HISTOEY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. A HISTORY i OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. WITH FOUR MAPS CONSTRUCTED FOR THIS WORK BY A. KEITH JOHNSTON. BY CHAELES HAEDWICK, M.A. FORMEBLY FELLOW OF ST. CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, AND ARCHDEACON OF ELY. SECOND EDITION, EDITED BY FEANCIS PEOCTEE, M.A, LATE FELLOW OF ST. CATHARINE'S COLLEGE, AND VICAR OF WITTON, NORFOLK. MACMILLAN AND CO. AND 23, HENRIETTA STREET, COVENT GARDEN, Hontton. 1861. [The Right of Translation is reserved.] IN2. ©amrjrfog*: PKINTED BY C. J. CLAY, M.A. AT THE UNIVEESITY PBESS. TO THE MASTEE AND FELLOWS OP st. Catharine's college, Cjjis Bolurtu 18 RESPECTFULLY AND AFFECTIONATELY INSCRIBED AS A MEMORIAL OP HAPPY YEARS SPENT IN THEIR SOCIETY. PEEFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION. A few words will explain the circumstances under which the Second Edition of a portion of the late Arch deacon Hardwick's Work 'has been prepared for the press by another hand. The Author had made preparations for a revised edition of this volume. These additions and alterations have been inserted in their place. The editor has verified a large proportion of the original references. A few additional references are also given, e.g. to the Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain and Ireland, now in course of publication under the sanction of the Master of the Eolls, . and to Dean Milman's History of Latin Christianity; and some others, which it is hoped will make the work more useful to the Students, for whom this Series of Theological Manuals is mainly intended. PEEFACE TO THE FIEST EDITION. ALTHOUGH this volume has been written for the series of Theological Manuals projected by the present Pub lishers five years ago, it claims to be regarded as an in tegral and independent treatise on the Mediaeval Church. I have begun with Gregory the Great, because it is admitted on all hands that his pontificate became a turn ing-point, not only in the fortunes of the Western tribes and nations, but of Christendom at large. A kindred reason has suggested the propriety of pausing at the year 1520, — the year when Luther, having been extruded from those Churches that adhered to the communion of the pope, established a provisional form of government, and opened a fresh era in the history of Europe. All the intermediate portion is, ecclesiastically speaking, the Middle Age. The ground-plan of this treatise coincides in many points with one adopted at the close of the last century in the colossal work of Schrockh, and since that time by others of his thoughtful countrymen; but in arranging the materials I have frequently pursued a very different X PEEFACE TO course. The reader will decide upon the merit of these changes, or, in other words, he will determine whether they have added to the present volume aught of clearness and coherence. With regard to the opinions (or, as some of our Ger manic neighbours would have said, the stand-point) of the author, 'I am willing to avow distinctly that I always construe history with the specific prepossessions of an Englishman, and, what is more, with those which of ne cessity belong to members of the English Church. I hope, however, that although the judgment passed on facts may, here and there, have been unconsciously dis coloured, owing to the prejudices of the mind by which they are observed, the facts themselves have never once been seriously distorted, garbled, or suppressed. It is perhaps superfluous to remark, that I have uniformly profited by the researches of my predecessors, ancient, modern, Eoman, and Eeformed. Of these I may particularize Baronius1, and, still more, Eaynaldus (his continuator), Fleury2, Schrockh3, Gieseler4, Neander5, Dol- 1 Baronius: best edition, including the Continuation of Eaynaldus, and the Critica of Pagi, in 38 volumes, Lucce, 1738. 2 Flecry: in 36 volumes, a Bruxelles, 17 13 sq. The Continuation (after 14 14) is by Fabre. 3 Schrockh: in 43 volumes, Leipzig, 1768 — 1808. 4 Gieseler: translated in Clarke's Theological Library; 5 volumes, Edin burgh, 1846—1855. 5 Neander : translated in Bonn's Standard Library: 9 volumes. THE FIRST EDITION. XI linger6, and Capefigue*. Others will be noticed as occasion offers in the progress of the work. But more considerable help was yielded by the numerous writers, whether Eng lish or Continental, who have dedicated single treatises to some peculiar branch of this inquiry. I must add, however, that I do not pay a servile deference to any of the second-hand authorities; while in those portions of the history that bear upon the Church of England, nearly all the statements I have made are drawn directly from the sources. One may scarcely hope that in a subject where the topics to be handled are so vast, so various, and so com plicated, errors will not be detected by the learned and sagacious critic. As my wish is to compile a useful and a truthful hand-book, every hint which he may furnish, tending to remove its blemishes, will be most thankfully received. 6 DoLlinger : translated by Cox, 4 volumes. 7 Capefigce : in 1 volumes, a Paris, 1852. Excepting where a given work has not been printed more than once, which happens frequently among the great historical collections [e. g. those of Twysden, Petrie, Bouquet, or Pertz), the particular edition, here made use of, has been specified in the notes. CONTENTS. FIRST PERIOD. FROM GREGORY THE GREAT TO THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE. 590—814. CHAPTER I. TAGE § i. Growth of the Church. In England ......... 6 In Germany and, parts adjacent 16 In Eastern Asia ..... ... 28 In Africa ......... 30 § 2. Limitation of the Church. Muhammedanism 31 CHAPTER II. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. S,i. Internal Organization , 37 <4 2. Melations to the Civil Power 53 CHAPTER III. STATE OF RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. Western Church 61 Eastern Church 70 The Paulieians 85 CHAPTER IV. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY . . 93 XIV CONTENTS. SECOND PERIOD. FROM THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE TO POPE GREGORY VII. 814—1073. CHAPTER V. PAGE § I. Growth of the Church. In the Scandinavian kingdoms 108 Among the Slavic or Slavonian races . . . . 120 Moravian Church 121 Bohemian Church 123 Polish Church 125 Wendish Church 127 Russian Church . . . . . .129 Bulgarian Church 131 Other Slavonic Churches 134 Hungarians ....... 136 In Central Asia ........ 139 § 2. Limitation of the Church. Ravages of the Northmen 140 Persecutions in Spain 143 CHAPTER VI. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. Internal Organization . . . . . . . - 145 | 2. "Relations to the Civil Power ....... 161 CHAPTER VII. STATE OF RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. Western Church jgg Eastern Church jgq Separation of East and West Ig- Eastern and Western Sects 20"x CHAPTER VIII. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY . .205 CONTENTS. XV THIRD PERIOD. FROM GREGORY VII. UNTIL THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON- 1073-1305. CHAPTER IX. PAGE § I. Growth of the Church. Among the Finns 222 In Pomerania ........ 223 Among the Wends 226 Lieflanders and other tribes .... 228 Prussians . . ..... 230 § 2. Vicissitudes of the Church in other regions. Eastern Asia ......... 233 Spain and Northern Africa ...... 236 Among the Jews 237 CHAPTER X. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. § r. Internal Organization ........ 239 § 2. Relations to the Civil Power 261 CHAPTER XL STATE OF RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. Western Church 276 Eastern Church 292 Relations of the East and West 296 Eastern and Western Sects 3°3 Bogomiles ........ ib. Cathari and Albigenses 3°7 Petrobrusians . . . . • • ¦ 312 Waldenses or "Vaudois . . . • • 3 l 3 Apostolicals . . . . • • ¦ • 31" CHAPTER XII. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY . .318 XVI CONTENTS. FOURTH PERIOD. FROM THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON UNTIL THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF LUTHER- , 1305—1520. CHAPTER XIII. PAGE Growth of the Church. Among the Lithuanians 33^ Samaites and Lapps 33$ Rumanians ....... ib. In the Canaries and Western Africa 339 In America 34° Compulsory Conversion of Muhammedans and Jews . . 342 CHAPTER XIV. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHURCH. The Papacy 345 Other Branches of the Hierarchy 366 CHAPTER XV. STATE OF RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. Western Church ........ 377 Eastern Chdtrch 388 Relations of East and West ...... onj Reformatory Efforts ,-g WyclifEtes 4tJ2 Hussites 426 CHAPTER XVI. STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY . . 444 ED^i"bvlffiJv.EJohiLSTr*ii.Ediir A S I A a I I li i1 middle of the Xl1! I'KXTl'KY [he Maluminu-.l.in Km pit;- ,¦„/,, lit;;/ lii'il liishiipx .SV.-.v Hi n. t i .M,i,ia.ll.'ri.:i 'JO 50 111) 'St 00 Cnw Long /W«.sl Gvcauwidi. 0 Long Easl GrGeuwicL, lo' TAi^TrfWkAXXdixD siDuEai-u.1' THE BRITISH ISLES at the middle of tlie Bishops Sees thus ... t Monasteries 6 Long- "We st 4 Greenwich. 2 J.-a.^'byWStAJLJomiStcm. Ed-iu1 A HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. SUMafal pxml The period of the Church's life, to be considered in introdttc- . .... . HON. the following pages, will exhibit a variety of features with which the student has been familiarized already in the history of earlier times. The foremost article of faith, the Incarnation of our comparative sameness in Lord, after a long struggle with Rationalism on the one $|j "^^ff side and Spiritualism on the other, was finally elucidated and established at the Council of Chalcedon (451): and although we shall hereafter notice sundry forms of mis belief on this and kindred tenets, they are frequently no more than reproductions or recurring phases of the past. It should also be observed, that not a few of the characteristics of the Church in her ritual, constitution, and relations to the civil power, had been permanently fixed at the opening of this period ; and most of the external changes afterwards effected are the natural fruit of principles that had long been ripening within. The same is true in a considerable measure of the mediasval Church-writers. Generally speak ing, they trod in the steps of their immediate predecessors, epitomizing what they had no longer the ability to equal, . M. A. B 2 History of the Christian Church. introduc- and, with bright exceptions in St Bernard and some of '¦ — the leading schoolmen, showing little or no depth and originality of thought. Decay of mtei- It is true the degree of intelligence was different at ligence and of _. «,»*-.•. -.-. -i • -i i ¦ xi viety. different points of the Middle Ages, and varied also in the several branches of the Church. Perhaps the lowest point for -western Christendom at large was the sixth and two following centuries, when society, everywhere depressed by the recent inroads of barbarians, had not been able to rally from its languor and to mould its chaotic elements afresh. To this, among other causes, we may assign the deterioration of piety as well as of arts and letters, which is painfully prominent in the records of that period : and to the same source is due the admixture of unchristian feelings and ideas that had been blended with the life of the Mediaeval Church, clouding the sense of personal re sponsibility, or giving birth to a servile and judaizing spirit, that continued, more or less, to keep its hold upon the faithful till the dawn of the Reformation. growth of the^ Synchronizing with the decay of literature, the dege- the west. neracy of taste, and an obscuration of the deeper verities of the Gospel, is the growth of the Papal monarchy, whose towering pretensions are in sight through the whole of the present period. It may have served, indeed, as a centralizing agent, to facilitate the fusion of discordant races ; it may have proved itself in times of anarchy and ignorance a powerful instrument, and in some sort may have balanced the encroachments of the civil power. Yet on the whole its effect was deadening and disastrous : it perpetuated the use of Latin Service-books when the mass of the people could no longer understand them : it weak ened the bonds of ecclesiastical discipline by screening the mendicant and monastic orders from the jurisdiction of the bishops : it crippled the spirit of national independence as well as the growth of individual freedom : while its pride Mediceval Period. 3 and venality excited a bitter disaffection to the Church, introduc- and paved a way for the deep convulsions at the middle 9 f - — the 16th century. But this remark, as well as the former on the altered Eastern i t. 1 f. i -ttt Church dif- phases 01 society, must be confined to the Western o?ferentfromm Latin Church, which was in close communion with the popes. In the Eastern, where the like disturbing powers had operated less, the aspect of religion was comparatively smooth. Islamism, which curtailed it on all sides, but was incapable of mingling with it, did not waken in its members a more primitive devotion, nor inject a fresh stock of energy and health: it had already entered, in the seventh century, upon the calm and protracted period of decline which is continuing at the present day. Yet, notwithstanding the stagnant uniformitv in the Proofs ofmr- ' ° ° t n vising energy general spirit of the age, a change had been gradually <» m whote- effected in the limits of the Christian kingdom. True to the promise of the Lord, the Church of God multiplied in all quarters, putting forth a number of new branches in the East and in the West, and, in spite of the dimness of the times, bearing witness to its heavenly origin and strength. As it had already triumphed over the systems of Greece and Rome, and had saved from the wreck of ancient civilization whatever they possessed of the beautiful and true, it now set out on a different mission, to raise the uncultured natures of the North *, and to guide the Saxon, the Scandinavian, and eventually the Slave, into the fold of the Good Shepherd. 1 All science and art, all social were guided and ruled by her spirit, culture, and the greatest political however imperfect the form may and national movements, received have been, under which Christianity their impulse from the Church, and then existed. B2 Jfbf |Jmo& flf % $prtrlt %$&> THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH PROM GREGORY THE GREAT TO THE DEATH OP CHARLEMAGNE. 590—814. CHAPTER I. §1. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. ENGLISHCHURCH. Roman mis sion to the IN ENGLAND. Steps had been already taken for the evangelizing of the Goths in Germany, the Burgundians and Franks in Gaul, and the Picts1 in Scotland; in all which provinces the labours of the missionary had been very largely blessed. But a race of men, who were destined above others to aid in converting the rest of Europe, was now added to the Christian body. The Anglo-Saxons had been settled on the ruins of the British Church for at least a century and a half, when a mission, formed by Gregory the Great2, appeared in the isle of Thanet. It was headed by his Angio-saxons, friend Augustine, a Roman abbot, whose companions .were nearly forty in number3. Although the Germanic tribes were bordering on the British Christians4, whom they had driven to the west, and had extended their conquests as 3 'TJt ferunt, ferme quadraginta.' Bed. I. 25. They were at first deterred by the hopelessness of the undertaking, and only reassured by an earnest letter from the Roman bishop: Gregor. Ep. lib. VI. ep. 51- 4 Though much depressed, the British Church was far from ex tinguished. Bede (a warm friend of the Roman missionaries) mentions 'septem Brittonum episcopi et plures viri doctissimi,' 11. 2. (cf. Steven son's note, ed. E. H. S.) ; and the monastery of Bancornaburg (Bangor is-y-Coed), under its abbot Dinoot, was large and flourishing. 1 Columba, after labouring 32 years, breathed his last at the time when the Roman missionaries land ed (Annates Cambrice, in Monument Britamn. p. 831); or in 596, accord ing to his biographer Adamnan, 111 22, 23 (in Canisius, Lectiones An tiquce, v. pars II. p. 559). 2 The pious design had been con ceived many years before, while Gregory was abbot of a monastery in Rome. Beda, Hist. Ecc. 11. 1 : and from hia own letters we learn that intelligence had reached him of a desire on the part of the English themselves for conversion to the Christian faith. Lib. VI. ep, 58, 59. Growth of the Church. far as the Church that was already planted in the north5 by a mission from the sister island, they had lost very little of their zeal for Woden, Tiw, and Fricge6. It is not indeed unlikely that some of them may have gained a slight knowledge of the Gospel from their numerous Keltic slaves ; yet the only Christian of importance on the landing of Augustine was the Frankish queen of iEthel- berht of Kent, whom he espoused on condition of allowing her the free use of her religion7. The system, therefore, which the Roman missionaries founded was entirely of extraneous growth, was built on the Roman model of the period; and as it differed8 not a little from the British and the Irish Churches, its advancement could not fail to place it in collision with those bodies. ENGLISH CHURCH. 5 Bed. III. 4 ; v. 9. Saxon Chron. ad an. 565. Ninias, 'the apostle of the southern Picts,' (be tween the Firth of Forth and the Grampians) had been educated at Rome, and died in 432. His see was at ' Candida Casa ' (in Sax. Chron. Hwiterne). It afterwards came into the hands of the 'Angles' (Bed. III. 4), and had to be chris tianized by the mission of Columba and his successors, whose original establishment was among the north ern Picts (the Gael) at Hycolumb- cille, or Iona. 6 For an account of their my thology see Turner, Anglo-Saocons, Append, bk. 11. c. Ill, and Kemble, Saxons in England, I. 327 — 445. 7 In her retinue was a Frankish bishop, Liudhard, who officiated in the church of St Martin near Can terbury, preserved from the time of the Romans. Bed. 1. 25, 26. 8 The points of difference were first in the reckoning of Easter. The British and Irish were not in deed Quarto-decimani (Bed. in. 4) : they uniformly solemnized that fes tival on a Sunday, but in some years (from their use of an antiquated cycle) on » Sunday different from that observed by the rest of the Western Church. (Bed. II. 2, 19: cf. Ideler's Chronol. II. 275 seq. Russell's Church in Scotland, 1. 49, 50.) The second difference was in the form of the clerical tonsure. (Ussher, Antiq. Brit. 477.) A third in the administering of baptism without chrism. (Ussher, Vet. Epist. Hibern. 72, Dublin, 1632.) Other points of variance in the British Christians were the marriage of the clergy, a peculiar liturgy, and a peculiar code of monastic rules (see authorities in Gieseler, Eccl. Hist. II. 164, 165, Edinb. 1848) ; but the difficulty which above all others prevented their union with the Roman party rose out of their dif ferent views on ecclesiastical juris diction (see below, pp. 8, 9). Au gustine professed to waive the other differences for the present, if three points were conceded : ' Quia in multis quidem nostra consuetudini, imo universalis ecclesise, contraria geritis : et tamen si in tribus his mihi obtemperare vultis, ut pascha suo tempore celebretis; ut minis- terium baptizandi, quo Deo renas- cimur, juxta morem sanctaB Ro- manse et apostolicse ecclesise com- pleatis; ut genti Anglorum una nobiscum verbum Domini prsedice- vrrowm oj me unurcn. [A. jdO ENGLISH CHURCH. First steps of the Roman Disagreement with the. British Church i a. d. 603- The field of Augustine's earlier labours was the princi- - pality of Kent. Softened by a Christian consort, the king was himself baptized ; and in his chief city (Durovernum = Canterbury), Augustine was acknowledged as archbishop, though consecrated afterwards by Virgilius of Aries1. This fact was announced to Gregory the Great by two members of the mission, Laurentius and Peter2, who bore a detailed account of its success ; and Gregory3 was able to inform an eastern correspondent, that on Christmas-day, 597, no less than ten thousand 'Angli' had been baptized by their brother-bishop. Still, in spite of this glowing picture, the conversion of the people was afterwards retarded : numbers of them, only half- weaned from paganism, relapsing to their former state4. As the sphere of the Roman mission widened, the unfriendly posture of the native Christians would be more and more perplexing. A conference5 was accordingly procured at the request of JEthelberht, with the hope of disarming this hostility and of gaining the cooperation of the British : but the haughty manner of Augustine, threatening an invasion of their freedom, was the signal for a harsh and spirited resistance; they in stantly rejected his proposals, and declared that nothing should induce them to accept him as their archbishop6. tis, csetera quae agitis, quamvis mori- bus nostris contraria, sequanimiter cuncta tolerabimus.' Bed. II. 2. 1 Bed. 1. 27, and Pagi, Critic, ad an. 59°", § 5- * Ibid. They carried also a string of questions from Augustine, touch ing matters in which he was himself at a loss. The answers of Gregory are preserved in Bede, ib. 3 Gregor. Epist. lib. VIII. ep. 30. Bede attributes the success of the missionaries to the ' simplicitatem innocentis vitas ac dulcedinera doc- trinse eorum coelestis,' I. 26, though Augustine is said to have wrought miracles (1. 31 : cf. Greg. Epist. vm. 30). 4 e.g. in Kent itself, Eadbald, the next king, restored the heathen worship. 6 Bed. 11. 2 : cf. Palgrave, Engl. Common. I. 238 seq. 6 'At illi nil horum se facturos neque ilium pro archiepiscopo ha- bituros esse respondebant.' Bed. ibid. The abbot of Bangor (Dinoot), who is mentioned by Bede on this same occasion, made a very spirited protest, granting indeed that the Britons owed to the Roman bishop, in common with all Christians, the deference of love, but denying that any other obedience was due to him. See Spelman's Concil. 1. 108. It is true the worth of this docu- —814] Growth of the Church. 9 A similar divergency of usages, combined with this in- English ••ii ii • -i church. dependent spirit, had produced a similar estrangement in the Irish missionaries, who were stationed in the north and with the 7 Irish mission- of Britain. Laurentius7, the successor of Augustine at aries- Canterbury, with Mellitus of London and Justus of Ro chester, endeavoured to secure their friendship, in 605, complaining that a prelate of their communion (Daganus) would not even eat bread with the Anglo-Roman party : but this, like the former application to the Britons, was at present void of fruit. Meanwhile the two bands of workmen were proceed- Progress of r the Gospel m ing in their labours, and though parted from each other Kmt- felt the blessing of the Lord. At the death of Augustine8, the English Church had been organized in Kent and brought into close communion with the Roman ; the pope, however, leaving its founder at liberty to select a ritual for it from the Gallican and other ' uses, ' 9 instead of copying the Roman rules entirely. On the accession of Eadbald, the son of iEthelberht, in 616, the prospects of the Church were darkened by the restoration of the pagan worship : and only when Laurentius was on the point of giving up the mission in despair10, did the king retrace his steps, and bow the knee to Christ. ment has been impugned (cf. Stil- universam Scottiam.' lingfleet's Origines Britan. 359 seq.), 8 This date, though very import- but Dr Lappenberg, one of the latest ant, cannot be accurately aseer- writers on the period, is convinced of tained. It ranges from 604 to 616. its genuineness : Hist, of England, un- See Smith's note on Bed. Hist. der Anglo-SaxonKings, 1. 135 (note) ; Eecl. 11. 3. ed. Thorpe. A passage in Bede (11. • ° 'Non enim pro locis res, sed 20) proves that the feeling of repug- pro bonis rebus loca amanda sunt. nance on the part of the Britons Ex singulis ergo quibasque eccle- grew up into bitter hatred : ' Quippe siis, quae pia, quae religiosa, quae cum usque hodie moris sit Brit- recta sunt elige, et hole quasi in tonum fidem religionemque An- fasciculum collecta, apitd Anglorum glorum pro nihilo habere, neque in mentes in consuetudinem depone.' aliquo eis mag is communieare quam Bed. I. 27. paganis.' 10 It is difficult to acquit the arch- ' Bed. II. 4. The form of address bishop entirely of the charge of a is remarkable: Dominis carissimis frauspia. Bed. 11. 6: cf. Neander, fratribus episccpis, vel abbatibus per Church Hist. v. 24, note. 10 U-rowth of the Church. [A. D. 590 ENGLISH CHURCH. Conversion of Essex. Conversion of Wesscx. A similar reverse occurred in the neighbouring state of Essex. Its king, Sseberht, was the nephew of .ZEthel- berht of Kent : he had received the Gospel 1 early from the hands of the Roman missionaries and established a bishopric in London, his chief city. On his death, however, in 616, his sons, who had clung to their heathen habits, made light of the Christian faith, and the refusal of the bishop (Mellitus) to give them a share of the eucharistic bread was followed by his expulsion2 from their kingdom. A gloomy interval succeeded, the faith either languishing in secret, or being utterly subverted3, till the reign of Sigeberht the Good (653 — 660). His friendship with Oswiu, king of Northumbria, led the way to his own conversion, while on a visit at that court4. He was baptized by Finan, one of the Irish missionaries, and took back with him Cedd5 and others, by whom the whole kingdom of Essex was at length added to the Church. In Wessex, the Christian faith was planted by the monk Birinus6, sent over by pope Honorius in 634. He suc ceeded in converting Cynegils, the king, and was bishop of Dorcic (Dorchester) till 649 or 650 ; but much of his success may be attributed to a visit of Oswald, king of Northumbria, whose brother Oswiu (also of the Irish school). did further service to the Wessex-mission?. The successor 1 Bed. II. 3. Gregory had de signed London as the seat of the southern metropolitan, Epist. lib. xi. ep. 65 : but Bonifacius V. in 625, confirmed the selection of Canterbury. Wilkins, Concil. I. 32. 2 Ibid. 11. 5. * Bed. in. 22. Justus, through the influence of Eadbald, was re stored to Rochester, from which he had retired (Bed. II. 5), but the pagan inhabitants of London would not receive their bishop Mellitus (Ibid. II. 6). In the following year (619) he succeeded Laurentius at Canterbury, and was in his turn , succeeded by Justus in 624 (11. 7, 8). 4 Bed. in. 22 ; Florent. Wigorn. Chronicon ad an. 653. 5 Afterwards consecrated by Finan and two other Irish prelates as bishop of the East- Saxons. Bed. ibid. A short relapse ensued on the death of Sigeberht, but the new faith was permanently restored by the zeal of bishop Jaruman. Bed. III. 3°. 6 Bed. III. 7. 7 Wharton's Anglia Sacra, 1. 192. Through the influence of Oswiu, a Gaul named Agilbert, who had —814] Growth of the Church 11 of Cynegils (Cenwealh), a pagan, was driven from the English throne in 643, but afterwards converted at the court of L East Anglia. He was distinguished by his Christian zeal. On his restoration, therefore, the extension of the faith, was a primary concern, and Wessex, destined to become the leader of the English race, continued from that time a province of the Church. Sussex, like its neighbour Kent, was converted by conversion of the Roman party. The task had been reserved for a ussex' native of Northumbria, Wilfrith, who combined with his devotion to the pope the earnestness and prudence which are needed for the work of the evangelist. Banished from his diocese in the north of England8, he was able in five years (678 — 683) to organize the church of the South- Saxons, who had previously resisted the appeals of a small Irish mission9. The king, indeed, iEthelwealh, was a Christian already, having been baptized in Mercia, but paganism still kept its hold upon his people, in whose hearts it had found its last entrenchment. The conversion of East Anglia was attempted in the conversion of lifetime of Augustine. Rsedwald, the king, had been in structed at the court of iEthelberht of Kent, but after wards, through the influence of his wife and friends, the strength of his faith relaxed10. The assassination of his son (Eorpwald) in 628, was a further check to the pro- ' spent not a little time in Ireland crated in 670, by Theodore, the leyendarwm gratia Script/urarum,' seventh archbishop of Canterbury. was chosen to succeed Biimus (Bed. Bed. ibid. The hrst Anglo-Saxon III. 7), but his imperfect know- raised to the episcopal dignity ap- ledge of the English language dis- pears to have been lthamar of Ro- pleasing the king, he returned into Chester: Florent. Wigorn. Chron. ad j< ranee. Mis successor was an An- an. 644. glo-Saxon, Wini (664); but he also " Bed. IV. 13. incurred the displeasure of the ' Ibid. They had a 'monaste- king, and migrating to London riolum' at a place named Bosan- (bbii) was placed in that see by ham. "Wilfrith's bishopric was at the king oi Mercia. His post was Selsey. tilled for a time by Leutherius, ne- 10 Bed. II. 15. To satisfy both phew of Agilbert, who was conse- parties he reared the altar of Christ 12 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 590 ENGLISHCHURCH. Conversion of Northumbria. gress of the Gospel, which, at the instance of the king • of Northumbria, he had cordially embraced: and for three years it was almost everywhere suppressed1. At the end of this interval, however, his brother, Sigeberht, who had been christianized in Gaul, was able to restore it; and with the aid of Felix2, a native of Burgundy, the see of Dumnoc (Dunwich) was founded for the prelate of the Eastern Counties. But the completion of their work is due to the efforts of an Irish monk, named Fursey', whose missionary tours, extending over a period of fifteen years, are said to have produced a marvellous effect on the heathen and the faithful. The kingdom of Northumdria consisted of two parts, Heira (from the Humber to the Tees), and Bernicia (from the Tees to the Clyde). They were forcibly united at the opening of this period, under the sway of an enemy to the Christian faith. His defeat led the way to the accession of Eadwine, who on mounting his paternal throne at York (616), was permitted to annex the kingdom of Bernicia. His second wife was a daughter of iEtheiberht of Kent, whom he espoused in 625 ; but notwithstanding his residence among the British clergy*, he was still dis affected to the Gospel. Several circumstances had con spired, however, to impress it on his mind5, and in 627, through the influence of Paulinus, who had accompanied at the side of the ancient ' arula ad victimas daemoniorum.' 1 Djid. * He received his mission from Honorius, the fifth archbishop of Canterbury, and presided over the see of Dunwich 1 7 years. Bed. ib. Under his advice Sigeberht founded a school on the plan of those he had seen in Gaul: 'Scholam, in qua pueri Uteris erudirentur eisque paedagogos ac magistros juxta morem Cantuariorum praebente.' Bed. III. 18. 3 in. 19. The date of his arrival in England was 633. Bede gives a glowing picture of his sanctity and zeal. 4 See Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxons, I- H5- s Bed. 11. 9 — 12. Among other predisposing causes was a letter from Bonifacius V. (625), accom panied by a present, and the 'be- nedictio protectoris vestri B. Petri apostolorum principis,' but his con version did not occur till two years later. —814] Growth of the Church. 13 his queen to Northumbria, he was baptized with a con- English course of his people6. His death followed in 633, Penda, oriPECH- king of Mercia, the last champion of the English pagans, ravaging the whole of his dominions and subverting every trophy of the Gospel7. But the arms of his kinsman Oswald, made a way for its permanent revival in the course of the following year ; and since Oswald had been trained by the Irish missionaries8, he sent to their principal station at lona for clergy to evangelize his people, himself acting as interpreter. Aidan was the chief of this band of teachers, and from his see in Lindisfarne (or Holy Island) he guided all the movements of the mission9. He expired in 651, after an episcopate of seventeen years, the admira tion of his Roman rivals10. His mantle fell on Finan, who lived to see religion everywhere established in the northern parts of Britain, and died in 662. To him also Mercia was indebted for its first bishop conversion of Diuma, in 655. His master Oswiu, king of Northumbria, having signalized himself by the overthrow of Penda, was finally supreme in the Midland Counties as well as in 8 See the very interesting cir- nus. York did not regain its archie- cumstances in Bed. II. 12. Coifi piseopal rank till 735. Saxon Chron. (or, in the southern dialect, Ccefi) ad an. The archbishops of York sub- was the last of the pagan high- sequently claimed to exercise metro- priests. The scene was at God- politan jurisdiction in the whole of mundham, in the East Riding of Scotland : see Spotswood, Hist, of Yorkshire. So great was the sue- Ch. of Scotland (Lond. 1677), pp. 34, cess of Paulinus in Deira, that on 36, 38. The dispute was only settled one occasion he was employed for in the middle of the 16th century, by thirty-six days in baptizing on one the erection of the see of St Andrew's spot. Bed. II. 14. into an archbishopric ; p. 58. 7 Bed. 11. 20. Paulinus, with the 10 'Hase autem dissonantia pas- widowed queen, sought refuge in chalis observantiae, vivente ^Edano, Kent. He succeeded to the see of patienter ab omnibus tolerabatur, Rochester. qui patenter intellexerant, quia 8 ' Misit ad majores natu Scotto- etsi pascha contra jnorem eorum rum, inter quos exulans baptismatis [i. e. the Irish party], qui ipsum sacramenta consecutus erat.' miserant, facere non potuit, opera Bed. in. 3. tamen fidei, pietatis et dilectionis, 9 Bed. III. 3. His diocese extend- juxta morem omnibus Sanctis con- ed as far as Scotland, embracing suetum, diligenter exequi curavit.' that of York, abandoned by Pauli- Bed. III. 25. 14 ixrowth of the Church. [A. D. 590 ENGLISHCHURCH. Predominanceof the Roman element in the Christianity of England. Conference at Whitby, 664- the north, and urgent in promoting the conversion of the natives. Addicted in his earlier years to the principles of his instructors, he established a religious system of the Irish (anti-Roman) cast, and three of the Mercian prelates in succession owed their orders to the Irish Church \ The planting, therefore, of the Gospel in the Anglo- Saxon provinces of Britain was the work of two rival bands, (1) the Roman, aided by their converts and some teachers out of Gaul, (2) the Irish, whom the conduct of Augustine and his party had estranged from their com munion. If we may judge from the area of their field of action, it is plain that the Irish were the larger body: but a host of conspiring causes2 gradually resulted in the spread and ascendancy of Roman modes of thought. The ritual and other differences, obtaining in the various kingdoms, came painfully to light on the intermarriage of the princes; and it was an occasion of this sort3 that served in no small measure to shape all the after-fortunes of the Church in the northern parts of Britain. The queen of Oswiu, the Northumbrian, was a daughter of the king of Kent, and with Ealhfrith her son4, the co- regent, she was warm in her attachment to the customs of the south. Oswiu, on the other hand, continued in communion with the Irish, over whom he had placed the energetic Colman as the third bishop of Lindisfarne. The controversy waxing hot in 664, Colman was invited by the king to a synod at Streoneshealh (the Whitby of the 1 Bed. III. 21. 3 e.g. The political predominance of Wessex, which had been en tirely Romanized by Birinus and his followers, the activity, organi zation, and superior intelligence of the Roman missionaries (such as Wilfrith), the apostolical descent of the Roman church (one of the sales apostolicce), and the prestige it had borrowed from the Roman empire. 3 Bed. III. 25: 'Unde nonnun- quam contigisse fertur illis tem- poribus, ut bis in anno uno pascha celebraretur. Et cum rex pascha Dominicum solutis jejuniis faceret, tunc regina cum suis persistens adhuc in jejunio diem Palmarum celebraret.' 4 Eddius, Vit. S. Wilfridi, c. VII. apud Gale, Scriptores, XV. p. 54. -814] Growth of the Church. 15 Danes), to meet the objections of an advocate of Rome, English CHURCH in the person of the rising Wilfrith5. The end was, that - Oswiu and his people6, undermined by the agents of the queen, and dazzled by the halo which encircled (as they dreamt) the throne of the 'chief apostle,' went over to the Roman party ; while the clergy, who were slow in withdrawal complying with the changes of the court, withdrew from ciergy. the scene of conflict into Ireland7. But it was not till the time of Archbishop Theodore influence of (668 — 689) that the fusion of the English Christians was complete8. The two leading rulers, of Northumbria and Kent, agreed in procuring his appointment9, and advancing his designs in the other kingdoms. Aided by a Roman colleague and the ever-active Wilfrith, he was able to an nihilate the Irish school 10; and while giving to the Church a high degree of culture, he was binding it more closely in allegiance to the popes11. At his death the island had 5 Bed. III. 25. 6 The king was afraid lest St Peter should finally exclude him from heaven ; and after his decision in behalf of Wilfrith, 'faverunt adsidentes quique sive adstantes, majores cum mediocribus.' Ibid. 7 Bed. III. 26. For the after-life of Colman, see Bed. IV. 4. Others, however, like Bishop Cedd (Chad), conformed to the Roman customs. Ibid. The next bishop of Lindis- farne, Tuda, had been educated in the south of Ireland, where it seems that the customs in dispute re sembled those of Rome. Bed. ib. cf. III. 3 (p. I7S, A, in Monument. Britan.). This conformity was af terwards increased by the labours of Adamnan (687 — 704), v. 15 ; and finally established at lona, the stronghold of the Irish party (716 — 729); the Britons still persisting in their course : V. 22. 8 Bed. IV. 1 : ' Isque primus erat in archiepiscopis, cui omnis Anglorum ecclesia manus dare con- sentiret.' 9 Deusdedit died Nov. 28, 664, and after a vacancy of two or three years Oswiu and Ecgberht sent a presbyter, Wigheard, elected by the church of Canterbury, for consecra tion at the Roman see. Wigheard died at Rome; and after some cor respondence with the two chief kings of England, Vitalian sent, at their request (Bed. III. 29; IV. 1), a prelate for the vacant see. 10 One of his measures was to impugn the orders of the Irish and the British clergy: 'Qui ordinati sunt Scottorwm vel Briltonum epi- scopi, qui in pascha vel tonsura catholicae non sunt adunati eccle- siae, iterum a catholico episcopo manus impositione confirinentur.' Anglo-Saxon Laws, &o. ed. Thorpe, II. 64. 11 Bed. rv. 2. He was seconded in 673 by a synod held at Hertford ; Wilkins, Condi. I. 41. The English sees at the close of the present pe riod were the following: Province of Canterbury — (r) Lichfield, (2) Leicester, (3) Lincoln (Sidnaces- ENGLISHCHURCH. Disregard of the, papal claims. 16 ixruwt/i uj trie ^nurcn. [A. o90 been Romanized, according to the import of the term in the seventh century: but the freer spirit of the Early Church still lingered in the north. When, for example* an attempt was made to enforce the mandates of the pope, as distinguished from his fatherly advice, he met with a vigorous repulse1 from two successive kings, assisted by their clergy, who thus stand at the head of a line of champions in the cause of English freedom. IN GERMANY AND PARTS ADJACENT. Although the cross had long been planted, here and there2, in the heart of the German forests, as well as in the cities which had owned the Roman sceptre, it was not till the present period that religion could obtain a lasting basis and could organize the German Church. The ter), (4) Worcester, (5) Hereford, (6) Sherborne, (7) Winchester, (8) Elmham, (9) Dunwich, (10) Lon don, (11) Rochester, (12) Selsey. Province of York — (1) Hexham, (2) Lindisfarne, (3) Whiterne. Kemble, Anglo-Saxons, II. 361, 362. At a later period some of these perished altogether, as Lindisfarne, Hexham, Whiterne and Dunwich ; while others were formed, as Dur ham for Northumberland, Dorches ter for Lincoln, and in Wessex, Remsburg (Hraefnesbyrig = ecclesia Corvinensis) for Wilts, Wells for Somerset, Crediton for Devonshire, and during some time, St Petroc's, or Padstow, for Cornwall. It was only in the 12th century that the whole Cambrian Church was brought under the jurisdiction of the see of Canter bury: Williams, Eccl. Hist, of the Cymry, pp. 162, 163; Lond. 1844. 1 When Wilfrith, on his deposi tion from his see, brought his grievance to the pope, the sentence in his favour (March 27, 680) was so far from reversing the decision at home, that on his return Ecg- frith of Northumbria threw him into prison, and afterwards ba nished him. Bed. IV. 12, 13: Williel. Malmesbur. de Gest. Pontif. p. 264, apud Scriptores post Bedam, ed. Saville. Aldfrith, on a like occasion, having readmitted him into the kingdom, was no less op posed to his Romanizing conduct. Having made a fresh appeal to Rome, and obtained from John VI. a favourable sentence (in 704, see Vit. S. Wilfrid, c. 48—52), the bearers of it to the king were ad dressed in the following terms : ' Se quidem legatorum personis, quod essent et vita graves et aspectu honorabiles, honorem ut parentibus deferre, casterum assensum legations omnino abnucre, quod esset contra rationem homini jam bis u toto Anglorum concilio damnato propter qucdibet apostolica scripla commu- nicare.' Malmesbur. ubi sup. 267. A compromise, however, was ef fected at his death, and Wilfrith was transferred to another see. 3 See an interesting account of the labours of Severinus and other solitaries in Neander, C. H. v. 34 seq. Bohn's ed. —814] Growth of the Church. 17 founding of the work was due to foreign immigration, german Ireland was at this time conspicuous for its light3: it was full of conventual houses, where the learning of the west irfSlfo* had taken refuge, and from which, as from missionary SS. schools, the Gospel was transmitted far and near. The leader of the earliest band who issued to the succour of the continent of Europe, was the ardent Co- lumbanus4, (reared in the Irish monastery of Bangor). ^iSarL, With twelve young men, as his companions, he crossed 590— 615; over into Gaul, at the close of the sixth century ; but the strictness of his Rule5 having rendered him obnoxious to the native clergy, and at length to the Burgundian court6, he was compelled to migrate into Switzerland (610), working first in the neighbourhood of Zurich and next at Bregenz. From thence in 613 he was driven over the Italian frontier, and founded the monastery of Bobbio, where he died in 615. Columbanus was attached to the customs of his mother-church, and the struggle we have noticed in the case of England was repeated in his life time. The freedom of his language to the Roman bishops7 is a proof that he paid no homage to their see, though his final residence in Italy appears to have somewhat modified his tone. He had a noble fellow-worker in his 3 ' Hibernia quo catervatim istinc 5 Among his other works in B i- lectores classibus advecti confluunt :' blioth. Patrum, ed. Galland, torn. a saying of Aldhelm, the contem- XII.-; cf. Neander, C. H. v. 41, 42. porary of Theodore ; Epist. ad Eah- The X VI. Instructions of Colum- p. 94, ed. Giles : Us- banus are well worth reading. sher's Epist. Hihern. p. 27 ; Opp. IV. 6 Three great settlements had 451, ed. Elrington. 'Antiquo tern- grown out of his labours in Gaul, pore, ' says Alcuin at the end of the the monasteries of Luxeuil, Fon- next century, 'doctissimi solebant tenay (Fontanae), and Anegrey ; magistri de Hibernia, Britanniam, besides the impulse he had given Galliam, Italiam venire et multos to religion generally. per ecclesias Christi fecisse profec- 7 See one to Gregory the Great, tus.' Ep. coxxi. (Al. coxxv.) Opp. Gregor. Epist. lib. ix. ep. 127. A 1. 285. more important testimony is sup- 4 See a life of him by Jonas, a plied by his .fifth letter, ad -Bow- monk of his foundation at Bobbio, facium IV., where he administers in Mabillon, Acta Sanct. Ord, Bene- some salutary warnings to the diet. sase. 11. pp. 2 — 26. Church of Rome: cf. W. G. Todd's M. A. C 18 urowm oj tne unurc/i. [A. u. 590 german countryman, Gallus1, the founder of the monastery of St Gall, who, with a perfect knowledge of the native dialects, Kilian in i'ranconia. 590-64o'"5' Promote(i tae conversion of the Swiss and Swabians, till 640. Yet these were only drops in a long stream of missions that was now bearing on its bosom, far and near, the elements of future greatness and the tidings of salvation. At the end of the series of evangelists, contributed from Ireland, one of the more conspicuous was Kilian2 (650—689), who may be regarded as the apostle of Franconia, or at least as the second founder of its faith. The centre of his labours was at Wiirzburg, where some traces of the Irish culture are surviving at this day3. Meanwhile the ardour of the native Christians was enlisted in the spreading of the German Church. Thus, a Frankish synod, in 613, wakened to a sense of duty by the earnest Columbanus, made an effort to evangelize the neighbouring heathen4. Emmeran5, a prelate out of Aqui- tania, and Ruprecht6 of Worms, left their sees in the seventh century to share in the holy conquest now ad vancing on all sides. By them, and the Frank Corbinian, Native mis sions ; success in Bavaria, and Austria. Church of St Patriclc, pp. 118 sq. Lond. 1844. ^n one passage he admits that a church, instructed by St Peter and St Paul, and ho noured by their tombs, is worthy of all deference ; but he reserves the first rank for the Church of Jerusa lem : Roma orbis terrarum caput est ecclesiarum, salvalocidominicwresur- rectionis singulari prcerogativa. § 10. 1 The Life of Gallus, in its oldest form, is printed in the Monument. German. Histor. torn. II. 5 — 31, ed. Pertz : cf. Neander, v. 47 — 49. 2 See a Life of him in Canisius, Led. Antiq. ill. 175 — 179, ed. Bas- nage; also » Passio SS. Kiliani et Sociorwm ejus, ibid. 180 — 182. Kilian applied to the pope for his sanction of the undertaking. 3 Lappenberg, Ang.-Sax. 1. 183. 4 They made choice of abbot Eustacius, the successor of Colum banus at Luxeuil, for the director of the mission. See his Life by Jonas, the monk of Bobbio, in Mabillon's Acta Sanct. Ord. Benedict, saec. II. pp. 116—123: one also of Agil (St Aile), a companion of Eustacius, ii. pp. 316—326, cf. Neander, C.H. v. Si— 53- 6 Life in Canisius, Led, Antiq. ill. 9+ sq., though from its date (the tenth or eleventh century) it is not trustworthy throughout. 0 The oldest account of him is printed in Kleinmayrn's Nachrkh- ten von Juvavia (the ancient Salz. burg). A Life also of Corbinian may be seen in Meichelbeck's Hist. Prising. (Freisingen), torn. 1. p. 1 sq. ed. 1724. —814] Growth of the Church. 19 the foundations of a church were laid, not only in Bavaria, german' but also on the banks of the Danube as far as Pannonia. - A multitude of sources were thus opened for the speedy propagation of the faith in the whole of southern Germany. In the north, where the pagan system7 had a firmer hold upon the people, the promoters of the Gospel were continually resisted. Notwithstanding, zealous bishops like Eligius8 won their way in the midst of the savage eh9. IMS, TTt-ii [ . ,t . i. .-, • . -> Amandus, and ± rieslanders, whose empire at the opening; ot this period others, in the it i-ii i -k-t -, Sm • • Netherlands. had extended also to the Netherlands, lhere, it is true, religion had been planted long before, but the inroads of those heathen tribes had left scarcely any vestige of the Church. The sword of Dagobert I., who wrested many districts from their grasp, had made a way for the recon version of Batavia (628—638), while missionaries out of English mis: England afterwards engaged to soften and evangelize the land, and the barbarous invaders. Ground was already broken by the h°°a- enterprising Wilfrith9, who, in his flight from his diocese in 677, was driven to the coast of Friesland, where he seems to have reaped a harvest of conversions. His work was resumed by Willebrord10, an Englishman, wuietrord who, though a student for twelve years in Ireland11, was marked, like the other Anglo-Saxons of the period, by the 7 For a good account of paganism where he died in 679. Life in Ma in those regions, see Mone's Ge- billon's Acta Bened. ssec. II. Con- schichte des Hcidenthums in nord- temporary with him was Audomar lichen Europa, Leipzig, 1823; and (StOmer), out of the Irish monastery J . Grimm's Deutsche Mythologie, at Luxeuil, who preached from the Gottingen, 1844. neighbourhood of Boulogne as far as 8 Or St Eloy (born 588, died 659), the Scheldt. appointed, in 641, bishop of Tour- 9 Florent. Wigorn. ad an. 677 : nay and Noyon. See an interesting Eddius, Vit. Wilf. c. XXVI — xxvm. Life of him by a pupil, in DA- 10 His Life was written by Alcuin ; chery's Spicilegium, torn, n., and Opp. iom. 11. 183: but a still older DrMaitland's Dark Ages, pp. 101 sq. account of his labours is in Bede, Eligius was preceded by Aman- Hist. Ecc. v. 10 sq. dus, ordained (630) without a diocese u 'Ibique duodecim annis inter (episcopus regionarius) to labour in eximios simul pise religionis et sacrae the neighbourhood of Ghent and lectionis magistros, futurus multo- Antwerp, but appointed in 646 to rum populorum praedicator erudieba- the see of Mastricht (Trajectum), tur.' Vit. S. Willebrord. lib. I. u. 4. C2 20 btrowth of the (J/turch. |A. D. 590 GERMAN CHURCH. Wulfram. Wursing. iSwithberht. Labours of Winfrith or Bonifacius : warmth of his devotion to the Roman see1. The field of his principal success was the neighbourhood of Wilteburg (Trajectum=-Utrecht), where he died, after a long episco pate, in 739 or 741. He is said to have been assisted in his labours by Wulfram2, bishop of Sens, who migrated with some attendants into Friesland; and the work was enlarged by a native, Wursing3, as well as by other pupils of Willebrord ; one of whom, Swithberht4, in the life-time of his master, appears to have penetrated even into Prussia. But meanwhile a fresh actor had come forward in the same hopeful cause. This was a Devonshire-man, Winfrith, who, under the title Bonifacius5, is known as the apostle of Thuringia, and of some of the neighbouring districts. He was to Germany what Theodore had been to England, binding all the members of the Church together, and im parting to it new stability and life. Crossing over into Friesland (715), he joined himself to Willebrord at Utrecht; but, retreating, for some cause or other, to his native country, he remained in his cloister at Nuitshell two years. He then went to Rome, commended6 to the pope by Daniel of Winchester, and in 719 was formally deputed7 by Gre- Saxons (provinciam antiquorum Saxonum). 1 He visited the pope in 692, 'ut cum ejus licentia et benedic- tione desideratum evangelizandi gen- tibus opus iniret.' Bed. v. 11. In 696 he was sent by Pepin of Heris- tal, who as mayor of the Frankish palace had subdued some of the Frieslanders, to be ordained, by the pope, archbishop of that region. Ibid. : cf. Annates Xantenses (in Pertz), a.d. 694. 2 Life in the Acta Sanctorum for March 20, ed. Bolland. 3 See the interesting account of him in the Vit. S. Liudgeri, c. 1 — 4 : apud Monum. German, ed. Pertz, II. 405, 406. 4 Bed. v. 11. He also mentions (c. 10) a mission of two English brothers, Niger Hewald and Albus Hewald, who perished in their at tempt to evangelize the foreign The best Life of him is that by a presbyter, Willibald : Pertz's Mo- numenta, II. 334 seq. Cf. Bonifacius, der Apostel der Deutschen, by Seilers, Mainz, 1845. 0 Ibid. § 14. 7 Bonifacii Epist. 11. ; 1. 26. ed. Giles. But notwithstanding his pro found respect for the papal chair, his independent spirit more than once breaks out in the course of his correspondence. Thus in 742 he quotes the tradition of his na tive land, as reckoned from Augus tine, against the practice of the ruling pope, Ep. xlix. p. 103 ; and it is clear from the same letter (p. 105) that he did not allow the right of any pope to dispense with the 'decreta canonum.' —814] Growth of the Church. 21 gory II. 'to inquire into the state of the savage Germans' german eastward of the Rhine. The first fruits of his zeal were ~ gathered in Thuringia ; but news out of Friesland drew in Friesland.- him thither, and he taught for three years in conjunction with Willebrord8. His next missionary station (722) was at Amoneburg, in Upper Hessia, chosen with the hope of converting the Hessians, and after them the Saxons. Summoned by the pope, who had heard of his success, he undertook a second journey to Rome (723), where, together with the name of Bonifacius9, he received ordination as a missionary bishop, and made himself, by oath, the vassal of the Roman Church. He was thus armed with a new authority; and, seconded in many cases by the civil power10, was able to extend the sphere of his operations, and to bear down all opponents, whether heathen, or disciples of the freer Christian school11, that had its birth in Ireland. At the same time he was constant in imparting, to the utmost of his power, the salutary doctrines of the Gospel. Famed for his preaching12, his diffusion of the Scriptures13, and bis zeal in the founding of monastic schools, which he fed by in i%m-ingia. a number of auxiliaries14 from England, his work could not fail to prosper in a neighbourhood which was the field 8 Vit. § 16. 9 § 21. tonum, vel falsorum sacerdotum, et 10 ' Tuo conamine et Caroli prin- haereticorum, aut undecunque sint.' cipis, ' was the language of pope Bonifacii Opp. I. 96 : cf. Neander, Gregory III. to Boniface (Oct. 29, v. 67 (and note). Boniface himself 739); Bonifacii Opp. ed. Giles, 1. 97 ; (ep. XII.) draws a gloomy picture yet the power of Charles Martel of the state of the clergy and de- was not uniformly on the side of the plores his inability to hold com- missionaries. It was only under munion with them. The married Pepin and Carloman that Boniface priests he always characterized as could feel himself supreme. ' fornicarii, ' which may help us to 11 There are many traces of this judge more truly of his other griev- early protestantism in the records of ous charges. his preaching : e. g. in a letter of 13 ' Evangelica etiam doctrina Gregory III. to the bishops of Ba- adeo prsecipuus extitit, ut apo- varia and Alemannia, after urging stolorum tempora in ejus praediea- them to adopt the Roman uses, as tione laudares.' Annates Xantenses, taught by Boniface, he warned A.D. 752. them to reject ' et gentilitatis ritum 13 Epp. xvni, xix. Opp. 1. 52, 53. et doctrinam, vel venientium Bri- 14 Willibald, Vit. S. Bonifac. § 23. 22 u-rowtfi of the Vhurch. [A. d. 590 GERMANCHURCH. in Bavaria : founds several bishoprics. Revival of Si/nods in the Frankish Church. of his missionary zeal for no less than fifteen years. In 783 he is said to have baptized a hundred thousand na tives1. A third visit to Rome (738) resulted in his mission to Bavaria, where he laboured in the twofold task of organizing the Church, and counteracting a large class of teachers, who, here as in Thuringia, were opposed to ' the tradition of the Roman see'2. With the sanction of the duke of Bavaria, his territory was distributed afresh into the dioceses of Salzburg, Regensburg (Ratisbon), Freis- ingen, and Passau3: and the death of Charles Martel4, which followed soon after the return of Boniface (741), allowed him to advance more freely with his centralizing projects. In 742, the founding of the bishoprics5 of Wiirz- burg, Erfurt, and Buraburg (in Hessia), to which Eich- stadt may be added, conduced to the same result. He was now also urged by Carloman himself to revive the action of the Frankish synods, which had long been dis^ continued6: and presiding at the first of them (744), in his capacity of papal vicar7, he took the lead in promoting what he deemed ' a reformation of the Church'8. One of 1 Such was the report that had reached Gregory III. Oct. 29, 739: Bonif. Opp. 1. 96. His felling of an oak, which had long been sa cred to Thor, made a very deep impression. Vit. Bonif. § 22, 23. 2 Bonif. Ep. xlvi : Opp. 1. 97. He found only one trustworthy bishop in the whole province, and of him (Vivilus) the pope speaks but dubiously: 'Hie si aliquid excedit contra canonicam regulam, doce et corrige eum juxta Roman 33 ecclesiae traditionem, quam a nobis accepisti.' Ibid. The following is the account given by Willibald (§ 28) of the state of religion there : ' Veraeque fidei et religionis sacra- menta renovavit, et destructores ecclesiarum populique perversores abigebat. Quorum alii pridem falso se episcopatus gradu praetulerunt, alii etiam presbyteratus se officio deputabant, alii haec atque alia innumerabilia fingentes, magna ex parte populum seduxerunt:' cf. Annates Xantenses, ad an. 752, and Aventinus, Annates Boiorum, 254, ed. Gundling. 3 Vit. Bonifac. § 28. 4 He had patronized what Boni face describes as the ' false,' ' erro neous, ' ' schismatical priests ' (? the old Frankish clergy). See e. g. Bo nif. Epist. XII ; but they were now driven from the court at the instance of pope Zacharias : lb. Ep. xlviii : cf. Ep. uv, p. 116; lx. p. 127. 5 Ep. xlix. p. ior ; Vit. § 31. 6 Ep. xlix. p. 102. 7 He had received the pallium as early as 732, Vit. § 23, but was still without a fixed metropolis. 8 The aim of pope Zacharias in advocating a yearly synod may be seen in Bonif. Ep. xlviii. In a — 814] Growth of the Church. 23 the leaders of the school whom Boniface had strongly german reprehended was a Frankish bishop, Adelbert9, belonging to the anti-Roman party. He was revered bv the people controversy -1 J J r r with Adelbert as a saint, though much that is imputed to him savours ana Clemml- of the mystic, and betokens an ill-regulated mind. On the suit of his rival, Boniface, who had secured his condemna tion10 at Soissons (744), he was excommunicated11 by a Roman synod in 745, together with a fellow-bishop, Cle ment. The latter had been trained in the schools of Ireland, his native country, and had there imbibed an extensive knowledge of the Scriptures ; but the tone of his theology, so far as we can judge, was sceptical and indevout12. The silencing of these opponents left the missionary Later acts a course of Boniface almost wholly unobstructed: but his own (744-755)- anxieties increased as he was verging to his end. Disap pointed in the hope of placing his metropolitical chair at Cologne (744), where he would have been near to his Frie- sian converts, he was, on the deposition13 of Gewillieb, con- letter addressed (Nov. 5, 743) to u Zacharias, two years later, was Boniface himself (Ep. LV.), he induced in spite of Boniface to re- speaks of his anxiety 'pro aduna- open the question, and summoned tione et reformatione ecclesiarum both Adelbert and Clement to his Christi,' and charges his vicar 'ut own court at Rome, but the issue quae repereris contra Christianam is not known exactly. Neander, C. H. religionem, vel canonum instituta v. 77. — 86. ibidem detineri, ad normam recti- la 'Per suam stultitiam sanc- tudinis studeas reformare.' See torum patrum scripta respuit, vel also a remarkable letter of Boni- omnia synodalia acta parvi pendit, face (a.d. 745) to Cuthbert, arch- etc' Bonif. Opp. 11. 46. Among bishop of Canterbury (Ep. LXIII.), other errors he is said to have where he urges the necessity of a taught ' multa horribilia de praedes- reformation in England. His letter tinatione Dei contraria fidei ca- led the way to the 'reforming' tholicae.' Ep. LVII. p. 123. Boni- synod of Cloveshoe (? Cliff, in Kent), face found other adversaries in two which was held in 747 : Wilkins, Irishmen, Samson (Ep. lxxi. p. Concil. I. 94. 171) and Virgilius, orFeargal, (Ibid. 9 Willib. Vit. Bonif. §29: also pp. 172 sq.) : but the latter was ac- an account in a second Life of quitted by the pope, and died bishop Boniface in Pertz, 11. 354 ; Bonif. of Salzburg : cf. Todd's Church of Opp. II. 40 — 46 : cf. Walch, Hist. St Patrick, pp. 59 sq. der Ketzereyew, x. 46 sq. 13 Pertz, 11. 354. 10 Pagi, ad an. 744, §§ vn, vm. 24 Growth of the Church. [a. d. 590 GERMANCHUBCH. Gregory of Utrecht d. 784- Sturm of Fulda d- 779- strained1 to accept the archbishopric of Mentz (Moguntia), He there found a more definite field of duty in 748. One of the latest acts in his eventful life was the part he took- (751) in favour of Pepin, who superseded his imbecile master, Childeric III. Boniface, at the instance of the pope, administered the rite of unction. The measures he had taken to secure his conquests were now rapidly com pleted, and in 755 he set out, with a large band of fellow- workmen, for the scene of his early enterprise in Friesland ; where, after preaching to the heathen tribes with eminent success, he died as a martyr at the age of seventy-five2. A man with his strength of character, his learning, and his saintly life, could not fail td*have attracted a number of disciples. One of them, Gregory3, as abbot of Utrecht, was at the head of a missionary-college, and at the same time assiduous in his efforts to promote the conversion of the Frieslanders. Another of the more remarkable was the abbot Sturm4, who had been also trained under the eye of Boniface, and stationed in a monastery at Fulda, of which he was himself the romantic founder5. Aided by no less than four thousand inmates, he was able to dis seminate the arts, and augment the conveniences of life, while he softened the ferocious spirit of his neighbours. With some casual exceptions6, the evangelizing of the pupil of Boniface, Willibald, the early English traveller, was or dained by him in 739; and after 0. short mission to Thuringia, was consecrated bishop of Eichstadt, one of the dioceses formed by Bo niface. See the interesting Life of Willibald, by a nun of Heidenheim, in Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. saec. in. p. ii. 365 sq. 4 Life by his pupil, Eigile, in Pertz's Monument. Germ. 11. 365 sa. 6 Ibid. p. 367. S 4 6 e.g. The case of Amandus in Belgium, who procured an order from the Frankish monarch, com pelling all persons to submit to 1 See the Letter of Zacharias, Bonif. Epist. lxxi. p. 174. 2 Willibald, Vit. Bonif. § 33 — 37. The day of his death was June 5 ; the place, on the banks of the Bordne (Bordau), not far from Dockingen. His remains, with those of his fellow-martyrs, being rescued by the Christians, were interred at Fulda, his favourite monastery. 3 A Life of him was written by his pupil Liudger, in Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. saec. in. p. ii. 319 sq. The way in which he was fascinated by the zealous missionary is most strik ingly narrated. Though not » —814] Growth of the Church. 25 German tribes was hitherto conducted on pacificatory prin- german ciples7, like those which had prompted and consolidated '- the first missions of the Church. A fresh plan, however, was now adopted in dealing with the rude and warlike Saxons8 (from the Baltic to the confines of Thuringia and compulsory tt • i i t i i • • -ii conversion of Messia), who had forced their ancient idolatry once more f^^ across the Rhine. Fierce as they were in their hatred of the Gospel, the repugnance would be naturally embittered by the medium through which it was presented to their notice : for they viewed it in the hands of a Frankish teacher, as an agent for promoting their political depression. He came in the wake of invading hosts, by which Charlemagne was endeavouring to effect their subjugation (772—804) : and although numbers of them did accept the ritual of the Church, it is doubtful if in many cases they were not influenced by unworthy motives9. Alcuin, at the impulse opposed by ,\ /. t -i-it • i i i -i in Alcuin, but in of his Christian feelings, would have fain placed a check «•»«• itism. Boniface also invoked partim bellis, partim suasionibus, the ' patrocinium principis Fran- partim etiam mvmeribus, maxima corum;' but his aim was to quell ex parte gentem illam ad fidem irregularities among the clergy Christi convertit. ' Vit. Sturmi, 1. c. and religious orders. Epist. XII. p. 376: cf. Alcuin. Ep. in. ad Col- p. 39. cum Lectorem in Scotia : Opp. 1. 6. 7 See the excellent advice given ' 10 Epist. xxxvii. (Al. XMI.) ad to Boniface by Daniel of Winches- Megenfridum (a privy-councillor of ter. Bonif. Ep. XIV. Charlemagne). Of many striking 8 Boniface had been already passages this may be a sample : ' Fi- urged to undertake this mission in des quoque, sicut sanctus ait Augus- the years 723, 733 ; Epp. IX, xxviii; tinus, res est voluntaria, non neces- and even earlier (690 — 740) some saria. Attrahi poterit homo in fidem, impression had been made on the non cogi. Cogi poteris ad baptismum, Saxons by the labours of Lebwin, sed non proficit fidei. Nisi infan- a Yorkshire monk. See his Life tilis aetas aliorum peccatis obnoxia in Pertz, n. 361 sq. aliorum confessione salvari poterit. 9 ' Congregato iam (? turn) grandi Perfectee setatis vir pro se respon- exercitu [a.d. 772]> invocato Christi deat, quid credat aut quid cupiat. nomine, Saxoniam profectus est, Et si fallaciter fidem profitetur, adsumtis universis sacerdotibus, veraciter salutem non habebit. abbatibus, presbyteris, et omnibus Tlnde et prsedicatores paganorum orthodoxis atque fidei cultoribus, populum pacificis verbis et pruden- ut gentem quae ab initio mundi tibus fidem docere debent.' Opp. daemonum vinculis fuerit obligata, 1. 