, they
carried off all the spoil which they had previously left
behind, cutting down all the trees and vines.

4.D.370.] THE CITIZENS IMPLORE THE EMPEROR'S AH). 499
14. Then a certain citizen named Mychon, a man of high
station and great influence, was taken prisoner in the
district outeide of the city ; but before they could bind
him he gave them the slip, and because an attack of gout
rendered him unable to effect his escape, he threw himself
down a dry well, from which he was drawn up by the
barbarians with his ribs broken, and was conducted near
to the gates of the city, where he was ransomed by the
affection of his wife, and was drawn up to the battle
ments of the wall by a rope ; but two days afterwards he
died. 15. These events encouraged the pertinacity of the in
vaders, so that they advanced and attacked the very walls
of Leptis, which resounded with the mournful wailings of
the women, who were terrified in an extraordinary manner
and quite bewildered, because they had never before
been blockaded by an enemy. And after the city had
been besieged for eight days continuously, during which
many of the besiegers were wounded, while they made
no progress, they retired much discouraged to their own
country. 16. In consequence of these events, the citizens, being
still doubtful of their safety, and desirous of trying every
possible resource, before the ambassadors who had been
first sent had returned, sent Jovinus and Pancratius to lay
before the emperor a faithful account of the sufferings
which they had endured, and which they themselves
had seen : these envoys found the former ambassadors,
Severus and Flaccianus, at Carthage ; and on asking them
what they had done, they learnt that they had been re
ferred for a hearing to the deputy and the count. And
immediately after this Severus was attacked by a danger
ous illness and died ; but notwithstanding what they had
heard, the new ambassadors proceeded on their journey to
the court.
17. After this, when Palladius arrived in Africa, the
count, who knew on what account he had come, and who
had been warned before to take measures for his own
safety, sent orders to the principal officers of the army by
certain persons who were in his secrets, to pay over to
him, as being a person of great influence, and being the
person most nearly connected with the principal nobles of

500 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXVIII. Ch. n
the palace, the chief part of the money for the soldiers'
pay which he had brought over, and they obeyed him.
18. So he, having been thus suddenly enriched, reached
Leptis ; and that he might arrive at a knowledge of the
truth, he took with him to the districts that had been laid
waste, Erecthius and Aristomenes, two citizens of great
eloquence and reputation, who freely unfolded to him the
distress which their fellow-citizens and the inhabitants
of the adjacent districts had suffered. They showed him
everything openly ; and so he returned after seeing the
lamentable desolation of the province : and reproaching
Romanus for his inactivity, he threatened to report to
the emperor an accurate statement of everything which
he had seen.
19. He, inflamed with anger and indignation, retorted
that he also should soon make a report, that the man
who had been sent as an incorruptible secretary had con
verted to his own uses all the money which had been
sent out as a donation to the soldiers.
20. The consequence was that Palladius, being hampered
by the consciousness of his flagitious conduct, proceeded
from henceforth in Jiarmony with Romanus, and when he
returned to court, he deceived Valentinian with atrocious
falsehoods, affirming that the citizens of Tripoli complained
without reason. Therefore he was sent back to Africa a
second time with Jovinus, the last of all the ambassadors
(for Pancratius had died at Treves), in order that he, in
conjunction with the deputy, might inquire into every
thing connected with the second embassy. And besides
this, the emperor ordered the tongues of Erecthius and
Aristomenes to be cut out, because this same Palladius
had intimated that they made some malignant and disloyal
statements. 21. The secretary, following the deputy, as had been
arranged, came to Tripoli. When his arrival was known,
Romanus sent one of his servants thither with all speed,
and Cascilius, his assessor, who was a native of the pro
vince ; and by their agency (whether they employed
bribery or deceit is doubtful) all the citizens were won
over to accuse Jovinus, vigorously asserting that he had
never issued any of the commands which he had reported
to the emperor ; carrying their iniquity to such a pitch,

A-.D.370.] EXECUTION OF JOVINUS. 501
that Jovinus himself was compelled by them to confess, to
his own great danger, that he had made a false report to
the emperor.
22. When these events were learnt from Palladius on
his return, Valentinian, being always inclined to severe
measures, commanded the execution of Jovinus as the
author of such a report, and of Caelestinus, Concordius,
and Lucius, as privy to, it, and partners in it. He also
commanded Ruricius, the president, to be put to death for
falsehood ; the charge against him being aggravated by the
circumstance that his report contained some violent and
intemperate expressions.
23. Ruricius was executed at Sitifis ; the rest were con
demned at Utica by the sentence of the deputy Crescens.
But before the death of the ambassadors, Flaccianus, while
being examined by the deputy and the count, and while re
solutely defending his own safety, was assailed with abuse,
and then attacked with loud outcries and violence by the
angry soldiers, and was nearly killed ; the charge which
they made against him being that the cause which had
prevented the people of Tripoli from being defended was,
that they had refused to furnish necessaries for the use of
any expedition.
24. On this account he was thrown into prison, till the
emperor could be consulted on his case, and should decide
what ought to be done ; but his gaolers were tampered
with, as was believed, and he escaped from prison and fled
to Rome, where he concealed himself for some time, till his
death. 25. In consequence of this memorable catastrophe, Tri
poli, which had been often harassed by external and do
mestic calamities, brought forward no further accusations
against those who had left it undefended, knowing that the
eternal eye of justice w"as awake, as well as the avenging
furies of the ambassadors and the president. And a long
time afterwards the following event took place : — Palladius,
having been dismissed from the military service, and
stript of all that nourished his pride, retired into private
life. 26. And when Theodosius, that magnificent commander
of armies, came into Africa to put down Firmus, who
was entertaining some pernicious designs, and, as he

502 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. I[Be. XXVHX Ch. th
was ordered, began to examine the moveable effects of
Romanus, he found among his papers a letter of a certain
person named Meterius, containing this passage : " Mete-
rius, to his lord and patron, Romanus ;" and at the end of
the letter many expressions unconnected with its general
subject. " Palladius, who has been cashiered, salutes you.
He who says he was cashiered for no other reason than that
in the case of the people of Tripoli he made a false report
to the sacred ears."
27. When this letter was sent to the court and read,
Meterius was arrested by order of Valentinian, and con
fessed that the letter was his writing. Therefore Palladius
also was ordered to appear, and reflecting on all the crimes
he had committed, while at a halting place on the road,
he watched an opportunity afforded him by the absence
of his guards, as soon as it got dark (for, as it was a fet*-
tival of the Christian religion, they passed the whole night
in the church), and hanged himself.
28. The news of this propitious event — the death of
the principal cause of their sad troubles — being known,
Erecthius and Aristomenes, who when they first heard that
their tongues were ordered to be cut out for sedition,
had escaped, now issued from their hiding-places. And
when the emperor Gratian was informed of the wicked
deceit that had been practised (for by this time Valen
tinian was dead), their fears vanished, and they were sent
to have their cause heard before Hesperus the proconsul
and Flavian the deputy, men whose justice was supported
by the righteous authority of the emperor, and who, after
putting Cascilius to the torture, learnt from his clear con
fession that he himself had persuaded the citizens to bring
false accusations against the ambassadors. These actions
were followed by a report which gave the fullest possible
account of all that had taken plabe, to which no answer
was given.
29. And that the whole story might want nothing of
tragic interest, the following occurrence also took place
after the curtain had fallen. Romanus went to court,
taking with him Caecilius, with the intent to accuse the
judges as having been unduly biassed in favour of the
province; and being received graciously by Merobaudes,
he demanded that some more necessary witnesses should

a.d. 371.] AGGRESSION OF SAPOR. 503
be summoned. And when they had come to Milan, and
had shown by proofs which sermed correct, though these
were false, that they had been falsely accused, they were
acquitted, and returned home. Valentinian was still
alive, when after these events which we have related,
Remigius also retired from public life, and afterwards
hanged himself, as we shall relate in the proper plaoe.

BOOK XXIX.
. ARGUMENT.
I. Theodorus, the secretary, aims at the imperial authority, and being
accused of treason before Valens at Antioch, and convicted, is
executed, with many of his accomplices. — II. In the East many
persons are informed against as guilty of poisoning and other
crimes; and being condemned (some rightly, some wrongfully),
are executed. — III. In the West manyinstances occur of the ferocity
and insane cruelty of the emperor Valentinian. — IV. Valentinian
crosses the Bhine on a bridge of boats, but, through the fault of a
soldier, fails in an attempt to surprise Macrianus, the king of the
Allemanni. — V. Theodosius, the commander of the cavalry in
Gaul, in several battles defeats Formus Maorus, the son of
Nubelis Kegulus, who had revolted from Valentinian ; and, after
having driven him to kill himself, restores peace to Africa. —
VI. The Quadi, being provoked by the wicked murder of their
king Galerius, in conjunction with the Sarmatians, lay waste botli
the Pannonias and Valeria with fire and sword, and destroy almost
the whole of two legions — A dissertation on the city prefecture of
Claudius. I.
A.n. 371.
§ 1. At the conclusion of the winter, Sapor, king of Persia,
being full of cruelty and arrogance from the confidence
engendered by his former battles, having completed his
army to its full number, and greatly strengthened it, sent
out a force of cuirassiers, archers, and mercenary troops,
to make an invasion of our territories.
2. Against this force, Count Trajan and Vadomarius, the
ex-king of the Allemanni, advanced with a mighty army,
having been enjoined by the emperor to remember his
orders to act on the defensive rather than on the offensive
against the Persians.

504 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. CH.i.
3. When they arrived at Vagabanta, a place well suited
for the manoeuvres of the legions, they supported against
their will a rapid charge which was made upon them by
the squadrons of the enemy, and retreated with the design
not to be the first to slay any of the hostile soldiers, and
not to be looked upon as guilty of having broken the treaty.
At last, under the pressure of extreme necessity, they came
to an engagement with the barbarians, and after having
slain a great number of them, were victorious.
4. During the cessation of regular operations which
ensued, several slight skirmishes occurred through the
impatience of both armies, which ended with different
results ; and at last the summer ended, and a truce was
agreed to by common consent, and the two armies se
parated, though the generals were violently inflamed
against each other. The king of Parthia, intending to
pass the winter at Ctesiphon, returned to his own home,
and the Roman emperor went to Antioch; and while he
tarried there, in complete security from foreign enemies,
he had very nearly perished through domestic treachery,
as shall be related in the coming narrative.
5. A certain Procopius, a restless man, at all times
covetous and fond of disturbances, had persuaded Anato
lius and Spudasius, officers about the palace, who had
been ordered to restore what they had appropriated from
the treasury, to bring a plot against the Count Fortuna-
tianus, who was especially obnoxious as being represented
to be the principal demander of this restitution. He,
being a man of naturally harsh temper, was thereupon
inflamed almost to insanity, and exercising the authority
of the office which he filled, he delivered up to trial before
the tribunal of the prefect a person of the lowest birth,
named Palladius, for being a poisoner in the train of
Anatolius and Spudasius ; Helidorus, also an interpreter
of the Fates from the events which happened at any one's
birth ; with the intent that they should he compelled by
torture to relate all that they knew.
6. And when they came with rigid scrutiny to inquire
into what had been done or attempted, Palladius boldly
exclaimed, that the matters now under investigation were
trivial, and such as might well be passed over : that he
himself, if he might be allowed to speak, could bring

A.D. 371.] ARREST OF FIDUSTIUS. 505
forward some circumstances both formidable and more
important, which, having been prepared with great exer
tion, would throw everything into confusion, if they
were not provided against beforehand. Being ordered
to explain without fear all he knew, he made a deposition
at great length, affirming that Fidustius the president, and
Pergamius and Irenams, had secretly leamt, by the detest
able arts of magic, the name of the person who should
become emperor after Valens.
7. Fidustius was at once arrested (for he happened by
chance be on the spot), and being brought secretly before
the emperor, when confronted with the informer, he did
not attempt by any denial to throw a doubt on what was
already revealed, but laid open the whole of this wretched
plot ; confessing in plain words, that he himself, with
Hilarius and Patricius, men skilled in the art of sooth
saying, of whom Hilarius had filled high offices in the
palace, had held consultations about the future possessors
of the empire ; that by secret arts they had searched into the
Fates, which had revealed to them the name of an excellent
emperor, admonishing them at the same time that a mise
rable end awaited the investigators of these omens.1
8. And while they were hesitating, unable to deeide
who at that moment was superior to all other men in
vigour of mind, Theodoras appeared to excel all the
rest, a man who had already arrived at the second class of
secretaries. And in truth he deserved the opinion which
they entertained of him ; for he was descended from an
ancient and illustrious family in Gaul ; he had been
liberally educated from his earliest childhood ; he was
eminent for modesty, prudence, humanity, courtesy, and
literature. He always appeared superior to the post or
place whioh he was filling, and was equally popular
among high and low, and he was nearly the only man
whose tongue was never unbridled, but who always re
flected on what he was going to say, yet without ever
being restrained by any fear of danger.
9. Fidustius, who had been tortured so severely that he
was at the point of death, added further, that all that
1 For an account of this incantation, see Gibbon, Bohn's edition,
vol. Hi., p. 75, note.

505 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. I
he had now stated he had communicated to Theodorus by
the intervention of Eucaerius, a man of great literary
accomplishments, and of very high reputation ; indeed, he
had a little time before governed Asia with the title of
proprefect. 1 0. Eucaerius was now thrown into prison ; and when
a report of all that had taken place was, as usual, laid
before the emperor, his amazing ferocity burst out more
unrestrainedly than ever, like a burning firebrand, being
fed by the base adulation of many persons, and especially
of Modestus, at that time prefect of the praetorium.
11. He, being every day alarmed at the prospect of a
successor, addressed himself to the task of conciliating
Valens, who was of a rustic and rather simple character,
by tickling him with all kinds of disguised flattery and
caresses, calling his uncouth language and rude expres
sions " flowers of Ciceronian eloquence." Indeed, to raise
his vanity higher, he would have promised to raise him
up to the stars if he had desired it.
12. So Theodorus also was ordered to be arrested with
all speed at Constantinople, to which city he had repaired
on some private business, and to be brought to the court.
And while he was on his way back, in consequence of
various informations and trials which were carried on
day and night, numbers of people were dragged away
from the most widely separated countries — men eminent
for their birth and high authority.
13. The public prisons, being now completely filled,
could no longer contain the crowds which were confined
in them, while private houses were equally crammed to
suffocation, for nearly every one was a prisoner, and every
man shuddered to think when it might be his turn or
that of his nearest relations.
14. At last Theodorus himself arrived, in deep mourn^
ing, ;uid half dead through fear. And while he was kept
concealed in some obscure place in the vicinity, and all
things were being got ready for his intended examina
tion, the trumpet of civil discord suddenly sounded.
15. And because that man who knowingly passes over
facts appears to be an equally unfaithful historian with
him who invents circumstances which never happened,
we do not deny (what, in fact, is quite undoubted) that the

A.D. 371.] SUSPICIOUS CHARACTER OF VALENS. 507
safety of Valens had often before been attacked by secret
machinations, and was now in the greatest possible danger.
And that a sword, as one may say, was presented to his
throat by the officers of the army, and only averted by7
Fate, which was reserving him for lamentable misfortunes
in Thrace.
16. For one day as he was taking a gentle nap in the
afternoon, in a shady spot between Antioch and Seleucia,
he was attacked by Sallust, at that time an officer of the
Scutarii ; and on various other occasions he was plotted
against by many other persons, from whose treacherous
designs he only escaped because the precise moment of
his death had been determined at his birth by Destiny.
17. As sometimes happened in the times of the em
perors Commodus and Severus, whose safety was con
tinually assailed with extreme violence, so that after many
various dangers at the hands of their countrymen, the one.
was dangerously wounded by a dagger in the amphi
theatre, as he entered it for the purpose of witnessing
an entertainment, by a senator named Quintianus, a man
of wicked ambition. The other, when extremely old, was
assailed as he was lying in his bed-chamber, by a cen
turion of the name of Saturninus, who was instigated to
the act by Plautian the prefect, and would have been
killed if his youthful son had not come to his assistance.
' 18. Valens, therefore, was to be excused for taking
every precaution to defend his life, which traitors were
endeavouring to take. But it was an unpardonable fault in
him that, through tyrannical pride, he, with haste and with
inconsiderate and malicious persecution, inflicted the same
severities on the innocent as on the guilty, making no
distinction between their deserts ; so that while the judges
were still doubting about their guilt, the emperor had
made up his mind about their punishment, and men learnt
that they were condemned before they knew that they
were suspected.
19. But his obstinate resolution was strengthened since
it- received a spur from his own avarice, and that also of
those who at that time were about the palace, and were
constantly seeking new sources of gain ; while if on any
rare occasion any mention was made of humanity, they
styled it slackness; and by their bloodthirsty flatteries

508 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXLX. Ch. I
perverted the resolution of a man who bore men's- lives
on the tip of his tongue, guiding it in the worst direction,
and assailing everything with unseemly confusion, while
seeking to accomplish the total ruin of the most opulent
houses. 20. For Valens was a man who was especially exposed
and open to the approaches of treacherous advisers, being
tainted with two vices of a most mischievous character :
one, that when he was ashamed of being angry, that very
shame only rendered him the more intolerably furious ;
and secondly, that the stories which, with the easiness of
access of a private individual, he heard in secret whispers,
he took at once to be true and certain, because his haughty
idea of the imperial dignity did not permit him to examine
whether they were true or not.
21. The consequence was that, under an appearance of
clemency, numbers of innocent men were driven from their
homes, and sent into exile : and their property was con
fiscated to the public treasury, and then seized by himself
for his private uses ; so that the owners, after their con
demnation, had no means of subsistence but such as they
could beg ; and were worn out with the distresses of the
most miserable poverty. For fear of which that wise old
poet Theognis advises a man to rush even into the sea.1
22. And even if any one should grant that these sen
tences were in some instances right, yet it surely was an
odious severity ; and from this conduct of his it was re
marked that the maxim was sound which says, " that
there is no sentence more cruel than that which, while
seeming to spare, is still harsh."
23. Therefore all the chief magistrates and the prefect
of the prastorium, to whom the conduct of these investiga
tions was committed, having been assembled together, the
1 The lines of Theognis are —
" "AvSp' ayaSov irsvlii ir&VTuv SdfLPTjffi fidXiffra
Kal yiipas ttoXiov, Kipve, Kal -hinaAov
*Hj> S3) %ph ipfiyovTa Kal €s f^yaK^rea ttovtov
'ylirreiy, Kal irerpav VLvpvs, tear' JiXi/H&tw."
Which may be thus translated : —
" Want crushes a brave man far worse than age,
O Cyrnus ! or than fever's fiery rage ;
Flee, should thy flight beneath the greedy wave.
Or from steep rocks but ope a milder grave."

A.D.371.] DEATH OF SALIA. 509
racks were got ready, and the weights, and lead, and
scourges, and other engines of torture. And all places re
sounded with the horrors of the cruel voice of the execu
tioners, and the cries uttered amid the clanking of chains:
" Hold him !" " Shut him up !"; " Squeeze him !" " Hide
him !" and other yells uttered by the ministers of those
hateful duties.
24. And since we saw numbers condemned to death after
having endured cruel torture, everything being thrown
into complete confusion as if in perfect darkness, because
the complete recollection of everything which then took
place has in some degree escaped me, I will mention
briefly what I do remember.
25. Among the first who were summoned before the
bench, was Pergamius, who, as we have already7 mentioned,
was betrayed by Palladius, who accused him of having
arrived at a foreknowledge of certain events through
wicked incantations. As he was a man of exceeding elo
quence, and very likely to say dangerous things, and after
some very trivial interrogatories had been put to him,
seeing that the judges were hesitating what questions to
put first and what last, he began himself to harangue them
boldly, and shouting out tlie names with a loud voice and
without any cessation, he named several thousand persons
as accomplices with himself, demanding that people should
be brought forward to be accused of great crimes from
every part of the empire, up to the very shores of the great
Atlantic. The task that he thus seemed to be putting
together for them was too arduous ; so they comdemned
him to death ; and afterwards put whole troops of others to
death, till they came to the case of Theodorus, which
was regarded, after the manner of the Olympian games, as
a crowning of the whole.
26. The same day, among other circumstances, this
melancholy event took place, that Salia, who a little while
before had been the chief treasurer in Thrace, when he
was about to be brought out of his prison to have his cause
heard, and was putting ou his shoes, as if suddenly over
whelmed by the dread of his impending destruction, died
in the hands of his gaolers.
27. So when the court was opened, and when the judges
exhibited the decrees of the law, though, in accordance

610 AMMIANUS MARCELI,INUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. I
with the desire of the emperor, they moderated the severity
of the charges brought before them, one general alarm
seized all people. For Valens had now so wholly departed
from justice, and had become so accomplished in the inflic
tion of injury, that he was like a wild beast in an amphi
theatre ; and if any one who had been brought before the
court escaped, he grew furious beyond all restraint.
28. Presently Patricius and Hilarius were brought
before the court, and were ordered to enumerate the whole
series of their actions : and as they differed a little at the
beginning of their statement, they were both put to the
torture, and presently the tripod which they had used was
brought in j1 and they, being reduced now to the greatest
extremity, gave a true account of the whole affair from
the very beginning. And first Hilarius spoke as follows : —
29. " We did construct, most noble judges, under most
unhappy auspices, this little unfortunate tripod which you
see, in the likeness of that at Delphi, making it of laurel
twigs : and having consecrated it with imprecations of
mysterious verses, and with many decorations and repeated
ceremonies, in all proper order, we at last moved it ; and the
manner in which we moved it as often as we consulted it
upon any secret affair, was as follows : —
30. " It was placed in the middle of a building, carefully
purified on all sides by Arabian perfumes; and a plain
round dish was placed upon it, made of different metals.
On the outer side of which the four-and-twenty letters of
the alphabet were engraved with great skill, being sepa
rated from one another by distances measured with great
precision. 31. " Then a person clothed in linen garments, and shod
with slippers of linen, with a small linen cap on his head,
bearing in his hand sprigs of vervain as a plant of good
omen, in set verses, propitiated the deity who presides
over foreknowledge, and thus took his station by this dish,
according to all the rules of the ceremony. Then over the
tripod he balanced a ring which he held suspended by a
flaxen thread of extreme fineness, and which had also
been consecrated with mystic ceremonies. And as this
ring touched and bounded off from the different letters
which still preserved their distances distinct, he made
1 For the purposes of divination.

a.d 371.J ANSWER OF THE ORACLE. 511
with these letters, by the order in which he touched them,
verses in the heroic metre, corresponding to the questions
which we had asked ; the verses being also perfect in
metre and rhythm ; like the answers of the Pythia which
are so celebrated, or those given by the oracles of the
Branchidae. 32. " Then, when we asked who should succeed the
present emperor, since it was said that it would be a person
of universal accomplishments, the ring bounded up, and
touched the two syllables GEO ; and then as it added
another letter, some one of the bystanders exclaimed that
Theodorus was pointed out by the inevitable decrees of
Fate. We asked no further questions concerning the
matter: for it seemed quite plain to us that he was the
man who was intended."
33. And when he had with this exactness laid the know
ledge of this affair open to the eyes of the judges, he added
with great benevolence, that Theodorus knew nothing of
the matter. When after this they were asked whether the
oracles which they had consulted had given them any fore
knowledge of their present sufferings, they repeated these
well-known verses which clearly pronounce that this em
ployment of investigating those high secrets would cost
them their lives. Nevertheless, they added, that the Furies
equally threatened the judges themselves, and also the
emperor, breathing only slaughter and conflagration against
them. It will be enough to quote the three final verses.
" Ov pay vniroiviy* (rby %<raerai aT/ia, Kal abrois
Tiaiip6pT] fiaptifirivis ^</>oirAl£ei Kavtbv glroy
'Ev veSioiiri t/llfiavros aXaXepLevouriv apria."
" Thy blood shall not fall unaveng'd on earth ;
The fierce Tisiphone still keeps her eye
Fixed on thy slayers ; arming evil fate
Against them when arrayed on Mima's plain
They seek to stem the tide of horrid war."
When he had read these verses they were both tortured
with great severity, and carried away dead.
34. Afterwards, that the whole workshop where the
wickedness had been wrought might be disclosed to the
world, a great number of men of rank were brought in,
among whom were some of the original promoters of the
whole business. And when each, regarding nothing but

512 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. TBe. XXIX Ch. I,
his own personal safety, sought to turn the destruction
which menaced himself in some other quarter, by the per
mission of the judges, Theodorus began to address them.
First of all, he humbled himself with entreaties for pardon ;
then being compelled to answer more precisely to the
charges alleged, he proved that he, after having been in
formed of the whole affair by Eucaerius, was prevented by
him from repeating it to the emperor, as he had often
attempted to do : since Eucaerius affirmed that what did not
spring from a lawless desire of reigning, but from some
fixed law of inevitable fate, would surely come to pass.
35. Eucserius, when cruelly tortured, confirmed this
statement by his own confession. His own letters were
employed to convict Theodorus, letters which he had
written to Hilarius full of indirect hints, which showed that
he had conceived a sure hope of such events from the pro
phecies of the soothsayers ; and was not inclined to delay,
but was looking for an opportunity of attaining the object
of his desires.
36. After the establishment of these facts, the prisoners
were removed; and Eutropius, who at that time was
governing Asia with the rank of proconsul, having been
involved in the accusation as having been a partisan of
theirs, was nevertheless acquitted ; being exculpated by
Pasiphilus the philosopher, who, though cruelly tortured
to make him implicate Eutropius by a wicked lie, could
not be moved from his vigorous resolution and fortitude.
37. To that was added the philosopher Simonides, a
young man, but the most rigidly virtuous of all men in
our time. An information had been laid against him as
having been made aware of what was going on by Fi
dustius, as he saw that his cause depended, not on its
truth, but on the will of one man, avowed that he had
known all that was alleged, but had forborne to mention it
out of regard for his character for constancy.
38. When all these matters had been minutely inquired
into, the emperor, in answer to the question addressed
to him by the judges, ordered them all to be condemned
and at once executed : and it was not without shuddering
that the vast populace beheld the mournful spectacle ;
filling the whole air with lamentations (since they looked
on the misery of each individual as threatening the whole

A.D.371.] SIMONIDES AND MAXIMUS. 513
community with a similar fate) when the whole number
of accused persons, except Simonides, were executed in a
melancholy manner. Simonides being reserved to be
burnt alive by the express command of the savage judge,
who was enraged at his dignified constancy.
39. And he, abandoning life as an imperious mistress,
and defying the sudden destruction thus coming on him, was
burnt without giving any sign of shrinking ; imitating, in
his death, the philosopher Peregrinus, surnamed Proteus,
who having determined to quit the world, at the quin
quennial games of Olympia, in the sight of all Greece,
mounted a funeral pile which he had built himself, and
was there burnt alive.
40. After his death, on the ensuing days a vast multi
tude of almost all ranks, whose names it would be too
arduous a task to enumerate, being convicted by calumnious
accusations, were despatched by the executioners, after
having been first exhausted by every description of torture.
Some were put to death without a moment's breathing-time
or delay, while the question was still being asked whether
they deserved to be punished at all ; in fact, men were
slaughtered like sheep in all directions.
41. After this, innumerable quantitias of papers, and
many heaps of volumes were collected, and burnt under
the eyes of the judges, haying been taken out of various
houses as unlawful books ; in order to lessen the unpo
pularity arising from so many executions, though in fact,
the greater part of them were books teaching various kinds
of liberal accomplishments, or books of law.
42. Not long afterwards, Maximus, the celebrated phi
losopher, a man of vast reputation for learning, from
whose eloquent discourses the emperor Julian derived his
great learning and wisdom, being accused of having been
acquainted with the verses of the oracle mentioned above,
and confessing that he had known something of them, but
that he had not divulged -what he knew, as being bound to
keep silence out of consideration for his promise ; but
adding that he had of his own accord predicted that those
who had consulted the oracle would perish by public exe
cution, was conducted to Ephesus, his native place, and
there beheaded. And thus by his own forfeiture of life, he
found that the injustice of a judge is the worst of all crimes.
2l

514 AMMIANUS MARCELL1NU?. [Be. XXIX. Ch. li.
43. Diogenes, too, a man of noble family, great forensic
eloquence and pre-eminent courtesy, who had some time
before been governor of Bithynia, being entangled in the
toils of wicked falsehood, was put to death in order to
afford a pretext for seizing on his ample patrimony.
44. Alypius also, who had been governor of Britain,
a man of most delightful mildness of temper, and who
had lived a tranquil and retired life (since even against
such as him did Injustice stretch forth her hands), was
involved in the greatest misfortune ; and was accused,
with Hierocles his son, a youth of most amiable disposition,
of having been guilty of poisoning, on the unsupported
information of a low fellow named Diogenes, who had
been tortured with extreme severity to force him to
make confessions which might please the emperor, or
rather, which might please his accuser. When his limbs
could no longer endure their punishment, he was burnt
alive ; and Alypius, after having had his property confis
cated, was condemned to banishment, though by an extra
ordinary piece of good fortune he received back his son
after he had been condemned, and had actually been led
out to suffer a miserable death.

II.
§ 1. During all this time, Palladius, the original cause of
these miseries, whom we have already spoken of as
having been arrested by Fortunatianus, being, from the
lowness of his original condition, a man ready to fall into
every kind of wickedness, by heaping one murder on
another diffused mourning and lamentation over the whole
empire. 2. For being allowed to name any persons he chose,
without distinction of rank, as men contaminated by the
practice of forbidden arts, like a huntsman who has
learnt to mark the secret tracks of wild beasts, he en
closed many victims within his wretched toils, some as
being polluted with a knowledge of poisonings, others as
accomplices of those who were guilty of treason.
3. And that wives too might not have leisure to weep over
the miseries of their husbands, officers were sent at once to

A.D. 371.] HELI0D0RUS THE COLLEAGUE OF PALLADIUS. 515
seal- up the house of any one who was condemned, and
who, while examining all the furniture, slipped in among
it old women's incantations, or ridiculous love-tokens, con
trived to bring destruction on the innocent ; and then,
when these things were mentioned before the bench,
where neither law, nor religion, nor equity were present
to separate truth from falsehood, those whom they thus
accused, though utterly void of offence, without any distinc
tion, youths, and decrepit old men, without being heard
in their defence, found their property confiscated, and were
hurried off to execution in litters.
4. One of the consequences in the eastern provinces was,
that from fear of similar treatment, people burnt all their
libraries ; so great was the terror whioh seized upon all
ranks. For1, to cut my story short, at that time all of us
crawled about as if in Cimmerian darkness, in the same
kind of dread as the guest of Dionysius of Sicily ; who,
while feasting at a banquet more irksome than famine
itself, saw a sword suspended over his head by a single
horsehair. 5. There was a man named Bassianus, of most noble
family, a secretary, and eminently distinguished for his
military services, who, on a charge of having entertained
ambitious projects, and of having sought oracles concern
ing their issue, though he declared he had only consulted
the oracles to know the sex of his next child, was saved
indeed from death by the great interest made for him by
his relations who protected him ; but he was stripped of
all his splendid inheritance.
6. Amid all this destruction and ruin, Heliodorus, that
hellish colleague of Palladius in bringing about these
miseries (being what the common people call a mathema
tician), having been admitted into the secret conferences
of the imperial palace, and been tempted by every kind
of caress and cajolery to relate all he knew or could
invent, was putting forth his fatal stings.
7. For he was carefully feasted on the most delicate
food, and furnished with large sums of money to give to
his concubines ; and he strutted about in every direction
with a pompous, haughty countenance, and was universally
dreaded. Being the more confident and arrogant, because
as he was high chamberlain, he could go constantly and

516 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk.XXIX.Ch.it.
openly to the brothels, in which, as he desired, he was
freely entertained, while revealing the edicts of the
" parental guardian of the state," which were destined to
be disastrous to many.
8. And through his means, as an advocate at the bar,
Valens was instructed beforehand in what would most
contribute to success — what to place in the first part of his
speech, and with what figures, and what inventions to work
up splendid passages.
9. And as it would take a long time to enumerate all
the devices of that villain, I will mention this one only,
which, in its rash boldness, assailed the very pillars of the
patrician dignity. As I have said before, he was raised to
exceeding arrogance by being admitted to the secret con
ferences of the princes ; and being, from the lowness of
his birth, a man ready for any wickedness, he laid an in
formation against that illustrious pair of consuls, the
brothers Eusebius and Hypatius, relations of the former
emperor Constantius, as having conceived desires of a
higher fortune, and formed projects and entered into enter
prises for the attainment of supreme power. Adding,
in order to procure additional credit for this falsehood,
that Eusebius had had a set of imperial robes prepared
for him.
10. And when the story had been swallowed willingly,
Valens raging and threatening, a prince who never ought
to have had any power at all, because he thought that every
thing, even injustice, was in his power, was incessantly
active in causing the production, even from the most dis
tant countries, of all those whom the lawless accuser in
profound security had insisted ought to be produced ; and
further commanded a prosecution to be instituted on the
criminal charge.
11. And when equity had long been tossed to and
fro by knotty difficulties, while that abandoned profligate
persisted with unyielding obstinacy in maintaining the
truth of his assertions, while the severest tortures were un
able to wring any confession from the prisoners, and when
every circumstance proved that those eminent men were
free from all consciousness of anything of the kind, still the
false, accuser was treated with the same respect as he had
previously received. But though the prisoners were sen-

a.d.371.] DEATH AND FUNERAL OF HELIODORUS. 517
fenced to exile and a heavy fine, a short time afterwards
they were recalled from banishment, restored to their
former rank and dignity, and their fine repaid.
12. Still after all these shameful transactions, the prince
did not proceed with any more moderation or decency than
before ; never considering that in a wise government it is
well not to be too keen in hunting out offences, even as a
means of inflicting distress upon one's enemies ; and that
nothing is so unbecoming as to display a bitterness of dis
position in connection with supreme authority.
13. But when Heliodorus died, whether of sickness or
through some deliberate violence is uncertain (I should not
like to say, and I wish that the facts themselves were equally
silent), many men of rank in mourning robes, among whom
were these two brothers of consular rank, by the express
command of the emperor, attended his funeral when he was
borne to his grave by the undertakers.
14. At that time, and in that place, the whole vile-
ness and stupidity of the ruler of the empire was publicly
displayed. When he was entreated to abstain from
abandoning himself to inconsolable grief, he remained
obstinately inflexible, as if he had stopped his ears with
wax to pass the rocks of the Sirens.
15. But at last, being overcome by the pertinacious
entreaties of his court, he ordered some persons to go on
foot, bareheaded, and with their hands folded, to the burial-
place of this wretched gladiator to do him honour. One
shudders now to recollect the decree by which so many men
of high rank were humiliated, especially some of consular
dignity, after all their truncheons and robes of honour, and
all the worldly parade of having their names recorded in
the annals of their nation.
16. Among them all, our friend Hypatius was most con
spicuous, recommended as he was to every one by the
beauty of the virtues which he had practised from his
youth ; being a man of quiet and gentle wisdom, preserv
ing an undeviating honesty combined with the greatest
courtesy of manner, so that he conferred a fresh lustre on
the glory of his ancestors, and was an ornament to his
posterity, by the memorable actions which he performed
in the office of prefect, to which he was twice appointed.
17. At the same time, this circumstance came to crown

518 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. 11.
the other splendid actions of Valens, that, while in the
case of others he gave way to such furious violence, that he
was even vexed when the severity of their punishment was
terminated by death, yet he pardoned Pollentianus, the
tribune, a man stained with such enormous wickedness,
that at that very time he was convicted on his own con
fession of having cut out the womb of a living woman and
taken from it her child, in order to summon forth spirits
from the shades below, and to consult them about a change
in the empire. He looked on this wretch with the eye of
friendship, in spite of the murmurs of the whole bench of
senators, and discharged him in safety, suffering him to
retain not only his life, but his vast riches and full rank in
the army.
18. 0 most glorious learning, granted by the express
gift of heaven to happy mortals, thou who hast often re
fined even vicious natures ! How many faults in the
darkness of that age wouldst thou have corrected if Valens
had ever been taught by thee that, according to the defi
nition of wise men, empire is nothing else but the care of the
safety of others ; and that it is the duty of a good emperor
to restrain power, to resist any desire to possess all things,
and all implacability of passion, and to know, as the dic
tator Caesar used to say, " That the recollection of cruelty
was an instrument to make old age miserable !" And there
fore that it behoves any one who is about to pass a sentence
affecting the life and existence of a man, who is a portion
of the world, and makes up the complement of living crea
tures, to hesitate long and much, and never to give way to
intemperate haste in a case in which what is done is irre
vocable. According to that example well known to all
antiquity. 19. When Dolabella was proconsul in Asia, a matron
at Smyrna confessed that she had poisoned her son and
her husband, because she had discovered that they had
murdered a son whom she had had by a former husband.
Her case was adjourned — the council to whom it had
been referred being in doubt how to draw a line between
just revenge and unprovoked crime ; and so she was re
mitted to the judgment of the Areopagus, those severe
Athenian judges, who are said to have decided disputes
even among the gods. They, when they had heard the

a.d. 371.] FESTUS GOVERNOR OF SYRIA. 519
ca3e, ordered the woman and her accuser to appear before
them again in a hundred years, to avoid either acquitting
a poisoner, or punishing one who had been the avenger
of her kindred. So that is never to be thought too slow
which is the last of all things.
20. After all the acts of various iniquity already men
tioned, and after even the free persons who were allowed to
survive had been thus shamefully branded, the eye of Jus
tice which never sleeps, that unceasing witness and avenger
of events, became more attentive and vigilant. For the
avenging Furies of those who had been put to death, work
ing on the everlasting deity with their just complaints,
kindled the torches of war, to confirm the truth of the
oracle, which had given warning that no crime can be per
petrated with impunity.
21. While the affairs thus narrated were taking place,
Antioch was exposed to great distress through domestic
dissension, though not molested by any attacks on the
side of Parthia. But the horrid troop of Furies, which
after having caused all sorts of miseries there, had quitted
that city, now settled on the neck of the whole of Asia,
as will be seen in what follows.
22. A certain native of Trent, by name Festus, a man
of the lowest obscurity of birth, being a relation of
Maximin, and one who had assumed the manly robe at the
same time with himself, was cherished by him as a com
panion, and by the will of the Fates had now crossed over
to the east, and having there become governor of Syria,
and master of the records, he set a very good and respect
able example of lenity. From this he was promoted to
govern Asia with the rank of proconsul, being thus, as the
saying is, borne on with a fair wind to glory.
23. And hearing that Maximin caused the destruction of
every virtuous man, he began from this time to denounce his
actions as mischievous and disgraceful. But when he saw
that, in consequence of the removal of those persons whom
he had impiously put to death, that wicked man had
arrived at the dignity of prefect, he began to be excited to
similar conduct and similar hopes. And suddenly chang
ing his character like an actor, he applied himself to the
study of doing injury, and went about with fixed and
severe eyes, trusting that he also should soon become a

520 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. II.
prefect, if he only polluted himself with the blood of
innocent men.
24. And although there are many and various instances
in which, to put the best construction on them, he acted
with great harshness, still it will be sufficient to enumerate
a few, which are notorious and commonly spoken of, seem
ing to be done in rivalry of the deeds which were com
mitted at Rome ; for the principle of good and bad actions
is the same everywhere, even if the importance of the cir
cumstances be unequal.
25. There was a philosopher named Casranius, a man of
no inconsiderable merit, whom he put to death with the
most cruel tortures, and without any one coming forward
to avenge him, because, when writing familiarly to his
wife, he had put a postscript in Greek, " cit Be rou, raJ
orttye ti\v rrv\rjv." — " Do you take care and adorn the gate,"
which is a common expression to let the hearer know that
something of importance is to be done.
26. There was a certain simple old woman who was wont
to cure intermittent fever by a gentle incantation, whom he
put to death as a witch, after she had been summoned, with
his consent, to his daughter, and had cured her.
27. There was a certain citizen of high respectability,
among whose papers, when they were searched by the
officers on some business or other, was found the nativity
of some one of the name of Valens. He, when asked on
what account he had troubled himself about the star of the
emperor, had repelled the accusation by declaring that it
was his own brother Valens whose nativity was thus found,
and when he promised to bring abundant proof that he had
long been dead, the judges would not wait for evidence of
the truth of his assertion, but put him to the torture and
cruelly slew him.
28. A young man was seen in the bath to put the fingers
of each hand alternately against the marble and against his
own chest, and then to repeat the names of the seven
vowels, fancying that a remedy for a pain in the stomach.
For this he was brought before the court, put to the tor-
lure, and then beheaded.