50 ; see also his letter (Ep. lxxx, doctrinis sacris mite et suave Al. xov.) written to Charlemagne Christi jugum credendo subire fe- himself: I. 117. cissent. Quo cum rex pervenisset, 26 Growth of the Church. [a. d. 590 GERMAN CHURCH. Fresh mea sures for the conversion of the Saxons, and other northerntribes. Willehad. d- 789- on the rigour of the Franks. But his protests were un- - heeded; Charlemagne still persisting in his plan of breaking the indomitable spirit of the Saxons by forcing the con version of the vanquished, and establishing himself on the basis of the Church1. A long and bloody war, attended by an edict2 of the Frankish court, which made the re jection of the Gospel a capital offence, resulted in the permanent disarming of the Saxons and their annexation to the Western Church3. A way was in the mean time opened for the deeper planting of the Gospel, by means of the numerous schools and churches founded by the' Franks, and still more by the holy and commanding char racter of members of the Saxon mission. Such were Sturm, Willehad, and Liudger. The first, whom we have seen already, spent the evening of his days in this field of labour4. The second (Willehad) was a native of North umbria5, whom the hopeful letters of the English mis sionaries had excited to cast in his lot among them. He' set out for Friesland with the sanction of the Anglian king and the blessing of a synod6. Banished from the neighbourhood of Groningen, which had been already stained by the blood of Boniface, he found shelter at the court of Charlemagne, who sent him (780) to aid in the missions then attempting to evangelize the Saxons. In 787, after an eventful term of suffering and success, he was raised to the episcopal dignity, his chair being placed at Wigmodia (Bremen) : but a sudden illness cut him off two years later, while engaged in a visitation-tour. 1 The chief ecclesiastical estab lishments were at Osnabriick, Mini ster, Paderborn, Verden, Minden, and Seligenstadt. The last see was afterwards transferred to Halber- 2 See the Capitulare de Partibus Saxonice, i. 251, in Baluze's Ca- pitul. Reg. Fran., Paris, 1677: and cf. Schrockh's Kirchen-Geschichte, XIX. 264 sq. 3 Einhard. Vit. Karoli Magn. c. 7 ; apud Pertz, II. 447. * Vit. Sturm, ubi sup. 5 A Life of him, written by Anskar, bishop of Bremen (middle of the ninth cent.), is printed in Pertz, II. 378 sq. 6 Ibid. § 1. —814] Growth of the Church. 27 Liudger7 was a noble Frieslander, who had been trained german in the school of Utrecht, and afterwards by Alcuin at York. For a long time distinguished as a missionary to his own J*^?"' people, and afterwards as the apostle of Helgoland, which Willebrord quitted in despair, he was sent by Charlemagne, on the subjugation of the Saxons, into Minister, where he toiled in the spirit of a true evangelist8, till 809. A fresh accession to the Church was the tribe of the Carantani, who had settled in the early part of the seventh century in Styria and Carinthia. The Gospel reached p« pcspei .•» J J -L Styria and them through Bavarian channels, first9 at the instance of pf'S^nn Virgilius of Salzburg, and afterwards of Arno, his second successor. Arno, on ordaining a 'missionary bishop' for these parts (800), intended, if possible, to make his way as far as the neighbouring Slavonians10. He had been also employed by Charlemagne, whose Mission to the , x J J . Avares in sceptre was now stretching over Hungary11, to organize l'™aaTy- a mission for the barbarous Avares12. In 796, Tudun, one of their chiefs, having been baptized at the Frankish court13, his return was viewed as a propitious moment for 7 For a Life of Liudger by his Sanet. Ord. Bened. iv. 279 sq. The second successor, Altfrid, see Pertz, Carinthian chieftain had allowed II. 403 sq. He is said to have left his son to be educated as a Chris- York 'bene instructus, habenssecum tian at the court of Bavaria. This, eopiam librorum.' lib. I. § 12. on his accession to the throne, 8 ' Itaque more solito cum omni paved the way for the evangelizing aviditate et sollicitudine rudibus of his subjects. Saxonum populis studebat in doc- 10 See the treatise of a priest of trina prodesse, erutisque idolatriae Salzburg (written at the close of the spinis, verbum Dei diligenter per ninth century), De Conversione Bo- loca singula serere, ecclesias con- jariorum et Carentanorum, in Script. struere, et per eas singulos ordi- Rerum Boic. ed. Oefele, I. 280 sq. : nare presbyteros, quos verbi Dei also a Life of Rudbert (first bishop cooperatores sibi ipsi nutriverat.' of Salzburg) in Canisius, Lect. An- Ibid. § 20. The mention here made tiq. III. pt. 11. p. 343. of his 'ordaining presbyters' is n Einhardi Fuldenses Annates, somewhat strange, as we are told A.D. 788, 791: apud Pertz, I. 350. in the following paragraph that he 12 See Pray's Annal. Vet. Hunno- had hitherto declined the 'ponti- rum, Avar, et Hungar. 269 sq., ed. ficalem gradum.' His reluctance, Vindebon. 1761. however, was at length overcome ls Einhard, A. D. 796. A second by Hildibald, bishop of Cologne. case occurred in 805 . Ibid. The 9 See the Life of Virgilius in Act, projected mission to the Avares Or 28 °J me vnurch. LA. d. 690 Asiatic planting further outposts of the Church in the same distant missions. r.°_.r , . .. , ij regions. But it seems that the mission was not worked with corresponding vigour1. Missionary zeal of the Nestorians. IN EASTERN ASIA. The zeal and perseverance that were shewn in the converting of the German tribes had been confined in this period to the bosom of the Western Church. Owing partly to domestic troubles, but still more to their lack of expansiveness and health, the churches of the East were now feeble and inactive. At the death of Justinian I. (565) they seem to have abandoned the propagation of the Gospel to those numerous offshoots from the patri archate of Antioch, who continued to reject the council of Ephesus, under the name of Nestorians2 or Chaldseans. Most of them, on their expulsion from the Roman empire, had found a shelter with their fellow-Christians in Persia, to whom they were united by a common misbelief. Here they obtained an exclusive toleration, though it did not altogether screen them from the rancour of the heathen natives3. From the sixth to the eleventh century, when the power of the Nestorians may be said to have cul- Huns drew many excellent remarks from Alcuin, who was fearful lest the policy pursued in the case of the Saxons should be repeated there. In a letter to Charlemagne (796),Ep.xxvin.(Al.xxxrn.)hesays, ' Sed nunc praevideat sapientissima et Deo placabilis devotio vestra po- pulo novello praedicatores, moribus honestis, scientia sacra? fidei edoctos, et evangelicis praeceptis imbutos,' etc. He recommends, as a model for the missionary, St Augustine's treatise De Catechizandis Rudibus: Opp. I. 37, 38. The same care and tenderness are impressed on arch bishop Arno in Epp. XXX, XXXI, lxxii. (Al. xxxiv, xxxv, lxxxvii ; Opp. I. 39, 4°> I05) his eye being still fixed on the recent failure in the missions to the Saxons. 1 Alcuin, Ep. xcn. (Al. cvm.) P- I3S- 3 They repudiated this title (J. S. Asseman, Biblioth. Orienlalis, torn. III. part 11. pp. 75, 76); but re tained the terminology, and, with few exceptions, the heretical tenets, condemned by the Church at large. See Palmer's Treatise on the Church, I. 319, 320, 3rd edit. 3 Asseman, ubi sup. pt. 1. p. 109, pt. II. c. v. § 2. This section gives an account of their condition under the successive Persian kings, from 488 to 640, when the country was invaded by the Muhammedans. —814] Growth of the Church. 29 minated, they were peculiarly distinguished by their mis- Asiatic sionary spirit4. The head of their system, known as the - catholicos, and subsequently (498) as the patriarch, pre- S Se-"f sided over churches in Chaldsea, Persia, Media, Mesopo-me"&' tamia, and in districts far beyond the Tigris, in Bactriana and India. His see6 was originally at Seleucia, and after wards at Bagdad and Babylon, where he might have vied even with the Western pontiffs in a plenitude of power : for the bounds of his patriarchate embraced no less than twenty-five metropolitans6, nearly all of whom were located in the various countries they had rescued from the yoke of paganism7. Timotheus8, who was the Nestorian patriarch S^%ix»- from 778 to 820, may be mentioned as the warmest advo- ^ch^" cate of missions. He sent out a large band of monks from the convent of Beth-abe in Mesopotamia, to evangelize the Tatar tribes, who roved in the neighbourhood of the Caspian Sea : and some of them penetrated as far as India9 and China10, either planting or. reviving in those distant parts a knowledge of the Gospel. Two of the episcopal members of the mission, Cardag and Jaballaha, 4 Ibid, part II. p. 8r. They were III. 164 sq. materially assisted by the favour of 10 David is mentioned as a bishop the caliph, who had numbers of ordained for China by the patriarch them always in his service. Timotheus ; Asseman, ibid, part 11. , 6 Ibid. pp. 622 sq. The see was p. 82. It is by no means improba- eventually transferred to Mosul, p. ble that the Gospel had reached this 626. country at a still earlier date. (See 6 Neale's Hist, of Eastern Church, De Guignes, Untersuchung iiber die Introd. I. 143. A ' Notitia ' of all im "jten Jahrhunderte in Sina sich the sees is given in Asseman, pp. aufhaltenden Christen, ed. Greifs- 705 sq. wald, 1769.) Among other evidence 7 They were also conspicuous for is a Syro-Chinese inscription, their love of learning. Their great brought to light by the Jesuit school was at Nisibis, which rose missionaries in 1625, and purport- out of the ruins of the school of ing to belong to 782 (in Mosheim, Edessa (destroyed about 490) ; Asse- Hist. Eccl. Tartarorum, App. in. man, torn. III. part 11. pp. 428, 927. and elsewhere). According to it, A whole chapter (xv.) is devoted to Olopuen, a Nestorian priest, visited similar institutions. China in 635 from the western 8 Ibid, part I. pp. 158 sq. frontier of the country. See Kes- 9 On the earlier traces of Chris- son's Cross and Dragon (Christianity tianity in India, see Neander, C.H. in China), pp. 16 sq. Lond. 1854. 30 btrowth, of the Church,. [A. D. 590 AFRICAN MISSIONS. Further influence of the Nestorians in Eastern Asia. transmitted a report of their success to the Nestorian pa triarch, who urged them to perpetuate the impression they had made by ordaining other bishops to succeed them1. It was also in this period, though the date is not exactly ascertainable2 that a distinguished Syrian, Mar- Thomas (it would seem a merchant3), prevailed on the community of Christians, already stationed on the coast of Malabar4, to place themselves under the jurisdiction of the Nestorian catholicos. By this step he led the way to a further propagation of the Syrian (or Nestorian) creed,: and in the ninth century5 two bishops of that communion, Sapor and Peroses, are said to have planted the cross to the south-west of Cochin, in the kingdom of Diamper. Tlie Gospel planted in Nubia by Jacobiks. IN AFRICA. The only progress to be noted in this corner of the the Christian kingdom, is due to the sect of the Alexandrian Jacobites (Monophysites), who had already in the life time of Justinian found admission into Nubia6. In the patriarchate (686-688) of Isaac (a Jacobite) there is further proof of the connexion between that country and Alex andria ; Isaac interposing his authority to settle a dispute 1 The lack of a third prelate to assist in the consecration of the new bishops was to be supplied by a copy of the Gospels. Asseman, ubi sup. 2 Ibid, part ill. p. 443 : Neale, Eastern Church, Introd. 1. 146. 3 This, however, is denied by Asseman, p. 444, who concludes his argument as follows : 'Habe- mus itaque Thomam non Armenum mercatorem, neque infra sextum Christi seculum, sed circa annum 800, sub Timotheo Nestorianorum patriarcha a Jaballaha et Kardago Ghilanae et Dailamse metropolitis ex monacho ccenobii Beth-Abensis ordinatum episcopum atque in vi- cinam Indiam missum.' 4 Cf. Neander, in. 166: Lassen, Ind. Alterthum, n. hoi, 1102; Bonn, 1852. The present Christians of Malabar boast of their descent from this Mar-Thomas. 5 Asseman, ubi sup. p. 442. 6 Ibid. torn. 11. p. 330 : cf. Le- tronne's Christianisme en Egypte, en Nubie, et en Abyssinie, a Paris, 1832. The Christian priest-kings of Nubia turned Muhammedans only in the 14th century: Lepsius, Dis coveries in Egypt, &c. p. 259, Lond. 1852. —814] Growth of the Church. 31 between the emperor of Ethiopia and the king of Nubia7, muham- There is also an interesting notice of an application8 made - by a priest from India to Simon, successor of Isaac (689—700), requesting at his hands episcopal consecration; but whether India proper or Ethiopia is here meant, has been much disputed9. §2. LIMITATION OF THE CHURCH. The countries which had formed the cradle of the Church and the scene of its earlier triumphs, were now destined to behold its obscuration and extinction. Persia, for invasion, of 1 the Eastern example, after wresting many Christian provinces out of pf^f/rom the hands of the Eastern emperor (604—621), among others those of Palestine and Egypt, set on foot a most bloody persecution. All, whom the sword of Kesra (Chosroes) had spared, were forced into union with the hated Nes torians10. But the tempest, though terrific, was of short duration; Heraclius being able (621—628) to repair his losses, and to heal the distractions of the Church. Jerusalem, however, had been scarcely rescued from MuhcLmed- the Persians, when a message11 was dispatched to the anism- eastern emperor, inviting him to join the Moslems, and to recognize their prophet. Born12 at Mecca in 569 or 570, 7 Benaudot, Hist. Patr. Alexand. 199 sq., apud Scriptores Byzantin. p. 178. ed. Venet. 1729. At p. 213, c, ibid. 8 Ibid. pp. 184 sq. Le Quien, is the following entry : 'Hvdyicafc Oriens Christianus, II. 454. Be rods ~Kpio-Ttaiiovs yeve'o'dai els tt)v y See Asseman, ubi sup. 451 sq. rov li^eoropiou dpno'Kelav irpbs rd — It is needless to dwell on the ?rX7j|fcu rov fiaaiXta, [i.e. the efforts made in this period for the emperor]. This seems to have been conversion of the Jews, in the west the policy of the Persians throughout by the governments of Spain, and in tolerating the Nestorian body. in the east by the Emperor Leo, n Ockley, Hist, of the Saracens, the Isaurian ; for their measures p. 51, ed. Bohn. were nearly always coercive, and on 1S See Prideaux's Life of Ma- that account abortive. See a chap- hornet, and, for his religious system, ter on the subject in Schrockh, xix. Sale's Koran, with the Preliminary 298—326. Discourse, and Forster's Mahomet- 10 Theophanes, Chronographia, pp. anism Unveiled, Loud. 1829. Other 32 Limitation of the Church. [A.D. 590 mSaniIm. of the stock of Ishmael, Muhammed1 seems in early life to have been possessed by the persuasion that he was an agent in the hands of God to purify the creed of his fellow-countrymen. The texture of his mind was mystical, inclining him to solitude and earnest contemplation2 : but the spirit of enthusiasm, thus fostered and inflamed, was oj ''which Twos afterwards corrupted by the lust of worldly power3. Some of the more intelligent around him were monotheists already, having clung to the tenets of their father Ishmael; but others, a large section of the Arab tribes, were sunk in idolatry and superstition4. We learn also that on the rise of Islamism many Jews had been long settled in Arabia, where they gained some political importance5; and that heralds of the Gospel on its earliest promulgation made very numerous converts ; though the Christians at this time were for the most part Jacobites6, who had come from the neighbouring lands in quest of an asylum. It is clear, therefore, that materials were at hand out of which to construct a composite religion like that now established by Muhammed ; and when he ventured to unfold his visions to the world in 611, it was easy to discern in their leading views may be obtained from Weil's feda, quoted in Ockley's Saracens, Muhammed der Prophet, ed. Stutt- p. n. According to the second gart, 1S43, and Dollinger's Mu- writer, Muhammed was assisted in KammecVs Religion nach ihrer innen compiling the Koran by a Persian Entwickelwng, etc., ed. Regensburg, Jew and a Nestorian monk. His 1838. The last writer looks upon own followers maintain that it was Muhammedanism as a kind of pre- shewn to him at once by the Arch- paration for the Gospel in the south- angel, though published only in de em and eastern world. Mbhler's tached portions during the next 23 work, On the Relation of Islam to years. the Gospel, has been translated by 3 Cf. Maurice's Religions of the Menge; Calcutta, 1847. World, pp. 18, 19, 2nd edit. Others 1 = MaxovLihd, from which the would regard Muhammed as an common form Mahomet was derived. impostor from the first; e. g. White s He retired for a month every in his Bampton Lectures for 1784, year into a mountain-cavern, aban- passim. doning his mercantile employments. i Sale's Preliminary Discourse, It was not till his fortieth year (609) pp. 24 sq. that the archangel Gabriel (accord- 5 Ibid. p. 28. ing to his statement) announced to 6 pp. 29, 31. The Nestorians. him his mission from on high. Abul- also had one bishop. Ibid. -814] Limitation of the Church. 33 features a distorted copy of the Bible7. While Islamism muham- was the foe of all creature-worship, while it preached with - an emphasis peculiar to itself the absolute dependency of errmyand man and the unity and infinite sublimity of God, its teach ing even there was meagre and one-sided : it was a harsh and retrogressive movement : it lost sight of what must ever be the essence of the Gospel, the Divinity and In carnation of the Saviour, the original nobility of man, and his gradual restoration to the likeness of his Maker. It was, in fact, no more than the Socinianism or Deism of Arabia. Clouding over all the attributes of love, Mu hammed could perceive in the Almighty nothing more than a high and arbitrary Will, or a vast and tremendous Power, — views which had their natural result in fatalism, and in fostering a servile dread or weakening the moral instincts8. His own tribe, the Koreish of Mecca, startled9 by his novel doctrine, were at first successful in resisting the pretensions of 'the prophet'; but his flight (i.e. Hejrah, July 16, 622), while it served as an epoch in the annals of his followers, entailed a terrific evil on the world. It imparted to the system of Muhammed, hitherto pacific10, all its fierce and its persecuting spirit. On his arrival at Medina, where he acted in the twofold character of prince and prophet, he was able to enlarge the circle of his influence, and to organize a sect of religious warriors,' the Flight of Muhammed, 7 Traces also of a Gnostic ele ment have been found in the Koran. Neander, C. H. V. 118. 8 The way in which Islamism was regarded by the Church, in the eighth century, appears from a Dia logue between a Christian and a Moslem, ascribed to John of Da mascus or to his disciple, Theodore Abukara : in Bihlioth. Patrum, ed. Galland, xm. 272 sq., and (some what differently) in Bihlioth. Patrum Parisiens. XI. 431 sq. We there learn that the points insisted on against Muhammed were the Di ll. A. vinity of Christ, and the freedom of the human will 9 Sale, ib. p. 58. 10 He was at first tolerant of other systems (Koran, ch. 11. v.), but he now opened what was called ' the holy war', for the purpose of exter minating all idolaters, and Jews and Christians ti crescent. 76. u. ix^lSvjij p. 32. These en^wtfe continual! kept in view Kysj>8e Meslem jaotf querors. Se<^Mmna.iifLqtj,n'Chris- tianity, Bk. ami his appeal to force in prirpaoating his religion. .v.; J» ^ 34 Limitation of the Church. [A. D. 590 muham- so gigantic, that in the tenth year of the Hejrah every part -' '- of his native land, including Mecca1, trembled at his word. His death followed in 632, but the ardour he had roused descended to the caliphs, and increased with the number of his converts. Dropping all their ancient feuds, exulting in a fresh and energizing faith, or maddened by the sensual visions of the future, the adherents of the crescent fought probable their way through all the neighbouring states. Though ''''"' some of their progress may be due to the corruption and 'districts.''"" distractions of the Church2, and more to their simple or accommodating tenets, very much was effected by their craft in dealing with the Christian body. It was the aim of the caliph, by conciliating the heretical communities, Nestorian and Monophysite especially, to use them as his agents in diminishing the number of the Catholics, wh6, firm in their allegiance to the emperor, were branded with the name of Melchites3. Joining thus the devices of the politician with the fire of the enthusiast, the fortunes of its rapid and Islamism rapidly advanced. Its second caliph, Omar, took conquests. Jerusalem in 637, and was master of the whole of Syria in 639. Egypt was annexed in 640. Persia bowed its head beneath the crescent in 651. Under the Ommiades (caliphs of Damascus), Islamism had subdued the northern 1 He took this stronghold of his this statement is, it is too near the enemies in 630, and by way of con- truth : (cf. the language of the ciliating the Arabs he adopted their emperor Heraclius in 633, when national sanctuary (the Kaaba) as the Moslems were now advancing the chief temple of Islamism. Ock- upon Syria : Ockley's Saracens, p. ley, p. 18. This was not the only 95). stroke of policy by which he circum- 3 In Egypt, for example, the vented the more superstitious of his Jacobites were the more numerous countrymen. body, and though not wholly ex- 2 ' The sense of a Divine, Al- empted from persecution were for mighty Will, to which all human the most part favoured by the wills were to be bowed, had eva- Moslems. Neale, Eastern Church, porated amidst the worship of im- 'Alexandria,' II. 72. The Nesto- ages, amidst moral corruptions, rians in like manner were protected philosophical theories, religious con- by the caliphs of Bagdad, who troversies.' Maurice, Religions of owed to them much of their taste for the World, p. 23. Overcoloured as literature. Schrockh, xix. 396 sq. — 814] Limitation of the Church. 35 coast of Africa (707), and in 711 it had been established muham- everywhere in Spain, with the exception of a small Gothic ¦ - kingdom in the mountains : while the Byzantine metropolis itself was made to shudder (669, 717) at the sight of the Moslem ai-mies. Restless even at the foot of the Pyrenees, they spread into France as far as the Loire; but in 732 were finally repulsed and humbled by the arms of Charles Martel. In 734 they threatened to , extend their ravages to the interior of Italy ; and after occupying many of the neighbouring islands, Rome4 was with difficulty rescued from their grasp in 849. However much of good eventually resulted from the The desolation , , ,„ oftheChris- Saracenic conquests, they were fatal to the present welfare "S^^f/J of religion and the progress of the Church. Though tend- ™*East- ing to promote the interest of letters6 in a period when the other kingdoms of the world were comparatively dark, they have desolated many a region where the Gospel was supreme, and obliterated all the traces of its earliest pro pagation. At the time when Boniface6 and his companions were engaged in evangelizing the Teutonic tribes, they heard that the famous Churches of the East, the special husbandry of Christ and His Apostles, were the prey of the antichristian armies of Muhammed. The defenceless patriarchates' of Jerusalem, of Antioch, and Alexandria, * Gibbon, Decline and Fall, V. The ' tribulatio Saracenorum' was in 209 sq. ed. Milman. like manner present to the mind 5 Abulfeda, Anncdes Moslemici, of Zacharias, in 745, when he con- tom. II. pp. 73 sq. Leipz. 1754. templated the growth of the Church See a chapter on the ' Literature of among the Frisians : Mansi, XII. 336. the Arabians' in Sismondi's Litera- 7 The patriarchs were driven into ture of the South of Europe, I. 48 sq. the Greek empire. In Alexandria The Moslems of Spain began to en- the Church was partially restored do w schools about 736: Conde, Do- by the election of Cosmas in 727 minacion de losArabes en Espana, 1. (Neale, ibid. II. 107) ; but none of no, Barcelona, 1S44. On the lite- the Eastern Churches have to this rary taste of Alhakem (A.D. 964 sq.) day recovered from the blow in- see II. 14 — 16. fiicted by Islamism. In the fifth 6 He speaks with alarm of the century they contained as many as Saracenic invasions in Ep, xxxn. 800 bishoprics. D 2 36 Limitation oj the unurcn. [A.d. oaO muham- deprived of their rightful pastors, and curtailed on every medanism. .* o v > i • j side, are moving illustrations of the general rum ; and out of four hundred sees that once shed a salutary light on Africa, four only were surviving in the eleventh cen tury1. The rest had been absorbed into the vortex of Islamism. 1 Wiltsch, Atlas Sacer, p. 12, Gothae, 1843. —814] ( 37 ) CHAPTER II. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OP THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. § 1. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION. The model that was followed from the first in the Thetransmis- . . f, « swn of the organizing of the Christian body, had continued to pass f^f^id over to the churches newly planted. Active members vnvilenes- of a mission, if not consecrated in the outset2 of their course, were advanced to the rank of bishops when their labours had succeeded3. With a staff of inferior clergy, who were taken very often in this age from some of the monastic orders, they were foremost in dispensing all the means of grace as well as in the closer supervision of their flocks. While acting4 as the champions of the wronged, the guardians of the foundling and the minor, and of all who were either destitute or unprotected, they were placed in more intimate relations to the clergy, who * Under the title ' episcopus re- § VI, in the Capitul. Regum Fran- gionarius :' see above, p. 19, n. 8 ; corum, ed. Baluze, I. 7. The follow- p. 27. Birinus had at first no see : ing extract from Canon XVIII. of the Bed. III. 7 : so too Tuda ; ib. 26. Council of Toledo (a.d. 589) is a 3 The case of Liudger (p 27, n. 8) further instance of this power : is a solitary exception ; but even he ' Sint enim prospectores episcopi, se- was obliged to conform. cundum regiam admonitionem, qua- 4 e.g. Codex Justin, lib. I. tit. IV. liter judices cum populis agant : ut De Episcopali Audientia, §§ 22 — 24, aut ipsos praemonitos corrigant, aut 27, 28, 30, 33. The sphere of their insolentias eorum auditibus principis duties was extended (560) to the innotescant. Quodsi correptos emen- oversight of the administration of dare nequiverint, et ab ecclesia et a, justice : Clotarii Constitutio Generalis, communione suspendant.' INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. How affected by the metro politan consti tution of some Churches. The decline of metropolitansat tltis period. Its effect on the growth of the papal power. 38 Constitution of the Church. LA-D- °90 had learned to regard their bishop as the centre of all rightful action, and the source of the authority deposited in them. But the acts of the diocesan, if arbitrary and unlawful, might be checked by appealing to another bishop, whom the canons of the Church, in union with the civil power, had raised to superior eminence of rank. This was the metropolitan or primate1, who presided in a synod of pro vincial bishops, regulated their election, authorized their consecration, had the power of revising their decision, or of carrying it for judgment to a conclave of his brother- prelates ; and lastly, among other rights inherent in the primate, he was the public organ of communication with the State, — the channel for enforcing its enactments or distributing its bounty. It is true that as the metropolitan constitution of the Church had grown out of the political divisions of the empire2, it had also felt the shock by which the empire was subverted ; and that, compared with its vigour in the former period, it was now very often inefficient, if not altogether in abeyance. Prelates of remoter sees, which they were engaged in reclaiming from the heathen, not unfrequently regarded the appointment of a primate as a clog on the freedom of their action. This3 was peculiarly apparent in the Franks ; nor is it hard to discern in their impatience of control a link in the chain of causes which was tending to consolidate the empire of the pope. They bowed to his legates and supported his pretensions, to evade what they deemed a vassalage at home. Yet, in spite of the wide-spread disaffection to the 1 See Bingham, Book n. ch. xvi. §§ 12 sqq. and authorities there. 2 This statement may be seen ex panded at great length in Crakan- thorp's Defensio Eccl. Anglican, ch. xxn. § 64 sq. 3 Cf. Neander, v. 88 sq. 153, 154. The provincial synods, which were calculated to become the strongest agent of the metropolitans, had been discontinued in France for no less than eighty years : see the letter of Boniface, above, p. 22. —814] Constitution of the Church. 39 government of primates, it was able, here and there, to internal perpetuate its hold, and even to secure a footing in the °EtionZA" newly founded churches. When Boniface was brought into collision with the bishop of Cologne4, he strenuously resented every act of interference in the spirit of the Frankish prelates: but in other parts he laboured from the first to organize the metropolitan system, and to use Metropolitans it as the special instrument of Rome. In his view5 everv a* recently ' 7 ^ converted prelate of a district should be placed in a close dependence Soli'- iut on the primate, and the primate in subservience to the ,naniMn° Uas- pope, on whom the correction of the evils, that might baffle a domestic synod, should be finally devolved. After manifold obstructions6, the design of Boniface was partly carried out. A council at Soissons7 (744) enabled him to fix one metropolitan at Rheims, and a second in the town of Sens. Mentz (Mayence) was awarded to himself; and 4 Ep. xoiv. a.d. 753 : 'Et modo vult Coloniensis episcopus sedem supradicti Willibrordi praedicatoris [i. e. Utrecht] sibi contrahere, ut non sit episcopalis sedes, subjecta Romano pontifici, praedicans gentem Fresonum. Cui respondebam, ut credidi, quod majus et potius fieri debeat presceptum apostolicae sedes, et ordinatio Sergii papae, et legatio venerandi praedicatoris Willibrordi, ut et fiat sedes episcopalis subjecta Bomano pontifici prsedicans gentem Fresonum, quia magna pars illorum adhuc pagana est ; quam destructae ecclesiolse fundamenta diruta, et a paganis conculcata, et per negligen- tiam episcoporum derelicta. Sed ipse non consentit.' 5 'Decrevimus autem in nostro synodali conventu, et confessi sumus fidem catholicam, et unitatem, et subjectionem Romance ecclesice, fine tenus vitae uostrae, yelle servare : sancto Petro et vicario ejus velle subjici: synodum per omnes annos congregare : metropolitans pallia ab ilia sede qucerere, etc. . . . Decrevi mus, ut metropolitanus qui sit pallio sublimatus, hortetur caeteros, et ad- moneat, et investiget, quis sit inter eos curiosus de salute populi, quisve negligens servus Dei . . . Statuimus quod proprium sit metropolitano, juxta canonum statuta, subjectorum sibi episcoporum investigare mores et sollicitudinem circa populos, quales sint . . . Sic enim, ni fallor, omnes episcopi debent metropolitano, et ipse Romano pontifici, si quid de corri- gendis populis apud eos impossibile est, notum facere, et sic alieni fient a sanguine animarum perdita- rum.' Ep. lxiii. a.d. 745 (addressed to Cuthbert, archbp. of Canter bury). 6 'De eo autem, quod jam prae- terito tempore de archiepiscopis et de palliis a Romana ecclesia petendis, juxta promi'ssa Francorum, sancti- tati vestrae notum feci, indulgentiam apostolicse sedis fiagito : quia quod promiserunt tardantes non impleve- runt, et adhuc differtur et ventilatur, quid inde perfioere voluerint, igno- ratur, sed mea voluntate impleta est promissio:' Ep. lxxv. (to pope Za charias, a.d. 751): cf. Neander, C. H. v. 89. 7 Labbe, VI. 1552. 40 Constitution of the Uhurch. [A.D. 590 internal at the close of the century two others, Arno of Salzburg ORGANIZA- . tion. and Hildewald of Cologne, were added to the list of primates. In England1 also we have seen that the Roman mission were in favour of the same arrangement, choosing for their purpose Canterbury2 and York3, but the dignity intended for the latter was a long while in abeyance. In all cases it was now the custom to create a metropolitan by sending him the pall or pallium, as a decorative badge. At first4 it implied that all, thus distinguished by the pope, were prelates in communion with the Roman see : but in after-times it grew into a symbol of dependence. Much, however, as the papacy had gained by these centralizing changes, it was equally indebted to the con quests of Islamism. While they tended to unite the Christians of the west, they shook the dominion of the eastern patriarchs ; and three of these we must regard as virtually dethroned". They all, in the former period of the The grant of the pallium. The papal power ad vanced by the Saracenic conquests. 1 It is remarkable that in Ireland there were no metropolitans, or none at least who wore the pallium, till I IS I. Roger de Hoveden, Annal. Pars Prior: apud Scriptores post Beclam, p. 490. 2 See above, p. 10, note 1. The primacy of Canterbury, which had been disputed, was settled in a pro vincial synod, 803. Wilkins, I. 166. 3 See above, p. 13, note 9. The metropolitans of England ordinarily received consecration from each other : but until York had regained its archiepiscopal rank in 735, the prelate-elect of Canterbury was sometimes consecrated in Gaul, and sometimes by a conclave of his own suffragans. Kemble, 11. 381. 4 One of the earliest instances of such a grant from the pope is that of Caesarius, bishop of Aries, to whom Symmaehus is said to have permitted (513), ' speciali privilegio, pallii usum'. Vit. S. Cceiar. in the Acta Sanctorum, August, vi. 71. For another example of nearly the same date, see a letter of Symma ehus to Theodore, archbishop of Laureacum, in Ludewig, Scriptores Rerum German. 11. 352 : but Jaff^, Regest. Pontif. Roman. (Berolini, l$Sl)> p'aces it among the ' Literae Spuria}.' In the Eastern Church all bishops, as such, had worn a pallium (6pioii) : Pertsch, De origine, usu, et aucloritate pallii archiepisco- palis, pp. 91 sq. Helmst. 1754: Neale's History of Eastern Church, Introd. p. 312. In the west also, after it came into use, it was given to simple bishops as well as to pri mates. Pertsch, ib. 134 sq. 5 It is true the Nestorians and Jacobites kept up the patriarchal system (see Asseman, Bihlioth. Ori ent, torn. in. part ii. pp. 643 seq., and Neale's Eastern Church, n. 98 seqq., where the forms of election are given in the two cases respect ively) : but as they were not in com munion with the Church at large, they had no weight in counteracting the encroachments of the popes. — 814] Constitution of the Church. 41 Church, had exercised a constant check on the pretensions internal: of the pope ; for like him6 they had extensive powers and obtionIZA" were invested with precedence over other bishops : in pro- portion, therefore, as the sphere of their influence was narrowed, that of the larger patriarchates would be suffered to increase ; and the struggle for priority of place among them "would be confined to the Roman and Byzantine sees. The envy and ambition of these pontiffs led the way to a multitude of evils ; and resulted, at the close of the following period, in a deep and irreparable schism between the Greek and the Latin Christians. It is true there struggle had long been a feeling of respect (in some, it may be, afuimaT" allied to veneration) for the Church that was thought to have been planted by St Peter in the- mother-city of the world7. This feeling was diffused in countries very far from the Italian pale; it was shared even in the eastern patriarchates, where the many were disposed to grant a primacy of order to the sister-church of Rome. But when the court with its prestige had been transplanted from the west, Constantinople was exalted to a parity of rank8, and laboured to secure its prominent position. 6 The Roman patriarchate was stantinople was the seat of the em- originally small, confined to the ten pire. The Council in Trullo (691) provinces of middle and southern repeated the decree in still clearer Italy and Sicily. See De Marca, Con- terms : can. xxxvi : twv to-o>v cXico- cordia Sacerd. et Imperii, lib. I. c. 7 . \aiovo-av irpeo-fieloiv tt; irpeo-fivTe'pa 7 e.g. Valentin, nr. a.d. 455 : J3a4as 'Pii/ins ayioirdrif 8p6vtpi between the empire and the popes, k.t.\., on the ground that Con- and left them more at liberty to 42 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 590 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION The title of ' (Ecumenical patriarch.' Progress of tlte papal power uiider Grt the Great. An example of the contest is supplied at the close of the sixth century. John the Faster (6 vncrrevT^ i in ¦ ¦ andrural the rise of many rural chapters (or associations of adjoining <*»p<<™- parishes). * These had grown up through a relaxation of the ancient laws which provided that no clergyman should be ordained except to a particular church. Charlemagne la boured to abate the evils that had flowed from their disorderly pro ceedings. Capitular, a.d. 789 : ib. A.D. 794. The former, among other things, decrees 'ut in diebus festis vel dominicis, omnes ad ecclesiam veniant, et non invitent presbyteros ad domos suas ad missas faciendas,' c. 9. 5 The trouble they created for the bishops may be gathered from the 14th canon of the Council of Cha lons (649). The principal chaplain of the court (archicapellanus) be came a kind of 'minister of reli gion ' for the whole kingdom : see Planck, Geschichte der Kirchenverfas- sung, 11. 147. 6 e. g. Bonifacii Opp. n. 22 : 'Ut laici presbyteros non ejiciant de ec- clesiis, nee mittere praesumant sine consensu episcoporum suorum: ut laici omniuo non audeant munera exigere a presbyteris, propter com- mendationem ecclesiae cuique pres- bytero.' This prohibition was re newed (813) at Aries, c. 5. M.A. 7 Concil. Bracarense m. (of Braga, 572) can. I. 8 e. g. Bonifacii Epist. Lxm. p. 141 : Synod of Cloves-hoo, 747, can. m. ; Wilkins, I. 95. In the Frankish empire these visitations were connected with the establish ment of sends (? synodi), or spiritual courts : see Neander, v. 148, 149. The bishops in all cases attempted to extirpate the numerous remains of heathenism as well as open vices : for the example of Gregory the Great (Bed. 1. 30) engrafting pagan rites upon the service of the Church, had few (if any) imitators at this period. 9 Bingham, bk. n. ch. XXI. § 9 : Neander, v. 152, 153. In some of the recently converted districts there was a great lack both of presbyters and bishops. See the excellent letter of Bede to archbp. Ecgberht (734), where he urges the necessity of further subdivision in that prelate's field of labour. As the power of the archdeacon was enlarged, the chorepiscopi were all abolished. Gieseler, II. 249. 10 The 'capitularuralia' were pre sided over by archpresbyters, or, in more modern language, rural deans : E 50 Constitution of me vhurch. [a. u. 690 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Synods,chiefly diocesan. Their main objects at this period. But the organization of the Church is due still more to . the influence of diocesan synods, which, until the efforts made by Boniface1 to reconstruct the metropolitan system (744), had long been in the western Church the ordinary- courts for determining all controverted questions. The proceedings of the synods2 of this epoch, with excep tions to be noticed in the following chapter, did not turn habitually on points of doctrine, but related to the con duct of the clergy or the people, the external welfare of the Church, and the wider propagation of the Gospel. They forbad all ministrations of a cleric who was unacquainted8 with the language of the country ; they insisted on a more extensive knowledge of the Bible"; they prescribed the routine of public worship6, and endeavoured to produce a greater uniformity6 ; in short, they were the legislative and judicial organs of the Church ; although their movements might be checked and overruled by the voice of superior councils, by the arbitrary measures of the State, or, at times, in the churches of the west, by the fiats of the Roman court. see Ducange, sub voce, and Dansey's Horce Decanicee Rurales, 2nd edit. 1 See above, p. 39, and cf. Guizot, Civilization, Led. xni. In Spain the synods were chiefly national, and, in defect of such, provincial councils were to be assembled every year. See Council of Toledo (633), c. 3 : Merida (666), c. 7. The for mer of these gives directions touch ing the mode in which the synods should be held, can. 4. In Eng land, under Theodore and subse quently, it was usual to hold provin cial synods, at least in the southern province, though not, as he di rected, twice a-year. Kemble, II. 367- 2 See an abstract of their acts, chronologically arranged, in Guizot, Append, to Vol. II. For specimens, at length, see those of Cloves-hoo (747), and Cealchythe (785): Wil- kins, 1. 94 sq.; T45 sq. The object of the annual synod is thus stated by pope Zacharias (Bonif. Epist. XLvni.): ' ad pertractandum de uni- tate ecclesia?, ut si quid adversi acni- derit radicibus amputetur, et Dei ecclesia maneat inconcussa.' 3 e. g. Bonifacii Statuta, § xxvn.i Opp. n. 24 : cf. Charlemagne, Capi tal. A.H . 813, § 14; 1.505. 1 e.g. Council of Toledo (633), °- 25: (653), c. 8: of Aries (813), 0. 25. 5 e. g. Council of Rome (595), e. 1, prescribing what parts of the service shall be chanted, and what read. 6 e. g. Toledo (675), o. 3, ordering all bishops of the province to con form to the ritual of the metropo litan church; as an older canon of Toledo (633), c. 2, directed that the same order of prayer and psalmody — 814] Constitution of the Church. 51 The marriage of the c\ergy proper7, interdicted though okoSn^za- it were by emperors and kings, by western synods, and TI0N- emphatically by the popes, was not generally suppressed ^^r7"eo-f in the seventh century. In the eastern patriarchates, a council held at Constantinople, 691, (the Council in Trullo), while forbidding8 second marriages in priests or deacons, and reflecting on all marriages contracted after ordination, is opposed to the canons of the west. It vindicates9 the right of married clergymen to live as before with their proper consorts, on the ground that the holy ordinance of matrimony would be otherwise dishonoured. In the Latin Church, however, where the Trullan regulations were not all adopted, we observe a more stringent tone in the synodal decisions10; and when Boniface had been suc cessful in his German mission, he expended not a little of his ardour in discrediting the married clergy11. This antipathy was shared by his countrymen at home12 : yet, in spite of the admonitions of the bishop, and the legislations of the witan (or state-council), very many of the English seculars, like those of other lands, continued to bring up the issue of their marriage13. should be observed throughout the cilio Africano, cap. xxxvil. ita con- kingdom, tinentur : Praeterea cum de cleri- 7 This distinction is important : eorum quorundam (quamvis erga for a multitude of persons now sub- proprias uxores) incontinentia re mitted to the tonsure without pass- ferretur, placuit episcopos et pres- ing to the higher orders of the byteros seu diaconos, secundum pro- Church, See Guizot, Led. IM. p. pria statuta, etiam ab uxoribus 38. continere: quod nisi fecerint, ab 8 Can. in: Mansi, XI. 941. ecclesiastico officio removeantur. Cae- 9 Can. XIII. teros autem clericos ad id non cogi, 10 e. g. Council of Toledo (653) sed secundum uniuscujusque ecclesiae can. v. VI. VII. It seems that Witi- consuetudinem observari debere.' za, the reforming king of Spain, in Bonif. Ep. lxv: Opp. I. 155. the eighth century, rescinded the la e. g. Ecgberti Pcenitentiate, lib. decrees relating to the celibacy of III. u. 1 : in Thorpe's Anglo-Saxon clerics. Gieseler, II. 191, note. Laws, &c. 11. 196. 11 See above, p.21, n. 11. Thefol- 13 SeeKemble, n. 444 sq., where lowing is the language of his patron the chain of testimony is shewn to Zacharias : ' Qui clerici etiam ab be almost unbroken. uxoribus abstinere debeant, ex con- E2 52 Vonstitution of the Church. |A. D. 590 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Income of Vie clergy. With regard to the income of the clergy, it accrued as before from the endowments of their churches, and the voluntary offerings of the faithful1. The revenues thus obtained were thrown into a common stock, which it was usual, in the Roman church2, and others, to distribute in four portions; of which one was allotted to the poor, a second to the parish priests, a third to the fabric and expenses of the church, and the remnant to the bishop of the diocese. The administration3 of the property was left entirely in his hands. Another source of church-revenue were the tithes, which, although they had been claimed on moral grounds at a far earlier date4, were not uniformly paid by Christians of the west until the close of the sixth century5. A special law of Charlemagne6, 779, enforced the payment on all subjects of the empire, and his neighbours for the most part followed his example7. Like the voluntary offer ings which preceded them, the tithes were intended for 1 The French clergy at the end of this period had become extremely rich. See Gue>ard, Cartulaire de I'Eglise de Notre Dame de Paris, Pref. p. xxxvii; Paris, 1850. 2 Bed. I. 27. In Spain, and per haps elsewhere, the bishop had a third of the revenues : see Council of Braga (560), can. VII ; of Toledo (633), can XXXIII. 3 Council of Orleans (511), can. xiv. xv: cf. Guizot, Led. 5,111. p. 53. The Council of Braga (675) complains of the injustice and ex tortion of some of the bishops, 4 Bingham, bk. v. ch. v. 5 The councils of Tours (567) and of Macon (585) endeavoured to procure a more regular payment. 8 Capitular. a.d. 779, c. vn. The severity with which this law had been enforced was regretted by the gentle Alcuin : see Epist. lxxx. (al. xov.) ad Domnum Regem: Opp. 1, 117. In Ep. lxxii. (al. lxxxvii. Opp. I. 105) he gives the following advice to Arno: 'Esto praedicator pietatis, non decimarum exactor.' 7 e. g. Offa, the powerful king of Mercia, 794, is said to have con ferred all the tithes of his kingdom on the Church (cf. Ross, Reciprocal Obligations of the Church and Civil Power, p. 173). From the Excerp- tiones of archb. Ecgberht (circ. 740), § 5, it is clear that tithes were then generally claimed in the north of England : ' Ut ipsi sacerdotes a po- pulis susoipiant decimas, et nomina eorum quicunque dederint scripta habeant, et secundum auctoritatem canonicam coram [Deum] timenti- bus dividant; et ad omamentum ecclesiae primam eligant partem; se- cundam autem, ad usum pauperum atque peregrinorum, per eorum ma nus misericorditer cum omni humi- litate dispensent ; tertiam vero sibi- metipsis sacerdotes reservent .' Mansi, XII. 413. It is remarkable that the northern prelates had surrendered their own portion of the tithes. — 814] Constitution of the Church. 53 the clergy and the poor; the bishop of the diocese at relations „ *¦ x TO THR first prescribing the allotments, even where he was not j,f™, himself entitled to a portion. — §2. RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH TO THE CIVIL POWER. The Church has been hitherto regarded as an independ ent corporation, organized entirely on a model of its own, expanding with the vigour it inherited from heaven, and governed, in the name of its holy Founder, by the prelates who derived authority from Him. But after the imperial coinage bore the impress of religion, and the sovereigns of the east and west were ' patrons' of the Church, its history involved another class of questions : it had entered into an alliance with the State, and, as a natural result, its path was in future to be shaped according to the new relations. This alliance did not lead, as it might have done, to an General character of absorption of the secular into the sacerdotal power, nor to theainance £ -i ' between a complete amalgamation of the civil and ecclesiastical tri- c^JfianA bunals : yet its strength was often injured by the action of opposing forces, either by the Church aspiring to become the mistress of the State, or by the State encroaching on the pro vince of the Church and suppressing her inherent rights. The former of these tendencies predominated in the west, the latter in the east. The one was diverging into Romanism; ^y'*™1 the other, to dictation of the civil power in adjudging con- BvwiMnim- troversies of the faith, — or, in a word, to Byzantinism. It is true that the claims of the Roman pontiffs, who evoked the aggressive spirit of the Church, were not urged at the present epoch as they were in after-ages. Till the middle of the eighth century Rome was itself dependent on the eastern empire8, and its voice in all civil questions9 was 8 Gibbon, rv. 479, ed. Milman. writes to the Emperor Leo (729) : 9 Thus Gregory II., one of the 'Scis sanctes eeclesiae dogmata non stoutest champions of the papacy, imperatorum esse, sed pontificum : 54 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 590 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Deference of the western kings to the ecclesiastics, in questions of doctrine. proportionately humble. On the contrary it will be found that the court of Byzantium was unwilling to abandon the despotic powers that had been wielded by Justinian. All the eastern patriarchs, and not unfrequently the Roman1, were its immediate nominees; it laid claim to a quasi-sacer dotal2 character, and, as we shall see at large, affected to decide in religious controversies of the very gravest kind. The western princes, who, until the time of Charlemagne, stood far lower in their mental training, were accustomed to defer entirely3 to the wisdom of the synods, if the faith of the Church was thought to be imperilled : and in cases even where the kings, the bishops, and the nobles were com bined in one assembly — an arrangement not unusual in the Frankish empire4 and continuing in England till the Norman Conquest5 — there was still a disposition to refer not a few idcirco ecclesiis praepositi sunt pon- tifices a reipublicce negotiis abstinen- tes, et imperatores ergo similiter ab ecclesiasticis abstineant, et, quae sibi commissa sunt, capessant.' Mansi, Concil. XII. 969: cf. ibid. 977, where he admits that the bishops have no right ' introspiciendi in palatium, ac dignitates regias deferendi.' 1 See Schrockh, xix. 408 sq. But in the case of the Roman bishop there was generally some kind of election, though it was seldom bona fide. Gregory the Great, like many of his successors, seems to have owed his elevation to his former appointment, as ' apocrisiarius ' at the court of Byzantium. He was consecrated by the command of the emperor Maurice, after his election by 'the clergy, senate, and Roman people.' Johan. Diacon. Vit. Gre gor. I. 39, in Gregor. Opp. ed. Be ned. IV. 36: Gregor. Turonensis, Hist. Franc, lib. x. 1. Some idea of the exoitement caused by these popular elections may be de rived from the example of Sergius I. (687), who is said to have been chosen 'a primatibus judicum, et exercitu Romanae militiae, vel cleri seditiosi parte plurima, et praesertim sacerdotum atque civium multitu- dine.' Two other candidates, Pas- chalis and Theodoras, were elected by different factions. Vit, Sergii, in Vignolii Lib. Pontif. I. 303, 304, ed. Rom. 1724. 2 'Imperator sum et sacerdos' was the claim of the emperor Leo (729): Mansi, Concil. xn. 975. One of the charges brought against Ana- stasius, a disciple of Maximus, in the Monothelete controversy, was that he refused to recognize the emperor as a priest, and as pos sessed of spiritual jurisdiction. Max- imi Opp. I. 30 : ed. Combefis. 3 Cf. Guizot, as above, n. 30. The precedents in which the royal power was most freely exercised have been collected in the great work entitled Preuves des Libertez de VEglise Gallicane. 4 See the list of persons present at the Councils, in Labbe, or Mansi: and cf. Caroli Magni Capital, lib. VI. <;. III. 0 Ancient Laws, Se., ed. Thorpe, I. 495. Before that time the bishop — 814] Constitution of the Church. 55 of the civil questions8 that emerged to the ultimate decision relations - , - TO THE of the prelates. pciviL It was different, however, in respect of a second class of , L Points in questions, where the temporal and ecclesiastical provinces "S^w,- appear to interpenetrate each other. We shall there find enar°ached- the Church compelled to surrender a large portion of her ancient rights. A prominent example is supplied in the filling up of vacant sees. The bishop was at first elected, as a rule7, by the voices of the clergy and the people ; but in the Frankish empire, as well as in other parts, this custom msam- L . . tinuance of had been suffered to die out, amid the social changes of ^j?™^' the times. The arbitrary will of barbaric princes, such as Clovis, Chilperic, and Charles Martel, was able to annihilate the canons of the Church. They viewed all the bishoprics as one kind of feudal tenure8, and as investing their posses sors with political importance: it is not surprising, therefore, if we find a series of such kings bestowing them at random on the favourites of the court. These lax and iniquitous proceedings9 were not, however, always unresisted by the Efforts to re- , ~ - m 10 • • • t • vive the older clergy. Several councils , in succession, tried m vain to system: took his place at the side of the eal- 9 Gregor. Turon. Hist. Francor. dorman in the county-court (scir- VI. 39 : ' Cum multi munera offer- gem<5t). Kemble, II. 385. rent,' etc. De S. Patrum Vit. c. 3, 6 For an abstract of the varied de S. Gallo : ' Jam tunc germen illud duties of a bishop at this period, see iniquum coeperat pullulare, ut sacer- Ancient Laws, dsc. II. 3iosq. dotium aut venderetur a regibus, aut 7 The exceptions, under the old compararetur a clericis.' Cf. Neander, Roman empire, were the bishoprics v. 127 sq.; Gieseler, II. 154, n. 9. of the more important cities, which The abuse had been manifested also in the east and west alike had been in Spain, where the council of Bar- generally filled by the royal nomi- celona (599) forbad the elevation of nees. Neander, v. 127. laymen to bishoprics 'aut per sacra 8 Gieseler, II. 153. Hence the regalia, aut per consensionem cleri demand of military services, which vel plebis:' can. 3: Mansi, x. 482 sq. some of the bishops rendered in per- Gregory mentions a case of this sort Bon. Gewillieb (above, p. 23) is a in Hist. Francor. vm. 22. striking instance of this usage, we.g. that of Auvergne (533), c. though it was less common in the 2; that of Paris (557), c. 8. 'The eighth than in the former centuries. latter employs the following Ian- Charlemagne (in 801) absolutely for- guage, after directing that the elec- bade all priests from taking part in tions should be made by ' the people a battle. Mansi, xiii. 1054. and the clergy :' ' Quodsi per ordina- 56 constitution of the Vhurch. [A. d. 590 TO ' CIVIL POWER. Etoath°ens stem tne growing evil. They were seconded by Gregory the Great1, and in 615, a synod held at Paris had the courage to reiterate the ancient regulations. It declared that ' all episcopal elections which have been made without the consent of the metropolitan and bishops of the province, and of the clergy and people of the city, or which have been made by violence, cabal, or bribery, are henceforth null and void. ' This canon was at length confirmed by Clothaire II. , but not until he had so modified its meaning as to be left in possession of a veto, if not of larger powers3. It was afterwards repeated in 624 or 625 at Rheims, with the addition4, ' that no one shall be consecrated bishop of a see, unless he belong to the same district, have been chosen by the people and the bishops of the province, and have been approved by a metropolitan synod.' Under Charle magne, and the rest of the Carlovingian princes, who were anxious to revive the canons of the Early Church, those efforts of the Frankish prelates to regain their independence were more uniformly carried out. The freedom of episco pal elections was, at least in words, conceded5, and the Church was not unwilling in her turn to grant a con firmatory power to the sovereign6. It resulted, therefore, favoured in some measure by the Carlovingian princes: tionem regiam honoris istius culmen pervadere aliquis nimia temeritate praesumserit, a comprovincialibus loci ipsius episcopus recipi nullatenus mereatur, quern indebite ordinatum agnoscunt.' 1 e.g. Epist, (a. d. 601) XI. 59, 60, 61, 63. 2 Can. I: Labb. V. 1649. 3 His proviso runs as follows : 'Episcopo decedente in loco ipsius, qui a metropolitano ordinari debet cum provincialibus a clero et populo eligatur : et si persona condigna fu- erit, per ordinationem principis ordi- netur : vel certe si de palatio eligitur, per meritum personae et doctrines, ordinetur.' Ibid. * Can. Ill ; XXV, ' e. g. Capitul. Aquisgranense (a.d. 803), c. 2: 'Ut sancta ecclesia suo liberius potiretur honore, ad- sensum ordini ecclesiastico prsebui- mus, ut episcopi per eleelionem cleri et populi, secundum statuta canonum,, de propria diocesi, remota persona- rum et munerum acceptione, ob vitas meritum et sapientiae donum, eli- gantur,' etc. 6 Something like this had been already conceded in the council of Orleans (549), c. 10 ; where the elec tion is appointed to be made cum voluntate regis: cf. above, note 3. 'The contest between election and royal nomination was often repro duced: but in every case the ne cessity of [the royal] confirmation — 814] Constitution of the Church. 57 that a prelate, after his election, could not officiate in his R^,A^N8 sacred calling till he had received the approbation of the power. secular authority. But, as we shall see hereafter, even where the princes were most friendly to the Church, they were loth to be deprived of so strong an engine as the privilege of naming bishops must have placed within their outroyai,w- 1 ° or r minatwns still grasp. They seem indeed to have employed it, in some comrmn- special cases, with the open acquiescence of the clergy ; for a canon of the council at Toledo7, 681, enacted, with con ditions, that a primate was at liberty to consecrate those persons whom the king should appoint to the vacant sees : and in England, where the clergy, and the people also, had a voice in the royal council (in the ' witena gem6t'), the nomination of a prelate by that body, though in theory an act of the sovereign himself, approximated to the primi tive election8. A second point in which the civil and ecclesiastical mm of ... , calling authorities might have come into collision was the gather- sviwds ing of church-assemblies. In the former period, general councils had been summoned by the kings, while the pro vincial and diocesan were held at the pleasure of the bishops. But distinctions of this kind were no longer kept in view, at least in the administration of the newly-planted churches. Numbers of the earliest and most active converts, both in Germany and England, were connected with the royal households ; and in this way it would naturally occur that measures which related to the organizing of the Church exercised by would emanate directly from the king. His power was in fact exhibited not only in the founding of episcopal sees, but in a general supervision of the clergy, and in the convocation of assemblies whether legislative or ju- was acknowledged.' Guizot, II. English prelates were sometimes both 31. appointed and displaced by a mere 7 c. VI: Labb. vi. 1221. act of the royal will, and that bi- 8 See Kemble, Saxons in England, shoprics were frequently bestowed II. 377, where it is also shewn that on royal chaplains. 58 Constitution of the Church. [A. d. 590 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Mutual confidence of the civil arid ecclesiastical authorities. Effects of this on society. , dicial. In those countries, synods (as already noted) were most frequently combined with the civil diets ; though the prelates, under Charlemagne, held their sessions in a sepa rate chamber1; and even where they met to determine a doctrinal question, they were acting, for the most part, in obedience to the royal will2. It is indeed remarkable, that so long as kings were esteemed the real patrons of the Church3, she felt no wish to define exactly her relations to the civil power : the two authorities, in some way parallel and independent, laboured to enforce obedience to each other4. This was manifested more especially in Charlemagne and the Anglo-Saxon princes, who seem to have maintained, with few exceptions, a most friendly bearing to the Church, and to have every where infused a mutual confidence into the courts, the bishops, and the people. Gifted in this manner with peculiar powers5 in virtue of 1 e.g. this was the usage at the council of Mentz (813): cf. Capitul. A.D. 81 1, c. 4; 1. 478, ed. Baluze. 2 'Orta quaestione de Sancta Trinitate, et de sanctorum imagi- nibus, inter orientalem et occiden- talem ecclesiam, id est, Romanos et Graecos, rex Pippinus [a.d. 767], conventu in Gentiliaco villa con- gregato, synodum de ipsa quass- tione habuit.' Einhardi Annates: Pertz, I. 145. In like manner, nu merous councils were convoked by Charlemagne ('jussu ejus'). Ibid. I. 38, 87, 181, 196, 200. 3 Alcuin, writing to Charlemagne (799) a letter (Ep. lxxx. al. xcv.) in many ways remarkable, thus speaks of his relation to the Church : ' Ecce I in te solo tota salus eccle siarum Christi inclinata recumbit. Tu vindex scelerum, tu rector erran- tium, tu consolator mcerentium, tu exaltatio bonorum.' Opp. I. 117. He had just been deploring the evils of the times, and especially the insurrection of the Romans against Leo III. : cf. Annates Lauresham.; Pertz, I. 38. There can indeed be no doubt respecting the extent of the royal prerogative, as it was wielded by the hands of Charle magne. Though he exempted the clergy more than ever from the jurisdiction of the civil courts (Capit. A.D. 801, c. 1) he retained the high est judicial power in all civil causes, even where the litigants were bi shops (Capit. a.d. 812, c. 1). By means of the missi (two extraordi nary judges, a bishop, and a count), he was able to keep a continual check on the administration both of ecclesiastical and civil officers: Ca pitul. in., a.d. 789, c. ii. and else where : cf. Gieseler, II. 241 sq.: Gui zot, II. 319, 320. 4 'L'Eglise e'tait tellement iden tified avec l'e'tat, qu'il y avait alors plut6t confusion que rivalit^ entre eux.' GueYard, Cartulaire de VEglise de Notre Dame, Pref. p. xxi. Cf. Ranke, Reformation, 1. 6, 7 ; Lond. 1845- 5 How multifarious were the rights and duties of the bishops may — 814] Constitution of the Church. 59 their close alliance with the State, the clergy, and especially relations the prelates, were enabled to exert a salutary influence on j>^er the daily temper of the kings, and on the administration of the laws. Their frequent intercessions in behalf of criminals, and the asylums6 opened in their churches for the persecuted and the friendless, were effectual in subduing the austerity of justice, and impressing on a rude, impetuous and revengeful age the sacredness of human life. A singular effect of the alliance now cemented in the west, between the Church and civil power, was the drafting of a large body of the serfs into the ranks of the working clergy. It was now the re- usual for the free-men of a countrv to assist in the militarv church and J •> State afferitd. service ; but as all were exempted who had taken orders, slavet- many persons were now anxious to be numbered with the clerics, for the sake of evading the injunction of the State. A law was accordingly passed, forbidding any free-man to become a priest (or even to retire into a convent), until he had secured the acquiescence of the king7. It happened as an immediate consequence, that prelates8 were con strained to levy their recruits from a different class of men; and as the serfs were almost everywhere enfranchised as be seen from the Anglo-Saxon In- tisfaction, § 5; Thorpe, 1. 104. stitutes of Eccl. Polity; Thorpe, II. 7 See can. 4 of the council of Or- 312 sq. Doubtless one result of leans (511): Baluzii Capitular. II. their position was to secularize their 386. In 805 Capitul, c. 15, the law spirit ; and of this Alcuin frequently is extended to all free-men ' qui ad complains: e.g. 'Pastores curae tur- servitium Dei se tradere volunt,' i.e. bant saeculares, qui Deo' vacare de- who wish to become either clerics or buerunt :' Ep. oxn. (al. oli.) Opp. I. monks. 163. 8 In the rule for canons, sanc- 6 The abuses of the right of sane- tioned by the council at Aix-la-Cha- tuary were checked by the inter- pelle (816) it is stated that many of position of the civil law. Thus the the prelates selected their clergy ex- Capitulare of Charlemagne, a.d. 779, clusively from the serfs (can. cxix.), cap. 6, forbids any bishop or abbot and did so in defiance of the laws to give shelter to a thief or mur- requiring them to be manumitted derer. In England, however, if the before ordination : e. g. Council of criminal took refuge in a church Toledo (633), can. lxxiv. The ob- enjoying the privilege of asylum, a ject was to keep them more entirely law of Ine (688 — 725) provided that under the lash of episcopal disci- his life should be spared, but that he pline (severissimis verberibus): Mansi, should make the legal 'bot,' or sa- xiv. 230. 60 Constitution of the Church. [A. D. 590 EtoAth°eNS a steP to ordination, this enactment of the civil power was tending in a high degree to humanize and to ennoble the most abject of our race1. to the civil power. 1 See Neander's remarks on this point, and on the general feelings of the Church with regard to slavery : V. 133 — 139. Another remarkable instance of the change produced by Christianity is seen in the Anglo- Saxon Institutes, &c, ed. Thorpe, n. 314, where the lord is enjoined to protect his thralls, on the ground that 'they and those that are free are equally dear to God, who bought us all with equal value.' Perhaps no feature of the Middle Ages is more striking than the influence of the Church in teaching the equality of men, and opening a way to pre ferment for the humblest of her members. Any one might be re- ceived into a monastery : he could then be ordained, and rf possessing superior qualifications might ad vance to the very highest eminence in Church and State. In this man ner some of the evils, arising out of the hereditary character of feudalism, were largely counteracted ; and the Church became the champion and promoter of popular rights. —814] ( 61 ) CHAPTER III. ON THE STATE OP EELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. WESTERN CHURCH. A few of the minor discrepancies2 in the lists of the western d . , , , . , . CHURtlH. bcnpture-canon had come over to the present period ; but in every quarter of the Church a cordial veneration for the teaching of the Bible had continued as of old. It veneration i p l-l i i c f07" ihe li0^i was the treasury ot supernatural wisdom and the fountain scriptures. of religious truth. A personal investigation of it was accordingly required3 in those who had learned to read, although the number of such persons at this epoch would be relatively small ; while ignorance or meagre knowledge of its pages was regarded as a bar to holy orders4. 