A.D. 371.] CRUELTIES OF VALENTINIAN. 521
III.
§ 1. These events, and the account of Gaul to which I am
now about to proceed, will cause some interruption to
the narration of occurrences in the metropolis. Among
many terrible circumstances, I find that Maximin was still
prefect, who by the wide extent of his power was a cruel
prompter to the emperor, who combined the most un
restrained licence with unbounded power. Whoever,
therefore, considers what I have related, must also reflect
on the other facts which have been passed over, and, like a
prudent man, he will pardon me if I do not record every
thing which the wickedness of certain counsels has occa
sioned by exaggerating every accusation ?
2. For while severity, the foe of all right principles, in
creased, Valentinian, being a man of a naturally ferocious
disposition, when Maximin arrived, having no one to give
him good advice or to restrain him, proceeded, as if
hurried on by a storm of winds and waves, to all kinds of
cruel actions ; so that when angry, his voice, his counte
nance, his gait, and his complexion, were continually
changing. And of this passionate intemperance there are
many undoubted instances, of which it will be sufficient to
recount a few.
3. A certain grown-up youth, of those called pages,
having been appointed to take care of a Spartan hound
which had been brought out for hunting, let him loose
before the appointed moment, because the animal, in its
efforts to escape, leaped upon him and bit him ; and for
this he was beaten to death and buried the same day.
4. The master of a workshop, who had brought the
emperor an offering of a breastplate most exquisitely
polished, and who was therefore in expectation of a
reward, was ordered by him to be put to death because
the steel was of less weight than he considered requisite.
. . . . There was a certain native, of Epirus, a
priest of the Christian religion.1 ....
1 This sentence is so mutilated as to be unintelligible, but is filled
up by conjecture, founded on a knowledge of the facts, thus : " who waa
executed because he had not given up Octavian, who had been
formerly proconsul of Africa, and who had taken refuge in his house
when accused of some crime."

522 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. m.
5. Constantianus, the master of the stables, having
ventured to change a few of the horses, to select which
he had been despatched to Sardinia, was, by his order,
stoned to death. Athanasius, a very popular character,
being suspected by him of some levity in the language
he held among the common people, was sentenced to
be burnt alive if he ever did anything of the kind again ;
and not long afterwards, being accused of having practised
magic, he was actually burnt, no pardon being given even
to one whose devices had often afforded the emperor great
amusement. 6. Africanus was an advocate of great diligence, residing
in Rome ; he had had the government of one province, and
aspired to that of another. But when Theodosius, the
commander of the cavalry, supported his petition for such
an office, the emperor answered him somewhat rudely,
" Away with you, 0 count, and change the head of the
man who wishes to have his province changed." And
by this sentence a man of great eloquence perished, only
because, like many others, he wished for higher preferment.
7. Claudian and Sallust were officers of the Jovian legion,
who had gradually risen to the rank of tribunes ; but they
were accused by some man of the most despicable baseness
of having said something in favour of Procopius when he
aimed at the imperial power. And when a diligent in
vestigation into this charge had proved ineffectual, the
emperor gave orders to the captains of the cavalry who
had been employed in it, to condemn Claudian to banish
ment, and to pass sentence of death upon Sallust, promising
that he would reprieve him as he was being led to execu
tion. The sentence was passed, as he commanded; but
Sallust was not reprieved, nor was Claudian recalled from
exile till after the death of Valentinian.' . . . After
they had been exposed to frequent tortures.
8. Nevertheless after so many persons had been put to the
question, some of whom had even expired under the se
verity of their tortures, still no traces of the alleged crimes
could be discovered. In this affair some of the body
guards, who had been sent to arrest certain persons, were,
in a most unusual manner, beaten to death.
9. The mind shudders at the idea of recapitulating all
that took place, and, indeed, dreads to do so, lest we should

A.D. 371.] WAR AGAINST MACRIANUS. 523
appear to make a business of pointing ont the vices of an
emperor who, in other respects, had many good qualities.
But this one circumstance may not be passed over in
silence nor suppressed, that he kept two ferocious she-bears
who were used to eat men ; and they had names, Golden
Camel and Innocence, and these beasts he took such care
of that he had their dens close to his bedchamber ; and
appointed over them trusty keepers who were bound to take
especial care that the odious fury of these monsters should
never be checked. At last he had Innocence set free, after
he had seen the burial of many corpses which she had torn
to pieces, giving her the range of the forests as a reward
for her services.' IV.
§ 1. These actions are the most undeniable proof of his
habits and real character; but even the most obstinate
disparager of his disposition cannot deny him the praise of
great ability, which never forgot the interests of the state ;
especially when it is recollected, that perhaps it is a greater
and more beneficial, as well as difficult, task to control the
barbarians by means of an army, than to repulse them.
And when ... If any one of the enemy moved, he was
seen from the watch-towers and immediately overwhelmed.
2. But among many other subjects of anxiety, the first
and most important thing of all which was agitated, was
to seize alive, either by force or by trickery, as Julian had
formerly taken Vadomarius, Macrianus, the king, who,
through all the changes which had taken place, had ob
tained a considerable increase of power, and was rising up
against our people with full-grown strength : and after all
* the measures had- been taken which seemed required by
the affair itself and the time, and when it had been learnt
by information collected from deserters when the aforesaid
monarch could be seized before he expected anything of
the kind, the emperor threw a bridge of boats across the
Ehine with as much secrecy as was possible, lest any one
should interpose any obstacle to such a work.
3. Severus, who was the commander of the infantry, led
1 The end of this chapter also is lost, as are one or two passages in
the beginning of Chapter IV.

524 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. iv.
the van of the army towards Wiesbaden ; and then, reflect
ing on his scanty numbers, halted in consternation ; being
afraid lest, as he should be quite unequal to resist them,
he should be overwhelmed by the mass of the hostile army
if it attacked him.
4. And because he suspected that the dealers who
brought slaves for sale, whom he found at that place by
chance, would be likely to repair with speed to the king to
tell him what they had seen, he stripped them of all their
merchandise, and then put them all to death.
5. Our generals were now encouraged by the arrival of
more troops ; and speedily contrived a temporary camp,
because none of the baggage-beasts had arrived, nor had
any one a proper tent, except the emperor, for whom one
was constructed of carpets and tapestry. Then waiting a
short time on account of the darkness of the night, at day
break the army quitted the camp and proceeded onwards ;
being led by guides well acquainted with the country.
The cavalry, under Theodosius, its captain, was appointed
to lead the way . . . was inconvenienced by the great
noise made by his men ; whom his repeated commands
could not restrain from rapine and incendiarism. For the
guards of the enemy being roused by the crackling of the
flames, and suspecting what had happened, put the king
on a light carriage and carrying him off with great speed,
hid him among the defiles of the neighbouring mountains.
6. Valentinian being defrauded of the glory of taking
him, and that neither through any fault of his own or of
his generals, but through the insubordination of his soldiers,
which was often the cause of great misfortunes to the
Roman state, laid waste all the enemy's country for fifty
miles with fire and sword ; and then returned dejected to
Treves. 7. Where like a lion raging for the loss of a deer or a
goat and champing with empty jaws, while fear was
breaking and dividing the enemy, he proceeded to com
mand the Bucenobantes, who are a tribe of the Allemanni
opposite to Mayence, to elect Fraomarius as their king in
place of Macrianus. And, shortly afterwards, when a
fresh invasion had entirely desolated that canton, he
removed him to Britain, where he gave him the authority
of a tribune, and placed a number of the Allemanni under

a.d. 371.] FIRMUS THE MAURTTANIAN. 525
his command, forming for him a division strong both in
its numbers and the excellence of its appointments. He
also gave two other nobles of the same nation, by name
Bitheridus and Hortarius, commands in his army; of
whom Hortarius, being betrayed by the information of
Florentius, Duke of Germany, who accused him of having
written letters to Macrianus and the chieftains of the
barbarians, containing language unfavourable to the re
public, was put to the torture, and having been compelled
to confess the truth, was condemned to be burnt alive.
V.
§ 1. After this ... it seems best to relate these
matters in one connected narrative, lest the introduction
of other affairs wholly unconnected with them, and which
took place at a distance, should lead to confusion, and
prevent the reader from acquiring a correct knowledge of
these numerous and intricate affairs.
2. Nubel, who had been the most powerful chieftain
among the Mauritanian nations, died, and left several
sons, some legitimate, others born of concubines, of whom
Zamma, a great favourite of the Count Romanus, was slain
bj' his brother Firmus ; and this deed gave rise to civil
discords, and wars. For the count being exceedingly eager
to avenge his death, made formidable preparations for the
destruction of his treacherous enemy. And as continual
reports declared, most exceeding pains were taken in the
palace, that the despatches of Romanus, which contained
many most unfavourable statements respecting Firmus,
should be received and read by the prince ; while many
circumstances strengthened their credibility. And, on the
other hand, that those documents which Firmus frequently,
for the sake of his own safety, endeavoured to lay before
the emperor by the agency of his friends, should be kept
from his sight as long as possible, Remigius, a friend
and relation of Romanus, and who was at that time
master of the offices, availed himself of other more im
portant affairs which claimed the emperor's attention to
declare that Firmus's papers were all unimportant and
superfluous, only to be read at a perfectly favourable
opportunity.

526 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. v
3. But when Firmus perceived that these intrigues were
going on to keep his defence out of sight, trembling for
fear of the worst if all his excuses should be passed over, and
he himself be condemned as disaffected and mischievous,
and so be put to death, he revolted from the emperor's
authority, and aided ... in devastation.1
4. Therefore, to prevent an implacable enemy from
gaining strength by such an increase of force, Theodosius,
the commander of the cavalry, was sent with a small body
of the emperor's guards to crush him at once. Theodosius
was an officer whose virtues and successes wefe at that
time conspicuous above those of all other men : he re
sembled those ancient heroes, Domitius Corbulo, and
Lusius ; the first of whom was distinguished by a great
number of gallant achievements in the time of Nero, and
the latter of equal reputation under Trajan.
5. Theodosius marched from Aries with favourable
auspices, and having crossed the sea with the fleet under
his command so rapidly that no report of his approach
could arrive before himself, he reached the coast of Mauri
tania Sitifensis ; that portion of the coast being called, by
the natives, Igilgitanum. There, by accident, he met
Romanus, and addressing him kindly, sent him to arrange
the stations of the sentries and the outposts, without
reproaching him for any of the matters for which he was
liable to blame.
6. And when he had gone to the other province, Mauri
tania Caasariensis, he sent Gildo, the brother of Firmus
and Maximus, to assist Vincentius, who, as the deputy of
Romanus, was the partner of his disloyal schemes and
thefts. 7. Accordingly, as soon as his soldiers arrived, who had
been delayed by the length of the sea voyage, he hastened
to Sitifis ; and gave orders to the body-guards to keep
Romanus and his attendants under surveillance. He
himself remained in the city, full of embarrassment and
anxiety, working many plans in his mind, while devising
by what means or contrivances he could conduct his
soldiers who were accustomed to a cold climate through a
country parched up with heat ; or how he could catoh an
1 Manuscript imperfect.

AJ>. 371.] MOVEMENTS OF THEODORUS. 527
enemy always on the alert and appearing when least ex
pected, and who relied more on surprises and ambuscades
than a pitched battle.
8. When news of these facts reached Firmus, first
through vague reports, and subsequently by precise in
formation, he, terrified at the approach of a general of
tried valour, sent envoys and letters to him, confessing
all he had done, and imploring pardon ; asserting that
it was not of his own accord that he had been driven on
to an action which he knew to be criminal, but that he had
been goaded on by unjust treatment of a flagitious cha
racter, as he undertook to show.
9. When his letters had been read, and when peace was
promised him, and hostages received from him, Theodosius
proceeded to the Pancharian station to review the legions
to which the protection of Africa was intrusted, and who
had been ordered to assemble to meet him at that place.
There he encouraged the hopes of them all by confident
yet prudent language ; and then returned to Sitifis, having
reinforced his troops with some native soldiers ; and, not
being inclined to admit of any delay, he hastened to
regain his camp.
10. Among many other admirable qualities which he
displayed, his popularity was immensely increased by an
order which he insued, forbidding the army to demand
supplies from the inhabitants of the province ; and assert
ing, with a captivating confidence, that the harvests and
granaries of the enemy were the magazines of the valour
of our soldiers.
11. Having arranged these matters in a way which
caused great joy to the landowners, he advanced to Tubu-
suptum, a town near Mons Ferratus, where he rejected a
second embassy of Firmus, because it had not brought
with it the hostages, as had been provided before. From
this place, having made as careful an examination of every
thing as the time and place permitted, he proceeded by
rapid marches to the Tyndenses and Massisenses ; tribes
equipped with light arms, under the command of Mascizel
and Dius, brothers of Firmus.
12. When the enemy, being quick and active in all
their movements, came in sight, after a fierce skirmish
by a rapid interchange of missiles, both sides engaged

528 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. t
in a furious contest ; and amid the groans of the wounded
and dying were heard also the wailing and lamentations
of barbarian prisoners. When the battle was over, the
territory for a great distance was ravaged and wasted by
fire. 13. Among the havoc thus caused, the destruction of
the farm of Petra, which was razed to the ground, and
which had been originally built by Salmaces, its owner,
a brother of Firmus, in such a manner as to resemble a
town, was especially remarkable. The conqueror was
elated at this success, and with incredible speed proceeded
to occupy the town of Lamforctense, which was situated
among the tribes already mentioned; here he caused
large stores of provisions to be accumulated, in order
that if, in his advance into the inland districts, he
should find a scarcity of supplies, he might order them to
be brought from this town, which would be at no great
distance. 14. In the mean time Mascizel, having recruited his
forces by auxiliaries which he had procured from the
tribes on the borders, ventured on a pitched battle with
our army, in which his men were routed, and a great
portion of them slain, while he himself was with difficulty
saved from death by the speed of his horse.
15. Firmus, being weakened by the losses he had
sustained in two battles, and in great perplexity, in
order to leave no expedient untried, sent some priests
of the Christian religion with the hostages, as ambas
sadors to implore peace. They were received kindly,
and having promised supplies of food for our soldiers,
as they were commissioned to do, they brought back a
propitious answer. And then, sending before him a
present, Firmus himself went with confidence to meet
the Roman general, mounted on a horse fitted for any
emergency. When he came near Theodosius, he was
awe-struck at the brilliancy of the standards, and the
terrible countenance of the general himself; and leapt
from his horse, and with neck bowed down almost to
the ground, he, with tears, laid all the blame on his own
rashness, and entreated pardon and peace.
16. He was received with a kiss, since such treatment
»f him appeared advantageous to the republic ; and being

A.D. 373.] MOVEMENTS OF THEODOSIUS. 524
now full of joyful hope, he supplied the army with pro
visions in abundance ; and having left some of his own
relations as hostages, he departed in order, as he promised,
to restore those prisoners whom he had taken at the first
beginning of these disturbances. And two days after
wards, without any delay, he restored the town of Icosium
(of the founders of which we have already spoken), also the
military standards, the crown belonging to the priest, anr
all the other things which he had taken, as he had beei
commanded to do.
17. Leaving this place, our general, advancing by long
marches, reached Tiposa, where, with great elation, he
gave answers to the envoys of the Mazices, who had
combined with Firmus, and now in a suppliant tone im
plored pardon, replying to their entreaties that he would
at once march against them as perfidious enemies.
18. When he had thus cowed them by the fear of
impending danger, and had commanded them to return to
their own country, he proceeded onwards to Csesarea, a
city formerly of great wealth and importance, of the origin
of which we have given a full account in our description
of Africa. When he reached it, and saw that nearly- the
whole of it had been destroyed by extensive conflagra
tions, and that the flint stones of the streets were covered
with ashes, he ordered the first and second legions to
be stationed there for a time, that they might clear away
the heaps of cinders and ashes, and keep guard there to
prevent a fresh attack of the barbarians from repeating this
devastation. 19. When accurate intelligence of these events had
arrived, the governors of the province and the tribune
Vincentius issued forth from the places of concealment in
which they had been lying, and came with speed and
confidence to the general. He saw and received them
with joy, and, while still at Cassarea, having accurately
inquired into every circumstance, he found that Firmus,
while assuming the disguise of an ally and a suppliant,
was secretly planning how, like a sudden tempest, to over
whelm his army while unprepared for any such danger.
20. On this he quitted Csesarea, and went to the town of
Sugabarritanum, which is on the slope of Mount Transcel-
"ensis. There he found the cavalry of the fourth cohort
2 M

530 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. V.
of archers, who had revolted to the rebels, and in order
to show himself content with lenient punishments, he
degraded them all to the lowest class of the service, and
ordered them, and a portion of the infantry of the Con-
stantian legion, to come to Tigavise with their tribunes,
one of whom was the man who, for want of a diadem, had
placed a neck-chain on the head of Firmus.
21. While these events were proceeding, Gildo and
Maximus returned, and brought with them Bellenes, one
of the princes of the Mazices, and Fericius, prefect of
that nation, both of whom had espoused the faction of
the disturber of the public peace, leading them forth in
chains. 22. When this order had been executed, Theodosius
himself came forth from his camp at daybreak, and
on seeing those men surrounded by his army, said,
" What, my trusty comrades, do you think ought to be
done to these nefarious traitors?" And then, in com
pliance with the acclamations of the whole army, who
demanded that their treason should be expiated by their
blood, he, according to the ancient fashion, handed over
those of them who had served in the Constantian legion to
the soldiers to be put to death by them. The officers of
the archers he sentenced to lose their hands, and the rest
he condemned to death, in imitation of Curio, that most
vigorous and severe general, who by this kind of punish
ment crushed the ferocity of the Dardanians, when it was
reviving like the Lernsean hydra.
23. But malignant detractors, though they praise the
ancient deed, vituperate this one as terrible and inhuman,
affirming that the Dardanians1 were implacable enemies,
and therefore justly suffered the punishment inflicted
on them ; but that those soldiers, who belonged to our
own standards, ought to have been corrected with more
lenity, for falling into one single error. But we will
remind these cavillers, of what perhaps they know already,
namely, that this cohort was not only an enemy by its own
conduct, but also by the example which it set to others.
24. He also commanded Bellenes and Fericius, who
have been mentioned above, and whom Gildo brought
with him, to be put to death; and likewise Curandiui,
1 The Dardanians were a Thracian tribe.

A.D. 373.] DEFEAT OF THE MAZICES. 531
a tribune of the archers, because he had always been back
ward in engaging the enemy himself, and had never been
willing to encourage his men to fight. And he did this
in recollection of the principle laid down by Cicero, that
" salutary vigour is better than an empty appearance of
clemency." 25. Leaving Sugabarri, he came to a town called
Gallonatis, surrounded by a strong wall, and a secure
place of refuge for the Moors, which, as such, he destroyed
with his battering-rams. And having slain all the in
habitants, and levelled the walls, he advanced along the
foot of Mount Ancorarius to the fortress of Tingetanum,
where the Mazices were all collected in one solid body.
He at once attacked them, and they encountered him with
arrows and missiles of all kinds as thick as hail.
26. The battle proceeded for some time vigorously on
both sides, till at last the Mazices, though a hardy and
warlike race, being unable to withstand the fury of our
men. and the shock of their arms, after sustaining heavy
loss, fled in every direction in disgraceful panic ; and
as they fled they were put to the sword in great numbers,
with the exception only of those who, contriving to make
their escape, afterwards, by their humble supplications,
obtained the pardon which the times permitted to be
granted to them.
27. Their leader Suggena, who succeeded Romanus, was
sent into Mauritania Sitifensis to establish other garrisons
necessary to prevent that province from being overrun ;
and he himself, elated by his recent achievements, marched
against the nation of the Musones, who, from a conscious
ness of the ravages and murders of which they had been
guilty, had joined the party of Firmus, hoping that he
would soon obtain the chief authority.
28. Having advanced some distance, he found, near the
town of Addense, that a number of tribes, who, though
differing from each other in manners and language, were
all animated with one feeling, in fomenting the outbreaks
of terrible wars, being urged on and encouraged by the
hope of great rewards from a sister of Firmus, named
Cyria ; who being very rich, and full of feminine reso
lution, was resolved to make a great effort to help hei
brother.

532 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. v.
29. Therefore Theodosius, fearing to become involved
in a war to which his forces were unequal, and that if he
with his small force (for he had but three thousand five
hundred men) should engage with an immense multitude,
he should lose his whole army, at first hesitating between
the shame of retreating and his wish to fight, gradually
fell back a little; but presently was compelled by the
overpowering mass of the barbarians to retire altogether.
30. The barbarians were exceedingly elated at this event,
and pursued him with great obstinacy. . . . Being
compelled by necessity to fight, he would have lost all his
army and his own life, had not these tumultuous tribes,
the moment they saw a troop of the Mazican auxiliaries,
with a few Roman soldiers in their front, fancied that a
numerous division was advancing to charge them, and
in consequence taking to flight, opened to our men a way
of escape which was previously shut against them.
31. Theodosius now drew off his army in safety; and
when he had reached a town called Mazucanum, he found
there a number of deserters, some of whom he burnt alive,
and others he mutilated after the fashion of the archeis
whose hands had been cut off. He then proceeded towards
Tipata, which he reached in the course of February.
32. There he stayed some time deliberating, like that
old delayer, Fabius, on the circumstances around him,
desiring to subdue the enemy, who was not only warlike,
but so active as usually to keep out of bowshot, rather
by manoeuvres and skill than by hazardous engagements.
33. Still he from time to time sent out envoys, skilled
in the arts of persuasion, to the surrounding tribes, the
Basurae, the Cautauriani, the Anastomates, the Cafaves, the
Davares, and other people, in their neighbourhood, trying
to bring them over to our alliance, either by presents,
threats, or by promises of pardon for past violence. .
. . . seeking by delays and intrigues to crush an enemy
who offered so stout a resistance to his attacks, just as
Pompey in times past had subdued Mithridates.
34. On this account Firmus, avoiding immediate destruc
tion, although he was strengthened by a large body of
troops, abandoned the army which he had collected by a
lavish expenditure of money, and as the darkness of night
afforded a chance of concealment, he fled to the Caprarian

a.d. 373.] FLIGHT OF FIRMUS. 533
mountains, which were at a great distance, and from their
precipitous character inaccessible.
35. On his clandestine departure, his army also dis
persed, being broken up into small detachments without
any leader, and thus afforded our men an opportunity of
attacking their camp. That was soon plundered, and
all who resisted were put to the sword, or else taken
prisoners ; and then, haying devastated the greater portion
of the country, our wise general appointed prefects of tried
loyalty as governors of the different tribes through which
he passed.
*>6. The traitor was thrpwn into consternation by the
unexpected boldness of his pursuit, and with the escort
of only a few servants, hoping to secure his safety by the
rapidity of his movements, in order to have nothing to
impede his flight, threw away all the valuable baggage
which he had taken with him. His wife, exhausted with
continual toil 
37. Theodosius . . . showing mercy to none of them,
having refreshed his soldiers by a supply of better food,
and gratified them by a distribution of pay, defeated
the Capracienses and Abanni, who were the next tribes
to them, in some unimportant skirmishes, and then
advanced with great speed to the town of 
and having received certain intelligence that the bar
barians had already occupied the hills, and were spread
over the precipitous and broken ground to a great height,
so that they were quite inaccessible to any but natives
who were intimately acquainted with the whole country,
he retired, giving the enemy an opportunity by a truce,
short as it was, to receive an important reinforcement
from the Ethiopians in the neighbourhood.
38. Then having assembled all their united forces, they
rushed on to battle with threatening shouts, and an utter
disregard of their individual safety, compelling him to
retreat, full of consternation at the apparently countless
numbers of their army. But soon the courage of his men
revived, and he returned, bringing with him vast supplies,
and with his troops in a dense column, and brandishing
their shields with formidable gestures, he again engaged
the enemy in close combat.
39. The barbarians rattled their arms in a savage

534 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. r,
manner, and our battalions, with equal rage, pushed on,
they also rattling their shields against their knees. Still
the general, like a cautious and prudent warrior, aware of
the scantiness of his numbers, advanced boldly with his
army in battle array, till he came to a point, at which he
turned off, though still preserving an undaunted front,
towards the city of Contensis, where Firmus had placed
the prisoners whom he had taken from us, as in a remote
and safe fortress. He recovered them all, and inflicted
severe punishment, according to his custom, on the traitors
among the prisoners, and also on the guards of Firmus.
40. While he was thus successful, through the protec
tion of the Supreme Deity, he received correct intelligence
from one of his scouts that Firmus had fled to the tribe of
the Isaflenses. He at once entered their territory to re
quire that he should be given up, with his brother Ma-
zuca, and the rest of his relations : and oh being refused,
he declared war against the nation.
41. And after a fierce battle, in -which the barbarians
displayed extraordinary courage and ferocity, he threw his
army into a solid circle ; and then the Isaflenses were so com
pletely overpowered by the weight of our battalions pressing
on them that numbers were slain ; and Firmus himself,
gallantly as he behaved, after exposing himself to im
minent danger by the rashness of his courage, put spurs
to his horse, and fled ; his horse being accustomed to make
his way with great speed over the most rocky and preci
pitous paths. But his brother Mazuca was taken prisoner,
mortally wounded.
42. It was intended to send him to Caesarea, where he
had left behind him many records of his atrocious cruelties;
but his wounds reopened, and he died. So his head was
cut off, and (his body being left behind) was conveyed to that
city, where it was received with great joy by all who saw it.
43. After this our noble general inflicted most severe
punishment, as justice required, on the whole nation of the
Isaflenses, which had resisted till it was thus subdued in
war. And he burnt alive one of the most influential of
the citizens, named Evasius, and his son Florus, and several
others, who were convicted on undeniable evidence of
having aided the great disturber of tranquillity by their
secret counsels.

A.D 373.] IGMAZEN KING OF THE ISAFLENSES. 535
44. From thence Theodosius proceeded into the' interior,
and with great resolution attacked the tribe of the
Jubileni, to which he heard that Nubel, the father of
Firmus, belonged ; but presently he halted, being checked
by the height of the mountains, and their winding defiles.
And though he had once attacked the enemy, and opened
himself a further road by slaying a great number of them,
still, fearing the high precipices as places pre-eminently
adapted for ambuscades, he withdrew, and led back his
army in safety to a fortress called Audiense, where the
Jesalenses, a warlike tribe, came over to him, voluntarily
promising to furnish him with reinforcements and pro
visions. 45. Our noble general, exulting in this and similarly-
glorious achievements, now made the greatest efforts to
overtake the original disturber of tranquillity himself, and
therefore having halted for some time near a fortress
named Medianum, he planned various schemes through
which he hoped to procure that Firmus should be given up
to him.
46. And while he was directing anxious thoughts and
deep sagacity to this object, he heard that he had again
gone back to the Isaflenses ; on which, as before, without
any delay, he marched against them with all possible
speed. Their king, whose name was Tgmazen, a man of
great reputation in that country, and celebrated also
for his riches, advanced with boldness to meet him, and
addressed him thus, " To what country do you belong, and
with what object have you come hither? Answer me."
Theodosius, with firm mind and stern looks, replied, " I
am a lieutenant of Valentinian, the master of the whole
world, sent hither to destroy a murderous robber ; and
unless you at once surrender him, as the invincible emperor
has commanded, you also, and the nation of which you
are king, will be entirely destroyed." Igmazen, on receiv
ing this answer, heaped a number of insulting epithets on
our general, and then retired full of rage and indignation
47. And the next morning at daybreak the two armies,
breathing terrible threats against each other, advanced to
engage in battle : nearly twenty thousand barbarians con
stituted the front of their army, with very large reserves
posted behind, out of sight, with the intention that, they
should steal forward gradually, and hem in our battalions

536 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be XXIX. Ch. v.
with their vast and unexpected numbers. These were
also supported by a great number of auxiliaries of the
Jesalenian tribes, whom we have mentioned as having
promised reinforcements and supplies to ourselves.
48. On the other side, the Roman army, though scanty
in numbers, nevertheless being full of natural courage, and
elated by their past victories, formed into dense columns,
and joining their shields firmly together, in the fashion of
a testudo, planted their feet firmly in steady resistance j
and from sunrise to the close of day the battle was pro
tracted. A little before evening Firmus was seen mounted,
on a tall horse, expanding his scarlet cloak in order to
attract the notice of his soldiers, whom he was excit?
ing with a loud voice at once to deliver up Theodosius,
calling him a ferocious and cruel man — an inventor of
merciless punishments — as the only means of delivering
themselves from the miseries which he was causing them.
49. This unexpected address only provoked some of
our men to fight with more vigour than ever, but there
were others whom it seduced to desert our ranks. There
fore when the stillness of night arrived, and the country
became enveloped in thick darkness, Theodosius returned to
the fortress of Duodiense, and, recognizing those soldiers
who had been persuaded by fear and Firmus's speech to
quit the fight, he put them all to death by7 different modes
of execution ; of some he cut off the right hands, others he
burnt alive.
50. And conducting himself with ceaseless care and
vigilance, he routed a division of the barbarians who,
though afraid to show themselves by day, ventured, after
the moon had set, to make an attempt upon his camp ; some
of those who advanced further than their comrades he took
prisoners. Departing from this place, he made a forced
march through by-roads to attack the Jesalensians, who
had shown themselves disloyal and unfaithful. He could
not obtain any supplies from their country, but he ravaged
it, and reduced it to complete desolation. Then he passed
through the towns of Mauritania and Caesarensis, and re
turned to Sitifis, where he put to the torture Castor and
Martinianus, who had been the accomplices of Romanus
in his rapine and other crimes, and afterwards burnt
them. 51. After this the war with the Isaflenses was renewed;

A.D. 373/J .FIRMUS COMMITS SUICIDE. '537
and in the first conflict, after the barbarians had been
routed with heavy loss, their king Iginazen, who had
hitherto been accustomed to be victorious, agitated by
fears of the present calamity, and thinking that all his
alliances would be destroyed, and that he should have no
hope left in life if he continued to resist, with all the
cunning and secrecy that he could, fled by himself from
the battle ; and reaching Theodosius, besought him in a
Buppliant manner to desire Masilla, the chief magistrate of
the Mazices, to come to him.
52. When that noble had been sent to him as he re
quested, he employed him as his agent to advise the general,
as a man by nature constant and resolute in his plans, that
the way to accomplish his purpose would be to press
his countrymen with great vigour, and, by incessant fight
ing, strike terror into them ; as, though they were keen
partisans of Firmus, they were nevertheless wearied out
by repeated disasters.
53. Theodosius adopted this advice, and, by battle after
battle, so completely broke the spirits of the Isaflenses,
that they fell away like sheep, and Firmus again secretly
escaped, and hiding himself for a long time in out-of-the-
way places and retreats, till at last, while deliberating on a
further flight, he was seized by igmazen, and put in con
finement. 54. And since he had learnt from Masilla the plaDs
which had been agitated in secret, he at last came to
reflect that in so extreme a necessity there was but one
remedy remaining, and he determined to trample under
foot the love of life by a voluntary death; and having
designedly filled himself with wine till he became stupe
fied, when, in the silence of the night, his keepers were
sunk in profound slumber, he, fully awake from dread
of the misfortune impending over him, left his bed with
noiseless steps, and crawling on his hands and feet, con
veyed himself to a distance, and then, having found a
rope which chance provided for the end of his life, he
fastened it to a nail which was fixed in the wall, and
hanging himself, escaped the protracted sufferings of
torture. 55. Tgmazen was vexed at this, lamenting that he was
thus robbed of his glory, because it had not been granted

'538 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX 3h.v:.
to him to conduct this rebel alive to the Roman camp ; and
so, having received a pledge of the state for his own safety,
through the intervention of Masilla, he placed the body of
the dead man on a camel, and when he arrived at the camp
of the Roman army, which was pitched near the fortress
of Subicarense, he transferred it to a pack-horse, and offered
it to Theodosius, who received it with exultation.
56. And Theodosius having assembled a crowd of sol
diers and citizens, and having asked them whether they
recognized the face of the corpse, learnt by their answers
that there was no question at all that it was the man ;
after this he stayed there a short time, and then returned
to Sitifis in great triumph, where he was received with joy
ful acclamations of the people of every age and rank.
VI.
§ 1 . While Theodosius was thus exerting himself, and toil
ing in Mauritania and Africa, the nation of the Quadi was
roused to make a sudden movement. It was a nation
now not very formidable, but one which had formerly
enjoyed vast renown for its warlike genius and power,
as its achievements prove, some of which were distin
guished for the rapidity, as well as for the greatness, of
their success ; instances are : — Aquileia, which was besieged
by them and the Marcomanni ; Opitergium, which was
destroyed by them, and many other bloody successes which
were gained in that rapid campaign when the Julian
Alps were passed, and that illustrious emperor Marcus, of
whom we have already spoken, was hardly able to offer
them any resistance. And indeed they had, for barbarians,
just ground of complaint.
2. For Valentinian, who from the beginning of his
reign had been full of a resolution to fortify his frontier,
which was a glorious decision, but one carried too far in
this case, ordered a fortress capable of containing a strong
garrison to be constructed on the south side of the river
Danube, in the very territories of the Quadi, as if they
were subject to the Roman authority. The natives, being
very indignant at this, and anxious for their own rights
and safety, at first contented themselves with trying to
avert the evil by an embassy and expostulations.