2 See Schrockh, XX. 191 sq. andBp. ing the restoration of letters was a Cosin, Hist, of the Canon, ch. IX. X. fear lest the prevailing ignorance 3 Thus the English canons of should lead to misconceptions of the Cloves-hoo (747), after complaining Bible: 'ne sicut minor in scribendo that too many ' rather pursued the erat prudentia, ita quoque et multo amusements of this present unstable minor in els, quam recte esse debu- life than the assiduous study of the isset, esset sanctarum Scripturarum Holy Scripture,' proceed as follows : ad intelligendum sapiential Capital. 'Therefore let the boys be confined, ed. Baluze, I. 201. and trained up in the schools to the 4 e. g. Council of Toledo (633), law of sacred knowledge, that being can. xxv; Aries (813), can. I. Al- by this means well-learned, they cuin (797) thus exhorts the people of may become in all respectB useful to his native land (Ep. LIX. al. lxxiv. the church of God.' English Canons, Opp.l-1$): ' Primo omnium qui in ed. Johnson, I. 246, Oxf. 1850. Cf. ecclesia Christi Deo deserviunt, dis- the language^ of Aldhelm, in Whar- cant diligenter, quomodo Deo pla- ton's Anglia Sacra, II. 5 (Opp. ed. ceant, quomodo fidem catholicam, Giles, p. 334) ; and De Laudihus quam primum doctores nostri in eis Virginitatis, § 4, p. 4. One of the fundaverunt, obtinere firmiter et motives of Charlemagne in forward- praedicari valeant ; quia ignarantia 62 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. |_A. D. 590 WESTERN CHURCH. Theology of Gregory the Great. From their mode of interpreting the Scriptures, it is plain that the Latin doctors symbolized with St Augus tine, and were generally disposed to follow in his steps. Of his more eminent disciples we have one in the Roman bishop, Gregory the Great, who forms the transition- link in our descent from the early to the mediaeval schools of thought. He had imbibed the predominating spirit of the west: he clung to the authoritative language of the councils with implicit and unreasoning belief1. His writings, therefore, stand in some way contrasted with the subtler and more independent labours of the eastern theologians, where, especially in men like John of Da mascus2, we may trace a continual effort to establish the bmto7hual traditions of the past on dialectic grounds. So far, indeed, teaching. was Gregory the Great from prying into speculative matters, that he seems to have confined himself exclusively to one (the more practical) aspect of the Augustinian Scripturarum ignorantia Dei est... Adducite vobis doctores et magis- tros Sanctce Scriptures, ne sit inopia apud vos Verbi Dei, etc' In con futing misbelievers, it was usual to insist on that interpretation of the Scriptures, which accorded with the teaching of the Fathers ; e. g. ' Tantum divina voluit providentia, ut rescriberetur in evangelicae cel- situdinis auctoritatem, sanctorum- que patrum probabilibus Uteris, quantum ad nostram sufficere sa- lutem censuit. Illis utamur nomi- nibus de Christo, quas in veteri novoque Testamento inveniuntur scripta. Sufficiat nobis apostolicae auctoritatis doctrina, et catholi- corum Patrum longo tempore ex- plorata fides.' Alcuin, adv. Elipan- dum, lib. iv. u. 14; Opp. 1. 914. 1 Thus at his consecration, he wrote a synodal letter to the other patriarchs (591) testifying his reve rence for the GEcumenical councils. Mansi, ix. 1041. Several Spanish councils (e.g. Toledo, 653) did the same : and the English synod of Cealchythe (785 or 787) particu larizes the Nicene and six General Councils. Wilkins, 1. 146.— The only case in which the Western Church appears to vary from this rule relates to the important clause Filioque, added to the Niceno-Con- stantinopolitan creed. The addi tion can be clearly traced to Spain (Council of Toledo, 589: Mansi, IX. 981). It excited the displeasure of the Greeks about 767 (see Anna tes Lauriss. ad an.: Pertz, I. 144); but the dispute did not come to a head till 809. The clause was every where inserted (in the west) at the bidding of Pope Nicholas I. (867): Mansi, xv. 355. See Neale's Eastern Church, 'Introd.' pp. 1147 sqq. The defenders of it relied on the 'Athanasian Creed,' now quite cur rent in the Latin Church. Water- land, Hist, of Athan. Creed, ch. vi. 2 Scholasticism properly so called, had its starting-point in him. See below on the ' Eastern Church.' —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 63 system3. Like his master, he was stronelv conscious of western J ° J ' CHURCH. the vast and all-holy attributes of God, the depth and malignity of evil, and the moral impotence of man un- quickened by the Blessed Spirit ; yet was careful to explain at large the power of self-determination, or the freedom of the human will4. He urged on all around him6, and especially on those who were occupied in teaching6, their own need of internal holiness and purity of conscience. Although placing a peculiar stress on the liturgic element of worship', and on a stern and ascetic training of the body, he was far from losing sight of the essence of reli gion, or from exalting human merit into rivalry with Christ's8. The work that presents him to our view in a The errors lie l c -I1T1- n f • -r\ was imtru- less favourable light, is made up of a series of Dialoques, mmuam ° ' r J ' spreading. in which he has betrayed an excessive credulity. It is there also that the doctrine of a purgatorial fire, which had been long9 floating in the western churches, gained 8 Neander, C. H. v. 197 sq. whose Christianity from Rome, and has criticism on Gregory the Great is been substantially preserved ever generous and just. The influence since. For an account of the litur- exercised by Gregory on the go- gical changes due to him, see vernment of the Church has been Palmer's Origines Liturg. I. 1 1 3 sq. pointed out already : see p. 42. 126 sq., 4th edit. : Fleury's Hisloire 4 'Quia prseveniente divina gratia Eccles. liv> xxxvi. § 146. in operatione bona, nostrum libe- 8 Homil. in Evangel, xxxiv. : rum arbitrium sequitur, nosmetip- ' Habete ergo fiduciam, fratres mei, 80s liberare dicimur, qui liberanti de misericordia Conditoris nostri, nos Domino consentimus,' etc. Mo- cogitate quae facite, recogitate quae ralia in Job. lib. xxiv. § 24. This fecistis. Largitatem supernae pie- work, in thirty- five ' books, consists tatis aspicite, et ad miserlcordem of a practico-allegorieal exposition Judicem, dum adhuc expectat, cum of the book of Job, and furnishes lachrymis venite. Considerantes a clear view of Gregory's ethical namque quod Justus sit, peccata system. He wrote also twenty-two vestra nolite negligere : conside- Homilies on Ezekiel, and forty Ho- rantes vero quod pius sit, nolite milies on the Gospels. desperare. Prcebet apud Deum ho- 6 e.g. Moralia, lib. XIX. § 38. mini fiduciam Dens homo. Est 6 See his Regula Pastoralis, which nobis spes magna pcenitentibus, is a fine proof of his ministerial quia Advocatus noster factus est earnestness, and was largely cir- Judex noster.' Opp. I. 1611. ed. culated in the west. Bened. 7 His Liber Sacramentorum (or 9 See Schrockh, xvn. 332 sq. Sacramentary) was adopted in the Neander, IV. 442, 443. St Augus- countries which received their tine viewed the doctrine of a pur- 64 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. JA. d. 590 church a fuUer an• 690 western school and library1, and was distinguished for his pa- CHURCH. •* _._,. .i tronage of letters2. In the crowd3 of enthusiastic pupils, whom his talents had attracted to the north of England, was a native of its mother-city, Alcuin or Albinus, who was destined to become the master-spirit of the age. His fame having reached the court of Charlemagne, he was pressed to take part in the projects of that monarch for securing a more healthy action in the members of the Frankish church. Directing the scholastic institutions, prompting or attempering the royal counsels, foremost in the work of domestic reformation, and conspicuous for the breadth and clearness of his views with regard to the management of missions4, Alcuin carried to his grave the admiration of his fellow-countrymen, and of the whole of western Europe. His theology, as it survives in his ex pository works5, is like that of Gregory and Beda, with whose writings he had been familiar from his youth: it bears the common Augustinian impress. He has left, however, certain systematic treatises6 on fundamental truths of revelation, as well as on absorbing questions of the day: and in these he has exhibited, not only his entire acceptance of the teaching of the past, but an acute and well-balanced mind. From Alcuin we pass over to a controversy in which Rise of the Adopiionistheresy. 1 See an account of its contents in Wright's Biograph. Liter. I. pp. 37, 38: 2 His own works are, a Dialogus Ecclesiastical Institutionis (in Latin), Excerptiones (in Latin) from the canons of the Church, and a Con- fessionale and Pceniientiale (in An glo-Saxon and Latin): Thorpe II. 87—239- 3 ' Erat siquidem ei ex nobilium filiis grex scholasticorum, quorum quidam artis grammaticae rudi- mentis, alii disciplinis erudieban- tur artium jam liberalium, non- nulli divinarum Scripturarum,' etc. Vit. Alcuini, c. ii. composed in 829, and prefixed to his Works. 4 See above, pp. 25, 28. 5 These are, Questions and An swers on the Book of Genesis, Com mentaries on the Pcenitential Psalms, the Song of Solomon, Ecclesiasles, St John's Gospel, and three Epistles of St Paul. 6 The chief are De Fide Trini- tatis (a body of Divinity), De Pro- cessione Spiritus Sancli (defending the Western view of it), and his contributions to the Adoptionist controversy (see below, pp. 67 — 69). — 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 67 he bore a leading part, — the controversy known as the western Adoptionist, but in reality a phase of Nestorianism revived7. — It is the one formidable tempest8 of this period which had its birth-place in the Western Church. ,The authors of it were two Spanish prelates (in the latter half of the eighth century), Elipandus of Toledo and Felix of Urgel (a town of Catalonia), who, as it would seem, in their anxiety to make the truth of the Incarnation less offensive to Mu- hammedans9, maintained10 that our Blessed Lord, as man, was the proper son of David ; or, in other words, that in respect of His humanity, He was only the adoptive Son of God ('Deus nuncupativus et adoptivus Films'). In support of their position11, Felix, the more learned mis- its essential * * x resemblance to believer, ventured to reoccupy the ground of the Nestorian, xestorianism. though their arguments were put in a somewhat different form. They seized on the expressions of the Bible which unfolded the subordinate relations of the Son, in His me diatorial work ; and while admitting, that, as God, He was truly and eternally begotten of the. Father12, they inferred 7 'Ecce pars quasdam mundi 9 Neander, ibid. p. 219. haereticae pravitatis veneno infecta 10 ...'dicentes, Deum esse verum, est, asserens Christum Jesum Deo qui ex Deo natus est, et Deum nun- Patri verum non esse Eilium, nee cupativum, hominem ilium, qui de proprium, sed adoptivum : et Nes- Virgine factus est.' Alcuin, adv. toriana hceresis ab oriente...longum Elipand. lib. IV. c. 5. They made postliminium reviviscens, latitando an appeal to older authorities (see fugit in occidentem'... Alcuin, Li- the Epist. Elipandi ad Albinum; bellus adv. Hceresin Felicis, § 2. It Alcuin, Opp. 11. 868 sq.), especially is not clear, however, that the to the language of the Mosarabic authors of the movement were ac- (old Spanish) Liturgy, then in use, quainted with the writings of the where the term 'adoption' is em- Syrian (or Nestorian) school. For ployed to denote the assumption of a complete history of it, see J. our nature into unity with God. C. F. Walch, Hist. Adoptianorum ; Alcuin reproached Elipandus with Neander, V. 216 — 233; and Dor- substituting 'adoptivi' for 'assumpti.' ner, Lehre von der Person Christi, n The main authorities are to be II. 306 — 329 ; Berlin, 1853. found in the works of Alcuin, (1) 8 For minor struggles in England Libellus adversus Hceresin Felicis and Germany, see above pp. 8, 22, Episcopi, (2) Contra Felicem Urgelli- 23. It is clear also from Alcuin, tanum Episcopum; to which may be coxxi. al. cexxv. Opp. 1. added, (3) the treatise quoted in 285), that other classes of dissentients note 7. (' adversaries Apostolicae doctrinae') 12 ' Deum Dei Filium ante omnia were not wanting. tempora sine initio ex Patre geni- F2 WESTERN CHURCH. Opposition to Adoptionism. 68 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. D9Q that the humanity of Christ was so dissociable from the Godhead as to be no more than a Temple for the Logos1, — no more than a creature chosen to become the organ of the Lord, in a way not essentially unlike2 the adoption of all Christians, as the family and instruments of God. The creed of Felix did not recognize in the Incarnate Saviour any true assumption of man's nature into fellow ship with the Divine : he was accordingly most scrupulous in his distinction of the predicates belonging unto each ; and even went so far as to impute the prayers, the suffer ings, and the death of Christ to a necessity inherent in His manhood3, and not to a voluntary condescension of the Godhead with which humanity was made indissolubly one. Adoptionism, in other words, if carried to its logical results, would have resolved the connexion that subsisted in the two-fold natures of our Lord into a moral and extrinsic union: it was fatal, therefore, to a truth which, of all others, will be found to lie the nearest to the core of Christianity, — the Incarnation of the Saviour. After lighting up a controversy in the Spanish church4, Adoptionism extended into Gothia (the adjacent parts of France), where it had soon to encounter a decisive overthrow. It was examined, at the wish of Charlemagne, by the synod of Ratisbon5 (792), where Felix, as belonging to the Frankish empire, had been summoned to appear. On witnessing the condemnation of his tenets, he re turn, non adoptione sed genere, ne- que gratia sed natura, etc' 1 Alcuin, contra Felicem,\ib.Yll. c.2. 2 He compared the adoption of Christ with that of Christians, ad mitting, however, that the relation constituted in the former case was higher in degree ('excellentius'). Alcuin, contra Felicem, lib. II. c. 15, sq., and especially the language of Felix himself, lib. iv. c. 2. 3 Ibid. lib. vn. c. 15. 4 Two ecclesiastics were its chief antagonists, Etherius, bishop of Oth- ma, and Beatus, a priest. The lat ter had employed himself in expound ing the Apocalypse, and was the author of the fragment Adversus Elipandum, in Canisius, Led. Antiq. 11. 297—375, ed. Basnage. Elipan dus, on the other side, denounced his antagonism as the work of Anti christ. Ibid. 310. 5 Cf. Schrockh, xx. 465, 466, respecting the accounts of earlier proceedings. — 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 69 nounced them on the spot, and as a penance was sent western l f-n « -i ¦ i • ¦ t. CHURCH. to the court of Rome , to repeat his abjuration. But no sooner was he lodged, on his return, in the Saracenic provinces of Spain, than he relapsed into his former errors'. Elipandus8 in the mean .time represented the injustice of the recent acts, and earnestly desired the emperor to call another synod. His request led the way to the convoking of a more numerous council in 794, at Francfort9, where iuamdemmn- the verdict of the former prelates was confirmed. Soon after this decision, Alcuin, who was personally known to Felix, opened a more friendly10 correspondence with the champions of the system there exploded; and although by Elipandus, who did not live in the Frankish empire, all his arguments were met with bitterness and scorn, upon the other he was able to produce at least a transi tory change11. They had a long interview in the synod held at Aix-la-Chapelle, 799, when Felix, vanquished for awhile by his opponent, promised to abandon the delusion, and in future to be guided by the teaching of the Church. But as few of the prelates were induced to rely upon this promise, they delivered him, with the approval of the emperor, into the custody of Leidrad, archbishop of Lyons. At his death, which occurred in 816, it was plain from an extant paper that he still adhered to his former creed 6 Pertz, I. 1 79. In the following lam exhortatoriam, ut se catholicae year (793) the pope (Hadrian I.) jungeret unitati, dirigere curavi.' wrote a letter to the Spanish clergy, Adv. Elipand. lib. I. c. 16. The threatening to proceed against Eli- ' letter alluded to is in his Works, 1. pandus. Mansi, xm. 865. 783. 7 Alcuin, adv. Elipand. lib. I. c. 16. n Alcuin was assisted by a com- 8 See Epist. Episcop. Hispan. ad mittee of inquiry, whom Charle- Carolum Magn, in Alcuin. Opp. II. magne sent on two occasions into 567. the districts (chiefly Languedoc), 9 A Roman Council (799) appears where Adoptionism had gained a to have affirmed the last decision. footing. Epist. xon. al. CVIII. p. Labb. VII. 1 150. Pagi, however, 136. He had also a coadjutor in places this Roman Council earlier, Paulinus, patriarch of Aquileia, who ad an. 792 : Mansi, xin. 857. wrote two Treatises, Sacrosyllabus 10 ' Cui [i. e. Felici] in has adve- and Adversus Felicem, in refutation niens partes caritatis calamo episto- of Adoptionism: Opp. Venet. 1737. and suppression. 70 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 590 eastern on almost every point1. It fell, however, into silence and CHURCH •/ i. in —oblivion ere its vacillating author had been taken from the scene of conflict. EASTERN CHURCH. As the heresy of Nestorius had been reawakened in the Latin Church, that of Eutyches (or the Monophysite) recurred, in the opening of the present period (633 — 680), Monothcietism: to engage the more speculative doctors of the East. It was held, notwithstanding the definitions of Chalcedon, that our belief in the union of Two Natures in the Person of the Son of God, involves, as one of its consequences, our belief in His singleness of will and operation. In the reasoning of this party, known as the Monotheletes2, the its nature. actions of our Lord, both human and Divine, must be ascribed to a single energy within Him (ivepyeia ®eav- BpiKij); they were said to spring from the Logos only, as the one proper source, although the human element in Christ was not verbally denied, but viewed as the passive agent of His Godhead3. It resulted, therefore, that the current usage of distinguishing between the natures of our Lord was founded on no difference or duality in Him, but on abstractions of the human mind. The author of this heresy was an Arabian bishop, Theodore of Pharan, who brought over to his views no The author of it. 1 See the Liber adv. Dogma Feli cis, by Agobard, who succeeded Leidrad as archbishop of Lyons : Agobardi, Opp. ed. Baluze, 1666. 2 = MovoBekTjrai, a name which was not given to them till the fol lowing century. 3 See the Fragments of Theodore of Pharan in Mansi, XI. 567 sq. He asserts that in our Lord ehai pdav MpyetaV rairvs Si re-joilrnv koX Stj- /uovpybv rbv 9ew, fpyavov Si t^]v avOpuirbTnTa. The difficulty of the Monotheletes, as we see most plainly in the case of Honorius, bishop of Rome, was in admitting that a two-fold will could subsist, in one and the same subject, without conflict and opposition. They placed. great stress on a phrase puq. (or, as others read, nairjj) BeavSpiK^ ivepyela, which occurs in the writings of the Pseudo-Dionysius (Ibid. 565). On the vast influence exercised by this author in stimulating the dialectico- mystical tendencies of the East, see Neander, v. 234 sq. ; and Dorner, Lehre von der Person Christi, 2r Theil, 196 sq. —814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 7l less a personage than Sergius, the patriarch of the Byzantine eastern capital. He was supported also by the emperor, Heraclius, CHPB0H- who thought he could discover in the school of Theodore %oSabV an apt and auspicious medium for disarming the hostility i#i of the Monophysites, and winning back the Armenian pro vinces, which by their help had been transferred to the rule of Persia. At his desire a Formulary was composed, which in the hands of the pliant Cyrus4, formerly of Phasis, but now translated to the see of Alexandria (630), effected a reunion of the Monophysites, or Jacobites, with the The compro- Melchites, or the Church (633). It was cemented by nine TSL«n Articles of concord5, in the seventh of which the heresy of Theodore was formally acknowledged. A monk of Pales tine, Sophronius, happening to be then at Alexandria, foresaw the disastrous issues of the compromise, and set out immediately for Constantinople to unburden his dismay to the patriarch in person. Though the protests he there Resistance of * r or Sophronius. entered were unheeded, he was placed in the following year, by his election to the patriarchal chair of Jerusalem, in a more commanding station. Sergius, now (as it would seem) afraid of his opposition, attempted to enlist the influence of the Roman bishop on the side of the Mono theletes, and in that he was eminently successful. The surviving letters of Honorius (634) leave no doubt as to his approval of the policy adopted by the eastern emperor, and signify his full agreement with the novelties of Sergius6. They produced, however, no effect on the patri- 4 He at first seems to have hesi- while not a few of the Melchites tated, but his scruples were removed quitted the communion of Cyrus. by Sergius. Cyri Epist. ad Sergium, Neale, Eastern Church, n. 63. Mansi, XI. 561. 6 ' TJnam voluntatem fatemur Do- ? Mansi, XI. 563. In the 7th Art. mini nostri Jesu Christi :' Mansi, it was stated : rbv airbv Hi/a XpioroV XI. 539. 'Utrum autem propter Kal vlbv ivepyovvra rd Beoirpewi) ra! opera Divinitatis et humanitatis una, drBpiliiriva 1*1$ OeavSpacfj ivepyiia, an geminae operationes debeant deri- The Monophysites, who were nume- vatae dici vel intelligi, ad nos ista rous and powerful in Egypt, looked pertinere non debent : relinquentes upon the concordat as a triumph ; ea grammaticis, qui solent parvufisj EASTERN CHURCH. Publication of the Ecthesis, 638. Opposed in the Western Church. 72 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 590 arch of Jerusalem, who strenuously maintained his ground1 until 637, when the cloud of Islamism which had gathered over Syria shut him out from all further notice. In 638, the emperor, assisted as before, put forth an expository edict2 ("EK0eo-t9 tj?? irio-Tem), in which it is peremptorily ordered, that while the doctrine of- one Person must be held in accordance with conciliar definitions, nothing more is to be said or published on the single or the two-fold mode of operation (fiiav rj 8vo ivepyela<;). But in respect of the second point, it ventured to determine that there is in Christ one only will, and that the teaching of the other school leads necessarily to the idea of two antagonistic wills (Bvo ical ravra ivavrla de\i]/jLaTa), — an assumption, it will be remarked, as arbitrary as it is unfounded. The appearance of this edict, though it roused no active op position either at the seat of power, or in the patriarchate of Alexandria, was differently regarded by the Christians of the west. At Rome, a successor of Honorius, John IV., deliberately rejected the imperial edict, first3, in a synod (641), and next in the letters he addressed to Constantine4, the son of Heraclius, and to Pyrrhus5, who now occupied the chair of Sergius. Still their edict kept its ground in spite of the denunciations of the west6, and Paul, who exquisita derivando nomina vendi- tare.' lb. 542 : cf. a second letter of the same kind, ib. 579. He even explains away the text, 'Father, not My will, but Thine be done,' as if it were spoken merely for the instruction of the faithful, and was no index of the human will of Christ. On these accounts the name of Ho norius was placed among those whom the sixth general Council (680) ana thematized. Some Romanists have attempted to evade or deny thiB fact: but see, among others, Bos- suet, Defensio Declar. Cleri Galli- cani, 11. 148. 1 See his ypdpt/iara b/BpovicTiKd (a circular issued when he entered on his office), in Act. XI. of the QScumenical Council (680) : Mansi, XI. 462 sq. 2 Mansi, X. 992. It is borrowed, in some parts word for word, from an epistle of Sergiu3 to Honorius of Rome; ibid. XI. 529. 3 Theophanes, Chronograph. 1. 508 : ed. Bonn. 4 Mansi, X. 682. 6 76. XI. 9. 6 Thus, Theodore, bishop of Rome, after a long correspondence with the Monotheletes, undertakes (648) to deprive the Byzantine patriarch. Vit. Theodor. in Vignolii Lib. Pontif. I. *57- — 814] Stale of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 73 succeeded Pyrrhus7 in 642, adhered in like manner to the eastern Monothelete opinions. 1 But they had soon to encounter a severe antagonist in Maximus, the Confessor (? 580 — 655), one of the most Maximus, the . . , ....... Confessor. eminent writers of the period, and distinguished by a clear < and profound perception of the true humanity of Christ8. Originally an important personage at court, he had after wards embraced the monastic life, and risen to the post of hegumenos, or abbot, of Chrysopolis (on the Asiatic side of the Bosphorus). But as he was opposed to the ruling party in his view of Monotheletism, he retreated into Africa, where his erudition and acuteness" were employed in making converts; and in 649 we find him at the Lateran, enkindling the zeal of pope Martin I. In the previous year (648), the emperor Constans II., anxious to restore tranquillity and order, had determined to withdraw the 'Ecthesis' and to replace it bv another Publication of r J tlie Type. edict of a less dogmatic character, entitled ' Type of the Faith' (Two? tj?? irUrretoi). It forbad1" all kinds of disputations on the willing and the working of our Lord, and that under heavy penalties ; confining the dissentients) whether lay or clerical, within the terms of the older councils of the Church. But, politic as it might seem, this measure was peculiarly offensive to the champions of the truth. In their eyes it was harsh, one-sided, and despotic; and, still more, was calculated to engender disbelief with regard to a cardinal point of their religion11. 7 Pyrrhus abdicated on account of 10 Mansi, X. 1029. ...Beo-rrl^o/j.ev... his unpopularity, flew into Africa, ab- ptii dSeiav £x.eiv irpbs dXX^Xous d?ri jured his Monothelete opinions (645) toC irapbvros irepl hbs 0e\rip.aTO5 t\ at Rome, but speedily fell into them puds tvepyelas, rj Sio ivcpyeiSn' koX afresh and recovered his see in 654. Sio 8ehnp.i.Tuv, olavS-fiTore irpoipipeiv 8 Cf. Neand. v. 250 — 254. Some apupiapirrnaLv, ipai re, rai tpiKovu- of his works are collected by Com- kIcw. befis in 2 vol's. Par. 1675. For an n See Epist. Abbot, et Monachor. account of the rest, see Smith's in Synodo Lateran. apud Mansi, X. Biogr. Diet. 904. These were Oriental monks 9 See his Dispvtatio cum Pyrrho : and abbots who had fled to Rome Opp. 11. 159—195. for an asylum. EASTERN CHURCH. Conduct of Martin 1. His attainder, and death. Fate of Maximus. 74 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A. D. 590 In the west, therefore, Martin I. immediately convoked a synod (649), which condemned the heresy of the Mono theletes as well as the ' Ecthesis' and ' Type,' and anathe matized1 its principal abettors, Theodore of Pharan, Sergius, Cyrus, Pyrrhus, and Paul, at that time patriarch of Con stantinople. Though the emperor was not personally touched by the fulminations of this council, the proceedings had aroused his deepest indignation. He instructed the Byzantine exarch (his governor in Italy) to enforce com pliance with the ' Type,' and ultimately (653) to proceed to the attainder of the pope, who had made himself ob noxious .to the charge of high treason. The command was punctually obeyed; and on June 17, 653, Martin was transported to the seat of government, like an ordinary criminal. He did not reach Constantinople till Sept. 17, 654. At his trial he was loaded with indignities, and finally banished to the Crimea, where he died in the following year2. A still heavier doom awaited Maximus' and two of his disciples: they were at first sent into Thrace ; but on refusing to accept the ' Type' were dragged back to Constantinople, anathematized in a synod over which Peter, the new patriarch, presided, and after scourg ing, mutilation, and a public mockery were banished (662) into the Caucasus, among the Lazians. Maximus survived 1 Ibid. X. 1158. The fourteenth canon will illustrate their view of the controversy : ' Si quis secundum scelerosos haereticos cum una volun- tate et una operatione, quae ab hae- reticis impie confitetur, et duas vo- luntates pariterque et operationes, hoc est, Divinam et humanam, quae in ipso Christo Deo in unitate sal- van tur, et a Sanctis patribus ortho- doxe in ipso praedicantur, denegat et respuit, condemnatus sit.' The encyclic letters of the pope and Bynod contain the following violent expressions : ' Impios haereticos cum omnibus pravissimis dogmatibus eo rum et impiam ecthesin vel impiissi- mum typum et omnes, qui eos vel quidquam de his, quas exposita sunt in eis, suscipiunt aut defendunt, seu verba pro eis faciunt in seripto, anathematizavimus.' Ibid. 1 175: cf. Martin's letter to the emperor, giving him an account of the pro ceedings, p. 790. 3 See the Commemoratio and other documents in Mansi, X. 853. 3 See the Life of Maximus and other ancient documents prefixed to the edition of his works by Com- befis. — 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 75 only a few days, and with him all the zeal of the eastern eastern Duotheletes appears to have been extinguished4. — In the next ten year3 we meet with few if any traces of resistance in that quarter, though it is probable that in the Latin Church the disaffection to the ' Type' was silently increasing B. Constans left the throne to Constantine Po- Reaction in gonatus (668 — 685), who does not seem to have ever been <*««*• devotedly attached to the reigning school of doctrine. On the contrary a letter6 which he wrote to Donus, bishop of Rome, 678, expressed an earnest wish to heal the dis tractions of the Church by summoning a general council. On the arrival of the letter Donus was no more, but it came into the hands of Agatho his successor, who immediately adopted the suggestion, and, convening an assembly of the western bishops7 to deliberate upon it, sent a deputation of them to Constantinople. He also contributed materially to Theemvoca- the successful issue of the council, by his full and lucid sixth ajcume- • . -ii mi • • nical Council, exposition of the controverted truth8. The sessions, which 680. were eighteen in number, lasted from the 7th November, 680, to the 16th September, 681, the emperor himself presiding not unfrequently in person. After a minute and somewhat critical review of the authorities which had been alleged on either side, Monotheletism was left with an almost * The new pope Eugenius, ap- logues of the church. Ibid. pointed by the exarch, is said to 6 Constant, ep. ad Donumin Act. have trodden in the steps of Hono- Cone. VI. (Ecumenic. Mansi, XI. 195. rius : at least his agents (apocrisiarii) 7 Held at Rome, March 2 7, 680 ; at Constantinople, had subscribed the Mansi, XI. 185: cf. Eddius, Vit, 'Type' and had persuaded Maximus Wilfrid, c. 51. to yield. Vitalian also (657 — 672) 8 He wrote to the emperor in his acquiesced, or made no public stand own name and that of the synod, against the court. Schrockh, xx. Containing 125 delegates: Mansi, 435, 43^. XI. 286. He cites passages from the 6 In the year 677, the communion Gospels which prove the co-opera- between the Churches of Rome and tion in our Lord of the human Constantinople was entirely sus- and Divine wills: dwelling among pended, Theodore the Byzantine others on S. Matth. xxvi. 39, which patriarch proposing to strike the his predecessor Honorius had ex- name of Vitalian, as well as of the plained away. The letter was read other Roman bishops after Honorius, in the 4th session of the enBuing from the diptychs, or sacred cata- council. 76 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 EASTERN CHURCH. Its decision. Attempts to revive Mono- theletism. solitary champion1 in the person of Macarius, patriarch of Antioch, who for adhering to his old opinions was eventually deposed by his brother-prelates (March 7, 681). A defini tion of the true faith2 and an anathema pronounced on all who were infected with the heresy of the Monotheletes (Honorius3 in the number), brought the sittings of the council to a close, and renewed the communion of the Greek and Latin Churches. Their solution of the con troversy was as follows: that in Christ 'there are two natural wills and two natural operations, without division,. without change or conversion, with nothing like antagonism, and nothing like confusion,' — yet they were careful to add a precautionary clause, to the effect that the human will could not come into collision with the Divine, but was in all things subject to it. Their definitions, though confirmed anew by the voice of the Trullan Council4 (691), did not immediately suppress the Monothelete discussions. On the contrary a later emperor, 1 At the opening of the synod, George I., patriarch of Constantin ople, took his side, but afterwards declared himself a convert to the opposite party. In the 15th session, Polychronius, a fanatical monk of Thrace, endeavoured to establish the truth of Monotheletism by raising a dead man to life, but after whis pering some time in the ear of the corpse, he confessed his inability to work the miracle. He was accord ingly deposed from the priesthood. The same penalty was inflicted on a Syrian priest at the following session (Aug. 9). 2 Mansi, XI. 631 — 637. ..to auBpdi. irivov aiirov BiXij/ia BeaiBiv obK i.vn- piBn, crio-oio-TCU Si piS.Wov...S\io Si criKd$ ivepyelas aStaiperus, arpiir- tois, apteplarios, io-vyxiras iv aired tQ KvpUp r)p.Gn>...So^a^op.ev. There is some variation in the statements as to the number of bishops present. The subscriptions do not exceed one hundred. 3 See above, p. 71, n. 6. Attempts had been made to vindicate the orthodoxy of Honorius (e.g. by Maximus, Mansi, X. 687), and his acquiescence in the creed of Sergius had been studiously passed over in the proceedings of the Roman sy nods, but here at Constantinople the clause ra! lOv&pi.ov rbv yev6g.evop ird- irav rijs irpeo-flvTipas 'PtbLins, k.t.X., was thrice added to the list of the anathematized. Mansi, xi. 556, 622, 656. Leo II. in notifying his acceptance or confirmation of the council (682), adds a clause to the same effect: he anathematized 'et Honorium I., qui hanc apostolicam ecclesiam non apostolicae traditionis doctrina lustravit, sed profana pro- ditione immaoulatam fidem subver- tere conatus est.' Pj. XI. 731. 4 Mansi, xi. 921. On the dis pleasure which this council had ex cited in the west, see above, p. 41, n- 8; P- SiJ and cf. Gieseler, 11. 1 78 sq. EASTERN CHURCH. — 814] Stale of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 77 Bardanes, or Philippicus6, commanded the erasure of the recent creed from the Acts of the General Councils, and . proceeded (711) with the help of a creature of the court, whom he placed in the see of Constantinople, to revive the exploded errors. But his own. dethronement in 713 put an end to the agitation. A small remnant of Monotheletes continued to subsist it survives c i c o t mi among the tor ages m the fastnesses of Lebanon, ihese were the ^«™»«m ° # of Syria. Maronites*, the followers of a civil and ecclesiastical chief tain, John Marun, who is said to have flourished in the seventh or eighth century. It is not clearly7 ascertained at what time the Monothelete opinions were accepted by this tribe, but we learn that somewhat earlier than 1182, about forty thousand of them recognized the jurisdiction of the Latin patriarch of Antioch, and passed over to the Church of Rome8. It has been mentioned that the task of vindicating orthodoxy at this period had been consigned in no small degree to Maximus. But his works are not all devoted The Theology ° of Maximus ; to polemics9. He was the representative of a tendency to dialecticism, which had been long prevailing in the Greek communion. Both his learning and his spirit were trans mitted to another student, John of Damascus (fl. 740), who and John of * ' 7 Damascus. has left behind him logical investigations of nearly all the 5 Theophanes, Chronograph. 319 also Gibbon, IV. 383 — 385, ed. Mil- sq. ed. Paris: Combefis, Hist. Hceres. man. Monothel. § II. 201 sq. Paris. 1648. 7 John of Damascus (Libellus de Philippicus, with the same object, Vera Sententia, u. 8 : Opp. I. 395, ordered the removal of a picture ed. Le Quien) already (cir. 750) ('imaginem, quam Graeci votaream numbers them among the heretics. vocaut, sex continentem sanctas et He also describes a Monophysite universales synodos ') from St Peter's addition to the Trisagion (Ibid. p. church at Rome ; but his mandate 485) by the term Mapavifav. was rejected by Constantine I. (712): 8 Schrockh, xx. 455. The chief Vit. Constantin. apud Vignolii Lib. authority for this statement is Wil- Pontif. 11. 10. Ham of Tyre; but at a later period 6 See the Biblioth. Orientalis of Abulpharagius (who died 1286) J. S. Asseman (himself descended speaks of the Maronites as still a from this body), torn. I. 487 sq., sect of Monotheletes. Ibid. and a different account in Combefis, 9 See a review of his theological Hist. Hceres. Monothel., p. 460: cf. system in Neander, v. 236sq. 78 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 EASTERN CHURCH. Rise cf the Iconoclastic controversy. earlier controversies, and of the Monothelete1 among the rest. - His work, entitled2 An Accurate Exposition of the Orthodox Faith, is tinctured with the Aristotelian philosophy, and ex ercised an important influence on the culture of the Eastern churches from that day to our own. It was in truth the starting-point of their scholastic system, although the mate rials out of which it grew were borrowed in most cases from the Fathers, and especially from Gregory of Nazianzus, But the pen of Damascenus did not dwell entirely on this class of theological discussions : it invested a less speculative theme with all the subtleties and nice distinctions of the schools3. This was the question of image-worship4, which in the reigns of Leo the Isaurian, and his followers (726 — 842), convulsed every province of the Church. It was already an established custom to make use of images and pictures, with the view of exciting the devotion of the people, or of instructing the more simple and unlettered ; but the Western Church, at least until the close of the sixth century, had not proceeded further than this point5. A different feeling was however common in the Eastern, where the softer 1 Hepl twv iv rip Xpio-Tip Sio BeXrj- tiarinv rai evepyeiuv ra! Xoiirav (pvei- Kwv lSi(op.droiv. 2 "EkSoo-is aKpifiris Tijs 6pBoSb£ov Trlcreios. On his system of religious doctrine, see Schrockh, xx. 230 — 329: Ritter, Geschichte der Christi. Philosophic, II. 553 ; Dorner, Lehre von der Person Christi, II. 257 sq.; and, for a list of his multifarious writings, Smith's Biograph. Diction ary. 3 In his discourses, Tlpbs robs Sia- pdWovTas ras aylas eUbvas : Opp. I. 305 sq. He viewed the Iconoclastic movement as an attack upon the essence of the Gospel; and the dread of idolatry as a falling back into Judaism, or even into Mani- clweism. Cf. Milman, Latin Chris tianity, n. 107. 4 It is a great misfortune that the surviving authorities are nearly all on one side, — in favour of image- worship. The council by which it was established, in their fifth session, commanded that all the writings of the Iconoclastic party should be de stroyed. On this account the re cords of the opposition made by an earlier synod (754), have to be col lected from the Acts of the council of Nicaea, and from the Libri Caro- lini; on which see below. 5 e. g. the very remarkable letters of Gregory the Great to Serenua, bishop of Marseilles (599); Epist. lib. ix. ep. 105: 'et quidem zelum vos, ne quid manufactum adorari posset, habuisse laudavimus, sed frangere easdem imagines non de- buisse judicamus ; idcirco enim pic- tura in ecclesiis adhibetur, ut hi, qui litteras nesciunt, saltern in parietibus videndo legant, quae legere in codii cibus non valent :' cf. lib. xi. ep. 13. — 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 79 and more sensuous Greek was frequently betrayed into a eastern CHURCH blind and superstitious veneration for the images and pictures - of the saints6. It was, accordingly, at the seat of the Byzan tine empire that a series of re-actions now commenced. Leo, the Isaurian, of a rough and martial temper, was conduct of Leo . npiTf.. t ' . , the Isaurian. the first of the Iconoclastic princes. Influenced , it is said, by the invectives of Muhammedans and Jews, who had stigmatized the use of images as absolute idolatry, he ordered8 (726), that the custom of kneeling before them should in future be abandoned. The resistance of the aged patriarch9, Germanus, and a fiery circular10 from John of Damascus, who was now residing in a convent at Jerusa lem, incited Leo to more stringent measures. He accord ingly put forth11 a second edict (729 or 730) in which images and pictures were proscribed, and doomed to unsparing demolition. It extended to all kinds of material represen tations, with the sole exception of the cross12. The speedy Triumph of the execution of this peremptory order drove Germanus from 6 See the instances adduced by troversy, see Neander, v. 281 — 283. Neander, V. 277, 278. He seems to have first struck out 7 One of his advisers waB Con- the distinction of a relative worship stantine, bishop of Nacolia : another (irpoo-Kivnais o-xctikt^), as addressed was of senatorial rank, named Beser, to the images of Christ : and affirms who had passed some time in cap- that with regard to the Virgin and tivity among the Saracens. See the saints no worship (Karpda) is Mendham's Seventh General Council, due to them, much less to material Introd. pp. xii — xiv. Other attempts representations of them. It is plain, to explain the antipathy of Leo 'may however, that the idea of giving be found in Schlosser's Geschichte some honour to the pictures of the der bilder-sturmenden Kaiser, pp. saints (e.g. praying and placing 161 sq. Frankf. 1812 : cf. Mansi, lights before them) had been worked XII. 959. It is not unlikely that a into his creed, and to abandon it wish to reabsorb the Muhammedans appeared equivalent to a renuncia- into the Church was one of the tion of the Gospel. leading motives; 10 See the first of his Orations, 8 The edicts on image-worship are above referred to ; p. 78, n. 3. collected in Goldastus, Imperialia n Goldastus, ubi sup. note 8 : cf. decreta de cultu Imaginum, ed. Fran- Theophanes, Chronograph, pp. 336, cof. 1608. 343- 8 Mansi, XIII. 99 : cf. his Liber 12 On removing an image of our de Synodis, etc. in Spicilegium Ro- Lord from a niche in the imperial manum, VII. 59 sq. Rom. 1842. For palace, he erected the symbol of the probable nature of his interview the cross in its place. See Analecta with Leo at the opening vof the con-. Grceca, ed. Benedict. 1. 415. 80 State of Religious Doctrine and Uontroversies. |_a.ju. 590 EASTERN CHURCH. Resistance of. Gregory II. Proceedings q, ConstantineCopronymus the helm of the Oriental Church, and forced into the vacant - place his secretary Anastasius, a devoted servant of the court. The rest of the non-conforming clergy were now silenced or ejected: but the cause of image-worshipr hopeless though it seemed, had still a most vehement defender in John of Damascus, whom the terrors of the empire could not reach. The shock which this controversy had occasioned in the east was rapidly transmitted far and near. The Roman bishop, Gregory II., nominally subject to Byzantium, bade defiance to the royal edict (?730), in a letter full of scorn and sarcasm1: and, in order to elude the vengeance of the exarch, threw himself for help into the arms of the Lom bards. At the death of Leo, 741, his policy was vigorously carried out by Constantine (Copronymus), his son: but it is plain that a large section of the people, and especially the monks2, were ardently attached to the interdicted usage. It must also be confessed that, in the acts of Constantine, still more than in the life-time of his father, we may notice an extreme but salutary dread of super stition in alliance with fanatical dislike of art, and a fierce and persecuting spirit3. Having quelled an insurrection 1 Mansi, XII. 959 sq.: cf. his letter to Germanus, Ibid. xm. 91. His successor, Gregory III., held a council at Rome (Nov. 1, 731), in which it was decreed, ' ut si quis . deinceps sacrarum imaginum depo sitor atque destructor et profanator, vel blasphemus extiterit, sit extorris a corpore et sanguine Jesu Christi, vel totius ecclesiae unitate et corn- page.' Vit. Gregor. III., in Vignol. L%b. Pontif. 11. 43, 44. 2 irepiffooTipws Si twv rip piova- Xikt Kal pop' fid Kal vbrov ISpafiov Knpbaaw to' ebayyiXiov too XpiaTov, rots ifiois yovaai fiapijo-as. Extract from one of his letters, in Pet. Sicul. p. 60. — 814] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 91 in the reign of Nicephorus I.5, succeeded in imparting to thepaoli- the sect a far more stable frame-work. °IANS' But this interval of calm was short. The progress persecutions of a noxious error, pictured in the strongest colours to the Pauueiam: mind of Leo the Armenian, was sufficient to arouse his vengeance : he despatched inquisitors6 into the misbelieving districts, with the hope of eradicating all who shewed no symptom of repentance. A number of them fled afresh into the territories of the Caliph; the emir of Militene granting them a small asylum in the town of Argaum, from which place, in defiance of the wish of Sergius7, who was himself a refugee, they made incursions into the border-province of the empire. At the death8 of their leader in 835. the constitution of the system under went a rapid change : a band of his assistants9 (avveieBv/Jtoi) were at first exalted to supremacy of power ; but as soon as the persecuting spirit10 was rekindled in the breast of the empress Theodora (circ. 844), the sect was converted into a political association, and soon after grew notorious for its lawlessness and rapine. At the head of it was a soldier, Karbeas, who in alliance with the Saracens and many of the rival schools of Paulicians (drawn by a common misery together), was enabled to sustain him self in a line of fortresses upon the confines of Armenia, and to scourge the adjacent province". His dominion %£%$j%ra- was, however, broken, and well-nigh extinguished under Emt- 5 Theophanes, Chron. p. 413, ed. Armenia. Pet. Sicul. p. 66. Paris. He granted them a plenary 7 Ibid. p. 62. toleration in Phrygia and Lycaonia. 8 He was assassinated by a zealot We learn from the same authority, of Nicopolis : cf. Gieseler, in Studien that in the following reign many und Kritiken for 1829, p. 100. persons at Constantinople (though 9 Pet. Sicul. pp. 70 sq. they proved a minority) resisted all 10 A hundred thousand men are attempts to punish heretics with said to have been hanged, beheaded, death: p. 419. or drowned. Constantini Porphyrog. 6 The cruelty of these officials Continuator, lib. IV. c. 16 ; apud roused the spirit of the sufferers, Scriptores Byzant. p. 103, ed. Paris. who cut them off at Cynoschora in u Ibid. c. 23, 24, 25. 92 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 590 the pauli- Basil I.1 (867—886) ; though some of the phases of Pau- cians. ,. . . K i • -i i r ¦, licianism were constantly revived among the sects of the following period. 1 In 969 a remnant of them were transported from the eastern dis tricts to Philippopolis in Thrace by the emperor John Tzimesces. From thence they were able to extend themselves into other parts of Eu rope ; but it is remarkable that some of their posterity are still found in the place to which they were transported. Neander, vi. 341 ; cf. Gibbon, v. 281 — 283 ; ed. Mil- man ; and Spencer's Travels in Euro pean Turkey, II. 353. -8H] ( 93 ) CHAPTER IV. ON THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. The standard of intelligence continued, on the whole, means or to be higher in the East than in the West; and more GkAnow*nd especially in districts where the Moslems were repulsed, it was subjected to fewer fluctuations. The religious spirit of the people, in like manner, underwent but little change, and, with the sole exception of the controversy on the use Permanent of pictures, which had stimulated every class of the com- lffiop in »« munity and made them take a side, their piety was generally confined to dreamy contemplation, or expressed in a calm routine of worship2, tinctured more or less with superstition3. In the discipline and ritual of the Church it is easy to remark the same kind of uniformity; the Trullan council (691), by a series of one hundred and two canons' having furnished all the eastern patriarchates with a code of discipline, which has been constantly in force from that day to our own. Of the west, as already noticed5, Ireland was the bright- J^'^lf^ est spot in the beginning of this period. Under Theodore6, ^mcf?™ and from his death to the invasions of the Northmen, much B Theodore, himself a Greek of were in the Latin churches. Many of Tarsus, informs us that the Greeks, them had the reputation of working lay and clerical, were ordered to miraculous cures ; and the 'Legends' communicate every Sunday (Liber of the period are full of instances Pceniient. c. xliv. § i) : and Bede establishing the almost universal (Epist. ad Ecgberctum, § 9) implies spread of this and of similar delu- that in the east at large ('totum sions. Orientem') it was not unusual for 4 Concil. Quinisext., Mansi, XI. the pious to receive the sacrament 935 — 988 : see above, p. 51. every day. 6 Above, p. 17, n. 3 : pp. 19, 23. 3 Pictures seem to have been per- 6 Above, pp. 15, 64, n. 61 verted by the Oriental, as relics in 94 State of Intelligence and Fiety. \a.x>. o90 LEDGE. means of of the illumination still proceeding from the sister-island know- is reflected in the schools of Britain, where ' the ministers of God were earnest both in preaching and in learning ;' and which acted as a ' seminary of religion,' whither pupils now resorted 'from foreign countries seeking after wis dom1. It was different in the Frankish and Burgundian provinces of Gaul, in which literature had been suffered to degenerate by the barbarous Merovingian kings. The flourishing schools of the Roman municipia had entirely disappeared2, and their place was but inadequately filled by monastic and cathedral institutions, now set apart almost exclusively for the education of the clerics and the members ' of religious orders. Charlemagne, aided more especially by Alcuin3, and other learned foreigners and natives, opened a fresh era in the history of letters ; and the whole of his mighty empire underwent a salutary change. He laboured to revive religion by the agency of sounder learning4, and in order to secure this end established a variety of schools, — the palatine, parochial, monastic, and cathedral5. Efforts of Charlemagne in behalf of learning. 1 The remark of King Alfred (Preface to his translation of Gre gory's Pastoral), on contrasting the decay of learning after the barbaric inroads of the Danes. Beda (iv. 2) mentions that, after the coming of Theodore, all who wished to be in structed in sacred literature ' habe- rent in promptu magistros qui doce- rent.' 2 See Guizot's Sixteenth Lecture, where he shews that from the sixth to the eighth century the surviving literature of France is exclusively religious. ' Ante ipsum enim domi- num regem Carolum, in Gallia nullum studium fuerat liberalium artium.' Annal. Launss. A. D. 787 ; Pertz, I. 171. The state of learning in Italy itself was little better, owing to the savage spirit of the Lombards. Hallatn, Literature of Europe, pt. I. ch! I. § 8. 3 Above, p. 66. Some of the other more distinguished foreigners were Peter Pisanus, Paul Warnefrid, and Paulinus, patriarch of Aquileia, Leidrad, archbishop of Lyons (a native of Norica), and Theodulph, bishop of Orleans, of Gothic parent age. Angilbert, the prime minister of Pepin and secretary of Charle magne, was a native Frenchman, and a great promoter of schools and learning. 4 See above, p. 61, n. 3. 5 The best account of these in stitutions may be seen in Keuffel, Hist. Originis ac Progr. Schol. inter Christiaiws, pp. 161 sq. The tri- vium and quadrivium, elements of the 'seven liberal arts,' made part of the education given in the schools of Charlemagne. Theodulph, bishop of Orleans (Capitulare, 0. 20 : Man si, xm. 993 sq.), established village schools (' per villas et vicos ') for all classes of the people. — 814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 95 But we should remember that the northern tribes, who means op broke up the empire of the Caasars and were now planted know- on its ruins, not unfrequently retained their native dialects — — as well as a crowd of pagan customs and ideas6. Some Evils growing out of the ot them, indeed, the Visigoths,, the Franks, the Burgun-^^'^te- dians, and the Lombards, gradually forgot their mother- tongue, and at the end of the ninth century had thrown it off entirely7. But a number of their northern kinsmen did not follow their example. This variety of languages, combining with the remnants of barbaric life, would every where impose an arduous task upon the clergy of the west; yet few of them, it must be owned, were equal to their duty8: and the ill-advised adoption of the Latin language9 as the vehicle of public worship (though at first it might have proved convenient here and there) contributed to thwart the influence of the pastor and retarded the im provement of his flock. It is true that considerable good Attempts to resulted from the energy of individual prelates, who insisted evils. on the need of clergy able to instruct their people in the " e.g. numerous traces of this lin- qualifications needed in all ecclesias- gering heathenism have been col- tics are enumerated in the Capituloyr lected in Kemble's Saxons, vol. I. of 802, apud Pertz, III. 107. App. F : cf. Gieseler, 11. 160 — 162. 9 The same feeling of respect for 7Fa\gra,ve,Hist.ofNormandy,l.64. the usages of Borne induced the 8 See above, pp. 50, 61. The Ca- Frankish and English churches to pitulare ad parochice sues Sacerdotes adopt her psalmody and choral Eer- of Theodulph, bishop of Orleans vice. See Neander, v. 175, 176. (786 — 796), while it displays some- The mission of John, 'the arch- what elevated views of the pastoral chanter,' and the establishment of office, indicates a sad deficiency in the ' cursus Bomanus ' in England the knowledge of the general body (679), are described by Beda, Hist. of ecclesiastics. In like manner it Eccl. iv. 18. The Scottish (Irish) was necessary to make the follow- rites, however, had not been en- ing decree at the English synod of tirely superseded in the north of Cloves-hoo (747) : 'That priests who England at the close of the eighth know it not should learn to construe century. Maskell's Ancient Liturgy, and explain in our own tongue the Pref. p. liii. In Ireland they re- Creed and Lord's Prayer and the tained their old supremacy until the sacred words which are solemnly arrival of the English, when the pronounced at the celebration of the Anglican ritual was ordered to be mass, and in the office of baptism,' observed 'in omnibus partibus ec- etc. Johnson, English Canons, I. clesiae,' by the synod of Cashel 247; ed. Oxf. 1850. The literary (1172), c. 7 ; Wilkins, 1. 473. 96 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 590 MEANS 0E GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. elements of Christian knowledge1, and to preach in the language of the country. Thus, in England it was ordered2 that ' on every Sunday and festival, each priest should ex pound the Gospel unto all committed to his charge:' and the rigorous observance3 of the Lord's-day in particular would give them opportunities of profiting by the injunc tion. It was urged anew in the reign of Charlemagne; e.g. at the Council of Mayence4 (813), and in the same year at Aries, where the clergy are directed to preach on festivals and Sundays, not only in the cities, but in country parishes5. 1 Cf. the preceding note 8. Beda (ep. ad Ecgberctum, § 3) : 'In qua videlicet praedicatione populis ex- hibenda, hoc prae caeteris omni in- stantia procurandum arbitror, ut fidem catholicam quse apostolico symbolo continetur, et Dominicam orationem quam sancti Evangelii nos Scriptura edocet, omnium qui ad tuum regimen pertinent, me morise radicibus infigere cures. Et quidem omnes qui Latinam linguam lectionis usu didicerunt, etiam haec optime didicisse certissimum est : sed idiotas, hoc est, eos qui propria tantum linguae notitiam habent, haec ipsa sua lingua dicere, ac sedulo decantare facito.' The same is fre quently enjoined elsewhere, e.g. Council of Mayence, 813, can. 45: Mansi, xiv. 74. A short form of abjuration of idolatry and declara tion of Christian faith, in the ver nacular language, is preserved among the works of Boniface: II. 16, ed. Giles. 2 Excerptiones Ecgberti, c. in : Thorpe, II. 98; Johnson's English Canons, I. p. 185. Chrodegang of Metz directed that the Word of sal vation should be preached at least twice a month, though expressing a desire that sermons might be still more frequent : Regvla,o. 44 ; Mansi, XIV. 337. 3 The Liber Pcenitentialis of Theo dore (c. xxxvin. § 6 — 14, and else where) is most stringent on this head, subjoining to a list of inter dicted occupations : ' et ad missarum solleunia ad ecclesias undique conve- niant, et laudent Deum pro omnibus bonis, quae nobis in ilia die fecit:' cf. a law of King Ine against Sun day working (Thorpe, 1. 104 ; John son, 1. 132), and one of the 'Laws of the Northumbrian Priests' (§ 55) against Sunday traffic and journey-, ing of all kinds (Thorpe, II. 298, Johnson, 1. 379). See Schrockh, XX. 315, 316, for the views enter tained by John of Damascus on the nature of the Lord's day. It is plain from the prohibitions of the Councils (e.g. of Chalons, 649, c. XIX.) that the church-inclosure was at times converted into an are na of Sunday merriment and dissi pation. 4 Can. XXV: ' Juxta quod intelli- gere vulgus possit.' 5 Can. X : ' Etiam in omnibus parochiis.' It was added in the Council of Tours (813), 0. XVII., that preachers should translate their ser mons either into Romana rustica or Theotisca (Deutsch), 'quo facilius cuncti possint intelligere quae dicun- tur.' Charlemagne had already pub lished a collection of discourses (Homiliarium), which had been com piled by Paul Warnefrid (Diaconus), from the sermons of the Latin Fathers. See Banke's article in the Studien und Kritiken, 1855, 2,B Heft, pp. 382 sq. —814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 97 The growing education of the people would enable a far means of greater number of them to peruse the holy Scriptures; nor know- did any wish exist at present to discourage such a study6 It was, however, long restricted by the scarcity of books, translations of , ... ° „J 11. the Bible. and still more by the want of vernacular translations ; though the latter had begun to be remedied, at least in some scanty measure, by the English and the German' Churches. Ulfilas, the father of this kind of literature, was followed, after a long interval, by the illustrious Beda, who, if he did not render the whole Bible8 into Anglo- Saxon, certainly completed the Gospel of St John9. Aldhelm, who died in 709, had already made a version of the Psalms10; and we may infer from the treasures of 6 See e.g. the passages above ¦ quoted, p. 61, and a still finer one translated into Anglo-Saxon, and preserved in Soames' Bampton Lec tures, 92, 93 : cf. also the language of Iidefonsus of Saragossa, in Baluzii Miscellanea, VI. 59. Alcuin, writing to the emperor (circ. 800), thus al ludes to a query put (to him by a layman who was conversant with the Scriptures ; ' Vere et valde gra- tum habeo, laicos quandoque ad evangelicas effloruisse quaestiones, dum quendam audivi virum pru- dentem aliquando dicere, clericorum esse evangelium discere, non laico- rum,' etc. Epist. cxxiv. (al. CLxrn.) Opp. I. 180. It has been observed, that in the catalogues of mediaeval libraries, copies of the Holy Scrip tures constitute the greater number of the volumes. Palgrave, Hist, of Normandy, 1. 63. The subject has been examined also by Mr Bucking ham, in his Bible in the Middle Ages, Lond, 1853. 7 The influence exerted by Chris tianity on the old-German Language has been recently investigated by Baumer, Einwirkung des Christen- thums aufdie althochdeutscheSprache, Stuttgart, 1845, where translations, glosses, and other fragments of ver- M. A. nacular piety have been discussed. But many of these specimens belong to the following period. 8 See Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, I. 203 ; and Gilly's lutrod. to the Romaunt Version of the Gospel according to St John, (Lond. 1848), pp. XI. sq. 9 ' Evangelium quoque Johannis, quod difncultate sui (? sua) mentes legentium exercet his diebus, lingua interpretatus Anglica, condescendit minus imbutis Latina.' Wil. Mal mesbur. de Gestis Regum, lib. I. p. 23 ; ed. 1601. 10 There was also a large stock of Anglo-Saxon religious poetry, of which Caedmon's Metrical Para phrase of Parts of the Holy Scrip tures (ed. Thorpe, 1832) is a very striking type. Caedmon died about 680. He was desired by the abbess Hilda of Whitby to transfer into verse the whole of the sacred histo ry. Wright's Biog. Brit. Lit. I. 195. The interesting Anglo-Saxon Ritual, published, in 1839, by the Surtees Society, is one of a large class of interlinear translations, and may be assigned to the commencement of the ninth century: Stephenson's Preface, p. x. H 98 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 590 coertjp- vernacular literature handed down by the scholars of the abuses, period next ensuing, that a list of analogous productions Lives of Saints .- their general character. Horn congenial to the spirit of llu age. was destroyed in the conflict with the Danes. But a more fascinating species of instruction was sup plied in the ' Lives of Saints1,' The number of these works, surviving at the present day, is actually prodigious2; and the influence they exerted on the mediaeval mind was deep and universal. While they fed almost every stream of superstition, and excited an unhealthy craving for the marvellous and the romantic, they were nearly always tending, in their moral, to enlist the affections of the reader on the 'side of gentleness and virtue; more especially by setting forth the necessity of patience, and extolling the heroic energy of faith. One class of these biographies deserves a high amount of credit: they are written by some friend or pupil of their subject ; they are natural and life-like pictures of the times, preserving an in structive portrait of the missionary, the recluse, the bishop, or the man of business ; yet most commonly the acts and sufferings of the mediasval saint have no claim to a place in the sphere of history, or at best they have been so wantonly embellished by the fancy of the author, that we can disentangle very few of the particles of truth from an interminable mass of fiction. As these 'Lives' were circulated freely in the language of the people3, they would constitute important items in the fire-side readings of the age; and so warm was the response they found in men of every grade, that notwith standing feeble efforts to reform them4, or at least to 1 Gregory of Tours, who died 593, in a series of publications of this class, gave an impulse to the won der-loving spirit of the age. 2 See a calculation in Guizot's Seventeenth Lecture, based on the materials still surviving in the Acta, Sanctorum. 3 An interesting specimen (Anglo- Saxon) has been edited with a trans lation by C. W. Goodwin (Lond. 1 848). The subject of it is St Guth- lae, a hermit of Crowland (written about 750, by a monk named Felix). There are many others preserved in our MSS. repositories. 4 This had been attempted as early as the time of pope Gelasius, -814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 99 eliminate a few of the more monstrous and absurd, they corrup- kept their hold on Christendom at large, and are subsisting abuses. even now in the creations of the mediaeval artist6. Keeping pace with this expansion in the field of Exaggeration ¦¦•ii of tU honour hagiology, the reverence which had long been cherished auetosamu. for the veritable saints continued to increase in every •province of the Church ; and even to resemble, here and there, a lower kind of worship. None of the more en lightened, it is true, have failed to distinguish6 very clearly in their works between the honour of regard and imitation to be offered to the saint, and the supremacy of love and homage which is due to God alone : but in the mind of unreflecting peasants such distinctions were obliterated more and more, and numbers of the saints, apocryphal as Well as true, had come to be regarded in the light of tutelar divinities'. At the head of a catalogue of saints, on whom (496) ; Mansi, vm. 149 : but the taste for legendary compositions went on increasing. Much of the increase in the number of the 'saints' is due to the liberty which every district seems to have enjoyed of en larging its own calendar at pleasure. There is no instance of a canoniza tion by the pope until the case of Swibert (about 800) ; and that has been disputed (Twysden, Vindica tion of the Church of England, p. 219, new ed.). According to-Giese- ler, 11. 421, the earliest was Ulrich, bishop of Augsburg, in 993. Charle magne, who was anxious to with stand the superstitions of his age (e. g. baptizing of bells, the ' sortes sanctorum,' etc.), published a capi tulary (789, c. 76), De pseudogra- phiis et dubiis narrationibus ; and in the capitulary of Frankfort (794, c. 40) is the following injunction : 'ut nulli novi sancti colantur, aut invocentur, nee memoriae eorum per vias [i. e. wayside chapels] erigan- tur ; sed ii soli in ecclesia venerandi sint, qui ex auctoritate passion um aut vitee merito elect! sunt.' 6 'The apocryphal legends have been repeatedly condemned and ana thematised, declared to be uncanon- ical, and yet most of the subjects painted on the stained glass win dows, or sculptured in the portals of our Cathedrals, are taken literally from the apocryphal books,' etc. Di- dron's Christian Iconography, 1. 192 . 6 e. g. Isidor. Hispaleps. De Eccles. Officiis, lib. I. c. 34. Beda speaks of the transformation of the Pantheon at Bome into the Church of the Virgin and all Martyrs : ' ut, ubi quondam omnium non deorum sed daemoniorum cultus agebatur, ibi deinceps omnium fieret memoria sanctorum.' Chronicon, a.d. 614 ; Monum. Britan. p. 97. 