A.D.373.] WAR WITH THE QUADI. 539
3. But Maximin, always eager for any wickedness, and
unable to bridle his natural arrogance, which was now
increased by the pride which he felt in his rank as
prefect, reproached Equitius, who at that time was the
commander of the forces in Illyricum, as careless and
inactive, because the work, which it was ordered should
be carried on with all speed, was not yet finished. And he
added, as a man guided only by zeal for the common
good, that if the rank of Duke of Valeria were only con
ferred on his own little son, Marcellianus, the fortification
would be soon completed without any more pretexts for
delay. . Both his wishes were presently granted.
4. Marcellianus reOeived the promotion thus suggested,
and set out to take possession of his government; and
when he reached it, being full of untimely arrogance, as
might be expected from the son of such a father, without
attempting to conciliate those whom false dreams of gain
had caused to quit their native land, he applied himself
to the work which had been recently begun, and had only
been suspended to afford an opportunity for the inhabitants
to present petitions against it.
5. Lastly, when their king Gabinius requested, in a most
moderate tone, that no innovations might be made, he
as if intending to assent to his petition, with feigned
courtesy invited him and some other persons to a banquet ;
and then as he was departing after the entertainment,
unsuspicious of treachery, he caused him, in infamous viola
tion of the sacred rights of hospitality, to be murdered.
6. The report of so atrocious an act was speedily
spread abroad, and roused the indignation of the Quadi
and other surrounding tribes, who, bewailing the death
of the king, collected together and sent forth predatory
bands, which crossed the Danube ; and when no hostilities
were looked for, attacked the people who were occupied
in the fields about the harvest; and having slain the
greater portion of them, carried off all the survivors to
their own country with a great booty of different kinds of
cattle. 7. And at that time an inexpiable atrocity was very near
beino- committed, which would have been reckoned among
the most disgraceful disasters which ever happened to
the Roman state, for the daughter of Constantius had a

540 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX Ch. vi,
narrow escape of being taken prisoner as she was at
dinner in a hotel called the Pistrensian, when on her
way ' to be married to Gratian : and she was only saved
by the promptitude of Messala the governor of the province,
who, aided by the favour of the propitious Deity, placed
her in a carriage belonging to him as governor, and con
ducted her back with all possible speed to Sirmium, a dis
tance of about twenty-six miles.
8. By this fortunate chance the royal virgin was deli
vered from the peril of miserable slavery ; and if she had
been taken and her captors had refused to ransom her, it
would have been the cause of terrible disasters to the
republic. After this the Quadi in conjunction with the
Sarmatians, extended their ravages further (since both
these tribes were addicted beyond measure to plunder and
robbery), carrying off, men, women, and cattle, and exult
ing in the ashes of burnt villas, and in the misery of the
murdered inhabitants, whom they fell upon unexpectedly
and slaughtered without mercy.
9. All the neighbouring districts were filled with appre
hension of similar evils, and Probus, the prefect of the
prsetorium, who was at that time at Sirmium, a man wholly
unexperienced in war, being panic-struck with the cala
mitous appearance of these new occurrences, and scarcely
able to raise his eyes for fear, was for a long time waver
ing in doubt what to do. At first he prepared some
swift horses and resolved to fly the next night ; but
afterwards, taking advice from some one who gave him
safer counsel, he stayed where he was, but without doing
anything. 10. For he had been assured that all those who were
within the walls of the city would immediately follow him,
with the intention of concealing themselves in suitable
hiding-places; and if that had been done, the city, left
without defenders, would have fallen into the hands of the
enemy. 11. Presently, after his terror had been a little mode
rated, he applied himself with some activity to do what was
most pressing ; he cleared out the fosses which were choked
up with ruins ; he repaired the greater portion of the walls
(which, through the security engendered by a long peace,
had been neglected, and had fallen into decay, and raised

A.D. 373.] VICTORY OF THE SARMATIANS. 541'
them again to the height of lofty towers, devoting him
self zealously to the work of building. In this way
the work was speedily completed, because he found that
the sums which some time before had been collected for
the erection of a theatre were sufficient for the purpose
he was now pressing forward. And to this prudent mea
sure he added another of like precaution, in summoning
a cohort of archer cavalry from the nearest station,
that it might be at hand to resist a siege should any take
place. 12. By these barriers, as they may be called, the bar
barians were forced to abandon their design of besieging
the city, since they were not skilful in contests of this kind,
and were also hampered by the burden of their booty;
accordingly they turned aside to pursue Equitius. And
when, from the information given them by their prisoners,
they leamt that he had retired to the most remote part of
Valeria, they hastened thither by forced marches, gnashing
their teeth, and determined on his death, because they
believed that it was through his means their innocent king
had been circumvented.
13. And as they were hastening onwards with impetuous
and vengeful speed, they were met by two legions, the
Pannonian and the Mcesian, both of approved valour,
who, if they had acted in harmony, must unquestionably
have come off victorious. But while they were hastening
onward to attack the barbarians separately, a quarrel arose
between them oh the subject of their honour and dignity7,
which impeded all their operations.
14. And when intelligence of this dissension reached
the Sarmatians, who are a most sagacious people, they,
without waiting for any regular signal of battle, attacked
the Moesians first ; and while the soldiers, being surprised
and in disorder, were slowly making ready their arms,
many of them were killed; on which the barbarians
with increased confidence attacked the Pannonians, and
broke their line also ; and when the line of battle was once
disordered, they redoubled their efforts, and would have
destroyed almost all of them, if some had not saved them
selves from the danger of death by a precipitate flight.
15. Amid these calamitous inflictions of adverse fortune,
Theodosius the younger, Duke of Moesia, then in the first

5i2 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXIX. Ch. vi.
bloom of youth, but afterwards a prince of the highest
reputation, in many encounters defeated and vanquished
the Free Sarmatians (so called to distinguish them from
their rebellious slaves), who had invaded our frontier
on the other side, till he exhausted them by his repeated
victories ; and with such vigour did he crush the assembled
crowds combined to resist his arms, that he glutted the
very birds and beasts with the blood of the vast numbers
justly slain.
16. Those who remained having lost all their pride and
spirit, fearing lest a general of such evident promptitude
and courage should rout or destroy these invading bat
talions on the very edge of his frontier, or lay ambus
cades for them in the recesses of the woods, made
from time to time many vain attempts to escape, and
at last, discarding all confidence in battle, they begged
indulgence and pardon for their past hostility. And
being thoroughly subdued, they did nothing for some
time contrary to the treaty of peace, being more especially
terrified because a strong force of Gallic soldiers had come
to the defence of Illyricum.
17. Vihile these events were agitating the empire, and
while Claudius was prefect of the Eternal City, the Tiber,
which intersects its walls, and which, after receiving the
waters of many drains and copious streams, falls into
the Tyrrhenian Sea, overflowed its banks, in consequence
of an abundance of rain, and extending to a size beyond
that of a river, overwhelmed almost everything with its
flood. 18. All those parts of the city which lie in the plain
were under water, and nothing reared its head above but
the hills and other spots of rising ground, which seemed
like islands, out of the reach of present danger. And, as
tho vastness of the inundation permitted of no departure
in any direction to save the multitude from dying of famine,
great quantities of provisions were brought in barges and
boats. But when the bad weather abated, and the river
which had burst its bounds returned to its accustomed
channel, the citizens discarded all fear, and apprehended no
inconvenience for the future.
19. Claudius, as a prefect, conducted himself very quietly,
nor was any sedition in his time provoked by7 any real

AJ>. 374.1 PARA, KING OF ARMENIA. 543
grievance. He also repaired many ancient buildings ; and
among his improvements he built a large colonnade con
tiguous to the bath of Agrippa, and gave it the name of
The Colonnade of Success, because a temple bearing that
title is close to it.

BOOK XXX.

ARGUMENT.
I. Para, king of Armenia, being summoned by Valens to Tarsus, and
being detained there under pretence of doing him honour, escapes
with three hundred of his countrymen ; and having baffled the
sentinels on the roads, he regains his kingdom on horseback ; but
not long afterwards he is slain by Duke Trajan at an entertain
ment. — II. The embassies of the Emperor Valens and Sapor, king
of Persia, who are at variance about the kingdoms of Armenia and
Hiberia.— III. Valentinian, after having ravaged several districts
of the Allemanni, has a conference with their king Macrianus, and
makes peace with him. — TV. Modestus, the prefect of the prajto-
rium, diverts Valens from his purpose of sitting as a judge — A
statement of the condition of the bar, of counsel learned in the
law, and the different classes of advocates. — V. Valentinian,
intending to wage war against the Sarmatians and the Quadi, who
had been devastating Pannonia, inarches into Illyricum, and
having crossed the Danube, he ravages the territories of the
Quadi, burns their villages, and slaughters the inhabitants, without
regard to age. — VI. Valentinian, while giving answer, in a great
passion, to the ambassadors of the Quadi, who are trying to excuse
their countrymen, bursts a blood-vessel, and dies. — VII. Who his
father was, and what was his conduct as emperor. — VIII. His
cruelty, avarice, envy, and cowardice. — IX. His Virtues. — X. Valen
tinian the younger, the son of Valentinian, is saluted as emperor in
the camp at Bregetio. I.
a.d. 374.
§ 1. While all these difficulties and disturbances had been
caused by the perfidy of the Duke Marcellianus, in trea
cherously murdering the king of the Quadi, a terrible
crime was committed in the East, where Para, king of
Armenia was also murdered by secret treachery; the

544 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XXX. Ch. i.
original cause of which wicked action we have ascertained
to be this : —
2. Some men of perverse temperament, who delighted
in public misfortune, had concocted a number of accusa
tions against this prince for acts which they imputed to
him even when scarcely grown up, and had exaggerated
them to Valens. Among these men was the Duke Terentius,
a man who always walked about with a downcast melan
choly look, and throughout his life was an unwearied
sower of discord.
3. He, having formed a combination with a few people
of Para's nation, whom a consciousness of their own
crimes had filled with fear, was continually harping in his
letters to the court on the deaths of Cylax and Arta
bannes ; adding also that this same young king was full of
haughtiness in all his conduct, and that he behaved with
excessive cruelty to his subjects.
4. In consequence of these letters, Para, as if it were
intended that he should become a partaker in a treaty of
which existing circumstances required ratification, was
invited to court with all the ceremony to which he was
entitled as a king, and then was detained at Tarsus in
Cilicia, with a show of honour, without being able to
procure permission to approach the emperor's camp, or to
leam why his arrival had been so eagerly pressed ; since
on this point all around him preserved a rigid silence.
At last, however, by means of private information, he
learnt that Terentius was endeavouring by letter to per
suade the Roman sovereign to send without delay another
king to Armenia ; lest, out of hatred to Para, and a know
ledge of what they had to expect if he returned among
them, his nation, which at present was friendly to us,
should revolt to the Persians, who had long been eager to
reduce them under their power either by violence, fear,
or flattery.
5. Para, reflecting on this warning, foreboded grievous
mischief for himself; and being a man of forethought
and contrivance, as he c mid not perceive any means oi
safety, except by a speedy departure, by the advice of
his most trusty friends he collected a body of 300 persons
who had accompanied him from his own country, and
with horses selected for especial speed, acting as men

AJ>. 374.] ESCAPE OF PARA. £45
are wont to do under the pressure of great terror and per
plexity, that is to say, with more boldness than prudence :
late one afternoon he started boldly forth at the head of
his escort, formed in one solid body.
6. And when the governor of the province, having
received information from the officer who kept the gate,
came with prompt energy and found him in the suburb,
he earnestly entreated him to remain ; but finding that he
could not prevail upon him, he quitted him, for fear of
his own life.
7. And not long afterwards Para, with his escort, turned
back upon the legion which was pursuing him and on
the point of overtaking him, and pouring arrows upon
them as thick as sparks of fire, though designedly missing
them, he put. them to flight, filling them, tribune and all,
with complete consternation, so that they returned to the
city with greater speed than they left it.
8. After this, Para being released from all fear, con
tinued his laborious and rapid journey for two days
and two nights, till he reached the Euphrates ; where, for
want of boats, he was unable to pass the river, which at
that place is full of strong currents and too deep to be
forded. His men, not being skilful swimmers, were afraid
to trust themselves to the stream, and he himself showed
more hesitation than any of them ; indeed he would have
halted there altogether, if while eveiy one was sug
gesting one plan or another, he had not at last hit upon
the following expedient, which seemed the safest in this
emergency. 9. They took a number of little beds which they found in
the neighbouring houses, and supported them each on two
bladders, of which there were plenty at hand in the vine
yards. And then he and his nobles placed themselves
each on a bed, leading their horses after them, and so
floated down and across the stream ; by which con
trivance, after extreme danger, they at last reached the
opposite bank.
10. All the rest swam their horses, and though they
were terribly tossed about and often almost sunk by the
eddying stream, still, though much exhausted by their
wetting, they also reached the opposite bank ; when having
rested for a short time and refreshed themtelves, they
2k

546 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch i.
proceeded on their way, travelling further than on the
previous days.
11. When this transaction became known, the emperor
being greatly moved at the king's flight, fearing he would
break off his alliance, sent, Daniel and Barzimeres to bring
him back ; the one being a count, the other the tribune
of the Scutarii, and he placed under their command a
thousand archers prepared for a rapid march by the light
ness of their equipment.
12. These officers, trusting to their acquaintance with
the country, and feeling sure that Para, as a stranger who
was not accustomed to it, would take a roundabout way7,
sought to cut him off by marking a short cut through
some valleys ; and having divided their forces, they block
aded the two nearest roads, which were three miles from
one another, in order that -whichever Para took he might
be caught before he expected it. But he escaped their
manoeuvre in this way : —
13. A traveller who happened to be hastening towards the
western bank of the river, saw that the two roads were filled
with armed soldiers, and accordingly quitted this road in
order to avoid them, and made his way by7 an almost in
visible path, which lay between them, overgrown with
bushes and brambles, and fell in with the Armenians, who
were by this time greatly fatigued. He was brought be
fore the king, and, being admitted by him to a private
conference, related to him secretly what he had seen,
and was detained in safety.
14. And presently, without anything being done to
give an idea that they were alarmed, a horseman was
sent secretly to the road on the right side to prepare a
resting-place and some food. And when he had been
gone a little time, another was sent to the left with
directions to move with great rapidity, and do the same
thing ; neither horseman being aware that the other had
been sent in a different direction.
15. And after this arrangement had been thus cleverly
made, the king himself, with his escort, retraced his steps
through the jungle by which the traveller had come,
taking him for his guide, and passing through this over
grown path, which was almost too nanow for a loaded
horse, he left the Roman soldiers behind him and so

AJ>.374.] DANIEL AND BARZIMERES. 547
escaped. Meanwhile our troops, who had made prisoners
of the soldiers who had been thus sent out to impose
upon them, waited a long time, while watching for the
king, and stretching out their hands, as one may say, to
seize the game which they expected would rush into them.
And while they were thus waiting for the arrival of
Para, he reached his kingdom in safety, where he was
received with great joy by his countrymen, and still
remained unshaken in his fidelity to us, burying in silence
the injuries which he had received.
16. After this, Daniel and Barzimeres, having been thus
balked of their prey, returned to Tarsus, and were loaded
with bitter reproaches as inactive and blundering officers.
But like venomous serpents whose first spring has failed,
they only whetted their deadly fangs, in order at the
first opportunity to inflict all the injury in their power on
the king who had thus escaped them.
17. And, with a view to palliate the effect of their own
mistake, or rather of the defeat their hopes, which the
deeper sagacity of the king had contrived, they began
to fill the emperor's ears, which were at all times most
ready to receive all kinds of reports with false accusa
tions against Para ; pretending that he was skilled in
Circean incantations, so as to be able to transform people,
or to afflict them with sickness in a marvellous manner,
Adding, moreover, that it was by means of arts of this
kind that he had rendered himself invisible, and that if
allowed to continue changing his shape, he would cause
them great trouble, if permitted to live to boast of having
deceived them.
18. In this manner the hatred which Valens had con
ceived against him was increased to an incredible degree ;
and plan after plan was laid to take bis life, either by
force or stratagem ; and orders to that effect were
transmitted by secret letters to Trajan, who at that time
was in Armenia, in chief command of the forces in that
kingdom. 19. Trajan, accordingly, began to surround Para with
treacherous blandishments — at one time Showing him some
letters of Valens, which appeared to indicate that he was
favourably disposed towards the king — at another, par
taking cheerfully of his entertainments, he at last, with

548 AMMIANUS MARCELIINUS. [Be.XXXCh.i,
great apparent respect (but in pursuance of a deliberate
plot), invited him to supper. Para, fearing no hostility,
came, and was placed in the seat of honour at the feast.
20. Exquisite delicacies were set before him, and the
splendid palace resounded with the music of lyres and
lutes. Presently, when the wine had circulated freely,
the master of the feast quitted it for a moment, under
pretence of some natural want, and immediately a ferocious
barbarian of the troop they call Suprae ' was sent in, bran
dishing a drawn sword, and with a terribly ferocious
countenance, to murder the youth, against whose escape
ample precautions had now been taken.
21. As soon as he saw him, the king, who as it happened
was on the further side of the couch, jumped up and
drew his dagger to defend his life by every- means in his
power, but was stabbed in the breast, and fell like a
miserable victim, being shamefully cut to pieces with
repeated blows.
22. By this foul contrivance was his credulity shame
fully deceived at a feast which is respected even on the
coast of the Euxine Sea, under the eye of the Deity of
Hospitality ; and the blood of a stranger and a guest was
sprinkled on the splendid tablecloths, and, by its foaming
gore, filled the guests with loathing, who at once dispersed
in great horror. If the dead can feel sorrow or indignation,
then let that illustrious Fabricius Luscinus groan at the
evidence of this deed, knowing with what greatness of
mind he himself repelled Demochares (or, as some call
him, Nicias), the king's servant, who in a secret con
ference offered to poison Pyrrhus, at that time desolating
Italy with cruel wars, and wrote to the king, bidding him
beware of his immediate attendants : such great reverence
in the first ages of antiquity was there for the rights of
hospitality even when claimed by an enemy.
23. But this modern, strange, and shameful act was
excused by the precedent afforded by the death of Ser-
torius ; though the emperor's flatterers were perhaps
1 No one has succeeded in explaining this word. Some editors wish
to read Surae, explaining that as "men picked out for their great
strength," by a reference to Juvenal, xvi. 14 — Grandes magna adsub-
sellia Surae. Wagner proposes to read Scurrae, a name sometimes given
to the guards in this age.

A.D. 374.] PROPOSALS OF SAPOR. 549
ignorant that, as Demosthenes — the everlasting glory of
Greece— affirms, an unlawful and wicked action cannot be
defended by its resemblance to another crime, or by tho
fact that that crime met with impunity.

II.
§ 1. These are the transactions which especially attracted
notice in Armenia ; but Sapor, after the last defeat which
his troops had experienced, having heard of the death of
Para, whom he had been earnestly labouring to win to his
own alliance, was terribly grieved ; and, as the activity
of our army increased his apprehensions, he began to
dread still greater disasters to himself.
2. He therefore sent Arsaces as his ambassador to the
emperor, to advise him utterly to destroy Armenia as a
perpetual cause of trouble ; or, if that plan should be
decided against, asking that an end might be put to the
division of Hiberia into two provinces, that the Roman
garrison might be withdrawn, and that Aspacuras, whom
he himself had made the sovereign of the nation, might be
permitted to reign with undivided authority.
3. To this proposal, Valens replied, that he could not
change the resolutions which had been agreed to by both
of them ; and, indeed, that he should maintain them with
zealous care. Towards the end of the winter, letters were
received from the king of a tenor very contrary to this
noble determination of Valens, full of vain and arrogant
boasting. For in them Sapor affirmed that it was im
possible for the seeds of discord to be radically extirpated,
unless those who had been witnesses of the peace which
had been made with Julian were all collected, some of
whom he knew to be already dead.
4. After this, the matter becoming a source of greater
anxiety, the emperor, who was more skilful in choosing
between different plans than in devising them himself,
thinking that it would be beneficial to the state in general,
ordered Victor, the commander of the cavalry, and Ur-
bicius, the Duke of Mesopotamia, to march with all speed
to Persia, bearing a positive and plain answer to the
proposals of Sapor: namely, that he, who boasted of

550 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Oh. n..
being a just man, and one contented with his own, was
acting wickedly in coveting Armenia, after a promise had
been made to its inhabitants, that they should be allowed
to live according to their own laws. And unless the
soldiers who had been left as auxiliaries to Sauromaces
returned without hindrance at the beginning of the
ensuing year, as had been agreed, he would compel Sapor
by force to perform what he might at present do with a
good grace.
5. And this embassy would in all respects have been a
just and honourable one, if the ambassadors had not,
contrary to their instructions, accepted some small districts
in this same Armenia which were offered them. When
the ambassadors returned, the Surena (the magistrate who
enjojrs an authority second only to that of the king) came
with them, offering the said districts to the emperor which
our ambassadors had ventured to take.
6. He was received with liberality and magnificence ;
but dismissed without obtaining what he requested. And
then great preparations were made for war, in order that,
as soon as the severity of the winter was over, the em
peror might invade Persia with three armies; and with
this object he began with all speed to bargain for the
services of some Scythian auxiliaries.
7. Sapor not having succeeded in obtaining what his
vain hopes had led him to reckon on, and being exasperated'
in an extraordinary degree, because he had learnt that
our emperor was preparing for an expedition, nevertheless
stifled his wrath, and gave the Surena a commission to
endeavour to recover by force of arms (if any one should
resist him) the territories which Count Victor and Urbicius
had accepted, and to press hostilities with the utmost
rigour against those soldiers who had been destined to aid
Sauromaces. 8. His orders were at once carried out. Nor was it
found possible to prevent or resist their execution, 'be
cause a new cause of alarm suddenly came on the republic ;
as the entire nation of the Goths suddenly burst into
Thrace. The calamities which we experienced from
that event shall be related succinctly in their proper
places. 9. These were the occurrences which took place in the

A.D. 374.] REMIGIUS COMMITS SUICIDE. 551
East. And while they were proceeding, as has been
related, the unfailing arm of justice avenged the losses
we had sustained in Africa, and the slaughter of the
ambassadors of Tripoli, whose shades were still wandering
about unavenged. For Justice, though a late, is yet a
scrupulous and unerring discriminator between right and
wrong. 10. Remigius, whom we have already spoken of as
favouring Count Romanus, who had laid waste these pro
vinces after Leo had succeeded him as master of the
offices, retired from office and from public life, and de
voted himself to rural pursuits in his own native district,
near Mayence.
11. And while he was living there in security, Maximin,
the prefect of the praetorium, despising him because of his
return to a tranquil life, as he was accustomed to attack
everything like a terrible pestilence, set to work to do him
injury by every means in his power. And, in order to
hunt out all his secrets, he seized Caesarius who had
formerly been a servant of his, and afterwards had become
a secretary of the emperor, and put him to the question,
torturing him with great severity to learn from him what
Remigius had done, and how much he had received to
induce him to countenance the wicked actions of Romanus.
12. But when Remigius heard this in his retreat, to
which, as has been said, he had retired ; being oppressed
by the consciousness of his acts, or perhaps letting the
dread of false accusation overpower his reason, he hanged
himself. III.
§ 1. The next year Gratian took Equitius as his colleague
in the consulship ; and Valentinian, after desolating some
cantons of the Allemanni, was building a fortress near
Basle, which the natives of the country call Robur, when a
report was brought to him from the prefect Probus with an
account of the disasters which had taken place in Illyricum.
2. He read them with a very careful examination, as
became a prudent general ; and then being filled with
anxious thoughts, he sent his secretary, Paternianus, to that
country, to inquire minutely into the whole details of the

552 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch. Ill
affair. And, as he soon received from him a true account
of all that had taken place, he prepared to repair thither
himself with all speed, in order to overwhelm with the
first crash of his arms (such was his idea) the barbarians
who had dared to pollute our frontier.
3. But, because, as it was now the end of autumn, there
were many serious difficulties in the way, all the nobles in
the palace pressed him earnestly to allow the time between
that and the beginning of spring to be spent in embassies
and conferences. Reminding him, in the first place, that the
roads were all impassable through frost — that it was im
possible to find herbage to feed the cattle, or anything else
that would be useful. In the next place, they dwelt on
the ferocity of the chieftains who lay nearest to Gaul, and
especially of Macrianus whom they greatly dreaded, as it
was quite certain that he was no friend to us, and was
inclined to attack even the fortified cities.
4. By recapitulating these arguments, and adding others
of great weight, they brought the emperor to adopt a
wiser plan ; and immediately (as was best for the com
monwealth) King Macrianus was invited in courteous terms
to come to Mayence ; and the event proved that he also
was well inclined to make a treaty. When he arrived,
however, it was marvellous how proud and arrogant he
was, as if he were to be the supreme arbiter of the peace.
And on a day appointed for a conference he came, carrying
himself very loftily, to the very brink of the Rhine, and
escorted by a number of his countrymen, who made a
great clang with their shields.
5. On the other hand, the emperor, having embarked in
a boat, such as is used on that river, and likewise es
corted by a strong force, came with great confidence up
to the eastern bank, being conspicuous through the
brilliancy of his glittering standards ; and when the
frantic gestures and murmurs of the barbarians had been
quieted, a long discussion took place on both sides, and
at last a firm friendship was agreed on, and ratified with
an oath.
6. When this was over, the king, who had been the
cause of all these troubles, retired, quite pacified, and
destined to prove an ally to us for the future ; indeed, he
afterwards, to the very end of his life, gave proof of

A.D.374.] M0DESTUS PREFECT OF THE PRiETORIUM. 553
his constancy and resolution to preserve his agreement
with us, by many noble and gallant actions.
7. But subsequently he died in the country of the
Franks, which he had invaded and ravaged in a most
destructive manner, till at last he was cut. off by the
manoeuvres of Mellobaudes, the warlike king of that na
tion, and slain. After the treaty had thus been solemnly
ratified, Valentinian retired into winter quarters, at
Treves.

IV.

§ 1. These were the events which took .place in Gaul and
the northern countries. But in the east, while all our
foreign affairs were quiet, great domestic evils were in
creasing in consequence of the conduct of the friends and
relations of Valens, who had more regard to expediency
than honesty7; for they laboured with the utmost dili
gence to bring about the recall from his post a judge
of rigid probity, who was fond of deciding lawsuits
equitably, out of a fear lest, as in the times of Julian, when
Innocence was allowed a fair opportunity of defending
itself, the pride of the powerful nobles, which was ac
customed to roam at large with unrestrained licence, might
again be broken down.
2. With these and similar objects a great number of
persons conspired together, being led by Modestus, the pre
fect of the praetorium, who was a complete slave to the
wishes of the emperor's eunuchs, and who, under a spe
cious countenance, concealed a rough disposition which
had never been polished by any study of ancient virtue or
literature, and who -was continually asserting that to look
into the minute details of private actions was beneath the
dignity of the emperor. He thinking, as he said, that the
examination of such matters had been imposed on the
nobles to lower their dignity, abstained from all such
matters himself, and opened the doors to plunder ; which
doors are now daily more and more opened by the de
pravity of the judges and advocates, who are all of the
same mind, and who sell the interests of the poor to the
military commanders, or the persons of influence within

554 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. TBe. XXX. Cll. IT..
the palace, by which conduct they themselves have gained
riches and high rank.
3. This profession of forensic oratory the wisdom of
Plato defines to be wo^itik^q popiov etBu>\ov, " the shadow of
a fraction of the art of government," or a fourth part of
the art of flattery. But Epicurus calls it KaKorexda,
reckoning it among the wicked arts. Tisias, who has
Gprgias of Leontinum on his side, calls the orator an artist
of persuasion.
4. And while such has been the opinion formed of this
art by the ancients, the craft of some of the Eastern people
has put it forward so as to make it an object of hatred
to good men, on which account an orator it is sometimes
restricted to a limited time for speaking.1 Therefore,
after saying a few words about its unworthy character,
as I found by experience while in those countries, I will
return to my original subject.
5. The tribunals, in former times, when good taste
prevailed, were greatly adorned by our advocates, when
orators of spirited eloquence — laborious and accomplished
scholars — shone pre-eminent in genius, honesty, fluency,
and every kind of embellishment of language. As De
mosthenes, who, as we learn from the Athenian records,
whenever he was going to speak, drew together a vast
concourse of people from the whole of Greece, who assem
bled for the sake of hearing him ; and Callistratus, who,
when summing up his noble pleading on the subject of
Oropus in Eubcea, produced such an impression that that
same Demosthenes quitted the academy, at the time when
Plato was at its head, to become his follower. And
Hyperides, and xEschines, and Andocides, and Dinarchus,.
and Antiphon the Rhamnusian, who is the first man
spoken of in ancient history as having received a fee for
pleading a cause.
6. And similarly among the Romans, the Rutilii, and,
Galbas, and Scauri, men of eminent reputation for purity
of life and manners, and for frugality; and in the suc
ceeding generations, many men of censorian and consular
rank, and even many who had celebrated triumphs, such
1 As at Athens, where the orators were only allowed to speak as
long as an hour-glass, filled with water, was running down.

A.D. 374.] ' ROMAN LAWYERS CHARACTERIZED. -555
as the Crassi, the Antonii, the Philippi, the Scaevolae,
and numbers of others, after having commanded armies
with glory, gained victories, and raised trophies, became
eminent also for their civil services to the State, and won
fresh laurels by their noble contests at the bar, thus
reaping the highest honour and glory.
7. And after them Cicero, the most excellent of them
alL. who repeatedly saved many who were in distress
from the scorching flames of judgment by the stream of
his imperious eloquence, used to affirm " that if men
could not be defended without their advocate incurring
blame, they certainly could not be carelessly defended
without his being guilty of crime."
8. But now throughout all the regions of the. East one
may see the most violent and rapacious classes of men
hovering about the courts of law, and besieging the
houses of the rich like Spartan or Cretan hounds, cun
ningly pursuing different traces, in order to create the
occasion of a lawsuit.
9. Of these the chief is that tribe of men who, sowing
every variety of strife and contest in thousands of actions,
wear out the doorposts of widows and the thresholds
of orphans, and create bitter hatred among friends, rela
tions, or connections, who have any7 disagreement, if they
can only find the least pretext for a quarrel. And in
these men, the progress of age does not cool their vices
as it does those of others, but only hardens and strengthens
them. And amid all their plunder they are insatiable
and yet poor, whetting the edge of their genius in order,
by their crafty orations to catch the ear of the judges,
though the very title of those magistrates is derived from
the name of Justice.
10. In the pertinacity of these men rashness assumes the
disguise of freedom — headlong audacity seeks to be taken
for constancy, and an empty fluency of language usurps
the name of eloquence — by which perverse arts, as Cicero
tells us, it is a shame for the holy gravity of a judge to
be deceived. For he says, " And as nothing in a republic
ought to be so incorruptible as a suffrage or a sentence,
I do not understand why the man who corrupts such
things with money is to be. esteemed worthy of punish
ment while he who perverts them by eloquence receives

556 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch. iv.
commendation. In fact, the latter appears to me to do
the most harm, it being worse to corrupt a judge by a
speech than by a bribe, inasmuch as no one can corrupt
a wise man with a bribe, though it is possible that he
may with eloquence.
11. There is a second class of those men who, professing
the science of the law, especially the interpretation of
conflicting and obsolete statutes, as if they had a bridle
placed in their mouths, keep a resolute silence, in which
they rather resemble their shadows than themselves.
These, like those men who cast nativities or interpret the
oracles of the sibyl, compose their countenances to a sort
of gravity, and then make money of their supine drowsi
ness. 12. And that they may appear to have a more profound
knowledge of the laws, they speak of Trebatius,1 and
Cascellius, and Alfenus, and of the laws of the Aurunci
and Sicani, which have long become obsolete, and have
been buried ages ago with the mother of Evander. And
if you should pretend to have deliberately- murdered your
mother, they will promise you that there are many
cases recorded in abstruse works which will secure your
acquittal, if you are rich enough to pay for it.
13. There is a third class of these men, who, to arrive
at distinction in a turbulent profession, sharpen their
mercenary mouths to mystify the truth, and by prostitut
ing their countenances and their vile barking, w7ork their
way with the public. These men, whenever the judge is
embarrassed and perplexed, entangle the matter before
him with further difficulties, and take pains to prevent
any arrangement, carefully involving every suit in knotty
subtleties. When these courts, however, go on rightly,
they are temples of equity ; but when they are perverted
they are hidden and treacherous pitfalls, and if any person
falls into them, he will not escape till after many years
have elapsed, and till he himself has been sucked dry to
his very marrow.
14. There is a fourth and last class, impudent, saucy,
and ignorant, consisting of those men who, having left
1 All these men are spoken of by Horace as distinguished lawyers
in his time.

A.J.374.] ROMAN LAWYERS CHARACTERIZED. 557
school too early, run about the corners of cities, giving
more time to farces than to the study of actions and
defences, wearing out the doors of the rich, and hunting
for the luxuries of banquets and rich food.
15. And when they have given themselves up to
gains, and to the task of hunting for money by eveiy
means, they incite men, on any small pretence what
ever, to go to law ; and if they are permitted to defend
a cause, which but seldom happens, it is not. till they are
before the judge, while the pleadings are being recited,
that they begin to inquire into the cause of the client,
or even into his name ; and then they so overflow with
a heap of unarranged phrases and circumlocutions, that
from the noise and jabber of the vile medley you would
fancy you were listening to Thersites.
16. But when it happens that they have no single
allegation they can establish, they then resort to an
unbridled licence of abuse ; for which conduct they are
continually brought to trial themselves, and convicted,
when they have poured ceaseless abuse upon people of
honour ; and some of these men are so ignorant that they
do not appear ever to have read any books.
17. And if in a company of learned men the name of
any ancient author is ever mentioned, they fancy it to be
some foreign name of a fish or other eatable. And if any
stranger asks (we will say) for Marcianus, as one with
whom he is as yet unacquainted, they all at once pretend
that their name is Marcianus.
18. Nor do they pay the slightest attention to what is
right ; but as if they had been sold to and become the
property- of Avarice, they know nothing but a boundless
licence in asking. And if they catch any one in their toils,
they entangle him in a thousand meshes, pretending sick
ness by way of protracting the consultations. And to pro
duce an useless recital of some well-known law, they
prepare seven costly methods of introducing it, thus weav
ing infinite complications and delays.
19. And when at last days and months and years have
been passed in these proceedings, and the parties to the
suit are exhausted, and the whole matter in dispute is
worn out with age, then these men, as if they were the
very heads of their profession, often introduce sham

558 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch.iv.
advocates along with themselves. And when they have
arrived within the bar, and the fortune or safety of some
one is at stake, and they ought to labour to ward off the
sword of the executioner from some innocent man, or
calamity and ruin, then, with wrinkled brows, and arms
thrown about with actor-like gestures, so that they want-
nothing but the flute of Gracchus at their back,1 then
they keep silence for some time on both sides ; and at
last, after a scene of premeditated collusion, some plau
sible preamble is pronounced by that one of them who
is most confident in his power of speaking, and who
promises an oration which shall rival the beauties of the
oration for Cluentius2 or for Ctesiphon.3 And then, when
all are eager for him to make an end, he concludes his pre
amble with a statement that the chief advocates have as
yet only had three years since the commencement of the
suit to prepare themselves to conduct it ; and so obtains
an adjournment, as if they had to wrestle with the ancient
Antaeus, while still they resolutely demand the pay due
for their arduous labours.
20. And yet, in spite of all these things, advocates are
not without some inconveniences, which are hard to be
-endured by one who would live uprightly. For being
allured by small gains, they quarrel bitterly among
themselves, and offend numbers by the insane ferocity of
their evil speaking, which they pour forth when they are
unable to maintain the weakness of the case intrusted
to them by any sound reasoning.
21. And sometimes the judges prefer persons who have
been instructed in the quibbles of Philistion or .ZEsop,
to those who come from the school of Aristides the Just,
or of Cato — men who, having bought public offices for
large sums of money, proceed like troublesome creditors
"to hunt oat every one's fortune, and so shake booty for
themselves out of the laps of others.
22. Finally, the profession of a lawyer, besides other
things, has in it this, which is most especially formidable
and serious (and this quality is almost innate in all liti-
1 See Cicero, de Oratore iii. 60.
s The Speech of Cicero pro Ccelio Cluentio.
3 The celebrated speech of Demosthenes, more usually known as
that of De Corona.

*.D. 175.] VALENTINIAN AND THE SARMATIANS. 559
gants), namely that when, through one or other out of a
thousand accidents, they have lost their action, they fancy
that everything which turned out wrong was owing to the
conduct of their counsel, and they usually attribute the
loss of every suit to him, and are angry, not with the weak
ness of their case or (as they often might be) with the
partiality of the judge, but only with their advocate. Let
us now return to the affairs from which we have thus
digressed. V.
a.d. 375.
§ 1. At the beginning of the spring Valentinian quitted
Treves, and proceeded by rapid marches along the usual
high roads. And as he approached the districts to which
he was hastening, he was met by ambassadors from the
Sarmatians, who threw themselves at his feet, and, with
prayers, breathing no wish but for peace, entreated him
to be favourable and merciful to them, assuring him that
he would not find any of their countrymen implicated in
or privy to any evil action.
2. And when they had frequently repeated this asser
tion, he, after careful deliberation, made answer to them,
that these matters must be diligently inquired into by an
accurate investigation in the district where they were
said to have happened, and if they had happened, then
they must be punished. After this, when he had reached
Carnuntum, a city of the Illyrians, now indeed in a
desolate and ruinous state, but still very convenient for
the general of an army, he from thence sallied out when
ever either chance or skill afforded him an opportunity ;
and by the possession of this post in their neighbourhood,
he checked the inroads of the barbarians.
3. And although he alarmed all people in that district,
since it was expected that, as a man of active and impetu
ous feelings, he would speedily command the judges to be
condemned through whose perfidy or desertion the empire
had been left undefended on the side of the Parmonians,
yet when he did arrive he was so lukewarm in the busi
ness that he neither inquired into the death of the king
Gabricius, nor did he make any accurate investigation into

56C AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch. v.
the calamities which the republic had sustained, with a
view to learning through whose misconduct or negli
gence these events had taken place ; so that in fact,
in proportion as he was severe in punishing his common
soldiers, he was remiss in correcting (even by harsh
words) those of higher rank.
4. The only person whom he pursued with any especial
hatred was Probus ; whom from the first moment that he
saw him he never ceased to threaten, and to whom he
never softened ; and the causes of this animosity against
him were not obscure nor trivial. -When Probus first
obtained the rank of prefect of the praetorium, the power
of which he was continually labouring to extend by all
kinds of means (I wish I could say by all lawful means),
he forgot the lessons which he might have learnt from his
illustrious descent, and devoted himself more to flattery
than t,o modesty.
5. For reflecting on the resolution of the emperor, who
considered nothing but how he might amass money from
all quarters, without any distinction between just and
unjust actions ; he never attempted to lead back the mis
guided prince into the path of equity, as mild and wise
rulers often have done ; but rather followed his lead
through all his winding and tortuous paths.
6. And to this conduct, were owing the heavy dis
tresses which afflicted the emperor's subjects; the ruin
ous titles, privileges, and exemptions, which alike ate
up the fortunes of poor and rich ; under different pretexts
which were produced, each more powerful than the other,
as the fruit of a long experience 'in injuring. Lastly,
the burdens of all tributes and taxes were augmented in a
manifold degree ; and drove some of the highest nobles from
fear of the worst to emigrate from their homes ; some also
after being drained to the utmost by the cruelty of the
revenue officers, as they really had nothing more to give,
were thrown into prison, of which they became permanent
inmates. And some, becoming weary of life and light,
sought a release from their miseries by hanging them
selves. 7. Unvarying report made known the treacherous and
inhuman character of these transactions ; but Valentinian,
as if his ears had been stopped with wax, was ignorant of.

A.D.374.] IPHICLES AN ENVOY FROM EPIRUS. 561
the report, being eager to acquire money indiscriminately,
even from the most trivial sources, and thinking only of
what was presented to him ; though he would perhaps
have spared the Pannonian provinces, if he had earlier
known of these melancholy sources of gain with which he
became acquainted when it was too late, owing to the
following occurrence : —
8. Following the example of the inhabitants of other
provinces, the people of Epirus were compelled by the
prefect to send envoys to thank him, and a certain philo
sopher named Iphicles, a man of tried courage and mag
nanimity (who was very unwilling to undertake the com
mission), was elected to discharge that duty.
9. And when he saw the emperor, having been recog
nized by him and questioned as to the cause of his arrival,
he answered in Greek ; and, like a philosopher who pro
fessed himself a votary of truth, when the prince inquired
more precisely, if those who had sent him did really
think well of the prefect, he replied, that they had sent
him against their will, and with bitter groans.
10. The emperor, stricken by this speech as by an
arrow, now investigated his actions like a sagacious beast,
inquiring of him, in his own language, about different,
pei-sons whom he knew : for instance, where was this man
or that man (mentioning some one of high reputation and
honour, or some very rich man, or some other person well
known as having filled some high office). And when he
leamt that this man had been hanged, that that one had
been banished beyond the seas, and that a third had killed
himself or had expired under torture, he became furiously
angry, while Leo, who was at that time master of the
offices, added fuel to his passion — 0 shameful villany !
Leo, it should be borne in mind, was at this very time
secretly aiming at the prefecture; and had he obtained that
office and authority, he would undoubtedly have governed
with such audacity, that the administration of, Probus
would in comparison have been extolled as a model of
justice and humanity.
11. So the emperor remained at Carnuntum ; and dur
ing the three summer months he occupied himself uninter
ruptedly in preparing arms and magazines, in the hope
2 o

562 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch. v
that chance might afford him a good opportunity of making
use of them; intending to take a favourable season for
attacking the Quadi, who had lately caused an atrocious
disturbance ; since in their chief town, Faustinus, the
nephew of Juventius, the prefect of the prastoriuro., who
had attained the rank of military secretary, was tortured
and then put to death by the executioners, under the
very eyes of Probus ; having been accused of slaying an
ass in some magical operation, as his enemies asserted;
but he himself said it was to use for strengthening his
hair, which was beginning to fall off.
12. Another charge was also maliciously brought against
nim, namely, that when a person of the name of Nigrinus
had in jest asked him to make him a secretary, he replied
in ridicule of the man and his petition, " Make me emperor
if you wish to obtain that." And because some gave an
unfair interpretation to this jest, Faustinus himself, and
Nigrinus, and several other persons were put to death.
13. Accordingly, having sent forward Merobaudes with
a strong force of infantry under his command, and Sebas
tian for his colleague, to ravage the districts of the bar
barians with fire and sword, Valentinian speedily moved
his camp to Buda ; and having with great rapidity made
a bridge of boats in order to guard against any sudden
mishap, he crossed the river in another place and entered
the territories of the Quadi, who from their precipitous
mountains were watching for his approach; the main body
of their nation, in their perplexity and uncertainty of what
might happen, had taken refuge with their families in
those hills ; but were overwhelmed with consternation
when they unexpectedly saw the imperial standards in
their country.
1 4. Valentinian advanced with as much rapidity as he
could, slaughtering every one of whatever age whom hia
sudden inroad surprised straggling about the country, and
after burning all their dwellings, he returned safe without
having experienced the slightest loss. And then, as autumn
was now on the wane, he stopped awhile at Buda, seeking
where best to fix his winter quarters in a region subject
to very rigorous frost. And he could not find any suitable
place except Sabaria, though that town was at the time ia

A.D.374.] VALEN'IxNIAN AT BRESITI0. 563
a very bad state of defence, having been ruined by fre
quent sieges.
15. Accordingly when he reached this place, though it
was one of great consequence to him, he remained there
but a very short time ; and having left it, he marched along
the bank of the river, which he strengthened with several
forts and castles, and manned them with adequate garrisons.
He then proceeded to Bregitio ; and in that town, after
settling down there in quiet, his Destiny7, by numerous pro
digies, portended to him his approaching fate.
16. For a very few days before some of those comets,
which ever give token of the ruins of lofty fortunes, and
of which we have already explained the origin, appeared
in the heavens. Also, a short time before, a thunderbolt
fell at Sirmium, accompanied with a terrific clap of
thunder, and set fire to a portion of the palace and senate-
house : and much about the same time an owl settled
on the top of the royal baths at Sabaria, and pouring forth
a funeral strain, withstood all the attempts to slay it with
arrows or stones, however truly aimed, and though numbers
of people shot at it in diligent rivalry.
17. And again, when the emperor was quitting the city
to return to the camp, he set out to leave it by the same
gate by which he had entered it, with the object of obtain
ing an augury that he should speedily return to Gaul. But
the spot through neglect had become choked up with ruins ;
and when they were cleaning it out they found that the
door, which had originally closed the entrance, had fallen
down : and a great multitude of people, though labouring
with all their might, were unable to remove it ; so that
after waiting the greater part of the day there, he was
obliged at last to go out by another gate.
18. And on the night preceding the day on which he
died, he saw in a dream, such as often visits a man in his
sleep, his absent wife sitting by, with dishevelled hair,
and clad in a mourning robe ; which some people fancied
was Fortune, who was about in this sad apparel to take her
leave of him.
19. After this, when he came forth in the morning, his
brow was contracted, and his countenance somewhat
melancholy ; and when his horse was brought to him, it
would not let him mount, but reared up its forefeet over

564 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch.ti,
the shoulders of the equerry who was holding it. Valenti
nian, according to the usual bent of his savage temper,
grew immoderately furious, and ordered the equerry's hand
to be cut off, which had, he said, pushed him aside when
mounting a horse he was used to : and the innocent youth
would have perished under torture if Cerealis, the prin
cipal master of the horse, had not delayed the barbarous
infliction at his own risk.

VI.
§ 1. After this event ambassadors arrived from the Quadi,
with humble supplications, entreating peace, and oblivion
of the past : and that there might be no obstacle to their
obtaining this, they promised to furnish a body of recruits,
and some other things which would be of use to the
Roman state.
2. And after they had been received, and had obtained
permission to return with the grant of an armistice which
they had solicited (but in truth, our want of supplies and
the unfavourable season of the year prevented us from
harassing them any longer), they were, by the influence
of Equitius, who became security for their good behaviour,
admitted into the council-chamber. When introduced
they seemed quite overcome by fear, bowing down to the
ground ; and on being ordered to unfold their message, they
urged all the customary pretences and excuses, confirm
ing them by an oath ; assuring the council that whatever
offence had been committed against any of our people,
had not been done by the consent of the nobles of the
nation, but only by some foreign banditti who dwelt on
the borders of the river ; they added further, as a fact
quite sufficient to establish the truth of their allegations,
that the fortress which had been begun to be built both
unjustly and unreasonably, had inflamed the savage temper
of those rude men to a great pitch of ferocity.
3. By this speech the emperor was excited to most
vehement wrath; and as he began to reply to it he grew
more indignant, reproaching the whole nation in bitter
language, as unmindful of kindness, and ungrateful. But
after a time he became pacified, and inclined to a milder

A.D. 374.] DEATH OF VALENTINIAN. 565
view of t ie case, when suddenly, as if he had been stricken
from heaven, his breathing and his voice ceased, and his
countenance appeared blood-shot, and in a moment the
blood burst forth, and a deadly sweat broke forth over
his whole body ; and to save him from falling down in the
sight of a number of low-born persons, he was led by his
servants into one of the private chambers in the interior of
the palace.
4. When he was placed on his bed, breathing with
difficulty, though the vigour of his intellect was not as yet
at all diminished, he recognized those who stood around,
having been collected by the chamberlains with great
promptitude, to prevent any of them being suspected of
having murdered him. And as on account of the fever
which was racking his bowels it was necessary to open a
vein, yet no surgeon could be found, because he had dis
persed them all over different districts to cure the soldiers
among whom a dangerous pestilence was raging.
5. At last, however, one was procured ; but though he
punctured a vein over and over again, he could not pro
duce a single drop of blood, while all the time his bowels
were burning with the intensity of his fever; or (as some
fancied) because his limbs were wholly dried up, in con
sequence of some of the passages, which we now call
hemorrhoidal, were closed up and crusted over through
the severity of the cold.
6. The emperor, from the exceeding violence of his
agony, felt that the moment of his death was at hand ;
and attempted to say something, and to give some orders,
as was indicated by a sobbing, which shook his whole
frame, a gnashing of the teeth, and a series of violent
gestures with his arms, resembling those of boxers with
the casstus : at last he became exhausted, and covered all
over with livid spots, and after a severe struggle he
expired, in the fifty-fifth year of his age, having reigned
twelve years all but a hundred days.
VII.
§ 1. This is a seasonable opportunity to do as we have
often done before, namely, to retrace from the original

566 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch. vn,
appearance of the father of this emperor down to the time
of his own death, all his actions, just touching on them
cursorily with a brief mention, not omitting to distinguish
between his vices and his virtues, both of which his lofty
position held up to the world; being a condition which
naturally reveals the inward disposition of every7 man.
2. The elder Gratian was bom at Cibalas, a town of
Pannonia, of a mean family ; and from his childhood he
received the surname of Funarius, because, while still very
young, while he was carrying about a rope (funem) for
sale, he resisted the attempt of five soldiers who laboured
with all their might to take it from him : thus rivalling
Milo of Crotona, from whom no amount of strength could
ever wrest an apple, whether he held it in his right or his
left hand.
3. Therefore, on account of his exceeding personal
strength, and his skill in wrestling after the military
fashion, he became well known to many persons, was pro
moted to the rank of an officer of the guard, then to the
post of tribune : after this he was made count, and sent
to command the forces in Africa : but there he was suspected
of theft ; and having quitted that province, he was some
time afterwards sent to command the army in Britain, with
the same authority which he had enjoyed in Africa. At
length he received an honourable discharge from military
service, and returned home; and while living there
in quiet, he suddenly had all his property confiscated by
Constantius, on the ground that, when tne civil discord
was at its height, he was said to have received Magnentius
as a guest when passing through his land to carry his
designs into execution.
4. The merits of Gratian brought Valentinian into notice
from his early youth ; and, indeed, he was further aided
by his own eminent qualities ; so that he received the orna
ments of the imperial majesty at Nicaea; when he also
made his brother Valens his colleague, as one bound to
him not only by his relationship as a brother, but also
by the most perfect agreement — Valens, as we shall show
at a suitable time, being made up almost equally of vices
and of virtues.
5. Therefore Valentinian, after having experienced many
dangers and much distress as a private individual, as soon

A.D.374.J REVIEW OF VALKNTINIAN'S LIFE. 567
as he began to reign went to visit the towns and cities
which were situated on the rivers; and repaired to Gaul,
which was exposed to the inroads of the Allemanni, who
had begun to recover their courage and to reassume an
imposing attitude since they had heard of the death of the
Emperor Julian — the only prince whom they had feared
sinco the time of Constans.
6. And Valentinian was deservedly dreaded by them
because he took care to keep up the numbers of his army
by strong reinforcements, and because also he fortified
both banks of the Rhine with lofty fortresses and castles,
to prevent the enemy from ever passing over into our
territory without being perceived.
7. We may pass over many circumstances, and many
acts which he performed with the authority of an emperor
whose power was fully established, and many of the
reforms which he either effected himself, or caused to be
carried out by his vigorous lieutenants. But we must
record how, after he had raised his son Gratian to a
partnership in the imperial authority, he contrived the
secret murder of Vithigabius, the king of the Allemanni,
and the son of Vadomarius, a young man in the flower of
youth, who was actively stirring up the surrounding
nations to tumults and wars ; doing this because he found
it impossible to procure his death openly. How also he
fought a battle against the Allemanni near Solicinium,
where he was nearly circumvented and slain by the
manoeuvres of the enemy ; but where at last he utterly
destroyed their whole army with the exception of a few
who saved themselves by the aid of the darkness which
assisted the rapidity of their flight.
8. Amid all these prudent actions he also turned his
attention to the Saxons who had lately broken out with
extreme ferocity, making attacks in every direction where
they were least expected, and had now penetrated into
the inland districts, from which they were returning
enriched by a vast booty. He destroyed them utterly by
a device which was indeed treacherous, but most advan
tageous; and he recovered by force all the booty which.
the defeated robbers were carrying off.
9. Nor did he disregard the condition of the Britons,
who were unable to make head against the vast hosts of

568 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX.Ch. vni.
their enemies, who were overrunning their country;
he revived their hopes of better fortune, and re-esta
blished liberty and steady tranquillity among them ; rout
ing their invaders so completely that scarcely any of them
returned to their own country.
10. With similar vigour he crushed Valentinus the
Pannonian exile (who was labouring to disturb the general
tranquillity in that province), before his enterprise could
become dangerous. He also delivered Africa from great
dangers at a time when it was thrown into confusion by
an unexpected disaster : when Firmus, unable to bear the
greediness and arrogance of the soldiers, was exciting the
people of Mauritania to every kind of discord and disturb
ance. With similar resolution would he have avenged the
disasters sustained in Illyricum, had he not left that im
portant duty uncompleted, in consequence of being thus
cut off by a premature death.
11. And although these various achievements, which
we have here recorded, were consummated by the assist
ance of his admirable generals, yet it is very notorious
that he himself also performed many considerable exploits;
being a man fertile in resources, and of long experience
and great skill in military affairs : and certainly it would
have been an admirable crown to his great actions if he had
been able to take King Macrianus alive, who at that time
was a very formidable sovereign ; nevertheless he exerted
great energy in attempting to do so, after he heard that
he had escaped from the Burgundians, whom he himself
had led against the Allemanni ; and the certainty of his
escape was to him a cause of great sorrow and indignation.
VIII.
§ 1. Thus have I rapidly Tun over the different actions of
this prince. Now7, relying on the certainty that posterity,
inasmuch as it is free both from fear and from base flattery,
is usually an honest judge of all past transactions, I will
rapidly run over his vices, intending afterwards to relate
his good qualities.
2. Sometimes he put on an affectation of clemency,
though the bent of his natural disposition inclined him
more to cruelty: forgetful forsooth, that by a man who

A.D. 374.] VICES OF VALENTINIAN. 569
governs a vast empire extremes of every kind are to be
avoided as rocks by a mariner.
3. Nor indeed was he ever found to be contented with
moderate punishments, but was continually commanding
cruel tortures to be multiplied ; so that many, after under
going this murderous kind of examination, were brought
to death's door. And he was so eager to inflict injury,
that he never once saved any one who had been condemned
to death, by a milder sentence, though even the most in
human of emperors have sometimes done so.
4. • And yet he might have reflected on many examples
in former ages; and he might have imitated the many
models of humanity and of piety which he could have
found both among natives of the empire and among
those of foreign extraction (and humanity and piety are
defined by philosophers to be qualities nearly akin). Of
such instances it will suffice to enumerate these which
follow : — Artaxerxes, that very powerful king of Persia, to
whom the great length of one of his limbs caused the name
of Longhand to be given, wishing, through the natural lenity
of his disposition, to reprove the varieties of punishment
in which his nation, always cruel, had hitherto delighted,
punished some criminals by taking off their turbans instead
of their heads : and instead of the old royal fashion of
cutting off people's ears for their offences, he used to out
the tassels which hang from their caps. And this modera
tion and lenity made him so popular and respected that
all the Grecian writers vie with each other in celebrating
his many admirable actions.
5. Again, when Praenestinus was praetor, and was brought
before the court of justice, because, in the Samnite war,
when ordered to march with all speed to reinforce the
army, he had been very dilatory in his movements,
Papirius Cursor, who at that time was dictator, ordered
the lictor to get ready his axe; and when the praetor,
having discarded all hope of being able to clear himself,
seemed utterly stupefied at the order, he commanded the
lictor to cut down a shrub close by ; and having in this
jocular manner reproved him, he let him go : without
himself incurring any disrespect by so doing, since all
knew him for a man who, by his own unassisted vigour,
had brought long and dangerous wars to a happy tormina-

570 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch. via
tion ; and had been the only man reckoned able to resist
Alexander the Great if that prince had invaded Italy*
6. Valentinian, perhaps, was ignorant of these models ;
and as he never considered that the mercy of the emperor
is always the best comfort of persons in distress, he in
creased all punishments by his free use of both fire and
sword : punishments which the merciful disposition of our
ancestors looked upon as the very last resource in the
most imminent dangers — as we may learn from the beau
tiful sentiment of Isocrates, who continually insists that
we ought rather to pardon a king who is sometimes de
feated in war, than one who is ignorant of justice.
7. And it was under the influence of this saying of his
that I imagine Cicero uttered that admirable sentence, in
his defence of Oppius : " That indeed to have greatly con
tributed to the safety of one other person was an honour
to many ; but that to have had no share in injuring others
had never been thought discreditable to any one."
. 8. A desire of increasing his riches without any regard
to right and wrong, and of hunting out every kind of source
of gain, even at the cost of other people's lives, raged in
this emperor to a most excessive degree, and never flagged.
Some, indeed, attempted to excuse it by pleading the
example of the Emperor Aurelian ; affirming that as he,
after the death of Gallienus and the lamentable dis
asters which the republic suffered at that time, finding
his treasury totally exhausted, fell upon the rich like a
torrent, so Valentinian also, after the Josses which he
sustained in his Parthian campaign, being reduced to
want by the greatness of his expenses, in order to procure
reinforcements for his army and pay for his troops, mingled
with his severity a desire of collecting excessive wealth.-
Pretending not to know that there are some things which,
although strictly speaking lawful, still ought not to be
done. In this he was very unlike the celebrated The-
mistocles of old times, who, when strolling carelessly about
after he had destroyed the Persian host in the battle of
Sal amis, and seeing a number of golden armlets and chains
lying on the ground, said to one of his companions who
was by— "• You may take up these things because you are
not Themistocles," thinking it became a magnanimous
general to spurn any idea of personal gain.

•.¦D.374.] ENVY OF VALENTINIAN. 571
9. Many examples of similar moderation abound in the
Roman generals; and without stopping to enumerate
them, since such acts are not indications of perfect virtue
(for indeed it is no great glory to abstain from carrying
off other persons' property), I will just mention one single
instance of the forbearance of people in general in this
respect in ancient times : — When Marius and Cinna had
given the Roman populace leave to plunder the wealthy
houses of certain persons whom they had proscribed, the
minds of the mob, who, however uncivilized they might
be, were accustomed to respect the rights of men, refused
to touch the produce of other men's labours ; so that in
fact no one could be found so needy or so base as to be
willing to profit by the miseries of the state.
10. Besides these things the aforesaid emperor was a
prey in his inmost heart to a devouring envy ; and as he
knew that most vices put on a semblance of virtue, he used
to be fond of repeating, that severity is the inseparable
companion of lawful power. And as magistrates of the
highest rank are in the habit of thinking everything per
mitted to them, and are always inclined to depress those
who oppose them, and to humiliate those who are above
them, so he hated all who were well dressed, or learned,
or opulent, or high born ; and he was always disparaging
the brave, that he might appear to be the only person
eminent for virtue. And this is a vice which, as we lead,
was very flagrant in the Emperor Hadrian.
11. This same emperor used to be continually abusing
the timid, calling them sordid and base, and people who
deserved to be depressed below the very lowest of the low ;
and yet he himself often grew pale, in the most abject
manner, with groundless fears, and often from the bottom
of his soul was terrified at things which had no existence
at all.
12. Remigius, the master of the ceremonies, knowing
this, and also that Valentinian was used to get into furious
passions at every trifling incident, spread a report, among
other things, that some of the barbarians were in motion ;
and the emperor, when he heard this, became at once so
broken-spirited through fear that he became as gentle and
merciful as Antoninus Pius.
13. He never intentionally appointed unjust judges,

572 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. CH. ix.
but if he learned that those whom he had once promoted
were acting cruelly, he boasted that he had discovered
new Lycurguses and Cassiuses, those ancient pillars of
justice ; and he used to be continually exhorting them by
his letters severely to chastise even the slightest errors.
14. Nor had those who were under accusations, if any
misfortune fell upon them, any refuge in the kindness
of the prince ; which ought to be, as it were, a desirable
haven to those tossed about in a stormy sea. For, as wise
men teach us, " The advantage and safety of the subject is
the true end of just government."
IX.
§ 1. It is natural for us, after discussing these topics, if we
would act fairly, now to come to his virtuous and laudable
actions ; since if he had tempered his vices fairly with them
he would have been a second Trajan or Marcus Aurelius.
Towards the people of the provinces he was very conside
rate, lightening the burden of their tributes throughout
the empire. He also exerted himself in a very beneficial
manner in building towns and strengthening the frontiers.
He was a strict observer of military discipline, erring only
in this respect, that while he punished even slight miscon
duct on the part of the common soldiers, he allowed the
crimes of the officers of rank and of the generals to proceed
to greater and greater lengths, and shut his ears against
every complaint that was uttered against them. And this
partiality of his was the cause of the murmurs in Britain,
and the disasters in Africa, and the devastation of Illy
ricum. 2. He was, both at home and abroad, a strict observer of
modesty and chastity, keeping his conscience wholly free
from all taint of impurity or obscenity, and in consequence
he bridled the wantonness of the imperial court as with a
strong rein ; and he was the more easily able to do this be
cause he had never shown any indulgence to his own rela
tions, whom he either kept in obscurity, or (if he promoted
them at all) raised to a very moderate rank, with the excep
tion of his brother, whom, in deference to the necessities of
the times, he made his partner in the imperial dignity.
3. He was very scrupulous in giving high rank to any
one ; nor, as long as he was emperor, did any one of the

A.D. 374.] VIRTUES OF VALENTINIAN. 573
moneyed interest become ruler of a province, nor was any
government sold, unless it was at the beginning of his
reign, when wicked actions were sometimes committed in
the hope that the new prince would be too much occupied
to punish them.
4. In waging war, and in defending himself from
attacks, he was prudent and very skilful, like a veteran of
great experience in military affairs. He was a very wise
admirer of all that was good, and dissuader from all that
was bad ; and a very accurate observer of all the details of
military service. He wrote with elegance, and described
everything with great neatness and skill in composition.
He was an inventor of new arms. He had an excellent
memory, and a fluent, easy style of speaking, which at
times bordered closely upon eloquence. He was a lover
of elegant simplicity, and was fond, not so much of profuse
banquets, as of entertainments directed by good taste.
5. Lastly, he was especially remarkable during his
reign for his moderation in this particular, that he kept a
middle course between the different sects of religion ; and
never troubled any one, nor issued any orders in favour of
one kind of worship or another ; nor did he promulgate
any threatening edicts to bow down the necks of his
subjects to the form of worship to which he himself was
inclined ; but he left these parties just as he found them,
without making any alterations.
6. His body was muscular and strong: the brightness of
his hair — the brilliancy of his complexion, with his blue
eyes, which always looked askance with a stern aspect — the
beauty of his figure — his lofty stature, and the admirable
harmony of all his features — filled up the dignity and beauty
of an appearance which bespoke a monarch.
X.
§ 1. After the last honours had been paid to the emperor,
and his body had been prepared for burial, in order to be
sent to Constantinople to be there entombed among the
remains of former emperors, the campaign which was in
preparation was suspended, and people began to be anxious
as to what part would be taken by the Gallic cohorts,
who were not always steady in loyalty to the lawful

574 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXX. Ch. x.
emperor, but looked upon themselves as the disposers of
power, and were regarded by others as very likely to ven
ture on some new enterprise at so favourable a moment.
This circumstance also was likely to aid any attempt that
might be made at a revolution, that Gratian, who knew
nothing of what had taken place, was still at Treves, where
his father, when about to set out on his own expedition,
had desired him to wait.
2. While affairs were in this state of uncertainty, and
when every one shared the same fears, looking on them
selves as all in the same boat, and sure to be partners in
danger, if danger should arise, at last it was decided by
the advice of the principal nobles to take up the bridge
which had been necessarily made when they meditated
invading the territories of the enemy, in order that, in com
pliance with the commands given by Valentinian while
alive, Merobaudes might be at once summoned to the
camp. 3 He, being a man of great cunning and penetration,
divined what had happened (perhaps indeed he had been
informed of it by the messenger who brought him his
summons), and suspecting that the Gallic troops were
likely to break the existing concord, he pretended that a
token which had been agreed upon had been sent to him
that he was to return with the messenger to watch the
banks of the Rhine ; since the fury of the barbarians was
again menacing hostilities, and (in compliance with a
secret injunction which he received at the same time) he
removed to a distance. Sebastian also as yet was ignorant
of the death of the emperor ; and he being an orderly and
quietly disposed man, but very popular among the soldiers,
required on that account to be strictly watched.
4. Accordingly when Merobaudes had returned, the chief
men took careful counsel as to what was to be done ; and
at last it was arranged that the child Valentinian, the son
of the deceased emperor, at that time a boy of four years
old, should be associated in the imperial power. He was
at present a hundred miles off, living with his mother,
Justina, in a small town called Murocincta.
5. This decision was ratified by the unanimous consent
of all parties ; and Cerealis, his uncle, was sent with speed
to Murocincta, where he placed the royal child on a litter.

A.D. 374.] VALENTINIAN II. 575
and so conducted him to the camp. On the sixth day after
his father's death, he was declared lawful emperor, and
saluted as Augustus with the usual solemnities.
6. And although at the time many persons thought that
Gratian would be indignant that any one else had been
appointed emperor without his permission, yet afterwards,
when all fear and anxiety was removed, they lived in
greater security, because he, wise and kindhearted man as
he was, loved his young relative with exceeding affection,
and brought him up with great care.

BOOK XXXI.

Omens announcing the death of the Emperor Valens, and a disaster
to be inflicted by the Gauls.-rll. A description of the abodes and
customs of the Huns, the Alani, and other tribes, natives of Asiatic
Scythia. — III. The Huns, either by arms or by treaties, unite the
Alani on the Don to themselves ; invade tho Goths, and drive
them from their country. — IV. The chief division of the Goths,
surnamed the Thuringians, having been expelled from their
homes, by permission of Valens are conducted by the Romans
into Thrace, on condition of promising obedience and a supply of
auxiliary troops. The Gruthungi also, who form the other divi
sion of the Goths, secretly cross the Danube by a bridge of boats.
— V. The Thuringians being in great distress from hunger and
the want of supplies, under the command of their generals Ala-
vivus and Fritigern, revolt from Valens, and defeat Lupicinus and
his army. — VI. Why Sueridus and Colias. nobles of the Gothic
nation, after having been received in a friendly manner, revolted ;
and after slaying the people of Hadrianopolis, united themselves
to Fritigem, and then turned to ravage Thrace.— VII. Profutimis,
Trajan, and Eicbomeres fought a drawn battle against the Goths.
—VIII. The Goths being hemmed in among the denies at the
bottom of the Balkan, after the Eomans by returning had let them
escape, invaded Thrace, plundering, massacring, ravishing, and
burning, and slay Barzimeres, the tribune of the Scutarii.-- -
IX. Frigeridus, Gratian's general, routs Farnobius at the head
bf a large body of Goths and Taifalse ; sparing the rest,, and
civiup them some lands around the Po. — X. The Lentiensian

576 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. L
Alemanni are defeated in battle by the generals of the em
peror Gratian, and their king Priamis is slain. Afterwards, having
yielded and furnished Gratian with » body of recruits, they are
allowed to return to their own country. — XI. Sebastian surprises
the Goths at Beriea as they are returning home loaded with plun
der, and defeats them with great slaughter ; a few saved them
selves by flight. Gratian hastens to his uncle Valens, to carry
him aid against the Goths. — XII. Valens, before the arrival of
Gratian resolves to fight the Goths.' — XIII. All the Goths unite
together, that is to say, the Thuringians, under their king Friti
gern. The Gruthungi, under their dukes Alatheus and Salaces,
encounter the Eomans in a pitched battle, rout their cavalry, and
then falling on the infantry when deprived of the support of their
horse, and huddled together in a dense body, they defeat them
witli enormous loss, and put them to flight. Valens is slain, but
his body cannot be found. — XIV. The virtues and vices of Valens.
— XV. The victorious Goths besiege Hadrianopolis, where Valens
had left his treasures and his insignia of imperial rank, with the
prefect and the members of his council ; but after trying every
means to take the city, without success, they at last retire. —
XVI. The Goths, having by bribes won over the forces of the
Huns and of the Alani to join them, make an attack upon Con
stantinople without success. The device by which Julius, the
commander of the forces beyond Mount Taurus, delivered the
eastern provinces from the Goths. I.
a.d. 375.
§ 1. In the mean time the swift wheel of Fortune, which
continually alternates adversity with prosperity, was giving
Bellona the Furies for her allies, and arming her for war ;
and now transferred our disasters to the East, as many
presages and portents foreshowed by undoubted signs.
2. For after many true prophecies uttered by diviners and
augurs, dogs were seen to recoil from howling wolves, and the
birds of night constantly uttered querulous and mournful
eries ; and lurid sunrises made the mornings dark. Also,
at Antioch, among the tumults and squabbles of the popu
lace, it had come to be a custom for any one who fancied
himself ill treated to cry out in a licentious manner, " May
Valens be burnt alive !" And the voices of the criers were
constantly heard ordering wood to be carried to warm the
baths of Valens, which had been built under the super-
tendence of the emperor himself.
3. All which circumstances all but pointed out in
express words that the end of the emperor's life was at

*J>.3»5.] NEWS OF THE DEATH OF VALENS. 5?\
pand. Besides all these things, the ghost of the king of
Armenia, and the miserable shades of those who had lately
been put to death in the affair of Theodorus, agitated
numbers of people with terrible alarms, appearing to them
in their sleep, and shrieking out verses of horrible import.'
4. . . . and its death indicated an extensive and general
calamity arising from public losses and deaths. Last of
all, when the ancient walls of Chalcedon were thrown
"'own in order to build a bath at Constantinople, and the
stones were torn asunder, on one squared stone which was
hidden in the very centre of the walls these Greek verses
were found engraved, which gave a full revelation of what
was to happen : —
" 'AAA* otroTav i/6fi<pat ipotrepy Kara aarv x°P€lv
Tepiropeyai ffrpetpoiyTOL evtrreffpas Kar ayvias
Kal reixos Xotirpoio tto\{httovov etrtreTat aA/cal
A^ roVe fivpia tpvXa TroXvffTrepfojv avdptiyniav
'ltTTpov KaXXipSoio iropov ireptWrtt ffbv alxiifi
Kal ^KvQuaiv oXeffei x^PVv Ka^ Mu<W5a yaiav
Uaiovlris fi'^TrtfldvTa <xvv trip iXiriffi [/.atvo/ieyriffiv
Avtqv Kal flioVo 0 reXos Kal 87)015 etpe£ei."
Translation.
"But when young wives and damsels blithe, in dances that delight,
Shall glide along the city streets, with garlands gaily bright ;
And when these walls, with sad regrets, shall fall to raise a bath,
Then shall the Huns in multitude break forth with might and wrath.
By force of arms the barrier-stream of Ister they shall cross,
O'er Scythic ground and Moesian lands spreading dismay and loss :
They shall Pannonian horsemen brave, and Gallic soldiers slay,
And nought hut loss of life and breath their course shall ever stay.'
II.
§ 1. The following circumstances were the original cause
of all the destruction and various calamities which the
fury of Mars roused up, throwing everything into confu
sion by his usual ruinous violence : the people called
Huns, slightly mentioned in the ancient records, live be
yond the Sea of Azov, on the border of the Frozen Ocean,
and are a race savage beyond all parallel.
2. At the very moment of their birth the cheeks of their
infant children are deeply marked by an iron, in order
1 The text is unusually mutilated here. It has been proposed tp
isaert, " A little goat with its throat cut was found dead in the street."

678 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. • [Be. XXXI. CE. k,
that the usual vigour of their hair, instead of growing at
the proper season, may be withered by the wrinkled scars ;
and accordingly they grow up without beards, and conse
quently without any beauty, like ennuchs. though they all
have closely-knit and strong limbs, and plump necks;
they are of great size, and low legged, so that you might
fancy them two-legged beasts, or the stout figures which
are hewn out in a rude manner with an axe on the posts at
the end of bridges.
3. They are certainly in the shape of men, however
uncouth, but are so hardy that they neither require fire
nor well-flavoured food, but live on the roots of such
herbs as they get in the fields, or on the half-raw flesh
of any animal, which they merely warm rapidly by
placing it between their own thighs and the backs of
their horses.
4. They never shelter themselves under roofed houses,
but avoid them as people ordinarily avoid sepulchres as
things not fitted for common use. Nor is there even to be
found among them a cabin thatched with reed ; but they
wander about, roaming over the mountains and the woods,
and accustom themselves to bear frost and hunger and
thirst from their very cradles. And even when abroad
they never enter a house unless under the compulsion of
some extreme necessity ; nor, indeed, do they think people
under roofs as safe as others.
5. They wear linen clothes, or else garments made of the
skins of field-mice : nor do they wear a different dress put
of doors from that which they wear at home ; but after a
tunic is once put round their necks, however it becomes
worn, it is never taken off or changed till, from long decay,
it becomes actually so ragged as to fall to pieces.
6. They cover their heads with round caps, and their
shaggy- legs with the skins of kids ; their shoes are not
made on any lasts, but are so unshapely as to hinder them
from walking with a free gait. And for this reason they
are not well suited to infantry battles, but ari} nearly
always on horseback, their horses being ill-shaped, but
hardy ; and sometimes they even sit upon them like
women if they want to do anything more conveniently.
There is not a person in the whole nation who cannot remain
on his horse day and night. On horseback they buy and

A.D. 375.] DESCRIPTION OF THE HUNS, ETC. 579
sell, they take their meat and drink, and there they recline
on the narrow neck of their steed, and yield to sleep so
deep as to indulge in every variety of dream.
7. And when any deliberation is to take place on any
weighty matter, they all hold their common council on
horseback. They are not under the authority of a king,
but are contented with the irregular government of their
nobles, and under their lead they force their way through
all obstacles.
8. Sometimes when provoked, they fight; and when
they go into battle, they form in a solid body, and utter all
kinds of terrific yells. They are very quick in their
operations, of exceeding speed, and fond of surprising
their enemies. With a view to this, they suddenly dis
perse, then reunite, and again, after having inflicted vast
loss upon the enemy, scatter themselves over the whole
plain in irregular formations : always avoiding a fort or an
entrenchment. 9. And in one respect you may pronounce them the
most formidable of all warriors, for when at a distance
they use missiles of various kinds tipped with shaipened
bones instead of the usual points of javelins, and these
bones are admirably fastened into the shaft of the javelin
or arrow ; but when they are at close quarters they fight
with the sword, without any regard for their own safety ;
and often while their antagonists are warding off their
blows they entangle them with twisted cords, so that, their
hands being fettered, they lose all power of either riding
or walking.
10. None of them plough, or even touch a plough-handle ;
for they bave no settled abode, but are homeless and law
less, perpetually wandering with their waggons, which they
make their homes ; in fact they seem to be people always
in flight. Their wives live in these waggons, and there
weave their miserable garments ; and here too they sleep
with their husbands, and bring up their children till they
reach the age of puberty; nor, if asked, can any one of
them tell you where he was born, as he was conceived in
one place, born in another at a great distance, and brought
up in another still more remote.
11. In truces they7 are treacherous and inconstant, being
liable to change their minds at every breeze of every fresh

580 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. On. u
hope which presents itself, giving themselves up wholly
to the impulse and inclination of the moment; and, like
brute beasts, they are utterly ignorant of the distinction
between right and wrong. They express themselves with
great ambiguity and obscurity ; have no respect for any
religion or superstition whatever ; are immoderately covet
ous of gold ; and are so fickle and irascible, that they
very often on the same day that they quarrel with their
companions without any provocation, again become recon
ciled to them without any mediator.
12. This active and indomitable race, being excited by
an unrestrainable desire of plundering the possessions of
others, went on ravaging and slaughtering all the nations
in their neighbourhood till they reached the Alani, who
were formerly called the Massagete ; and from what
country these Alani come, or what territories they7 inhabit
(since my subject has led me thus far), it is expedient now
to explain : after showing the confusion existing in the
accounts of the geographers, who .... at last have found
out .... of truth.
13. The Danube, which is greatly increased by other.
livers falling into it, passes through the territory7 of the
Sauromatse, which extends as far as the river Don,
the boundary between Asia and Europe. On the other
side of this river the Alani inhabit the enormous deserts
of Scythia, deriving their own name from the mountains
around ; and they, like the Persians, having gradually svb-
dued all the bordering nations by repeated victories, have
united them to themselves, and comprehended them under
their own name. Of these other tribes the Neuri inhabit
the inland districts, being near the highest mountain
chains, which are both precipitous and covered with the
everlasting frost of the north. Next to them are the
Budini and the Geloni, a race of exceeding ferocity, who
flay the enemies they have slain in battle, and make of their
skins clothes for themselves and trappings for their horses.
Next to the Geloni are the Agathyrsi, who dye both their
bodies and their hair of a blue colour, the lower classes
using spots few in number and small— the nobles broad
spots, close and thick, and of a deeper hue.
15. Next to these are the Melanchlsenae and the Anthro
pophagi, who roam about upon different tracts of land and

A.D. MS. DESCRIPTION OF THE ALANI. 581
live on human flesh. And these men are so avoided on
account of their horrid food, that all the tribes which were
their neighbours have removed to a distance from them.
And in this way the whole of that region to the north-east,
till you come to the Chinese, is uninhabited.
16. On the other side the Alani again extend to the east,
near the territories of the Amazons, and are scattered
among many populous and wealthy nations, stretching to
the parts of Asia which, as I am told, extend up to the
Ganges, a river which passes through the country of the
Indians, and falls into the Southern Ocean.
17. Then the Alani, being thus divided among the two
quarters of the globe (the various tribes which make up
the whole nation it is not worth while to enumerate),
although widely separated, wander, like the Nomades,
over enormous districts. But in the progress of time all
these tribes came to be united under one generic appella
tion, and are called Alani 
18. They have no cottages, and never use the plough,
but live solely on meat and plenty of milk, mounted
on their waggons, which they cover with a curved awning
made of the bark of trees, and then drive them through
their boundless deserts. And when they come to any
pasture-land, they pitch their waggons in a circle, and
live like a herd of beasts, eating up all the forage — carry
ing, as it were, their cities with them in their waggons.
In them the husbands sleep with their wives — in them
their children are born and brought up ; these waggons, in
short, are their perpetual Jiabitation, and wherever they
fix them, that place they look upon as their home.
19. They drive before them their flocks and herds to
their pasturage ; and, above all other cattle," they are espe
cially careful of their horses. The fields in that country
are always green, and are interspersed with patches of fruit
trees, so that, wherever they go, there is no dearth either
of food for themselves or fodder for their cattle. And this
is caused by the moisture of the soil, and the number of
the rivers which flow through these districts.
20. All their old people, and especially all the weaker
sex, keep close to the waggons, and occupy themselves in
the lighter employments. But the young men, who from
their earliest childhood are trained to the use of horses,

582 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. n.
think it beneath them to walk. They are also all trained
by7 careful discipline of various sorts to become skilful
warriors. And this is the reason why the Persians, who
are originally of Scythian extraction, are very skilful in
war. 21. Nearly all the Alani are men of great stature and
beauty ; their hair is somewhat yellow, their eyes are
terribly fierce ; the lightness of their armour renders them
rapid in their movements ; and they are in every respect
equal to the Huns, only more civilized in their food and
their manner of life. They plunder and hunt as far as the
Sea of Azov and the Cimmerian Bosphorus, ravaging also
Armenia and Media.
22. And as ease is a delightful thing to men of a quiet
and placid disposition, so danger and war are a pleasure to
the Alani, and among them that man is called happy who
has lost his life in battle. For those who grow old, or
who go out of the world from accidental sicknesses, they
pursue with bitter reproaches as degenerate and cowardly.
Nor is there anything of which they boast with more pride
than of having killed a man : and the most glorious spoils
they esteem the scalps which they have torn from the
heads of those whom they have slain, which they put as
trappings and ornaments on their war-horses.
23. ft or is there any temple or shrine seen in their
country, nor even any cabin thatched with straw, their
only idea of religion being to plunge a naked sword into
the ground with barbaric ceremonies, and then they wor
ship that with great respect, as Mars, the presiding deity
of the regions over which they wander.
24. They presage the future in a most remarkable man
ner ; for they collect a number of straight twigs of osier,
then with certain secret incantations they separate them
from one another on particular days ; and from them they
learn clearly what is about to happen.
25. They have no idea of slavery, inasmuch as they
themselves are all born of noble families; and those
whom even now they appoint to be judges are always men
of proved experience and skill in war. But now let ua
return fo the subject which we proposed to ourselves.