7 Neander, v. 182, 183. But not withstanding a large number of ex amples in this country where the saints are spoken of as 'intercessors' with God, they are scarcely ever at this period addressed directly, the petition being that ' God would make them intercessors in our behalf.' Soames, Bampton Led. p. 195, and notes. In the Liber Pcenitentialis H2 corrup tions AND ABUSES. Festival of the Assumption of tlte Virgin. Other festivals now generally obsn'-ved in the Western Church. 100 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 590 a special veneration1 was bestowed, is the blessed Virgin Mary ; the exaggerations of this honour, which peep out in the earlier times, assuming more unchristian phases, in proportion as the worship of the Church was contracting a more sensuous tone. The synod held at Mayence2, 813, in drawing up a list of feast-days, has included one for the ' Purification of St Mary'3, handed down from better ages; but in that list is also found the festival of the Assumption of the Virgin (August 15th), which communicated a far stronger impulse to the creature-worship of the masses. It grew4 out of a spurious legend methodized by Gregory of Tours, in which it was affirmed that the original Apostles, on assembling at the death-bed of the Virgin, saw her carried by a band of angels into heaven. The other festivals5, excluding Sundays, now ap- of Theodore, however, there is a passage (c. xlvih. § 2) which speaks of more objectionable formulae as then actually existing in the Litany of the Church: ' Christe, audi nos; ac deinde, Sancta Maria, ora pro nobis; neque dicitur, Christe, ora pro nobis, et Sancta Maria, vel Sancte Petre, audi nos; sed, Christe, audi nos; Fili Dei, te rogamus, audi nos.' Yet the same writer teaches in this very passage that we should offer ' sacrihcium, et preees, et vota,' to God alone (ei soli). 1 See Ildefonsus, De Tllibata Vir- ginitate B. Virginis, in Biblioth. Patr. VII. 432 sq. ed. Colon. 16 18; and, for the Eastern church, John of Damascus, Sermo in Annunciat. Domincs nostras Qcotokov : Opp. II. 835 sq. 2 Can. 36. Mansi, xrv. 73. At the same council four great fasts are mentioned: the first week in March, the second week in June, the third week in September, and the last full week in December before Christmas- day; at all which seasons public litanies and masses were to be so lemnized at nine o'clock, on Wed nesdays, Fridays, and Saturdays. 3 Also called Festum Symeonis, and Festum Symeonis et Hannw. In the Greek Church, where the ho nour is directed chiefly to our Lord, the title of the corresponding feast is iopTrj rrjs iiiravTijs. Beda haB a Homily upon it in the course of the festivals; Opp. vn. 327: and Ba ronius, Annal. ad an. 544, informs us that Gelasius laid the foundation for its observance when he abolished the luperealia. 4 The various conjectures of the Fathers on the subject of the Vir gin's end, have been stated at length by Gieseler, II. 313, n. 12. The apocryphal writing Transitus S. Ma ria, from which Gregory of Tours (De gloria Marly rum, lib. I. c. 4) derived the story now in circulation, had been placed by pope Gelasius among the interdicted books : above, p. 98, n. 4. Another festival, the Birth of the Virgin (Sept. 8), is dated also from this period. 0 Concil. Mogunt. as above. The services of Easter and Whitsunday are to be continued for a whole week; and that of Christmas for four days. CORRUP TIONS AND —814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 101 pointed or continued in the Frankish church, relate to the Nativity, the Circumcision, the Epiphany, and the "abuses. Ascension of the Lord, the feast (or ' dedication') of St ~ Michael6, the martyrdoms ('natales') of St Peter and St Paul, of St Remigius, St Martin, St Andrew, and the nativity of St John the Baptist7 : to which number, ancient festivals of saints and martyrs, who were buried in each diocese, together with the feasts of dedication for the several churches, were appended by the same authority. To this period also it is usual to assign the institution of the festival in honour of ' All Saints,' which, notwithstand^ ing, had been long observed upon the octave of Whitsunday by the Christians of the East. It was ranked as a proT vincial celebration in the time of Boniface IV., when he was allowed to convert the famous Pantheon to the ser vice of the Gospel ; and the usage thus adopted in the Roman dioceses was extended to the whole of the Western •Church by Gregory IV. in 835.s The state of feeling with regard to relics9, which grew Reim. 8 Not adopted in the East till the val, and the mode in which it should 1 2th Century; Guerike, Manual of be kept: ' Quod ut fieri digne possit Antiq. of the Church, p. 195, ed. a nobis, lumen verum, quod illumi- Morrison. nat omnem hominem, Christus Je- 7 In a second and an earlier list sus, illuminet corda nostra, et pax ¦(Capitular, lib. I.c. 158), the feasts Dei, quae exsuperat omnem sensum, of St Stephen, St John the Evan- per intercessionem omnium Sancto- gelist, the Holy Innocents, are also rum ejus, custodiat ea usque in diem included: while with regard to the aeternitatis. Hanc solemnitatem Assumption, it is added, fDe ad- sanctissimam tribus diebus jejunan- 'Bumptione S. Marias interrogandum do, orando, missas canendo, et elee- "relinquimus. ' It is plain that this mosynas dando per invicem, sinc'era 'doubt continued to exist in the An- devotionepraecedamus.' Ep. lxxvi. glo-Saxon Church. See the extract (al. xoi.) ; Opp. 1. 113. from a vernacular sermon in Soames' 9 e. g. Theodor. Liber Pcewitent. Bampton Led. pp. 226, 227.' The c. xlviii. § 2: 'Reliquiae tamen i3thcanonofCloves-hoo(747)orders, sanctorum venerandae sunt, et, si in the case of England, that the potest fieri, in ecclesia, ubi reliquiae 'nativities' of saints should be ob- sanctorum sunt, candela ardeat per served according to the Roman mar- singulas noctes. Si autem paupertas tyrology: Johnson, I. 249. loci non sinit, non nocet eis.' It 8 Guerike, p. 181. The following was customary in the Frankish em- is the language of Alcuin (799) re- pire for chaplains to carry the relics 'spectinc the institution of this festi- of St Martin and others at the head 102 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 590 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Images. Religious foundations. Pilgrimages. out of an excessive veneration for the saints, was rapidly assuming the extravagance and folly that have marked its later stages. The deplorable abuse of the imitative arts has been noticed, in the rise and progress of the image-controversy. We there saw that the evil was resisted1 for a time in the Frankish and the English Churches, while it gained a still firmer hold on other parts of Christendom, and threatened to subside into absolute idolatry. The disposition to erect and beautify religious houses, which prevailed in the east and west alike, is often to be traced to purely Christian feelings2: not unfrequently, how ever, it proceeded from a mingled and less worthy motive, from the impulses of servile fear, and from a wish in the soul of the promoter to disarm the awakened vengeance of his Judge3. Another form in which these errors came to light was the habit of performing pilgrimages to some holy spot or country, where men dreamed of a nearer presence of the Lord, or some special intercession of the saints. A multitude of English devotees4 betook them- of their armies ('patrocinia vel pig- nora sanctorum ') : cf . Schrockh, XX. 127, 131 : and the same feeling led the persecuted Spaniard to discover the potent relics of St James (be tween 791 and 842) in the person afterwards called St James of Com- postella : Acta Sanct. Jul. torn. VI. p. 37. Even Alcuin (Homil. de Na- tali S. Willebrord., Opp. II. 195) believed that the saintly missionary might continue to work miracles on earth, through the special grace of God. 1 See above, p. 85. The same kind of exaggerated veneration was bestowed on the real or imaginary fragments of the cross ; and in 631 the Emperor Heraclius, on defeating the Persians (above, p. 31), and re covering the precious relic from their hands, established a festival in honour of it, called OTavptioiLios il/iipa (Sept. 14), adopted soon after wards at Rome, under the designa tion, Festum extUtationis crucis : see Liber Pontif. ed. Vignol. 1. 310. > 2 e.g. Einhard. Vit. Karoli Magn. c. 26 : Pertz, n. 457. In a capitu lary, 811 (Mansi, xm. 1073), ad dressed to the prelates of the empire, he tells them that, however good a work is the building of fine churches, the true ornament is to be found in the life of the worshippers ('praefer- endus est aedificiis bonorum moruiu ornatus et culmen'). 3 The form of bequest too often- runs as follows ; ' Pro animae nos tras remedio et salute :' ' ut non in- veniat in nobis ultrix flamma, quod devoret, sed Domini pietas, quod coronet.' See other forms of the same class in Schrockh, xx. no, in. 4 See above, p. 45, n. 7. Boni- —814] State of Intelligence and Piety* 103 selves to Rome : and while it may be granted that excur- corrup- e ^ ¦ i • -i r. ¦•,..¦, , TIONS AND' sions ot this kind were often beneficial to the arts and abuses. letters of the country6, no one has denied that many of the pilgrims, more especially the female portion, fell a prey to the laxity of morals which the custom almost everywhere induced. The less intelligent appear to have expected that a pilgrimage would help them on their way to heaven, apart from any influence it might have in stimulating the devotions of the pious : but this fallacy was strenuously confuted by the leading doctors of the age6. It has been shewn already7 that the notion of a pur- Practical . * r results of the gatonal fire, to expiate the minor sins ('leves culpas') which f^ator^ still adhered to the departed, had been definitely formed under Gregory the Great, and from him was transmitted to the Christians of the West. This notion, while it threw Masse* for 7 the dead. .a deeper gloom upon the spirits of the living, led the way to propitiatory acts intended to relieve the sufferings of the dead. It prompted feelings and ideas widely dif fering from those which circulated in the earlier Church8: for face, the papal champion, was con- secum magistros adduxit, etc' Re strained to deprecate the frequency mil. in Natal. Benedict., Opp. VII. of pilgrimages, on the ground that 334. they were often fatal to the virtue 6 Thus- the 45th canon of the of the females : ' Perpaucae enim Council of Chalons (8 1 3) condemns sunt civitates in Longobardia, vel all the pilgrimages undertaken in in Francia, aut in Gallia, in qua an irreverent spirit, with the hope non sit adultera vel meretrix generis of securing a remission of past sins, Anglorum : quod scandalum est, et where no actual reformation was de- turpitudo totius ecclesiaB vestras :' sired : but it is no less ready to com- Ep. LXin ; Opp. I. 146. mend such journeys when accompa- 6 This was certainly the case in nied by true devotion ('orationibus men like Benedict Biscop, of whom insistendo, eleemosynas largiendo, Beda has remarked, ' Tories mare vitam emendando, mores componen- transiit, numquam, ut est consue- do') : cf. Alcuin, Epist. cxlvii. (al. tudinis quibusdam, vacuus etinutilis cxcvi.) Opp. I. 208. rediit, sed nunc librorum copiani 7 Above, pp. 63, 64. Stories, like sanctorum, nunc reliquiarum beato- that which is told of Fursey, the rum maityrum Christi munus vene- Irish monk (Bed. Hist. Eccl. m. 19), rabile detulit, nunc architectos ec- would deepen the popular belief in clesiae fabricandae, nunc vitrifactores a purgatorial fire. ad fenestras ejus decorandas ac mu- 8 Cf. Bp. Taylor's Dissuasive, niendas, nunc cantandi et in eccle- bk. II. § 2 : Works, VI. 545 sq., ed, sia per totum annum ministrandi Eden. ; Schrockh, XX. 1 75 sq. — With 104 Si oObtM Oj jLitiaictyciux wnto jl lacy. 590 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Private masses. there, when the oblations were presented in the name of a departed worthy, they commemorated one already in a state of rest, though sympathizing with his brethren in the flesh, and expecting the completion of his triumph. The result of those mediasval masses for the dead1 was to occasion a plurality of altars2 in the churches, to commence the pernicious rite of celebrating the Eucharist without a con gregation ('missse private, ' or ' solitarise'), and to reduce in many parts the number of communicants3: but scandals of this kind, like many others then emerging to the sur face of the Church, were warmly counteracted by the better class of prelates4. 1 The usages and modes of thought in reference to them may be gathered fromTheodor. Lib. Panitent. c. xi/v. The following passage is curious, § 15 : 'Nonnulli solent interrogare,, si pro omnibus regeneratis liceat sa-* crifieium Mediatoris offerre, quainvis flagitiosissime viventibus, et in malis operibus perseverantibus ? De hac quaestione varia expositio Patrum invenitur.' The point is finally de termined thus : ' Illic saltern de mi nimis nihil quisque purgitionis ob- tinebit, nisi bonis hoc actibus, in hac adhuc vita positus, ut illic obtineat, promereatur.' In the East (Council in Trullo, can. 83) it was necessary to condemn a custom of administer ing the communion to the dead. 2 See Capitular. A.D. 805, I. c. 6 (Pertz, in. 132), ' De Alta'ribus, ut non superflua sint in Ecclesiis.' 3 See above, p. 93, n. -,. In the Western Church, where a neglect of the Eucharist was not followed by excommunication (Theodor. Pcenit. c. xliv. § 2 ; Ecgberht, Confession. § 35), it was necessary to exhort the laity to a more frequent participa tion : c. g. Council of Cloves,hoo (747), can. 23 : Johnson, 1. 253, 254- The Council of Chalons (S13), can. 47, orders all Christians to com municate . on Maundy-Thursday : Mansi, XIV. 103. i e. g. Solitary masses are con- regard to the doctrine of the Eu charist, considered as a sacrificial act, commemorating the Great Sa crifice, and as the means of feeding upon Christ by faith, more will be observed in the following period, when the views of the Church at large began to be more technically stated. That the dogma of a phy sical transubstantiation of the ele ments was not held in the 7th cen tury, is clear from Isidor. Hispalen- sis, De Eccles. Officiis, lib. I. c. 18 : Ildefonsus, De Cognitione Baptismi (in Baluz. Miscellanea, vi. 99). The current doctrine of the Greek Church is to be sought in a work of Anasta- sius (a learned monk of Mount Si nai, at the close of the seventh cen tury) entitled 'OSnybs, seu Dux vice adversus Acephalos, c. 23, ed. In- golstadt, 1606 ; and in John of Da mascus, De Ficle Orthodoxa, lib. rv. c. 13 : Opp. I. 267 sq. It was al ready common for the Easterns to make use of the terms Lieraf3oXJi, p.e- Tao-Toixeloio-is, p-CTavolno-is, although neither then, nor at the present day, was it intended to express a ' physi cal' change in the substance of the elements after consecration, but a change which they define as 'sacra mental and mystical.' Palmer, Trea tise on the Church, II. 167, 3rd edit.: cf. L'Arroque, Hist, of the Eucharist, u. XI. XII. -814] State of Intelligence and Piety. 105 The establishment of these propitiatory masses for the co:R:RTJ:p- . L x J TIONS AND dead, itself an effect of the novel dogmas which had flowed ABUSES- from the belief in purgatory, had contributed to work ^cYufj^tm still further changes in the system of church-penance. It i"Muas- is true that the writers of this period lay great stress on the renovation of the heart as the index of a genuine contrition5; they recoil from the idea that alms, or any outward act, can be accepted as an expiation for man's sin, so long as the disposition of the sinner is unchanged6; yet the efforts7 which were made by a series of active prelates to discriminate minutely between heavier and lighter sins, and to allot in each single case the just amount of penance, in proportion to the magnitude of the offence8, are dark and distressing proofs of the cor- denmed by the Council of Mayence (813), can. 43 ; and by Theodulph, archbp. of Orleans, Capitulare ad Sacerdotes, c. VII ; Johnson, I. 456 : cf. ibid. 419. 5 The Council of Chalons, above cited (813), is full of cheering thoughts on this point as on many others. Its language was, ' Neque enim pen- sanda est poenitentia quantitate tem- poris, sed ardore mentis et mortifi- catione corporis. Cor autem con- tritum et humiliatum Deus non spernit : ' can. 34. In can. 38 " it repudiates what was known as 'li- belli poenitentiales ' (Certificates of penance irregularly acquitting the offender), ( quorum sunt eerti errores, incerti auctores.' . 6 e. g. The emphatic language of the synod of Cloves-hoo ; can. 26, 27 ; Johnson, I. 255 — 259. In the Confessionale of Ecgberht, o. 2, and the Pceniientiale, lib. iv. c. 63, the various means and conditions of for giveness (twelve in number) are re cited in succession. The fanatical austerity with which conditions of this class were sometimes carried out, resulted in a kind of oriental self-destruction, and induced the Prankish emperor to pass a special law (Capitul. 789, 0. 77, ed. Baluze, I. 239) forbidding all such penitents to shew themselves in public. A milder form of the same feeling is betrayed in the 10th canon of Toledo (683), where we learn that it was not uncommon for persons (even pre lates) in a time of dangerous illness to submit themselves to public pe nance, for the greater security, al though their conscience did not ac cuse them of any special sin. 7 See above, p^ 64, n. 6. An other contribution to the series was made at the opening of the ninth century by Halitgar, bishop of Cam- bray (Catneracensis), printed in Ca nisius, Led. Antiq. ed. Basnage, torn. II. part ii. pp. 87 sq. 8 See Ecgberht's Confessionale and Pamitentiale, passim : Thorpe, II. 129 — 239. One of the worst features of this system, as it is here expound ed, was the redemption, or commu tation, of penances by means of mo ney-payments (e. g. Pcenitent. lib. iv. c. 60, 61, 62 : cf. Canons enacted under Edgar; Thorpe, n. 2S4 — 288 ; see the sect. ' Of satisfaction for sin,' in the Penitential Canons (963) j 106 State of Intelligence and Piety. corrtjp- ruptions then prevailing in the Church, no less than of abuses, the servile spirit that was influencing her teachers. In confession and the case of overt sins, where public satisfaction was re- satisfactum. ^^^ fae form 0f jt wag generally determined by the bishop when he came on his visitation-tour1; but all of fences of a private nature, though not uniformly2, were most frequently confessed in secret to a priest, who, vary ing from the ancient practice, instantly conceded absolu tion9, — with the tacit understanding, in all cases, that the penance he directed would be afterwards performed. Tokens of Yet, far as the actual system of the Church, in this vitalito ' iit ip i • 'ctui-ch* an^ other features, had diverged from apostolic usage; largely as alloy had now been fused into the gold, and thickly as the tares were mingling with the wheat implanted by the heavenly Sower, — there is ample testi mony in the canons of reforming synods, and still more in the exalted lives of men like Aidan, Gregory, Eligius, Liudger, Bede, and Alcuin, or of John the Almoner, of Maximus and others in the East, to certify us that reli gion was not mastered by the powers of darkness, but that, on the contrary, the Spirit of her Lord and Saviour was still breathing in the Christian Church, and training men for heaven. Johnson, I. 440). It led to the * Theodor. Capitula (Thorpe, n. transferring of the civil 'bots,' or 85, 86): ' Confessio itaque quae soli compensations, to the higher pro- Deo fit, quod est justorum purgat vince of religion, and could hardly peccata ; ea vero quae sacerdoti fit, fail to foster the pernicious thought docet qualiter ipsa purgantur pee- that it was possible in many cases to cata,' etc. The statements of Theo« buy off the displeasure of the Lord ; dulph of Orleans (Capit. c. 30 : Man- although an inference like this was si, xm. 1002), and of the Council of strongly censured in the 26th canon Chalons, above cited, c. 33, are still of Cloves-hoo ; and in one 'Enact- clearer proofs that confession to a ed under Edgar,' § 19, it is added priest was not generally regarded as that the penitent, however wealthy, essential to forgiveness of sins. 'must supplicate for himself, with 3 Thus Boniface in his Slatuta true love of God.' Cf. Bedae Ep. (Opp. 11. 22—25) enjoins, c. 31: ad Ecgberctum, § 11 (p. 343, ed. ' Curet unusquisque presbyter statim Hussey). post acceptam confessionem pceni- 1 See above, p. 49, n. 8 : and Cos- tentium, singuloa data oratione re- pitular. n., a.d. 813, c. 1. conciliari.' eonfo |Jmofr of % |pfolt %$&. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH FROM THE DEATH OF CHARLEMAGNE TO GREGORY VII. 814—1073. ( 108 ) [A.D. 814 CHAPTER V. §1. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. IN THE SCANDINAVIAN KINGDOMS. DANISH AND SWEDISH CHURCH. First steps in the conversion of the North ern nations. The age in which the hardy Northmen were descending on the rest of Europe and preparing to involve their fortunes in the politics of neighbouring countries, was distinguished by the earliest missionary efforts to engraft them on the Christian Church. This project is attributable in some measure to the enterprising Liudger, but his zeal, after reaping a small harvest cf conversions 1, was restrained by an order of the Frankish monarch". In the evening of his reign, however, when the Saxons were all conquered, Charlemagne, it is said, was purposing to found an archbishopric at Hamburg, with a view to the further planting of the Gospel in the Scandinavian king doms3. The completion of this noble scheme had been 1 See above, p. 27. The English man, Willehad, also (p. 26) preached as early as 780 to the Ditmarsi, in the neighbourhood of Hamburg. The best modern account of the propa gation of the Gospel in these regions is Miinter's Kirchengeschichte von Danem. und Norweg. Leipz. 1S23: cf. also Kruse's S. Anschar, Altona, 1823. 2 ' Fuit autem cupiens anxie gratia docendi Northmannos adire, sed rex Karolus nullatenus assensum pras- buit. ' Vit. S. Liudger. apud Pertz, n. 414. 3 . . . . ' Unde praedicatio verbi Dei finitimis fieret populis, Sueonum, Danorum, Norweorum, Farrise, Gronlandan, Islandan, Scridivindan, Slavorum, necnon omnium septen- trionalium et orientalium nationum quocumque modo nominatarum, qui paganicis adhuc erroribus involvun- tuv.' Vit. S. Rimbert. c. 1 : IbiJ. II. 765. —1073] ' .Growth of the Church. 109 reserved for his successor, Louis-le-De"bonnaire, who by the danish isuccours he despatched4 to Harald, king of Jutland, made a SwedishO FT TT R P T-T way for the introduction of the Christian faith. A mission was at first directed6 by the earnest and experienced Ebbo, Mission of Tl-l Tl • TT -1 Ebh° int° archbishop of liheims. m He carried a commendatory letter6 Jutland. from pope Paschal I. (circ. 822), and was attended by the learned Halitgar7, bishop of Cambray. Their labours were rewarded8, more especially in Jutland; and in 826 the king himself, together with his consort and a retinue of Danes, was solemnly baptized at Mayence9 in the presence of the emperor, his patron. Harald now returned to his native country, and was anxious to engage the help of some active prelate, who would give himself entirely to the work of organizing missions for the other parts of Denmark. These important functions were devolved on Anskar10 rhemis- A sionary life (Ansgar), who was destined to be called hereafter the ^h-hrr 'Apostle of the North.' He was born in the diocese of Amiens, 801, and educated at Corbey, an adjoining monas tery, under Adelhard11, the grandson of Charles Martel, and Paschasius Eadbert, a professor of theology. In 822 Anskar was removed to a new foundation12, lately planted by the monks of Corbey in Westphalia, on the banks of the Weser. He there acted as the head of a thriving 4 Annates Fuldens. A. D. 815 ; of his pupils, and was composed be- Pertz, 1. 356. fore the year 876. It is reprinted B Vit. S. Anskarii, c. 13 : Ibid. in Pertz, Monum. Germ. 11. 689— 11. 699. 725. 6 Lappenberg's Hamburg. Urkun- ll See Palgrave, Hist, of Nor- denbuch, I. 9 ; ed. 1842. mandy, I. 169, 209. 7 See p. 105, n. 7. la Called the new Corbey or Cor- 8 Annates Fuldens. A.D. 822 :Pertz, vey. The abbot (Vit. Anskar. c. 7) !• 357- The starting-point of their for a time was Count Wala, brother operations was at Welando, the mo- of Adelhard, who was separated from dern Miinsterdorff, near Itzehoe in his wife and thrust into that position Holstein. by an order of the jealous Louis-le- 9 Ibid. A.D. 826 ; p. 359 : cf. the Ddbonnaire. See the rhetorical ac- contemporary Carmina of Ermoldus counts of Adelhard and Wala, by Nigellus, 'in honorem Hludowici,' Paschasius Badbert, in Pertz, n. reprinted in Pertz, II. 467 sq. 524— 569; and Radberti Opp. 1507, 10 The interesting Life of Anskar ed. Migne. is the work of Bimbert and another 110 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 DANISH AND SWEDISH CHURCH. His first visit to Denmark : school1 and preached among the natives, until, at the re quest of Louis, he was added to the suite of the Danish monarch. Like his predecessor, Ebbo, he is said to have been armed with a commendatory letter2 from pope Eu- genius II. He departed from his. cloister in 826 or 827, accompanied by a single coadjutor, Autbert, who assisted him in the foundation of a school in Nordalbingia, on the borders of Schleswig, Here they educated a small band of native youths whom they had ransomed out of slavery3. But their proceedings were suspended for a time by a rebellion of the pagan Danes, who, in 828, were able to expel the king, and all whom they suspected of alliance with the Franks. A second field, however, was soon opened to the diligence of Anskar. Guided by the will of Louis, and surrendering the Danish mission to another monk named Gislemar4, he migrated in 831 to Sweden, where, as he had been informed, a multitude of persons were now anxious to embrace the Gospel5. His companion was a brother-monk of Corbey, Witmar; and the missionaries, 1 Vit. «. 6. * Lappenberg, Hamburg. Vrkun- denbuch, i. 29. Pope Gregory IV. (about 834) is said to have confirmed the appointment of Anskar as 'pri- mum Nordalbingorum arehiepisco- pum,' and to have commissioned him and his successors as the papal legates 'in omnibus circumquaque gentibus Danorum, Sueonum, No- ruehorum, Earrie, etc. ;' but this document, if not altogether spurious, is at least interpolated. Jaffe', Re- gest. Pontif. Roman, p. 228 : cf. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geographie, § 252, n. 8. Some of the language here employed agrees with expressions in the Life of S. Rimbert, cited above, p. 108, n. 3. 3 'Ipsi quoque divino inspirati amore ad promulgandam .devotionis suae religionem cceperunt curiose pueros quaerere, quos emerent, et ad Dei servitium educarent,' etc. Vit. S. A nskar. a. 8. A.utbert died two years after. 4 ' Patrein [? the prior] devotissi- mum Gislemarum, fide et operibus bonis probatum, etc' Ibid. c. 10. 5 Ibid. c. 9. They seem to have heard of Christianity by means of the traffic carried on between Dor- stede (Wyk te Duerstede) and some of the Swedish ports : cf. c. 27. About 830 they sent envoys to the court of Louis-le-De'bonnaire re questing a supply of regular instruc tors, c. 9. The chronology adopted in this narrative is that of Dahl- mann, the last editor of the Life of Anskar. With regard to earlier traces of the Gospel see Schrockh, XXI. 320. —1073] Growth of the Church, 111 rescued only with their lives from an attack of northern danish pirates, landed on the coast of Sweden at Biorka6, near the Swedish ancient capital, Sigtuna. Here they gained permission from the king to enter on their labours, and were welcomed of the Swedish ^ # ' mission. more especially by Christian captives7, whom the Swedes had carried off from the adjoining districts. After making one important convert, Herigar (or Hergeir), a distin guished Swedish noble, messengers were sent to Louis with the tidings of success ; and Anskar, in 832 or 833, ^^/rch' was raised to the archbishopric of Hamburg8, which had Hambura- been selected as the centre of the northern missions. He soon afterwards betook himself to Rome, and as the guest of Gregory IV. was bound more closely in allegiance to the pope, and flattered by the present of a pall9. With the desire of strengthening ' the work of Anskar, Ebbo, whom we saw already forwarding the Gospel in the north, deputed his own missionary office to his nephew Guazbert10, who henceforward (with the name of Simon) was especially directed to evangelize the Swedes. For some time very little was effected by the holy zeal of Anskar. An opponent of the Christian faith, £f £?<&. the persecuting Horic (Erich), was the single lord of Denmark; and the efforts of the missionary, who was planted on the frontier of the kingdom, were confined to the redemption and religious training of a multitude of youthful slaves. In 837 the see of Hamburg also was 6 Vit. c. ii, and the note in Pertz, nus'; Ebbo and others assisting. 11.-697. 9 Lbid. u. 13: but cf. above, p. 7 Ibid. no, n. 2. 8 .... 'cut subjaceret universa 10 Ibid. u. 14: 'ad partes ve- Nordalbingorum ecclesia, et ad niens Sueonum, honorifice et a rege quam pertineret omnium regionum et a populo susceptus est, ccepitque aquilonalium potestas ad constituen- cum benevolentia _ et _ unanimitate ^ dos episcopos sive presbyteros, in omnium ecclesiam inibi fabricare, et • Mas partes pro Christi nomine de- publice evangelium fidei praedicare. stinandos,' Ibid. c. 12 : cf. Capi- Eunds for the mission were provided tular. ed. Baluze, I. 681. Anskar in this case, and in that of Anskar, was consecrated by Drogo, arch- by the gift of a monastery from the bishop of Metz, and ' archicapella- crown. 112 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 814 DANISH AND SWEDISHCHURCH. Farther pro gress of the mission . invaded by the northern pirates (Vikings), who demolished1 all the outward fabric of religion. While the bishop with - a few necessitous attendants wandered to and fro among the ruins of his diocese, a fresh disaster had occurred in Sweden (837), where the heathen population rose in arms against the missionaries, and expelled them from the country2. But a brighter epoch was approaching. Anskar, at the end of seven years, was able to regain his hold on the affections of the Swedes. In 844 he persuaded Ardgar3, an anchoret in holy orders, to direct the movements of the sinking mission; and in 849 his own hands were considerably strengthened by annexing to his archbishopric the larger see of Bremen*, which was vacant by the death of Leuderic in 847. His elevation is to be ascribed to the interest of Louis-the-Germanic, but the union of the sees was afterwards confirmed5 by a rescript of pope Nicholas I. (864). Believed in this way from the embarrassment occasioned by his want of funds, he gave himself entirely to the wider planting of the faith. 1 ' Ibi ecclesia miro opere magis- terio domni episcopi constructa, una cum claustra monasterii mirifice composita, igni succensa est. Ibi biblioteca [i. e. the copy of the Bi ble], quam serenissimus jam memo- ratus imperator eidem patri nostro contulerat, optime conscripta, una cum pluribus aliis libris igni dispe- riit.' Vit. S. Anskar. c. 16. 2 Ibid. c. 17. Ebbo was now en tangled in the political troubles of the empire ; but a short time before his death he gave utterance to a firm belief that Christianity would ere long penetrate the furthest corner . of the north : . . . . ' si aliquando propter peccata quodammodo impe- dituin fuerit, quod nos in illis coepi- mus gentibus, non tamen umquam penitus extinguetur, sed fructifica- bit in Dei gratia et prosperabitur, usque quo perveniat nomen Domini ad fines orbis terrae.' Ibid. u. 34. 3 Ibid. o. 19, 20 ; where an ac count is given of the zeal and forti tude displayed by Herigar and other Christians while the mission was suspended. Ardgar ultimately re- turued to his hermitage (? 850). * Anskar hesitated in the first in stance (Vit. c. 22), but was over powered by the king and the Council of Mayence ('847). It appears that the see of Hamburg was now reduc ed, by the desolations of the North men, to four 'baptismal churches.' Ibid. : cf. Giesebrecht's Wendische Geschiehte, I. 161; Berlin, 1843 : Pagi, ad an. 858, §§ 3 Sq. 5 Lappenberg, Hamburg. Urkun4. I. 25. The see of Bremen had been formerly subject to the primate of Cologne, but was by this act trans ferred to Hamburg. —1073] Growth of the Church. 113 His progress was facilitated by disarming, if not absolutely danish1 winning over6, the impetuous Horic, king of Jutland ; Swedish and a number of the Danish Christians, who had long been worshipping in secret, publicly avowed and exercised aibktofthe°ur~ their faith'. The mission now expanded freely on all Chnslwm- sides. It was at this juncture that the Swedes, on the return of the hermit Ardgar, were in want of an authorized in structor ; and accordingly the great apostle of the Northerns, ^£ftZ''*''esh girding up his loins afresh, and taking with him Erimbert8, Sweden: a priest, set out for the court of Olof, King of Sweden9, where he hoped to secure a footing for the Gospel. He was aided by a timely nomination as ambassador to Louis- the-Germanic, and had also the protection of an envoy from the friendly court of Jutland. After hesitating for some time, it was decided by the Swedish nobles that the future toleration of the Christian faith should be determined by appealing to the heathen lots10; which pro- its happy videntially accorded with the earnest prayers of Anskar11. He now left his colleague, Erimbert, in Sweden, and re visited his diocese12 (circ. 854). Another storm was black ening the horizon of the Danish Church : the king of Jutland, who had been a patron of the mission, was sup- Fresh reverse 7 rm ' m r m Denmark: planted by a second Horic, under whom assemblies of the Christian population had been strongly interdicted; 6 'Ille quoque omnia, quas ei Guazbert, who had been expelled ex divina intimabat scriptura, be- from Sweden, now devolved his nigne audiebat, et bona prorsus ac missionary office. Ibid. c. 25, 30. vere salutaria esse laudabat, seque 9 The interview is recorded at his plurimum delectari ac libenter length, ibid. c. 26. Christi gratiam velle promereri.' 10 Eor an account of the northern Vit. Anskar., c. 24. mythology, see the references above, 7 'Multi namque ibi antea erant p. 19, n. 7, to which Mallet's Christiani, qui vel in Dorstado vel Northern Antiquities may be added. in Hammaburg baptizati fuerant, n ' Exeuntes igitur more ipsorum quorum quidam primores ipsius in campum, miserunt sortes : ceci- vici habebantur, et gaudebant fa- ditque sors, quod Dei voluntate cultatem sibi datam christianitatem Christiana religio ibi fundaretur.' suam obBervandi.' Ibid. Vit. Anskar., c. 27. 8 It was on this person that 12 Ibid. c. 28. M.A. I 114 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 DANISH AND SWEDISH CHURCH. soon termi- natt'll. Renewal of the troubles of the Church. Favourable policy of Harald. but a kindlier spirit was ere long infused into the royal counsels; and when Anskar sank beneath his burdens. in 865, he left a flourishing community behind him both. in Schleswig and in Jutland. He was followed in the see of Hamburg-Bremen (865—888) by a prelate of congenial temper. This was. Rimbert1, his biographer and pupil. But the widening irruptions of the pagan Northmen2 counteracted all the. efforts of the missionary, and uprooted many ancient in-* stitutions in the other Christian provinces of Europe.. Eimbert was succeeded by Adalgar3, but the sphere of his labours was still more contracted by the inroads of the Slaves and the Hungarians4. At the opening of the tenth century the throne of Denmark had been filled by a usurper, Gurm, who shewed a bitter hatred to the Church : but in 934, his violence was checked by Henry I. of Germany, who wrested Schleswig from his grasp, and planted there a colony of Christians5. The next king of Denmark, Harald Blaatand, in a long reign of fiity years 1 See the Life of Rimbert (Pertz, II. 765 — 775), written either by a cleric of the diocese of Bremen, or a monk of Corbey, soon after his death. 2 Some of them effected a land ing in Belgium as early as 820, but were lepelled (Palgrave, Hist. of Normandy, I. 255). The Danish invasions of England, and the Nor wegian invasions of Ireland and Scotland, began at the close of the preceding century. Alcuin already speaks of the ' populus paganiis ' in 797 ; Epist. Lix. : al. lxxiv. Opp. I, 78 : cf. Worsaae's Danes and Nor wegians in England, Scotland, and Ireland, passim. They ravaged every part of France and won a per manent settlement in Neustria about 911. Palgrave, 1. 671 sq.: cf. below, pp. 140 sq. 3 Lappenberg, Hamburg. Urkund, I- 43- 4 Adam. Bremensis (who wrote about 1075), Hist. Eccles. lib. I. c. 32 sq. 5 Ibid. lib. I. c. 48—50, and Schrockh, xxi. 344 sq. The new archbishoi of Hamburg-Bremen, Unn., availed himself of this fa vourable turn in the fortunes of the Church, and renewed the mis sion to the heathen. One of the petty kings of South Jutland, Frodo, is said to have been bap tized by [Tnni ; and this led to the establishment of bishoprics at Schleswig, Ripen, and Aarhus. See Council of Ingelheim, A.D. 948 ; and the conflicting account of Adam of Bremen, lib. II. c. 2. Not long after bishoprics were planted at Odensee, in the island of Funen ; at Boskild, in Zealand, as well as at Lund and Dalhy. Wiltsch, Kirch. Geograph. I. 389. -1073] Growth of the Church. 115 DANISH AND SWEDISHCHURCH. (941—991) was favourable6 to the propagation of the Gospel ; and Adaldag, the archbishop of Hamburg-Bremen, actively proceeded in the organizing of the Danish Church. This wprk, however, was again suspended through the violent reaction of the pagans7, headed by the faithless son of Harald, Sveno (Svend), who, on his accession to, the throne, immediately expelled the clergy, and was afterwards the scourge of England8. There, indeed, his fury was at length exchanged for something like repent ance9; and his son, the distinguished Cnut (Canute the §s'.fi^e"1 Great, 1014—1035), who had been espoused to an English %%%** consort, was assiduous in despatching missionaries10 to evangelize his Scandinavian subjects, until Denmark, as a nation, paid her homage unto Christ11. In Sweden, where the elements of strife resembled those of Denmark, little progress had been made in the diffusion of the Gospel12, since the happier days of Anskar. Many seeds, however, planted by his care and watered by the visits of his scholar, Rimbert, still continued to bear fruit. The mission was resumed13 in 930 by Unni fj^^^ 8 Respecting his conversion, see the story of Wittekind, a monk of Corbey, in the Scriptores Rerum German, ed. Meibom. I. 660 ; and cf. Neander, v. 397, 398. 7 Adam. Bremensis, Hist. Eccl. lib. II. c. 15 sq. 8 Ibid. c. 28, 36 : see below, on the 'Limitation of the Church.' 9 He is even said to have la boured in behalf of the religion he had formerly betrayed and perse cuted. Saxo Grammaticus, Hist. Danorum, lib. x. pp. 186 — 188, ed. Stephan. 10 Bishops and priests are said to have been ordained for this purpose by iEthelnoth, the archbishop of Canterbury. Adam. Bremen, lib. 11. v. 36 sq. Miinter, Kirchengesch. von Ddnemark, I. 322. The zeal of Cnut was stimulated at the remem brance of the wrongs inflicted on the Church at large by his persecuting father : and the same motive, min gled with excessive reverence for the pope, impelled him to set out on a pilgrimage to Bome (1027 or 1031): Anglo-Sax. Chron. a'd an. 103 1 : cf. Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, 11. 21 1 sq. 11 The nephew of Cnut, Sveno Estritson, who succeeded to the crown of Denmark in 1044, co operated with Adelbert, the arch bishop of Hamburg-Bremen, in pro pagating the Gospel to the northern islands and elsewhere (Adam. Bre men, lib. iv. c. 16) ; but in Fries land, on the coast of Schleswig, as well as in the corners of North Jut land and of Schonen, paganism sub sisted for a century or more. 12 Adam. Bremen, lib. 1. u. 51. 13 Ibid. lib. 11. c.'2,c. 16. There were atill, however, mauy heathen,- 12 Swedes : 116 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 NOR WEGIAN CHURCH. triumphant under Olaf Skiitkonung. Christianity eventually supreme. Planting of the Gospel in Norway: archbishop of Hamburg ; and some - other neighbouring prelates joined him in his work. The reign of Olaf Skot- konung, commencing with the eleventh century, was marked by a more vigorous advancement on all sides. He was baptized about 1008, and afterwards secured the help of English clergymen, as Sigefrith, Bodulf, Sigeward, and others, who expended all their strength in building up the Scandinavian Churches1. The first bishopric of Sweden2 was now placed at Skara, in West-Gothland, where the Christians more especially abounded; and the policy of future kings, excepting Svend, the latest champion of idolatry3, contributed to swell their numbers. In 1075 the public services of Thor and Odin were all absolutely interdicted by a royal order, and the cause of Christianity henceforth was everywhere triumphant. The first entrance of the Gospel into Norway was effected also through an English channel. Hacon (Hagen) is said to have been educated4 at the court of jEthelstan or but half-converted Christians, even in the north of Sweden : cf. Schrockh, XXI. 361, 362. Among the upper Swedes the pagan system lingered till the middle of the 12th century. 1 Adam. Bremen, lib. II. c. 38, 40, 44. Some of these English mis sionaries (e. g. Wulfrith), by their violent attacks on paganism, aroused the vengeance of the Swedes. 2 It was filled by an Englishman named Turgoth, but his orders were derived from the archbishop of Hamburg, Unwan. Other Swedish bishoprics were soon afterwards founded at Lincbping, Wexib, Up- sala, Strengnaes, and Westerahs. Jealousies appear to have arisen be tween the later prelates of Ham burg-Bremen and the kings of neighbouring states (Adam. Bremen. lib. ill. c. 15 — 17) : but the differ ence was adjusted for a while in the time of archbishop Adelbert, who was (1068) acknowledged as the primate of twelve dioceses ( Wiltscn, Kirchl. Gcograph. I. 390), and also as a kind of Scandinavian pontiff. In 1 104, however, the more northern bishops were subordinated to the metropolitan of Lund. Miinter, Kircheng. II. 76. 3 The pagan party were exas perated by the efforts of Adelward (a bishop sent from Bremen, 1064) to subvert their ancient temple at TJpsala. Adam. Bremen, lib. in. c. 17 ; lib. iv. c. 44. This attempt was prudently resisted by the Chris tian monarch, Stenkil ; but his son Inge ^1067), who yielded to the over-zealous missionaries, was ex pelled by the heathen under Svend, and restored only by the help of his Danish neighbours. 4 This is the account of the Scan dinavian Chroniclers : see the evi dence on both s'.des in Lappenberg, Anglo-Saxon Kings, II. 105, 106. —1073] Growth of the Church. 117 (924—941) ; and on his return to his native country, where nor- he made himself supreme, he laboured, with the aid of church. priests from England, to displace the pagan worship5. ~ His endeavours soon aroused the hatred of his subjects, who accordingly compelled him to take part in their sacrificial rites6, and murdered the promoters of the Chris tian religion. On his death, which was embittered by the thought of his criminal compliance with idolatry, the Northmen were subdued by Harald Blaatand, king of Denmark (962), who, in order to revive a knowledge of the Gospel, had recourse to oppression and the sword. His measures were reversed soon after by the equal violence of Hacon jarl, an implacable opponent of the truth7. It was, however, introduced afresh by Olaf Tryggvason (995 — 1000), who had been converted while engaged in foreign travel8, and was finally- baptized in the Scilly Islands9. Anxious to diffuse the blessings of the Gospel, he took with him into Norway (977) an ecclesiastic of the name of Thangbrand, but their efforts were too often fmaiiysue- thwarted by the violence with which their teaching was accompanied. The jarls, who governed Norway as the envoys from the courts of Denmark and Sweden, after* Olaf was deposed (1000) , extended toleration to the Chris tians, and as soon as the foreign yoke was broken by the 5 See Miinter, as above ; Torfaeus, Germany. In the last mentioned Hist. Norvegica, Pars n. pp. 215 sq. country, he fell in with Thangbrand, ed. Hafniae, 171 1 ; and, for the most a soldier-like priest of Bremen, who ancient authority, the Heimskringla appears to have turned his thoughts (Hist, of Norwegian Kings), by to the consideration of the Gospel. Snorro Sturleson, who died in 124T. 9 He had landed there while en- 6 He finally consented to eat gaged in a piratical expedition. horse-flesh; after drinking in honor Some time before, in conjunction of Odin, Thor, and Bragi [? Fricge]. with Svend of Denmark, he had Torfaaus, Pars II. pp. 219 sq. ravaged all the southern coasts. 7 Ibid. 237 sq. He had been Lappenberg, 11. 157, 158. He was himself a Christian in the previous afterwards confirmed in England, reign, but had apostatized on his ac- which he promised not to visit for cession to the throne. the future as an enemy (Saxon 8 He had travelled in Greece, Chron. A.D. 994). Russia, England, and the north of r 118 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 Icelandic valour of Olaf the Holy (1017—1033), every stronghold1 —Ohurcij. of the pagan system was unsparingly demolished, and the Gospel, partly by instruction4, but still more by dint of arms3, was planted on the ruins. ofheiceZnd.sim Iceland, which was destined to enjoy the highest re putation as a seat of mediaeval learning, had been colonized by the Norwegians in 870. But the tidings of the Gospel did not reach it, or at least made no distinct impression4, till a Saxon prelate, Friedrich, influenced by the reasons of a native chieftain, who had roved the German seas, attempted to secure a footing in 981. He was, however, fiercely counteracted by the scalds (or pagan minstrels) : and after labouring to little purpose, for a period of five years, he gave -up the mission in despair. A fresh attempt was made by Olaf Tryggvason, the king of Norway, who persuaded Stefner, a young Christian Icelander (996), to carry back the Gospel to his fellow-countrymen. His labours also were resisted, as were those of the royal chaplain and ambassador, the military Thangbrand (997 — 999). But the progress of religion in the mother-country 1 See, among other instances, the wegian bishops to "be consecrated account of the destruction of a co- either in England or in Gaul. Lap- lossal ' Thor' in the province of penberg. Hamburg. Urkund. I. 84 : Dalen : Neander, v. 410, 411. Mansi, xix. 942 sq. 2 In this he was assisted by the 3 The sufferings of the heathen founding of schools, and by the la- party predisposed them to assist the bours of ecclesiastics out of England English monarch, Cnut, 1028, in cle- (see above, p. 115, n. 10), some of throning Olaf (Lappenb. II. 215, whom passed forward into Sweden. 216) ; but the fortunes of the Church The Norwegian sees of Nidaros were unaffected by this conquest. (Drontheim), Opslo, Bergen, Ham- 4 We learn f:om Miinter's Ge- mer, and Stavanger, were not or- schichte (as above), 1. 520, that when ganized until the following period the Northmen landed, they found (Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geogr. II. 96) : but some traces of an older Christianity Olaf was the founder of the mother- which had been planted in Iceland church of Drontheim. Nominally by the agency of Irish missionaries : all the Scandinavian churches were cf. Neander, v. 412, note. One of still subject to the archbishopric of the fullest histories of the Icelandic Hamburg, but it seems from a re- Church is that by Finnur Joensen script of pope Alexander II. (1 06 1), (Finus Johannaeus), Hist. Eccles, that it was customary for the Nor- Islandice, Hafniae, 1772 177s. OTHER r—1073] Growth of the Church. 119 rapidly abated the objections of the colonists, and as early as 1000 laws were enacted5 by . the native legislatures uhurcheI favourable to the ultimate supremacy of the Gospel. While ~~ a number of the ancient practices were suffered to remain in secret, it was now determined that all Icelanders should be baptized, and that the public rites of paganism should in future be abolished. A numerous class of natives, as we may suppose, continued to hand down the hereditary creed6 ; but through the teaching of new bands of mission aries7, chiefly English and Irish, they were gradually con verted and confirmed. Afresh accession to the Churches of the North was Tiieoospeiin the distant isle of Greenland, also partly colonized from Norway, at the end of the tenth century. Its apostle was an Icelander, Leif, who entered on his work in 999 : and in 1055 the community of Christians had been fully organized by the appointment of a bishop8. At the same time Christianity was carried to the in the Orkney, • r\ i otii ii -n tii i-i Shetland, and Orkney, Shetland, and the i aroe islands, which v were Faroe J*™*' v 5 This step was facilitated by by Adelbert of Hamburg-Bremen. winning over (some say, with the Miinter, I. 555 sq. . cf. the bull of help of a bribe) the chief-priest Victor II. (1055) confirming the Thorgeir, who was also supervisor privileges of the archbishop of of the legislative acts : Schrockh, Hamburg, in Lappenberg, Hum- xxi. 389. burg. Urkund. 1. 77, and Adam of 6 Some revolting customs, e. g. Bremen, De Situ Daniie, c. 244. the exposing of infants, lingered for The last glimpse of this ancient a while, notwithstanding the attempt Church of Greenland is seen in of Olaf, king of Norway (1019 — 1408. Beligion seems to have ex- 1033), to suppress them: Neander, pired soon after with the swarm of v. 419. Icelandic and Norwegian settlers, 7 One of the most conspicuous who gave place to the present was Bernhard, an Englishman, sent Esquimaux. In 1733, the Moravians into Iceland by Olaf the Holy. In made a fresh attempt to introduce .1056 the first diocesan bishop, Isleif, the Gospel into Greenland. — There was placed at Skaalholt (Adam of is an interesting tradition (Miinter, Bremen, De Situ Daniw, c. 228). 1. 561) of a Saxon or Irish mis- He was consecrated by Adelbert of sionary, who is said to have crossed Hamburg- Bremen. Another see was from Greenland into North-Ame- .founded in 1 105 at Holum. Wiltsch, rica, in 1059, and there to have Kirchl. Geogr. II. 96, n. 8. died a martyr. 8 This was bishop Albert, sent 120 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 moravtan peopled mainly by Norwegians1. In the former cases church. f|ip guccegg of 01af Tryggvason was due in no small measure to the force of arms2; and even in the Faroe Islands, where at first he was able to proceed more calmly, through the medium of an earnest native, Sigmund3, not a few of his efforts were coercive. But the work was after wards resumed, in a better spirit, by succeeding kings of Norway4. AMONG THE SLAVIC OR SLAVONIAN RACES. Propagation of Christianityamong the Slaves. Conversion of Moravia. This large and important family of men5, extending eastward from the Elbe to the Don, and southward from the Baltic to the Adriatic (with a few exceptions6 in Croatia and Carinthia), had continued, till the present period, strangers to the Gospel. The exertions made by Arno, the archbishop of Salzburg (800), were repeated in the time of Louis-le-D^bonnaire, by Urolf, the archbishop of Lorch7 (Laureacum). It was through this channel that the earliest missions were established in Moravia. But the nation was still generally addicted to the pagan worship, when two learned and experienced brothers, monks of the Greek communion, entered on the same arena. These were 1 Worsaae, Danes and Norwegians, &c. pp. 220, 221. 2 See Torfseus, Orcades, Havniae, 1697 : Miinter, I. 548. 3 Torfaeus, De rebus gestis Fcerey- ensium, Havn. 1695 ; Neander, v. 421. 4 On the conversion of the North men who settled in Christian coun tries, see below, § 2, 'Limitation of the Church.' 5 The origin and antiquities of these races have been thoroughly investigated by Shafarik, Slawisclie Alterthilmer, Leipzig, 1843. 6 See above, p. 27. 7 Also called the bishop of Fassau, the two sees having been united since the year 699 (Wiltsch, I. 376) ; but the primate of Laure acum disappears for a century, and then, after a long struggle with the archbishops of Salzburg, dies out entirely (Ibid, 379): tsf. Gieseler, 11. 452, n. 1. —1073] Growth of the Church. 121 Cyril s (Constantine) and Methodius", who had already Moravian been successful in a different field of labour. They arrived CHUBCH- in Moravia, 861 or 862, and by the use of the native tongue in public worship, and the dissemination of the Scriptures", were enabled very soon to gather in a harvest of conversions. But the iealousv which had been xe- J«*«"'<» ° J between the awakened at this time between the Greek and Ijatin $'^a^'d Churches, added to a host of diplomatic reasons on the missions- part of the Moravian princes, made it necessary for the leaders of the mission to secure an understanding with the western pontiff, who was anxious on his part to cul tivate their friendship. Cyril and Methodius went to Bome in 867 ; and the former, either dying on the journey, or (as others say) retiring to a convent, his companion was now chosen by the pope, and consecrated metropolitan of Pannonia and Moravia11. He immediatelv resumed his f"*""™"' J Methodius. 8 Cyril, in 848, was sent by the emperor Michael to instruct the Chazari (also a Slavonian tribe), who bordered on the Greek pos sessions in the Crimea. (Asseman, Kalendar. Universal Ecclesia;, 111. 13 sq. ed. Bom.. 1755.) Some of the natives embraced Christianity, but others were perverted by the Jews and Moslems. See below, p. 134. 9 It is possible that the Metho dius here mentioned is the same person who was instrumental in the conversion of Bulgaria. See below, p. 134: and cf. Schrockh, XXI. 409 sq. There is, however, great diversity in the aecounts of these two eminent missionaries. The most critical are the work of Asseman, quoted in the previous note, and two publications of Do- browsky, Cyrill und Methodius der Sloven Apostel, Prag, 1823, and Mahr.LegendevonCyrillundMethod.,Prag, 1826: cf. also the Bussian version in Nestor's Annates, ed. Schlozer, c. x. ; torn. III. pp. 149 sq. 10 Whether Cyril actually in vented the Slavonic writing, or re modelled some existing alphabet, has been disputed ; but there is no doubt as to his translation of the Scriptures into the language of the people: Neander, v. 434, 435. The following is the account given of their missionary labours : ' Ccepe- runt itaque ad id quod venerant peragendum studiose insistere, et parvulos eorum literas edocere, of- ficia ecclesiastica instruere, et ad correptionem diversorum errorum, quos in populo illo repererant, falcem eloquiorum suorura indu- cere.' Vit. Constantini, § 7 : in Acta Sanctorum, Mart. torn. II. pp. 19 sq. 11 This statement is derived from the title of a letter addressed by John VIII. to Methodius (879), in Boczek, Codex Diplomaticus et Epi- stolaris Moravice (Olomuc. 1836), I. 39 : cf. an earlier letter of the same pontiff (circ. 874) to Louis-the- Germanic. Ibid. 1. 34. It appears also from a rescript 'ad Saloni- tanos clericos' (Mansi, xvn. 129), that Methodius had certain 'epi scopi regionarii ' under him. 122 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 Moravian labours (868) in this new capacity. Soon after, the.political — disturbance, which commenced with the year 870, impelled him to seek refuge in the neighbouring district of Moravia, where the German spirit was supreme, and where a mission had been planted from the see of Salzburg1. As Metho dius was devoted all his life-time to the creed and ritual of the Greeks, and constantly made use of the Slavonic lan guage, he excited the displeasure2 of his German fellow- workers, who, as soon as they found their influence on the wane, did not hesitate to brand him as a traitor to the faith. In 879 he responded to a summons of the pope3, whom he convinced (880) of his orthodoxy4, as well as of the propriety of using the vernacular language5 in the public worship of the Church; and in the following year he was reinstated in his sphere of duty, and invested with still larger powers. But meanwhile a serious misun derstanding had grown up between him and the Moravian Fresh misun derstandingwith the German \ party. 1 See the anonymous account of a priest of Salzburg (quoted in p. 27, n. 10). As late as 865, the archbishop of Salzburg consecrated several churches in this district. 2 Ibid 'usquedum quidam Graecus Methodius nomine, noviter inventis Slavinis Uteris, linguam Latinam doclrinamque Romanam, atque literas auctnrabiles Latinas pliilosophice superducens, vilescere fecit cuncto populo ex parte missas et evangelia, ecclesiasticumque of- ficium illorum, qui hoc Latine ce- lebraverunt. Quod ille [i. e. Bich- bald, the head of the Salzburg mis sion] ferre non valens, sedem repe- tivit Juvaviensem.' 3 Above,p. 121, n.it, and in Mansi, xvii. 133. The drift of the summons was, ' ut veraciter cognoscanius doc- trinam tuam:' cf. Epist. ad Zuven- tapu de Moravna (? Morawa, in Pan- nonia), in Boczek, ubi sup. I. 40. 4 ' Nos autem ilium in omnibus ecclesiasticis doctrinis et utilitati- bus orthodoxum et proficuum esse reperientes, vobis iterum ad re- gendam commis-;am sibi ecclesiam Dei remisimus,' etc. Ep. ad Sphen- lopuleum comilem: Mansi, xvn. 181. Neander (v. 438) infers that the Greek mode of stating the Proces sion of the Holy Ghost was also conceded by this pope. 5 ' Literas denique Sclavonics^ a Constantino quondam philusopho repertas, quibus Deo laudes debits resonent, jure laudamus, et in eadem lingua Christi Domini nostri praeconia et opera ut enarrentur, jubemus...Nec Sanaa fidei vel doo- trinae aliquid obstat, sive missas in eadem Sclavonica lingua canere, sive sacrum Evangelium, vel lec- tiones divinas novi et veteris Tes- tamenti bene translatas et inter- pretatas legere, aut alia horaruin officia omnia psallere.' Ibid. The injunction, therefore, was, that in all the Moravian Churches the Gospel should be first read in Latin and then in Slavonic ('sicut in quibusdam ecclesiis fieri videtur'), . —1073]- Growth of the Church. 123 king, Swatopluk, who succeeded Wratislav, his uncle (870 Bohemian -894). Other influential persons6 in like manner threw - their strength into the German faction, and Methodius, while proceeding with his missionary work in the same earnest spirit as before, was under the necessity of vin dicating himself a second time from the calumnies of his opponents. He set out for Borne in 881 ; but as there is no certain trace7 of him after this date, it has been inferred that he did not survive the journey. His Slavonic co adjutors are said to have been subsequently banished from Moravia8; and although a strong reaction was pro duced by the ensuing reign of Moimar, who was able to dissociate the Moravian Church entirely from the inter meddling of the German0, all his projects were defeated in 908, when the armies of adjacent countries, more Destruction of •li-ni • itt • ii i • Moravian in- especially Uohemians and Hungarians, trampled on his dependence. crown. For nearly thirty years the progress of the Gospel in Moravia was retarded by these straggles; and when Moravian Christians reappear on the page of history, they are subject to the bishops of Bohemia. Afterwards a see was established at Olmtitz10. The first seeds of religion had been scattered in TheGospeim Bohemia by the same active hand11. Its duke, Borziwoi, was 6 e. g. The bishop of Neitra, vians as a violation of the rights of Wiching (a German), whom the the bishop of Passau, and of the papal rescript, above quoted, n. 5, German Church at large, from had subordinated to Methodius : see whom, as it is alleged, the conversion the letter of the same pope (88i), of Moravia had proceeded. Boczek, ubi sup. I. 44 : Asseman, 10 See Wiltsch, 1. 361, 363. Some Kalend. Vnivers. Eccl. HI. 159 sq. place the foundation of this see at 7 See Dobrowsky, Cyrill und Me- the year 1062. thodius, pp. 115 sq. J1 The following entry in the 8 Ibid. Fuldenses Annates, a.d. 845, will 9 On the jealousy excited by these take us back somewhat further : con'roversies, see the remonstrance 'Hludowicus 14 ex dueibus Boe- of Theotmar, archbp. of Salzburg, manorum cum bominibus suis Chris- and of Hatto, archbp. of Mayence, tianam religionem desiderantts sus- addressed to pope John IX. (900 — cepit, et in octavis Theophaniae bap- 901): Mansi, xviii. 203, 205. They tizari jussit.' Pertz, I. 364. view the independence of the Mora- 124 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 bohemian converted by Methodius1 (circ. 871), while on a visit to CHURCH i '— the court of the Moravian king,' Swatopluk, who was at that time his feudal lord. On his return to his own dominions, he took with him a Moravian priest, by whom his wife, Ludmilla2, afterwards conspicuous in devotion, was admitted to the Christian fold. But heathenism3, in spite of her untiring efforts and the piety of Wratislav her son, maintained its rule in almost every district of Bohemia ; and the struggle was prolonged into the reign of her grandson Wenzeslav4 (928-936), who seems to have inherited her faith and saintliness of life. He was mur dered at the instigation of his pagan brother, Boleslav the Cruel, and for many years the little band of Christians had to brave a most bitter persecution. In 950, Boleslav was conquered by the armies of the German empire, under Otho I. ; which paved a way to the establishment and wider propagation of the truth. Still more was effected by the sterner policy of Boleslav the Pious (967 —999); in whose reign also a more definite organization was imparted to the whole of the Bohemian Church by founding the bishopric of Prague5. It was filled in 983 Adelbert, by a learned German, Adelbert (or Wogteich) . Noted o^fragul': for the warmth of his missionary zeal", he laboured, with 1 This point is not quite estab- Wratislav, who is charged with the lished, but the evidence in favour of assassination of Ludmilla. it is considerable. Dobrowsky, i See the Life of Wenzeslav (Wen- Cyrill und Method, p. 106 : Mahr. ceslaus); Acta Sanctor. Sept. VH. Legende, p. 114: cf. Neander, v. 825. 442, note. 5 Wiltsch, I. 361, 363, n. 22: but 2 See one Life of Ludmilla, ad- the rescript attributed to John XIII., dressed to bishop Adelbert of Prague, confirming the foundation of the about 985, in Acta Sanctorum, Sept. bishopric, is spurious. Jaffe-, Regesta torn. v. 354, and a second in Dob- Pontif. p. 947. The first prelate ner's contribution to the Abhand- was Diethmar, a monk of lungen der bohmisch. Gesellschaft der burg : see Cosmas Pragensis, who Wissenschqften, for 1786, pp. 4i7sq. wrote a Bohemian Chronicle about But neither of these Legends is of 1 100 : torn. I. pp. 1993 sq. in much historical value. Mencken. Script. Rer. Germanic. 3 At the head of this party was 6 He finally died a martyr in 997, Dragomir or Drahomira, wife of while seeking to convert the Prus- —1073] Growth of the Church. 125 the aid of Boleslav, to drive out the surviving elements polish of paganism, by circulating a more stringent code of CHPRCijv disciplinary injunctions7. The imprudent haste and harsh ness of his measures, added to the national dislike of every thing Germanic, soon compelled him to resign his post, when he retreated to a convent. In 994, he was ordered to resume his duties by the voice of the Roman synod8, and reluctantly obeying the injunction he returned into Bohemia; but the jealous spirit he had stirred in the Slavonian populace ere long ejected him hti expulsion. afresh. His policy however was triumphantly established in the time of Severus9 a later primate (1038—1067) ; for although the Slavo-Latin ritual10, as imported from Moravia, was still cherished here and there, it graduallv retired Triumph of the ° J German spirit. before the influence of the Boman or Germanic ' uses.' As the Gospel had passed over from Moravia to Bo hemia, so the latter was the instrument of God for planting it among the kindred tribes of Poland. Their dominion TheGospa " in Poland. sians, in the neighbourhood of Dant- secundum ritus aut sectam Bulgarice zig. See a Life of A delbert in Pertz, . gentis, vel Ruzice aut Sclavonicce VI. 574. He had also laboured in linguce, sed magis sequens instituta a mission to the Hungarians, see et decreta apostolica, ' Sec. Boczek, below, p. 138. The etforts of Adel- Codex Diplomaticus Morav. I. 86. bert in behalf of the ferocious Prus- But spurious though this rescript is, sians were repeated by Bruno, the a multitude of better proofs assure court-chaplain of Otho III. : but he us that the question here suggested too perished in 1008, together with was a source of much dispute. See eighteen of his companions. Act. the account of a struggle between Sanct. Ord. Benedict, vm. 79 sq. the Latin and Slavonic services at 7 Among other things he com- the c invent of Sasawa, in Mencken. bated polygamy, clerical concu- Script. Rer. German, m. 1782 sq. binage, arbitrary divorces, the traffic After a vehement letter of Grpgory in Christian slaves which was largely VII. (1080) to Wratislav, duke of carried on by Jews, &c. See the Bohemia, prohibiting the use of the Life of Adelbert, as above : and cf. Slavonic ritual (Mansi, xx. 296), Schrockh, XXI. 440, 441. the monks who adhered to the use of 8 See both the Lives of him, in it were (in 1097) expelled, and their Pertz, VI. 589, 602. service-books destroyed (Mencken. 9 Schrockh, XXI. 442 sq. 17S8). In some parts of Bohemia, 10 One of the conditions men- the vernacular ritual was revived, or tinned in the rescript which relates kept its ground ; and one convent in to the founding of the see of Prague the suburbs of Prague retains it at is to the effect that Divine service this day. Gieseler, 11. 458, n. 1 7, shall in future be performed 'non 126 tfrowtfi of the u/iurcn. [A.D . 