*J>- 3?5.j WARS OF THE HUNS. 583

III.
§ 1. Therefore the Huns, after having traversed the terri
tories of the Alani, and especially of that tribe of them
who border on the Gruthungi, and who are called Tanaitae,
and having slain many of them and acquired much plun
der, they made a treaty of friendship and alliance with
those who remained. And when they had united them
to themselves, with increased boldness they made a sudden
incursion into the extensive and fertile districts of Ermen-
richus, a very warlike prince, and one whom his numerous
gallant actions of every kind had rendered formidable to
all the neighbouring nations.
2. He was astonished at the violence of .this sudden
tempest, and although, like a prince whose power was well
established he long attempted to hold his ground, he
was at last overpowered by a dread of the evils impending
over his country, which were exaggerated by common
report, till he terminated his fear of great danger by a
voluntary death.
3. After his death Vithimiris was made king. He for
some time maintained a resistance to the Alani, relying on
the aid of other tribes of the Huns, whom by large pro
mises of pay he had won over to his party ; but, after
having suffered many losses, he was defeated by superior
numbers and slain in battle. He left an infant son named
Videri chus, of whom Alatheus and Saphrax undertook the
guardianship, both generals of great experience and proved
courage. And when they, yielding to the difficulties of the
crisis, had given up all hope of being able to make an
effectual resistance, they retired with caution till they
came to the river Dniester, which lies between the Danube
and the Dnieper, and flows through a vast extent of
country. 4. When Athanario, the chief magistrate of the Thurin
gians (against whom, as I have already mentioned, Valens
had begun to wage war, to punish him for having sent
assistance to Procopius), had become informed of these
unexpected occurrences, he prepared to maintain his
ground, with a resolution to rise up in strength should he
be assailed as the others had been.

584 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. ill.
5. At last he pitched his camp at a distance in a very
favourable spot near tlie banks of the Dniester and the
valleys of the Gruthungi, and sent Muderic, who after
wards became Duke of the Arabian frontier, with Lagari-
manus and others of the nobles, with orders to advance for
twenty miles, to reconnoitre the approach of the enemy ;
while in the mean time he himself, without delay, mar
shalled his troops in line of battle.
6. However, things turned out in a manner very con
trary to his expectations. For the Huns (being very
sagacious in conjectures) suspecting that there must be a
considerable multitude further off, contrived to pass beyond
those they had seen, and arranged themselves to take their
rest where there was nothing at hand to disturb them ; and
then, when,the moon dispelled the darkness of night, they
forded the river, which was the best plan that presented
itself, and fearing lest the piquets at the outposts might
give the alarm to the distant camp, they made all possible
speed and advanced with the hope of surprising Athanario
himself. 7. He was stupefied at the suddenness of their onset, and,
after losing many of his men, was compelled to flee for
refuge to the precipitous mountains in the neighbourhood,
where, being wholly bewildered with the strangeness of
this occurrence, and the fear of greater evils to come, he
began to fortify with lofty walls all the territory between
the banks of the river Pruth and the Danube, where it
passes through the lands of the Taifali, and he completed
this line of fortification with great diligence, thinking that
by this step he should secure his own personal safety.
8. While this important work was going on, the Huns
kept pressing on his traces with great speed, and they
would have overtaken and destroyed him if they had
not been forced to abandon the pursuit from being impeded
by the great quantity of their booty. In the mean time a
report spread extensively through the other nations of the
Goths, that a race of men, hitherto unknown, had sud
denly descended like a whirlwind from the lofty moun
tains, as if they had risen from some secret recess of the
earth, and were ravaging and destroying everything which
came in their way. And then the greater part of the
population which, because of their want of necessaries,

AJ>. 3Y6.] THE THURINGIAN GOTHS. 585
had deserted Athanario, resolved to flee and to seek a home
remote from all knowledge of the barbarians ; and after a
long deliberation where to fix their abode, they resolved
that a retreat into Thrace was the most suitable for these
two reasons : first of all, because it is a district most fer
tile in grass; and also because, by the great breadth of
the Danube, it is wholly separated from the barbarians,
who were already exposed to the thunderbolts of foreign
warfare. And the whole population of the tribe adopted
this resolution unanimously.

IV.
a.d. 376.
§ 1. Accordingly, under the command of their leader
Alavivus, they occupied the banks of the Danube ; and
having sent ambassadors to Valens, they humbly entreated
to be received by him as his subjects, promising to live
quietly, and to furnish a body of auxiliary troops if any
necessity for such a force should arise.
2. While these events were passing in foreign countries,
a terrible rumour arose that the tribes of the north were
planning new and unprecedented attacks upon us : and
that over the whole region which extends from the country
of the Marcomanni and Quadi to Pontus, a barbarian host
composed of different distent nations, which had suddenly
been driven by force from their own country, was now, with
all their families, wandering about in different directions
on the banks of the river Danube.
3. At first this intelligence was lightly treated by our
people, because they were not in the habit of hearing of
any wars in those remote districts till they were terminated
either by victory or by treaty.
4. But presently, as the belief in these occurrences grew
stronger, being confirmed, too, by the arrival of the foreign
ambassadors, who, with prayers and earnest entreaties,
begged that the people thus driven from their homes and
now encamped on the other side of the river, might be
kindly received by us, the affair seemed a cause of joy
rather than of fear, according to the skilful flatterers who
were always extolling and exaggerating the good fortune

586 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch rv.
of the emperor ; congratulating him that an embassy had
come from the furthest corners of the earth unexpectedly,
offering him a large body of recruits ; and that, by com
bining the strength of his own nation with these foreign
forces, he would have an army absolutely invincible ;
observing further that, by the yearly payment for military
reinforcements which came in every year from the pro
vinces, a vast treasure of gold might be accumulated in his
coffers. 5. Full of this hope he sent forth several officers to
bring this ferocious people and their waggons into our
territory. And such great pains were taken to gratify
this nation which was destined to overthrow the empire
of Rome, that not one was left behind, not even of those
who were stricken with mortal disease. Moreover, having
obtained permission of the emperor to cross the Danube
and to cultivate some districts in Thrace, they crossed
the stream day and night, without ceasing, embarking
in troops on board ships and rafts, and canoes made
of the hollow trunks of trees, in which enterprise, as the
Danube is the most difficult of all rivers to navigate,
and was at that time swollen with continual rains, a great
many were drowned, who, because they were too nume
rous for the vessels, tried to swim across, and in spite of
all their exertions were swept away by the stream.
6. In this way, through the turbulent zeal of violent
people, the ruin of the Roman empire was brought on. This,
at all events, is neither obscure nor uncertain, that the
unhappy officers who were intrusted with the charge of
conducting the multitude of the barbarians across the
river, though they repeatedly endeavoured to calculate their
numbers, at last abandoned the attempt as hopeless : and
the man who would wish to ascertain the number might
as well (as the most illustrious of poets l says) attempt to
count the Waves in the African sea, or the grains of sand
tossed about by the zephyr.
7. Let, however, the ancient annals be accredited which
record that the Persian host which was led into Greece,
was, while encamped on the shores of the Hellespont,
and making a new and artificial sea,2 numbered in bat-
1 Virg. Georg., II. 106.
2 Ammianus here alludes to the canal cut through Mount Athos.

A.D.3?6.] THE GRUTHUNGIAN GOTHS. 537
talions at Doriscus ; a computation which has been unani
mously regarded by all posterity as fabulous.
8. But after the innumerable multitudes of different
nations, diffused over all our provinces, and spreading
themselves over the vast expanse of our plains, who filled
all the champaign country and all the mountain ranges, are
considered, the credibility of the ancient accounts is con
firmed by this modern instance, And first of all Friti-
gernus was received with Alavivus ; and the emperor
assigned them a temporary provision for their immediate
support, and ordered lands to be assigned them to cultivate.
9. At that time the defences of our provinces were much
exposed, and the armies of barbarians spread over them
like the lava of Mount Etna. The imminence of our
danger manifestly called for generals already illustrious
for their past achievements in war : but nevertheless, as if
some unpropitious deity had made the selection, the men
who were sought out for the chief military appointments
were of tainted character. The chief among them were
Lupicinus and Maximus, the one being Count of Thrace,
the other a leader notoriously wicked — and both men of
great ignorance and rashness.
10. And their treacherous covetousness was the cause of
all our disasters. For (to pass over other matters in
which the officers aforesaid, or others with their unblushing
connivance, displayed the greatest profligacy in their
injurious treatment of the foreigners dwelling in our
territory, against whom no crime could be alleged) this
one melancholy and unprecedented piece of conduct
(which, even if they were to choose their own judges, must
appear wholly unpardonable) must be mentioned.
11. When the barbarians who had been conducted across
the river were in great distress from want of provisions,
those detested generals conceived the idea of a most dis
graceful traffic : and having collected hounds from all
quarters with the most insatiable rapacity, they exchanged
them for an equal number of slaves, among whom were
several sons of men of noble birth.
12. About this time also, Vitheric, the king of the
Gruthungi, with Alatheus and Saphrax, by whose influence
he was mainly guided, and also with Famobius, approached
the bank of the Danube, and sent envoys to the emperor

588 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. T
to entreat that he also might be received with the same
kindness that Alavivus and Fritigern had experienced.
13. But when, as seemed best for the interests of the
state, these ambassadors had been rejected, and were in
great anxiety as to what they should do, Athanario, fearing
similar treatment, departed ; recollecting that long ago,
when he was discussing a treaty of alliance with Valens,
he had treated that emperor with contempt, in affirming that
he was bound by a religious obligation never to set his
foot on the Roman territory ; and that by this excuse he
had compelled the emperor to conclude a peace in the
middle of the war. And he, fearing that the grudge which
Valens bore him for this conduct was still lasting, with
drew with all his forces to Caucalandes, a place which,
from the height of its mountains and the thickness of its
woods, is completely inaccessible ; and from which he iad
lately driven out the Sarmatians.

§ 1. But the Thuringians, though they had some time sines
received permission to cross the river, were still wandering
up and down the banks, being hindered by a twofold
obstacle ; first, that in consequence of the mischievous
dissimulation of the said generals they were not supplied
with the necessary provisions ; and also because they were
designedly detained that they might the more easily be
plundered under the wicked semblance of traffic.
2. And when they ascertained these facts, they began to
grumble, and proposed to resist the evils which they appre
hended from the treachery of these men by open force;
and Lupicinus, who feared that they would resist, brought
up his troops close to them, in order to compel them to
be gone with all possible rapidity.
3. The Gruthungi seized this as a favourable oppor
tunity, and seeing that the Roman soldiers were occupied
in another quarter, and that the vessels which used to go
up and down, to prevent them from crossing, were now
stationary, crossed the river on roughly-made rafts, and
pitched their camp at a great distance from Fritigern.
4. But he, by his innate foresight, provided against

A.D. 3?6.] REVOLT OF THE THURINGIANS. 589
everything that could happen, and marching on slowly as
well in obedience to the commands he had received as to
allow time for other powerful kings to join him, came by
slow marches to Marcianopolis, arriving later than he was
expected. And here another atrocious occurrence took
place, which kindled the torches of the Furies for general
calamity. 5. Alavivus and Fritigern were invited to a banquet ;
while Lupicinus drew up his soldiers against the chief host
of the barbarians, and so kept them at a distance from the
walls of the town ; though they with humble perseverance
implored admission in order so to procure necessary pro
visions, professing themselves loyal and obedient subjects.
At last a serious strife arose between the citizens and the
strangers who were thus refused admittance, which gra
dually led to a regular battle. And the barbarians, being
excited to an unusual pitch of ferocity when they saw
their relations treated as enemies, began to plunder the
soldiers whom they had slain.
6. But when Lupicinus, of whom we have already
spoken, learnt by secret intelligence that this was taking
place, while he was engaged in an extravagant entertain
ment, surrounded by buffoons, and almost overcome by
wine and sleep, he, fearing the issue, put to death all the
guards who, partly as a compliment and partly as a guard
to the chiefs, were on duty before the general's tent.
7. The people who were still around the walls heard of
this with great indignation, and rising up by degrees into
a resolution to avenge their kings, who, as they fancied,
were being detained as prisoners, broke out with furious
threats. And Fritigern, being a man of great readiness of
resource, and fearing that perhaps he might be detained
with the rest as a hostage, exclaimed that there would be
a terrible and destructive conflict if he were not allowed
to go forth with his companions in order to pacify the
multitude, who he said had broken out in this tumult
from believing that their leaders had been trepanned and
murdered under show of courtesy. Having obtained
permission, they all went forth, and were received with
cheers and great delight ; they then mounted their horses
and fled, in order to kindle wars in many quarters.
8. When Fame, ever the malignant nurse of bad news,

590 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. V.
bruited this abroad, the whole nation of the Thuringians
became suddenly inflamed with a desire for war ; and
among many preparations which seemed to betoken
danger, the standards of war were raised according to
custom, and the trumpets poured forth sounds of evil
omen ; while the predatory bands collected in troops,
plundering and burning villages, and throwing everything
that came in their way into alarm by their fearful devasta
tions. 9. Against these hosts, Lupicinus, having collected his
forces with the greatest possible rapidity, advanced with
more rashness than prudence, and halted in battle array
nine miles from the city. The barbarians, perceiving this,
charged our battalions before we expected them, and
dashing upon the shields with which they covered their
bodies, they cut down all who fell in their way with their
swords and spears ; and urged on by their bloodthirsty
fury, they continued the slaughter, till they had taken our
standards, and the tribunes and the greater part of the
soldiers had fallen, with the exception of the unhappy
general, who could find nothing to do but, -while all the
rest were fighting, to betake himself to flight, and return
full gallop to the city. And then the enemies, clothing
themselves in the arms of the Romans whom they had
slain, pushed on their devastating march without hin
drance. 10. And since, after recounting various other exploits,
we have now come to this portion of our subject, we call
upon our readers (if we shall ever have any) not to expect
a minute detail of everything that took place, or of the
number of the slain, which indeed it would be utterly
impossible to give. It will be sufficient to abstain from
concealing any part of the truth by a lie, and to give the
general outline of what took place : since a faithful honesty
of narration is always proper if one would hand events
down to the recollection of posterity.
11. Those who are ignorant of antiquity declare that
the republic was never so overwhelmed with the darkness
of adverse fortune ; but they are deceived in consequence
of the stupor into which they are thrown by these
csalamities, which are still fresh in their memory. For if
the events of former ages, or even of those immediately

t.?,376.] THE TEUTONES AND CIMBRI. 591
preceding our own times are considered, it will be plain
that such melancholy events have often happened, of which
1 will bring to mind several instances •
12. The Teutones and the Cimbri came suddenly from
the remote shores of the ocean, and overran Italy ; but,
after having inflicted enormous disasters on the Roman
republic, they were at last overcome by our illustrious
generals, and being wholly vanquished, learnt by their
ultimate destruction what martial valour, combined with
skill, can effect.
13. Again, inthe reign of the Emperor Marcus Aurelius,
the insane fury of a number of different nations combined
together, after fearful wars  would have left
but a small part of them.
14. But, soon after these calamitous losses, the state was
re-established in all its former strength and prosperity ;
because the soberness of our ancestry had not yet become
infected with the luxury and softness of a more effeminate
way of life, and had not learnt to indulge in splendid
banquets, or the criminal acquisition of riches. But both
the highest classes and the lowest living in harmony7, and
imbued with one unanimous spirit, eagerly embraced a
glorious death in the cause of the republic as a tranquil
and quiet haven.
15. The great multitudes of the Scythian nations,
having burst through the Bospborus, and made their way
to the nhores of the Sea of Azov with 2000 ships, inflicted
fearful losses on us by land and sea ; but also lost a great
portion of their own men, and so at last returned to their
own country.
16. Those great generals, the Decii, father and son,
fell fighting against the barbarians. The cities of Pam
phylia were besieged, many islands were laid waste ;
Macedon was ravaged with fire and sword. An enormous
host for a long time blockaded Thessalonica and Cyzicus.
Arabia also was taken ; and so at, the same time was
Nicopolis, which had been built by the Emperor Trajan
as a monument of his victory over the Dacians.
17. After many fearful losses had been both sustained
and inflicted Philippopolis was destroyed, and, unless our
annals speak falsely, 100,000 men were slaughtered within
its walls. Foreign enemies roved unrestrained over

592 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. vi
Epims, and Thessaly, and the whole of Greece ; but after
that glorious general Claudius had been taken as a
colleague in the empire (though again lost to us by an
honourable death), the enemy was routed by Aurelian, an
untiring leader, and a severe avenger of injuries ; and
after that they remained quiet for a long time without
attempting anything, except that some bands of robbers
now and then ranged the districts in their own neigh
bourhood, always, however, to their own injury. And
now I will return to the main history from which I have
digressed.

VI.
§ 1 . When this series of occurrences had been made gene
rally known by frequent messengers, Sueridus and Colias,
two nobles of the Goths, who had some time before been
friendly received with their people, and had been sent to
Hadrianople to pass the winter in that city, thinking their
i\iwn safety the most important of all objects, looked on all
the events which were taking place with great indiffer
ence. 2. But, on a sudden, letters having arrived from the
emperor, in which they were ordered to cross over to the
province of the Hellespont, they7 asked, in a very modest
manner, to be provided with money to defray the expenses
of their march, as well as provisions, and to be allowed a
respite of two days. But the chief magistrate of the city
was indignant at this request, being also out of humour with
them on account of some injury which had been done to
property of his own in the suburbs, and collected a great
mob of the lowest of the people, with a body7 of armourers.
of whom there is a great number in that place, and led
them forth armed to hasten the departure of the Goths.
And ordering the trumpeters to sound an alarm, he menaced
them with destruction unless they at once departed with
all speed, as they had been ordered.
3. The Goths, bewildered by this unexpected calamity,
and alarmed at this outbreak of the citizens, which looked
more as if caused by a sudden impulse than by any delibe
rate purpose, stood without moving. And being assailed

A.D.3?6.J REVOLT OF SUERIDUS AND COLIAS. 593
beyond all endurance by reproaches and manifestations of ill.
will, and also by occasional missiles, they at last broke out
into open revolt ; having slain several of those who had
at first attacked them with too much petulance, and having
put the rest to flight, and wounded many with all kinds of
weapons, they stripped their corpses and armed themselves
with the spoils in the Roman fashion ; and then, seeing
Fritigern near them, they united themselves to him as
obedient allies, and blockaded the city. They remained
some time, maintaining this difficult position and making
promiscuous attacks, during which they lost some of their
number by their own audacity, without being able to
avenge them ; while many were slain by arrows and large
stones hurled from slings.
4. Then Fritigern, perceiving that his men, who were
unaccustomed to sieges, were struggling in vain, and sus
taining heavy losses, advised his army to leave a force
sufficient to maintain the blockade, and to depart with the
rest, acknowledging their failure, and saying that " He
did not war with stone walls." Advising them also to lay
waste all the fertile regions around without any dis
tinction, and to plunder those places which were not de
fended by any garrisons.
. 5. His counsel was approved, as his troops knew that he
was always a very able commander in bringing their plans
to sucjess ; and then they dispersed over the whole
district of Thrace, advancing cautiously ; while those who
came of their own accord to surrender, or those whom they
had taken prisoners, pointed out to them the richest towns,
ani especially those where it was said that supplies of
pr dsions could be found. And in addition to their
na^urtl confidence they were greatly encouraged by this
circumstance, that a multitude of that nation came in
daily to join them who had formerly been sold as slaves
by the merchants, with many others whom, when at their
first passage of the river they were suffering from severe
want, they had bartered for a little bad wine or morsels of
bread. 6. To these were added no inconsiderable number of
men skilled in tracing out veins of gold, but who were
unable to endure the heavy burden of their taxes ; and
who having been received with tho cheerful consent of
2 <J

594 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXL Ch. vil
all, they were of great use to them while traversing strange
districts— showing them the secret stores of grain, the
retreats of men, and other hiding-places of divers kinds. _
7. Nor while these men led them on as their guides did
anything remain untouched by them, except what was
inaccessible or wholly out of the way ; for without any
distinction of age or sex they went forward destroying
everything in one vast slaughter and conflagration :
tearing infants even from their mother's breast and slaying
them ; ravishing their mothers ; slaughtering women's
husbands before the eyes of those whom they thus made
widows ; while boys of tender and of adult age were
dragged over the corpses of their parents.
8. Lastly, numbers of old men, crying out that they had
lived long enough, having lost all their wealth, together
with beautiful women, had their hands bound behind their
back, and were driven into banishment, bewailing Ihs
ashes of their native homes. VIL
a.d. 377.
§ 1. This news from Thrace was received with great
sorrow, and caused the Emperor Valens much anxiety.'
He instantly sent Victor, the commander of the civalry,
into Persia, to make such arrangements in Armenia as war;
required by the impending danger. While he himself pre
pared at once to quit Antioch and go to Constantinople,
sending before him Profuturus and Trajan, both ofEcsrc of
rank and ambition, but of no great skill in war.
2. When they arrived at the place where it seemed mosi
expedient to combat this hostile multitude in detail and
by ambuscades and surprises, they very injudiciously
adopted the ill-considered plan of opposing the legions
which had arrived from Armenia to barbarians who were
still raging like madmen. Though the legions had re
peatedly proved equal to the dangers of a pitched battle
and regular warfare, they were not suited to encounter
an innumerable host which occupied all the chains of the
lofty hills, and also all the plains.
1 See Gibbon, vol. ii., p. 215 (Bonn's edition).

A!».3n.] trajan's battle with the goths. 595
3. Our men had never yet experienced what can be
effected by indomitable rage united with despair, and so
having driven back the enemy beyond the abrupt preci
pices of the Balkan, they seized upon the rugged defiles in
order to hem in the barbarians on ground from which they
would be unable to find any exit, and where it seemed thev
might be overcome by famine. They themselves intended
to await the arrival of Frigeridus, the duke, who was
hastening towards them with the auxiliaries from Pannoni?,
and other countries, and whom, at the request of Valen?.
Gratian had commanded to march to the camp to aid
those who were menaced with total destruction.
4. After him, Richomeres, at that time count of the
domestics, who also, by the command of Gratian, had moved
forwards from Gaul, hastened towards Thrace,1 bring
ing with him some cohorts, which were cohorts in name,
though the greater portion of them had already deserted
(if we would believe some people) by the persuasion of
Merobaudes, fearing lest Gaul, now divested of all the
troops, would be ravaged without check after the barba
rians had forced the passage of the Rhine.
5. But Frigeridus was prevented from moving by th's
gout, or at all events (as some of his malicious detractors
represented it), he pleaded sickness as an excuse for no!,
being present in the struggles which were expected, and so
Richomeres, being unanimously called to the chief command,
with Profuturus and Trajan for his colleagues, advance;!
towards the town of Salices — at no great distance froir
which was a countless host of barbarians, arranged in »
circle, with a great multitude of waggons for a rampgr;
around them, behind which, as if protected by a spaeiocz
wall, they enjoyed ease and an abundance of booty.
6. Filled with hopes of success, the Roman generain— ¦
resolved on some gallant enterprise should fortune afford
them an opportunity — were carefully watching the move
ments of the Goths ; having formed the design — if they
moved their camp in any other direction, which they
were very much in the habit of doing— to fall tipon
their rear, making no doubt that they should slay many
of them, and recover a great portion of their spoil.
» See Gibbon, vol. iii., p. 229 (Bonn).

596 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. ra
7. When the barbarians learnt this, probably through
the information of some deserter, from whom they obtained
a knowledge of our operations, they remained for some
time in the same place ; but at last, being influenced by
fear of the opposing army, and of the reinforcements which
might be expected to throng to them, they assembled, by a
preconcerted signal, the predatory bands dispersed ia
different districts, and which, the moment they received
the orders of their leaders, returned like firebrands, with
the swiftness of birds, to their " encampment of chariots"
(as they call it), and thus gave their countrymen confi
dence to attempt greater enterprises.
8. After this there was no cessation of hostilities between
the two parties except what was afforded by a few short
truces ; for after those men had returned to the camp
whom necessity had forced to quit it, the whole body which
was crowded within the circuit of the encampment, being
full of fierce discontent, excitement, and a most ferocious
spirit, and now reduced to the greatest extremities,
were eager for bloodshed : nor did their chiefs, who were
present with them, resist their desire ; and as the reso
lution to give battle was taken when the sun was sink
ing, and when the approach of night invited the sullen
and discontented troops to rest, they took some food quietly,
but remained all night sleepless.
9. On the other hand the Romans, knowing what was
going on, kept themselves also awake, fearing the enemy
and their insane leaders as so many furious wild beasts ;
nevertheless, with fearless minds they awaited the result,
which, though they acknowledged it to be doubtful in
respect of their inferiority in number, they still trustee
would be propitious because of the superior justice of their
cause. 10. Therefore the next day, as soon as it was light, the
signal for taking arms having beea given by the trumpets
on both sides, the barbarians, after having, in accordance
with their usual custom, taken an oath to remain faithful
to their standards, attempted to gain the higher ground, ir.
order that from it they might descend dowm the steep like
wheels, overwhelming their enemy by the vigour of their
attack. When this was seen, our soldiers all flocked to
their proper regiments, and then stood firm, neither turning

A.n. 377.] DRAWN BATTLE WITH THE GOTHS. 597
aside nor in any instance even leaving their ranks to rush
forward. 11. Therefore when the armies on both sides, advancing'
more cautiously, at last halted and stood immovable, the
warriors, with mutual sternness, surveying each other
with fierce looks. The Romans in every part of their
line sang warlike songs, with a voice rising from a lower
to a higher key, which they call harritus,1 and so encou
raged themselves to gallant exertions. But the barbarians,
with dissonant clamour, shouted out the praises of their
ancestors, and amid their various discordant cries, tried
occasional light skirmishes.
12. And now each army began to assail the other with
javelins and other similar missiles ; and then with threaten
ing shouts rushed on to close combat, and packing their
shields together like a testudo, they came foot to foot with
their foes. The barbarians, active, and easily rallied,
hurled huge bludgeons, burnt at one end, against our men,
and vigorously thrust their swords against the opposing
breasts of the Romans, till they broke our left wing ; but
as it recoiled, it fell back on a strong body of reserve which
was vigorously brought up on their flank, and supported
them just as they were on the very point of destruction.
13. Therefore, while the battle raged with vast slaughter,
each individual soldier rushing fiercely on the dense ranks
of the enemy, the arrows and javelins flew like hail ; the
blows of swords were equally rapid ; while the cavalry, too,
pressed on, cutting down all who fled with terrible and
mighty wounds on their backs ; as also on both sides did
the infantry, slaughtering and hamstringing those who had
fallen down, and through fear were unable to fly.
14. And when the whole place was filled with corpses,
some also lay among them still half alive, vainly cherishing
a hope of life, some of them having been pierced with
bullets hurled from slings, others with arrows barbed with
iron. Some again had their heads cloven in half with
blows of swords, so that one side of their heads hung down
on each shoulder in a most horrible manner.
15. Meanwhile, stubborn as the conflict was, neither
party was wearied, but they still fought on with equal
' Barritus is the word used for the trumpeting of an elephant.

598 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. vm,
valour and equal fortune, nor did any one relax in his stern
ness as long as his courage could give him strength for
exertion. But at last the day yielded to the evening, and
put an end to the deadly contest : the barbarians all with
drew, in no order, each taking his own path, and our men
returned sorrowfully to their tents.
16. Then having paid the honours of burial to some
among the dead, as well as the time and place permitted,
the rest of the corpses were left as a banquet to the ill-
omened birds, which at that time were accustomed to feed
on carcases — as is even now shown by the places which are
still white with bones. It is quite certain that the Romans,
who were comparatively few, and contending with vastly
superior numbers, suffered serious losses, while at the same
time the barbarians did not escape without much lament
able slaughter. VIII.
§ 1. Upon the melancholy termination of this battle, our
men sought a retreat in the neighbouring city of Mar
cianopolis. The Goths, of their own accord, fell back
behind the ramparts formed by their waggons, and for,
seven days they never once ventured to come forth or
show themselves. So our soldiers, seizing the oppor
tunity, raised a barrier, and shut in some other vast
multitudes of the barbarians among the defiles of th©
Balkan, in hope, forsooth, that this destructive host being
thus hemmed in between the Danube and the desert, and
having no road by which to escape, must perish by famine,'
since everything which could serve to sustain life had.
been conveyed into the fortified cities, and these cities
were safe from any attempt of the barbarians to besiege:
them, since they were wholly ignorant of the use of war
like engines.
2. After this Richomeres returned to Gaul, to convev
reinforcements to that country, where a fresh war of
greater importance than ever, was anticipated. These;
events took place in the fourth consulship of Gratian, and
the first of Merobaudes, towards the autumn of the year.
3. In the mean time Valens, having heard of the miserable'
result of these wars and devastions, gave Saturninus the

A.D. 377.] INVASION OF THRACE BY THE GOTHS. 599
command of the cavalry, and sent him to carry aid to
Trajan and Profuturus.
4. At that time, throughout the whole countries of Scythia
and Moesia, everything which could be eaten had been con
sumed ; and so, urged equally by their natural ferocity and
by hunger, the barbarians made desperate efforts to force
their way out of the position in which they were enclosed
but though they made frequent attempts, they were con
stantly overwhelmed by the vigour of our men, who made
an effectual resistance by the aid of the rugged ground
which they occupied ; and at last, being reduced to the ex
tremity of distress, they allured some of the Huns and
Alani to their alliance by the hope of extensive plunder.
5. When this was known, Saturninus (for by this time
he had arrived and was busy in arranging the outposts and
military stations in the country) gradually collected his
men, and was preparing to retreat, in pursuance of a suffi
ciently well-devised plan, lest the multitude of barbarians
by some sudden movement (like a river which had burst
its barriers by the violence of a flood) should easily over
throw his whole force, which had now been for some time
watching the place from which danger was suspected.
6. The moment that, by the seasonable retreat of our
men, the passage of these defiles was opened, the bar
barians, in no regular order, but wherever each individual
could find a passage, rushed forth without hindrance to
spread confusion among us ; and raging with a desire for
devastation and plunder, spread themselves with impunity
over the whole region of Thrace, from the districts watered
by the Danube, to Mount Rhodope and the strait which
separates the iEgean from the Black Sea, spreading ravage,
slaughter, bloodshed, and conflagration, and throwing
everything into the foulest disorder by all sorts of acts of
violence committed even on the freebom.
7. Then one might see, with grief, actions equally
horrible to behold and to speak of; women panic-stricken,
beaten with cracking scourges ; some even in pregnancy,
whose very offspring, before they were born, had to en
dure countless horrors : here were seen children twining
round their mothers ; there one might hear the lamentations
of noble youths and maidens all seized and doomed to
captivity.

600 • AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. ix.
8. Again, grown-up virgins and chaste matrons were
dragged along with countenances disfigured by bitter
weeping, wishing to avoid the violation of their modesty
by any death however agonizing. Here some wealthy noble
man was dragged along like a wild beast, complaining
of fortune as merciless and blind, who in a brief moment
had stripped him of his riches, of his beloved relations, and
his home ; had made him see his house reduced to ashes,
and had reduced him to expect either to be torn limb from
limb himself, or else to be exposed to' scourging and tor
ture, as the slave of a ferocious conqueror.
9. But the barbarians, like beasts who had broken loose
from their cages, pouring unrestrainedly over the vast
extent of country, marched upon a town called Dibal-
tum, where they found Barzimeres, a tribune of the
Scutarii, with his battalion, and some of the Cornuti
legion, and several other bodies of infantry pitching a camp,
like a veteran general of great experience as he was.
11. Instantly (as the only means of avoiding imme
diate destruction) he ordered the trumpet to give the
signal for battle ; and strengthening his flanks, rushed
forward with his little army in perfect order. And he
made so gallant a struggle, that the barbarians would
have obtained no advantage over him, if a strong body
of cavalry had not come round upon him from behind,
while his men were panting and weary with their exer
tions : so at last he fell, but not without having inflicted
great slaughter on the barbarians, though the vastness of
their numbers made their losses less observed.
IX.
§ 1. After this affair had terminated, the Goths, being
uncertain what next to do, went in quest of Frigeridus,
with the resolution to destroy him wherever they could
find him, as a formidable obstacle to their success ; and
having rested for a while to refresh themselves with
sleep and better food than . usual, they then pursued him
like so many wild beasts, having leamt that by Gratian's
order he had returned into Thrace, and had pitched his
camp near Bersea, intending to wait there to see how*
affairs would turn out.

A.D.377.; THE GOTHS DEFEATED BY FRIGERIDUS. 601
2. They hastened accordingly, that by a rapid march
they might carry out their proposed plan ; but Frigeridus,
who knew as well how to command as to preserve
his troops, either suspected their plans, or else obtained
accurate information respecting them from the scouts
whom he had sent out; and therefore returned over the
mountains and through the thick forests into Illyricum ;
being full of joy at the success which an unexpected
chance threw in his way.
3. For as he was retreating, and moving on steadily
with his force in a solid column, he came upon Farnobius,
one of the chieftains of the Goths, who was roaming about
at random with a large predatory band, and a body of the
Taifali, with whom he had lately made an alliance, and
who (if it is worth mentioning), when our soldiers were
all dispersed for fear of the strange nations which were
threatening them, had taken advantage of their dispersion
to cross the river, in order to plunder the country thus
left without defenders.
4. When their troops thus suddenly came in sight, our
general with great prudence prepared to bring on a battle
at close quarters, and, in spite of their ferocious, threats,
at once attacked the combined leaders of the two nations ;
and would have slain them all, not leaving a single one
of them to convey news of their disaster, if, after Farno
bius, hitherto the much-dreaded cause of all these troubles,
had been slain, with a great number of his men, he had
not voluntarily spared the rest on their own earnest sup
plication ; and then he distributed those to whom he had
thus granted their lives in the districts around the Italian
towns of Modena, Reggio, and Parma, which he allotted to
them to cultivate.
5. It is said that this nation of the Taifali was so pro
fligate, and so immersed in the foulest obscenities of life,
that they indulged in all kinds of unnatural lusts, exhausting
the vigour both of youth and manhood in the most polluted
defilements of debauchery. But if any adult caught a boar
or slew a bear single-handed, he was then exempted from
all compulsion of submitting to su-i ignominious pollution.

602 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. X

X.
§ 1. It was tvhen autumn was passing into winter that
terrible whirlwinds swept over Thrace ; and as if the
Furies were throwing everything into confusion, awful
storms extended even into distant regions.
2. And now the people of the Allemanni, belonging to
the district of Lintz, who border on the Tyrol, having by
treacherous incursions violated the treaty which had been
made with them some time before, began to make attempts
upon our frontier ; and this calamity had the following
lamentable beginning.
3. One of this nation who was serving among the
guards of the emperor, returned home at the call of some
private business of his own ; and being a very talkative
person, when he was continually asked what was doing in
the palace, he told them that Valens, his uncle, had sent
for Gratian to conduct the campaign in the East, in order
that by their combined forces they might drive back the
inhabitants of the countries on our eastern frontier, who
had all conspired for the overthrow of the Roman state.
4. The people of Lintz greedily swallowed this intelli-:
gence, looking on it as if it concerned themselves also as
neighbours, being so rapid and active in their movements ;
and so they assembled, in predatory bands, and when the
Rhine was sufficiently frozen over to be passable, in the
month of February. . . . The Celtas, with the Petulantes
legion, repulsed them, but not without considerable loss.
5. These Germans, though thus compelled to retreat,
being aware, that the greater part of our army had been
despatched into Illyricum, where the emperor was about to
follow to assume the command, became more bold than ever,
and conceived the idea of greater enterprises. Having col
lected the inhabitants of all the adjacent countries into one
body, and with 40,000 armed men, or 70,000, as some, who
seek to enhance the renown of the emperor, have boasted,
they with great arrogance and confidence burst into our
territories. 6. Gratian, when he heard of this event, was greatly
alarmed, and recalling the cohorts which he had sent on
before into Pannonia, and collecting others whom he had

*-D-3"-] DEFEAT OF THE ALLEMANNI. 603
prudently retained in Gaul, he committed the affair to the
conduct of Nannienus, a leader of great prudence and skill,
joining with him as his colleague with equal power, Mello-
baudes, the count-commander of the domestics and king of
the Franks, a man of great courage and renown in war.1
7. Nannienus took into his consideration the variable
chances of fortune, and therefore voted for acting slowly and
with caution, while Mellobaudes, hurried away by a fierce
desire for fighting, according to his usual custom, was eager
at once to march against the enemy ; and would not brook
delay. 8. Presently a horrid shout was raised by the enemy,
and the ti-umpeters on our side also gave the signal for
battle, upon which a fierce engagement began near Colmar.
On both sides numbers fell beneath the blows of arrows
and hurled javelins.
9. But while the battle was raging, the multitude of the
enemy appeared so countless, that our soldiers, avoiding a
conflict with them on the open field, dispersed as best they
could among the different narrow paths overgrown with
trees ; but they afterwards stood their ground firmly, and
by the boldness of their carriage and the dazzling splen
dour of their arms, when seen from a distance, made the
barbarians fear that the emperor himself was at hand.
10. And they suddenly turned their backs, still offering
occasional resistance, to leave no chance for safety untried ;
but at last they were routed with such slaughter that of
their whole number not above 9,000, as was reckoned,
escaped, and these owed their safety to the thickness of the
woods'. Among the many bold and gallant men who
perished was their king, Priarius, who had been the prin
cipal cause of this ruinous war.
11. Gratian was greatly delighted and encouraged by
this success ; and intending now to proceed to the East,
he secretly crossed the Rhine, and turned his march to
the left, being full of sanguine hopes, and resolving, if
fortune should only favour his enterprise, to destroy the
whole of this treacherous and turbulent nation.
12. And as intelligence of this design was conveyed
to the people of Lintz by repeated messengers, they, who
had already been reduced to great weakness by the almost
» See Gibbon, vol. iii., p. 181 (Bohn).

604 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXt Ch. x.
entire destruction of their forces, and were now greatly
alarmed at the expected approach of the empeior, hesitated
what to do, and as neither by resistance, nor by anything
which they could do or devise, did they perceive any
possibility of obtaining ever so brief a respite, they with
drew with speed to their hills, which were almost in
accessible from the steepness of their precipices, and
reaching the most inaccessible rocks by a winding path,
they conveyed thither their riches and their families, and
prepared to defend them with all their might.
13. Having deliberated on this difficulty, our general
selected 500 men of proved experience in war out of each
legion, to station opposite to the entrances to this wall of
rock. And they, being further encouraged by the fact
that the emperor himself was continually seen actively
employed among the front rank, endeavoured to scale the
precipices, not doubting but that if they could once set foot
upon the rocks they should instantly catch the barbarians,
like so much game, without any conflict; and so an en.
gagement was commenced towards the approach of noon,
and lasted even to the darkness of night.
14. Both sides experienced heavy losses. Our men
slew numbers, and fell in numbers ; and the armour of the
emperor's body-guard, glittering with gold and brilliant
colours, was crushed beneath the weight of the heavy mis
siles hurled upon them.
15. Gratian held a long deliberation with his chief
officers ; and it seemed to them fruitless and mischievous
to contend with unreasonable obstinacy against these
rugged and overhanging rocks ; at last (as is usual in such
affairs), after various opinions had been delivered, it was
determined, without making any more active efforts, to
blockade the barbarians and reduce them by famine;
since against all active enterprises the character of the
ground which they occupied was a sufficient defence.
16. But the Germans still held out with unflinching
obstinacy, and being thoroughly acquainted with the
country, retreated to other mountains still more lofty than
those which they occupied at first. Thither also the
emperor turned with his army, with the same energy aS
before, seeking for a patk which might lead him to the
heights.

A-D.377J CHARACTER OF GRATIAN. 605,
17. And when the barbarians saw him thus with un-.
wearied perseverance intent upon their destruction, they
surrendered ; and having by humble supplication obtained
mercy, they furnished a reinforcement of the flower of
their youth to be mingled with our recruits, and were
permitted to retire in safety to their native land.
18. It is beyond all belief how much vigour and rapidity
of action Gratian, by the favour of the eternal Deity,
displayed in gaining this seasonable and beneficial victory,
which broke the power of the Western tribes at a time,
when he was preparing to hasten in another direction.
He was indeed a young prince of admirable disposition,..
eloquent, moderate, warlike, and merciful, rivalling' the
most admirable of his predecessors, even while the down
of youth was still upon his cheeks ; the only drawback to
his character being that he was sometimes drawn into
ridiculous actions, when, in consequence of temptations.
held out by his minions and favourites, he imitated the
vain pursuits of Csesar Commodus ; but he was never blood
thirsty. 19. For as that prince, because he had been accustomed
to slay numbers of wild beasts with his javelins in the
sight of the people, and prided himself beyond measure
on the skill with which he slew a hundred lions let loose
at the same time in the amphitheatre with different
missiles, and without ever having to repeat his shot ; so
Gratian, in the enclosures called preserves, slew wild
beasts, with his arrows, neglecting much serious busi
ness for this amusement, and this at a time when if
Marcus Antoninus had resumed the empire he would
have found it hard, without colleagues of equal genius to
his own, and without the most serious deliberation of
counsel, to remedy the grievous disasters of the republic.
20. Therefore having made all the arrangements which
the time would permit for the affairs of Gaul, and having
punished the traitor of the Scutarii who had betrayed to the
barbarians the intelligence that the emperor was about to
depart with all speed for Illyricum, Gratianus quitted
the army, and passing through the fortress known as that
of Arbor Felix, he proceeded by forced marches to carry
his assistance to those who needed it.
21. About this time, while Frigeridus was with great

606 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. n
wisdom devising many schemes likely to prove of advan
tage to the general safety, and was preparing to fortify
the defiles of the Succi, to prevent the enemy (who, by
the rapidity of their movements and their fondness for
sallies, were always threatening the northern provinces
like a torrent) from extending their inroads any further,
he was superseded by a count named Maurus, a man cruel,
ferocious, fickle, and untrustworthy. This man, as we
have related in our account of preceding transactions,
being one of Julian's body-guard to whom the defence
of the palace was expressly committed, while that prince
was doubting about accepting the imperial authority, took
the chain from his own neck and offered it to him for a
diadem. 22. Thus, in the most critical aspect of our difficulties,
a cautious and energetic general was removed, when,
even if he had previously retired into private life, he
ought, from the greatness of the affairs which required his
superintendence, to have been brought back again to the
camp.
XI.
a.d. 378.
§ 1. About the same time Valens quitted Antioch, and,
after a long journey, came to Constantinople, where he
stayed a few days, being made anxious by a trifling sedition
among the citizens. He intrusted the command of the
infantry, which had previously been committed to Trajan,
to Sebastian, who at his request had been lately sent to
him from Italy, being a general of well-known vigilance ;
and he himself went to Melanthias, a country palace be
longing to the emperors, where he conciliated the soldiers
by giving them their pay, furnishing them with pro
visions, and frequently addressing them in courteous
speeches. 2. Having left this place, he proceeded according to the
stages he had marked out, and came to a station named
Nice, where he learnt from intelligence brought by his
scouts, that the barbarians, who had collected a rich booty,
were returning loaded with it from the districts about
Mount Rhodope, and were now near Hadrianople. They,

A.B. 378.J SEBASTIAN SURPRISES THE GOTHS. 607
hearing of the approach of the emperor with a numerous
force, were hastening to join their countrymen, who were
in strong positions around Bersea and Nicopolis ; and im
mediately (as the ripeness of the opportunity thus thrown
in his way required) the emperor ordered Sebastian to
hasten on with three hundred picked soldiers of each
legion, to do something (as he promised) of signal advan
tage to the commonweal.
3. Sebastian pushed on by forced marches, and came in
sight of the enemy near Hadrianople; but as the gates
were barred against him, he was unable to approach
nearer, since the garrison feared that he had been taken
prisoner by the enemy, and won over by them : so that
something to the injury of the city might happen, like
what had formerly taken place in the case of Count Actus,
who had been cunningly taken prisoner by the soldiers
of Magnentius, and who thus caused the opening of the
passes of the Julian Alps.
4. At last, though late, they recognized Sebastian, and
allowed him to enter the city. He, then, as well as he
could, refreshed the troops under his command with food
and rest, and next morning secretly issued forth, and
towards evening, being partially concealed by the rising
ground and some trees, he suddenly caught sight of the
predatory bands of the Goths near the river Maritza,
where, favoured by the darkness of night, he charged
them while in disorder and unprepared, routing them
so completely that, with the exception of a few whom
swiftness of foot saved from death, the whole body were
slain, and he recovered such an enormous quantity of
booty, that neither the city, nor the extensive plains
around could contain it.
5. Fritigern was greatly alarmed ; and fearing lest this
general, whc as we have often heard succeeded in all his
undertakings, should surprise and utterly destroy his
different detachments, which were scattered at random
over the country, intent only on plunder, he called in all
his men near the town of Cabyle, and at once made off,
in order to gain the open country, where he would not be
liable to be straitened for want of provisions, or harassed
by secret ambuscades.
6. While these events were proceeding in Thrace, Gra-

608 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Bk. XXXI. Ch. IU'
tian having sent letters to inform his uncle of the energy
with which he had overcome the Allemanni, and for
warded his baggage by land, himself, with a picked band
of his quickest troops, crossed the Danube, reached Bono-
nia, and afterwards Sirmium, where he halted four days.
He then descended the river to the Camp of Mars,
where he was laid up by an intermittent fever, and, being
suddenly assailed by the Alani, lost a few of his fol
lowers. XII.
§ 1. At this time Valens was disturbed by a twofold
anxiety, having learned that the people of Lintz had
been defeated, and also because Sebastian, in the letters
which he sent from time to time, exaggerated what had
taken place by his pompous language. Therefore he ad
vanced from Melanthias, being eager by some glorious
exploit to equal his youthful nephew, by whose virtue he
was greatly excited. He was at the head of a nume
rous force, neither unwarlike nor contemptible, and had
united with them many veteran bands, among whom were
several officers of high rank, especially Trajan, who a
little while before had been commander of the forces.
2. And as by means of spies and observation it was
ascertained that the enemy were intending to block
ade the different roads by which the necessary supplies
must come, with strong divisions, he sent a sufficient
force to prevent this, despatching a body of the archers
of the infantry and a squadron of cavalry, with all
speed, to occupy the narrow passes in the neighbour
hood. 3. Three days afterwards, when the barbarians, who
were advancing slowly, because they feared an attack in
the unfavourable ground which they were traversing,
arrived within fifteen miles from the station of Nice,
which was the aim of their march, the emperor, with
wanton impetuosity, resolved on attacking them in
stantly, because those who had been sent forward to
reconnoitre (what led to such a mistake is unknown)
affirmed that their entire body did not exceed ten thou
sand men.

. .A 318.] MARCH OF VALENS TO HADRIANOPLE. 609
4. Marching on with his army in battle array, he came
near the suburb of Hadrianople, where he pitched his
camp, strengthening it with a rampart of palisades, and
then impatiently waited for Gratian. While here, Richo
meres, Count of the Domestici, arrived, who had been
sent on by that emperor with letters announcing his im
mediate approach.
5. And imploring Valens to wait a little while for him
that he might share his danger, and not rashly face tho
danger before him single handed, he took counsel with
his officers as to what was best to be done.
6. -Some, following the advice of Sebastian, recommended
with urgency that he should at once go forth to battle ;
while Victor, master-general of the cavalry, a Sarmatian by
birth, but a man of slow and cautious temper, recom
mended him to wait for his imperial colleague, and this
advice was supported by several other officers, who sug
gested that the reinforcement of the Gallic army would be
likely to awe the fiery arrogance of the barbarians.
7. However, the fatal obstinacy of the emperor pre
vailed, fortified by the flattery of some of the princes,
who advised him to hasten with all speed, so that Gratian
might have no share in a victory which, as they fancied,
was already almost gained.
8. And while all necessary preparations were being
made for the battle, a presbyter of the Christian religion
(as he called himself), having been sent by Fritigern as
his ambassador, came, with some colleagues of low rank,
to the emperor's camp; and having been received with
courtesy, he presented a letter from that chieftain, openly
requesting that the emperor would grant to him and to
his followers, who were now exiles from their native
homes, from which they had been driven by the rapid
invasions of savage nations, Thrace, with all its flocks
and all its crops, for a habitation. And if Valens would
consent to this, Fritigern would agree to a perpetual
peace. 9. In addition to this message, the same Christian, as
one acquainted with his commander's secrets, and well
trusted, produced other secret letters from his chieftain'
who being full of craft and every resource of deceit,
inforranj Valens, as one who was hereafter to be his friend
2 R

610 AMMIANUS MARCEL_xNUS, [Be.XXXI.Ch. xn
and ally, that he had no other means to appoase the
ferocity of his countrymen, or to induce them to accept
conditions advantageous to the Roman state, unless from
time to time he showed them an army under arms close at
hand, and by frightening them with the name of the em
peror, recalled them from their mischievous eagerness for
fighting. The ambassadors retired unsuccessful, having
been looked on as suspicious characters by the emperor.
10. When the day broke which the annals mark as the
fifth of the Ides of August, the Roman standards were ad
vanced with haste, the baggage having been placed close
to the walls of Hadrianople, under a sufficient guard of
soldiers of the legions ; the treasures and the chief insignia
of the emperor's rank were within the walls, with the
prefect and the principal members of the council.
11. Then, having traversed the broken ground which
divided the two armies, as the burning day was progressing
towards noon, at last, after marching eight miles, our men
came in sight of the waggons of the enemy, which had
been stated by the scouts to be all arranged in a circle.
According to their custom, the barbarian host raised
a fierce and hideous yell, while the Roman generals
marshalled their line of battle. The right wing of the
cavalry was placed in front; the chief portion of the
infantry was kept in reserve.
1 2. But the left wing of the cavalry, of which a consider
able number were still straggling on the road, were ad
vancing with speed, though with great difficulty ; and while
this wing was deploying, not as yet meeting with any
obstacle, the barbarians being alarmed at the terrible
clang of their arms and the threatening crash of their
shields (since a large portion of their own army was still
at a distance, under Alatheus and Saphrax, and, though
sent for, had not yet arrived), again sent ambassadors to
ask for peace.
13, The emperor was offended at the lowness of their
rank, and replied, that if they wished to make a lasting
treaty, they must send him nobles of sufficient dignity.
They designedly delayed, in order by the fallacious truce
which subsisted during the negotiation to give fime foi
their cavalry to return, whom they looked upon aa close at
hand ; and for our soldiers, already suffering from the sum

AJ),378.] BATTLE OF HADRIANOPLE. Oil
mer heat, to be come parched and exhausted by the confla
gration of the vast plain ; as the enemy had, with this
object, set fire to the crops by means of burning faggots
and fuel. To this evil another was added, that both men
and cattle were suffering from extreme hunger.
14. In the meantime Fritigern, being skilful in divining
the future, and fearing a doubtful struggle, of his own head
sent one of his men as a herald, requesting that some
nobles and picked men should at once be sent to him as
hostages for his safety, when he himself would fearlessly
bring us both military aid and supplies.
15. The proposition of this formidable chief was received
with praise and approbation, and the tribune Equitius, a
relation of Valens, who was at that time high steward of
the palace, was appointed, with general consent, to go with
all speed to the barbarians as a hostage. But he refused,
because he had once been taken prisoner by the enemy,
and had escaped from Dibaltum, so that he feared their
vengeful anger ; upon this Richomeres voluntarily offered
himself, and willingly undertook to go, thinking it a bold
action, and one becoming a brave man ; and so he set out,
bearing vouchers of his rank and high birth.
16. And as he was on his way towards the enemy's
camp, the accompanying archers and Scutarii, who on that
occasion were under the command of Bacurius, a native of
Iberia, and of Cassio, yielded, while on their march, to an
indiscreet impetuosity, and on approaching the enemy,
first attacked them rashly, and then by a cowardly flight
disgraced the beginning of the campaign.
17. This ill-timed attack frustrated the willing services
of Richomeres, as he was not permitted to proceed ; in the
mean time the cavalry of the Goths had returned with
Alatheus and Saphrax, and with them a battalion of Alani ;
these descending from the mountains like a thunderbolt,
spread confusion and slaughter among all whom in their
rapid charge they came across.

612 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be- XXXI. Ch. xin.

XIII.
§ 1. And while arms and missiles of all kinds were meet
ing in fierce conflict, and Bellona, blowing her mournful
trumpet, was raging more fiercely than usual, to inflict
disaster on the Romans, our men began to retreat; but
presently, roused by the reproaches of their officers, they
made a fresh stand, and the battle increased like a confla
gration, terrifying our soldiers, numbers of whom were
pierced by strokes from the javelins hurled at them, and
from arrows.
2. Then the two lines of battle dashed against each
other, like the beaks (or rams) of ships, and thrusting with
all their might, were tossed to and fro, like the waves of
the sea. Our left wing had advanced actually up to the
waggons, with the intent to push on still further if they
were properly supported ; but they were deserted by the
rest of the cavalry, and so pressed upon by the superior
numbers of the enemy, that they were overwhelmed and
beaten down, like the ruin of a vast rampart. Presently
our infantry also was left unsupported, while the different
companies became so huddled together that a soldier could
hardly draw his sword, or withdraw his hand after he had
once stretched it out. And by this time such clouds of
dust arose that it was scarcely possible to see the sky,
which resounded with horrible cries; and in consequence,
the darts, which were bearing death on every side, reached
their mark, and fell with deadly effect, because no one
could see them beforehand so as to guard against them.
3. But when the barbarians, rushing on with their enor
mous host, beat down our horses and men, and left no spot
to which our ranks could fall back to deploy, while they
were so closely packed that it was impossible to escape
by forcing a way through them, our men at last began to
despise death, and again took to their swords and slew all
they encountered, while with mutual blows of battle-axes,
helmets and breastplates were dashed in pieces.
4. Then you might see the barbarian towering in his
fierceness, hissing or shouting, fall with his legs pierced
through, or his right hand cut off, sword and all, or his side
transfixed, and still, in the last gasp of life, casting round

a.d.378.] BATTLE OF HADRIANOPLE. 613
him defiant glances. The plain was covered with car
cases, strewing the mutual ruin of the combatants ; while
the groans of the dying, or of men fearfully wounded, were
intense, and caused great dismay all around.
5. Amidst all this great tumult and confusion our
infantry were exhausted by toil and danger, till at last
they had neither strength left to fight, nor spirits to plan
anything ; their spears were broken by the frequent col
lisions, so that they were forced to content themselves
with their drawn swords, which they thrust into the dense
battalions of the enemy, disregarding their own safety, and
seeing that every possibility of escape was cut off from
them. 6. The ground, covered with streams of blood, made
their feet slip, so that all that they endeavoured to do was
to sell their lives as dearly as possible; and with such
vehemence did they resist their enemies who pressed on
them, that some were even killed by their own weapons.
At last one black pool of blood disfigured everything, and
wherever the eye turned, it could see nothing but piled -up
heaps of dead, and lifeless corpses trampled on without
mercy. 7. The sun being now high in the heavens, having
traversed the sign of Leo, and reached the abode of the
heavenly Virgo, scorched the Romans, who were emaci
ated by hunger, worn out with toil, and scarcely able to
support even the weight of their armour. At last our
columns were entirely beaten back by the overpowering
weight of the barbarians, and so they took to disorderly
flight, which is the only resource in extremity, each man
trying to save himself as well as he could.
8. While they were all flying and scattering themselves
over roads with which they were unacquainted, the em
peror, bewildered with terrible fear, made his way over
heaps of dead, and fled to the battahons of the Lancearii
and the Mattiarii, who, till the superior numbers of the
enemy became wholly irresistible, stood firm and im
movable. As soon as he saw him, Trajan exclaimed that
all hope was lost, unless the emperor, thus deserted by his
guards, could be protected by the aid of his foreign allies.
9. When this exclamation was heard, a count named
Victor hastened to bring up with all speed the Batavians,

614 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. xnt.
who were placed in the reserve, and who ought to have
been near at hand, to the emperor's assistance ; but as none
of them could be found, he too retreated, and in a similar
manner Richomeres and Saturninus saved themselves from
danger. 10. So now, with rage flashing in their eyes, the bar
barians pursued our men, who were in a state of torpor,
tne warmth of their veins having deserted them. Many
were slain without knowing who smote them. ; some were
overwhelmed by the mere weight of the crowd which
pressed upon them ; and some were slain by wounds in
flicted by their own comrades. The barbarians spared
neither those who yielded nor those who resisted.
11. Besides these, many half slain lay blocking up the
roads, unable to endure the torture of their wounds ; and
heaps of dead horses were piled up and filled the plain
with their carcases. At last a dark moonless night put an
end to the irremediable disaster which cost the Roman
state so dear.
12. Just when it first became dark, the emperor being
among a crowd of common soldiers, as it was believed—
for no one said either that he had seen him, or been near
him — was mortally wounded with an arrow, and, very
shortly after, died, though his body was never found. For
as some of the enemy loitered for a long time about the
field in order to plunder the dead, none of the defeated
army or of the inhabitants ventured to go to them.
13. A similar fate befell the Caesar Decius, when fight
ing vigorously against the barbarians ; for he was thrown
by his horse falling, which he had been unable to hold, and
was plunged into a swamp, out of which he could never
emerge, nor could his body be found.
14. Others report that Valens did not die immediately,
but that he was borne by a small body of picked soldiers
and eunuchs to a cabin in the neighbourhood, which was
strongly built, with two stories; and that while these
unskilful hands were tending his wounds, the cottage was
surrounded by the enemy, though they did not know who
was in it ; still, however, he was saved from the disgrace
of being made a prisoner.
15. For when his pursuers, while vainly attempting to
force the barred doors, were assailed with arrows from

i-D-3,8-J BATTLE OF HADRIANOPLE. 615
the roof, they, not to lose by7 so inconvenient a delay the
opportunity of collecting plunder, gathered some faggots
and stubble, and setting fire to them, burnt down the build
ing, with those who were in it.
16. But one of the soldiers dropped from the windows,
and, being taken prisoner by the barbarians, revealed to
them what had taken place, which caused them great con
cern, because they looked upon themselves as defrauded of
great glory in not having taken the ruler of the Roman
state alive. This same young man afterwards secretly
returned to our people, and gave this account of the affair.
17. When Spain had been recovered after a similar dis
aster, we are told that one of the Scipios was lost in a fire*
the tower in which he had taken refuge having been burnt.
At all events it is certain that neither Scipio nor Valens
enjoyed that last honour of the dead — a regular funeral.
18. Many illustrious men fell in this disastrous defeat,
and among them one of the most remarkable was Trajan,
and another was Sebastian ; there perished also thirty-five
tribunes who had no particular command, many captains
of battalions, and Valerianus and Equitius, one of whom
was master of the horse and the other high steward.
Potentius, too, tribune of the promoted officers, fell in
the flower of his age, a man respected by all persons of
virtue, and recommended by the merits of his father.
Ursicinus, who had formerly been commander of the forces,
as well as by his own. Scarcely one-third of the whole
army escaped.
19. Nor, except the battle of Cannae, is so destructive a
slaughter recorded in our annals ; though, even in the times
of their prosperity, the Romans have more than once had
to deplore the uncertainty of war, and have for a time suc
cumbed to evil Fortune ; while the well-known dirges of
the Greeks have bewailed many disastrous battles.

716 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch, xiv

XIV.
§ 1. Such was the death of Valens, when he was about
fifty years old, and had reigned rather less than fourteen
years. We will now describe his virtues, which were
known to many, and his vices.
2. He was a faithful and steady friend — a severe chastiser
of ambition — a rigid upholder of both military and civil
discipline — always careful that no one should assume im
portance on account of any relationship to himself; slow
both in conferring office, and in taking it away ; a very
just ruler of the provinces, all of which he protected from
injury, as if each had been his own house ; devoting sin
gular care to the lessening the burdens of the state, and
never permitting any increase of taxation. He was very
moderate in the exaction of debts due to the state, but
a vehement and implacable foe to all thieves, and to every
one convicted of peculations ; nor in affairs of this kind
was the East, by its own confession, ever better treated
under any other emperor.
3. Besides all this, he was liberal with due regard to
moieration, of which qttality there are many examples,
one of which it will be sufficient to mention here : — As in
palaces there are always some persons covetous of the
possessions of others, if any one petitioned for lapsed pro
perty, or anything else which it was usual to apply for, he
made a proper distinction between just and unjust claims,
and when he gave it to the petitioner, while reserving full
liberty to any one to raise objections, he often associated
the successful candidate with three or four partners, in
order that those covetous suitors might conduct themselves
with more moderation, when they saw the profits for
which they were so eager diminished by this device.
4. Of the edifices, which in the different cities and
towns he either repaired or built from their foundations, I
will say nothing (to avoid prolixity), allowing those things
to speak for themselves. These qualities, in my opinion,
deserve the imitation of all good men. Now let us enume
rate his vices.
5. He was an immoderate coveter of great wealth ; im
patient of labour, he affected an extreme severity, and was

'•D-3,8J VICES OF VALENS. 617
too much inclined to cruelty ; his behaviour was rude and
rough ; and he was little imbued with skill either in war
or_ in the liberal arts. He willingly sought profit and
advantage in the miseries of others, and was more than
ever intolerable in straining ordinary offences into sedition
or treason ; he cruelly encompassed the death or ruin of
wealthy nobles.
6. This also was unendurable, that while he wished to
have it appear that all actions and suits were decided ac
cording to the law, and while the investigation of such
affairs was delegated to judges especially selected as the
most proper to decide them, he still would not allow any
decision to be given which was contrary to his own pleasure.
He was also insulting, passionate, and always willing to
listen to all informers, without the least distinction as to
whether the charges which they advanced were true or
false. And this vice is one very much to be dreaded, even
in private affairs of every-day occurrence.
7. He was dilatory and sluggish; of a swarthy com
plexion ; had a cast in one eye, a blemish, however, which
was not visible at a distance ; his limbs were well set ; hia
figure was neither tall nor short ; he was knock-kneed, and
rather pot-bellied.
8. This is enough to say about Valens : and the recol
lection of his contemporaries will fully testify that this
account is a true one. But we must not omit to mention
that when he had learnt that the oracle of the tripod, which
we have related to have been moved by Patricias and
Hilanus, contained those three prophetic lines, the last of
which is, — " "Ev iretilouri ttifiavros aXaXKOiievouriv apna,"
" Repelling murd'rous war in Mimas' plain ;"
— he, being void of accomplishments and illiterate, despised
them at first ; but as his calamities increased, he became
filled with abject fear, and, from a recollection of this samo
prophecy, began to dread the very name of Asia, where he
liad been informed by learned men that both Homer and
Cicero had spoken of the Mountain of Mimas over the town
of Erythrae.
9. Lastly, — after his death, and the departure of the
enemy it is said that a monument was found near the spot
where he is believed to have died, with a stone fixed into

618 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI. Ch. xv
it inscribed with Greek characters, indicating that' some
ancient noble of the name of Mimas was buried there.

XV.
§ 1. After this disastrous battle, when night had veiled
the earth in darkness, those who survived fled, some to the
right, some to the left, or wherever fear guided them, each
man seeking refuge among his relations, as no one could
thi k of anything but himself, while all fancied the lances
of the enemy sticking in their backs. And far off were heard
the miserable wailings of those who were left behind — the
sobs of the dying, and the agonizing groans of the wounded.
2. But when daylight returned, the conquerors, like
wild beasts rendered still more savage by the blood they
had tasted, and allured by the temptations of groundless
hope, marched in a dense column upon Hadrianople,
resolved to run any risk in order to take it, having been
informed by traitors and deserters that the principal officers
of State, the insignia of the imperial authority, and the
treasures of Valens had all been placed there for safety,
as in an impregnable fortress.
3. And to prevent the ardour of the soldiers from being
cooled by delay, the whole city was blockaded by the
fourth hour ; and the siege from that time was carried on
with great vigour, the besiegers, from their innate ferocity,
pressing in to complete its destruction, while, on the other
hand, the garrison was stimulated to great exertions by
their natural courage.
4. And while the vast number of soldiers and grooms,
who were prohibited from entering the city with their
beasts, kept close to the walls and to the houses which
joined them, and fought gallantly7, considering the disad
vantages under which they laboured from the lowness of
the ground which they occupied, and baffled the rage of
their assailants till the ninth hour of the day, on a sudden
three hundred of our infantry, of those who were nearest
the battlements, formed themselves into a solid body, and
deserted to the barbarians, who seized upon them with
avidity, and (it is not known on what account) at once
slaughtered them all. And from that time forth it was

A-D-3'8-} SIEGE OF HADRIANOPLE. 619
remarked that no one, even in the extremity of despair,
adopted any similar conduct.
5. Now while all these misfortunes were at their height,
suddenly there came a violent thunderstorm, and rain
pouring down from the black clouds dispersed the bands
of soldiers who were raging around ; and they returned
to their camp, which was measured out in a circle by their
waggons ; and being more elated and haughty than ever,
they sent threatening letters to our men  and an
ambassador  on condition of safety7 to him.
6. But as the messenger did not dare to enter the city,
the letters were at last brought in by a certain Christian ;
and when they had been read and considered with all
proper attention, the rest of the day and the whole of the
night was devoted to preparing for defence. For inside
the city the gates were blocked up with huge stones ; the
weak parts of the walls were strengthened, and engines to
hurl javelins or stones were fixed on all convenient places,
and a sufficient supply of water was also provided ; for the
day before some of the combatants had been distressed
almost to death by thirst.
7. On the other hand the Goths, considering the diffi
culty and uncertainty of all warlike transactions, and be
coming anxious at seeing their bravest warriors wounded
and slain, and their strength gradually diminished, devised
and adopted a crafty counsel, which, however, was revealed
to us by Justice herself.
8. They seduced some picked soldiers of our army, who
had revolted to them the day before, to pretend to escape
back to their former comrades, and thus gain admittance
within the walls ; and after they had effected their entrance,
they were secretly to set fire to some part of the city, so
that the conflagration might serve as a secret signal, and
while the garrison and citizens were occupied in extin
guishing it, the walls might be left undefended, and so bo
easily stormed.
9. The traitors did as they were commanded ; and when
they came near the ditch they stretched out their hands,
and with entreaties requested to be admitted into the city
as Romans. When they were admitted, however (since nc
suspicion existed to hinder their admission), and were
questioned as to the plans of the enemy, they varied in

620 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be XXXI. Ch. xv.
their tale : and in consequence they were put to the tor
ture, and having formally confessed what . they had under
taken to do, they were all beheaded.
10. Accordingly, every resource of war having been
prepared, the barbarians, at the third watch discarding all
fear from past failures, rushed in enormous numbers
against the blocked-up entrances of the city, their officers
urging them with great obstinacy. But the provincials
and imperial guards, with the rest of the garrison, rose
with fearless courage to repel them, and their missiles of
every kind, even when shot at random among so vast a
crowd, could not fall harmless. Our men perceived that
the barbarians were using the same weapons which we our
selves had shot at them : and accordingly an order was
given that the strings which fastened the iron points to the
javelins and arrows should be cut before they were hurled
or shot ; so that while flying they should preserve their
efficacy, but when they pierced a body or fell on the ground
they should come asunder.
12. While affairs were in this critical state an unex
pected accident had a considerable influence on the result.
A scorpion, a military engine which in ordinary language
is also known as the wild-ass, being stationed opposite
the dense array of the enemy, hurled forth a huge stone,
which, although it fell harmless on the ground, yet by the
mere sight of it terrified them so greatly, that in alarm
at the strange spectacle they all fell back and endeavoured
to retreat.
13. But their officers ordering the trumpets to sound
a charge, the battle was renewed ; and the Romans, as
before, got the advantage, not a single javelin or bullet
hurled by a slinger failing of its effect. For the troops of
the generals who led the vanguard, and who were inflamed
by the desire of possessing themselves of the treasures
which Valens had so wickedly acquired, were followed
closely by others who were vain of exposing themselves to
as much danger as those of greater renown. And some
were wounded almost to death : others were struck down,
crushed by huge weights, or pierced through their breasts
with javelins ; some who carried ladders and attempted
to scale the walls on different sides were buried under
their own burthens, being beaten down by stones which

A.D. 378.] SIEGE OF HADRIANOPLU. 621
were hurled upon them, and by fragments of pillars and
cylinders. 14. And yet, horrible as the sight of this bloodshed was,
so great was their ardour that no one relaxed in his gallant
exertions till the evening, being encouraged by seeing
many of the garrison also fall by various wounds. So,
without rest or relaxation, both the besiegers and the
besieged fought with unwearied courage.
15. And now no kind of order was observed by the
enemy, but they fought in detached bands and in skir
mishes (which is the sign of the extremity of despair);
and at last, when evening came on, they all returned to
their tents, sorrowfully, each man accusing his neighbour
of inconsiderate rashness, because they had not taken the
advice of Fritigern, and avoided the labours and dangers
of a siege.
XVI.
§ 1. After the battle, the soldiers devoted the whole night
(which, as it was summer, .was not long) to tending the
Wounded with all the remedies known to their nations,
and when daylight returned they began to discuss various
plans, doubting what to do. And after many plans had
been proposed and objected to, they at last decided to
occupy Perinthus, and then, every place where they could
hear that any treasures were stored up, the deserters and
fugitives having given them all the information they re
quired, so that they learnt what was in every house, to say
nothing of what was in every city. Adopting this reso
lution unanimously, which they thought the best, they
advanced by slow marches, ravaging and burning every
thing as they passed.
2. But those who had been besieged in Hadrianople,
after the barbarians had departed, as soon as scouts of
approved fidelity had reported that the whole place was
free from enemies, issued forth at midnight, and avoiding
the public causeways, took out-of-way roads through the
woods and withdrew, some to Philippopolis, and from
thence' to Serdica, others to Macedonia; with all the wealth
which they had saved undiminished, and pressing on with
the greatest exertion and celerity, as if they were likely to

622 AMMIANUS MARCELLINUS. [Be. XXXI, Ch. rvi
find Valens in those regions, since they were wholly igno
rant that he had perished in battle, er else certainly (as
is rather believed) burnt to death in the cottage.
3. Meanwhile the Goths, combining with the Huns and
Alani, both brave and warlike tribes, and inured to toil
and hardship, whom Fritigern had with great ability won
over to his side by the temptation of great rewards — fixed
theij- camp near Perinthus ; but recollecting their previous
losses, they did not venture to come close to the city, or
make any attempt to take it ; they, however, devastated
and entirely stripped the fertile territory surrounding it.
slaying or making prisoners of the inhabitants.
4. From hence they marched with speed to Constan
tinople in battle array, from fear of ambuscades ; being
eager to make themselves masters of its ample riches, and
resolved to try every means to take that illustrious city.
But while giving way to extravagant pride, and beating
almost against the barriers of the gates, they were repulsed
in this instance by the Deity.
5. A body of Saracens (a nation of whose origin and
manners we have already given a full account in several
places), being more suited for sallies and skirmishes than
for pitched battles, had been lately introduced into the
city ; and, as soon as they saw the barbarian host, they
sallied out boldly from the city to attack it. There was
a stubborn fight for some time ; and at last both armies
parted on equal terms.
6. But a strange and unprecedented incident gave the
final advantage to the eastern warriors ; for one of them
with long hair, naked — with the exception of a covering
round his waist — shouting a hoarse and melancholy cry,
drew his dagger and plunged into the middle of the Gothic
host, and after he had slain an enemy, put his lips to hia
throat, and sucked his blood. The barbarians were ter
rified at this marvellous prodigy, and from that time forth,
when they proceeded on any enterprise, displayed none of
their former and usual ferocity, but advanced with hesir
tating steps.
7. As time went on their ardour damped, and they began
to take into consideration the vast circuit of the walls
(which was the greater on account of the large space
occupied by mansions with gardens within it), the in

A.D. 378.] RETREAT OF THE GOTHS FROM CONSTANTINOPLE. ,. 623
accessible beauties of the city, and the immensity of its
population ; also the vicinity of the strait which divides
the Black Sea from the ^Egean. Then after destroying
the works which they had constructed, having sustained
greater losses than they had inflicted, they raised the siege,
and roamed at random over the northern provinces, which
they traversed without restraint as far as the Julian Alps,
which the ancients used to call the Venetian Alps.
8. At this time the energy and promptitude of Julius,
the commander of the forces on the other side of Mount
Taurus, was particularly distinguished ; for when he learnt
what had happened in Thrace, he sent secret letters to
all the governors of the different cities and forts, who were
all Romans (which at this time is not very common ), request
ing them, on one and the same day, as at a concerted signal,
to put to death all the Goths who had previously been
admitted into the places under their charge ; first luring
them into the suburbs, in expectation of receiving the pay
which had been promised to them. This wise plan was
carried out without any disturbance or any delay ; and
thus the Eastern provinces were delivered from great
dangers. 9. Thus have I, a Greek by birth, and formerly a soldier,
related all the events from the accession of Nerva to the
death of Valens, to the best of my abilities ; professing
above all things to tell the truth, which, as I believe, I
have never knowingly perverted, either by silence or by
falsehood. Let better men in the flower of their age, and
of eminent accomplishments, relate the subsequent events.
But if it should please them to undertake the task, I warn
tiem to sharpen their tongues to a loftier style.