814 POLISH CHURCH. Adoption of coercive measures. at this period was extending northward to the Netze, and embraced all the modern province of Silesia. In 966, the Polish duke1, Mjesko or Miecislav, who had married a Bohemian princess (Dambrowka), was converted to the Christian faith ; and many of the courtiers following his example were baptized on the same occasion. But his violent suppression of the pagan worship (967), as in cases we have seen already, could not fail to produce an ob stinate resistance2 on the part of the uninstrucred. In the following reigns, when Poland for a time was no more a feudatory of the German empire, this obnoxious policy continued ; and the slightest violation of the canons of the Church was punished by the civil power8. A fresh impulse was communicated to the progress of religion by the reign4 of Casimir I. (1034-1058), who was previously an inmate either of the Benedictine house at Clugny, or of a German convent at Braunweiler. By him all the ritual of the Church, that had hitherto retained a portion of the impress it derived from the Christians of Moravia and Bohemia5, was brought into more general agree ment with the liturgies and customs of the West6. 1 See Thietmar (or Ditmar), Chro- nicon, lib. Iv. c. 35 : in Pertz, v. 783, and the Polish historian, Mar- tinus Gallus (who wrote about 1 130), lib. 1. c. 5, ed. Bandtkie, 1824: cf. Schrockh, xxi. 491 sq., where the traces of a somewhat older Chris tianity have been collected. 2 Accordingly we find that the Gospel had made little progress in 980 : Schrockh, xxi. 496. For some time there was but one Polish bishopric, that of Posen, founded (it is said) by the Emperor Otho I. in 970, and subordinated to the metro politan of Magdeburg. When Po land, in the following century, be came an independent kingdom, the archbishopric of Gnesen took the lead of other sees (including Col- berg, Cr .cov, and Wratislav or Bres- lau) which were founded. Wiltsch, I. 395 — 397 : cf. Schrockh, xxi. 497 sq. A council was held in Poland (1000) by the Emperor Otho III. Mansi, xix. 267. 3 e.g. 'Quicunque post septua- gesimam carnein manducasseinveni- tur, abscisis dentibus graviter puni- tur. Lex namque divina in his regionibus noviter exorta poteslate tali, melius quam jejunioab episcopis instituto, corroborate:' Thietmar, Chron. lib. vm. c. 2. 4 The strange circumstances con nected with bis elevation are re lated in Martinus Gallus, Chroni- con, as above; and Cromer, de Re bus Polonorum, lib. iv. p. so. ed. Colon. V See Friese, Kirchengeschichle des Konigreichs Poland, I. 61 sq., Bres- lau, 1786. 6 As early as 10 12, the king of —1073] Growth of the Church. 127 In addition to the tribes already folded in the Christian wenmsii Church, were others also of Slavonic blood, most commonly entitled Wends. They had settled in the districts border- ^'/™X«'L l among Vends. ing the Elbe, the Oder, and the Saale, and were already tuT\ve\ vassals of the German empire. Like the Northern Saxons of the former period, they were men of a fierce and in domitable spirit, who regarded the persuasions of the missionary as designed to perpetuate their bondage. This political repugnance to his visits was increased by his im perfect knowledge of the Slavic dialects'; and as their nationality was more and more endangered by the heavy yoke8 of their oppressors, they were constantly attempting to regain their independence, and extinguish the few glim merings of truth that had been forced into their minds. Accordingly, the progress of religion in those districts had been slow and superficial ; but the death of their conqueror, Henry I., in 936, was followed by a different mode of treat ment, and a somewhat larger measure of success. Desirous of promoting their conversion, Otho I. founded many bishoprics9 among the Wends, and placed them under the direction of a better class of men, — of missionaries who had Foundation of several been distinguished by their skill in other fields of labour. iis,i°p™s- In 946 a prelate of this kind was sent to Havelberg; Poland, Boleslav, betrays a strong mentandis, quam animabus Domino leaning to the Church of Borne conquirendis.' (Thietmar, Chronic, lib. VI. u. 56), 9 Wiltsch, 1. 394, 395. The and many of his successors carried bishopric of Cizi (Zeiz) was in 1029 this feeling of deference much transferred to Naumbuig; that of further. Aldinburg (Oldenburg) was trans- 7 See a striking exemplification of ferred to Lubeck in 1163, and was this in Thietmar's Chronicon, lib. II. from the first a suffragan of the c. 23 (Pertz, V. 755). archbishopric of Hamburg-Bremen, 8 'Quibus mens pronior est ad and not, like the rest, of Magdeburg. pensiones vectigalium quam ad con- It seems to have been afterwards versionem gdntilium,' was the cen- divided, and two other bishoprics es- sure passed upon the German con- tablished, for a time, at Batzeburg querors by the then king of Den- and Mecklenburg. See the Chroni- mark. Neander, v. 446, note. The con Slavorum by Helmold, a mis- same is the complaint of the Chro- sionary at Bosov, about 11 50, in nicler Helmold (lib. I. c. 21). Leibnitz's Scriptores Brunsv. II. 537 ' Semper proniores sunt tributis aug- sq. 128 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 wendish another to Aldenburg, in 948 ; a third to Brandenburg, in ^L_949. Those of Meissen (Misna), Cizi, and Merseburg followed in 968, and in that, or in the previous year, the organization of the Wendish Church was finished by erect ing the metropolitical see of Magdeburg, according to a plan propounded by the council of Bavenna1 (967). The first primate, Adelbert, had been educated in the monastery of Treves, and is said to have been chosen several years before to plant a fruitless mission in a distant tribe of Slaves2. His present work was also thwarted by a general insurrection of the heathen Wends, assisted by unstable soldiers of the cross. Impatient of the German rule, or maddened by some special grievances occurring at the time, they ravaged3 all the neighbouring districts, more especially the seats of missionary enterprise ; and though the leader of the movement, Mistewoi, a Christian, afterwards deplored his furious onslaught, it was long ere the wounds he had inflicted on the Church were altogether healed. A salutary change is dated from the reign of his holy grandson, Gottschalk, who is famous in the German annals as the founder of the Wendish empire (1047). He was trained in a Christian school at Luneburg, and the military ardour he had shewn at an earlier period was eventually di rected to the propagation of the Gospel*. Aided by an ample The zeal and martyrdomof king Gottschalk. 1 Mansi, xvni. 501 — 503 ; cf. Schrockh, XXI. 482 sq. One object of the Emperor in urging the foun dation of this new archbishopric ap pears to have been a wish to abridge the inordinate power of the see of Mayence. The pall was sent to the new German primate in 968. Mansi, Xix. 5. 2 It is generally supposed that the Slavonic tribe in question was that of the Russians; but Neander (v. 447. 45 2) argues that the Slavonians in the isle of Riigcn were intended by the chroniclers. 3 See Helmold, as above, lib. I. c. 14 sq., Giesebrecht's Wendische Geschichten (from 780 to 1182), I. 257; Berlin, 1843. When Mistewoi professed himself a Christian, after his repentance, he was compelled to retire from the scene of his impiety, and died at Bardevik. Helmold, ibid. u. 16. 4 He is even said to have preached, or expounded, the Gospel to his sub jects : ' Sane magnae devotionis vir dicitur tanto religionis Divines exarsisse studio, ut sermonem ex- hortationis ad populum frequenter in ecclesia ipse fecerit, ea scilicet, quas ab episcopia vel preabyteris -^107a] Growth of the Church. 129 staff of clerics, whom he drew more especially from the kitssian CHURCH archbishopric of Bremen5, he proceeded with unwavering - zeal in the conversion of his people. Yet so strongly were they wedded to their heathen creed, that after labouring among them twenty years he fell a victim to his Christian fervour (1066), dying6, with a number of his chief assistants, in the midst of revolting tortures. Prom this period the f^l^™ of reaction in behalf of paganism went on rapidly increasing, until few', if any, traces of the mission had been left. Meanwhile, another family of Slaves, united by a line conversion of 7 J ' J the Russians; of Scandinavian8 princes, were engrafted on the Eastern Church. The Bussians had now gradually expanded from the neighbourhood of Moscow, on one side to the Baltic, on the other to the Euxine Sea. Their predatory and com mercial habits brought them pointedly before the notice of the emperors and prelates of the East, and efforts seem to have been made as early as 866 to evangelize9 the warlike tribes that bordered on the Greek dominions. It is proba- mystice dicebantur, cupiens Slavicis * Beligion seems to have been verbis reddere planiora.' Helmold, kept alive in some measure among ibid. c. 20. the Sorbi (between the Elbe and ¦ 6 Bremen, as the point of de- the Saale), through the zealous parture for the northern missions, efforts of Benno, bishop of Meissen seems to have been a rallying-place (1066 — 1106). See a Life of him for all kinds of unfortunate ecclesi- in Mencken. Script. Rer. German. astics: ',Confluebant ergo in curiam II. 1857 sq. But in other districts ejus [i. e. of Adelbert, or Albrecht, what is stated by the Chroniclers the archbishop] multi sacerdotes will too generally apply: 'Slavi et religiosi, plerique etiam episcopi, seivitutis jugum armata manu sub- qui sedibus suis exturbati mensee moverunt, tantaque animi obstinan- ejus erant participes, quorum sar- tia libertatem defendere nisi sunt, ut cina ipse allevari cupiens transmisit prius maluerint mori quam christi- eos in latitudinem gentium.' Ibid. anitatis titulum resumere, aut tributa c. 22 : cf. Adam of Bremen, Hist. solvere Saxonum principibus.' Hel- Eccl. c. 142. mold. ibid. c. 25. 6 The place of his death was 8 Cf. Milman's note on Gibbon, Leutzen. The last victim was the v. 304. Euric, the father of this aged bishop of Mecklenburg, who, dynasty, became the king of Bussia after he had been dragged .through in 862. the chief cities of the Wendish 9 Photius, the patriarch of Con- kingdom, was sacrificed to the war- stantinople (Epist. II. p. 58, ed. god, Badegost, whose temple stood Montague : cf. Pagi, in Baronii An- at Bethre. Helmold, ibid. u. 23. nates, a.d. 861), in writing against M. A. K 130 Growth of the Vhurch. [a. d. b14 RUSSIAN CHURCH. their depen dence on the Church of Constanti nople. ble that sundry germs of Christianity1 were carried home already by invaders, who at this and later times had prowled upon the Bosphorus ; and in 945 we see distincter traces of the progress of the Gospel, more especially in Kiev2. But the baptism3 of the princess Olga, who is reverenced as the 'Helena' of Bussian Christianity, was the commence ment of a brighter . period in the triumphs of the faith (circ. 955). Her son, indeed, Sviatoslavl. (955—972) resisted all her gentle efforts to embrace him in the Christian fold ; but the suggestions she instilled into the heart of Vladimir, her grandson, led the way, after many painful struggles4, to his public recognition of the Gospel (circ. 980). On his marriage with the sister of the Byzantine emperor, the Church of Bussia was more intimately bound to the orthodox the pretensions of the Boman see (866) exults in the conversion of the Bussians, by the agency of Eastern missionaries : but his statement is extravagant and overcoloured. See Mouraviev's Hist, of the Church of Russia, p. 8, translated by Black- more, Oxf. 1842. An attempt has been made by the archimandrite Macarius, Hist, of Christianity in Russia before St Vladimir (St Pe- tersb. 1846) to establish a tradition of the middle ages that St Andrew preached the Gospel in Bussia. 1 In a catalogue of sees subject to Constantinople, there is mention of a metropolitan of Bussia as early as 89 1 (Mouraviev, as above, p. 9) : yet many of these earlier accounts are not trustworthy throughout. The great authority is Nestor, a monk of Kiev, who wrote in the eleventh century. His Chronicle has been edited in part, with a Valuable commentary, by Schlbzer, Giittingen, 1802 — 1809. 2 In a treaty between king Igor and the Byzantine court (945), there is an allusion to Bussian (Varagian) converts and to a church dedicated in honour of the prophet Elias, at Kiev, the ancient capital of the empire. Nestor, Annal. iv. 95 sq. ed. Schlozer. Kiev became an episcopal see in 988. Wiltsch, I. 42?' This took place at Constanti nople, whitber she repaired in order to obtain a knowledge of the truth. The emperor Constan tine Porphyrogenitus was her god father. Nestor, v. 58 sq. There is some reason for supposing that she made an application to the German emperor, Otho I., in 959 or 960, requesting him to lend assistance in promoting the exten sion of the faith : see above, p. 128, n. 2 ; and cf. Schrockh, XXI. 515 — 5 1 7- 4 At first he was like his father, ardently devoted to the pagan wor ship : he was solicited in succession by Muhammedan and Jewish mis sionaries from Bulgaria and ad jacent parts (Mouraviev, pp. 10, 1 1) ; and then, after oscillating (it is said) between the Greek and Roman rites, determined to accept the former. See a fragment, De Conversione Russorum, published by Banduri, in the Imperium, —1073] Growth of the Church. 131 communions of the East5 ; and missionaries from Constanti- Bulgarian nople ardently engaged in softening and evangelizing the — remoter districts of the kingdom. Aided by the royal bounty, they erected schools and churches in the leading towns, and making use of the Slavonic Bible and other Service-books, which were translated to their hands by Cyril and Methodius6, they obtained a ready entrance to the native population, and the Church as an effect of their judicious zeal expanded freely on all sides. In the time7 of Leontius, metropolitan of Kiev, the formation of a number of episcopal sees8 presented a substantial basis for the future conquests of the truth ; and under two immediate successors of Vladimir (1019—1077), their empire had been christianized completely. But the fierce irruption of the Mongols (1223), resulting as it did in their occupation of the country till 1462, was fatal to the health and progress of the Bussian state; although the unity of purpose now imparted to it by religion enabled it to wrestle with the infidels, and finally to drive them out. Another tribe, in part at least if not entirely, of Slavonic The Gospel origin9 was now united to the Eastern Church. It was the Bulgarians. Orientate, II. 62 sq. and Neander's 6 See above, p. 121 ; Mouraviev, note, v. 453. He was finally bap- p. 8. tized at Cherson (on the Dnieper), 7 Ibid. p. 16. The next king, where a bishopric was already Yaroslav, added greatly to the num- planted, and on his return to Kiev ber of the schools and churches, proceeded to destroy the monu- and even translated many books of ments of heathenism, particularly devotion, p. 20. He was also the the images of Peroun, the god chief founder of the Bussian con- of thunder: Mouraviev, pp. 13, vents, which adopted the Bule of j, the Studium monastery at Constan- 5 This was still further shewn tinople. Ibid. p. 24. by the adoption of the Greek canon- 8 e.g. of Novogorod, of Eostov, law, as well as of the Constanti- Chernigov, Vladimir, and Belgorod. nopolitan service-books, &c. Mou- During the oppression of the Mon- raviev, pp. 17, 357. Greeks, in like gols, which lasted two hundred manner, were employed in con- years, the metropolitical chair was structing the first Bussian churches transferred to Vladimir, and finally (Ibid. 161), and introducing the cho- in 1320 to Moscow. rai music of Constantinople, (Ibid. 9 Gibbon, V. 290, 291, ed. Mil- p 2 2) man : Schrockh, XXI. 399. K 2 132 Growth of the Church. |A-D- «14 Bulgarian tribe of the Bulgarians, who were driven by the onward — march of population to the southern borders of the Danube,. where they founded a considerable state in Dardania, Macedonia, and Epirus. While a party of their ruder kinsmen on the Volga were embracing the Koran1, a wish had been inspired into the others for instruction in the doctrine of the Gospel. In 811 many hordes of the Bul garians, after vanquishing Nicephorus I., pursued their devastations to the city of Adrianople, and among the other captives carried off its bishop and a multitude of Chris tians. In this way it is likely that the seeds of truth2 were scattered in Bulgaria. Somewhat later, Constantine, a captive monk, endeavoured to mature them, and his hands were strengthened by a princess of the country, who was educated as a Christian at Constantinople, whither she had been transported in the wars. By her suggestions, and a spirit-stirring picture of the day of judgment, furnished to her by a Grecian monk and artist, her brother, Bogoris3, the Bulgarian king, (in 863 or 864) was drawn to listen to her creed ; and as the agency by which he had been won proceeded from the Eastern Church, the patriarch of Con stantinople, Photius, entered on the task of training him more fully in the rudiments of truth, and of planting it among his subjects4. But he seems at first to have been dissatisfied with the ground on which he stood: and either from a wish to obviate the lack of an efficient ?we7ntLbe~ clergy> and tne jangling and uncertainty produced by Roman and Bi/zantinepatiarelis. j The Cal;pnj Mukted;rj sent Neander) v. 433, 434. It seems missionaries among them in 921, doubtful whether the present artist, at the request of tbeir own chief- whose name is Methodius, was tain, to complete their training in identical with the missionary of the system of Muhammed: cf. a that name, whom we have seen Bussian work quoted by Gieseler, above, p. 121. Bogoris after his bap- II. 486, n. 2. tism was called Michael, the Greek 2 See the continuation of Theo- emperor Michael III. standing as phanes, in the Seriptorcs Byzantin. his god-father, by proxy. ed. Venet. p. 100. * Photii Epist. 1. ;'ed. Lond. 3 Ibid. lib. IV. c. 13 — 15^ cf. 1651. -^1073] Growth of the Church. 133 rival missions5, or from a lower and political dislike to Bulgarian be involved in more intimate relations with the court of CHPRCH- Byzantium, he soon afterwards betook himself for counsel to the Christians of the West. In 866 or 867 an embassy was sent to Batisbon, invoking the assistance of Louis II.8, and either then, or a short time earlier, envoys were directed to the pope. Accordingly, in the following year, two Italian bishops7 set out for Bulgaria, bearing with them a long series of directions and decisions from the pen of Nicholas I. As we shall see at large hereafter, this new act of inter vention in the bounds of a diocese already occupied by others, added fuel to the flames of jealousy and envy, which had long been growing up between the pontiffs of the Greek and Latin Church. As at an earlier period, they were not slow in exchanging fulminations8 ; during which the capricious author of the storm went over to the side 5 It seems, from the letter of Nicholas I. (below, n. 7), that missionaries of different nations were labouring in Bulgaria, and propounding different doctrines, so that the people hardly knew whom to believe: 'multi ex diversis locis Christiani advenerint, qui prout vo luntas eorum existit multa et varia loquuntur, id est, Graeci, Armeni, et ex casteris locis :' c. 106. 6 Annates Fuldens. a.d. 866 (Pertz, I. 379) : 'Legati Bulgarum Badesponam ad regem venerunt, dicentes regem illorum cum populo non modico ad Christum esse con- versum, simulque petentes, ut rex idoneos praedicatores Christianas re- ligionis ad eos mittere non differret.' The emperor appointed a bishop to gether with a staff of priests and deacons, who might undertake the mission, but on arriving at Rome they found that the pope had al ready sent auxiliaries enough for the occasion. Ibid. A. D. 867 : cf. Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, I. 99 sq. 7 Vit. Nicotai, in Vignol. Lib. Pontif. III. 210, 211. In 867 other missionaries, priests, and bishops, were dispatched to Bul garia (Ibid. pp. 212, 213), 'ut, quia ipsum Formosum [the archbishop designate of Justiniana Prima in Bulgaria] plebem dimittere sibi cre- ditam non oportebat episcopum, ex his presbyteris ad archiepisco- patum eligatur, et sedi conse- crandus apostolicae mittatur.' The copious answer of Nicolas to the questions of the Bulgarian envoys will be found in Mansi, XV. 401 sq. Among other passages of this memorable document there is an emphatic condemnation of com pulsory conversions, such as Bo goris appears to have attempted: c. 41. 8 See the encyclical epistle of Photius to the Oriental patriarchs, in his Epist. ed. Lond. 165 1, pp. 47 sq. The following is a specimen of his vehement language : Kal yap 5^, Kal airb twv ttjs 'IraXias uep&v ffviioducrj tis eiriaroX^ irpos 134 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 814 OTHER SLAVONIC CHURCHES. Bulgarian finally an nexed to the Eastern Church. Partial con version of the Chazars. of Photius and immediately 1 compelled the Boman mission to withdraw. The Church of Bulgaria was now organized afresh, according to the Eastern model, and continued for a while dependent on the see of Constantinople2. The Chazars, who dwelt in the vicinity of the Crimea, on the borders of the eastern empire, followed the example of Bulgaria; though the preachers of the Gospel had to struggle with a host of proselyting Jews, as well as with the propagandists of Islamism3. About 850, some inquiring members of this tribe implored the emperor (Michael III.) to send a well-instructed missionary among them ; and the agent chosen for that work was Constantine (or Cyril), ijfids avaireg^olrnKcv, dp'prrriov ey- Kkvp-aTiov ye'fiovoa, driva Kara. toO oIkcIov abruiii iTiaKbirov ol r-hy 'Ira- \iav olKowres fiera iroWijs Kara- Kpiercois Kal bpKoiv fivpliov Siewe'p.- tpavro, Liij wapibciv avrobs oiircos oUrp&s bXKup.e'i'ovs, Kal birb rrfki- Kabr-ns j3apclas Tie^ocievovs rvpav- vldos, Kal robs lepariKobs vbfiovs bfipi- fo/Afaovs, Kal TrdvTas deapobs iKK\n- alas avarpeirope'vovs, p. 59. The emperors of the East supported Photius, and when their letters were forwarded by Bogoris to Borne, the pope in his turn (867) issued an encyclical epistle to Hincmar archbishop of Rheims and the other archbishops and bishops of France, denouncing the Greek Church on various grounds, (ste below on the 'Schism between the Eastern and Western Churches,') and especially the envy of the Byzantine patri arch because the king of Bulgaria had sought 'a sede B. Petri insti- tutores et doctrinam.' Mansi, XV. 355- 1 'Magna sub velocitate' is the language of Hadrian II. (869), when he laboured to re-establish his ju risdiction in Bulgaria. Vignol. Lib. Puntif. m. 253: but the Boman missionaries were immediately ex pelled. A fragment of a letter writ ten by the pope to Ignatius, pa triarch of Constantinople, on the consecration of the Greek arch bishop of Bulgaria is preserved in Mansi, xvi. 414, and in XVII. 62, 67, 68, 129, 131, 136, are letters from John VI II., in which he la boured to convict the Eastern em perors and prelates of a breach of duty iu withdrawing the Bulgarians from the papal empire. In the first of this series of remonstrances he warns king Michael (Bogoris) of the errors of the Greeks, and adds : ' Mihi credite, non gloriam ex vo- bis, vel honorem, aut censum ex- pectantes, non patriae regimen et reipublicae moderamen adipisci cupi- mus ; sed diceceseos ejusdem regiouis curam et dispositionem resuniere volumus.' 3 Le Quien, Oriens Christianus, I. 104. 3 See the Life of Constantine (Cyril) above referred to, p. 121: 'Cazarorum legati veneiunt, oran- tes ac supplicantes, ut dignaretur [addressing the emperor Michael, circ. 850] mittere ad illos aliquem eruditum virum, qui eos fidem ca- tholicam veraciter edoceret, adjici- entes inter castera, quoniam nunc Juda?*i ad fidem suam, modo Saraceni ad suam, nos convertere e contrario moliuntur.' § 1. —1073] Growth of the Church. 135 afterwards conspicuous for his zeal in building up the other Churches of Moravia and Bohemia4. Many of the natives, churches. touched by his glowing sermons, were converted to the ~ truth, and permanently associated with the see of Con stantinople. Still as late as 921, their leading chieftain was a Jew, and others were addicted to the system of Muhammed5. The Chrobatians or Croats, who had emigrated in conversion of the seventh century from Poland to the region6 bounded by the Adriatic and the Saave, were christianized in part, at the commencement of this period. It is said' that a Boman mission was dispatched among them, at the wish of their chieftain, Porga, which resulted in their subsequent connexion with the pontiffs of the West. Here also may be noted the conversion of some kindred gj|f^?*ra>«.- tribes who were impelled into the interior of Hellas8. They were gradually brought under the Byzantine yoke, and; after the Bulgarians had embraced the offers of the Gospel, they attended to the exhortations of the missionaries sent among them by the emperor Basil (circ. 870). The evangelizing of the larger tribe of Servians, who Tht ff* as the encroachments of successive pontiffs, — Leo IX. daim- (1048), Victor II. (1054), Stephen X. (1057), Benedict X. (1058), Nicholas II.7 (1059), and Alexander II. (1061-1073). A field was thus preparing for that mighty conflict of the secular and sacerdotal powers, which was doomed under Gregory VII. to agitate the Christian Church in every province of the west. But while the arm of the papacv grew stronger in Effect of these 1 1 J ° ° claims on the proportion to the weakness of the Carlovingian monarchs ; ^Xttm" while it rapidly extended its possessions, in the east as far as Hungary, and up to Greenland in the north, the augment ation of its power was followed, as a natural result, by the curtailment of the privileges of the metropolitan bishops. Hincmar felt these fresh invasions more acutely than his neighbours : he objected to the intermeddling of the pontiff in the case of an appeal to Bome, upon the ground that such an act was fatal to episcopacy8 in general ; and when afterwards a papal vicar, with extraordinary powers, was nominated for the Gallican and German churches, the same class of prelates openly disputed the appointment ; they protested that they would not acquiesce in novelties 6 He was seconded throughout by to an ill-defined acquiescence of Peter Damiani, cardinal bishop of the emperor. See the best version Ostia, who was equally anxious to of this act in Pertz, Leges, n. Ap- abolish simony, to check the immo- pend. p. 177 : and cf. Hallam, Middle rality of the priesthood, and to widen Ages, ir. 180 (10th ed.). the dominions of the pope. 8 ' Hanc tenete,' are the words he 7 Tids pontiff, on the death of puts into the mouth of his Ro- the emperor (Henry III.) effected manizing nephew, ' et evindicate an important change in the relations mecum compilationem " [i.e. the of the papacy, by which it was de- Pseudo-Isidore decretals], et nulli termined that the pope should in nisi Romano pontifici debebitis sub- future be elected by the cardinals jectionem ; et dissipabitis mecum (bishops, priests, and deacons), with Dei ordinationem in communis epi- the concurrence of the rest of the scopalis ordinis discrelam sedibus dig^ Roman clergy and laity, and subject nitatem.' Hincmar, Opp. II. 559, 560. 152 Constitution of the Church. [A. D. 814 ORGANIZA TION. lis virtual supersession. internal put forward by the delegate of Bome, except in cases where his claims to jurisdiction could be shewn to be compatible with ancient laws and with the dignity of metropolitans1. A recent law demanding vows of absolute obedience to the pope2, on the conferring of the pallium, served to deepen this humiliation of the western primates ; and in newly-planted churches, where the metropolitan constitution was adopted, under Boman influence, it was seldom any better than a shadow. Though the primates usually confirmed the bishops of their province, and were still empowered to receive appeals from them and from their synods, they were rigorously watched, and overruled in all their sacred functions, by the agents or superior man dates of the Pope3. The notion had diffused itself on every side, that he was the ' universal bishop ' of the Church4, 1 Hincmar, Opp. II. 719. 2 Cf. above, p. 147, n. 9. The first case on record is that of Anskar, the apostle of the North. He had received the pallium as archbishop of Hamburg (above, p. in), without any such condition : but when Ni cholas I. (864) confirmed the union of the two sees of Hamburg and Bremen (above, p. 112), he an nounced to Anskar that it was granted on condition, that himself and his successors not only acknow ledge the six general councils, but profess on oath to observe with all reverence 'decreta omnium Bomanae sedis praesulum et epistolas quas sibi delatse fuerint.' Lappenberg, Hamb. Urhunden-buch, 1. 21. In 866 Nicholas was under the neces sity of upbraiding Hincmar, among other acts of disrespect, for not using the pallium 'certis tem- poribus:' Mansi, xv. 753. On the rapid alteration of the views of prelates with regard to the impor tance of this badge, see Pertsch (as above, p. 40), pp. 145. 3 Among the latest champions for the metropolitan system in its struggle with the papacy, were the archbishops of Milan : see the con temporary account of Arnulph (a Milanese historian), in Muratori, Rerum Ilal. Script, iv. 11 sq. When Peter Damiani and Anselm, bishop of Lucca, were sent as papal legates to Milan in 1059, 'ms protesting spirit was peculiarly awakened: ' Factione clericorum repente in populo murmur exoritur, non debere Ambrosianam ecclesiam Romanis legi- bus subjaccre, nullumque judicandi vet disponendi jus Romano pontifici in ilia sede competere.' Damiani, Opusc. v. Opp. in. 75 : Mansi, xix. 887 sq. : cf. Neander, on the whole of this movement ; vi. 62 — 70. 4 ' Summum pontificem et uni- versalem papam, non unius urbis sed totius orbis :' cf. Schrockh, xxn. 417, 418. A slight resistance to the papal jurisdiction appears to have been still kept up in England and on the continent by members of the Irish school. Thus the Council of Chalons (813), c. 43, condemns orders conferred by cer tain Scotch (Irish) teachers calling themselves bishops (Labbe, vn. 1270), and the English synod of Cealchythe (816), c. 5, was under a — 1073] Constitution of the Church. 153 that he was able to impart some higher kind of absolution5 internal than the ordinary priest or prelate, and was specially tion. commissioned to redress the wrongs of all the faithful. It may be that his intervention here and there was bene ficial, as a counterpoise to the ambition of unworthy metropolitans, protecting many of their suffragans and others from the harshness of domestic rule: but on the contrary we should remember that the pontiffs also had their special failings, and the growth of their appellate jurisdiction only added to the scandals of the age. It was not, however, till a period somewhat later that these features of the papal system, traceable to the ideas which gave birth to the ' spurious decretals,' were unfolded in their ultimate and most obnoxious shape. The organizing of the several dioceses had continued General cim- . ° rueter of the as of old. The bishop was, at least in theory, the father w>hops. and the monarch of his charge. But the effects of his episcopate were often damaged7 or destroyed by his utter inexperience, by the secularization of his heart and his licentious habits. It is clear that not a few of the western like necessity (Johnson, I. 302). bishop: ibid, xviii. 80. 5 See examples in Gieseler, II. 7 A child of five years old was 384, 385. made archbishop of Bheims (925). 6 The chorepiscopi, whom we The see of Narbonne was purchased saw expiring in the former period for another at the age of ten : and (p. 49, n. g), lingered here and it was almost general in the West- there. The synod of Paris (829) ern church to have bishops under complains of them (lib. I. c. 27) twenty years of age. Hallam, as wishing to intrude into the pro- Middle Ages, n. 172, and note. The vince of the bishops. Nicholas I., following picture is drawn by Atto, in 864 (Mansi, xv. 390), directs bishop of Vercelli (about 950), in that ordinations made by them D' Achery's Spicileg. I. 42 1 : ' Illo- should not be rescinded, but that rum sane, quos ipsi [i.e. principes] in future they should abstain from eligunt, vitia, quamvis multa et every function that was peculiar magna sint, velut nulla tamen re- to the episcopate : cf. a rescript of putantur. Quorum quidem in e.xa- 865 (Ibid. xv. 462), and one of minatione non charitas et fides vel Leo VII., about 937 (Ibid, xviii. spes inquiruntur, sed dicitice, affinitas 379), in which a like prohibition et obsequium considerantur.' And is repeated. The synod of Metz again, p. 423: 'Quidam autem adeo !), can. 8, directs that churches mente et corpore obcaecantur ut ipsos consecrated by chorepiscopi only etiam parvulos ad pastoralem pro- shall be consecrated anew by the movere curam non dubitent,' etc. 154 ¦Constitution of the Church. [A. D. 814 internal prelates had been wantonly obtruded on their flocks, tion. " through private interest and family connexions, or indeed, in many cases, through the open purchase of their sees from the imperial power. By this kind of bishops the disease that had been preying on the Church for centuries was propa gated still more widely ; and those prelates who were far less criminal allowed themselves to be entangled in the business of the State, to the abandonment of higher duties. Yet, in spite of this fearful growth of episcopal delinquency, occasional exceptions meet us in all branches of the Church: the synodal enactments1 that acquaint us with the spread of evil testify no less to the existence of a nobler class of bishops, actively engaged in their sacred avocations and deploring the enormities around them. As we readily foresee, the mass of the parochial clergy2 were infected by the ill example of the prelate. They had taken holy orders, in some cases, from unworthy motives, chiefly with a view to qualify themselves for the acceptance of the tempting church-preferment, which had rapidly in- Creased in value since the time of Charlemagne. Others gained possession of their benefices through the help of Unhallowed traffic with the patron, or descendant of the founder, of a church. This crime of simony, indeed, was one of the most flagrant characteristics of the age3. It Degeneracythe parochia clergy t 1 e.g. A synodal letter of the pope to the bishops of Bretagne (848), Mansi, xiv. 882, or still earlier, the reforming synod of Paris, 829, at which three books of more stringent canons were drawn up. The Council of Pavia (Pa- piense or Ticinense), held in 850, among other salutary injunctions prohibiting episcopal extortion and intemperance, directed that bishops Bhould, when possible, celebrate mass every day, should read the Holy Scriptures, explain them to their clergy, and preach on Sundays and holy-days. Can. 2 — 5. The works of mercy wrought by indi vidual bishops (such as Badbod of Triers and Ethelwold of Winchester) are recounted by Neander, VI. 88, 89, and note. 2 Bowden's Gregory the Seventh, I. 43 sq. ' Ipsi primates utriusque ordinis in avaritiam versi, cceperunt exercere plurimas, ut olim fecerant, vel etiam eo amplius rapinas cu- piditatis : deinde mediocres ac mi- nores exemplo majorum ad immania sunt flagitia devoluti.' Glaber Ka- dulphus, Hist. lib. IV. u. 5. 3 Cf. above, p. 153, n. 7. It began to be prevalent as early as —1073] Constitution of the Church. 155 urged a multitude of worthless men to seek admission into internal orders solely as the shortest way to opulence and ease : °Rtionza' while some of them, regardless of propriety, are said to ~ have farmed out the very offerings of their flock4, and pawned the utensils of the church5. Nor were other seculars more scrupulous, and worthy and of others,- of their calling. The itinerating priests6, whom we en countered in the former period, still continued to produce disorder on all sides. They were not, however, so de graded as the larger class of chaplains, who are said to have literally swarmed in the houses of the gentry7. Very frequently of servile origin, they were employed by the feudal lords in humble, and, at times, in menial occupations, which exposed them to the ridicule of the superior clergy, and destroyed their proper influence on society at large. It is not therefore surprising, that so many councils of this age unite in deploring the condition both of morals and intelligence in the majority of the ecclesiastics. This «m especially degeneracy was most of all apparent in the church ot 826 (Pertz, Leges, II. App. pp. 11 ° See above, p. 49. The 23rd sq.). It was denounced by Leo IV. canon of the council of Pavia (850) (circ. 850) in the letter to the bi- renews the condemnation of these shops of Bretagne (Mansi, xiv. 'clerici acephali:' cf. Life of Bp. 882). Subsequently it grew up to Godehard of Hildesheim, u. IV. § 26 an enormous pitch (Lambert's An- (Acta Sanct. Maii, 1. 511), where A.D. 1063, 1071, in Pertz, they are said to wander to and fro VII. 166, 184), and the correction 'vel monachico vel canonico vel of it'was a chief aim of the reform- etiam Graeco habitu.' ing movement under Hildebrand, 7 The following is a picture of who was resolved to cut it off, them drawn by Agobard, archbp. especially in the collation of the of Lyons, in his De crown-preferment. There was also jure Sacerdotii, u. xi. : ' Foeditas at this period no lack of pluralists : nostri temporis omni lachrymarum e.g. two of the archicapellani of fonte ploranda, quando increbuit Louis-le-De'bonnaire held three ab- consuetudo impia, ut pcene nultus beys each. Palgrave, Normandy, inveniatur quantulumcunque pro- I. 239, 247. ficiens ad honores et gloriam tempo- 4 See Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. VII. ralem, qui non domesticum habeat *• 377) Paris, 1837. sacerdotem, non cui obediat, sed 6 Hincmar of Rheims was com- a quo incessanter exigat licitam, pelled to issue a decree against simul atque illicitam obedientiam, these practices. Bowden, as above, ita ut plerique inveniantur qui aut p. 49. ad mensasministrent,' etc. 156 Constitution of the Church. [A.D.B14 Decay of the order of Canons. internal Italy1, and, in the early years of Hildebrand, the clergy of oetiaonIZA" the Boman see are mentioned as preeminent in every species of corruption2. There as elsewhere nearly all of the healthier impulse that was given to the sacred orders by the energy of Charlemagne, had been lost in the ensuing troubles which extinguished the dominion of his house (887). The decline of the cathedral canons3 is a further illus tration of this change. Materialized by the prevailing- lust of wealth, they strove to make themselves completely independent of the bishop ; and as soon as they had gained the power of managing their own estates4, we see them falling back into the usual mode of life3, except in the two particulars of dwelling near each other in the precincts of the cathedral, and dining at a common table. As a body, they had lost their ancient strictness, and were idle, haughty, and corrupt. 1 See the works of Ratherius, a reforming bishop of Verona (who died in 924), in D'Achery's Spici- legium, 1. 345 sq. The ignorance and immorality of his own clergy, and of the Italians generally, appear to have been almost incredible. Another eye-witness speaks in the same strain of the Milanese eccle siastics : ' Istis temporibus inter cle- ricos tanta erat dissolutio, ut alii uxores, alii meretrices publice tene- rent, alii venationibus, alii aucupio vacabant, partim foenerabantur in publico, partim in vicis tabernas exercebant cunctaque ecclesiastica beneficia more pecudum vendebant.' Life of Ariald (a vehement preacher, who fell a victim to his zeal in 1067), § 2, in Puricelli's History of the Milanese Church; Milan, 1657. The same scandals and corruptions were prevailing at this period in the East : e.g. Neale, Church of Alexandria, II. 190, 211. 2 Hildebrand's uncle would not allow him to complete his educa tion there, 'neRomanse urbis cor- ruptissimis tunc moribus (ubi omnis pcene clerus aut simoniacus erat aut coneubinarius, aut etiam vitio utro- que sordebat) inquinaretur setas tenera,' etc. See Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. I. 372. 3 Cf. above, p. 48. * The earliest instance on record is the chapter of Cologne, whose independence was confirmed by Lothaire in 866, and afterwards by a council at Cologne in 873 : Mansi, xvn. 275 ; cf. Gieseler, 11. 387 (note). 5 The following is the language of Ivo, the holy bishop of Chartres, who wrote about 1090 : ' Quod vero communis vita in omnibus ecclesiis paane defecit, tarn civilibus quam dioecesanis, nee auctoritati sed de- suetudini et defectui adscribendum est, refrigescente charitate, quas omnia vult habere eommunia, et reg- nante cupiditate, qua? nonquaeritea, quas Dei sunt etproximi, sedtantum quae sunt propria. ' From the A nnales of John of Trittenheim (Trithemius), A.D. 973, we learn that the example had been set in that year by the canons of Treves; 1. 116, ed. 1690. —1073] Constitution of the Church. 157 In this connexion we may touch on a kindred point, internal the marriage, or in other cases the concubinage, of clerics. tion. to suppress them on the Vonti- At no period did the law of celibacy find a general ac- continuance of ceptance6, notwithstanding the emphatic terms in which it marriages. was repeated7; and when Hildebrand commenced his task as a reformer, aiming chiefly at ecclesiastical delinquents, numbers of the bishops and the major part of the country- clergy8 were exposed to his stern reproaches. In some The struggle quarters, and especially at Milan, where the ordinances against clerical marriage had been rigorously urged, there was a party9 who contended for the lawfulness of such alliances, deriving their ideas from the Bible and the earlier doctors of the Church. But the great body of the people, blinded by the prejudices of the age10, and disgusted by the lewdness and corruption which had shewn itself in spite of the marriage of the clerics, took the side of men 6 See above, p. 51. 7 e.g. Canons at Eanham (1009), § 2, where it is affirmed that some of the English clerics had more wives than one. Johnson, 1. 483. 8 e.g. we are told of the Nor man prelates and the other clergy: 'Sacerdotes ac summi pontifices li- bere conjugati et arma portantes ut laici erant.' Life of Herluin, abbot of Bee, in Mabillon, A ct. Sanct. Ord. Bened., saec. VI. part n. p. 344. Ratherius of Verona (above, p. 156, n. 1) found it an established custom for the clergy to live in wedlock, and for their sons to be clergymen in their turn: D'Achery's Spicilegium, I. 37°> 37 '• Aventinus (Annates Boio- rum, lib. v. c. 13, p. 541, ed. Gund- ling), speaking of this same period, remarks : ' Sacerdotes ilia tempestate publice uxores, sicuti caeteri Chris tian!, habebant, filios procreabant, si cuti in instrumentis donationum, quae illi templis, mystis, monachis fecere, ubi hae nominatim cum con- jugibus testes citantur, et honesto vocabulo presbyterissce nuncupantur, invenio.' According to Mr Hallam (Middle Ages, 11. 173) the sons of priests were capable of inheriting by the laws of France and also of Castile. 9 See the controversy at length in Neander, VI. 61 sq. ; and Mil- man, Latin Christianity, III. 13 sq., who, with many other instances, mentions the letter of Ulric, bishop of Augsburg (900), to pope Nicolas I. (in Eccard, 11. 23). An actual permission to marry was given to his clergy by Cunibert, bishop of Turin, himself unmarried, in the hope of preserving his diocese from the general corruption. Ibid. p. 53. 10 These were so strong that even Ratherius of Verona looked upon the man who was 'contra canones uxorius' in the light of an adulterer. D'Achery, 1. 363. On this account it is not easy to distinguish between the lawful and illicit connexions of the clergy. Hildebrand, Damiani, and other zealots spoke of such alliances in general as reproductions of the 'Nicolaitan heresy.' See Da miani Opuscul. xviii., contra Cleri- cos intemperantes. 158 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Dunstan'smeasures for the same end. like Hildebrand, abstaining even from the public services conducted by the married priest1, and indicating their dis approbation by ridicule and not unfrequently by their assaults on his property or. person2. A like spirit is be trayed in the still earlier movement that was headed by the English primate, Dunstan3 (961-988). He was truly anxious for the moral elevation of his clergy; but the measures he adopted to secure it were not able to achieve a permanent success. He hoped to counteract the fearful barbarism and immorality around him by abstracting the ecclesiastics from the world, that is, by prohibiting their marriage: and this object seemed to him most easy of attainment by the substitution of monastic and unmarried clergy in the place of degenerate seculars and canons*. By his influence, and the aid of the civil power which he wielded at his pleasure, very many of the elder clerics were ejected, and a host of Benedictine monks6 promoted to the leading sees and richer livings. But soon after wards, this rash proceeding led the way to a violent reaction: and the following period had to witness many struggles for ascendancy between the monks and seculars of England. "When the latter gained a victory, we learn that their wives6 were partakers of the triumph. 1 In accordance with the bidding of the Council of Lateran (1059) : Mansi, xix. 907. 2 Arnulph, Hist. Medial, lib. III. u. 9: cf. Fleury, liv. LXI. s. 26. 3 See the accounts in Soames, Anglo-Saxon Church, pp. 195 sq., ed. 1844: and Lappenberg, Anglo- Saxons, 11. 126 sq. 4 '...statuit {969], et statuendo decretum confirmavit, videlicet ut canonici omnes, presbyteri omnes, diaconi et subdiaconi omnes, aut caste viverent aut ecclesias quas tenebant una cum rebus ad eas pertinentibus perderent.' Oswald, bishop of Worcester, was especially active in carrying . out this edict, and founded seven monasteries in his own diocese alone. '...Post haec in aliis Angliae partibus ad pa- rochiam suam nil pertinentibus in- signes ecclesias ob praefixam cau- sam clericis evacuavit, et eas... viris monastics? institutionis sub- limavit.' Eadmer, Vit. S. Oswaldi (in Wharton's Anglia Sacra, II. 200). 5 Lappenberg, 11. 136, 137. 0 'Principes pliirimi et optimates abbates cum monachis de monas- teriis, in quibus rex Eadgarus eos locaverat, expulerunt, et clericos, ut prius, loco eorum cum uxoribus in- duxerunt.' Matth. Westmonast. Plor. Hist. p. 193, ed. Francof. 1601. —1073] Constitution of the Church. 159 Contrary to the idea of Dunstan, the corruptions of the internal , -, „ , , . . . .. T oeganiza- age had tound admission even to the cloisters. It was TI0N- customary7 for the royal patron of an abbey to bestow it, Degeneracy of c r ¦ i . the monks. like a common fief, on some favourite chaplain of his court, on parasites, or on companions of his pleasures, paying no regard to their moral character and intellectual fitness. Others gained possession of the convents by ra pacity and sold them to the highest bidder, not unfre- quently to laymen8, who resided on them with their wives and families, and sometimes with a troop of their re tainers9. It should also be observed, that in the present age, when many of the chief foundations were most anxious to obtain exemptions from the bishops10, and had no efficient champions in the Boman see, they were deprived of their strongest remedy against the evils which beset them. The appearance of a race of worldly-minded abbots was the signal for the relaxation of monastic discipline11 in every quarter of the west : and this degeneracy produced in turn the open violation of the rules of St Benedict. 7 Bowden's Gregory the Seventh, other religious houses shall be vi- I. 46. It was complained of Charles sited by the bishop and the king's the Bald that he gave away religi- commissioners, and » report drawn ous houses recklessly, 'partim ju- up of their condition. Mansi, xvn. ventute, partim fragilitate, partim 540. The exemption of the abbey aliorum callida suggestione, etiam of Clugny was made absolute by et minarum necessitate, quia dice- Alexander II. in 1063, and other hint petitores, nisi eis ilia loca sacra instances soon afterwards occurred. donaret, ab eo deficerent.' Epist. Gieseler, 11. 420. In the newly - Episcoporum ad Ludovicum Regem, founded Bussian church the com- inBaluze, 11. no. mon practice of the East obtained ; 8 Known by the name of abba-co- the bishop having the sole right of mifcs.-cf.Palgrave,VoTOMS!is, 1. iS4sq. appointing the archimandrites and 9 Council of Trosle, as below, n. n. also of depriving them. Moura- . 10 See above, p. 46. The privi- viev's Hist, of the Russian Church, leges actually granted to them did pp. 359, 360. not at first exempt them from the u See the complaints of the coun- ordinary jurisdiction of the bishop ; cil of Trosle (near Soissons), 909, although he had no longer any can. 3, which taxes both the monks power to modify the rules of the and nuns with every species of fraternity, e.g. in the Council of excess : Mansi, xvni. 270. The de- Fimes (Concil. apud S. Macram), generacy is traced to the influence 881, his authority is still recog- of the lay-abbots, who were then niz^d : for the fourth canon orders in possession of nearly all the mo- that all monasteries, nunneries, and nasteries of France. 160 Constitution of the Church. [a. d. 814 INTERNALORGANIZA TION. Attempts to reform tttem. Benedict of Aniane. Rise of tlie I'tnntae monks. An effort, it is true, was made, as early as 817, under Louis-le-De"bonnaire, to check these rampant evils in the convents of his kingdom. It was mainly stimulated by the zeal of Benedict1 of Aniane (774-821), who, following at a humble distance in the steps of the elder Benedict and borrowing his name, is honoured as the second founder of monasticism in France2. Disorders of the grossest kind, however, had continually prevailed until the time of Bemo3, the first abbot of Clugny (910), and Odo4, his successor (927—941), who endeavoured to effect a thorough reforma tion. In the hands of the latter abbot, not a few of the ascetic laws were made more stringent and repulsive6: yet the fame of the order from this period was extended far and wide6. In spite of an extreme austerity in many of its regulations, they presented a refreshing contrast to the general corruption ; and their circulation gave a healthier tone to all the churches of the west7. The impulse which had led to this revival of the Be- 1 His measures are detailed in a Capitulary (Aquisgranense (817): Baluze, I. 579) containing eighty articles, which may be viewed as a commentary on the rule of Be nedict the elder. See Guizot's re marks upon it, Led. xxvi. Among other things he urges that 'the reformation of the sixth century was at once extensive and sublime : it addressed itself to what was strong in human nature : that of the ninth century was puerile, in ferior, and addressed itself to what was weak and servile in man.' 2 In the Frankish empire at this period there were eighty-three large monasteries. Dollinger, in. 192. 3 See his Life in Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Ben. saec. v. pp. 67 sq. * Ibid. pp. 150 sq. 5 Among other changes, the Ordo Cluniacensis observed an almost unbroken silence 'in ecclesia, dor- mitorio, refectorio, et coquina.' See their Consuetudines (circ. 1070) lib. 11. cap. m. De silcntio ; cap. rv. De signis loquendi ; in D' Achery's Spi- cilegium, I. 670 sq. 6 In the year of his death, Odo left his successor two hundred and seventy deeds of gift which had been made to the order in thirty- two years. Dollinger, III. 194. The abbots Majolus and Odilo ad vanced its reputation more and more. See the Life of the latter in Mabillon, ssac. VI. part I. pp. 631 sq. 7 The greatest difficulty was pre sented by some of the German monasteries, where the inmates rose into rebellion. See the instances in Gieseler, 11. 415, n. 9. The ex ample, however, of Hanno, archbp. of Cologne, in 1068, was followed very generally. Lambert of Hers- feld (al. Schafnaburgensis), An nates, in Pertz, vn. 238. The 'congregation of Hirschau' also sprang up at this time (1069) : it was based on the rule of Clugny. Bernold's Chronicon, in Pertz, vn. 45i. — 1073] Constitution of the Church. 161 nedictine order, urged a number of congenial spirits to relation take refuge in the mountains and the forests, with the t°ivilE , n ' Pf)WK.H hope ot escaping from the moral inundation, or of arming for a future struggle with the world. Of these we may »-S'»«/' t> i i s i spirits. notice Komuald , who m after-life became the founder (circ. 1018) of a large community of hermits, known as the Camaldulenses; John Gualbert9, in whose cell the order of the Coenobites of Vallombrosa had its cradle (circ. 1038) ; and especially the younger Nilus10, a recluse of Calabria, who stood forward in the tenth century as an awakening preacher of repentance in his own and in the neighbouring districts. § 2. RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH TO THE CIVIL POWER. The influence of the State preponderated as before in all the Eastern churches. This was shewn especially in the appointment of their bishops, who, with the exception of the patriarchates which still languished under the do minion of the Saracens, were for the most part chosen absolutely by the crown. In Bussia11 and the other king- pitureneew- J J o tween the hast doms where the Gospel had been planted by the agency and "est of Oriental missions, the alliance with the civil power was also intimate and undisturbed. But it was otherwise in nearly all the churches of the west. The daring and aggressive genius of the papacy, which now stood forward on the plea of acting as their champion, had embarrassed 8 See his Life in Damiani, Hist. lected by the prince of the district Sanctorum ; Opp. II. 426 ; and the with the consent of the superior Rule of the Camaldulensians, in clergy and the chief of the citizens, Holstein's Codex Reg. Monast. II. and were then presented to the me- 192 sq. tropolitan for consecration. Mou- 9 Life in Mabillon, sase. VI. part raviev's Hist, by Blackmore, p. 359. II. pp. 266 sq. The Hungarian bishops, although - 10 An interesting sketch of his chiefly foreigners at first, and in labours is given by Neander, VI. communion with the Western 105 — no. Church, were similarly nominated 11 The bishops were usually se- by the crown. Dollinger, III. 35. M.A. M 162 Constitution of the Church. |A.D. Bl4 Causes of a movement in the West against the supremacy of the crown. relations the alliance on the one side; while the grasping worldliness civil of laymen generally, and the venality or violence with which the civil power had tampered with the church-preferment1, seemed to justify the disaffection that arose in every quarter. Very much of it is traceable to a confusion of ideas re lating to the temporalities of the Church. The laity, and more especially the crown, regarded the endowments made by them or by their predecessors, for the service of religion, in the light of public loans, which still remained at their disposal ; and the practice of conceding to church-founders what is called the right of patronage2, appeared in some degree to favour this construction. An effect of those prolific errors might be seen, most glaringly perhaps, on filling up the vacant sees. In harmony with the pre vailing feudalism a bishopric was granted at this period like an ordinary fief3; and emperors, in their capacity of suzerain, affected to confer investiture upon the spiritual as well as on the temporal nobility. So blind were many of them to the plain distinction between the property and sacred duties of a see, that their appointment now began to be confirmed by the delivery of a ring and crozier, — symbols of the spiritual functions of the bishop. He was thus insensibly becoming a mere feudatory, or a vassal of the crown4. 1 See above, pp. 154 sq. ; and other examples in Gieseler, II. 239, n. 10. Under Henry IV., the rival of Hildebrand, simony was practised at the imperial court in the most scandalous manner (e.g. Lambert's Annates, a.d. 1063, 1071 : Pertz, vn. 166, 184). 2 From the first, however, the privilege of appointing to a church could not lawfully be exercised without the approval of the bishop of the diocese, to whose jurisdiction also the new incumbent was made subject (see Council of Bome, in 826, and again in 853, c. 21 ; Mansi, XIV. 493, 1006, 1016). But this rule, like others of the kind, was continually evaded. 3 Besides taking the oath of alle giance, like other vassals, prelates were on this ground compelled to render to the king a twofold ser vice, one of following him in time of war, the other of appearing fre quently at court. They were also amenable to the judicial sentence of the king, regarded as their liege- lord, and even were at times deposed by him. Hasse, as below. On the state of feeling with regard to the participation of ecclesiastics in the wars, see Nearer, VI. 83 sq. 4 Basse's Life of Anselm, by Tur- —1073] Constitution of the Church. 163 We saw that under Charlemagne5 prelates were again -relations occasionally chosen in obedience to the ancient canons ; and the clergy lost no opportunity of pleading this concession to the civil POWER. in their efforts to retain the freedom it had promised6. ^"ZiaufsTa, Still the privilege was scarcely more than verbal at the best7; and under Otho I., who laboured to curtail the power of the German and Italian clergy8, it was formally annulled. He acted on the principle, that popes and bishops were like other functionaries of the empire, and as such were subject to his beck. These fresh assumptions were indeed renounced by Henry II., but soon afterwards repeated : and it was on the absolute appointment of pope Leo IX. (1049) by Henry III. of Germany, that Hildebrand at length emerged from private life, to bring the struggle to a crisis. He was able in 1059, while engaged as the subdeacon of the Boman church, to wrest the nomination of the popes entirely from the civil power9, although re- ner, p. 53, Lend. 1850 : see Church's Essays (from the Christian Remem brancer). As consecration was sub sequent to investiture, the jurisdic tion of the prelate seemed to be de rived from the state. The indigna tion of the Hildebrandine party at this juncture may be gathered from Humbert's treatise Adversus Simo- niacos, lib. in. c. 1 1 (in Martene's Thesaurus Anecdot. torn. v. p. 787). 5 Above, p. 56. 6 Thus, at the council of Valence (855), c. 7 (Mansi, xv. 7), it was decreed that ' on the death of a bishop, the monarch should be re quested to allow the clergy and the community of the place to make an election according to the canons.' But the synod goes on to intimate that monarchs not unfrequently sent a nominee of their own, and that their permission was in all cases needed before an election could take place. See the energetic letter of Hincmar to Louis III. of France, on the subject of royal interference in elections : Opp. torn. II. p. 190. 7 Bowden, Life of Gregory, 1. 45 : cf. Guizot, 11. 320. 8 Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. VII. I. 365, 366. After deposing pope Benedict V. (964) and restoring Leo VIII., Otho held a council at Rome, which, in his presence, granted him and his descendants the right of choosing the popes in future, and of giving investiture to the bishops of the empire. See the acts of this council in Luitprand, de Ribus Gestis Ottonis, c. 10 sq. (Pertz, v. 342) : and De Marca, De Concordia, lib. viii. u. 12, § 10. This decree was prompted by the growth and bitterness of the politi cal factions which at that time wore convulsing every part of Italy. But acts of violence among the populace were not uncommon, at an earlier period, in the filling up of vacant sees : e.g. the decree of Stephen V. (816), in Mansi, xiv. 147. 9 See above, p. 151, n. 7. M 2 164 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 814 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Encroachments on the side of the especially of the popes ; serving to it for the present a precarious right of con firmation. But this partial victory incited him the more to persevere in his original design of compassing what he esteemed the ancient freedom of the Church. Accord ingly, as soon as he was elevated to the papal throne, he hastened to prohibit every form of 'lay-investiture:' and the dispute which he had thus embittered was not closed for half a century1. While it is plain that the civil power exceeded its own province in suppressing the episcopal elections and in arbitrary misappropriation of the other church-preferr ment, there was also an aggressive movement on the side of the ecclesiastics. This, indeed, is the most prominent and startling feature of the times. It was of course de veloped to the greatest height among the popes, who had already shewn themselves peculiarly impatient of the se cular authority. We saw that under Charlemagne they were able to effect but little in curtailing his imperial powers ; and in 823 Paschalis even felt obliged to clear himself by oath before the missi (or commissioners) of Louis-le-D^bonnaire2: yet from this period onwards the • pretensions of the Boman court were less and less disputed by the Carlovingian princes3. Its ascendancy increased on the dismemberment of the Frankish empire, and still further when all central government was enervated by the progress of the feudal system. Aided by the 'Forged Decretals,' which endeavoured among other kindred objects to exalt the Church above the influence of the temporal 1 By the Concordat of Worms, H22 ; see below, 'Relations of the Church to the Civil Power, ' Periodm. 3 Life of Louis, by Theganus, in Pertz, n. 597. Other examples of tliis supremacy of the civil power at Bome itself may be seen in Gieseler, 11. 231, 232. 3 The following fragment (circ. 850) of a letter from Leo IV. to Louis II., which has been preserved in Gratian (Decret. Pars n. Caus. II. Qu. vn. o. 41), is one of the latest recognitions of the imperial rights : 'Nos, si incompetenter aliquid egi- mus, et in subditis justae legis tra- mitem non conservavimus, vestro ac missorum vestrorum cuncta volumus emendare judicio,' etc. ' But every thing soon changes, and the Church in her turn governs the emperor.' Guizot, II. 326, — 1073] Constitution of the Church. 165 princes, Nicholas I." was able to achieve a number of relations • • TO TJTK important triumphs. He came forward, it is true, on two civil • -. • ,. i POWER. occasions, as a champion of the wronged, a bold avenger of morality6, and therefore carried with him all the weight of popular opinion. His success emboldened John VIII. in 876 to arrogate in plainer terms, and as a privilege imparted from on high, the right of granting the imperial Crown6 to whomsoever he might choose: and since this claim was actually established in his patronage and coro nation of the emperor Gharles-le-Chauve7, the intermeddling of the pope in future quarrels of the Carlovingians, and indeed of other princes, was facilitated more and more. The claim grew up, as we shall see in Hildebrand, to nothing less than a theocratic power extending over all the earth. Nor was the spirit of aggression at this time restricted to the Boman pontiffs. It had also been imbibed by other but alio of the prelates of the west. In England8, it is true, if we except generally. collisions in the time of Odo and Dunstan, there is little or no proof that the ecclesiastics were forgetting their vocation. While the Church continued, as before, in close alliance with the civil power, she exhibited no tendency to cripple or dispute the independence of the crown. But it was otherwise in continental nations. There we see the monarch struggling on one side with his disaffected nobles, on the other with the prelates of his realm; and 4 A contemporaneous admirer says a vassal of the pope's. See Goldast's of him, 'regibusactyrannis impera- Collectio Constitut. Imperial. II. 34. vit, eisque, ac si dominus orbis ter- 8 As before noticed (p. 53), the rarum, auctoritate praefuit.' Begino's civil and spiritual tribunals had been Chron. ad an. 868. acting most harmoniously together 5 See above, p. 147, n. 10 : and till the Norman Conquest. Some cf. Guizot, II. 341 sq. ecclesiastical causes were referred to 6 Epist. cooxv. cccxvi. : Mansi, the decision of a synod of the pre- XVii. 227, 230. lates ; but many others were sub- 7 It should be remarked, however, jectei like the ordinary causes of that Charles the Bald, in earlier life the laity, to the judgment of the a warm defender of the liberties of shire-thanes (in the county-court). the Frankish Church (see above, p. This extended even to the probate 148), was not, in 876, entirely made of wills. Kemble, Saxons, II. 385. 166 Constitution of the Church. [a.D. 814 to the civil POWER. relations not unfrequently succumbing to the usurpations of the latter. At the death of Charlemagne, for example, his authority in matters even of religion was so great, that councils1 deemed it proper to address him in a tone which bordered almost on servility : yet more than one of his successors formally acknowledged their dependence on the members of the hierarchy, and submitted to its most hu miliating: censures2. The extent of this vast but ill-defined preponderance is estimable from the transfer that was made of the regalia (royal privileges) to the hands of the superior clergy 3- Some, indeed, of the better class of prelates, while they rendered due obedience to the civil ruler, kept aloof from all secular affairs4: the rest however, more especially through out the tenth century, had yielded to the worldly spirit of the age ; they could too seldom be distinguished from the other vassals. But this close connexion with the crown was operating as a check on hierarchical ambition : it eventually gave birth to an important school of royalists, Exceptions to this rule. 1 e.g. the councils of Aries and Mayence, both held in 813, on making a report to him of ecclesias tical matters that were crying for a reformation, beg him to supply, what he might deem, corrections, and confirm their work by his au thority. Mansi, xiv. 62, 65. 2 e.g. Louis-le-DCbonnaire (835) was deposed and afterwards absolved by a party of bishops : Mansi, xiv. 657. See Palgrave, Hist, of Nor mandy, 1. 295, 296. Louis-le-Ger- manique was treated in like manner by a synod at Metz (859) : Baluze, Capitular. 11. 121. In the synod of Savonieres (Tullensis, apud Sapo- narias) held in the same year, Charles-le-Chauve acknowledged bis dependence on the bishops in the most abject terms : Baluze, 11. 129 : cf. Guizot, 11. 326, 327. The gene ral principle on which the bishops claimed to exercise these powers was frequently avowed in the synods : e.g. Fimes, apud S. Macram (881), c. 1 ; Mansi, xvn. 538 : Trosle (909), c. 1 ; Mansi, xviii. 267. 