INDEX.

ABANNI, a people of Africa, 533
Aoarne, a town in Mesopotamia, noted
for its hot springs, 182
Abdera, the birthplace of Protagoras
and Denaocritus, 286
Abdigidus, a tribune, 173
Abienus, a senator, 477, 478
Abii, a people of Persia, 339
Ablabius, prefect of the praetorinm,
236
Abora, or Chaboras, » river in Meso
potamia, 111
Abydos, 287
Abydum, a town in Thebais, 208
Achsei, a Caspian tribe, 290
Achaiacala, a fort on an island in the
Euphrates, 350
Acheron, the river, 289
Acherusian cave, the, 289
Airilius Glabrio, the first Roman to
whom a statue was erected, 16
Acimincum, a town in Hungary,
205
Acoiii', a port on the Euxine Sea, 289
AcontLi;, a species of serpent in Egypt,
311
Acontimnit, a narrow defile between
Thraoe and Macedonia, 443
Acropatena, a province of Media, 335
./.daces, a Persian Satrap, killed, 374
Addense, 531
Adeiphiu.3, piofrot of Rome, 92
Adiabas, a river in Assyria, 334
Adiabene, a province of Assyria, 176,
520, 333
Adonis, 186
Adrastea, the goddess of retribution,
oiled also Nemesis, 42, 281
A&anjs king of the Argives, 41
Mu^jsms, keeper of the records, 56, 58
Mgean Sea, 286

xElian, Count, 182, 183; crucified by
the Persians, 200
JEnus, a city of Thrace, 286, 444
Africanus, Governor of the second Pan
nonia, 50, 95
Agabana, a fortress in Persia, 463
Agathocles, king of Sicily, 44
Agathyrsi, a tribe near the Pains
Maiotis, 291
Agazaca, a city of the Paropanisata\
342
Agenarreus, king of the Allemanni, 1 1 3
Agilimundus, a chieftain of the Quadi,
151
Agilo, an equerry, 34, 266 ; pro
moted to the prefecture by Julian,
279 ; recalled to military service bj
Procopius, 422 ; intercedes for his
father-in-law Araxius, 432
Aginatius put to death by Maximin
474
Aiadalthes, a tribune, 181
Alani, a Scythian tribe, 291, 328, 5SCV
581, 599, 611
Alatheus, 583, 587, 611
Alavivus, a general of the Goths, 585,
587
Albani, allies of the Persians, 176, 1ST
332
Albinus of Etruria, 56
Alexander the Great, 41, 46, 89
Alexander of Heliopolis, 319
Alexandria, a village near Rome, 131
 in .Egypt, 300; described, 313
its temples and library, 314; ita
schools, 315
.  a city in Arachosia, 343
 in Ariana, 342
 in Carmania, 339
 an island in Persia, 338
 a town in Sogdiana, 340
Alfenus, a distinguished lawyer, 556

326

INDEX.

Alicodia, a city in Bactria, 340
Aligildus, a count, 271, 277
Aliso, a tribune, 427
Alitrophagi, a Scythian tribe, 341
Allemanni, or Germans — these names
are used promiscuously by Ammi
anus — defeated at the battle of Stras-
burg, 118, 247 ; lay waste Gaul and
Rhaetia, 413, 414; defeated by
Jovinus, 438, 567 ; make incursions
into the Roman territory, 602 ; are
defeated, 604
Allobroges, a nation of Gaul, 81
Alpheus, a river rising in Arcadia, 53
Alps, the Cottian, 75 ; the Julian, 259 ;
the Grecian, 76 ; the Penine, 76 ;
Hannibal's passage of the, 77
Alypius of Antioch, 317, 514
— — a Roman noble, 471
Amantius, a soothsayer, 472
Amanus, a mountain range in Cilicia,
27
Amardus, a river in Media, 337
Amastris, a city in Paphlagonia, 289
Amazons, one of the Caspian tribes,
291 ; defeated by the Athenians,
289
Amicenses, a Sarmatian tribe, 154
Amida, a city of Mesopotamia, 174;
besieged by Sapor, 185 ; betrayed by
a deserter, 192 ; courage of the gar
rison, 195 ; a sortie of the Gallic
troops, from, 195, 236
Amiens (Ambians), a city in Belgium,
79, 453
Aminias, a Persian general, 369
Ainisus, a city in Pontus, 289
Ammianus, his noble birtn, 199 •
placed under Ursicinus, governor of
Nisibis, by the Emperor Constantius,
30 ; returns to Italy, 37 ; his in
dustry, 45 ; sent into Gaul, 60 ;
sent back to the East, 103 ; visits
Thebes, 130; recalled, 171 ; escapes
from Nisibis, 173 ; sent to Jovini-
anus, satrap of Corduena, 175 ;
narrow escape of, 181 ; arrives at
Antioch, 200 ; accompanies Julian
in his expedition against the Persians,
326 ; returns with Jovian, 402 ; his
advice to future historians, 623
Ampelius, prefect of Otricoli, 472

Amphiaraus, an ancient seer, 4
Amphilochius, a Paphlagonian, 252
Amphisbsena, a serpent, 311
Amphitheatre at Rome, 102, 411
Amphitris, a Spartan, the charioteer ol
Castor and Pollux, 290
Amudis, a fort in Mesopotamia, 173
Amycus, king of the Bebrycii, 288
Anaphe, an island in the /Egean Sea,
139
Anatha, a fortress in Mesopotamia.
347
Anatolis, prefect of Illyricum, 204;
master of the offices, 234 ; his death,
253
Anatolius, an officer of the palace, 504
Anaxagoras the philosopher, 287 ; pre
dicted the fall of stones and earth
quakes, 315
Anaximander, a Milesian philosopher,
139
Anazarbns, a city of Cilicia, 27
Anchialos, a city of Thrace, 293, 444
Ancorarius, a mountain of Mauritania,
531
Ancyra, a city of Galatia, 296, 403, 426
Andemach (Antumacum), 161
Andocides, a Grecian orator, 554
Andriscus of Adiamyttium, 44, 421
Andronicus, a poet, 209
Anepsia, wife of Victorinus, 475, 473
Anicii, the, a noble family at Rome, 98
Anniba, a mountain in Scythia, 341
Anthemusia, a. province of Mesopo
tamia, 10
Anthropophagi, a Scythian tribe, 580
Antibes (Antipolis), a town inGa-.:l, 79
Antinoopolis, a city in Egypt, 312
Antioch in Syria, 28 ; visited by tne
Emperor Julian, 297 ; by Jovis.i,
401
Antiochia, in Persia, 339
Antiphon, a Greek orator, 554
Antoninopolis, a town in Mesttotmriia,
built by Constantius, 182
Antoninus, a wealthy merchant. if<"i
wards one of the protectants. 168 :
his treachery, 169
Antonius, a tribune, 415
Anzaba, a river in Mesopotamia 1 'D
Apamia, a city in Assyria, 334, S.k'
 a city in Thrace, 287

INDEX.

627

Apamia, a city in Syria, 28
Apis, the sacred Egyptian bull, 306
Apodemius, the secretary for the pro
vinces, 41, 46 ; sentenced to be
burnt alive, 280
Apollinarii, father and son, the former
governor of Phoenicia, the latter
steward of the palace, 26
Apollo, the Cimsean, 334 ; of Daphne,
303 ; the Palatine, 320 ; the Smin-
thian, 286
Apollonia, a city of Thrace, 293
 in Assyria, 334
Apollonius of Tyana, 270
Apronianus, prefect of Rome, 317 ;
suppresses the magicians, 411
Aprnnculus Gallus, an orator and sooth
sayer, afterwards governor of Nar
bonne, 277
Aquileia, the capital of Venetia, 261 ;
besieged by Julian, 261 ; surrenders,
264
Aquitani, a nation of Gaul, 78
Arabia reduced to a Roman province
by the Emperor Trajan, 29 ; Arabia
Felix, 338
Arabis, a river in the country of the
Diangeani, 342
Aracha, a town in Susiana, 335, 337
Arachosia, a Persian province, 342
Arachotoscrene, a marsh in Arachosia,
343
Aradius, count of the east, 317
Araharius, a Sarmatian chief, 149
Arar, a river in Gaul (the Saone), 80
Arator, duke, 481
Aratus the poet, 299, 386
Araxates, a river in Sogdiana, 340
Araxios, prefect of the prsetorium, 422
Arbaca, a city in Arachosia, 343
Arbela, a city in Adiabene, 334
Arbetio, 36, 47, 92; made consul, 71,
213
Arboreus, high chamberlain, 49
Arbor Felix, fortress of, 605
Arcadius, a river of the Euxine, 289 _
Archelaus, a general of King Mithn-
dates, 116 , . ...
Archimedes the mathematician, 40/
Ardea, a town in Persia, 338
Areans, a sect, 485
Areopagus, 518

Arethusa, a town in Thrace, the burial-
place of Euripides, 443
Argaaus, a mountain in Cappadocia, 233
Argonauts, the, 27
Ariana, a province of Persia, 342
Arias, a river in Arcana, 342
Ariaspe, a town in the province of
Drangiana, 342
Arimaspi, a fierce one-eyed nation
bordering on Persia, 332
Arimphaji, a nation bordering on the
Euxine, 292
Arinchi, a savage tribe near the Euxine,
291
Arintheus, a tribune, 54 ; commands
the left wing of the army under
Julian, 347 ; ambassador to the
Persians, 393, 446
Aristsenetus, prefect of Bithynia, lost
his life in an earthquake, 138
Aristarchus the grammarian, 314
Aristides, 558
Aristobulus consul with Diocletian,
317
Aries (Arelate), a town on the Rhone,
79
Armenia conquered by Galerius, 134;
its restoration to the Persians de
manded by Sapor, 135; abandoned
by Jovian in the treaty of Dura,
394, 549
Armonius, a mountain in Asia Minor,
289
Arsaces, the first king of the Parthians,
330
 king of Armenia, an ally of Con
stantius, 235 ; of Julian, 318 ; taken
prisoner by lie Persians, 394 ; put
to death, 463
Arsacia, a city of Media, C37
Arsiana, a city of Su&iana, 335
Arsinoe, a city of Cyiene, anciently
called Tauchira, and now Tochira, 31 2
Artabannes, a Persian satrap, 463
Artabius, a river in Gedrosia, a district
of Persia, 343
Artacana, a city of Parthia, 338
Artemis, a river in Bactria, 340
Artemisia, queen of Caria, 487
Artemius, deputy-governor of Roi ,..-,
14<:
 duke of Egypt, 300

628 ¦ INDEX.

Artogerassa, a city of Armeri*, 464
Arzanena, a province of Mesopotamia,
393
Ascalon, a city of Palestine, 29
Ascanimia, a mountain in Scythia, 340
Asclepiades the philosopher, 304
Asclepiadotus, count, 65
Asia Minor, description of, 289
Asmira, a mountain in Serica, 341
Asp, the largest species of serpent in
Egypt, 311
Aspabota, a city of Scythia, 341
Aspacara;, a tribe of the Seres, 341
Aspacuras, a Persian satrap, 466
Asparata, a city of the Betas, 341
Assanite Saracens, 350
Assyria, the wife of Barbatio, 165
 a province of Persia, in the time
of Ammianus called Adiabene, 333
Astacia, a city of Bactria, 340
Astracus, a city in Bithynia, also called
Nicomedia, 287
Atacotti harass the Britons, 413
Athagoras, a Scythian tribe, 341
Athanaric, a Gothic chief, 447, 583
Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, his
character, 67
Athos, a mountain in Macedonia, 286
Athribis, a city of Egypt, 313
Athyras, a port in the Propontis, 287
Ati, a people near the cataracts of the
Nile, 308
Atlas, a mountain in Africa, 50
Attuarii, a tribe of Franks, 235
Auch (Ausci), a town in Aquitania, 79
Augury, modes of, 245
Augusta (Londinium), the capital of
Roman Britain, 483
Augustamnica, a province of Egypt, 312
Augustus, Emperor, his correction of
the calendar, 408
Aulion, a cave near the Euxine, 290
Aurelian, the Emperor, 570
Aureolus, a conspirator against Con
stantius, 274
Austoriani, a people of Mauritania, 413
Autun (Augustodunum), the chief town
of the Mdai, 79
Auxerre (Autosidorum), a city in Gaul,
85
Avenches (Aventicum), the capital of
the Helvetii, 79

Avernus, a lake in Campania, 489
Avitianus, deputy-governor of Africa,
451
Axius, a river of Macedonia, 258
Azmorna, a city of Hyrcania, 339
Azov, sea of (Palus Mseotis), 288, 577,
582 B.
Babylon, 334
Bacchus, 290
Bacchylides, the lyric poet, 383
Bactra, a river in Bactria, 340
Bactrians, 339
Baetica, a consular province of Spain,
473
Bagrada, a river in Persia, 337
Bainobaudes, a tribune of the Scutarii,
39, 105 ; (2) a tribune of the Cornuti,
106 ; killed in the battle of Stras-
burg, 121
Balista, a military engine for discharg
ing stones, described, 322
Bappo, a tribune, commander of the
Promoti, 54
Baraba, a town iu Arabia Felix, 338
Barbatio, count of the domestics, 40;
promoted to the command of the
infantry, 104, 136; a swarm of
bees on his house regarded as a bad
omen, 165; an arrogant and trea
cherous man, 166 ; beheaded, 166
Barbitani, mountains in Persia lying
towards India, 343
Barchalbas, a tribune, 430
Bards, the poets of Gaul, 74
Barzala, a fort in Mesopotamia, 179
Barzimeres, tribune of the Scutarii, 546
Basilica of Sicininus in Rome, probably
the church of Santa Maria Maggiore,
441
Basilina, mother of the Emperor Julian,
383
Basilisk, a kind of Egyptian serpent,
311
Bassianus, a Roman of noble family, 515
Bassus, prefect of Rome, 146
Batne, a town near the Euphrates,
where an annual fair was held, 10
Battus, a Spartan, the founder of
Cyrene, 312
Bautis, a river in Serica, 341
Bazas (Vasatse), a town in Ganl, 79

INDEX.

629

Bebase, a town in Mesopotamia, 178
Bebrycia, a district in Bithynia, 288
Belgas, the most warlike people of Gaul.
78
Belias, a river of Mesopotamia which
falls into the Euphrates, 321
Bellovaadius, a tribune given as a host
age to the Persians, 394
Berenice, also called Hesperides, a town
in Libya, 312
Bercea, a city of Thrace, 444
Berytus, a city of Phoenicia (the modem
Beirut), 28
Besa, the name cf an Egyptian deity, 208
Besancon, a city of the Sequani, 79, 253
Bcsbicus, an island in the Propontis, 287
Bessi, a Thracian tribe, 444
Beta;, a people in Serica, 341
Bezabde, a town on the Tigris formerly
called Phoenice, 225, 266 ; captured
by Sapor, 227 ; unsuccessfully be
sieged by Constantius, 237-239
Bineses, a Persian satrap, 394
Bingen (Bingium), a town in Germany,
161
Bisula, a river (the Weichsel), 292
Bitaxa, a town of the Ariani, 342
Bitheridus, a German noble, 525
Bithynia, 288
Bizes, a river of the Euxine, 288
Blemmva?, a people near the cataracts
of the Nile, 11
Bose, an island on the coast of Dalmatia,
279
Bonitus, a Frank, the father of Silvanus,
63
Bonmunster (Bononia), a town in Pan
nonia, 257
Bonn (Bonna), a town in Germany, 161
Borion, a promontory in Egypt, 307
Bosporus, the Thracian (the Straits of
Constantinople), 288
¦  the Cimmerian (Straits of Yene-
Kali), 70
Bostra, a city of Arabia, 29
Boulogne (Bononia), a town in Gaul,
212
Bourdeaux (Burdegala), a city in Aqui-
tania, 79
.Brahmans, 336, 470
Branchida?, an oracle in the Milesian
territory, 511 I

Briancon (Vil gantia),. 76
Brigantia (thelake of Constance), 52
Brisoana, a Persian river, 337
Britain, corn exported to Rome, 16-1 ;
pearls found in the British sea, 345 ;
suffers from the incursions of the
Picts and Scots, 212, 453; invaded
by the Saxons, 413 ; distress of, 453 ;
Theodosius goes to assist, 483
Bruchion, a quarter in Alexandria,
inhabited by opulent persons, 314
Brumat (Brocomagus), a city of Ger
many, 86
Bucenobantes, a tribe of the Allemanni
524
Buffaloes in Egypt, 309
Bura, a town destroyed by an earth
quake, 140
Burgundians, 495 ; their kings called
Hendinos, 495 ; their chief priest
called the Sinistus, 496
Busan, a fort in Mesopotamia, 183
Byzantium (Constantinople), 287
Byzares, a people near the Euxine,
290 ¦ C.
Cabillonum (Chalons sur Marne), 98,
43;;
Cabyle, a town in Thrace, 607
Cadusii, a tribe on the Caspian Sea,
332
Casranius, a philosopher, 520
Cassarea, formerly Mazaca, a town in
Cappadocia, 233
 a town in Mauritania, 534
 a town in Palestine, 29
Csesanensis, a province of Mauritania,
526
Cre-.arius, prefect of Constantinople,
422
 secretaiy of the Emperor, 551
Caesius, treasurer of the commander of
the cavalry, 200
Cafaves, a people of Africa, 532
Calatis, a town in European Scythia,
444
Calicadnus, a river in Isauria, 9
Callichorus, a river near the Euxine
Sea, 290
Callimachus, an ancient Grecian gene
ral, 369

630

INDEX.

Callipolis, -d. city at the head of the
Hellespont, 287
Callisthenes, a pupil of Aristotle, 166
Callistratus, an ancient orator, 554
Camaritae, a tribe near the Euxine Sea
290
Cambyses, king of Persia, 1 29
 a river in Media, 337
Camels first seen by the Romans at
the siege of Cyzicus, 340
Camenius, a Roman senator, 473
Camp of Hercules (Castra Herculis), a
town in Germany, 161
Camp of Mars, a town in Dacia, 608
Camp of the Moors, a town or fortress
in Mesopotamia, 1 73, 393
Canini, a people on the borders of
Rhajtia, 52
Canopus, a city of Egypt, 314
Cantichns, a gulf in Armenia, 332
Capellatum, a district on the borders of
the Burgundians, 164
Capersana, a town in Syria, 179 ; called
also Capessana, 255
Caphareus, a promontory of Eubcea,
286
Carambis a promontory in Paphlagonia
(now Cape Kerempe), 289
Carcinites, a river and bay on the
Euxine Sea, 292
Carmania, a province of Persia, 338
Camuntum, a city of Illyria, 559
Carpi, a people on the Danube, 446, 468
Carrse, a town of Mesopotamia, 177,
237, 320
Cascellius, a Roman lawyer, 556
Caspian, tribes of the, 291
Cassianus, Duke of Mesopotamia, 98,
176, 201, 396
Cassium, a town in Egypt, 312
Cassius, a mountain in Syria, 28 ;
Julian sacrifices to Jupiter upon it,
305
Castalia, a fountain in Phocis, at the
base of Mount Parnassus, 303
Castricius, Count of Isauria, 8
Catadupi, the cataracts of the Nile, or
the people who live near them, 307
Cataiauni (Chalons sur Marne), 436
Cato, the censor, 16, 81, 88
Catulus, the aedile, 20
Caucalandes, a town in Sarmatia, 588

Cella, a tribune of the Scutarii, 105
Celse, a town in Phcenicia, 23
Cephalonesus, a town ou the Borys.
thenes, 293
Ceras, a cape on the Propontis, 287
Cerasus, a town in Pontus, 289
Cercetse, a tribe near the Euxine Sea,
291
Cercius, the charioteer of Castor and
Pollux, 290
Cercusium, a fortress in Mesopotamia,
324
Cerealis, uncle of Gallus, 43 ; (2) a
master of the horse, 482, 504
Cethegus, a senator, beheaded, 471
Chaerecla, a town in Libya, 313,
Chalcedon, a town in Bithynia, 287;
inscription found on a stone in the
walls of, 577
Chalcenterus, an author, 314
Chaldaaa, 335
Chalites, a gulf in Armenia, 332
Chalybes, a tribe near the Caspian Sea,
290
Chamavi, a German tribe, 141
Charax, a town in Parthia, 338
Charca, a town on the Tigris, 1 83
Chardi, a Scythian tribe, 341
Charietto, count of Germany, 144,
436
Charinda, a river in Media, 337
Charte and Chartra, towns in Bactria,
340
Chasmatias, a kind of earthquake, 1 39
Chauriana, a town in Scythia, 341
Chiliocomus, a district of Media, il
Chilo, a Roman deputy, 469
Chionitso, a tribe bordering on Persia,
99, 134, 176
Chnodomarius, a king of the Allemanni,
107, 112, 120; taken prisoner aud
sent to Rome, 121; his death, 121
Choaspa, a town in Arachosia, 343
Choaspes, a river in Media, 337
Choatres, a river in Parthia, 328
Chronius, a river of the Euxine Sea,
292
Chrysopolis, a city on the Propontis,
287
Cibalse, a town in Pannonia, 566
Cicero, 5, 49, 61, 81, 84, 210, 245,
274, 284, 310, 406, 433, 443, 457,

INDEX.

631

462, 476, 491, 531, 555, 570,
617
Cilicia, description of, 27
Ciminia, a district in Italy, 140
Cimon, son of Miltiades, 145
Cineas, the ambassador of Pyrrhus, 100
Circesium, a town of Mesopotamia,
described, 325
Cius, a town on the Propontis, 287
Civilis, prefect of Britain, 455
Claritas, a Roman matron, 474
Claros, in Lydia, seat of a temple and
oracle of Apollo, 210
Claudiopolis, a city in Isauria, 27
Claudius, prefect of Rome, 439, 542
Cleander, a prefect under the Emperor
Commodus, 418
Clematius, a citizen of Alexandria, 2
Cleopatra, 313
Coche, a town in Persia, 363
Coela, a town near the Hellespont,
287
Cceni Gallicani, a station in Bithynia, 38
Colchi, a tribe of Egyptian origin, 290
Colias, a Gothic noble, revolts, 592
Cologne (Colonia Agrippina), 86
Comedus, a mountain in the country
of the Sacse, 340
Comets, their nature, 401
Commagena, a province of Syria, 334
Commodus, the Roman Emperor, 507,
605
Como (Comum), a town in Italy, 48
' Constans, son of Constantine, 2, 94
Constantia, daughter of Constantius,
423, 539
Constantianus, a tribune, 322, 482,
522
Constantina, daughter of Constantine
the Great, 2, 37, 244, 245
 a town in Mesopotamia, 178
Constantine the Great, 60, 81, 93, 97,
131,419
Constantinople, 287 ; threatened siege
of, by the Goths, 622
Constantius the Emperor, his cruelty,
13; summons Gallus to Italy, 23;
makes war on the Allemanni, 32;
his speech, 34-36 ; retires to Milan,
36; his jealousy, 37; his severe
treatment of Callus's friend 51 ;
invests Julian with the title of

Csesar, 70 ; his weakness, 99 ; his
triumphal procession to Rome, 100 ;
his arrogance, 101 ; erects an obelisk,
130; reply to Sapor, 135; receives
the title of Sarmaticus, 156; marches
against the Limigantes, 204 ; jealousy
of Julian, 216 ; besieges Bezabde,
237 ; marries Faustina after the
death of Eusebia, 253 ; crosses
the Euphrates, 255; his speech to
his army, 267 ; unfavourable dreams
and omens, 269; his death, 271;
virtues and vices, 272 ; buried at
Constantinople, 276
Contensis, a town in Africa, 534
Coptos, a town in the Thebais, 312;
story of his wife, 291
Corax, a river flowing into the Euxine,
291
Corduena, » province belonging to the
Persians, 175, 321, 393
Cornelius Gallus, procurator of Egypt,
129
Cornelius, a senator, 474
Coronus, a mountain in Media, 335
Costoboci, a Scythian tribe, 293
Cottius, a king on the Alps, 75
Craugasius, a noble of Nisibis, 200 ;
story of his wife, 201
Crescens, deputy-governor of Africa,
501
Cretio, count of Africa, 254
Crispus, son of Constantine the Great,
41
Crisssean Gulf in Western Locris, 140
Criu-Metopon, a promontory of Thrace,
289
Crocodiles in Egypt, 309
Croesus, 64
Ctesiphon, the winter residence of the
Parthian kings, 334
Curandius, a tribune of the archers,
530
Curio, a Roman general, 530
Cybele, festival in honour of, 321
Cyclades, 286
Cydnus, a river in Cilicia, 27
Cylaces, a Persian eunncb, 463
Cynaegirus, a Grecian general, 369
Cynossema, a promontory inCaria, now
Cape Volpo, 287
Cyprus, 29

6.32

INDEX.

Cyrene, a city in Libya, 312
Cyreschata, a town in Sogdiana, 340
Cyria, a Mauritanian princess, 531
Cyrinus, 280
Cyropolis, a town in Media, 337
Cyrus, 90, 331
Cyzicus, 287 ; besieged and taken by
Procopius, 426 ; taken by the Scy
thians, 591 D.
Dacca, 423
Dadastana, a town on the borders of
Bithynia, 403
Dagalaiphus, captain of the domestics,
255, 347, 359, 388, 407; sent by
Valentinian to oppose the Allemanni,
415 ; made consul, 428
Dahaj, a Scythian tribe, 290
Damascus, 28
Damasus, bishop of Rome, 441
Dames, 95
Dandace, a town in the Tauric Cher
sonese, 292'
Daniel, a Roman count, 546
Danube, description of the, 293
Daphne, a suburb of Antioch, 210 ; (2)
a town in Mcesia, 445
Dardanus, a town in the Hellespont,
287
Darius, 331, 428
Darnis, a town in Libya, 312
Datianus, a Roman consul, 133
Davana, a town in Mesopotamia, 321
Davares, a people of Africa, 532
Decern Pagi (Dieuse), 86
Decentius, a tribune, 216
Decius (the Casar), 614
Delos, 139, 303
Delphidius, an orator, 160
Delta in Egypt, 309
Demetrius Chytras, a philosopher of
Alexandria, 209
Democritus, 46, 88, 286
Demosthenes, 549, 554
Diabas, a river of Assyria, 334
Dibaltum,a city of Thrace, 600
Dicalidones, a tribe of Picts, 453
Didius, a Roman general, 443
Didymus, surnamed Chalcenteros, 314
Dieuse (Decern Pagi), 86
Dinarchus, a Grecian orator, 554

Dindyma, a mountain of Mysia, 287
Dinocrates, an architect, 313
Diodes, treasurer of Illyricum ,451
Diocletian, 59, 317
Diodorus, a count, 301
Diogenes, governor of Bithynia, 514
Diogmitse, a kind of light-armed troops,
456
Dionysiopolis, 444
Dionysius, king of Sicily. 44, 64, 97
Dioscurias, a city on the Euxine, 290
Dipsades, a species of Egyptian serpent,
311
Discenes, a tribune, 202
Dius, a Mauritanian chief, 527
Divitenses, a German tribe, 424, 436
Domitian, the emperor, 168
Domitianus, prefect of the East, 23, 49
Domitius Corbulo, 48
Dorians, 73
Doriscus, a town in Thrace, 176
Doros, a surgeon of the Scutari, 92
Dorostorus, a city of Thrace, 444
Dracontius, master of the mint, 301
Drangiana, a province of Persia, 342
Drepanum, a town m Bithynia, 425
Drepsa, a town in Sogdiana, 340
Druentia (the Durance), a river in Gaul,
77
Druids, 73, 74
Drusus, a Roman general. 443
Drypetina, daughter of King Mithri-
dates, 95
Dulcitius, a Roman general, 455
Duodiense, a fort in Mauritania, 536
Dura, a town beyond the Tigris, in
Mesopotamia, 326, 347, 391
Dymas, a river in Sogdiana, 340
Dynamius, 55 E.
Earthquakes in Africa, 137; their
supposed causes, 138
Ecbatana, an Assyrian town, 334
Eclipses, causes of, 214
Edessa, 236, 255
Elephantine, a city of Ethiopia, 307
Elephants, 376
Eleusis, 139
Eleutheropolis, a town in Palestine,
29
Elusa (Elause), a town in Gaul, 79

INDEX.

63S

Etnissa, a town of Syria, 28
Emodon, a mountain in Scythia, 341
Emona, 477
Engines, warlike, 323
Epicurus, 554
Epigonius, a philosopher, 25, 31
Epinienides, 486
Epiphania, a town in Cilicia, 300
Equitius, tribune of the Scutarii, 406 ;
made general and count, 414, 539 ;
his son Equitius a tribune, 611
Eratosthenes, 287
Erectheus, 84
Ermenrichus, king of the Ostrogoths,
583
Erythrae, a city in Ionia, 617
Esaias, a Roman noble, 477
Essedones and Essedon, a people and
town of the Seres, 341
Etibulus, a citizen of Antioch, 22
Eucasrius, proprefect of Asia, 506
Euctemon, an ancient astronomer, 407
Eumenius, 477
Eumolpias (Philippopolis), 278
Eupatoria, a city of the Tauri, 292
Euphrasius, master of the offices,
422
Euphrates, 199, 335
Euphronius, governor of Mesopotamia,
176
Eupraxius, master of the records, 450
Euripides, his tomb at Arethusa, 443
Enropos, a city of Persia, 337
Eusebia, wife of the Emperor Constan
tius, 48 ; her plots against Helena,
103, 253
Eusebius, an orator, surnamed Pittacus,
23, 31 ; (ii.) High Chamberlain, 33,
36, 167, 281 ; (iii.) surnamed Mat-
tyocopa, 55 ; (iv.) brother of Euse
bia and Hypatius, 160, 253, 516;
(v.) Bishop of Nicomedia, 295
Euseni, an eastern people, near Persia,
29
Eustathius, a philosopher, 136
Eutherius, prefect of the bedchamber,
93, 232
Eutropius, proconsul of Asia, 512
Evagrius, one of the emperor's house
hold, 280
Exsuperius, one of the Victorian Legion,
361

F.

Fabius Maximus, 81
Fabricius Luscinus, 548
Fara, an island on the coast of Persia,
338
Farnobius, 587, 601
Faustina, the second wife of the Em
peror Constantius, 253, 271, 423
F'austinus, a military secretary, 562
F-elix, master of the offices,' 233, 317
Fericius, a Mauritanian chief, 530
Ferratus, a mountain in Mauritania,
527
Festus, governor of Syria, 519; his
cruelties, 528
Fidustius, accused of magic, 505
Firmus, a Mauritanian chief, 525 ; his
flight, 533 ; commits sucide, 537
Flavian, a Roman citizen, 502
Florentius, (i.) prefect of the Pretorian
Guard, 110, 128, 216, 232, 253J
270; (ii.) the son of Nigridianus, 58,
213,279; (iii.) the prefect of Gaul
under Valentinian, 452 ; (iv.) a tri
bune, 430 ; (v.) Duke of Germany,
.525
Fortunatianus, a count, 504
Forum of Trajan, 102
Fragiledus, a Sarmatian chief, 148
Franks, 58, 141, 235
FVaomarius, king of the Bucenobantes,
a German tribe, 524
Frigeridus, a Roman general, 595, 600
FMtigemus, general of the Goths, 587,
593, 607, 609
Frontinus, 472
Fullofaudes, military duke in Britain,
453'
Fulvius, a Roman general, 81
G.
Gabinius, king of the Quadi, 539, 559
Galactophagi, a Scythian tribe, 341
Galata, the Gauls, 73
Galerius, 38
Galla, the mother of Gallus, 43
Gallienus, 4
Gallonatis, a fort in Mauritania, 531
Gallus, nephew of Constantine the
Great, 1 ; his atrocities, 2 ; puts the
principal pel sons at Antioch to death,

634

INDEX.

21 ; summoned by the emperor, 37 ;
leaves Antioch and arrives at Con
stantinople, 39 ; is sent to Istria, 41 ;
put to death, 42 ; his personal ap
pearance and character, 43
Gallus, a river in Bithynia, 426
Garamantes, an African tribe, 307
Garumna (the Garonne), 78
Gaudentius, 51, 95, 143, 254, 300
Gaugamela, a city in Adiabene, 334
Gaul, description of, 73 ; its provinces,
79 ; its inhabitants, 80 ; produce,
81
Gaza (now Ghuzzeh), a city of Pales
tine, 29
Gazaca, a town in Media, 337
Geapolis, a town in Arabia, 338
Gedrosia, a province of Persia, 343
Gelani, a people of the East, near Persia,
134
Geloni, a tribe near the Caspian, 291
Genonia, a town in Parthia, 338
Genua (Genoa), chief town of the
Ligures, 77
George, bishop of Alexandria, 300,
301
Gerasa, a town in Arabia, 29
Gerasus (the Pruth), 584
Germanianus, 255
Germanicopolis, in Bithynia, 456
Germanicus, 306
Germany, 78
Gerontius, tortured by Constantius, 12
Gildo, a Mauritanian chief, 526
Glabrio, Acilius, 17
Gomoarius, or Gumoharius, 233, 255,
269, 422, 429
Gordian, the elder, 421 ; (ii.) the
younger, 326
Gorgias of Leontinum, 554
Gorgonius, Caesar's chamberlain, 48
Goths, 442, 445, 585 ; invade Thrace,
599 ; defeated by Frigeridus, 601 ;
massacre of the, 623
Gratian, the elder, 566 ; (ii.) son of
Valentinian, 448 ; takes Equitius as
his colleague, 551, 602, 605 ; sur
prised by Sebastian, 607
Grumbates, king of the Chrouitse, 176,
185
Gruthungi, a tribe of Ostrogoths, 446,
583

Gundomadus, king of the Allemaani,
32, 111
Gynsecon, a town in the Persian pro
vince of Gedrosia, 343
Gyndes, a Persian river, 337
H.
Hadrian, 386, 571
Hadrianople, battle of, 610-615; siege
of by the Goths, 619; raised, 620
Hadrianopolis, 39, 444, 607
Hannibal, 77 ; buried at Libyssa, 295
Harax, a river in Susiana, 335
Hariobaudes, a tribune, 161, 162
Hariobaudus, a king of the Allemanni,
164
Harmozon, a promontory in Carmania,
332
Harpalus, one of Cyrus's lieutenants,
74
Hasdrubal, a Carthaginian general, 77
Hatra, an ancient town in Mesopotamia,
395
Hebrus (Maritza), a river in Thrace,
172
Hecatseus, an ancient geographer, 287
Hecatompylos, a town in Parthia, 3H8
Helen, wife of Julian, 71 ; her death
and burial, 244
Helenopolis (Frankfort-on-the-Maine),
425
Helice, a town in Achaia, destroyed by
an earthquake, 140
Heliodorus, a seer, 504; his atrocities,
515; death of, 517
Heliogabalus, 421
Heliopolis, a town of Syria, 131
Helipolis, a military engine used in
sieges, 324
Helpidius, prefect of the East, 253
Hendinos, a title given to the Burgun-
dian kings, 495
Heniochi, a tribe near the Euxine, 290
Heraclea, a citv of Thrace, called also
Perinthus, 278
Heraclitus, the philosopher of Ephesus,
274
Herculanus, officer of the guard, 33
Hercules, 73
Hermapion, 132
Hermes Trismegistus, 270
Hermogenes, master of the horse, 33 ,

INDEX.

635

(ii.) of Pontus, prefect of the pras-
torium, 208, 253; (iii.) a Roman
general m Germany, 481
Hermonapa, an island in the Palus
Maeotis, 291
Hermopolis, a city in the Thebais, 312
Herod, 29
Herodianus, 314
Herodotus, 311
Hesiod, 16
Hesperius, proconsul of Africa, 502
Hesychia, a Roman matron, 477
Hiaspis, a district on the Tigris, 1 69
Hiberia, a country in Asia, near Col
chis, 463 ; is divided between the
Persians and Romans, 466, 549
Hibita, a station in Mesopotamia, 399
Hiera, an island on the coast of Sicily,
one of the Agates, 139
Hierapolis, a city in Commagena, 28,
267, 319 ; (ii.) a city in Phrygia,
333
Hierocles, son of Alypius, governor of
Britain, 514
Hieroglyphics of the Egyptians, 130
Hilarinus, a charioteer, 411
Hilarius, 505
Hileia, a town in Mesopotamia, 170
Hipparchus, the philosopher, 407
Hippias of Elis, 90
Hippocephalus, a suburb of Antioch,
270
Hippopotamus of Egypt, 310
Histros, a city of Thrace, 293
Homer, 20, 71, 170, 191, 270, 341,
442, 453, 479, 617
Honoratus, Count of the East, 3, 21
Hormisdas, a Persian prince, 102 ; (ii.)
a general of the emperor Julian, 347 ;
(iii.) son of the preceding, 427
Horre, a town in Mesopotamia, 183
Hortarius, king of the Allemanni, 107,
144, 161 ; (ii.) a German noble, 525
Hucumbra, 374
Huns, 577-582
Hydriacus, a river in Carmania, 339
Hydrus, the, 310
Hymetius, proconsul of Africa, 471;
banished to Boa;, a town in DUmatia,
742
Hypanis (the Bog), a river o Sarma-
tia, 291

Hypatius, a consul, brother of Eusebius,
160, 253, 516
Hyperechius, 426
Hyperides, a Grecian orator, 554
Hyrcania, a northern province of Per
sia, 339
Hystaspes, father of Darius, 336
I.
Iaxamat^e, a Scythian tribe, 291
laxartse and laxartes, a people and
river of Scythia, 341
Iazuyges, a people on the Palus Majots,
291
Ibis, the sacred bird of the Egyptians,
311
Ichneumon, an Egyptian reptile, 310
Iconium, a town in Pisidia, 5
Icosium, a town iu Mauritania, 529
Idmon, an augur, 290
Igilgitatum, part of the coast of Mauri
tania, so called from the town Igil-
gili (Iijeli), 526
Igmazen, king of Mauritania, 535
Ilus, son of Troas, 296
Imbros, an island off the coast of
Thrace, 286
Immo, a Roman count, 261
Ingenuus, a rebel, 274
Innocentius, 121
Iphicles, a philosopher, envoy from
Epims, 561
Iris, a nver flowing into the Euxine,
289
Isaflenses, a people of Africa, 534
Isaura, a large town at the foot of
Mount Taurus, 144
Isauria, a province of Asia Minor, 143
Isaurians, rebellion of the. 5; they
besiege Seleucia, 8; compelled by
Nebridius to disperse, 10
Isocrates, 570
Izala, a mountain in Mesopotamia, 173

Jacobus, treasurer of the commander
of the cavahy, 200
Januarius, a relation of the Emperoi
Julian, 406
Jasonium, a mountain in Media, 33S

636

INDEX.