3 Among these regalia may be mentioned the right of tolls, mar kets, and coinage, which was granted among other privileges by Louis-le- De'bonnaire, on the principle 'ut episcopos, qui propter animarum re gimen principes sunt coeli, ipse eos- dem nihilominus principes efficeret regni.' Gieseler, ii. 255, 374. These grants, however, were made not un frequently by the sovereigns with a political object, to secure the allegi ance of the bishops, and to balance them against the inordinate power of the feudal lords. Hasse's Life of Anselm, p. 51. 4 Thus, for example, reasoned Badbod, archbp. of Utrecht. See his Life, in Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Bened. saec.v. p. 30. —1073] Constitution of the Church. 167 who vindicated the imperial interest5 from the attacks of relations an extreme or Bomanizin O Eriqena • of wisdom by the court of Charles-le-Chauve. He was (& 875?); the earliest of the mediasval writers in the west, who ven tured to establish Christian dogmas by a dialectic process ; works, with dissertations by Budel- mar was averse to mystical interpre- bach, Havniae, 1824. tations of the Bible, except when 4 There is some difficulty in as- they are subordinated to the literal certaining what works are really or historic sense. Neander, vi. 159. his. See Oudinus, De Scriptoribus 7 See his Epistola de Nihilo et Eccl. II. 330 : Schrockh, xxiii. 282 Tenebris ad proceres Palatii, in sq. : Mabillon, Acta Benedict, v. Baluz. et Mansi, Miscell. 11. 56. 585 sq. 8 Neander has pointed out several 6 The Glossa Ordinaria was pub- circumstances which indicate that lished at Antwerp in 6 vols, folio, the Irish monasteries still continued 1634. Another important work of to influence the literature of all tlie Walafrid Strabo is of a liturgical West ; vi. 161, 162 (note) : see also character, De Exordiis et Incrementis Lanigan, Hist, of Irish Church, ill. Rerum Ecclesiasticarum, published 260 sq. John Scotus Erigena is to in Hittorp's collection De Divinis be carefully distinguished from a Officiis, Colon. 1568. monk, named John, whom king 6 In the Biblioth. Patrum, ed. Alfred invited from France to the Lugdun. XV. 86 sq. The preface to English court. See Mabillon's An- this commentary shews that Druth- nates Benedict. III. 243, 172 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 WESTERN CHURCH. a precursor of the Western schoolmen: but his philo sophic system th-jtofNeo- Platonism. who, in other words, attempted to evince the union, or consistency at least, of human reason and theology. In this respect he must be viewed as a precm-sor of the schoolmen1 who, in close alliance with the Aristotelian philosophy2, were bent on systematizing the traditions of the Church, and proving that the Christian faith is truly rational3. But Scotus, while agreeing with the schoolmen. in his point of departure, differed widely from them all in his results. He was a Neo-Platonist ; and, like the Alexandrian doctors of an earlier age, could see in Chris tianity no more than a philosophy, — an earthly manifesta-: tion of the Absolute, intended to direct and elevate the human spirit and prepare it for eventual absorption into God4. It is a startling feature of the times that one, whose theories were so divergent from the teaching of the Church, was called to speak as an authority on two of the most 1 For the rise of scholasticism in the East, see above, pp. 62, 77, 78. Its cradle, or at least the earliest school in which it was cultivated by the Westerns, was the monas tery of Bee in Normandy. Lan- franc and Anselm (afterwards arch bishops of Canterbury) took the lead in its diffusion (see Mohler's Schriften und Aufsalze, I. 32 sq.) ; Lanfranc having first tried the temper of his new weapon in the eucharistic controversy with Be- rengarius : see below. 2 The logical writings of Aris totle (the first two treatises of the Organon) were known in the West from the ninth century, but only, till the thirteenth, by the Latin translation of Boethius. Cousin's Ouvrages inSdites a" Aboard, Introd. p. Ii : Smith's Biog. Diet. 1. 325. 3 ' Auctoritas ex veraratione pro- cessit, ratio vero nequaquam ex auc- toritate Nil enim aliud vide- tur mihi esse vera auctoritas, nisi rationis virtute cooperta Veritas, et a sacris patribus ad posteritatis uti- litatem Uteris commendata.' Sco tus, De Divisione Natural, p. 39, ed. Oxon. 1681. The entire works of Scotus have been recently collected and edited by Floss, in Migne's Palrologia, Paris, 1853: cf. a re view of that publication in the Theol. Quarialschrift, Tubing. 1854, I. 127 sq. 4 On the whole of his philo- sophico-religious system, see Bitter, Gesch. der Christ. Philosophic, in. 206 sq. ; Neander, vi. 163 sq. ; Guizot, Led. xxviii. ; Dorner, n. 344 — 358. His pantheism is clearly established by the treatise De Divi sione Naturce : but owing to the dormant state of the human intel lect, very much of his philosophizing was unintelligible to the age. He seems to have imbibed that tendency from his familiarity with Greek writers, and especially with Diony- sius the Areopagite, whom he trans lated into Latin. This translation excited the suspicions of pope Nicholas I. (Mansi, xv. 401). His great work was condemned by the University of Paris in 1 209 : Dor ner, p. 358. — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 173 awful topics of the faith. These were the doctrines of western Predestination and the Eucharist ; which, owing to the - great activity of thought engendered in the Carlovingian schools, were now discussed with unwonted vehemence. The former of these controversies5 took its rise from Gottskalk, who in earlier life had been a monk of Fulda, &>««m»(d 868?) under the eye of Babanus Maurus ; but ' had left it for and the im- * destinariau the cloister of Orbais in the diocese of Soissons. Going controversy. far beyond his favourite author, St Augustine s, he main tained the most rigorous opinions on the subject of Divine predestination, stating it in such a way as to imperil human freedom. He contended for a twofold system of decrees (' prtedestinatio duplex'), which consigned the good and H£j£%sane bad, elect and reprobate alike, to portions from eternity allotted to them, irrespectively of their own conduct in the present life. In other words, Divine foreknowledge in his system was identified completely Avith predestina tion; and the latter was as arbitrary in relation to the lost as to the saved, — the one infallibly attaining to eternal life, the other being so necessitated to continue in his sins, that he can only be in name a subject of God's grace, and only in appearance a partaker of the sacraments. The Church had hitherto been occupying, on the pre- a*»« different . . from those of sent as on other kindred points, an intermediate place, the church. affirming, but with no attempt to reconcile, the absolute necessity of superhuman powers, while she insisted on the salvability of all men. Notwithstanding her profound respect for St Augustine and her hatred of Pelagianism, she did not countenance the fatalistic theory of grace, 5 The great authority is Mau- tion in France, Lect. v. It is guin's collection of ancient authors, plain, however, that St Augustine De Prcsdestinatione et Gratia, Paris, in some passages made use of lan- 1650 : cf. Ussher's Golteschalci et guage bordering on the positions of Prcedest. Controv. Hist. Dublin, Gottskalk; and the 'gemina prae- 1631 ; Cellot's Hist. Golteschalci destinatio sive electorum ad re- Prcedestinatiani, Paris, 1655. quiem, sive reproborum ad mortem" 6 See a fair statement of this is at least as old as Isidore of vexed question in Guizot's Civiliza- Seville, Sentcnt. lib. II. c. 6. westernCHURCH. Rabanus Maurus his opponent. Gottskalk at the synod of Mai/ntce(848), 174 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 which threatens, and constructively subverts, the principle of our responsibility to God. Accordingly, as soon as Gottskalk published his opinions1, he encountered a de cisive opposition from the leading doctors of the age. His old superior, Babanus Maurus, now archbishop of Mayence, influenced (it may be) to some extent by personal dislike, put forth a vehement reply to what he deemed an utter violation of the faith. Although himself a warm believer in the doctrine of Divine decrees2, Babanus shrank from all approximation to the thought that the causality of sin is traceable to God. In his view the Divine foreknowlege is distinguishable from Divine predestination ; and those only whom the Lord foreknows as the incorrigibly wicked, are abandoned to eternal death (' prcesciti'). Gottskalk, in the following year (848), defended his positions3 at the council of Mayence, stating (it is said) emphatically that the scriptural phrases which record our Saviour's death for all men should be limited to the ' elect ;' and that the rest of the human family, as the result of a constraining act of God, have been irrevocably destined to perdition*. As the voice of the synod was against him, Gottskalk was now handed over to his metropolitan, the proud and energetic Hincmar, who soon afterwards (849) procured his con- 1 He appears to have had an earlier controversy with Babanus, while he was a monk at Fulda (Kunstmann's Hrabanus Maurus, p. 69) ; but he did not develope his opinions fully till some years later, when he was returning from a tour in Italy. He then disclosed them to Notting, bishop of Verona (847), who brought the question under the notice of Babanus Maurus. 2 Nearly all the statements in his Epist. ad Notingum (apud Mauguin, I. 3) are borrowed from the works of St Augustine and Prosper. Nean der, vi. 185. 3 See fragments of his defence in Hincmar, de Prcsdestinalione, c. 5, c. 21, c. 27: cf. Fuldenses Annates, A.D. 84S, in Pertz, I. 365. 4 Rabani Epistola Synodalis ad Hincmarum (Mansi, xiv. 914) : ... 'quod prsedestinatio Dei, sicut in bono, sit ita et in malo : et tales sint in hoc mundo quidam, qui propter preedestinationem Dei, quas eos cogat in mortem ire, non possint ab errore et peccato se corrigere; quasi Deus eos fecisset ab initio in- conigibiles esse et poena; obnoxios in interitum ire.' But it must be borne in mind, that this statement of the views of Gottskalk is the work of an adversary, and as such may have been overcoloured. Many influential Defenders of Gottskalk. — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 175 demnation5 at Kiersy-sur-Oise (Carisiacum), and shut him up in a monastic prison, where he lingered under the ban of the archbishop till 868, refusing to abjure or modify ™ his errors. But the controversy kindled by him in the Frankish Church was not so easily extinguished writers, either moved by pity for his barbarous fate6 or by their predilection for his theological opinions, had imme diately appeared in his behalf. Of these the chief were Prudentius7, bishop of Troyes; Servatus Lupus8, the ac complished abbot of Ferrieres; and Batramnus9, a learned monk of Corbey ; none .of whom, however, would commit himself to the extreme positions of his client. They af firmed that the predestination of the wicked is not absolute, but is conditioned on Divine foreknowledge of all sins that would result from the voluntary act of Adam, — holding fast, on this and other points, to the more sober views of St Augustine. 5 Mansi, xiv. 919. By this synod, the unfortunate monk was ordered to be flogged, according to a rule of St Benedict, for troubling the deliberations on ecclesiastical affairs, and intermeddling with politics. While he lay in prison at the monastery of Hautvilliers, he wrote two more confessions of his faith, adhering to his former tenets : Mauguin, I. 7. The im portance he attached to the con troversy may be estimated from the violent language of his prayer, 'Te precor, Domine Deus, gratis Ecclesiam Tuam custodias, ne sua diutius earn falsitate pervertant [alluding to his opponents], Jtcere- seosque suce pestiferq de reliquo pra- vitate subvertant, licet se suosque secum lugubriter evertant,' etc. He also offered to prove the trijth of his tenets by submitting to the ordeal of fire, ' ut videlicet, quatuor doliis uno post unum po- sitis atque ferventi sigillatim re- pletis aqua, oleo pingui, et pice, et WESTERN CHURCH. imprisoned by Archbp. Hincmar (849). ad ultimum accenso copiosissimo igne, liceret mihi, invocato glo- riosissimo nomine Tuo, ad appro- bandam hanc fidem meam, imo fidem Catholicam, in singula in- troire et ita per singula transire,' etc. 6 This feeling seems to have been shared by pope Nicholas I. to whom Gottskalk had eventually appealed : Hincmar, Opp. II. 290, ed. Sir- moud. 7 See his Letter to Hincmar (circ. 849) in Cellot's Hist. GottescJiai. Prcsdest. pp. 425 sq. But he also, like others of the period, would in terpret passages like 1 Tim. ii. 4, exclusively of the ' elect.' 8 His work, De Tribus Qucestioni- bus, is printed in Mauguin, I. pt. 11. 9 : see also the Works of Servatu3 Lupus, ed. Baluze, Antv. 17 10. 9 De Prcedestinatione Dei (circ. 850), in Mauguin, I. pt. I. 27 sq. His name was frequently mis-read into Bertram, perhaps Be.( = Beatus) Batramn. 176 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 WESTERN CH URCH. John Scotus writes against him : but offmded both parties. Iiemigius of Lyons vindi- eates Vie general theory of Gottskalk. Hincmar and his party were now driven to defend their harsh proceedings, and as they could no longer count upon the help of Babanus Maurus, who withdrew entirely from the conflict1, they put forward as the champion of their cause the learned and free-thinking guest of Charles-le- Chauve, — Erigena. His famous treatise, De Prcedestina- tione2, appeared in 851 : but arguing, as he did, on purely philosophic grounds, for the unbiassed freedom of the will, and contradicting all established doctrines of the nature both of good and evil, he gave equal umbrage to his enemies and friends. The former instantly assailed him (852) by the hands of Prudentiu's of Troyes3 and Floras4 a deacon of Lyons ; while the primate Hincmar, compro mised by his ill-chosen coadjutor, went in search of other means for quieting the storm. A work of Amulo, archbishop of Lyons, now lost, was written with this object : but Bemigius, his successor and the leading prelate of the south of Gaul, did not inherit his opinions5. He condemned the cruelty by which the author of the movement was repressed, and strove in a less ruffled tone to vindicate his orthodoxy from the imputations of the northern province. He contended that in Gottskalk's, system of theology the absolute predesti nation of the wicked had been neither stated nor implied ; 1 See his letters to Hincmar, in Kunstmann's Hrabanus, pp. 215 sq. 2 In Mauguin, 1. pt. I. 103 sq. 3 De Prcedestinatione contra Joh. Scotum, in Mauguin, I. pt. 1. 191 sq. 4 He wrote, in the name of the Church of Lyons, De Prcedestina tione contra Joh. Scoti erroneas De- finitiones ; ibid. 575 sq. : see Ne ander, VI. 202, 203, on the character of this reply. The council of Va lence (855) repeated the condemna tion of Scotus (c. IV. c. vi.) in the most contemptuous terms. 5 Hincmar, and Pardulus bishop of Laon, had already written two letters to Amulo ; sending him at the same time a copy of the letter from Rabanus Maurus to Notting of Verona. These three documents Remigius now proceeded to examine in his Liber de Tribus Epislolis, in Mauguin, 1. pt. II. 61 sq. The notion that the wicked are necessi tated to commit impiety he spurns as 'immanis et detestabilis blas- phemia' (c. xli.), and denies that it w^s held by any one ; reflecting strongly on Rabanus Maurus, who imputed it to Gottskalk. See Nean der, VI. 203 sq. ; and Milman, Latin Christianity, III. 241 sq. CHURCH. 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 177 and while confessing his own predilection for the view that God does not wish the salvation of all men, he declared - his willingness to leave that question open till it was au thoritatively settled by the Church. His manifesto roused mncmar-s i TT reply at the the zeal of Hincmar to the very highest pitch, and ins>^odof J ° r ' Kiersy, 853. another synod6 held at Kiersy (853), his party reasserted nearly all the views which Gottskalk had continued to reject. In a short series of propositions, based entirely on the works of St Augustine, they affirmed, with other truths admitted by their adversaries, that no human being whom the Lord foreknew as wicked had been foreordained to perish, and that Christ had died a sacrifice for all men, willing all men to be saved7. The counter-movement in the southern province ultimately issued in a rival synod, Ttie rival which assembled at Valence8 in 855. Its effect, however, vaimce, 855. was to bring the disputants more closely to each other. It declared expressly that the sin of man, although an object of Divine foreknowledge, was in no degree neces sitated by an act of predetermination : and while all the prelates were agreed that Christ did not redeem habitual unbelievers9, they confessed that many are in truth re generated at their baptism, who in after-life may forfeit the initial grace of God by their unholy conduct10. Hincmar now took up his pen and laboured to confirm 6 Mansi, xiv. 995 ; cf. 920. dinem salutis et ad perceptionem 7 ' Christi sanguinem pro omnibus aeternae beatitudinis nullo modo per- fusum, licet non omnes passionis venire.' u. 5. The following pas- mysterio redimantur :' c. 4. sage from Prudentii Trecensis An- 8 Mansi, XV. 1 sq. Remigiushad nates, A.D. 859 (Pertz, I. 453), ap- already censured the 'four chapters' pears to intimate that pope Nicholas of Kiersy : Mauguin, 1. pt. 2. 178. I. approved of thecanons of Valence: 9 They even spoke of universal re- ' Nicolaus, pontif ex Romanus, de demption as a ' niinius error :' c. 4. gratia Dei et libera arbitrio, de 10 ... 'ex ipsa tamen multitudine veritate gemma? prsedestinationis et fidelium et redemptorum, alios sal- sanguine Christi, ut pro credentibus vari interna salute, quia per gratiam omnibus fusus sit, fideliter con- Dei in redemptioue sua fideliter per- firmat.' The Jesuits, who are manent, alios quia noluerunt per- strongly opposed to Gottskalk, , la- manere in salute fidei ad plenitu- hour hard to set aside this passage. M. A. N 178 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 Termination of the struggle, at Savonieres, 859- western the views he had espoused, in two elaborate productions1, — one of which is lost ; and, in 859, he was able to effect a better understanding with the prelates of the south at the council of Savonieres in the diocese of Toul2. There, eight metropolitans, with more than thirty bishops, received some general statements of the Augustinian dogmas; and the combatants on either side, exhausted by the struggle, were now willing to lay down their arms, without coming to any more definite conclusion, yet without granting to Gottskalk any alleviation of his Avretched imprisonment3. The second controversy that sprang up in the Carlo vingian era of the Church related to the mode in which the Body and Blood of Christ are taken and received in the Lord's Supper. It employed the leading theologians of the west for several years : and when religion had emerged from the benumbing darkness of the tenth cen tury, it furnished a perplexing theme for the most able of the schoolmen. As the spirit of the Western Church contracted a more sensuous tone, there was a greater dis position to confound the sacramental symbols with the grace they were intended to convey, or, in a word, to cor- porealize the mysteries of faith. Examples of this spirit Tlie Eucha- ristic contro versy. 1 The extant work, written be tween 859 and 863, is entitled Da Prcedestinatione Dei et Libero Arbi- trio adversus Goleschalkum et cceteros Prcedestinatianos : see his Works by Sirmond, torn. I. 2 Cone. Tullense I. (apud Sapo- narias; Mansi, xv. 527) read over six doctrinal canons, which had been agreed upon at a smaller synod, held about a fortnight before at Langres (Lingonense ; ibid. XV. 525), appa rently in preparation for this meet ing with Hincmar ; and which had been framed at Valence in 855 (ibid. XV. 3). The prelates, however, for the sake of peace, now omitted the reference to the four Kiersy proposi tions, which had been pointedly condemned at Valence, 'propter inutilitatem, vel eliam noxietatem, et errorem contrarium veritati ;' e. 4. Cf. Gieseler, 11. 297 sq. ; Nean der, vr. 208. 3 He died in prison, 868. Nean der (p. 204) cites from Mauguin the terms of well-deserved rebuke, in which Bemigius condemned Hinc mar's cruel treatment of Gottskalk. This unhappy monk had been in volved (circ. 850) in another dispute with Hincmar, touching the ex pression, ' Te, trina Deltas unaque, poscimus,' which occurs in an an cient hymn. The primate had for bidden the use of it on the ground that it savoured of Tritheism : but Gottskalk and the other Frankish 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 179 may be found in earlier writers who had handled the great western question of the Eucharist : but it was first distinctly mani- _255^._ fested by Paschasius Badbert in 831. He was a monk, and afterwards (844-851) the abbot, of Corbey; and in a treatise4, On the Sacrament of the Body and Blood of Christ The work of ^ u J i Paschasius appears to have maintained that, by the act of consecration, -«<"»«¦', 831 the material elements are so transformed as to retain no more than the appearance (' figura') of their natural sub stance, being truly, though invisibly, replaced by Christ Himself in every way the same as He was born and crucified6. The work of Badbert was composed in the first instance for a pupil, but when he presented a new edition of it (844) to the emperor Charles-le-Chauve, it startled nearly all the scholars of the age. Babanus Maurus5 Benedictines, represented by Ba- tramnus, justified the phrase (Hinc mar's Worlcs, I. 413 sq.), and Hinc mar was compelled to let the matter rest. 4 The best edition is in Martene and Durand's Veter. Script. Collect. IX. 367 sq. ; or Radberti Opp. omnia, ed. Migne, 1852. 5 e.g. 'Quia Christum vorari fas dentibus non est, voluit in mysterio hunc panem et vinum vere carnem suam et sanguinem, consecratione Spiritus Sancti, potentialiter creari, creando vero quotidie pro mundi vita mystice immolari, ut sicut de Virgine per Spiritum vera caro sine coitu creatur ita per eundem ex sub stantia panis ac vini mystice idem Christi corpus et sanguis oonsecre- tur,' etc. c. iv. : 'Substantia panis et vini in Christi carnem et sangui nem efficaciter interius commutatur,' c. vm. It may be noted, as an in dex to the principles of Badbert, that he also argued for the miracu lous delivery of the Virgin in giving birth to our blessed Lord (' absque vexatione matris ingressus est mun- dum sine dolore et sine gemitu et sine ulla corruptione carnis') : Pasch. Radbert. de Partu, Virginis, in D'Achery's Spicilegium, I. 44. He was again opposed in this view by Ratramnus : Ibid. I. 52. 6 ' Quidam nuper de ipso Sacra mento corporis et sanguinis Domini non rite sentientes dixerunt, hoc ipsuni esse corpus et sanguinem Do mini, quod de Maria Virgine natum est, et in quo ipse Dominus passus est in cruce et resnrrexit de sepulcro. Cui errori quantum potuimus, ad Egilonem abbatem [i.e. of Priim] scribentes, de corpore ipso quid vere credendum sit aperuknus.' Epist. ad Heribaldum Autissiodorensem epis. (bp. of Auxerre). The passage is given, in its fullest form, in Ma- billon's Iter Germanieum, p. 17. The letter to Egilo has perished, unless it be identical with a docu ment edited by Mabillon in Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. saec. iv. pt. 11. 591. Other traces of the doctrine of Rabanus on the Eucharist are left in his De Instit. Clericorum, lib. I. c. 31 : cf. Soames's Bampton Led. pp. 412, 413. Radbert himself was forced to allow, in writing to a monk Frudegard (Opp. p. 1351, ed. Migne) that 'many' doubted the truth of his teaching : and the Romanists admit that he was the first writer N 2 180 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A. D. 814 western wrote against it ; but unhappily no full account of his objections is preserved. Another monk of Corbey, Ba- 'tiatrainus. tramnus, whom we saw engaging in a former controversy, was the main antagonist of Badbert. He put forth, at the request of the emperor, a treatise1 On the Body and The nature of Blood of the Lord. It is divided into two parts, the first entering on the question, whether the body and blood of Christ are taken by the faithful communicant in mystery or in truth ('in mysterio an in veritate2'); the second, whether it is the same body as that in which Christ was born, suffered, and rose from the dead. In answering the former question he declared, with St Augustine, that the eucharistic elements possess a twofold meaning. Viewed externally they are not the thing itself (the 'res sacra- menti'); they are simply bread and wine: but in their better aspect, and as seen by faith, the visual organ of the soul, they are the Body and Blood of Christ. The latter question was determined in the same spirit, though the language of Batramnus is not equally distinct. While he admitted a ' conversion' of the elements into the body of the Lord, in such a manner that the terms were inter changeable, he argued that the body was not Christ's in any carnal sense, but that the Word of God, the Bread Invisible, which is invisibly associated with the Sacrament, communicates nutrition to the soul, and quickens all the faithful who receive Him3. Or, in other words, Batramnus who explained their views of the the efficacy of the Lord's Supper Lord's Supper with precision. See by the analogous application of the L'Arroque's Hist, of the Eucharist, element of water in the sacrament of p. 3S7, Lond. 1684. baptism. 1 The best edition is by Boileau, 3 ' Verbum Dei, qui est Panis Paris, 17 12. Respecting the ge- Invisibilis, invisibiliter in illo ex- nuineness of the work, see Fabri- istens Sacramento, invisibiliter par- cius, Bibl. Latinitatis Med. Mtat. 1. ticipatione sui fidelium mentes vivi- 661 sq. ficando pascit.' See Neander, VI. 2 Adding, by way of explanation, 214 sq. ; Dollinger, III. 73. The ' utrum aliquid secreti contineat, work of Ratramnus was placed in quod oculis fidei solummodo pa- the Index Librorum Prohibitorum of teat,' § 1. He afterwards illustrates 1559; but some Boman Catholic — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 181 was in favour of a real, while he disbelieved a corporal, western or material, presence in the Eucharist. church. His views were shared, to some extent at least, hj ms views Floras, Walafrid Strabo, Christian Druthmar, and others4 IhTgen^aT1 ' i . -. . , teaching of tile on the continent, and were identical with those professed a^- in England till the period of the Norman conquest6. The extreme position on the other side appears to have been taken by Erigena, who was invited, as before, to write John scotus . , . /. -i ¦ , takes the a treatise on the subiect ot dispute. Although his work6 opposite J l o extreme. has perished, we have reason to infer from other records of his views, that he saw little more in the Eucharist than a memorial of the absent body of the Lord, — or a remem brancer of Christian truths, by which the spirit of the faithful is revived, instructed, and sustained7. Paschasius, unconvinced by opposition, stedfastly ad- writers (e.g. Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Bened. saec. IV. pt. II. praaf. p. xliv) try to vindicate him from the charge of 'heresy.' 4 See extracts from their works in Gieseler, II. 289, n. 8. Ama- larius, a priest and abbot in the diocese of Metz, took part in the eucharistic controversy, arguing for a triplicity of the body of Christ (de tripartito Christi Corpore), i. e. a distinction between the natural body of Christ and the eucharistic, first, as it exists in the living Christian, and secondly, as it abides in the Christian after death. He opened the revolting question of Stercoran- ism (the liability of the eucharistic elements to the same kind of decom position in the human system as that which is undergone by ordinary food) : see Mabillon, Ad. Sanct. Bened. pra?f. ad saec. IV. pt. 11. p. xxi. The views of Amalarius on the symbolic nature of the eucharist may be seen in his answer to Rant- gar, bp. of Noyon, in D'Achery's Spicileg. III. 330. 5 This point has been triumph antly established by many writers; e. g. Soames's Bamplon Led. Serm. VII. and notes. ^Elfric, the great Anglo-Saxon doctor, was familiar with the work of Ratramnus : Ibid. p. 421. 6 The work of Ratramnus has been attributed to him, and many writers have maintained that only one book was written (see Lauf's essay on this point in the Theolog. Studien und Kriliken for 1828, I. 755 sq.) : but the other view that there were originally two treatises, composed under royal patronage, appears to be the more probable. Neander, VI. 217. 7 Hincmar (Opp. I. 232) condemns as one of the opinions of Scotus, that the eucharist was ' iantum me- moria veii corporis et sanguinis Ejus.' Adrevald has also written an Opusculum de Corpore et Sanguine Domini contra Joannem Scotum, in D'Achery's Spicileg. I. 150: and in a MS. lately found at Rome, con taining a commentary of Scotus on the Hierarchia Ccelestis, the eucha rist is said to be 'typicam simili. tudinem spiritualis participationis Jesu, quam fideliter solo intellectu gustamus.' Note to the English edition of Dollinger's Ch. Hist. in. 73. Cf. Scoti Opp. ed. Floss, p. 41. WESTERN CHURCH. Lull in the controversy. Revived by Herenqer Id. 1088). 182 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 hered to his former ground1; and as the theory which he -defended was in unison with the materializing spirit of the age, it was in future gradually espoused in almost every province of the Western Church. The controversy slumbered2, with a few exceptions, for the whole of the tenth century, when it broke out with reinvigorated force. The author of the second movement, Berengarius (or Be"- renger) was archdeacon of Angers (1040), and formerly the head of the thriving schools attached to the cathedral of Tours. Embracing the more spiritual view of the Eucharist, as it had been expounded by Batramnus3, he was forced at length into collision with a former school fellow, Adelmann*, who warned him in 1045 and 1047 of scandals he was causing in the Church at large by his opinions on this subject. Like the rest of the mediaeval reformers, Berengarius had inherited a strong affection for the works of St Augustine5; and his confidence in the antiquity and truth of his position is expressed, with a becoming modesty, in his appeal to the celebrated Lan- 1 See his Expositio in Matth. lib. XII. u. xxvi. Opp. p. 891, ed. Migne. His view appears to be supported in Haimo's Tractatus de Corp. et Sang. Domini (D'Achery, I. 42). 2 Cf. L'Arroque, History of the Eucharist, part II. ch. xvi. Herigar, abbot of Lobes, in the diocese of Liege (circ. 1000), compiled 'contra Ratbertum multa catholicorum pa trum scripta de corpora et sanguine Domini' (D'Achery, 11. 744) : and Gerbert (afterwards, in 999, Sylves ter II.) put forth a modified version of the theory of Radbert (in Pezii Thesaurus Anecdot. torn. 1. pt. 11. ¦¦33 — r49) especially denouncing the ' Stercoranists.' On the other hand, that theory was advocated in its fulness by Gezo, abbot of Tortona (circ. 950 ; in Muratori's Anecdota, III. 237), and confirmed in the eyes of the vulgar by miraculous stories, which asserted nothing less than a physical change in the eucharistic elements. 3 Owing to the early confusion between the works of Scotus and Ratramnus (see above, p. 181, n. 6), BCrenger is continually charged with drawing his opinions on the eucharist from the erratic Scotus; but there is no question, after his own constant reference to the trea tise of Batramnus, that it was the work intended by his adversaries. 4 Then residing at Liege, after wards (1048) bishop of Brescia. See Adelmann, De Veritate Corporis et Sanguinis Domini, ed. Schmidt, Prunsv. 1770, in which edition other documents are printed. The rumour which had reached Liege was, that Berenger denied 'verum corpus Christi,' and argued for 'figuram quandam et similitudi- nem.' 6 See Neander, vi. 223, — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 183 franc6, prior of Bee, in Normandy. This letter had been western forwarded to Bome, where Lanfranc was in 1050, and-01'"'" on being laid before a council7, which was sitting at the condemned at time, its author was condemned unheard. His friends, Mome' 1050' however, more particularly Bruno8, bishop of Angers, did not abandon him in this extremity ; and after a short interval of silence and suspense9, he was relieved from the charge of heresy in a provincial synod held at Tours10 iie is acquitted, mi i • tt-1 -i -i -i at Tows, in 1054. Ine papal representative was Hildebrand, who 1054: listened calmly to the arguments of the accused, and when he had most cordially admitted that the bread and wine are (in one sense) the Body and Blood of Christ11, the legate 6 Lanfranc. Opp. ed. D'Achery, p. 22. One of the best modern accounts of this controversy is in Ebrard's Doctrine and History of the Lord's Supper (in German), I. 439 sq. Francof. 1845. 7 Mansi, xix. 757: Lanfranc. Opp. p. 234 : Berengar. de Sacra Ccena, p. 35 ; ed. Berolin. 1834. The sentence was confirmed in the fol lowing September, at Vercelli, where the book of Scotus (? Ba tramnus) is connected with the doctrine of Be'renger : Mansi, xix. 773 ; Berengar. de Sacr. Ccena, pp. 42, 43. He was anxious to appear at this later synod, but was prevented by the king of France (Henry I.), the patron of the abbey of Tours, in which Be'renger was an inmate. 8 See his friendly but guarded Letter to Berenger, printed in De Roye, De Vita Berengarii, p. 48, ed. Andegav. 1657. 9 In this interval is to be placed the council of Paris, if such a coun cil was actually held. See Neander, VI. 231, 232. In any case, it is plain that popular opinion was strongly against Be'renger. The bishop of Liege (Deoduin) in an Epistle to the king (Bibl. Patr. ed. Lugdun. xviii. 531), alludes to this excited state of public feeling in violent terms, and even charges Berenger and Bruno of Angers with denying other articles of faith (' qualiter.-.antiquas haere- ses modernis temporibus introdu- cendo adstruant, corpus Domini non tam corpus esse quam umbram et figuram corporis Domini, legitima conjugia destruant, et, quantum in ipsis est, baptismum parvulorum evertant'). 10 See Be'renger, ubi sup. pp. 50 sq., and the varying account of Lanfranc, de Eucharist, c. IV. 11 ' Panis atque vinum altaris post. consecrationem sunt corpus Christi et sanguis.' From this and other passages it is plain that Be'renger did not view the eucharist as a bare symbol. What he controverted was the theory of men like archbishop Guitmund, circ. 1075 (de Cmpore et Sanguine Christi, in Bibl. Patr. ed. Lugd, xviii. 440), who main tained that the bread and wine were changed ' essentialiter.' The same writer mentions that, while some of the 'Berengariani' admitted 'tan- tummodo umbras et figuras,' Be' renger himself and others ('rectis Ecclesias rationibus cedentes') af firmed a real though unoorporeal presence : ' dicunt ibi corpus et sanguinem Domini revera, sed la- tenter contineri, et, ut sumi possint, quodammodo (ut ita dixerim) im- 184 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 WESTERN CHURCH. condemned afresh 1059. Controversy reopened. Lanfranc, his opponent. took his side, or was at least completely satisfied with the - account he gave of his belief. Confiding in the powerful aid of Hildebrand, he afterwards obeyed a summons to appear in Bome1 (1059), but his compliance ended in a bitter disappointment of his hopes. The sensuous multi tude, who had become impatient of all phrases that ex pressed a spiritual participation in the Eucharist2, now clamoured for his death, and through the menaces of bishop Humbert, who was then the leading cardinal, he was eventually compelled to sign a formula of faith, in which the physical conversion of the elements was stated in the most revolting terms3. The insincerity of this confession was indeed soon afterwards apparent: for on his return to Erance he spoke with bitterness, if not contempt, of his opponents4, and at length proceeded to develope and defend his earlier creed. His chief antagonist6 was Lan franc, who, while shrinking from expressions such as those which emanated from the Boman synod, argued strongly for a change of substance in the bread and wine0. The controversy, in their hands, became a battle-field for putting the new dialectic weapons to the proof; and in a long dispute, conducted with no common skill, they both were able to arrive at clearer definitions than had hitherto been current in the Church. The feverish populace, how- panari.' This view was certainly shared by Bruno, above, n. 8 ; and, in so far as we can judge, by Hilde brand himself. Neander, vi. 233 (note). 1 Mansi, xix. 758. 2 Berengarius, de Sacra Coma, p. 72. 3 ... 'verum corpus et sanguinem Domini nostri Jesu Christi esse, et sensualiter non solum sacramento, sed in veritate, manibus sacerdotum tractari, frangi et fidelium dentibus atteri;' Lanfranc. Opp. p. 232. 4 See a contemporary writing (1 by Bernaldus), in Bibl. Patr. ed. Lugd. xvni. 835. 5 Another was Guitmund (see p. 183, n. 11), and a third Duran- dus, abbot of Troanne (Lanfranc. Opp. ed. D'Achery, Append, pp. 71 sq.) 6 ' Credimus terrenas substantias, quae in mensa dominica per sacerdo- tale mysterium divinitus sanctifican- tur, ineffabiliter, inconiprehensibili- ter, mirabiliter, operante superna potentia, converti in essentiam Do- minici corporis, reservatis ipsarum rerum speciebus, et quibusdam aliis qualitatibus,' etc. De Eucharist, c. xviii. p. 244. — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 185 ever, with the great majority of learned men, declared for western Lanfranc from the first ; and more than once his rival only — just escaped the ebullition of their rage7. The lenient tone8 of Alexander II. in dealing with reputed misbelief, was due perhaps to the pacification of his favourite, Hildebrand; and when the latter was exalted to the papal throne as Gregory VII. (1073), the course of Berengarius promised to grow smoother. But that interval of peace was short. His adversaries, some of whom had private grounds of disaffection to the reigning pontiff, made a common cause with the more stringent cardinals ; and in 1078, the author of the movement, which continued to distract the Western Church, was cited to appear a second time at Bome9. ated to The pope himself, adducing the authority of Damiani as at Rome; an equipoise to that of Lanfranc, was at first content with an untechnical confession that ' the bread and wine are, after consecration, the true Body and Blood of Christ;' which the accused was ready to accept10. But other mem bers of the Bomish church, incited by the cardinal Benno11, Gregory's implacable opponent, now protested that, as formulas like these did not run counter to the faith of Berengarius, he should be -subjected to a stricter test. To this demand the pope was driven to accede12, and in a numerous council13, held at Bome in the following Fe bruary (1079), the faith of the accused again forsook him. He subscribed a new confession teaching the most rigorous hu second " w recantation,1079. 7 e. g. at the synod of Poitiers det ad dexteram Patris ; et vinum (1076) : Chronicon Maxentii, in altaris, postquam consecratum est, Labbe's Biblioth. MSS. 11. 212. esse verum sanguinem, qui manavit 8 See the statement of the writer de latere Christi.' quoted above, n. 4. u He' calls in question the 'or- 9 See the account of Be'renger thodoxy ' of Gregory himself, as himself in Martene and Durand's well he might, for fraternizing with Thesaur. Anecdot. IV. 103 ; Mansi, Be'renger. See his work De Vita XIX. 761. Hildebrandi (in Goldast's Apolog. 10 'Profiteor panem altaris post pro Henrico IV. p. 3). consecrationem esse verum corpus 12 Cf. Neander, vi. 244, 245. Christi, quod natum est de Virgine, 13 Mansi, XX. 523. quod passum est in cruce, quod se- 186 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 814 WESTERN CHURCH. Summary of his belief. Mlfred the Great (d. 901). form of transubstantiation1, and retired soon afterwards from Bome with testimonials of his orthodoxy granted by the pope2. As in the former case, his liberation was ac companied by bitter self-reproach ; but though he seems to have maintained his old opinions3 till his death, in 1088, no further measures of repression were adopted by his foes. With him expired an able but inconstant champion4 of the primitive belief respecting the true Presence in the Supper of the Lord. While he contended that the sub stance of the elements is not destroyed at consecration, he regarded them as media instituted by the Lord Himself for the communication, in a supernatural manner, of His Body and His Blood to every faithful soul. He argued even for the fitness of the term 'conversion' as equivalent to ' consecration,' and in this respect allowed a change in the bread and wine ; a change, however, which, according to his view, was nothing like a physical transubstantiation, but was rather a transfiguration, which the elements ap peared to undergo, when contemplated by a living faith in Christ, who had appointed them as representatives and as conductors of Himself. The great bulk of the church-writers who had been 1 ' Corde credo et ore confiteor, panem et vinum, quae ponuntur in altari, per mysterium sacrae orationis . et verba nostri Bedemptoris substan- tialiter converti in veram et propriam et vivificatricem carnem et sangui nem Jesu Christi Domini nostri, et post consecrationem esse verum Christi corpus, quod natum est de Virgine, et quod pro salute mundi oblatum in cruce pependit, et quod sedet ad dexteram Patris ; et verum sanguinem Christi, qui de latere ejus effusus est, non tantum per signum et virtutem Sacramenti, sed in proprietate natures et veritate sub stantial.' a D'Achery's Spicileg. III. 413. All who call Berengarius a heretic are anathematized. 3 See Gieseler, II. 411, and Ne ander, vi. 247, on the one side; and Dollinger, in. 79, 80, on the other. 4 The later Roman Catholic writers, Mabillon, Martene, and Durand, admit, after the discovery of some original documents, that he only denied transubstantiation, but conceded a ' real presence.' Gieseler, ibid. It is plain, how ever, that the movement which he headed, numbered others who denied the presence of the Lord in any sense whatever : see above, p. 183, n. 11. —1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 187 produced in the period under our review, are far less western worthy of enumeration. We must not, however, pass in- C'' silence men6 like iElfred the Great, the Charlemagne of England (871-901), who, after straggling with the bar barous Northmen, and at length subduing them, stood forward as the ardent patron of the Church and a restorer "" influence of religion. Almost every trace of native scholarship6 had as a patron of learning and religion. been obliterated in the conflict with the Danes, but through the holy efforts of the king himself, assisted by a band of literati8, a new impulse was communicated to the spi ritual and intellectual progress of the Anglo-Saxon race. The English, it is true, like other churches of the west9, was not exempted from the corruptions which prevailed so widely in the tenth century : but from the age of iElfred, a more general diffusion of religious truth, in the ver nacular language, raised the standard of intelligence. His policy was carried out10 by iElfric, the Grammarian, arch- ajfferblry (a. 1006). 0 Cf. The Laws of Howel the Good, archbp. of Canterbury, who died the Cambrian prince and legislator 923; Waerfrith, bp. of Worcester of the 10th century. (d. 915), and Denewulf, originally 6 See above, p. 94, u. 1. a swineherd and afterwards bp. of 7 A Jubilee edition of his Com- "Winchester. Grimbald, a Frankish plete Works has been lately pub- monk, and John of Corbey (eon- lished. His most valuable trea- founded with John Scotus Erigena) tises (ecclesiastically speaking) are were some of the foreign coadjutors : the Anglo-Saxon editions of the but still more appears to have been Pastoral of Gregory the Great, and due to Asser, the biographer of Bede's Church History: to which jElfred, and a native cf Wales. we may add the freer version of See Wright, ubi sup. pp. 405 — 418. Boethius de Consolatione and the 9 The almost solitary exceptions Soliloquies of St Augustine. The on the continent, at least till the Laws of King Alfred are re-pub- close of the tenth century, are Ba- lished in Thorpe's Ancient Laws, therius of Verona, and Atto of Ver- &c. I. 44 — 101. It was mainly celli ; see above, p. 156, n. 1 ; p. through the influence of king JEA- 153, n. 7. The latter, it may be fred that so many vernacular glosses added, wrote a Commentai'y of some on the Scriptures and the Service- value on the Epistles of St Paul : ed. books were undertaken at this pe- Vercelli, 1768. riod. See Wright's Biograph. Britan. 10 See his Preface to the Homilies, (Anglo-Saxon Period) pp. 426, 427. where, in declaring that bis aim The Rule of St Benedict was after- was to edify unlettered people, who wards translated into ¦ Anglo-Saxon knew nothing but 'simple English,' by Ethelwold. Ibid. 440 he alludes to the 'prudent' labours 8 Some of these were Plegmund, of king Alfred. 188 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 814 western bishop of Canterbury1 (995-1006) ; who, in addition to a — list of elementary school-books2, left behind him eighty Anglo-Saxon Homilies, compiled in almost every case from earlier doctors of the west. He found an active coadjutor8 in his namesake and disciple, iElfric Batta (Putta), arch bishop of York (1023-1051), and in the bishop (? of Worcester) Wulfstan or Lupus, who has also left us many Homilies in the language of the countiy i. On the continent of Europe very few of the scholars had attained to greater celebrity than Gerbert, a monk of Aurillac, and subsequently pope Silvester II. (999-1003). His fund of scientific knowledge5, was derived from the Muhammedans ; and, as the fruit of an awakened intel lect, he was at first a strenuous adversary of the ultra- papal claims6. His influence was extended far and near, Fuaert, bishop especially by a distinguished pupil, Fulbert, in whose (d. 1028). hands the school of Chartres grew into a mighty agent for diminishing the darkness of the age. IElfric of York (d. 1051). Wulfstan, or Lupus But this very circumstance eventually became the ground of fresh disputes, and led the way to the final schism. The patriarch of Constantinople, Michael Cerularius, in 1053, peremptorily forbade the celebration of the Latin ritual in his province2; and, assisted by Leo, metropolitan of Bulgaria, published an intemperate attack3 on all the members of the Western Church. This angry missive roused the indignation of the Latins, more especially of the polemic cardinal Humbert4, whose reply, though very bitter in its tone, is marked in some respects by larger views of evangelic freedom. All attempts to calm the passion of the disputants were vain : and when the papal 1 Glaber Badulph. Hist. lib. rv. c. I. After stating the proposal as above, he continues : ' Dum ergo adhuc leni sub murmure hujusce machinatores in conclavi sese pu- tarent talia tractavisse, velox fama de ipsis per universam Italiam de- cucurrit. Sed qualis tunc tumultus, quam vehemens commotio per cunc- tos exstitit, qui audierunt, dici non valet.' A remonstrance on the sub ject was addressed to the pope by William of Dijon. 2 See the letter of Leo IX. (1054) to Cerularius of Constantinople and Leo of Achrida: Mansi, xix. 635. 3 It is only extant in the Latin version of cardinal Humbert, in Baronius, Annal. ad an. 1053, §§ 22 sq. It was addressed to John, bishop of Trani (in Apulia), but, through him 'ad universos principes sacer- dotum et sacerdotes Francorum et monachos et populos et ad ipsum reverendissimum papam.' He in sists, among other trivial things, on the importance of using common or leavened bread in the celebration of the eucharist, instead of the pas chal or unleavened bread, which after the eighth century had been common among the Latins : see the Dissertation concerning Azymes, in Neale's Eastern Church, Introd. 11. 105 1 sq. The ground of the objec tion to the Latin custom was alleged to be its judaizing tendency. See another angry work in opposition to the Latin Church by Nicetas, a Studite monk, in Canisius, Led. An tiq. ni. pt. I. pp. 308 sq., where Humbert's Responsio is also printed. Nicetas afterwards recanted. 4 See above, p. 184. His refuta tion is printed at length in Canisius, Led. Antiq. III. pt. I. pp. 283 sq. — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 201 legates, at the instance of a Bomanizing emperor5, arrived separa- at Constantinople in 1054, they found the patriarch im- ea^/and moveably opposed to their pretensions. They departed, : — therefore, after placing on the altar of the church of St Sophia (July' 16) an imperious writ of excommunication", which was followed in its turn by an anathema from Cerularius and his clergy7. The disunion of the Boman and Byzantine sees was consummated by these acts; and as' the patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch8, and Jerusalem adhered to the more powerful see of Constantinople, the estrangement was transmitted almost universally to other countries of the East9. THE EASTERN AND WESTERN SECTS. The rise and growth of the Paulicians10 have been fully traced already, though their influence gave a colour to the present period of the Church. They flourished chiefly in Armenia, on the borders of the Zendic or Parsee re ligion; and a mixture of their creed with it appears to have produced the sect of the Thontrakians, founded by The sect of one Sembat, a Paulician (between 833 and 854) in the tin Thontrakians 5 This tenderness for Rome is indicated in the letter addressed to him by Leo IX. (1054): Mansi, xix. 667. 0 See the Brevis Commemoratio of Humbert in Canisius, Ibid. pp. 325 sq. Among other charges le velled at the Orientals in this docu-, ment the following are remarkable : 'Sicut Arriani rebaptizant in nomine sanctse Trinitatis baptizatos, et max- ime Latinos; siout Donatistae affir mant, excepta Grsecorum Ecclesia, Ecclesiam Christi et verum sacrifi- cium atque baptismum ex toto mun- do periisse; sicut Nicolaitae carnalcs nuptias concedunt et defendunt sacri altaris ministris; sicut Severiani maledictam dicunt legem Mosis ; sicut Pneumatomachi vel Theomachi absciderunt a symbolo Spiritus Sancti processionem a Filio,' etc. 7 In a synod held at Constan tinople (1054) : see Leo Allatius, De Libris Ecclesiaslicis Grcecorum, ed. Paris. 1645, pp. 161 sq. 8 Peter of Antioch acted at first the part of a mediator : see Monu- menta Eccl. Grcec. ed Coteler. 11. 123 sq. In the same collection (pp. 138 sq.) are letters addressed to Peter by Cerularius, in which he complains of the pride and in solent demands of the' legates, and points out what he considers fresh scandals in the Latin Church. 9 At the period of the separation it seems probable that the number of episcopal sees was nearly equal on both sides. Palmer's Treatise on the Church, I. 164, 165, 3rd edit. 10 Above, pp. 85 — 92. SECTS. Revival of the Euchites. 202 State of Religious Doctrine and Uontroversies. |A.d. o!4 province of Ararat1. In spite of persecution2 it made nu merous converts, more especially when it was joined by an Armenian bishop, Jacob, in 1002. This century had also witnessed a revival3 of the mys tic sect of Euchites (or Enthusiasts), who afterwards were known by an equivalent Slavonic name, the Bogomiles. Proceeding from the Eastern Church they seem to have maintained substantially the Zendic doctrine of two prin ciples, and also to have held with it exaggerated views of the importance of monastic life, which they regarded as the one effective agent for the subjugation of the flesh and for disarming all the powers of darkness. Many of these oriental sects, desirous of securing pro- mlr 'principles selvtes or driven from their early haunts by dint of per- io the West. J j j i secution, migrated, as it would seem most frequently, along the course of the Danube, into several countries of the West. The progress of the Bogomiles and the related school of Cathari belongs to the following period: but the seeds of lasting controversies were now scattered far and wide, in Italy, in France, and even in the Nether lands and some parts of Germany. The name with which the sectaries are branded in the works of a host of un- discriminating adversaries, is the odious name of Mani- Transmission of many of 1 See Chamchean's (or, as the Germans write it, Tschamtschean's) Geschichte von Armenien, II. 884 sq. ; Neander, VI. 342 sq. 2 The Armenian Church (cf. above, p. 189, n. 8) had retained a large amount of judaizing ele ments (even animal sacrifices in memory of the dead), and accord ingly the antagonism between it and the Paulicians was complete. Ibid. Akin to the Armenians in their tenderness for Judaism, were the new sect of Athinganians, who appeared in Phrygia. Neander (vi. 347 sq.) conjectures that they were a remnant of the judaizing misbe lievers whom St Paul rebukes in the Epistle to the Colossians (ii. 21 sq.). 3 Several traces of them in the interval between the fourth and eleventh centuries, have been pointed out by Gieseler, II. 489 (note). They seem to have had a regular church constitution, and to have named the chief teachers ' apostles.' The fullest source of information respecting them at the latter date is the ILepl luepyelas Saiuibvtiiv AidXoyos of the very learned Michael Psellus (circ. 1050), ed. Norimberg. 1838. Among other startling practices he mentions that the Euchites were ' devil- worship pers :' perhaps connected in some measure with the ' Yezeedees,', on whom see Badger's Nestorians, I. m — 134: Lond. 1852. — 1073] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 203 chaeans4, — misbelievers who had formerly aroused the zeal sects. of St Augustine. They had gained a stable footing in the llie so.calkd church of Orleans (circ. 1020), and attracted notice almost ilaEuropln$ simultaneously in other distant spots. So far as we can gather from the extant traces of the Their dtstinc- ° tive tenets. movement5, all its chief adherents were distinguished by a tendency to rationalism, while they preserved the mystic and ascetic elements of thought we have just noted in the Euchite. Questioning the possibility of supernatural birth, they represented the humanity of Christ as the mere sem blance of a body, and accordingly concluded that His death and resurrection also were unreal : while the same Docetic theory resulted in contempt of all material media instituted to promote the culture of the soul. They undervalued, if they did not openly abjure, the holy sacraments, professing to administer a spiritual baptism and a spiritual eucha rist instead of corresponding ordinances in the system of the Church6. 4 The other view (advocated, for instance, by Gieseler, II. 491) is, that the western sects, now stigma tized as Manichceans, were really descended from the ancient Manes, whose disciples had not been ex tinguished in some parts of Italy. This class of writers grant, however, that after the crusades there was a kind of fusion of the eastern and western sects, and that the Bogo miles (or Euchites) were then exactly like the French and Italian 'Mani- chaeans.' The view adopted in the text is that of Muratori, Antiq. Italice medii JEvi, v. 81 — 152 ; Gibbon, v. 283 sq., ed. Milman; and Neander, VI. 348. 5 See especially the Acts of the synods of Orleans (1022) and of Arras (1025) in Mansi, XIX. 373, 423 ; Glaber Eadulph. Hist. lib. iii. c. 8 ; and the Chronicle of Ademar, a contemporary monk of Angou- Wme, in Bouquet, X. 154. Besides the tenets mentioned above, these sectaries made light of all the me diaeval saints, and reverenced none except apostles and martyrs: they opposed the veneration of the cross ; they ridiculed the consecration of churches ; they insisted on the greater dignity of the unmarried state, and even spoke of sexual intercourse when sanctified by ma trimony as a thing accursed. Like the Euchites, they are said to have worshipped the devil, (above, 11. 3), and to have religiously abstained from every kind of animal food. 6 See the remarks of Neander on this point, VI. 352. The sect ad ministered a rite resembling con firmation. They termed it the 'consolamentum,' or communication of the Comforter. Ibid. At the synod of Arras they brought three reasons against the efficacy of bap tism as administered by the Church — '(1) quia vita reproba ministro- rum baptizandis nullum potest prae- bere salutis remedium : (2) quia quidquid vitiorum in fonte renun- ciatur postmodum in vita repeti- the sectaries. 204 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 814 sects. On the detection of this band of heretics in Aquitaine persecution of and other parts of France, a synod was convened at Orleans in 1022, where thirteen of the ' Manichseans,' who were true to their convictions, suffered at the stake1. Soon afterwards a kindred faction was impeached in the dioceses of Liege and Arras by a synod held at the latter place2 (1025). But notwithstanding the extreme severity3 with which the leading misbelievers were repressed, the sect went on fermenting, more especially among the working class4. Besides a host of other ' Manichceans ' who were executed in these parts and even in the north of Germany5, the neighbourhoods of Milan and Turin supplied fresh vic tims to the sanguinary spirit of the age (1030). The here tics abounded most at Monteforte6; and their creed, so far as we can judge, had even fewer elements of truth7 than were surviving in the other branches of the sect. tur : (3) quia ad parvulum non volen- tem neque currentem, fidei nescium, sufeque salutis atque utilitatis igna- rum, in quem nulla regenerationis petitio, nulla fidei potest inesse confessio, aliena voluntas, aliena fides, aliena confessio nequaquamper- tinere videtur.' Mansi, XIX. 425. 1 Authorities above, p. 203, n. 5. s Mansi, xix. 423 sq. The abp. Gerhard II. refuted the objections of the sectaries at length. Ibid. 3 Almost the only prelate who denounced the persecuting spirit. of the times was Wazon, bishop of Liege (d. 1047) : see his noble lan guage in the Gesta Episcoporum Leodiensium, in Martene and Du- rand's Colledio, iv. 898 sq. 4 They were particularly stimu lated, first by Gundulf, an Italian, and then by a teacher of the name of Bamihed, who was at last hunted down and burned. 6 Herimanni Chron. an. 1052 (Pertz, VII. 130). 6 Glaber Badulph. Hist. lib. IV. c. 2. A new name began to be applied in Italy at this period to all kinds of sects. It was that of Patareni, or Paterini, which ap pears to be derived from 'pataria,' , a Milanese word = 'popular fac tion.' It was originally the nick name given by the clergy to the popular party of Milan during the agitations against the marriage of the priests: Schrockh, xxm. 349, 350; Neander, vi. 67, 68. 7 See Landulphi Hist. Mediolan. lib. n. c. 27 (in Muratori, Script. Ital. iv. 88. sq.), where an account is given of the sect by one of its functionaries, Gerhard, who was summoned by archbp. Heribert of Milan. According to him, the doc trines of the Gospel, though in words accepted as the truth, were robbed of all their meaning by an ultra-spiritualistic style of exposi tion. Thus the Son of God is made to signify a soul that has become the object of God's love ; the birth of Christ from the Virgin is the new birth of a soul out of the sacred Scriptures ; while the ' Holy Ghost' is the true understanding of these Scriptures. -1073] ( 205 ) CHAPTEB VIII. ON THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. In sketching the religious life of Western Christendom means op at this period, a distinction must be drawn between the know- tenth century and the remaining portions of the ninth and — the eleventh. The influence of the Carlovingian schools, in the degree of -,, -it-it-vi • intelligence. supported as they were by Louis-le-Uebonnaire and Charles- le-Chauve8, was very widely felt : it ended only when do mestic troubles, the partition of the empire, and the savage inroads of the Northmen checked all further growth. The same is, speaking generally, true of England; but the noble efforts of king iElfred9 to revive the ancient taste for learning rescued his dominions, in some way at least, from the barbaric darkness which continued to oppress the continent of Europe, till the dawn of the Hildebrandine Tenth century reformation. Nearly all the intermediate time is desert, £*."" " one expanse of moral barrenness and intellectual gloom10. As in the former period11, the instruction of the masses f^ofthe was retarded by the multiplicity and breaking up of Ian- '<"«""»«¦ guages, and, most of all, by the adherence of the Western Church to Latin only as the vehicle of worship. It was 8 In the former reign the lite- 9 Above, pp. 186, 187. rature was almost exclusively re- 10 See, for instance, Mabillon, Ad. ligious, owing to the predilections Sanct. Ord. Bened., saec. v. Praef. of the monarch, but the court and Other writers (e. g. Hallam, Lit. of schools of Charles-le-Chauve dis- Middle Ages, pt. 1. ch. I. § 10) con- played a stronger relish for more sider the tenth an advance upon the general learning (' utriusque erudi- seventh century, more particularly tionis Divinae scilicet et humanas' is in France. the language of the Council of Sa- ll See above, p. gs- vonieres in 859): cf. Guizot, II. 371. GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Injunctions on 206 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a. d. 814 means of^ now, in fact, disused1 by nearly all excepting clerics. Many of the councils have, however, laid especial stress on the necessity of preaching in the native dialects2. They urge that opportunity should be afforded, both in town and country parishes3, of gaining a complete acquaintance with the precious Word of God. The doctrines of the Saviour's incarnation, death, and final triumph in behalf of man, the gift of the Holy Ghost, the value of the sacraments, the blessedness of joining in the act of public prayer, the need of pure and upright living, and the certainty of future judgment in accordance with men's works, are recom mended as the leading topics for the expositions of the priest*. But insufficient training5, even where he was alive 1 Bahr, Geschichte der romisch. Lit. in Tcarol. Zeit. p. 59. 2 e.g. The council of Mayence, in 847, orders (c. 2) that bishops should not only be assiduous in preaching, but that they should be able to translate their homilies into Romana rustica or Theotisca (Deutsclf), ' quo facilius cuncti pos- sint intelligere quae dicuntur. ' The practice of the English in this re spect is illustrated by iElfric and Wulfstan (see above, p. 188): and in ^Elfric's Canons, c. 23 (Johnson, J- 397) > the priest is distinctly re minded of his duty to expound the Gospel in English every Sunday and mass-day. 3 e.g. The council of "Valence (855), c. 16. Pope Nicholas I. soon afterwards (between 858 and 867) urges the importance of erecting ' plebes, vel baptismales ecclesiae' (parish churches), ' ut ibi conventus celebrior populorum fiat et dodrina fidei prcedicetur .' Mansi, XV. 452. 4 See, for instance, the Capitula of Herard, archbp. of Tours (858), 0. 9 (in Baluze, I. 1285) : and coun cil of Mayence, as above, n. 2. 5 The requisite amount of know ledge is laid down by Hincmar in his Capitula (852); Mansi, XV. 475. Besides committing several offices and formulae to memory, the priest is to be able to expound the Apo stles' Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Creed of St Athanasius ('Quicun que Vult'), and understand forty Homilies of Gregory the Great. Several councils complained bitterly of unlearned priests : e. g. that of Rome (826), which also insists on the importance of securing school masters, ' qui studia litterarum li- beraliumque artium dogmata assi- due doceant:' c. 34; Mansi, XIV. 1008: cf. ib. 493. So grossly ig norant were the clerics of Verona, that Batherius (d. 974) found many (plurimos) unable to repeat even the Apostles' Creed: D'Achery, I. 381. See Ratlierius von Verona und das zehnte Jahrhundert, von Albrecht "Vogel, Jena, 1854. He had also to contend with others (of Vicenza) who had sunk into anthropomor phism, resolutely maintaining (like the present Mormons) ' corporeum Deum esse :' Ibid. 388 sq. This part of Christendom, indeed, would seem to have been very prone to such unworthy speculations. Here sprang up the ' Theopaschites' con demned at Bome (862), when the decision was that the Godhead of our Saviour was impassible, that He 'passionem crucis tantummodo — 1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 207 to his vocation, rendered him unable to imprint those means of GRACE AND. verities effectually upon his semi-barbarous flock. As know children they were taught indeed by him and by their sponsors ° several elements of Christian faith (e.g. the Lord's tfepopuLl Prayer and the Apostles' Creed) : yet there is reason to infer that in the many, more especially of tribes which were now added to the Church, the roots of heathenism were still insuperably strong7. How far the masses learned to read is not so easily schools,- determined. The amount of education must have differed with the circumstances of the country, diocese, or parish : still we are assured that efforts were continually made to organize both town and village schools8. The richest institutions of this class were the conventual especially the Benedictine. seminaries of the French and German Benedictines; and although they often shared in the deterioration of the order, and were broken up by the invasions of the Ma gyars and Northmen, we must view them as the greatest boon to all succeeding ages; since in them9 especially the copies of the Sacred Volume, of the Fathers, and of other books were hoarded and transcribed10. secundum carnem sustinuisse' (Man- ever, that there was a constant si, xv. 658). The same council was jealousy of the lay or secular schools under the necessity of condemning on the part of the monks, who an opinion that in baptism ' originale succeeded in getting several of them non ablui delictum.' closed. Vidaillan, Vie de Greg. VII., 6 Gieseler (n. 265, 11. 29) men- 1. 290. tions a German-Latin exhortation 9 Some idea of the contents of a on this subject belonging to the monastic library at this period may present period. Still, as we may be formed from the catalogue be- judge from the council of Trosle longing to the French convent of (909), c. 15, multitudes of either St Biquier, in Chronicon Monast. sex were unable to repeat even the S. Richarii Centulensis (D'Achery's Lord's Prayer and the Creed. Spicil. II. 310 sq.). 