Jerusalem, the temple of, 317
Jews, 283
Jovian, chief officer of the guard, 276 ;
son of Varronianus, 388 ; elected
emperor after Julian, 388 ; his
treaty with Sapor, 393 ; advances to
Hatra, 395 ; his severity, 399 ; vi
sits Tarsus, 402 ; dies suddenly at
Didastana, 403 ; his character, 405 ;
his body brought to Constantinople,
406
Jovianus, a secretary, 361, 398, 417
Jovinianus, a Persian satrap, 175
Jovinus, master of the horse, 256, 261,
279, 396 ; commander of the forces
in Gaul, 414; his vigour, 436;
defeats the Germans, 458 ;¦ his execu
tion, 501
Jovius, a quaestor, 256, 294
Juba, king of Mauritania, 308
Jubileni, an African tribe, 535
Julian, son of Constantius and Basilina,
383 ; born at Constantinople, 295 ;
educated by Eusebius, bishop of
Nicomedia, 295 ; protected by Queen
Eusebia, 48 ; is invested with the
title of Cajsar, 69 ; married to Helena,
71; made consul, 83; marches
against the Allemanni, 85 ; tempe
rate habits, 89 ; his moderation, 91 ;
plots against, 93 ; second consulship,
104; his first campaign, 105; his
prudence, 107 ; his speech to his
soldiers, 109 ; the Allemanni sue
for peace, 126 ; fixes his winter
residence at Paris, 128 ; attacks the
Chimavi, 141 ; military sedition,
142; he crosses the Rhine, 163;
Constantius grows jealous of him,
216; saluted as emperor, 219; his
dream, 223; his letters to Constan
tius, 229; elected emperor by the
army, 234 ; crosses the Rhine, and
attacks the Attuarii, 235 ; death of
his wife Helena, 244 ; pretended
adherence to Christianity, 246 ;
defeats the Allemanni, 249 ; speech
to his soldiers, 250 ; enters Sermium,
257 ; his letter to the senate, 259 ;
' besieges Aquileia, 261 ; his march
through France, 267 ; hears of the
death of Constantius, and enters Con

stantinople, 278 ; his severities, 279 ;
reforms the imperial palace, 281 ;
openly professes paganism, 283 ; sets
out for Antioch, 295 ; visits the
ancient temple of Cybele at Pessinus,
and offers sacrifices, 296 ; winters at
Antioch, 298 ; forbids the masters of
rhetoric to instruct Christians, 299 ;
prepares for an expedition against the
Persians, 302 ; orders the church at
Antioch to be closed, 304 ; writes
his ' Misopogon,' 305 ; marches into
Mesopotamia, and arrives at Carrho?,
320 ; addresses his army, 328 ;
invades Assyria, 347 ; captures and
bums Pirisabora, 353 ; addresses
the army, 354 ; his continence, 368 ;
his sacrifice to Mars, 369; storms
Megalomalcha, 357-362; burns all
his ships except twelve, 370 ; his self-
denial, 377 ; alarmed by prodigies,
377 ; wounded in fighting with the
Persians, 379 ; his dying speech,
381; death, 383; his character,
383—386 ; his personal appearance,
387
Julian, uncle of the emperor, 317
Juliers (Juliacum Francoram), 127
Julius, a count commanding the army
in Thrace, 422, 623
Justina, wife of Valentinian, 575 ; sister
of Cerealis, 482
Juvenal, 488
Juventius Siscianus, the quaestor, 413 ;
made prefect ot the city, 441
K.
Kellen (Triaisinse), a town in Ger
many, 161 L.
Lacotene, a town in Armenia, 236
Lasti, a German tribe, 231
Lagarimanus, a general af the Goths
584
Laipso, a tribune, 121
Lamfoctense, a town in Mauritania,
528
Lampadius, prefect of the prastorian
guard, 55 ; made prefect of tie city,
440

INDEX.

637

Laropsacus, a city of Mysia, 287
Laniogaisus, a Frank and tribune, 59
ti Laodicea, a town of Syria, 28
Laranda, a town in Isauria, 8
Latinus, count of the domestics, 34
Laudias, a fort in Mesopotamia, 179
Laumellum, a town in Italy, 72
Lauricius, sent as governor to Isauria,
211
•Lawyers, Roman, described, 555
Lazica, a province of Scythia, 465
Leap-year explained, 407
Lemannus (the Lake Leman), 79
Lemnos, an island off the coast of
Thrace, 286
Lentia (Lintz), 52, 602
Lentienses, incursions of the, 53
Leo, a Pannonian, 407, 470, 551,
561
Leonas, quaestor of Constantius, 233
Leontius, prefect of Rome, 65
Leptis, a town in Africa, distress of,
497 ; implores the emperor's aid, 499
Lesbos, an island on the xEgean Sea,
286
Leuce, an island in the Black Sea,
292
Liberius, bishop of Rome, banished by
Constantius for refusing to concur
in the deposition of Athanasius, 67
Libino, a count, sent by Julian against
the Allemanni and slain, 247
Libya, 312
Libyssa, a town in Bithynia, 295
Limigantes, slaves of the Sarmatians,
151, 203 ; their treachery, 151, 203,
205 ; defeated, 207
Lions in Mesopotamia, 177
Londinium (London), 212, 454, 483
Lome, a fort in Mesopotamia, 201
Lotophagi, mentioned by Homer, 20
Lucillianus, count of the domestics, and
father-in-law of Jovian, 39, 159,
175, 257, 322, 396, 402
Lucullus, a Roman general who defeated
the Thracians, 444
Lugdunum (Lyons), 79
Lupicinus, master of the horse, 16:1 ;
sent against the Picts, 212, 233 ; (ii.)
count of Thrace, 587, 589 ; (in.) one
of the Gentiles, 460
Luscinus, 361, 548

Luscus, governor of Antioch, burnt to'
death, 25
Lusius, an officer under Trajan, 526
Lutetia (Paris), the capital of the Pa-
risii, 78
Luto, count, 65
Lycaonia, part of Asia Minor, 7
Lycurgus, the Spartan lawgiver, 88,
296, 572
Lyons (Lugdunum), 79
 gulf of (Adgradus), 80
Lysimachia, 287 M.
Macellum, in Cappadocia, 48
Macepracta, a town in Assyria, 351
Maces, a promontory in the Persian
Gulf, 332
Machameus, a Roman general, killed
374 ¦
Macrianus, a king of the Allemanni,
164, 494, 523, 552
Macrones, a people near the "Euxine,
290
Masotus Palus (the Sea of Azov), 291
Magamalcha, a city in Persia, 357
Magi, 336
Maharbal, 170
Malarious, commander of the Gentiles,
56, 57 ; appointed by Jovian com
mander of the forces in Gaul, 396
Malechus Podosaces, 350
Mallobaudes, or Mellobaudes, 41, 56,
553, 603
Mamersides, 353, 363
Mamertinus, 255, 259, 279; made
prefect of Italy, with Africa and
Illyricum, 414; accused of pecula
tion, 451
Mancinus, C. Hostilius, a Roman
consul, 44
Manlius Priscus, a lieutenant of
Pompey, 95
Maraccus, a river near the Caspian Sea,
291
Maranx, a district in Persia, 375
Maras, a Christian deacon, put to. the
torture, 32
Maratocupreni, a people in Syria, who
lived by plunder, 48
Marcellianus, duke of Valeria, 539

638

INDEX.

M arccllus, 86 ; master of the horse,
88; cashiered, 92, 95; (ii.) a
kinsman of Procopius, kills Serenia-
nus, 431; seizes Chalcedon, 431;
taken and put to death, 432
Marcianopolis, a city of Thrace, 444,
589
Marcianus, 265; (ii.) a rhetorician,
557
Marcius, an ancient seer, 4
Marcomanni, 538
Marcus Aurelius, 274, 538, 591
Mareades, 325
Margiani, a Persian tribe, 339
Mariandena, a district in Bithynia, 288
Marius Maximus, 488
Marinus, a tribune, 51
Maronea, a town in Thrace, 286
Marseilles (Massilia), 79
Marses, a river in Assyria, 335
Martinus, a deputy-governor of Britain,
13 ; commits suicide, 14
Masaucio, 416
Mascizel, a Mauritanian chief, 527
Masilla, 537
Massagetse, 292, 328, 580
Massilia (Marseilles), 74, 79
Massissenses, a people of Mauritania,
527
Matrona, an Alpine mountain (Mont
Genevre), 76 ; (ii.) the Marne, a
river in Gaul, 78
Maride, a fort in Mesopotamia, 201
Maudio, count, 65
Mauritania, 526
Maurus, a Roman count, 220
Maxentius, a Pannonian, 452
Maxeia, a river in Hyrcania, 339
Maximianopolis, a city in Thrace, 444
Maximinus, the Roman emperor, 4
 prefect of Rome, 468 ; his ferocitv,
469, 470, 473-476
Maximus, prefect of Rome, 265
 a celebrated philosopher, be
headed at Ephesus, 513
Mayence (Moguntiacum), stormed by
Rando, a chief of the Allemanni, 457
Mazaca, a city in Cappadocia, 233
Mazices, a people in Mauritania, 529
Mazuca, a Mauritanian chief, 534
Mederichus, a king of the Allemanni,
113

Medianum, a fortress in Mauritania,
535
Media, 335
Mediolanum (Evreux), 79
Meiacarire, a small town in Mesopo
tamia, noted for its cool springs,
174
Melanchlfcni, a tribe near the Palus
Maeotis, 291
Melantheas, a country palace of the
Roman emperors, 606
Melas, a river in Pamphylia, 7
 a bay (Gulf of Saros) on the
coast of Thrace, 286
Melitina, a town in Lesser Armenia,
200, 236
Memoridus, tribune, 396
Memorius, prefect of Cilicia, 319
Memphis, a town of Egypt, 313
Menander, a poet, 270
Menapila, a town in Bactria, 340
Menophilus, the eunuch of king Mithri-
dates, 95
Mephra, a town in Arabia, 338
Mercurius, a notary, nicknamed the
Count of Dreams, 50
Merenes, a Persian general, 375
Meribanes, king of Hiberis, 253
Merobaudes, 574, 598
Meroe, a town in Ethiopia, 307, 312
Mesene, a town in Assyria, 334
Meseus, a river in Persia, 335
Mesopotamia, 134
Messaila, prefect of Pannonia, 540
Meton, an ancient astronomer, 407
Metrodorus, 387
Metz (Mediomatricum), 79, 99
Midas, king of Phrygia, 296
Milan, 49
Milesians, Athenian colonists, 288
Miletus, 468
Mimas, mount, 617
Minervius, consular governor, 473
Misopogon, the, 305
Mithridates, 94
Mnevis, 306
Modestus, count of the East, 208 ; pre
fect of the prsetorium, 506, 553
Mcesia, one of the Danubian provinoK,
146 ; (ii.) a town in Parthia, 338
Moguntiacus (Mayence), 78
Monaecus (Monaco), 76

INDEX.

639

Montius, a quaestor, 24, 31 ; his violent
death, 25, 40, 49
Mopsucrense, a town in Cilicia, 271
Mopsuestia, 27
Mopsus, a celebrated seer, 27
Mosa (the Meuse), 127
Mossynaeci, a tribe near the Euxine
Sea, 290
Mothone, a town of Laconia, 434
Moxoene, a province beyond the Tigris,
321,393
Munderic, a Thuringian noble, 584
Murci, persons exempt from military
service, 81
Murocincta, 575
Mursa, battle of, 63
Musones, a people in Mauritania, 531
Musonianus, prefect of the East, 81,
98, 136 '
Musonius, a rhetorician, afterwards
deputy governor of Asia Minor, 456
Mygdonia, part of Bithynia, 288
' dus, a town in Phrygia, 424

Nabath.ei, a people of Arabia, 29
Nabdates, 362 ; burnt alive, 364
Nacolia, a town in Phrygia, 430
Naessus, or Naesus, a town in Illyricum,
259, 414
Kagara, a town in Arabia, 338
Naiiarmalcha, a canal joining the Eu
phrates to the Tigris, 366
Nannenus, or Nannienus, Count of
Britain, 493 ; defeats the Allemanni,
603
Napaji, a tribe of the Caspian, 291
Naphtha, 333. 337
Narbona (Narbonne), capital of the fol
lowing, 79 .
Narbonne, a province of Gaul 78
Narses, king of the Persians,^ 327 ; („.)
a Persian nobleman, 134, , Jba
Nascon, a town in Arabia, 338
Natiso, a river near Aquilea, 262
Natuspardo, chief of the domestic!, 461
Naulibus, 342
Nauplius, 286 Q„„tv„ <U1
• Nnzavicium, mountain of Scythia, 341
Neapolis (formerly Shechem, now Na-

blous), a town in Palestine, 29 ; (ii.)
a town in Africa, 313
Nebridius, count of the East, 10 ;
made quaestor by Julian, 233; refuses
to take the oath of allegiance, and
retires from public life, 251 ; made
prefect of the praetorium, 422
Nectaridus, prefect of Britain, 453
Nemesis, or Adrastea. 42
Nemetae (Spiers) a city in Germany,
78
Neo-Caesarea, a city in Pontus, 465
Neotherius, 416
Nepotianus, 467
Nestica, tribune of the Scutarii, 144
Neuri, a tribe of the Massigetae, 580
Nevitta, master of the horse, 256, 258,
259, 265, 284, 347, 359
Nicaea in Bithynia, 295
 in Gaul (Nice), 79
Nice, a town in Thrace, 606
Nicer (the Neckar), 480
Nicomedia, 137, 287, 295, 304
Nicopolis, 444, 591
Nigrinus, 260 ; burnt alive, 264
Nile, 307 ; its islands, 309
Nileus, son of Codrus, 288, 468
Nineveh, 176 (Ninus), 28, 334
Ninus, or Nineveh, 28
Niphates, 332
Nisaea, 339
Nisibis, a town in Mesopotamia, ?0,
172, 178, 393 ; its importance, 397
Nobles, Roman, vices of the, 487-491
Nohodares, a Persian noble, 10, 174 ;
killed, 380
Novesium (Nuys), 161
Novidunum (Nivors), 446
Nubel, a Mauritanian chief, 525
Numerius, prefect of Gaul, 160
Nymphoeum, a temple in Rome sacred
to the nymphs, 66
Nymphaeus, a river in Mesopotamia,
183 O.
Obelisk, Egyptian, inscription upon
an, 132
Obroatis, a town in Persia, 338
Ochus, a river in Bactria, 340
Ocricoli (Ocriculum), 100, 472

640

INDEX.

Octavianus, proconsul of Africa, 317
Odissos, 293, 444
Odryssaeans, a people of Thrace, 443
(Ea, a Roman colony in the province of
Tripoli, 498
(Echardes, a people of Scythia, 341
Olybrius, prefect of the city, 469
Olympias, daughter of Ablabius, 236
Ona, a river in Persia, 333
Ophiusa, a name of the Island of
Rhodes, 139
Opitergium, a town in Pannonia, 538
Opurocarra, a mountain in Serica, 341
Orchomanes, a river in Bactria, 340
Orfitus, prefect of Rome, 14, 100, 439,
451
Oroates, a river in Persia, 335
Orontes, a river in Syria, 28
 a mountain in Media, 335
Oropus, a town in Euboea, 554
Ortogordomaris, a, river rising in Bac
tria, 342
Ortopana, <• city of the Paropanisatae,
342
Osdroene, or Osdruena, a province of
Mesopotamia, 10, 28, 319, 347
Ostracine, a town in Egypt, 312
Oxian Marsh in Sogdiana, 340
Oxus, a river in Hyrcania, 339
Oxyrynchus, a town in Egypt, 313
Ozogardana, a city in Assyria, 350

Pacorus, king of Persia, 334
Palea, town in Pamphylia, 8
Palestine, 29
Palladius, master of the offices, 279 ;
(ii.) a tribune and secretary, 498-
502
Palm-tree, 356
Pannonia, 103, 146
Pantheon of Rome, 102
Pantricapaeum, 291
Paphius, a senator, 474
Paphos, its temple of Venus, 29
Papirius Cursor, 569
Para, son of Arsaces, king of Armenia,
465, 543-549
Paraetonium, a town in Libya, 313
Paraxmalcha, a town on the Euphrates,
350

Parion, a town on the Hellespont,
287
Parnasius, prefect of Egypt, 209
Paropanisatae, a tribe of Persians, 342
Parthenius, a river in Bithynia, 289
Parthia, 338
Parthiscus, a river in Sarmatia, 152
Pasiphilus, a philosopher, 512
Patares, straits between the Palus
Maoris and the Euxine, 291
Paternianus, 551
Patigran, a town in Media, 337
Patrse, a town in Achaia, 209
Patricius, 505, 510
Patruinus, a Roman noble, 67
Paulus, surnamed " The Chain," 13,
14 ; his character, 207 ; despatched
as a judge with Modestus to the
East, 208 ; his cruelties, 209, 210,
280
Pelagia, a name given to the Island of
Rhodes, 139
Pelusium, a city in Egypt, 3 1 2
Pentadius, a notary, 41 ; made master
of the offices, 232, 279
Pentapolis, a province of North Afrits,
312
Peregrinus, a philosopher, 513
Pergamius, accused of magical prac
tices, 505
Persepolis, a town of Persia, 338
Persia, described, 331-337 ; its rivers
337
Persians, also called Parthians, 216
their sovereigns called brothers of
the sun and moon, 330 ; description
of their country, 331-337 ; delibe
rate on public affairs at their baD
quets, 171
Pescennius Niger, 428
Pessinus, » town iu Phrygia, 429 ; its
temple of Cybele, 296
Petobio (Pettau), a town in Noricmn,
40
Petronius, his influence over Valens,
418
Petrus Valvomerea, 66
Peuce, an island in the Euxine Sea, 293
Phaeacians, 170, 453
Phalangius, governor of Boetica, 473
Phanagorus, an island in the Palut
Maeotis, 291

INDEX.

641

Pharos, an island and lighthouse near
Alexandria, 313
Phasis, o river and city in Colchis,
290
Philadelphia, a town in Arabia, 29
Philagrius, 248
Philippopolis, a town in Thrace, for
merly Eumolpias, now Philippopoli,
258, 278, 431, 444; destroyed by
the barbarians, 591
Philistion, 558
Philoromus, a charioteer, 66
Philoxenus, a poet, 64
Philyres, a tribe near the Euxine, 290
Phineus, a soothsayer, 288
Phocaeans, 74
Phocus, 312
Phoenicia, 28
 a town on the Tigris, called also
Bezabde, 225
Phronemius, 422 ; exiled to the Cher-
sonesus, 432
Phrygia, 380
Phrynichus, an Athenian dramatist,
468
Phyllis, a river flowing into the
Euxine, 288
Picenses, a Sarmatian tribe, 155
Pictavi (Poictiers), 79
Picts and Scots, 212, 453 ; harass the
Britons, 413
Pigranes, a Persian general, 368
Piri, a mountain in Germany, 481
Pirisabora, a town in Persia, 351 ; cap
tured and burnt by Julian, 353
Pistoja, a town of Tuscany, ominous
occurrence at, 439
Pityus, an island in the Euxine, 289
Plato, 90, 315, 383, 554
Plantian, 418, 507
Plotinus, 270, 314
Podosaces, chief of the Assanite Sara
cens, 350
Pola, a town in Istria, 41
Polemonion, a town of Pontius, 289
Pollentianus, a tribune, 518
Polybius, the historian, 353
Pompey, 146 .
Pprtospana, a town in Carmama, 33a
Posthumus, 274
Potentius, a tribune, 615
Praetextatus, 285, 457, 473

Priarius, king of the Allemanni, killed,
603
Priscus, a philosopher, 383
Probus, 461 ; his cowardice, 540, 551.
560
Proconesus, an island in the Propontis,
287
Procopius, 159; message from, 175,
320, 401 ; attempts a revolution in
the East, 415 ; his former career,
417; saluted as emperor, 421; his
successes, 424, 425 ; his death, 431
Profuturus, 594, 599
Prophthasia, capital of Drangiana, 342
Prosper, count, 37, 82, 136
Protagoras, 286
Provertuides, 453
Ptolemais, 312
Ptolemy the geographer, 287
Pylae, a town on the borders of Cilicia
and Cappadocia, 297
Pyramids of Egypt, 311
Pythagoras, 315 Q.
Quadi, neighbours of the Sarmatians,
103, 146, 148; ravage Pannonia,
413, 538
Quadriburgium, 161
Quintianus, a senator, 507
Quintilii, two Roman brothers, 490
R.
RABANNxE, a Scythian tribe, 341
Rainbows, causes of, 241
Ramestes, an Egyptian king, 132
Rando, a chief of the Allemanni, 457
Rauracum, a town on the Rhine (Basle),
34, 79, 255
Regulus, 17
Rehimena, a province beyond the
Tigris, 393
Reman, a Roman fortress in Mesopo
tamia, 183
Remi (Rheims), 79, 86
Remigius, 64, 455, 497, 525 ; commits
suicide, 551
Rem ora, a tribune given as a hostage to
the Peisians, 394
Resaina, battle of, 328
Rha (the Volga), 291
2 T

642

INDEX.

Rhebas, a river flowing into the
Euxine, 288
Rhine, its course described, 52
Rhinocolura, a city of Egypt, 312
Rhone, its course described, 79, 80
Rhodes, 139
Rhodope, 258, 287, 443
-Rhombites, a river of the Sauromatae,
291
Richborough (Rutupiae), 212, 254
Richomeres, count of the domestics,
595, 598
Rigomagum (Rheinmagen), 87
Robur, a Roman fortress near Basle,
551
Roemnus, a river in Persia, 341
Rogomanis, a river in Persia, 337
Romanus, count, 455, 497, 525
Rome, its state of morals described, 15 ;
its buildings, 101, 102 ; danger of
a famine at, 203
Romulus, a senator, 264
Rothomagi (Rouen), 79
Roxolani, a Sarmatian race, 291
Rufina, put to death for adultery,
477
Rufinus, commander of the praetorian
guard, 51, 96
 prefect of the praetorium, 451,
461 ; his character, 451, 461
 Aradius, 317
Rumitalca, a tribune, 425
Rumo, a Sarmatian chief, 148
Ruricius, 455, 498, 501
Rusticianus, a priest, 498
Rusticus Julianus, 447
Rutupiae (Richborough), 212, 454

Sabaiarius, or beer-drinker ; a name
given by the inhabitants of Chal
cedon to the emperor Valens, 425
Sabaria, a town in Pannonia, 563
Sabastius, 264
Sabinianus, 169, 171, 189
Sacae, the, 340
Saccumum, a town in Italy, 140
Saga, a town in Scythia, 341
Saganis and Sagareus, rivers in Car-
mania, 339
Salamis, celebrated for its temple of
Jupiter, 29

Salia, his sudden death, 509
Salices, a town in Thrace, 595
Salii, a tribe of Franks, 141
Saliso (Spiers), 86
Sallust, the historian, 81
Sallustius (i.), prefect of Gaul, 255;
consul with Julian, 317 ; opposes
the Persian war, 325 ; (ii.) prefect
of the East, 381 ; refuses the imperial
dignity after Julian's death, 388 ;
ambassador to the Persians, 393;
succeeded in the prefecture by Ne
bridius, 422
Salmaces, a Mauritanian chief, 528
Samosata, a town of Syria, 28, 168,
236
Sanctio (Seckingen), 247
Sangarius, a river flowing into the
Euxine, 288
Santones (Saintes), 79
Sapaudia (Savoy), 80
Saphrax, a general of the Goths, 583,
610
Sapires, a tribe near the Euxine, 290
Sapor, king of Persia, 98 ; letter to
Constantius, 134 ; his designs, 167 ;
wounded at Amida, 185; invades
Mesopotamia, and lays siege to Sin
gara, 223 ; captures it, 224 ; takes
Bezabde, 228 ; makes peace with the
Romans, 393; his treachery, 463 ;
renews the war, 463 ; invades Ar
menia, 485 j his aggression, 503 ;
his proposals to Valentinian, 549
Saracens, 11, 307, 322, 332, 350, 391,
622
Saramanna, a town of Hyrcania, 339
Sargetae, a nation near the Euxine,
292
Sarmatians, 103, 146, 154; ravage
Pannonia, 413, 540
Saturninus (i.), superintendent of the
palace, 280 ; (ii.) a general against
the Goths, 598
Saulieu (Sedelaucum), 85
Sauromaces, 468
Sauromatae, 291, 580
Saxons, 413, 454 ; make incursions
into the Roman territory, 493, 567
Scaevolae, the, 555
Scipio, P. C, 17, 77
Schon, a pirate, 6

INDEX.

643

Scordisci, formerly inhabitants of
Thrace, 442
Scorpion, a military engine, 197 ; its
structure, 322
Scots and Picts, 212, 413, 453
Scudilo, commander of the Scutarii,
34,42
Scytalae, a species of Egyptian serpent,
311
Scythia, described, 341
Scythians, 229, 550
Scythopolis (Bethshean), in Palestine,
208
Sebastian, duke of Egypt, 321, 396,
458 ; surprises the Goths, 607, 615
"Seckingen (Sanctio), 247
Secundinus, 347
Sedratyra, a town in Gerosia, 343
Segestani, a warlike tribe, 187
Seine (Seqnana), 78
Sele, a Persian town, 335
Seleucia (Selefkieh), a city in Syria, 28 ;
(ii.) a town in Persia, also called
Coche, 363
Seleucus Nicator, 28
Selymbria, aMegarian colony, 286
Semiramis, 19
Sens (Senones), 79
Sera, capital of Serica, 341
Serapion, king of the Allemanni, 107
Serapis, his temple at Alexandria, 314 ;
also at Turgana, 338
Serdica, a town in Bulgaria, 95
Serenianus, duke of Phoenicia, 22, 41,
414; defends Cyzicus, 427; his
death, 431
Sergius, 381, 461
Serica, a country bordering on Scythia,
341
Sei-vilius, the conqueror of Cilicia, 27
Severus (i.), the Emperor, 395, 507 ;
(ii.) master of the horse, 103; at
the battle of Strasburg, 113, 141,
143 ; master of the infantry under
Valentinian, 447, 493
Sextius Calvinus, 81 ,„. ., z.Ka
Sicani, ancient occupants of Sicily, S5b
Sicinius Dentatus, 381, 461
Sidon, a city of Phoenicia, 28
Silvanus, 55; attempts to assume the
imperial dignity, 59 ; is killed in a
Christian church, 63

Simonides (i.), the lyric poet, 16 90 ;
(ii.) a philosopher, 512 ; burnt alive,
513
Simplicius, 209 ; cruelty of, 477
Sindi, a tribe near the Euxine, 293
Singara, a town in Mesopotamia, 170 ;
besieged and taken by Sapor, 223,
224 ; given up to the Persians, 393
Sinope, in Paphlagonia, 289
Sintula, tribune of the stable, 217, 221
Sirmium, 257
Sisara, a fort in Mesopotamia, 173
Sitifis, a town in Mauritania, 501, 526
Sizyges, a Scythian tribe, 341
Socrates, 488
Socunda, a town in Hyrcania, 339
Sogdiana, a province of Persia, 340
Sole, a town of Hyrcania, 339
Solicinium, 459
Solon, 64, 88, 315
Sophanes, a general under Xerxes, 369
Sophocles, 383
Sophronius, prefect of Constantinople,
421
Sopianae, a town in Valeria, a provin ?e
of Pannonia, 468
Sosingetes, a lake in Assyria, 333
Setera, a town in Persia, 342
Sparti, a Persian regiment, 200
Spectatus, a Roman tribune, 136
Sphinx, 309
Sporades, islands in the JEgean sea,
286
Stagira, the birthplace of Aristotle,
443
Stesichorus, a Greek lyric poet, 488
Sthenelus, his monument, 290
Strasburg, battle of, 113-118
Subicarense, a fortress in Mauritania,
538
Succi, a narrow pass in Mount Hemus,
258, 265, 267, 443
Sueridus, a Gothic chief, revolts, 592
Sugarbaritanum, a town in Mauritania,
529
Suggena, a Mauritanian general, 531
Sumere, a fort on the Tigris, 390
Sunon, a lake in Bithynia, 426
Suomarius, king of the Allemanni, 107 ;
his submission, 143
Suprse, a barbarian troop, 548
Surena, the title of the Persian com-

644

INDEX.

mander-in-chief, 354, 358 ambas
sador from Sapor, 393
Susa (Shushan), a city of Persia, 335
Syagrius, 481
Syene, a town of Egypt, 312
Sylla, 88, 116
Symmachus, a senator, 265 ; prefect
of Rome, his character, 439
Symplegades, islands in the Bosporus,
288
Synhorium, a fortress in Armenia, 95
Syria, 28 T.
Tabiana, an island in the Persian
gulf, 338
Tages, a soothsayer, 143, 245
Taifali, a Gothic tribe, 155
Talicus, a Persian river, 341
Tamsapor, a Persian general, 98, 134,
169, 201
Tanais (the Don), 291
Tanaitae, a tribe of the Alani, 583
Taphra, a town in Arabia, 338
Tapurian mountains in Persia, 340
Tarquitius, a soothsayer, 378
Tarratius Bassus, 473
Tarsus, a town in Cilicia, 27 ; Julian
buried at, 404
Tauri, a tribe near the Euxine, 291
Taurini (Turin), 72
Tauriscus, a conqueror of Spain, 73
Taurus, a quaestor, 39 ; prefect in Italy,
253
Tenedos, an island in the iEgean sea,
286
Teredon, a city at the mouth of the
Euphrates, 332
Terence, 439
Terentius, a Roman general, 465, 544
Tertullus, prefect of Rome, 203, 259
Teuchira, a town in Cyrenaica, 312
Teutomeres, chief of the Protectores, 51
Teutones, incursions of the, 591
Thalassius (i.), prefect of the East, 4,
23; (ii.) an officer in one of the
law courts at Rome, 298
Thasos, now Thaso, 286
Thebes, a city in Egypt, 129, 312
Themiscyra forest, inhabited by Ama
zons, 289
Themistocles, 571

Theodorus, 505, 506, 511
Theodosius (i.), 453 ; assists the Bri
tons, 483 ; his success, 485, 526,
527, 538 ; (ii.) the younger, 541
Theodotus, 305
Theognis, a poet, 508
Theolaiphus, count, 271
Theophanes, a river of the Sauromata>,
291
Theophilus, governor of Syria, 22, 82
Theopompus, 296
Thermodon, a river of Pontus, 289
Thiadamas, 302
Thilsaphata, a town in Mesopotamia,
397
Thilutha, a fort on the Euphrates, 349
Thmuis, a town in Egypt, 313
Thrace, 442 ; description of the country
and the people, 287, 443, 444
Thucydides, 191, 343
Thule, 171
Thuringians, 583 ; revolt, 588 ; defeat
an army under Lupicinus, 590
Thynia, a district of Bithynia, 288
Tibareni, a people of Pontus, 290
Tiber, 542
Tibris, 289
Ticinum (now Pavia), 72
Tigaviae, a town of Mauritania, 530
Tigris, 333
Timagenes, a Greek writer, 73
Tingetanum, a fort in Mauritania,
531
Tios, a town of the Euxine, 289
Tipata, a town in Mauritania, 532
Tiphys, the pilot of the Argonauts,
290
Tiposa, a town in Mauritania, 529
Tisias, an ancient Greek orator, 554
Tochari, a Bactrian tribe, 340
Tolosa (Toulouse), 79
Tomi, a city of Thrace, 293
Tomyris, a queen of Scythia, 331
Totordanes, a river of the Sauromatae,
291
Toxandria, a town built by the Franks,
141
Tragonice, a town of Persia, 338
Trajan (i.), the Emperor, 29, 102,
395, 440 ; (ii.) count of Armenia,
503, 547 ; his battle with the Goths,
595, 608, 615

INDEX.

645

TransceUensis, a mountain in Mauri
tania, 529
Trapezus, a Sinopean colonv in Pontus,
289
Trebatius, a lawyer, 556
Treves (Treviri), 79
Tribocci, a tribe on the Upper Rhine,
120
Tricapa; (Troyes), 79
Tricesimae (Eellen), 161
Tricorii, a people of the Alps, 77
Tripoli, 496, 551
Troglodytae, a tribe near the Red Sea,
293
Tubusnptum, a town in Mauritania, 527
Tungri (Tongres), 78, 141
Turgana, an Arabian island, 338
Tyana, a town in Cappadocia, 333, 402
Tyndenses, a people of Mauritania, 527
Tyras (the Dneister), 293
Tyre, 28
Tyros, a town on the Euxine, 293
U.
Ultra, the son of Aspacuras, 466
Ur, a fort in Persia, 396
Urbicius, duke of Mesopotamia, 549
Urius, king of the Allemanni, 107, 164
Ursacius, 413, 415
Ursicinus, king of the Allemanni, 107,
164
— — master of the horse in the East,
30, 36 ; recalled, 37 ; danger of, 47 ;
goes to Cologne, 61, 86, 180, 189,
190 ; charges against, 213
Ursinus, contest with Damaras for the
bishopric of Rome, 441
Ursulus, 96, 280
Usafer, a Sarmatian noble, 149
Uscudama, a town in Thrace, 39, 444

Vadomarius, king of the Allemanni,
32, 24-7, 248, 425, 503
Vagabanta, a town of Mesopotamia,
504
Valens of Thessalonica, 274
Valens chosen emperor of the East by
his brother Valentinian, 413 ; his
alarm at the successes of Procopius,
424 • sends Vadomarius to besiege
Nicaea, and proceeds himself to Ni-

comedia, 425 ; his cruelty, 433 ;
marches against the Goths, 445 ; at
tacks the Gruthungi, 446; returns
to Constantinople, 447; his suspi
cious character, 507 ; reply to Sapor,
549 ; omens of his death, 576 ; re
ceives an embassy from the Goths,
585 ; sends Victor into Persia, 594 •
leaves Antioch for Constantinople^
606 ; marches to Hadrianople, 609 ;
his death, 614; his vices, 616
Valentia (Valence), 32, 79
 a province of Britain, 485
Valentine, a Pannonian, 484, 568
Valentinian, chosen emperor, 406 ; his
conduct, 407 ; saluted as Augustus,
409 ; his speech, 409 ; creates his
brother Valens tribune and master
of the horse, 412 ; arrives at Con
stantinople, 412 ; takes as his col
league in the imperial dignity his
brother Valens, 413; his cruelty,
433 ; invests his son Gratian with
the imperial dignity, 448 ; sends
Theodosius to Britain, 453 ; marches
against the Allemanni and gains a
victory, 458 ; defeats the Goths at
Solicinum, and returns to Treves,
461 ; fortifies the banks of the Rhine,
480 ; makes overtures of peace to
the Burgundians, 495 ; his cruelties,
521 ; makes peace with Macrianus,
552 ; marches against the Quadi,
562 ; his dream, 563 ; his death,
564 ; review of his reign, 567 ; his
character, 569-573
Valentinian II. chosen emperor, 575
Valentinus, a tribune, 166
Valeria, a province of Pannonia, so
named after the daughter of Diocle
tian, 204, 468
Valerian, officer of the domestics, 461
Valerianus, master of the horse, 615
Valerius Publicola, 17
Vangiones (Worms), 78
Vardanes, the founder of Ctesiphon, 334
Varronianus, the father of Jovian, 388
— — the son of Jovian, 403
Vasatae (Bazas), 79
Vatrachites, a river of Persia, 337
Vecturiones, a nation of the Picts, 453
Velia, a town in Lucania, 74

646

INDEX.

Ventidius, lieutenant of Antony, 328
Venustus, 317, 473
Verissimus, count, 92
Verrinianus, 60, 181
Vertae, allies of the Persians at the siege
of Amida, 187, 193
Vestralpus, a king of the Allemanni,
107, 164
Veteranio, 46
Vetranio, captain of the Zianni, 377
Victohali, a Gothic tribe, 150
Victor Aurelius, the historian, 259
Victor, a Sarmatian, 347, 356, 366,
445, 609
 a tribune given as a hostage to
the Persians, 394
Victorinus, 473
Viderichus, son of Vithimiris, 583
Viduarius, king of the Quadi, 151
Vienna (Vienne), 79
Vincentius, tribune of the Scutarii, 300
Virgantia (Brianjon), 76
Virgil, 72, 202, 586
Virta, a town in Mesopotamia, 228

Vitalianns, count, 403
Vithicabius, king of the Allemanni, 458
Vithimiris, king of the Eastern Goths,
583
Vitrodurus, son of Viduarius, 151
Vocontii, a people of Gaul, 67

Zabdiceni, a people of Mesopotamia,
225, 393
Zagrus, montes, 335
Zaita, a fortress in Mesopotamia, 193
Zamma, son of a Mauritanian chief, 525
Zariaspes, a river in Bactria, 340
Zeno, a celebrated Stoic, 31
Zeugma, a town on the Euphrates, 179
Zianni, an Armenian tribe, 377
Ziata, a fortress in Mesopotamia, 193
Zinafer, a Sarmatian chief, 148
Zizais, son of a king of the Sarmatians,
148
Zombis, a town in Media, 337
Zopyrus, 169
Zoroaster, 336

THE END.

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