7 Cf. above, p. 95, n. 6 ; p. 119; 10 The founder of a reformed p. 125 ; p. 143, n. 8. branch of the Benedictines, the Con- 8 e.g. council of Valence (855), gregation of Hirschau, did great c. 18; council ot Savonieres (859), service in this way: 'Duodecim c. 10. Herard of Tours, in like monachis suis scriptores optimos in- manner, enjoins (c. 17) 'ut scholas stituit, quibus ut Divines auctoritatis presbyteri pro posse habeant et libros, et sanctorum Patrum trada- libros emendates.' It seems, how- tus rescriberent, demandavit. Erant MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Scarcity of entire copies the Bible. Vernacular translations. 208 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a. d. 814 The reverence for the holy Scriptures on the ground of their superhuman character was universally retained1. — Too oft, however, the supply of biblical as well as other of manuscripts appears to have been extremely small2; and very few even of the well-affected clergy had sufficient means to purchase more than two or three separate works3 of the inspired Authors. Copies of the Psalms and Gospels were most frequently possessed. The laity, when they could read, had also opportunities of gathering crumbs of sacred knowledge, here and there at least, from versions now in circulation4 of some parts of holy Writ, from interlinear glosses of the Service-books5, praeter hos et alii scriptores sine certo numero, qui pari diligentia scribendis voluminibus operam im- pendebant.' J. Trithemius [John of Trittenheim] Annates Hirsaugi- enses, I. 227 : ed. St Gall. 1690. 1 See the Benedictine Hist. Lit. de la France, iv. 252 sq., v. 291 sq., and, for England, .iElfric, On the Old and New Testaments, translated by L'Isle, Lond. 1638. At the consecration of a bishop the follow ing question was asked : ' Vis ea quae ex Divinis Scripturis intelligis plebem cui ordinandus es et verbis docere et exemplis.' MS. quoted in Soames, Bampt. Led. p. 95. Dunstan urges the advantage of a familiar acquaintance with the Holy Scriptures in his ' Exposition of the Bule of St Benedict :' Cambr. Univ. MSS., Ee, II. 4, fol. 26, b. 2 Mr Kemble (Saxons, II. 433) quotes a passage from Babanus Maurus, where it is stated that no copy of the Old and New Testa ments could then be found in the diocese of Lisieux. 3 This was implied in the advice of Kiculf, bishop of Soissons (889), who urged his country clergy to bestow especial pains upon their schools, and to provide themselves with as many books as possible. If they could not procure all the Old Testament, they were at least to have the Book of Genesis : Fleury, liv. Liv. § 4. In the con ventual catalogue above cited, p. 207, 11. 9, the ' Bibliotheca,' or entire Bible, was in one copy 'dispersa in voluminibus XIV.' 4 Above, p. 97. King Alfred is said to have- commenced a version of the Psalms into English (W. Malmsbur. De Gest. Regum. p. 45, ed. Francof. 1601). The fragments of .iElfric's Heptaleuchus, a transla tion of portions of the Pentateuch, Joshua, Judges, &c, have been printed, ed. Thwaites, Oxon. 1698. The A nglo-Saxon Gospels (best edited by Thorpe, Lond. 1842) are also traceable to this period. The Sla vonic churches of Moravia, Bussia, Servia, and probably others, pos sessed the Bible and Service-books in the vernacular. See above, p. 122, p. 131, p. 136: but it is worthy of remark, that in the cognate church of Dalmatia, subject to the popes, attempts were ultimately made (e. g. council of Spalatro, 1069) to banish the Slavonic ritual and to substitute the Latin. 5 Above, p. 97, n. 10 : and Wright's Biogr. Brit. 1. 427. The ' Durham Book' (Cotton MS. Nero, D. IV.), of which the Latin portion was written between 687 and 72I> received the interlinear gloss about 900. - 1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 209 or from poetic paraphrases, harmonies, and hymns in the oorrup- vernacular, — productions which indeed grow very numerous abuses. at this period6. Still, as writers of the age itself complain, a careful study of the Bible was comparatively rare, especially throughout the tenth century; the clerics even giving a decided preference to some lower fields of thought, for instance, to the elements of logic and of grammar'. The chief source of general reading was the swarming ' Lives Popularity of of Saints,' which had retained the universal influence we Saints- have noticed on a former page8. The Eastern Church was furnished with them even to satiety by Simeon Meta-- phrastes9; and a number of his wildest Legends were transmitted to the West. The general craving for such kinds of food is well attested by the fact that iElfric had himself translated two large volumes at the wish of the English people, and had subsequently been induced to undertake a third for the gratification of the monks10. 6 Louis-le-DeTionnaire had a me- 7 See the complaint of Notker in trical version of the Scriptures made Neander, VI. 177. Agobard of under his direction (Palgrave's Nor- Lyons, at an earlier date, in his mandy,l. 188), which most probably endeavours to reform the Liturgy, is the Heliand (drc. 830), an Old-Sax- and raise the spiritual character of on Gospel Harmony (ed. Schmeller), the priesthood, bears the following alliterative in form. Another Har- witness to the evils of his time : mony, or Paraphrase of the Gospels, ' Quam plurimi ab ineunte pueritia is by Ottfried (circ. 868), a monk of usque ad senectutis canitiem omnes Weissenburg. See this and other dies vitae suae in parando et confir- vernacular pieces in Schilter's The- mando expendunt, et totum tempus saurus Antiq. Teutonicarum. The utilium et spiritalium studiorum, Psalms also were translated into legendi, videlicet, et divina eloquia the Low-German dialect (ed. Hagen). perscrutandi, in istiusmodi occupa- Eaumer (as referred to above, p. 97, tione consumunt.' De Correctione n. 7) will point out many other Antiphon. c. 18. Opp. II. 99, ed. Ba- fragments of this class. In the luze. eleventh century, Notker Labeo, a 8 p. 98. monk of St Gall, and Williram, 9 Above, p. 193. master of the cathedral-school at 10 See the Preface to an Anglo- Bamberg, added to the stock of ver- Saxon Passion of St George, edited naciilar theology ; the former having by the present writer, for the late published a German paraphrase of Percy Society, No. lxxxviii. Time the Psalms, and the latter a German for reading would be found on Sun- translation and exposition of Solo- days, which were still most ri- mon's Song. gorously observed: e.g. Council of M.A. p 210 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a. d. 814 Saints. corrup- The counteraction to this growing worship of the saints T10NS AND i • 1 i mi abuses, was now less frequent and emphatic than before. The saint-worship, voice of a reforming prelate, such as Agobard1 or Claudius of Turin2, did little to abate the ruling spirit of the age. increase in m The calendar was crowded more and more with names, number of ' occasionally, it is true, the names of genuine saints3, or those of missionaries who expired in the evangelizing of the heathen; but more frequently they represent a host of mythic beings, coloured, if not altogether forged, to satisfy the wants of an uncritical and marvel-hunting generation4. In some cases, it is probable, the authors of the Legends put them out as nothing more than historical romances, but the ordinary reader did not view them in this light ; and therefore the results to which they natu rally led, in moulding the religious habits and ideas of the Middle Ages, were extensive and profound5. Of all the saints whom Christians venerated more and more, the blessed Virgin was the chief. The story of her exaltation into heaven obtained a general credence, and The excessive veneration of the Viryin. Eanham (1009), c. 15, c. 30, (John son, 1. 486, 490) ; Council of Coyaco, in Spain (1050), c. 3. 1 De Imaginibus, u. xxxv: Opp. I. 267.2 See Neander, VI. 129. 3 e.g. count Gerald of Aurilly, whose life was written by Odo, the abbot of Clugny, in the Biblioth. Cluniacensis, ed. Paris. 1614. He is said to have left many clerics far behind in his knowledge of the Scriptures. 4 e. g. Bellarmine even thinks that the productions of Simeon Meta- phrastes were indebted largely to his own inventive powers (they were narrations ' non ut res gestae fuerant, sed ut geri potuerant'): but this idea is rejected by another of the Boman controversialists, Leo Allatius, in his De Simeonum Scriptis, pp. 43 — 47. Many legends also were re peated of different saints merely with a change of names : Gieseler, II. 424, 425. The Church besides was deluged at this period by 'here tical' or 'apocryphal' hymns and martyrologies : see, for instance, the Pre/, quoted in p. 209, n. 10. Ago bard informs us in like manner that it was usual for some persons to sing the most heterodox effusions even in the churches ; ' non solum inepta et superflua sed etiam pro- fana et haeretica in ecclesiis decan- tare.' De Correct. Antiphon. c. 18. He proposes instead of these to have a reformed Antiphonary, ' ex puris- simis Sanctae Scripturae verbis suffi- cientissime ordinatum.' Ibid. c. 19. 5 We may conceive of this effect more clearly by remembering that Ignatius Loyola was fired to insti tute the Order of the Jesuits by reading the Legenda in a time of sickness. An account of the Mar tyrologies produced by the present period may be seen in Schrockh, XXIH. 209 sq. —1073] . State of Intelligence and Piety. 211 as men were often vying with each other in attempts to corrtjp- elevate her far above the common sphere of humanity6, :abuses. they now devised a public service for this end, — the Hours ~ or Office of St Mary1. It was gradually accepted in the monasteries, where the custom of performing mass on Saturdays8 to the especial honour of the Virgin also took its rise. The saints indeed were worshipped by the more en- j^j^gj, lightened on the ground that every act of veneration paid SiSccmMp. to them was ultimately paid to Christ Himself, and would redound to the glory of his grace9: but in the many it was very different. Owing to their want of spiritual and intellectual culture, a distinction of this kind was for the most part altogether unintelligible. They would naturally confound the courtiers and the king ; in other words, the worship of the holy dead, as understood by them, was bordering close upon polytheism. The formal recognition 6 e.g. Peter Damiani (Hildebrand's coadjutor) has the following : ' Num- quid quia ita deificata, ideo nostrae humanitatis oblita es ? Nequaquam, domina...Data est tibi omnis potes- tas in ccelo et in terra.' Sermo XLIV. Opp. II. 107. His sermons on the Virgin are always in this strain : cf. Soauies, Bampton Led. pp. 232 sq. , 7 Hymns in honour of the Virgin are somewhat older, but Damiani seems to have been among the first who engrafted them on the public worship of the Church: see his Opuscul. xxxm. c. 3. It was now not unusual to call her 'mater mi- sericordiae,' 'beata regina mundi,' 'sae-steorra,' etc. Mabillon (Annal. Benedict. IV. 462 sq.) traces the Ro sary, or Psalter of the Virgin, to the eleventh century, when it existed in England and the Netherlands. 8 Damiani, ubi sup. c. 4. He met with opposition when he urged this observance on some of the Italian convents. A monk, Qozo, resisted it on the ground that it was an innovation : see Gieseler, II. 428, n. 18. 9 e. g. Such is the language of John XV. in 993 (Mansi, XIX. 170) ' quoniam sic adoramus et colimus reliquias martyrum et con- fessorum, ut eum cujus martyres et confessores sunt adoremus, ho- noramus servos, ut honor redundet in Dominum,' etc. Even Batherius of Verona was an advocate of saint- worship in this sense : Prceloquia, lib. IV. p. 892, ed. Ballerin. On the other hand, Claudius of Turin (above, p. 170) condemned the prac tice. The ideas of king Alfred may be gathered from expressions like the following : 'I Alvred king, in honour of God and of the blessed Virgin Mary and of all the saints,' etc ' Whosoever shall misappro priate this gift, may he be by God and the holy Virgin Mary and all the saints accursed for ever.' Co dex Diplomatkus, ed. Kemble, II. 106. P2 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Xmages. the gross abuses respect ing them. 212 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 (' canonization') of a saint, not only in one single district but in every province of the Church (a usage dating from the present period1), added greatly to the downward im pulse. We have glanced already at the storm excited by the images and pictures of the saints. It seems that on the close of the Iconoclastic troubles they were now employed in East and West alike, although the more intelligent continued to regard them in the light of historical re membrancers, and not as in themselves the end, or even the especial channels, of devotion2. A perpetual source of mischief and profaneness was the feverish passion to become possessed of relics of the saints. The gross credulity of some, and the unpardonable fraud of others, multiplied the number of these objects of research to a prodigious and most scandalous extent. They grew at length into a common article of traffic3. Monasteries in particular, where many of them were enshrined from motives either of cupidity or superstition, reaped a harvest by exhibiting their treasures to the simple-hearted crowd. 1 See above, p. 98, n. 4. The earliest well-authenticated instance of a canonization by the pope is that of TJlrich, bishop of Augsburg, which took place in 993 : Mansi, xix. 169. The metropolitans, how ever, in some districts exercised their ancient right till 1153: Pagi, Breviar. Pontif. in. 115. 2 See above, pp. 170, 189. A remarkable specimen of the reigning modes of thought on this subject is supplied by the Laws of hing JElfred (Thorpe, I. 44), where the second precept of the Decalogue is omitted, but in order to complete the number ten, we have the following addition, 'Make not thou for thyself golden or silver gods.' 3 e.g. Life of Rabanus Maurus, in Ad. Sanct. Febr. I. 513. Glaber Badulphus (Hist. lib. IV. c. 3) tells a story of an impostor who wan dered (circ. 1020) from place to place, under different names, as a vender of dead men's bones, which he dug up almost indiscrimmately. Numbers of relics now began to be imported by the pilgrims on then- visits to the East. Thus, Simeon of Treves (circ. 1030) introduced reHcs of St Catharine to the Western Church, where she was hitherto un known : Fleury, Hist. Eccles., lib. LIX. s. 27. Perhaps no more striking characteristic of the spirit of the times has been recorded than the contest respecting a St Martial (one of the companions of St Denis the Areopagite?) whom the monks of Limoges endeavoured to exalt into the rank of an apostle. See an ac count of the controversy in Schrockh, XXIII. 145 sq. CORRUP TIONS AND — X073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 213 A few indeed of the disinterested or less credulous abbots interposed occasionally, and shut up some wonder-working "abuse! relic from the gaze of the tumultuary assemblage whom it had attracted to the spot4. Too oft, however, 'the religious,' running with the stream of popular opinion, acquiesced in the circulation of the vilest cheats6. The masses were thus more and more confirmed in semi-pagan notions with respect to amulets and charms; believing everywhere, to some extent at least, in the protective and the therapeutic virtues of the relics. In connexion with this point we may remark, that Extreme a more ancient practice of the Church, in seeking to ""' ''""' ward off the ravages of sickness, now obtained an almost universal currency. This was the rite which subsequently bore the name of ' extreme unction.' It was at the first applied by private Christians6, and was not restricted, any more than the anterior custom noticed by St James (v. 14), to mortal sickness only. The administration was however, in the eighth century, confined to members of the sacerdotal class7, the rite itself attaining to the rank of special ordinances, which, in laxer phrase, were not unfrequently entitled ' sacraments8.' 4 e.g. Gesta Abbatum Trudonen,- morum ab episcopo expetant secum- sium (St Tron), in D'Achery's Spi- que habeant; et admoneant fideles cileg. II. 664. Cf. Gue'rard, Cartu- infirmos illud exquirere ut eodem laire de VEgUse de Notre-Dame, p. oleo peruncti a presbyteris sanentur,' xxv. etc. Bonifacii Opp. 11. 24, ed. Giles. 6 The number of these finally The usage is again sanctioned, more suggested the application of the fire- especially in case of mortal sickness, ordeal (cf. above, p. 167, n. 7) to test by the council of Pavia (850), c. 8. the genuineness of relics. See Mabil- The Anglo-Saxon view of unction Ion's Vet. Analecta, p. 568. Schrockh may be gathered from the Pceniten- (xxiii. 180 sq.) enumerates some of liale of Ecgberht, lib. I. c. 1 5 (Thorpe, the most cherished of the relics now 11. 178). In the Canons enacted un- discovered or transmitted to the der Edgar (p. 258) it is enjoined that West; e.g. a Tear of Christ, Blood "the priest shall give 'husel' (the of Christ, &c. eucharist) to the sick, and unction 6 Cf. Neander, VI. 145 : Klee (Bo- also, if they desire it." man-catholic), Hist, of Christ. Doct. 8 e. g. Damiani speaks of twelve (in German), Part II. ch. VI. § 5. rites to which this name is appli- 7 ' Omnes presbyteri oleum infir- cable, unction in the number : Sermo 214 State of Intelligence and Piety. \_A.T>. »i4 corrup- As might be augured from the cheerless aspect of the T abuses? age, a number of the more devout of either sex had been solitaries. impelled into seclusion, where they lived amid inhospitable woods and wilds. These hermits, it would seem, abounded most in the tenth century1. Disgusted with their former selves, or with the desperate state of morals and religion in the town, they hoped to find in solitude an interval of holy calm which they might dedicate to prayer and closer self-inspection. ruerimagts, A more earthly spirit breathed in the prevailing rage for pilgrimages. Many doubtless undertook them with a mingled class of feelings, differing little, if at all, from those of modern tourists ; while the rest would view such journeys, as the Church herself did for the most part, in relation to the penitential system of the age. As the more hopeful doctrines of the cross had been forgotten or displaced, men felt that the Almighty could no longer be propitious to them while resorting to the common means of grace. Accordingly they acquiesced in the most rigid precepts of their spiritual director and the heaviest toKomr censures of the Church. The pilgrimage to Bome stood highest in their favour during all the earlier half of the present period; the extravagant ideas of papal grandeur and the hope of finding a more copious absolution at the hands of the alleged successor of St Peter, operating very powerfully in all districts of the West2. But subsequently txix; Opp. II. 167. It may be noted a Capefigue, L'Eglise au Moyen here that although communion in Age, I. 251. both kinds was still the rule of the 2 See above, pp. 152, 153. Such Church, the consecrated wine was pilgrims were called Romei, Homines often administered, for prudential peregrini et Romei, Romipetce. Ni- reasons, through a tube (' calamus,' cholas I. (862) declares, ' Ad hanc ' canna,' ' fistula') : see Spittler, Gesch. sane tarn Romanam ecclesiam, de des Ketches im Abendmahl. The diversis mundi partibus quotidie practice of receiving the consecrated multi sceleris mole oppressi con- elements into the hand of the com- fugiunt, remissionem scilicet, et veni- municant began to be discontinued alem sibi gratiam tribui supplici et after the Council of Bouen (880) : ingenti cordis moerore poscentes :' Grancolas, Les Anc. Liturg. n. 323. Mansi, xv. 280. Individual bishops —1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 215 the great point of confluence was the Holy Sepulchre, which corrup- from the year 1030 seems to have attracted multitudes T abuses!0 of every grade3. and to tiie It must, however, be remembered, that the better class s!$W of prelates, even where they yielded more or less to the ?«SX externalizing spirit of the times, have never failed to '"eC"Mre"' censure all reliance on these works as grounds of human merit, or as relieving men from the necessity of inward transformation to the holy image of the Lord4. A number also, it must be allowed, of the ascetics, both in east and west, exhibited the genuine spirit of humility and self- renunciation5. Yet, upon the other hand, it is apparent that the penitential discipline of the Church was under mining the foundations of the truth. The theory most commonly adopted was, that penances are satisfactions raise nemaf paid by the offender, with the hope of averting the dis- protested against this custom ; and the council of Seligenstadt (1022) commanded that the German Chris tians should first perform the pen ance prescribed by their own clergy, and then, if they pleased to obtain the permission of their bishop, it allowed them to go to Rome : c. 18 ; Mansi, xix. 398. A similar proof of independence is supplied by arch bishop Dunstan : Soames, Anglo- Saxon Church, p. 207, ed. 1844. 3 'Per idem tempus (circ. 1030) ex universo orbe tam innumerabilis multitudo ccepit confluere ad sepul- chrum Salvatoris Hierosolymis, quan- tam nullus hominum prius sperare poterat. Primitus enim ordo infe- rioris plebis, deinde vero mediocres, posthaec permaximi quique reges et comites, marchiones ac praesules : ad ultimum vero, quod nunquam con- tigerat, mulieres multae nobiles cum pauperioribus illuc perrexere.' Gla- ber Badulph. Hist. lib. IV. c. 6. For earlier instances of these visits, see Schrockh, xxiii. 203 sq., and the treatise of Adamnan, De Situ Terra Sanctce, ed. Ingolstadt, 1619. The fame of St James (San J ago) of Compostella (above, p. 101, n. 9) was now increasing in the West. See Heidegger, Dissert, de Peregrinat. Religiosis, pp. 18 sq. Tiguri, 1670. 4 See e. g. the Libri Tres de In- stitutione Laicali of Jonas, bishop of Orleans, passim, in D'Achery's Spi- cileg. I. 258 — 323. 6 Thus Anskar, the Apostle of the North, who carried the practice of self-mortification to a high pitch, could pray notwithstanding that he might be kept from spiritual pride which threatened him at times : ' Qua de re tristis factus, et ad Do mini pietatem totis viribus in ora- tione conversus, postulabat ut Sua eum gratia ab hac perniciosissima impietate liberaret.' Vit. S. Anskar. u. 35 : Pertz, 11. 717. In the same spirit, Theodore the Studite could attribute all he had and all he was to God: Aid o-ifKayxva olKTippQv, ovk ££ Zpyojv pob Tivoiv ob ydp tiroi- no~d ri ayadbv eirl rijs 77/s A-Wd rov- vavriov. Epist. lib. 11. ep. 34. CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Self-scourgingand extreme asceticism. Indulgences, or commuta tions of penance. Vicarious fasting. 216 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 814 pleasure of Almighty God. Its operation, therefore, would be twofold, varying with the temperament or the con victions of the guilty. The more earnest felt that the effects of sin could only be removed by voluntary suffer ing, by an actual and incessant mortification of the flesh. Accordingly they had recourse to measures the most violent, for instance, to a series of extraordinary fasts and self-inflicted scourgings1, not unlike the almost suicidal discipline which had for ages been adopted by the Yogis of the east. The other and the larger class who shrank from all ascetic practices could find relief in commu tations, or remissions, of the penances2 prescribed by canons of the ancient Church. A relaxation of this kind, now legalized in all the Libri Paenitentiales, was entitled an ' indulgence.' Grants of money for ecclesiastical pur-t poses, a pilgrimage, the repetition of religious formulae, and other acts like these, were often substituted for a long term of rigorous self-denial ?, and too often also (we must. apprehend) for genuine change of heart and life. The magnitude of penances was greater in the case of clerics than in that of laymen ; it was greater also in the high born than the low : but through a sad confusion of ideas it was possible for the more wealthy sinner to compress a seven years' fast, for instance, into one of three days, by summoning his numerous dependents, and enjoining them to fast with him and in his stead4. 1 The great advocate of this ex treme asceticism was Damiani, who regarded it as a 'purgatory' on earth. He had to defend his views, however, from the censure of oppo nents. See his Opuscul. xmi. De Lav de Flagellorwm et Disciplines, and cf. Gieseler, n. 444, n. 10. 2 This practice of the Church had been condemned (e. g. in the reform ing synod of Cloves-hoo, 747, c. 26 ; and afterwards in that of Mayence, 847, c. 31), but it had gained an almost universal currenoy in the present period. 3 See Muratori, Antiq. Ital. V. 710 sq. 'De redemptione Pecca- torum.' The custom of granting indulgences to certain 'privileged' churches dates from the profligate pontiff, Benedict IX. (above, p. 150, n. 5) : see Mabillon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened. saec. v. praef. § 109. 4 A case of this very kind occurs in the Canons enacted under Edgar (Thorpe, n. 286). It is presumed, CORRUP TIONS AND —1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 217 Beside the discipline allotted to the individual, on con fessing voluntarily to the priest, more overt acts of sin5 abuses had to be publicly acknowledged on the pain of excom- confession: munication. When offenders proved refractory, the issuing f^muniea- of this sentence, backed as it now was by the civil power, incapacitated them for holding offices or reaping honours of the state. Another engine of the spiritualty was the more dreadful sentence of anathema, by which the subjects Anathema: of it were excluded altogether from the fellowship of Christians 6, But the heaviest of those censures, which we find developed in its greatest vigour at the opening of the eleventh century, was termed the interdict'', or utter interdict. excommunication, not of individuals merely, but of all the province where a crime had been committed. The morose and servile feelings which the penitential 'jtebtufu? system of the Chureh engendered or expressed, were deep- vurgatar'J- ened by the further systematizing of her old presentiments respecting purgatory8. The distinction, to be afterwards evolved, between the temporal and eternal consequences of sin, was still indeed unknown: but in defining that a of course, that the offending lord B The bishop inquired into such who profits by the regulation is peni- flagrant cases on his visitation-tour. tent himself, but from the whole See Regino, De Disciplinis Eccl. lib. passage one is bound to draw the H. c. I sq., ed. Baluze, 1671. inference that a sin was to be liqui- 6 See Neander, VI. 153. dated exactly like some ordinary 7 Earlier instances occur, but till debt. 'The man not possessing the present period they had been means may not so proceed, but must condemned by the more sober class seek it for himself the more dili- of prelates : e. g. Hincmar's Opusc. gently ; and that [the canon is com- xxxni. (against his nephew Hinc- peiled to add] is also justest, that mar of Laon, who had placed his every one wreak his own misdeeds diocese under an interdict). The on himself, with diligent b6t (satis- first example of the mediaeval prac- faction). Scriptum est enim: Quia tice which drew down no condem- unusquisque onus suum portabit,' p. nation, happened in 994: see Bou- 289. Damiani (Opuscul. V : Mansi, quet's Historiens des Gaules, etc. X. Xix. 893) makes use of the following 147. The penalty was legalized in language: ' Centum itaque annorum 1031 by the provincial synod of sibi poenitentiam indidi, redemptio- Limoges (Limovicense II.) ; Mansi, nemque ejus taxatam per unum- xix. 541. quemque annum pecuniae quantUate 8 See above, p. 103. CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Feast of all Satis. General ex pectation of the final judfftnent. 218 State of Intelligence and Piety. |A-D- Bi4r numerous class of frailties, unforgiven in the present life, are nevertheless remissible hereafter, the dominion of the sacerdotal order and the efficacy of prayers and offerings on the part of the survivors were indefinitely extended to the' regions of the dead1. From this idea2, when em bodied ultimately in a startling legend3, sprang the ' Feast of All Souls' (Nov. 2), which seems to have been instituted soon after 1024, at Clugny, and ere long accepted in the Western Church at large. Perhaps the incident which of all others proved the aptest illustration of the spirit of the age, is found in a prevailing expectation that the winding-up of all things would occur at the close of the tenth century. At first arising, it may be, from misconceptions of the words of the Apocalypse4 (xx. 1 — 6), the notion was apparently confirmed by the terrific outbreak of the powers of evil ; while a vivid consciousness of their demerit filled all orders of society with a foreboding, that the Judge was standing at the door. As soon as the dreaded year 1000 had gone over, men appeared to breathe more freely on all sides. A burst of gratitude for their deliverance5 found 1 Thus John VIII. (circ. 878) declares that absolution is to be granted to those Christians who have died while fighting 'pro de- fensione sanctae Dei ecclesiae et pro statu Christianas religionis ac reipub- licae,' against pagans and infidels. Mansi, xvn. 104. 8 Cf. Palgrave, History of Nor mandy, 1. 164. 3 Vit. S. Odilonis, c. 14 ; in Mabil lon, Act. Sanct. Ord. Bened., saec. vi. pt.l. p. 701 : cf. Schrockh, xxm. 223. 4 Hengstenberg, Die Offenbarung des h. Johannes, n. 369, Berlin, 1850: Mosheim, Cent. x. part 11. c. ill. § 3: Capefigue, L'Eglise au Moyen Age, I. 259 sq. Deeds of gift in the tenth century often com- mence with the phrase, ' Appropiu- quante mundi termino.' 5 Capefigue, pp. 269, 270. Gra titude might enter very largely into men's feelings at this crisis ; but more frequently it was the wish to make compensation for sin ('synna gebetan' is the Anglo-Saxon phrase) which stimulated men to acts of piety and benevolence. ' Pro redemp- tione animae meae et prasdecessorum meorum' may be taken as a fair specimen of the motives which were then in the ascendant : cf. Schrockh, xxm. 139 sq. and Kemble's Codex Diplomatieus, passim. The excite ment in connexion with the year 1000 was renewed in 1033, at the beginning of the second thousand years after the Crucifixion. Many were then stimulated to set out for Palestine, where Christ was expected to appear: see above, p. 215. —1073] State of Intelligence and Piety. 219 expression in rebuilding or in decorating sanctuaries of corrup- God and other spots connected with religion. To this abuses. circumstance we owe a number of the stateliest minsters impulse given and cathedrals which adorn the west of Europe6. bunding. Much, however, as the terrors of the Lord had stimu- ^formation 17 oj religion lated zeal and piety, it is too obvious that the many soon "'" de^err<:d- relapsed into their ancient unconcern. The genuine re formation of the Church ' in head and members,' though the want of it is not unfrequently confessed, was still to human eye impossible. She had to pass through further stages of probation and decline. The consciousness of individual fellowship with Christ, long palsied or sup pressed, could not, as it would seem, be stirred into a healthy action till the culture of the human intellect had been more generally advanced. Accordingly the dialectic studies of the schools, however mischievous in other ways, were needed for the training of those master-minds, who should at length eliminate the pagan customs and un christian modes of thought which had been blended in the lapse of ages with the apostolic faith. It was required especially that Hildebrandine principles, which some had taken as the basis of a pseudo-reformation, should be pressed into their most offensive consequences, ere the local or provincial Churches could be roused to vindicate their freedom and cast off the papal yoke7. 6 ' Infra millesimum tertio jam authority. Personal freedom is here, fere imminente anno contigit in uni- to great extent, lost in slavish sub- verso poene terrarum orbe, praecipue jection to fixed, traditional rules and tamen in Italia et in Galliis, innovari forms. The individual subject is of ecclesiarum basilicas, licet pleraeque account, only as the organ and me- decenter locatae minime indiguissent, dium of the general spirit of the etc.... Erat enim instar ac si mundus Church. All secular powers, the ipse excutiendo semet, rejecta vetus- state, science, art, are under the tate, passim candidam ecclesiarum guardianship of the hierarchy, and vestem indueret.' Glaber Radulph. must everywhere serve its ends. Hist. lib. III. c. 4. This is emphatically the era of grand 7 Schaff (Ch. Hist. ' Introd.' p. universal enterprises, of colossal 51) remarks on the character of this works, whose completion required period: 'This may be termed the the cooperation of nations and cen- ao-e of Christian legalism, of Church turies : the age of the supreme out- 220 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a.d. 814 — 1073] CORRUP- ward sovereignty of the visible T10NS AND Church. Such a well-ordered and ABUSES. imposing system of authority was necessary for the training of the Romanic and Germanic nations, to raise them from barbarism to the consciousness and rational use of freedom. Parental discipline must precede independence : children must first be governed, before they can govern themselves : the law is still, as in the days of Moses, a school master to bring men to Christ.' CjrMr fciofr of % Utitole %p. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH FROM GREGORY VII. UNTIL THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON. 1073—1305. ( 222 ) [a.d. 1073 CHAPTEB IX. § 1. GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. NORTHERN MISSIONS. The districts in the north of Europe, which had hitherto continued strangers to the Christian faith, were for the most part now 'converted;' though the agency employed was far too frequently the civil sword, and not the genuine weapons of the first Apostle. Military con version of Vie Finns. AMONG THE FINNS. These tribes, addicted still to a peculiar form of nature- worship1, were subdued (circ. 1150) by Eric IX., king of Sweden, whose exertions in diffusing Christianity2 have won for him the name of saint3. Impelled by a misgoverned zeal, he laboured to coerce the Finns into a knowledge of the Gospel. His ally in this crusade was Henry, bishop of Upsala4, an Englishman, who ultimately perished while attempting to excommunicate ¦ a murderer (1158). Some real progress was effected5 in the reign of Eric; 1 Mone, Gesch. des Heidenthwms, I. 43 sq. 2 Sweden was itself imperfectly christianized in the former period (p. 115, n. 13). In 1123 a crusade was formed against the heathen of Scania, where several Englishmen, David, Askil, Stephen and others were distinguished missionaries (Laing's Sweden, p. 239, Lond. 1839); and in some of the other districts Eric carried on the work of conversion (Schrockh, xxv. 279). 3 See his Life in the Acta Sand. Maii, rv. 187. 4 He was also canonized : see his Life in the Acta Sanct. Januar. 11. 249. 6 A bishopric was founded at Rendamecki, afterwards (? 1228) transferred to Abo. Wiltsch, Kirchl. Geogr. 11. 259, n. 14. It was in cluded in the Swedish province of Upsala. —1305] Growth of the Church. 223 but in 1240 we find the natives generally adhering to their pomera- ancient superstitions, and most eager to annihilate the little church. Christian flock. A Swedish jarl, accordingly (1249), began ~ a fresh crusade against them, and his violence was copied on a further provocation by the Swedish monarch, Thorkel, who reduced a tribe of Finns beyond the Tawastlanders, It is said that, prior to the date of his incursion, tidings of the faith had reached them through a Bussian channel6. AMONG THE SLAVONIC TRIBES. The rapid progress of the truth among this section of the human family has been already traced7. The present period witnessed an extension of the missionary work. The earliest converts were the Pomeranians, then possess ing Pomerania Proper, Wartha, and Lusatia. From the The mimum- , rt . . arV efforts of date of their succumbing to the Poles (circ. 997) attempts m tola- were made, especially in Eastern Pomerania, to annex the heathen natives to the Church by founding a bishopric at Colberg8 (1000). But their fierce resistance9 to the mis sionary long impeded his success; and only when the Polish sceptre was extended over all the western district by the arms of Boleslav III. in 1121, could any stable groundwork be procured for the ulterior planting of the Church. A Spanish priest named Bernard10, who embarked upon 6 Dollinger, III. 277, 278. Saepe tamen principes eorum a Duce 7 Above, pp. 120 sq. Poloniae praelio superati ad bap- 8 Wiltsch, I. 397, 11. 2. The tismum confugerunt, itemque col- bishop Beinbern, however, had no lectis viribus fidem Christianam ab- successor (see Kanngiesser's Be- negantes contra Christianos bellum hehrungs-Gesch. der Pommern zum denuo paraverunt.' Martinus Gallus Christenthume, pp. 295 sq., Greifs- (as above, p. 126, n. 1). wald, 1824) ; the diocese being 10 Vit. S. Ottonis, in Ludewig's united with that of Gnesen. Script. Rer. Episcop. Bamberg. 1. 0 ' Sed nee gladio prasdicationis 460 sq. A more nearly contem- cor eorum a perfidia potuit revocari, porary account of the mission is the nee gladio jugulationis eorum pe- Vit. B. Ottonis, in Canisii Led. A ntiq. nitus viperalis progenies aboleri. ed. Basnage, ill. pt. ii. pp. 35 sq. 224 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1073 pomera- the mission in the following year, was found obnoxious, church, from his poverty, asceticism, and other causes, to the bulk of the heathen natives. He was therefore superseded at his own desire by one more fitted for the task, the cheerful Labours of and iudicious Otho, bishop of Bamberg, who set out (April Otho, bishop of •> ' r . ° v r Bamberg 24, 1124) with an imposing retinue and many tempting presents. He commenced the missionary work at Pyritz (near the Polish frontier), where a large assemblage was col lected for the celebration of a pagan feast ; and after twenty days no less than seven thousand of them were admitted to the sacrament of baptism. Wartislav, the duke of Pomerania, was a warm supporter of the mission, exer cising a most salutary influence by his own renunciation of polygamy, and his endeavours to repress the other heathen customs1. Fear of Poland, blended with increas ing admiration of the earnestness of bishop Otho, gradually disposed the natives of all ranks to seek for shelter in the Church. From Cammin, where the ducal family resided, Otho bent his course to the important isle of Wollin, whence however he was soon obliged to fly from the assault of an infuriated mob. He next addressed his offers to the lead- s''<*<«<¦• headed by the duke himself, could hardly keep the mul titude in check. At length, however, they consented to behold the demolition of the pagan temples, and promoted the erection of a church. On leaving Wolgast Otho steadily declined the services tot finally o o j successful. of Albert the Bear, who would have fain employed his sword against the pagans. Giitzkow (Gozgangia) was the place at which the missionaries halted next, and where they reaped a larger harvest of conversions6. An attempt to gain the Slavic isle of Biigen having failed, they bent their course to Stettin with the hope of counteracting the revival of the pagan rites. The bishop found an ardent coadjutor in a former convert Witstack7, and their courage, tempered with affection, finally disarmed the frenzy of the Wiltsch, n. 85. It was exempted 5 Vit. B. Ottonis, as above, pp. from all archiepiscopal jurisdiction 75 sq.. and placed in immediate dependence 6 Ibid. pp. 77 sq. On the con on the see of Bome by Innocent II. secration of a stately church, the (1170) : Hasselbach, Codex Pomera- bishop dwelt at large upon the nice Diplom. I. 36 ; ed. Greifswald, truth that the one genuine temple 1843. Clement III. sanctioned the of the Lord is in the human heart. transfer of the see in 11 88, on theun- His sermon wrought a deep effect, derstanding that the bishops should especially in Mizlav, the governor pay annually to the pope ' fertonem of the district. (=farthing) auri.' Ibid. p. 152. 7 H>id. pp. 83 sq. M. A. Q 226 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1073 WENDISH CHURCH. Vicissitudes of religion: zealots, who passed over in great numbers to the Church (1128). Henceforward it was everywhere triumphant. Christian, more particularly Saxon, colonists supplied the waste of population which had been occasioned by incessant wars; and as the clergy for the most part were Teutonic also, Pomerania both in language and in creed was Ger manized1. The Wendish tribes, especially the northernmost (the Obotrites), who had relapsed into polytheism upon the martyrdom of Gottskalk2 (1066), continued for the most part the implacable opponents of the Gospel till the middle of the twelfth century. His son, indeed, assisted by the neighbouring Christian states, restored the Wendish king dom in 1105, and made some brief and feeble efforts to revive the truth3. The dissolution of the empire on the death of Cnut (1131) facilitated the political designs of its re-establish- German princes and the spread of Christianity. The arms southern 0f Albert the Bear (1133 sq.) in Brandenburg (Leuticia) jn'ovinces. . and of Henry the Lion, duke of Saxony (1142 sq.), re placed the Wendish Church upon its early footing, and soon after it was able to reorganize a number of the sees4 that had been ruined in the former period. Many of the northern Wends5, however, stubbornly adhered to the ancestral creed until the utter subjugation m;upation of of the Obotrites in 1162. Their chief apostle was the saintly Vicelin6, a man of learning and of indefatigable the Obotrites. 1 Neander, vn. 41. 2 See above, pp. 128, 129. 3 The best general accounts are Helmold, Chron. Slavorum, lib. 1. c. 24 sq. (as above, p. 127, n. 9), and Gebhardi, Geschichte alter Wen- disch-Slavischen Slaaten, I. 143 sq. 4 Cf. above, p. 127, n. 9. The see of Oldenburg, after being oc cupied by Vicelin and Gerold, was transferred to Lubeck by Henry the Lion ; that of Mecklenburg to Schwerin (1197), 'propter tyran- nidem Sclavorum.' Wiltsch, 11. 79. The see of Batzeburg was also re vived. Ibid. pp. 79, 238. 5 Helmold, Chron. Ibid. 6 See De Westphalen's Origines Neomonaster. in the Monument, dm- brica, 11. 234 sq. and Prof. pp. 33 sq. : cf. St Vicelin, von P. C. Kruse, ed. Altona, 1826. Vicelin studied biblical and other literature for three years at the university of Paris under Budolf and Anselm. He was born at Quernheim, a vil lage on the banks of the Weser. —1305] Growth of the Church. 227 zeal. Attracted to this field of missionary enterprise (1125), wendish he preached at first in the border-town of Neumiinster- Previous labours of Vicelin (Faldera), selecting it as a kind of outpost in his plan for the evangelizing of the northern districts of the Elbe. He ia!uU). drew around him a fraternity7 of laymen and ecclesiastics, and in 1134, when the emperor Lothaire II. paid a visit to the north, the earnest labours of the mission had been very largely blessed. A church in Lubeck, with authority to organize religion in those parts, was now committed to the hands of Vicelin ; but the Slavonians, on the death of the emperor (1137), suspecting him of a design against their liberties, rose up su reverses.- in arms and banished every herald of the faith8. Betiring only when the storm was loudest, Vicelin continued to watch over the affairs of his disheartened flock. At length the partial subjugation of the Slaves by Adolph, count of Holstein, opened a more prosperous era ; and in 1148, the toil-worn missionary was promoted to the see of 01- elevation to denburg by Hartwig, the archbishop of Bremen. A pro- oidenburg. longed misunderstanding now ensued between that primate and the duke, upon the subject of investiture9; but though embarrassed by it, Vicelin continued10 to the last (1154) a pattern of devotion and of evangelic zeal. By dint of arms, by missionary labour, and a large infusion of Ger manic settlers, gradually displacing the more ancient population, Christianity was now triumphantly diffused in mma triumph all the broken empire of the Wends. The latest fortress and asvlum of Slavonic heathenism11 Military «w- J version of was the extensive isle of Biigen. It had shewn a bitter R«sm. 7 According to Schrockh (xxv. the newly-chosen bishops, as was 261), the Bule adopted was that of done by the German kings. To this the 'Prsemonstratensians.' Hartwig, proud of his primatial 8 Helmold, Chron. c. 48— c. 55. dignity, objected as disgraceful to 9 It appears that this and other the Church : but Vicelin at length sees were re-erected contrary to the consented. wishes of the duke (Schrockh, xxv. 10 Helmold, Ibid. c. 71 sq. 263). He therefore claimed at least ai Mone, Gesch. des Heidenthums, the right of granting investiture to 1. 173 sq. Q2 228 Growth of the Church. [A.D. 1073 wendish and imperious zeal in favour of the pagan creed when Pomerania was converted1. Otho had, indeed, on more than one occasion, purposed to extend his visits thither, but the warlike bearing of the people, and the fears of his companions had constrained him to desist2. It was re duced, however, in 1168, by an invasion of the Danes3, who brake in pieces the chief shrine (of Swantewit) at Arcona, and reared a Christian sanctuary upon the site. The natives generally, convinced by the successes of the adversary, that their own divinities were powerless, now assented to the Gospel. The ecclesiastical supervision of the island was entrusted to a luminary of the Danish church, the bishop Absalom of Boskild*. Labours canon Meiuhar of AMONG THE LIEFLANDERS AND OTHER NORTHERN TRIBES. These tribes5, who bordered mainly on the Baltic and extended northward to the Gulf of Finland, were most probably a branch of the Slavonic family, though largely intermingled, it is said, with others of the Indo-European stock, and also with the Ugrian race of Finns. Livonia had been for some time visited by its northern neighbours, when an aged canon of the name of Mein- hard6 joined himself to certain merchants from the port of Lubeck, or Bremen, who were trading thither in 1186. He had been reared in one of Vicelin's foundations (Sege- berg), and was truly anxious to extend a knowledge of the Christian faith. As soon as he had made some pro- 1 Menacing their recently con verted neighbours of Stettin and Ju- lin ' quod sine respectu et consilio eo rum idolisrenunciassent. ' Ibid. p. 1 84. 2 See the account at length in Neander, VII. 32, 33. 3 Helmold, Ibid. lib. 11. c. 12, c. 1 3: Gebhardi, n. 9sq. 4 Eiigen was thus annexed to his own diocese : Wiltsch, II. 95. 5 Bespecting their mythology, see Mone, 1. 66 sq. 6 See the Origines Livonice sacrce d civiles (a Chronicle by Henry, a Livonian priest, written about 1226), ed. Francof. 1740, pp. 1—5 : Geb hardi, Gesch. von Liefland, etc. pp. 314 sq- converts. —1305] Growth of the Church. 229 gress in the work, he was appointed to the see of Yxkull7 livonian (on the Duna) by the German prelate Hartwig, the arch- — bishop of Hamburg-Bremen, who had signalized himself in other missionary fields. The hopes, however, which naapse of his this step excited in the breast of Meinhard, were all blasted when he came into his diocese. The fickle multitude had speedily relapsed, and though he spared no pains to rescue them afresh from the seductions of polytheism, he died without attaining any permanent success (1196). His post was filled by a Cistercian abbot, Berthold8, out of Lower a,»,w8j c , ,.t . f, . -, Berthold. baxony, who atter trying more pacific measures, carried on the mission in a very different spirit. Aided by pope Innocent III.9 he summoned a large army of crusaders from the neighbouring regions; and the terrified Livonians were at length compelled to acquiesce in his demands. He fell in battle : but as soon as the victorious army was withdrawn, the pagans rose afresh to wreak their ven geance on the Christian body. Berthold was succeeded by a priest of Bremen, Albert (1198—1229), who also came into the diocese attended by a numerous army. He established10 in 1201 the knightly Order of the Sword 'Suppression of 1-1 i "lc pagans by ('Ordo Fratrum militise Christi), by whose chivalry the /on*. elements of paganism were gradually repressed. The centre of his operations was at Biga (built in 1200), to which place the see of Yxkull was transferred11. The zeal of Albert now impelled him to extend the 7 It was secured to the province d Militaires, m. 150 sq. Better of Hamburg by the grant of pope influences were at work in Biga. Clement III. (11 88): Lappenberg, Thus, archbishop Andreas of Lund, Hamburg. Urhundenbuch, 1. 248. who had come over with the allied 8 Origines Livonice (as above, n. Danes in 1205, lectured during the 6), pp. 10 sq. whole winter on the Book of Psalms. 9 See his three Letters on this Neander, VII. 53. subject in Baynaldus, Annal. Eccl. n Wiltsch, II. 82, n. 13. The ad an. 1199, § 38. He directs those church of Biga was soon raised to who had vowed a pilgrimage to archiepiscopal rank, and a large Bome, to substitute for it a crusade province assigned it, by pope Alex- against the Livonians. ander IV. Eaynaldus, Annal. Eccl. 10 Helyot, Hist, des Ordres Relig. ad an. 1255, § 64. 230 Growth of ilie Church. [a.d. 1073 Military con version of Esthland : esthonian Church in the adjoining countries. Esthland (or Esthonia) ' . seems to have been visited already at the instance of pope Alexander III.1 (1171), but the attempt, as far as we can judge, was fruitless. A fanatical campaign2 of the Sword- Brothers, aided by the king of Denmark, Waldemar II., had a different issue (1211—1218). The province now succumbed and was evangelized at least in name3. The twofold nature of the influences exerted in this work gave rise to a vexatious feud between the Germans and the Danes, which terminated after many years in the ascend ancy of the former. Similar disputes had previously grown up between the military Order and the bishops*. The conversion of Semgallen5 followed in 1218, and that of Courland6 in 1230, though in neither case are we at liberty to argue that the truth was planted very deeply in their hearts7. Semgallen and Courland. AMONG THE PRUSSIANS. Prussia, whose inhabitants were chiefly Slaves, with an admixture of the Lithuanian and Germanic blood, was now divided into several independent states, all marked, how- 1 Mansi, XXI. 936. A certain Pulco is there mentioned as the bishop of the Esthlanders. 2 Origines Livonice (as above, p. 228, n. 6), pp. 122 sq. 3 One bishopric was planted at Beval, a second (1224) at Dorpat, and a third at Pernau, finally trans ferred to the isle of Oesel. Wiltsch, II. 268. The see of Beval was of Danish origin ; the German party planting theirs in the first instance at Leal, afterwards at Dorpat : cf. Schrockh, xxv. 304. 4 Origines Livonice, pp. 47 sq. The pope at last decided in favour of the Knights. Ibid. p. 74. 5 A bishopric was placed at Seel- burg: Wiltsch, n. 268. The na tives, however, soon relapsed into heathenism. 6 Bishopric at Pilten. Ibid. 7 The visit of William of Mo- dena, as papal legate, in 1225, was salutary in appeasing strife and urging the necessity of Christian education. Among other things he warned the German clergy, ' ne Teu- tonici gravaminis aliquod jugum importabile neophytorum humeris imponerent, sed jugum Domini leve ac suave, fideique semper docerent sacramenta.' See the account of his proceedings at length, in Geb- hardi (as above), pp. 361 sq. —1305] Growth of the Church. 231 ever, by inveterate hatred of the Gospel. In the time Prussian of Adelbert of Prague and Bruno, chaplain of Otho III., IU this fierce antipathy, embittered, we may judge, by their incessant struggle with the Christian Poles, had shewn itself in the assassination of the missionaries8; and as late as the opening of the thirteenth century, the fascinations of a simple and voluptuous paganism9 retained their an cient power. The first successful10 preacher was a monk, named Chris- Labours of c -n ¦ /r\T \ -i-\ the monk tian, from a Pomeranian convent (Oliva) near Dantzic christian i ¦ tt nil (tL 1241)' (circ. 1210). He was supported warmly by pope Inno cent III.11, and on a visit to the see of Bome (circ. 1214), in which he was attended by two Prussian chiefs, the first-fruits of his zeal, the pontiff made him bishop of the new community. Ere long, however, the suspicions of the heathen (anti-Polish) party woke afresh, and drove umction. them in their rage to take a signal vengeance on the Christians12, and to scourge the neighbouring districts which belonged to Conrad, duke of Massovia13. Through his efforts, aided by the sanction of the pope, a body of 8 See above, p. 124, n. 6. of the converts in the first place to B Mone, Gesch. des Heiden. I. 79 the archbishop of Gnesen : Innocent sq. Among other barbarous and III. Epist. lib. XIII. ep. 128. But bloody rites, it was the custom to the missionaries had another form destroy, or sell, the daughters of a of opposition to endure, arising family excepting one. On the an- from the jealousy of their own ab- tiquities of Prussia, see Hartknoch, bots. See Innocent's Letter (12 13) Alt und Neues Preussen, Konigs- in their behalf. Epist. lib. xv. ep. berg, 1684. H7- 10 He was preceded (in 1207) by 12 Pet. de Dusburg, Chron. Pruss. a Polish abbot; Gottfried, and a Pars 11. c. 1 sq. Nearly three hun- monk, Philip, but the work appears dred churches and chapels were de- to have been interrupted by the stroyed, and many Christians put to murder of the latter. There is, death. however, some confusion in the 13 It is clear from a spirited epis- history at this point. See Schrockh, tie of Innocent III. (lib. xv. ep. XXV. 314 sq. The original authority [48), that the authorities of Poland is Peter de Dusburg, who wrote his and Pomerania pressed hard upon Chronicon Prussia, about 1326. It the converts, and employed the Go- is edited with dissertations, by spel chiefly as an organ for effecting Hartknoch, Jense, 1679. the subjugation of the Prussians. " He committed the supervision Hence the reaction. 232 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1073 PRUSSIAN CHURCH. Crusades of the Knights- Brethren ; and the Teutonic Knights. Tiie heathen finally subdued, 1283. Ecclesiastical, organization. Crusaders were attracted to the- theatre of strife (1219). The 'Order of Knights-Brethren of Dobrin'1, allied to those whom we have met already in Livonia, was now formed upon the model of the Templars ; but as soon as they had proved unequal to the work of subjugating Prussia, the more powerful 'Order of Teutonic Knights' was introduced2, upon the understanding that the con quered district should remain in their possession. Step by step, though frequently repelled, they won their way into the very heart of Prussia. In the course of these revolting wars, extending over fifty years (1230 — 1283), and waged in part with native pagans, and in part with Bussians, Pomeranians3, and other jealous states, the land was well-nigh spoiled of its inhabitants. A broken rem nant4, shielded in some measure by the intervention of the popes, were now induced to discontinue all the heathen rites, to recognize the claims of the Teutonic Order, and to welcome the instruction of the German priests. The dioceses5 of Culm, Ermeland, Pomerania, and Samland, organized before the final conquest by Innocent IV.6 (1243), were subdivided into three parts, of which two rendered homage to the Knights, and the remainder to the bishop, as their feudal lord. A multitude of churches and re ligious houses now sprang up on every side. The Prussian youths were sent for education in the German schools, D61- 1 Chron. Pruss. ibid. c. 4 linger, in. 281, 282. 2 Ibid. On the following events, see Hartknoch's Fourteenth Disser tation (as above, p. 231, n. 10), and the various documents appended to his work; I. pp. 476 sq. 3 The chief opposition came from this quarter; Svantepolk, the duke of Pomerania, being jealous of the military Order. He complained of their despotic conduct to the pope, who laboured to secure more favour able terms for the oppressed : see Privilegium Prutlienis, a.d. 1249 concessum, in Hartknoch, pp. 463 sq. Eventually, however, the Teu tonic Knights were almost absolute in the ecclesiastical affairs. Dollin ger, p. 284. 4 Some few, however, would not yield, but found a sanctuary among their heathen neighbours of Lithu ania. Chron. Pruss, Pars III. c. 81. 5 Wiltsch, 11. 2 7osq., where an inquiry is made as to the subse quent distribution of the Prussian dioceses. 0 Hartknoch, pp. 477, 478. — 1305] Vicissitudes of the Church. 233 especially to Magdeburg, and at the close of the present eastern period the Teutonic influence was supreme. ASIA' § 2. VICISSITUDES OF THE CHURCH IN OTHER REGIONS. The Nestorian body, though its power was on the wane, xestorianism continued7 to unfurl the sacred banner of the cross, si- Asia"? "" most without a rival, among the tribes of Eastern Asia. We are told, indeed, that one of the Khans of Kerait, who bore- the name of ' Prester-John,' despatched an embassy to Bome8 in 1177, and that a leading member of it was there consecrated bishop. But in 12029 the kingdom of Kerait sank before the revolutionary arms of Chinghis-Khan, the founder of the great Mongolian dy nasty; although a remnant of the tribe appears to have survived and to have cherished Christianity as late as 124610. While hosts of Mongols poured into the steppes i°Jf'M'ed bf of Bussia (1223), threatening to eradicate the growing Church, in north and south alike11, and even to contract the limits of the German empire (1240), the Nestorian missionary, as it seems, was still at liberty to propagate ' See above, pp. 139, 140. The these incursions in Mouraviev, Hist. residence of their patriarch was of the Russ. Church, pp. 42 sq. The still Bagdad. centre of Bussian Christianity,'Kiev, 8 The authorities for this account after a bloody siege, was given up are exclusively English. The letter to fire and pillage ; and the metro- of pope Alexander III. (dated Sept. politans transferred their residence 27, 1177) is preserved in Boger de first to Vladimir and then to Mos- Hoveden, p. 581 : cf. Brompton's cow, where they groaned for two Chron. (in Twysden's Scrip. X.), centuries under the yoke of the col. 1 1 32. The address is 'Ad Jo- Mongols. Cf. Stanley's Lectures on hannem regem Indorum.' the Eastern Church, pp. 398 sq. One 9 D'Herbelot, Bibliothique Orien- of the native princes, Daniel (' dux tale, ' Carit ou Kerit,' p. 235. Bussia?'), supplicated the assistance 10 Dollinger, III. 287. It is even of pope Innocent IV., who sent a said (cf. Neander, VII. 65, 66) that legate into Bussia for the sake of Chinghis-Khan espoused the Chris- negociating the admission of that tian daughter of Ung-Khan, the country into the Latin Church; but priest-king of the period. Oriental influence baffled the at- 11 See the touching narrative of tempt. Capefigue, II. 106. 234 Vicissitudes of the Church. [A. D. 1073 EASTERN ASIA. Their incur sions into Europe. Negoeiations with a view to their conver sion. Their adop tion of Lamaism. his creed, and sometimes very high in the favour of the • Khan, whose sceptre quickly stretched across the whole of Persia, and the greater part of Central and of Eastern Asia. The incursions of the Mongols into Europe, joined with a report that some of them had shewn an interest in the Christian faith, excited Innocent IV. to send an embassy1 among them in 1245. Soon after three Franciscan monks embarked upon a kindred mission into Tatary itself2. They found the Khan apparently disposed to tolerate the Gospel, and a number of Nestorian clergy at. his court. But this and other hopes3 of his conversion proved illusive. Actuated, as it seems, by a belief that it was necessary to propitiate the gods of foreign lands before he was allowed to conquer them, the Khan attended with an equal affability to the discourses of the Catholics, Nestorians, Buddhists, and Muhammedans, by all of whom he was solicited to cast his lot among them. In the end, when the posterity of Chinghis saw their arms victorious every where, they set on foot a composite religion4, — the still 1 A report of their journey and negociation with the Mongolian ge neral in Persia is given by Vincent of Beauvais (Bellovacensis), in his Speculum Historiale, lib. XXXI. c. 33 sq. The arrogance of the pope and the unskilfulness of his Dominican envoys only irritated the Mongo lian. 2 They were accompanied by an Italian, John de Piano Carpini, whose report is given as above. The fullest form of it appears in the Paris edition of 1838. 3 An , embassy of Louis IX. of Prance (in 1253) grew out of the report that Mangu-Khan, as well as some inferior princes, were dis posed to join the Church. The leading envoy was a Pranciscan, William de Bubruquis, whose re port is in the Relation des Voyages en Tartarie, edited by Bergeron, Paris, 1634. He disparages the missionary labours of the Nesto rians, and draws a gloomy picture of their own condition. This, how ever, should be taken ' cum grano salis.' His discussions with the va rious teachers of religion are most interesting. Neander (vn. 71 sq.) gives a sketch of them. See also Wuttke, Gesch. des Heidenthums, I. 215 — 218. Breslau, 1852. 4 It was largely intermixed with Buddhism, or rather Buddhism formed the essence and substratum of it. See Schlosser's Weltgeschichte, Band. in. Th. n. Abth. 1. p. 269 : cf. M. Hue's Voyages dans la Tar tarie, etc., in which its numerous points of resemblance to the me diaeval Christianity may be at once discerned. — 1305] Vicissitudes of the Church. 235 thriving Lamaism, — as the religion of the state. The first eastern Grand Lama was appointed under Kilblai-Khan in 1260, — for the eastern (or Chinese) division of the empire5. Chris tianity, however, even there was tolerated, and at times respected by the Khans. This feeling is apparent in the history, of Marco Polo8, a Venetian, who resided many years at the court of Kublai- Khan (1275 — 1293); and still more obviously in the re ception given to a genuine missionary of the Latin Church, John de Monte Corvino7, a Franciscan. After sojourning Mission of a while in Persia and India, he proceeded quite alone, in MonteCorvim 1292, to China, where he preached, with some obstructions, in the city of the Khan, Cambalu (Pekin). He was joined in 1303 by Arnold, a Franciscan of Cologne. His chief opponents were Nestorians, who eventually secured a fresh ascendancy in China, counteracting all his labours. On the death of Corvino (1330), aided though he was at length Extinction of by other missionaries, every trace of the Latin influence influence in J .,. , ,„ J China. rapidly decayed . A notice of the mighty movements, known as the The Eastern Crusades. 6 In Persia (circ. 1258) Hulagu- Psalms into the Tatar language : Khan, whose queen was a Nesto- and one of his converts (formerly rian, favoured Christianity (Asse- a Nestorian), who appears to have man, Bibl. Orien. torn. III. pt. n. been descended from the 'priest- pp. 103 sq.), and so did many of his kings,' began to translate the whole successors : but this circumstance Boman liturgy into the vernacular, aroused the hatred of the Muham- but died prematurely (1299). In medans (who formed the great ma- 1303, Clement V. elevated the jority of the population), till at last Church of Pekin to the rank of an the Christian Church was almost archbishopric. Wiltsch, II. 325. driven out of Persia. Neander, VII. The Nestorians had already oceu- 75, 76. pied the see (circ. 1282), and kept 6 His curious work, De Regionibus their hold till the beginning of the Orientalibus, written after his return 1 6th century. Ibid. $66. to Europe, has been frequently 8 The next prelate, nominated printed. D7 John XXIL, never took posses- 7 The original account of his mis- sion of his diocese, probably on sionary travels is in Wadding's account of the change of dynasty Annates Fratr. Minor, torn. VI. : cf. (1369), ty which the Catholics ap- the sketch in Neander, VII. 77 sq. pear to have been expelled. Asse- He instituted schools : he translated man, Bibl. Orient, torn. in. pt. II. the New Testament and Book of 516, 535. 236 Vicissitudes of the Church. [a.d. 1073 spain and Crusades, belongs more aptly to a future page: for much NORTHERN africa. as they subserved the interest of the papacy, entangled the relations of the Greek and Latin Church, united na tions and the parts of nations by one great idea, and modified in many ways the general spirit of the times, they wrought no lasting changes in the area of the Christian fold. mdrXfricaain ^e impulse they communicated to the nations of the west is further shewn by the attempts, in part abortive and in part successful, to eject the Moors from Africa and Spain1. Too oft, however, the conversion of the unbeliever, in the proper meaning of the phrase, was but a secondary object. The enthusiastic Francis of Assisi is one instance of the better class of preachers; a second is supplied in the eventful life of a distinguished scholar, mtnifS'in Raymond Lull3 (1236—1315). When he perceived how f£1m5).LvU the Crusaders had in vain attempted to put down the Saracens by force of arms4, he tried the temper of the apostolic weapons, and endeavoured to establish truth by means of argument and moral suasion. In the intervals between his missionary tours, directed chiefly to the Sa racens and Jews of his native isle, Majorca, and the north of Africa6, he hoped to elaborate an argumentative system 1 Capefigue, n. 82, 83. The chief that such a method was unworthy agents in this work were the Pran- of the cause (Ibid. pp. 265, 266). ciscans and Dominicans. One of his projects was to found 2 See the account of his preaching missionary colleges, in which the to the Bultan of Egypt in 12 19, in students might be taught the Ian- Jacob de Vitry's Hist. Occid. c. 32, guages of heathen countries, and at and Neale's East. Church, 11. 286. length (13 11) the plan received the 3 See Wadding's Annal. Fratr. approbation of pope Clement V. and Minor., ad. an. 1275, 1287, 1290, the council of Vienne. Professors 1293, 1295, and (especially) 1315: of Hebrew, Chaldee, and Arabic cf. also a Life of him in the Act. were in future to be supported at Sanct. Jun. v. 661 sq. An edition Bome, Paris, Oxford, and Sala- of his very numerous works was manca (Ibid. pp. 85, 95, 96). published at Mayence in 1722. 6 He travelled, on one occasion, 4 At first indeed he thought that into Armenia, with the hope of arms might be of service in sup- winning the natives over to the porting his appeal (Neander, vn. Latin Church. 263) : but subsequently he confessed JEWS. — 1305] Vicissitudes of the Church. 237 ('Ars Generalis') by the help of which the claims of Christianity might be established in so cogent and com- """ "' plete a way, that every reasonable mind would yield its willing homage to the Lord6. He acted on these prin ciples, and after eight-and-twenty years of unremitting toil, was stoned to death in the metropolis of the Mu hammedans, at Bugia (Bejyah). The fanaticism, which found expression in the violence Attempts to i*i/"l l --n • iii Christianize ot the Crusaders, still continued to abhor and persecute the Jews. the Jews7. That wondrous people in the present period manifested a fresh stock of intellectual vigour, and so far as learning8 reached were quite a match for their calum niators and oppressors. It is true that men existed here and there to raise a hand in their behalf: and of this number few were more conspicuous than the better class of popes10. Whenever reasoning11 was employed to draw them over to the Christian faith, their deep repugnance to the Godhead and the Incarnation of our blessed Lord, as well as to the many forms of creature-worship then 6 See his Necessaria Demonstratio the Jewish Chronicle there cited. Articulorum Fidei. 10 Ibid. pp. 102 sq., where many 7 A full account of their condition papal briefs are noticed, all protect- at this period maybe seen in Schrockh, ing Jews and urging gentle mea- xxv. 329 sq. sures in promoting their conver- 8 Joseph Kimchi (circ. 1160), sion. But Neander overlooks a with his sons David and Moses, multitude of other documents in were distinguished as Biblical scho- which the popes and councils of the lars (see list of their works in Burst's thirteenth century have handled the Biblioth. Judaica, Leipzig, 185 1). Jews more roughly: see Schrockh, Babbi Solomon Isaac (Bashi) also xxv. 353 sq. flourished at the close of the twelfth n e.g. Abbot Gislebert (of West- century. But the greatest genius minster), Disputatio Judcei cum whom their nation has produced, at Christiano de Fide Christiana, in least in Christian times, both as a Anselm's Works, pp. 512 — 523, ed. free expositor of Holy Scripture and Paris, 172 1: Bichard of St Victor, a speculative theologian, was Mai- De Emmanuele, Opp. pp. 280 — 312, monides (Moses Ebn-Maimun), born ed. Bothomagi, 1650. A more at Cordova in 1131 : see Burst, Ibid. elaborate work is by a Spanish Th. II. pp. 290 — 313. Dominican, Baymond Martini, of 9 e.g. St Bernard defended them the thirteenth century. It is en- from the onslaught of a savage titled Pugio Fidei, and directed first monk Rudolph, who, together with against Muhammedans, and next the cross, was preaching death to against Jews; edited by Carpzov, the Jews': Neander, VII. 101, and Leipzig, 1687. sional success. 238 Vicissitudes of the Church. [A.D. 1073 jews. prevailing in the Church, is strongly brought to light. Their occa- Occasionally the attempt would prove successful, as we gather from the very interesting case of Hermann1 of Cologne, who was converted at the middle of the twelfth century: but issues of this happy kind were most un questionably rare. 1 See his own narration of the a convent of the Preemonstraten- process, appended to the Pugio sians at Kappenberg in Westpha- Fidei, as above. He finally entered lia. —1305] ( 239 ) CHAPTEB X. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHRISTIAN CHUECH. §1. INTERNAL ORGANIZATION. Befeeeing- to a later page for some account of the i?™rnal , /v. ORGANIZA- encroachments now effected by the hierarchy in the TI0N- province of the civil power, as well as for a sketch of the reactions they produced in England, Germany, and France, we shall at present notice only the internal con stitution of the Church regarded as a spiritual and in dependent corporation. In the western half of Christendom the pope, who formed its centre, was no more a simple president or primus, charged with the administration of ecclesiastical affairs according to the canons1. He had gradually pos sessed himself of the supreme authority: he was the irresponsible dictator of the Church, the only source of lawful jurisdiction, and the representative of Christ2. The u^ofuL"0" papal power. 1 Cf. the language even of Boni- factum.' See authorities at length face, p. 20, n. 7 ; and of Dunstan, in Gieseler, in. 162 sq. Among the p. 214, n. 2. In the present period few limitations to which this power individuals were not wanting to dis- was subjected is the case when any pute the claim of popes, who pro- dispensation would be ' contra qua- mulgated new enactments of their tuor evangelia,' or 'contra pra?- own (e.g. Placidus of Nonantula, ceptum Apostoli,' i.e. 'in iis quas De Honore Ecclesice, in Pezii The- spectant ad articulos fidei.' John saw. Anecdot. II. pt. n. pp. 75 sq., of Salisbury (ep. 198, ed. Giles) and especially Grosseteste of Lin- limits the papal power in the same coin, see below, p. 246) : but their manner. power of dispensing with the canons 2 e. g. Innocent III. Epist. lib. I. of the Church was almost every- ep. COCXXVI. where allowed, in many cases ' ante 240 Constitution of the Church. [A- D- 10?3 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. The infiurnce of Gregory VII. claim which he put forward in the half-century from Innocent III. to Innocent IV. (1198—1243), though reach ing to an almost preterhuman height1, was very generally allowed. The metropolitans and other bishops, having lost their independence, were content to be esteemed his vassals, instruments, or vicars2. They were said to be appointed ' by the grace of God and of the apostolic see.' In other words, the scheme which had been advocated by the Pseudo-Isidore ' Decretals ' was at length in active operation. No one clung to this idea so intelligently or promoted its development so much as the indomitable Hildebrand3, or Gregory VII. (1073). His leading principles are stated, both in reference to the Church and civil power, in certain propositions known as the DictatusHildebrandini*. Trained, while serving former pontiffs, in the art of government, he turned his wondrous energy and diplomatic skill to the immediate execution of the projects he had cherished from his youth. These were (1) the absolute ascendancy of papal power, and (2) the reformation of abuses, more es- 1 The former pontiff, in a passage quoted with approbation by Cape figue (ii. 6i), styles himself 'citra Deum, ultra hominem,' and again, ' minor Deo, major hominef Yet in cases where the popes surrendered any of these claims, their partisans contended (e. g. Dollinger, in. 339) that an unpalatable edict of the Boman see could not invalidate the acts of former synods. At the crisis here alluded to, the French bishops almost to a man (' universi pame Prancise episcopi') determined on the excommunication of the pope himself, if he abandoned any more of the hierarchical pretensions. See Gerhoh of Beichersberg, De Cor- rupto Ecclesice Statu, c. 22. 2 See Innocent III. Epist. lib. 1. epp. ocooxov, ooooxovi. The office of a bishop was regarded as a ces sion made by him of part of his own universal pastorship. In the Canon Law (Sexti Decret. lib. I. Tit. II. c. i.) it is affirmed of the Boman pontiff; 'jura omnia in scrinio pec toris sui censetur habere.' The same spirit is betrayed in the absolute limitation of the name 'apostolic see' to the Church of Bome; there by swallowing up the other ' sedes apostolicoe.' 3 Above, pp. ,151 sq. " Bowden's Life of Greg. VII. n. 394. Mr Bowden (Ibid. II. 50, 51) argues that this series, consisting of twenty-seven propositions, ought not to be ascribed to Hildebrand him self; yet it is obvious that they have preserved, in a laconic shape, the principles on which his policy was uniformly based : cf. Neander, vn. 165. — 1305] Constitution of the Church. 241 pecially of those which had been generated by the bishops internal and the clerics6. Hildebrand was seconded from first to OEmoniza" last by very many of the nobler spirits of the age6, who ~~ trusted that a sovereign power, if wielded by the Boman pontiffs, might be turned into an agent for the moral exaltation of the Church. But in the Hildebrandine (or 'reforming') party there were many others who had been attracted chiefly by the democratic (or in some, it may be, the fanatic) spirit of the movement7. They were glad of an occasion for expressing their contempt of married clergymen, or for escaping altogether from domestic rule. i">i" .. The policy of Hildebrand, on this and other questions, The series of was adopted in the main by his successors, Victor III. (1086), Urban II. (1088), Paschal II. (1099), Gelasius II. (1118) ; but owing to the bitter conflicts with the German emperor as well as to the coexistence of an influential anti-pope, Clement III.8 (1080 — 1100), their usurpations in the Church at large were somewhat counteracted. The two following pontiffs, Calixtus II. (1119) and Honorius II. (1124), maintained the Hildebrandine principles with almost 5 Above, p. 151. Gregory's ear- force of 'public opinion,' which he nestness on this point can hardly be lost no time in seeking to exaspe- questioned. Wedded as he doubt- rate: see Neander, VII. 128, 135, less was to the idea of carrying out 147; Dollinger, in. 318. This the papal claims at any cost, and movement afterwards became un- wanting therefore, as he showed manageable (Neander, Ibid. 202), himself, in truthfulness on more and it seems that not a few of the than one occasion, he was, notwith- later forms of misbelief (e. g. the in- standing, actuated by a firm belief validity of sacraments administered that God had raised him up for by unworthy clergymen) are trace- moral ends, especially for the re- able to the workings of the spirit pression of the worldly spirit which which the Hildebrandine principles possessed the mass of the ecclesi- called up. astics (e. g. Epist. lib. 1. ep. 9 ; 8 On his death Theoderic was Mansi, XX. 66) : cf. Neander, VII. elected by the rival party, but soon Il6sq. afterwards shut up in a monastery. 8 Neander, Ibid. 125 (note), 153. Albert (also called 'antipapa') fol- 7 It is plain that Hildebrand al- lowed in 1102, and Silvester IV. (or ways counted on the succour of the Maginulfus) in 1105. The last was populace (cf. above, p. 158), and in deposed by Henry V. in 1111, when his efforts to put down clerogamy, his dispute with Baschal II. had as well as customs really exception- been adjusted for a time. See Jaffe', able, he relied on what is called the pp. 519^521. M. A. K 242 Constitution oj me unurcn. |^A. I). -LU 73 internal uniform success, and in the reigns of Innocent II.1 (1130), ORtiaonIZA' Ccelestine II. (1143), Lucius II. (1144), Eugenius III. _ (1145), Anastasius IV. (1153), Hadrian IV. (1154), Alex ander III.2 (1159), Lucius III. (1181), Urban III. (1185), Gregory VIII. (1187), Clement III. (1187), Ccelestine III. (1191), the papal claims, though not unfrequently contested at those points in which they trenched upon the civil jurisdiction, were, in sacred matters, still more generally allowed. With Innocent III.3 (1198), the idea of the Boman pontiff as the organ and the representative of God in the administration of all sublunary things was carried, step by step, into the most extravagant results. He was, indeed, the second Hildebrand; but owing to the circumstances of the age, he far exceeded every other pontiff in the grandeur of his conquests and the vigour 1 He was opposed, however, first by Anacletus II. (1130 — 1138), and next by Victor IV. (1138); but as the schism did not grow out of poli tical considerations, the dominion of the papacy Was not much weakened by it. Innocent II. was supported by the almost papal influence of St Bernard, and the peace which he effected was consolidated at the council of Lateran (1139). 3 Under this pontiff an important decree was made for obviating the divisions which arose at the papal elections : Mansi, XXII. 217. (Further regulations were introduced with the same object by Gregory X. : cf. Neander, VII. 266.) Alexander III. had to encounter a series of formid- ablerivals, Victor IV. (1159 — 1164), Paschal III. (1164 — 1168), Calixtus III. (1168— 1178), Innocent III. or Landus Sitinus (1178 — 1180), backed by the imperial interest ; but his triumph was secured by the exertions of men like our English primate, Becket, who appear to have carried with them the general feel ing of the age. 3 See Neander's remarks on his character and conduct, VII. 239 sq, Some of his very numerous Letters were edited by Baluze, in 2 vols. folio ; and his Works are now printed in four Vols, of Migne's Patrotogia, Paris, 1855 : cf. the able, but Bo manizing work of Hurter, Gesch. Papst Innocenz des Dritten, Ham burg, 1834. The towering claims of Innocent and his successors were supported by the new school of canonists (' decretists, ' afterwards 'decretalists,') which had sprung up especially at Bologna. About 1151, Gratian published his Concordia Discordantium Canonum [the Deere- turn Gratiani], in which he forced the older canons into harmony with the Bseudo-Isidore Decretals. As the papal edicts multiplied and su perseded more and more the ancient regulations of the Church, a further compilation was required. It made its appearance in 1234, under the sanction of Gregory IX., in five books. A sixth ('Liber Sextus") was added by Boniface VIII. in 1298. See Bbhmer's Dissert, in his edition of the Corpus Juris Canonici, Halse, 1747- INTERNAL ORGANIZA- — 1305] Constitution of the Church. 243 of the grasp by which they were retained. Honorius III. (1216), Gregory IX. (1227), Ccelestine IV.4 (1241), and OB?ioS Innocent IV. (1243), inherited his domineering spirit and _ ~~» perpetuated the efforts he had made in carrying out his theory of papal absolutism: but the tide (as we shall see vecayofthe hereafter) now began to turn, and at the close of the ^eur- present period many of their worst pretensions, after calling up a spirited reaction, had been tacitly with drawn. The following are the other members of the series, dating from the time of Innocent IV. to the im portant epoch, when their honours had begun to droop, and when the papal chair itself was planted at Avignon, —Alexander IV. (1254), Urban IV. (1261), Clement IV.4 (1265), Gregory X. (1271), Innocent V. (1276), Hadrian V. (1276), John XX. or XXI.6 (1276), Nicholas III. (1277), Martin IV. (1281), Honorius IV. (1285), Nicholas IV.' (1288), Ccelestine V.' (1294), Boniface VIII. (1294), Bene dict XI. (1303), Clement V. (1305). The leading agents, or proconsuls, of the pope in the The vast infiu- administration of his ever-widening empire, were the papal legates. legates (or ' legati a latere'), whom he sent, invested with the fullest jurisdiction, into every quarter of the world. Officials of this class appeared occasionally in the time of Hincmar9: but their mission was regarded as intrusive, and excited many hostile feelings in the coun try whither they were bound10. The institution was, how- 4 The papal chair, which he filled 8 Known as the 'hermit-pope:' only a few days, continued vacant see Dollinger, iv. 79, 80. He ab- until June, 1243. dicated after a brief reign of three 5 Another vacancy, of two years months. and nine months, occurred at his 9 Above, p. 148, n. 2. death. 10 Thus Ghicheley, archbishop of 0 This was the title which the Canterbury, writes at a still later pope himself assumed (thereby count- period: 'Be inspection of lawes ing Joan as a pope), although he and cronicles was there never no was really the twentieth of the name. legat a latere sent into no londe, 7 The Boman see was vacant at and specially in to your rengme of his death for two years and three Yngland, withowte grete and nota- months. °le cause And yet over that, he K 2 244 Constitution of the Church. |A.D-10^3 internal ever, an essential element of Hildebrandine despotism1: 0KtiAnZA" and while its operation here and there was salutary, or V ~ was tending to correct abuses2 in some ill-conditioned province, it more frequently became an engine of ex tortion, and thus added to the scandals of the age. The constant intermeddling of the popes in other churches, by the agency of roving legates, indicated more and more the worldly spirit which possessed them, notwithstanding all their affectation of peculiar purity and all their pro jects of reform. The 'curia' (or the court) of Bome3 was now the recognized expression; and no object lay so near the heart of him who bore the legatine au thority4, as the advancement of its temporal interests in was tretyd with or he cam in to the lond, when he shold have exercise of his power, and how myche schold bee put in execution,' &c. Vit. H. Chichele, p. 36, Lond. 1681. In the year 1100, when the archbishop of Vienne came into England in this capacity, he made no impression on the people, but departed ' a ne- uiine pro legato susceptus, nee in aliquo legati officio functus.' Ead- mer, ed. Selden, 1623, p. 58. Wil liam Corboyl, however, the arch bishop of Canterbury, who had been sent to Bome, to complain of the intrusion of a legate into England, returned in 1 125, the bearer of the very office against which the nation had protested (Gervas. Dorobern., in Twysden's Script. X., col. 1663); being elevated to that office by Ho norius II. (Monast. Anglic., ed. Dugdale, in. 147). 1 e. g. see Gregory's Epist. to the duke of Bohemia: Mansi, xx. 73. He exhorted the civil authorities to compel the acquiescence of Jaromir, the contumacious bishop of Prague, 'usque ad interniciem.' According to the Didatus Hildebrand., § 4, the legate was to take precedence of , all bishops. 2 St Bernard's ideal of will be found in the De Considera- time ad Eugenium, lib. iv. c. 4. His picture was, however, realized too seldom : ' Nonne alterius sceculi res est, redisse legatum de terra auri sine auro 1 transisse per terram ar- genti et argentum nescisse ?' c. 5. On the general duties of the legate and his influence in promoting the consolidation of the papacy, see Planck, rv. pt. n. 639 sq. 3 'Neque enim vel hoc ipsum carere macula videtur, quod nunc dicitur curia Romana quae antehac dicebatur ecclesia Bomana.' Gerhoh of Beichersberg, De Corrupto Ec clesia! Statu, Prsefat. (seu Epist. ad Henricum Card.) § 1, Opp. n. 9, ed. Migne. 4 The legates constantly urged the right of the pope to dispose of vacant benefices, and even bishop rics. Planck, ubi sup. pp. 7 1 3 sq. At first he recommended individuals, by way of ' petition ;' but in the thirteenth century the 'preces' were changed into 'mandata;' and he finally insisted on the promotion of his favourites (sometimes boys, and chiefly absentees) in the most per emptory manner, by an edict ' non obstante.' It was a case of this kind (1252) which stirred the iudig- — 1305] Constitution of the Church. 245 opposition to the crown and every species of domestic internal rlllp ORGANIZA- 1 uio. . Tinw The same desire to elevate and to enrich the papacy, AVVeais to though blended in some cases with a wish to patronize RmK~ the feeble and to shelter the oppressed, is seen in a re quirement now extended in all quarters, that appeals, instead of being settled in the courts at home, should pass, almost indiscriminately6, to the Boman, as the ulti mate tribunal of the West. Attempts6, indeed, were made (occasionally by the popes7 themselves) to limit this unprincipled recourse to foreign jurisdiction : but the prac tice, notwithstanding such impulsive acts of opposition, kept its hold on every side, especially in all the newly- planted churches. The development of papal absolutism, though it tended Effect of papal .... f, . . , „ n .. , absolutism on to protect the bishops from the violence oi feudal lords, episcopacy. and even to exempt them altogether from the civil juris diction, swallowed up the most important of their rights. nation of Grosseteste, bishop of Lin- execution of the laws : e.g. Concil. coin: see the account in Matthew Lateran. (1215), u. 7. He enjoined Paris (ed. 1684), p. 74°; of. pp. that the sentence of provincial coun- 749 sq. A former pope (Honorius cils should take immediate effect, III.) in 1226 (Matthew Paris, p. and that no appeal should lie to 276) had been constrained to make Bome unless the forms of law had the most humiliating confession by been exceeded. his legate, Otho : ' Idem papa alle- 6 In England there was always gavit scandalum sanctse Bomanas a, peculiar jealousy on the subject ecclesia? et opprobrium vetustissi- of appeals (of. above, p. 16, 11. 1), mum, notam scilicet concupiscentiaa, and when this feeling was aroused qua? radix dicitur omnium malorum : in 1164, provision was distinctly et in hoc prsecipue, quod nullus made in the ' Constitutions of Cla- potest aliquod negotium in Bomana rendon,' that all controversies what- curia expedire nisi cum magna effu- ever should be settled in the home- sione pecuniae et donorum exhibi- courts : Matthew Paris, p. 84 (from tione,' etc.: cf. John of Salisbury's Boger of Wendover, Flores Histor. Polycraticus, lib. v. c. 16. II. 300; ed. E. H. S. 1841). The * 5 See St Bernard's remarks, Ad prelates and others in like manner Eugeninm, lib. in. c. 2. Inno- bad required a pledge from Anselm, cent III., a shrewd administrator, 'quod nunquam amplius sedem checked the excessive frequency of Sancti Petri, vel ejus vicarium, pro appeals, on the ground that num- quavis qua? tibi queat ingeri causa hers would avail themselves of this appelles.' Eadmer, p. 39. privilege merely to buy off the 7 See n. 5. ORGANIZA TION. 246 Constitution of the Church. [a. d. 1073 internal The metropolitans, in cases where they did not also fill the post of legate, were compelled to yield obedience to the papal nominee1, though he might often be a priest and nothing more. The vows of servitude imposed on them at the reception of the pallium2 were exacted also from the other bishops3, who, in order to secure the friendship of the pope, betook themselves to Bome, and sued for confirmation at his hands. The pride, extortion, and untruthfulness of many of the pontiffs stirred them, it is true, at times into the posture of resistance, and a man like Bobert Grosseteste4 did not hesitate to warn the pope himself, that by persisting in extravagant de mands, the Boman Church was likely to become the author of apostasy and open schism. Yet, generally, we find that a belief in the transcendant honours of the Boman see retained the western bishops in their old con nexion with it. Galling as they felt the bondage, they had not the heart to shake it off. The stoutest advocates of papal usurpation were the members of religious orders. Gifted with a very large Romanizing spirit, of Hie monks. 1 See above, p. 243, n. 10. The English were extremely scandalized when John of Crema (1125) a car dinal priest, assumed these novel powers : Gervase of Canterbury (Dorobern.), col. 1663. And we may gather from the following passage of a letter addressed to Gregory VII., that many bishops viewed him as the enemy of all authority except the papal : ' Sublata, quantum in te fuit, omni potestate ab episcopis, qua? eis divinitus per gratiam Spiritns Sancti collata esse dinoscitur, dum nemo jam alicui episcopus aut pres byter est, nisi qui hoc indignissima assentatione a fastu tuo emendica- vit ;' in Eccard's Script. Rer. Ger manic. II. 172. 2 Above, p. 152. 3 See Neander, vn. 276, 277: Dollinger, III. 332. The protes tantism of Matthew Paris breaks out afresh at this indignity, when it was urged more pointedly in 1257. He calls the papal edict ' Statutum Bomse cruentissimum, quo oportet quemlibet electum personaliter trans- alpinare, et in suam lsesionem, imo eversionem, Bomanorum loculos im- prsegnare :' p. 820. 4 ' Absit autem, absit, quod ha?c sacratissima sedes, et in ea prsesi- dentes, quibus communiter et in omnibus mandatis suis et praeceptis obtemperatur, praseipiendo quic- quam Christi prseceptis et voluntati oontrarium, sint causa verae disces- sionis.' See the whole of this start ling and prophetic Sermon in the Opuscula R. Grosseteste, in Brown's Fasciculus, 11. 255. There is a co pious Life of Grosseteste, by Pegge. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 247 amount of the intelligence, the property5, the earnestness, internal and the enthusiasm of the age, they acted as the pope's tion. militia6, and became in troublous times the pillars of his ~~ throne. On this account he loaded them with favours'. Many of the elder Benedictines had departed from the strictness of their rule, and in this downward course they were now followed by the kindred monks of Clugny: but a number of fresh orders started up amid the animation of jtfie Hildebrandine period, anxious to redeem the honour ©f monasticism, and even to surpass the ancient discipline. Of these the order of Carthusians, Rise # the founded by Bruno8 of Cologne (1084), at the Chartreuse, 1084. near Grenoble, proved themselves the most unworldly and austere. They fall into the class of anchorets, but like the Benedictines they devoted many of their leisure hours to literary occupations9. Other . confraternities10 ap- 0 Their property was very much augmented at the time of the Cru sades by mortgages and easy pur chase from the owners, who were bent on visiting the Holy Land. Planck, IV. pt. II. 345 sq. Others also, to escape oppression, held their lands in copyhold from the religious houses and the clergy. 6 For thi3 reason they incurred the bitter hatred of the anti-Hilde- brandine school, who called them 'Pharisees' and ' Obscurantes ' (Ne ander, vn. 133, 134). When the Church was oscillating between Alexander III. and the anti-pope (Victor), the Carthusians and Cis tercians warmly took the side of the former, and secured his triumph. See Life of Bishop Anthelm in the Act. Sanct. Jun. v. c. 3. 7 e.g. the abbot was allowed to wear the insignia of the bishop, sandals, mitre, and crosier ; and ex emptions (see above, p. 159, n. 10) were now multiplied in every pro vince, as a glance at Jaffe's Regesta Pontific. Roman, will abundantly shew. The nature of these privi leges may be gathered from an epi stle of Urban II: (1092) in Mansi, XX. 652. Complaints respecting them were constantly addressed to the succeeding popes : e. g. that of the archbishop of Canterbury among the Epist. of Peter of Blois (Blesen- sis), ep. 68 ; and St Bernard, Ad Eugenium, lib. III. o. 4. 8 See Mabillon, Act. Sand. Ord. Bened. VI. pt. II. 52 sq.: Annates, v. 202 sq. Many of the later le gends respecting Bruno are purely mythical. Akin to the Carthusians was the order of the Carmelites, transplanted from the East (Mount Carmel). They grew up into a somewhat numerous body. See Holstein's Codex Regular, in. 18 sq., and Fleury, Hist. Eccl. liv. lxxvi. § 55. 9 Labbe has published their In- stitutiones in his Bibliotlieca, I. 638 sq.: cf. Neander, vn. 368. 10 e.g. The Ordo Grandimontensis (of Grammont) founded about 1070 (see Life of the founder, Stephen, 248 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 internal peared; but none of them were so successful as the order ORGANIZA- 1 TION. llise of the Cistercians, 1098. Influence of St Bernard. of the Cistercians (monks of Citeaux near Dijon), who endeavoured to revert in every feature of their system to the model of St Benedict. The founder1, Bobert, having vainly sought for peace and satisfaction in the life of a recluse, established his new convent in 1098. Its greatest luminary was St Bernard2 (1113—1153), who, after spend ing a short time in the parent institution, planted the more famous monastery of Clairvaux«»(Clara Vallis), in the diocese of Langres. Aided by the influence of his name and writings, the Cistercian order rapidly diffused itself in every part of Europe3, and became ere long the special favourite of the popes4. It formed, indeed, a healthy contrast to the general licence of the age, as well as to the self-indulgence and hypocrisy of many of its coenobitic rivals'. Monastic or- But however active and consistent thev miffht be, these ders ill adapted , . J ° to the times, orders were imperfectly adapted to the wants of the thir teenth century. As men who had renounced the business in Martene and Duraud's Ampliss. Colledio, VI. 1050 sq. ; Mabillon's Annates, v. 65 sq.) : the Ordo Fontis- Ebraldi (of Pontevraud), founded in 1094 (Mabillon's Annal. v. 314 sq.). The Order of St Anthony, founded by Gaston in 1095, attended on the sick, especially the leprous (Act. Sand. Jan. H. 160 sq.): the Trini tarians (' Pratres Domus Sancta? Trinitatis,') founded by John de Matha and Felix de Valois (1198), endeavoured to procure the redemp tion of Christians who had fallen into the hands of the infidels. See Fleury, liv. lxxv. § 9. 1 See Mabillon, as above, v. 219, 393 sq. ; Mannque, Annates Cister- cienses, Lugd. 1642 ; and Holstein, Codex, II. 386 sc[. Among the other features of the institute we notice a peculiar reverence for episcopal au thority : Bee the papal confirmation of their rules (n 19) in Manrique, I. 115. 2 See Neander's Life of him. 3 At the death of Bernard (1153) he left behind him one hundred and sixty monasteries, which had been formed by monks from Clair- vaux. 4 e. g. Innocent III. and the council of Lateran (1215), c. 12, held it up as a model for all others. 6 One of these was the order of Clugny, presided over (1122 — 1156) by Peter the Venerable, who, though anxious to promote the reformation of his house, resented the attack which had been made on it by some of the Cistercians. For an account of his friendly controversy with Bernard, see Maitland's Dark Ages, pp. 42 3sq. There are traces of the controversy in the poem De Clare- vallensibus et Cluniaccnsibus, among those attributed to Walter Mapes, ed. Wright, pp. 237 sq. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 249 of this world, to make themselves another in the cloisters internal where they lived and died, they kept too far aloof from tion. secular concerns, and even where they had been most ~ assiduous in the duties of their convent, their attachment to it often indisposed them to stand forward and do battle with the numerous sects that threatened to subvert the empire of their patron. Something ruder and more prac tical, less wedded to peculiar spots and less entangled by superfluous property, was needed if the Church were to retain its rigid and monarchic form6. The want was made peculiarly apparent when the Albigenses had be gun to lay unwonted stress on their own poverty, and to decry the self-indulgence of the monks. At this conjuncture rose the two illustrious orders Theme of the. . -,. / \ i -tit- t-i Franciscans, known as mendicants, (1) the Minors or h ranciscans, (2) 1207. the Preachers or Dominicans, both destined for two cen turies to play a leading part in all the fortunes of the Church. The former sprang from the enthusiasm of Francis of Assisi7 (1182—1226). Desirous of reverting to a holier state of things (1207), he taught the duty of re nouncing every kind of worldly goods8, and by a strain 6 Innocent III. seems to have Pref. to Monumenta Franciscana, felt this: for, notwithstanding his ed. Brewer, 1858, in the Chronicles, desire to check the multiplication &c. of Great Britain. We find the of fresh orders of monks (Concil. germs of it in an early sect of Eu- Lateran. 1215, c. 13, 'ne quis de chites, who, from a desire to reach csetero novam religionem inveniat'), the summit of ascetic holiness, re- he could not resist the offers now nounced all kinds of property and held out by such an army of auxili- common modes of life. Neander, aries. ni. 342. 7 See the Life of him by Thomas s In the fashion of the age he Celanus, his companion (in Act. spoke of Poverty as his bride and Sanct. Octob. II. 683 sq.); another, the Franciscan order as their off- by Bonaventura, a Franciscan (Ibid. spring. Before ten years had elapsed, 742 sq.): cf. Chavin de ' Malan, five thousand mendicants assembled ^ L'Histoire de S. Francois d Assise, at Assisi to hold the second general Paris, 1 84 5 ; Helyot, Hist, des Or- chapter of their order. Sir J. Ste- dres, etc., torn. VII. The great phen's Essays, I. 121, 122. The authority on the Franciscan Order Order of St Clara (' Ordo dominarum generally is Wadding's Annates Mi- pauperum') was animated by the norum, Boma?, 1731 — 1741- Cf. same spirit, and adopted the Fran- 250 Constitution of the Church. [a. D. 1073 internal of spirit-searching, though untutored, eloquence attracted tion. many thousands to his side. The pope1 at first looked down upon this novel movement, but soon afterwards Their alliance with the Pope. The aberra tions of an ex treme party. upon tnis novel movement, Dut soon confirmed the rule of the Franciscans, and indeed be came their warmest friend. By founding what was termed an 'order of penitence2' (the third estate of Friars), they were able to embrace in their fraternity a number of the working classes, who, while pledged to do the bidding of the pope and to observe the general regulations of the institute, were not restricted by the vow of celibacy nor compelled to take their leave entirely of the world. The stricter spirits of this school could not, however, be so easily confined within the limits which their chief -was anxious to prescribe. They followed out their prin ciple of sacred communism, or evangelical perfection, to its most obnoxious length, and even ventured to affirm that Christ and the original Apostles had nothing of their own. A quarrel was now opened, in the course of which the rigorous faction3 (' Spirituales' they were called), deriving their ideas4 very mainly from one-sided views of the ciscan rules : Holstein's Codex, ra. 34 sq.: Helyot, vn. 182 sq. On the stigmatisation of St Francis, and the impious extravagances to which it led, see a temperate article in the Revue des deux Mondes, Tome vm. pp. 459 sq. 1 Innocent III., after hesitating a while, extended to them a cordial, but unwritten, approbation (1209). In 1223, the order was formally adopted by Honorius III. : see Hol- Btein, in. 30 sq. A pledge of abso lute obedience to the pope is con tained in the first chapter. Nicholas IV. was so ardently attached to them that he enjoined the use of their service-books on the whole Church : Capefigue, II. 180. 2 Holstein, III. 39 sq. : Helyot, VII. 2i6sq. : cf. Sir J. Stephen's remarks on this supplemental insti tute, 1. 127, 128. 3 They professed to be adhering literally to the will of their founder; but the popes, especially Greg. IX. (1231) and Innocent IV. (1245), took the other (or the laxer) side: see their bulls in Boderic's Nova Collectio Privilegiorum, etc., ed. Antverp. 1623, pp. 7, 13. 4 These may be gathered from a production called the Introductorivs in Evangelium jBternum, which ap peared at Baris in 1254. The sub ject is exhausted by Gieseler, in. 2 5 1 sq. ; and Neander, vm. 369 sq. When Nicholas III. (1279) explain ed the rule of St Francis still more laxly, the ' spirituales ' grew still more indignant. They were headed by the friar John Peter de Oliva, of whose Postilla super Apocalypsi, extracts are preserved in Baluze and INTERNAL 0RGANIZA- —1305] Constitution of the Church. 251 Apocalypse, commenced a series of attacks upon the members of the hierarchy and the secularizing spirit of 0Ki™ the age. A party of these malcontents were drafted off at length into a fresh community, entitled the Cceles- tine-Hermits5 (1294), but in the end they seem to have entirely separated from the Church, and to have been absorbed into the sect of the 'Fratricelli6,' where, indeed, they underwent a bitter persecution. The twin-order, that of the Dominicans or ' Preachers ' The rise »f the ... ' Dominicans, took its rise in 1215 at Toulouse. Its founder was the 1215- canon Dominic7 (b. 1170), a native of Castile, although the plan was rather due to his bishop Diego (Didacus) of Osma, who, while journeying in the south of France, had noticed with concern that anti-papal and heretical opinions were most rife, and threatened to disturb all orders of society. His object, therefore, was, in con cert with the prelates of the district, to refute the argu ments adduced by the heresiarchs, to emulate their poverty, and win their followers back to the communion of the Church. In carrying out this undertaking, Dominic had been distinguished from the first, and when its author Mansi, Miscell. if. 258 sq. In com- before John XXII. in Baluze and menting on Apoc. xvii., he has the Mansi, Miscell. 11. 276 sq. One following passage : ' Nota quod ha?c charge brought against him is for mulier stat hie pro Komana gente saying 'quod a tempore Ccelestini et imperio, tam prout fuit quondam papae non fuit in Ecclesia papa in statu paganismi, quam prout post- verus.'1 modum fuit in fide Christi, multis 7 The oldest Life of Dominic is tamen criminibus cum, hoc mundo by his successor Jordanus, printed, fomicata,'' etc. with others, in the Act. Sanct. Au- 5 So called from pope Ccelestine gust. I. 545 sq. For the Constitu- V., their patron : Helyot, VII. 45. tions of the Order, see Holstein's They were, however, persecuted by Codex, IV. iosq. At the suggestion the rest of the Franciscans (e.g. of Innocent III., the basis of the Wadding, ad an. 1302, §§ 7, 8). rule of Dominic was borrowed from 8 See Capefigue, II. 147, 148. the Augustinian : and soon after, at Among their supporters may be a general chapter-meeting (1220), ranked Ubertinus de Casali, a pupil the principles of Francis of Assisi of the Franciscan Oliva above men- were adopted, in bo far as they ab- tioned, n. 4 : see the Arliculi Pro- jured all property and income. Vit. bationum contra fratrem Ubertinum S. Dominici (by Jordanus), c. 4. de Casali indudarum, and his reply 252 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. Its connexion with the A lb I- gensian cru sades. Controversybrtieien tiie Mendicantsand the Uni versities. died (circ. 1207) he still continued, with a few of his com panions, in the same sphere of duty. In 1209 the mis believing province of Languedoc was desolated by the earliest of the Albigensian crusades1. The leaders of that savage movement found a spy and coadjutor in the over- zealous missionary; and soon after he began to organize and head the larger confraternity, whose foremost object was the spiritual benefit2 of others and the vindication of the Church. Accompanied by the notorious Foulques" (or Fulco), bishop of Toulouse, he laid his project at the feet of the sovereign pontiff in an- hour when Bome might well have trembled for its empire in the south of France (1215), and readily procured the papal sanction. In the following year the institute was solemnly confirmed4 by Honorius III. It soon attracted many able and devoted members, and diffused itself on every side. Though parted from each other now and then by mutual jealousies5, the Minorites and Preachers commonly proceeded hand in hand6, particularly in resisting the at tacks which they provoked, not only from the clergy and monastic orders7, but from nearly all the Universities. They constituted the 'Dissenters' of the age. Presuming on their popularity, their merits8, and the strong protection maculate conceptidn of the Virgin, the Franciscans taking the positive, the Dominicans the negative. Klee, Hist, of Christ. Dogmas (German), pt. n. c. iii. § 25. 6 e.g. the generals of the two orders issued a number of caveats in 1255, with a view to cement. or re-establish friendly relations. Wad ding's Annal. Minor, ad an. 1255, §12. 7 e. g. Matthew Paris, A. D. 1243, p. 541 ; A.D. 1247, p. 630. He was himself a Benedictine, and implaca ble in his hostility to the new race of teachers. 8 These must originally have been very considerable, for besides 1 See below, 'State of Beligious Doctrine,' § Sects. 3 . . . ' studium nostrum ad hoe de bet principaliter intendere ut proxi- morum animabus possimus utiles esse.' Constit. Prol. c. 3. 3 Cf. Sir J. Stephen's Led. on the Hist, of France, I. 221, ed. 1851. 4 The bull of confirmation is pre fixed to the Constitutions of the order, as above, p. 251, n. 7. Accord ing to the pope's idea the Domini cans were to become 'pugiles fidei et vera mundi lumina.' 5 See the graphic picture of Mat thew Paris, Hist. Major, a.d. 1243, p. 540. They afterwards contended still more sharply touching the im- -1305] Constitution of the Church. 253 of the Boman court9, they thrust themselves into the pro fessorial chairs, and not unfrequently eclipsed all other doctors10. Paris was at present the chief seat of European learning, and in it especially (1251), the Mendicants, al though in favour with the king, had to encounter a de termined opposition11. For a while they were discouraged by a bull of Innocent IV.12, who saw the inroads they were making on the constitution of the Church, and was accord ingly induced at length to take the part of the University ; but on his death (1254) they found an ardent champion in pope Alexander IV.13 His influence and the writings of the more distinguished members of their body (such as Bonaventura14 and Aquinas16), aided them in bearing down INTERNAL ORGANIZA TION. their zeal in missionary labour, they conciliated the good opinion of a class of men like Grosseteste, bishop of Lincoln, who employed them in his diocese. He defended them against the opposition of his clergy, and even charged the latter through the archdeacon ' ad inducendum efficaciter populum ut Fratrum utri- usque Ordinis praedicationes devote et attente audiat, ' etc. : Brown's Fascic. II. 382. He afterwards be queathed his library to the Francis cans at Oxford, among whom the famous Boger Bacon was educated (Warton, Eng. Poetry, n. 89, ed. 1840) : though Matthew Paris writes that on his death-bed he complained ; that they had disappointed his ex pectations, and had begun to dege nerate most grievously : Hist. Maj., A.D. 1253, p. 752. s e. g. Gregory IX. (1237) begins -a grant of privileges in the following terms : ' Quoniam abundavit iniqui- tas, et refriguit charitas plurimorum, ,ecce ordinem dilectorum filiorum fratrum PrEedicatorum Dominus sus- citavit,' etc., in Matth. Paris, A.D. 1246, p. 607. The popes claimed the right of sending Friars anywhere .without the acquiescence of the bi shops or the clergy. 10 Most of the theological pro fessors in the University of Naples, founded 1220, were chosen from the Mendicants. Their first establish ment in England was at Oxford, 122 1, when, for some time, they produced the leading scholars of the age. Warton, as above, pp. 88, 89. 11 See Bula?us (Du Boulay), Hist. Univers. Paris. III. 240 sq.; Cape figue, n. 167 sq. The latter is a warm apologist of the Friars. Their most vigorous opponent at the time was William de Sancto Amore, a Parisian doctor of divinity, who composed his treatise De Pericnlis Novissimorum Temporum, in 1255. It is printed (as two Sermons) in Brown's Fasciculus, 11. 43 — 54. The author was condemned by Alexander IV., but reconciled to Clement IV. 12 Bula?us, Ibid. 270 sq.: cf. Ne ander, vn. 392. 13 Bulseus, 273. In this bull he exempts them from the jurisdiction of the bishops and parish priests. 14 He was general of the Minor ites, and often argued for them on the plea of necessity, alleging that the ordinary ecclesiastics were so corrupt as to neglect all their sacred duties: see e.g. his Liber de Pau- pertate Christi contra Magist. Guliel- mum, etc. 15 See his Qpuscul. xix., contra 254 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1073 TION. The Beguins or Beghards. internal resistance, and in virtually supplanting for a time the or dinary teachers of the Church. The Mendicants, as we have seen already, fostered in their bosom many germs of misbelief. In this particular they seem to have resembled the still older groups of Beguins or Beghards1, who finally took refuge (1290) in the third order of the Franciscans2. They were chiefly females ('Beguinse') in the earlier stages of their history, but, subsequently, when the number of them had pro digiously increased3, the principle on which they had as sociated was borrowed (circ. 1220) by the other sex4 ('Beguini'). They were ridiculed5 as 'pietists' (boni homines), and in the end appear to have adopted most of the opinions held by the extreme or Apocalyptic school of the Franciscans, so that 'Beguin' often was synonymous with heretic. Another wing of the great army which the Christians of the Middle Age employed for their defence and the consolidation of the papal empire were the Military Orders. Their triumphant struggle with the heathen of the north of Europe has been mentioned on a former page6. It was their leading object to combine the rules of chivalry and knighthood with monastic discipline, which they derived especially from the Cistercian institutions. The Knights Templars1 (' Fratres Militias Templi') were Military Orders. The. Knights Templars. Impugnantes Dei outturn et religio- nem. 1 See Mosheim, De Bcghardis et Beguinabus Commentarius, passim. They seem to have existed as early as the eleventh century in Flanders. The name (see Ducange, sub voc.) appears to have been extended to all kinds of female associations ('collegia') where the secular and monastic life were partially com bined. The inmates ('canonissa?') could leave the establishment and marry. a Helyot, vn. 251. 3 Matthew Paris (a.d. 1250, p. 696) speaks of the German ' Begui- na?' as an ' innumerabilis multitudo.' 4 Mosheim, as above, p. 168. s See Ducange, under 'Papelar- dus.' 6 pp. 229, 232. 7 See, on their general history, L'Art de verifier les Dates, I. 512 sq., and the Hist. Crit. et Apologet. des Chevaliers du Temple, Paris, 1789. Their Regula is printed in Holstein, 11. 429 sq. ; and in Mansi, XXI. 359 sq. — 1305] Constitution of the Church. 255 founded at Jerusalem 1119, and through the powerful ad- internal vocacy of St Bernard8, the idea which they attempted to tion. embody won the sanction of the western prelates in the — synod of Troyes9 (Jan. 13, 1128). The order soon extended into every part of Europe,. where it was most liberally endowed. Amid the stirring incidents of the crusades, the Templars had abundant opportunity for justifying the discernment of their patrons. On the fall of Acre in 1291, they could maintain the Christian cause no longer, and . retreated to their rich domains in Cyprus : but suspicions10 Th^i^tion of their orthodoxy which had once been irreproachable were now quite current in the west. A long and shame ful controversy ended in the dissolution of the order11 at Vienne (March 22, 1312). Their property was all sequestered and in part trans ferred12 to what are known as the Knights Hospitallers13, f^^r* organized as early as 1048, to wait on the sick pilgrims in the hospital of St John, at Jerusalem, but not converted into a military order till the twelfth century14. They also 8 He wrote his Exhortatio ad Mi- in their condemnation. This was lites Templi at the request of the the work of the French king Philip- Grand-master, Hugo de Paganis. le-Bel and his creature, pope Cle- See also his Tract, de Nova Militia. ment V., who also carried off a por- 9 Concil. Trecense : Mansi, XXI. tion of the spoil, by levying fines on ,-» the transfer of the property. The "•' The charges brought against Grand -master and others were burnt them may be classed as follows : by the arbitrary act of Philip. (i) Systematic denial of Christ on n See the remarkable statute De their admission into the order, ac- Terris Templariorum, 17 Edw. II. companied with spitting or tram- st. in. The 'Temple' of London pling on the cross. (2) Heretical was given, by some private arrange- bpinions concerning the sacraments. ment, to the earl of Pembroke (3) Beception of absolution from (whose widow founded Pembroke masters and preceptors, although College, Cambridge), but afterwards laymen. (4) Debauchery. (5) Ido- passed into the hands of the Hos- latry. (6) General secrecy of prac- pitallers, who leased it to the stu- tice. ' See English Review, Vol. I. dents of the laws of England. p. 13. 13 Helyot, in. 74 sq.; Vertot's u The Templars were not allowed Hist, des Chevaliers Hospitaliers, to speak in their own defence, and etc., Paris, 1726. all the English, Spanish, German " The Rule given to the order and some other prelates were ac- by Raymond du Puy (11 18), in cordingly resolved to take no part Holstein, 11. 445 sq., is silent as to 256 Constitution uj iiic (JnUiuU. .073 The order of Frcemoiistrant canons. internal were ejected from the Holy Land with the last army of OBtAoNn.za" Crusaders, but continued to exist for many centuries. ' ~ Their chief asylum was at Bhodes (1309), and finally at Malta (1530). A connecting link between the rest of the religious orders and the seculars, or 'working clergy,' is supplied by the Prajmonstrants (canons of Pre"monstre"), who sprang up in the diocese of Laon, in 1119. Their founder, Nor- bert1, was himself a secular, but on awakening to a deeper sense of his vocation, he resolved to organize an institution for the better training of ecclesiastics2. With this object he endeavoured to unite the cure of souls and a conventual mode of life. Accordingly, in some respects, the order of Prsemonstrants was a reproduction3, not unlike the order of cathedral canons ; but owing to the deep corruptions of the latter, they were generally opposed to Norbert's project of reform. The canons, in pursuance of their ancient policy4, with drew still further from the reach of their diocesan. At the conclusion of the struggle which the Church maintained against the civil power respecting the episcopal appoint ments, nearly all the bishops were elected absolutely by the canons of the diocese5, which could not fail to add fresh Power and degeneracy of tiie canons. their military duties : but in the same year they performed a prodigy of valour. Helyot, p. 78. They were taken under the special protec tion of Pope Innocent II., in 11 37 : Breguiny, Table Chronol. des Di- plomes, etc., ni. 4, Paris, 1769. 1 See his Life by a Pra?monstrant in the Ad. Sanct. Jun. 1. 804 sq., and Hugo's Ord. Prcemonst. Annal., Nanceii, 1734. He died archbishop of Magdeburg, in 1134. 2 It was commended in 1129 by pope Innocent II. (Hugo, 11. 109), who afterwards granted to it many privileges. Le Paige, Biblioth. Prce monst., p. 622, Paris, 1633. 8 See above, p. 48, n. I. 4 See above, pp. 156, 157. 5 Thus Innocent III. (1 2 15) en joins respecting the election of a bishop, 'ut is collatione adhibita eligatur, in quern omnes vel major vel sanior pars capituli consentit:' Decret. Gregor. lib. I. tit. vi. c. 42 (in Corpus Juris Canon.). Before this time a certain right of assent had been reserved for ' spiritales et religiosi viri' (including, perhaps, the laity) : but by an edict of Gregory IX. (Ibid. c. 56), it is for bidden, notwithstanding any usage to the contrary, ' ne per laicos, cum canonicis, pontificis [i. e. of a bishop] electio praesumatur.' This right of election had long been possessed by —1305] Constitution of the Church. 257 weight to their pretensions. They exceeded all the other clergy both in rank and in voluptuousness, regarding the cathedral prebend as a piece of private income, suited more especially for men of noble birth6, and not unfrequently employing substitutes7 (or 'conduct-clerics') to discharge internal organiza tion. their sacred duties. Many an effort, it is true, was made Attempts to •* reform them. to bring about a reformation8 of the canons, and in some of the western churches the new impulse which accom panied the Hildebrandine movement may have been con siderably felt : but, judging from the number of complaints that meet us in the writings of a later period, those reform ing efforts were too commonly abortive9. We have seen10 that many of the functions of the chor episcopi devolved on the archdeacons. In the thirteenth century the supervision of a diocese was often shared by titular or suffragan bishops11, whom the pope continued to Titular and suf- ° i- 7 i- x fragan bishops. the Scotch Culdees (Keledei=' ser vants of God'), who were an order of canonical clergy, some, if not all, of them being attached to the ca thedral churches. Dollinger, in. 270, 271. They were at length superseded in many places by regu lar canons, and on appealing to Bo niface VIII. in 1297, with the hope of recovering their ancient right of electing their bishop, they were un successful. Cf. Spot3wood, Hist, of Church and State of Scotland, p. 51. 6 This plea was urged by the chapter of Strasburg in 1232 ; but the pope (Decrd. Greg. IX. lib. in. tit. v. c. 37) replied that the true nobility was 'non generis sed vir- tutum :' cf. Neander, vn. 286. 7 ' Clerici conductitii : ' see Du cange, under ' conductitius.' This point is dwelt upon by a most rigorous censor of the canons, al though one of their own order, Gerhoh of Beichersberg. See his Dialogus de differentia clerici regu- laris et scecularis. ' Nos autem ' (says the Secular Canon) ' psene om nes genere, nobilitate, divitiis ex- M.A. cellimus :' Gerhohi Opp. II. 1419, ed. Migne. 8 As early as 1059, Nicholas II. and a Boman synod had enjoined (c. 3) the strict observance of their rule (Mansi, xix. 897). In very many cases canons were allowed to have private property : but when attempts were made to reform the order, the new canons (' canonici regulares') as distinguished from the old (' canonici sa?culares') boasted of their ' apostolical ' community of goods. Schrockh, xxvn. 223 — 226. 9 Planck, IV. pt. II. 5 70 sq. 10 Above, p. 49, n. 9. 11 ' Episcopi in partibus infide- lium.' The number of these in creased very much when Palestine became a Turkish province. Coun cils were then under the necessity of checking their unlicensed minis trations : e. g. that of Ravenna (131 1) speaks in no gentle terms of 'ignoti et vagabundi episcopi, et maxime lingua et ritu dissoni :' see Planck, n. pt. 11. 604 sq. ; Ne ander, VII. 297, 298. S 258' Constitution of the Church. \A.~D. 1073 internal ordain for countries which the Saracens had wrested from tion. " his hands. These bishops found employment more espe- ExorMtance of cially in Germany. Where they did not exist, arch deacons were unrivalled in the vast extent of their author ity1, which numbers of them seem indeed to have abused by goading the inferior clerics2 and encroaching on the province of the bishop8. In the hope of checking this -s-gmerai presumption, other functionaries, such as 'vicars-general' and ' officials' i, were appointed to assist in the adminis tration of the churches of the west. But these in turn appear to have excited the distrust and hatred of the people by their pride, extortion, and irreverence5. The more solemn visitations6 of the bishop were con tinued ; and he still availed himself of the diocesan synod_ for conferring with the clergy and adjusting purely local questions. Other councils also7, chiefly what are termed Vicar and officials Synods. 1 This may be ascertained from the Decret. Gregor. IX. lib. I. tit. xxm., whioh contains ten chapters ' De officio Archidiaconi.' 2 e.g. John of Salisbury (ep. lxxx.) complains at length of the ' rabies archidiaconorum.' Some of them, however, were most exem plary, travelling, staff in hand, through their archdeaconries and preaching in every village. Ne ander (vn. 293) quotes such an instance. 3 Thomassinus, Vdus d Nova Ecclesice Discipl. pt. 1. lib. 11. c. 18 — 20. Alexander III. found it ne cessary to inhibit the archdeacon of Ely, among others, from commit ting the cure of souls to persons 'sine mandato et licentia episcopi.' Mansi, xxn. 364. 4 Thomassinus, ibid. c. 8, 9 : Schrockh, xxvn. 150 sq. Other duties of the archdeacon were trans ferred to the 'penitentiary' of the diocese, an officer appointed at the council of Lateran (Decret. Gregor. lib. I. tit. xxxi. c. 15) to assist the bishop 'non solum in prosdicationis officio, verum etiam in audiendis confessionibus et pcenitentiis injun- gendis, ac ceteris, qua? ad salutem pertinent animarum.' 5 See an epistle of Peter Blesen- sis (of Blois), where at the close of the twelfth century he calls the offi cials ' episcoporum sanguisuga? :' ep. xxv. Other instances are given by Neander, VII. 294. 6 See above, p. 49. The council of Lateran (1 1 79), c. 4, passed some curious regulations limiting the equipages of the prelates and arch deacons while engaged on these visitation-tours. 7 Their number may be estimated from the list in Nicolas' Chronol. pp. 239 — 259. What are called by the Church of Rome 'general' or ' oecumenical ' councils, those of Lateran (1 123), of Lateran (1139),, of Lateran (1 179), of Lateran (1215), of Lyons (1245), of Lyons (1274), were such neither in their mode of convocation (having no true repre sentatives from other patriarchates), nor in their reception by the Church at large. See Palmer's Treatise on -1305] Constitution of the Church. 259 'provincial' (or, in England, 'convocations'8) were assem- internal bled through the whole of the present period. Their effect, °KmoTa" however, was diminished by the intermeddling of the papal ~ legates and the growth of Bomish absolutism9. From these councils, much as they evince of the genuine corruptions of . •, n n . , the cleroy gcne- spirit ot retorm, we are constrained to argue, that the ''"«*¦ general system of the Church was now most grievously disjointed and the morals of the clergy fearfully relaxed. Abuses of ecclesiastical patronage10 which Hildebrand and others of his school attempted to eradicate had come to light afresh. A race of perfunctory and corrupted priests, non-residents and pluralists, are said to have abounded in all quarters11; and too often the emphatic voice of councils, stipulating as to the precise conditions on which the Church, II. 162 sq., 3rd ed. Provincial synods were commanded to be held every year by the council of Lateran (12 15), c. 7. 8 See above, pp. 54, 57 ; p. 165, n. 8. A 'national council' was held under Lanfranc in 1075, by the consent of the crown. (' Willielmus rex .... permisitque ei concilia con- gregare'). For the particulars, see William of Malmesbury, De Gestis Pontif. pp. 213, 214, ed. Francof. 1601. The term 'convocation' is first applied to the annual synod of the province of Canterbury in 11 25: see the archbishop's mandate to the bishop of Llandaff in Wilkins, Con cil. I. 408. The first instance of the meeting of convocation, at the same time with the nobles (or state- council), but in a separate place, occurred in 1 1 27. See Wake's State of the Church, etc., p. 171, Lond. 1703. The leading object of these ' convocations ' may be gathered from the mandate in Wilkins, as above. The bishops, archdeacons, abbots, and priors met together ' ad definiendum super negotiis ecclesias- ticis,'' etc. An early trace of the representative principle occurs in the records of the 'national council' held in 1237 (Wilkins, I. 648). The members came bearing ' literas pro- curatorias :' and in the convocation of 1257 (Wilkins, I. 726), it is said to have consisted ' pra?latorum pari- teret cleri procuratorum.' 9 Capefigue, n. 65, 66. 10 Above, pp. 154 sq. 11 Ontbis subject, see the Verbttm Abbreviatum of Peter Cantor (a Paris theologian, who died 1197), c. 34, ed. Montibus, 1639, and Gerhoh of Reichersberg, De Corrupto Ecclesice Statu; Opp. 11. 10 sq. ed. Migne. The language of men like Bonaven- tura (Opp. vn. 330, ed. Lugduni), where, in his defence of the Men dicants, he draws a most gloomy picture of the clergy, should be taken ' cum grano salis ;' but his colouring is not very much deeper than that of bishop Grosseteste (ep. evil.), in Brown's Fascic. 11. 382 : cf. his Sermo ad clerum, contra pas- tores et prcelatos malos; Ibid. 263. Schrockh (xxvn. 175 sq.) has proved at large from the decrees of councils , that simony, which Hildebrand and others after him denounced, was rife in nearly every country, often in its most obnoxious forms. S 2 260 Constitution of the Church. L-*--11, ¦lu73 internal organiza tion. Constrained celibacy .- its extension, and effect. sacred offices were to be held, produced no visible or permanent effect. One source of the more glaring immoralities1, which synod vied with synod in denouncing, was the celibacy of the clergy. This had been at length established as the practice of the Western Church through the astute and unremitting efforts of the Bomau pontiff. It is true that even Gregory VII. had been constrained to shew in dulgence2 in some cases where the married priest appeared incorrigible ; and in England, at the council of Winchester (1076), the rigours of the Hildebrandine legislation were considerably abated3: but clerogamy, discredited on every hand, was gradually disused, and died away entirely at the middle of the thirteenth century. The prohibition was at length extended also, after a protracted contest, to sub- deacons and inferior orders4 of the clerical estate. A darker train of evils was the consequence of this un natural severity. Incontinence, already general5 among 1 c. g. Schrockh, xxvn. 205, 206. Men like Aquinas saw clearly 'mi nus esse peccatum uxore uti quam cum alia fornicari' (Ibid. p. 211); but they all felt that the canons of the Church were absolutely binding, and therefore that clerogamy -was sinful. 2 The imperial party, now in the ascendant, won the sympathy of many of the married priests, and Hildebrand accordingly advised hi3 legates for the present (1081) to dis pense with some of the more rigor ous canons on this subject : Mansi, xx. 342. As late as 11 14, the council of Gran (Strigoniense) de creed as follows, c. 31 : ' Presbyteris uxores, quas legitimis ordinibus ac- ceperint, moderatius habendas, prse- visa fragilitate, indulsimus :' Pe'- terffy's Concil. Hangar. 1. 57, ed. Vienna? Austr.1742: Mansi, xxi. 106. 3 ' Decretum est, ut nullus cano- nicus uxorem habeat. Sacerdotes vero in castellis vel in vicis habitant- es habentes uxores non cogantur ut dimittant; non habentes interdiean- tur ut habeant,' etc. ; Wilkins, 1. 367. For the later aspects of the struggle in England and other coun tries, see the references in Gieseler, In- § 65, n. 4. Zealots like Roscelin contended that the sons of clergy men were not eligible to any ecclesi astical office. Neander, vm. 9. 4 Thomassinus, Eccl. Discip. pt. I. lib. 11. c. 65. According to the Decret. Greg. lib. in. tit. ni. c. 1, a cleric under the rank of subdeacon might retain his wife by relinquish ing his office, but subaeacons and all higher orders are compelled to dismiss their wives and do penance : cf. Synod of London (1108) : Wil kins, 1. 387. 5 Thus the Gloss, on Distinct. lxxxi. c. 6 (in Corpus Jur. Canon.), adds that deprivation is not meant to be enforced ' pro simplici fornica- tione;'_ urging, as the reason, 'cum pauci sine illo vitio inveniantur.' INTERNAL ORGANIZA- 1305] Constitution of the Church. 261 the higher clergy, now infected, very many of the rest. Nor was that form of vice the only one which tended to °Rtion debase the spirit of the seculars and counteract the influ- other vices of ence which they ought to have exerted on their flocks. th"ecular'- Their levity, intemperance, and extortion6 had too fre quently excited the disgust and hatred of the masses, and so far from meeting with the reverence which their sacred office claimed, they were the common butt of raillery and coarse vituperation7. The more earnest of their charee ri*«ami1 J . o^ unpopularity. preferred the ministrations first of monks, and then of mendicants, whose popularity must have been chiefly due to their superior teaching and more evangelic lives. Ex ceptions there would doubtless be in which the humble parish-priest approved himself the minister of God and was the light and blessing of his sphere of duty : but the acts of such are seldom registered among the gloomy annals of the age. § 2. RELATIONS OF THE CHURCH TO THE CIVIL POWER. The Western Church was now exalted by the papacy The main as the supreme and heaven-appointed mistress of the State ; nmebrandue 1 L i- ? policy. 6 The prevalence of these vices the Trouveres), contain the most may be inferred from the numerous virulent attacks on the clerical, and complaints of men like St Bernard sometimes the monastic, order. Much (see passages at length, in Gieseler, as satire of this kind was overco me § 65, n. 10), and the decrees of loured by licentious or distempered councils (e.g. Lateran, 12 15, cc. 14, critics, it had, doubtless, some foun- 15, 16). The same is strongly brought dation. The champion and biogra- to light in the reforming (anti-se- pher of Becket, Herbert deBosehara, cularizing) movement headed by Ar- did not hesitate to employ the fol- nold of Brescia: see Neander, VII. lowing language in speaking of the 205 sq. clergy : ' Sacerdos quippe nisi sen- 7 See, for instance, the Collection sum Scripturarum pra?habuerit, tan- of Political Songs, &c, edited by quam omni carens sensu, idolum Mr Wright for the Camden Society, potius quam sacerdos judicatur... and 'Latin Poems commonly attri- TJtinam et juxta prophets? votum buted to Walter Mapes ' (appointed illis fiant similes qui ea faciunt, qui archdeacon of Oxford in 1196), edit- tales in Dei ecclesia ordinant. Simia ed by the same. These specimens, quippe in aula, talis sacerdos in ec- together with the whole cycle of clesia.' Supp lementa Herb, de Bose- Provencal poetry (the sirventes of ham, pp. 102 sq., ed. Caxton Soc. the Troubadours and the fabliaux of 1 85 1 . RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Slrugqle of the pope with the Herman em- piTor, Henry IV. 262 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 or looking at the change produced by this conjuncture from a different point of view, she ran the risk of falling, under Gregory VII., into a secular and merely civil in stitution. Having generally succeeded in his effort to repress the marriage of the clergy, he began to realize the other objects that had long been nearest to his heart, the abolition of all ' lay-investitures,' the freedom of epi scopal elections, and his own ascendancy above the juris diction of the crown1. In carrying out his wishes he advanced a claim to what was nothing short of feudal sovereignty in all the kingdoms of the west2, in some upon the ground that they were the possessions (feofs) of St Peter8, and in others as made tributary to the popes by a specific grant4. The chief opponent of these ultra-papal claims was Henry IV. of Germany5: but his abandoned character, his tampering with the church-preferment, and his un popularity in many districts of the empire, made it easier for the pope to humble and subdue him. The dispute was opened by a Boman synod in 1075, where every form of accepting the German emperor as lord paramount of his dominions. That kingdom is said to be ' Ro- mana? ecclesise proprium a rege Stephano olim B. Petro oblatum.'' The letter goes on to say : ' Prater- , ea Heinricus pise memoria? imperator ad honorem S. Petri regnum illud expugnans, victo rege et facta vic toria, ad corpus B. Petri lanceam coronamque transmisit et pro gloria triumphi sui illuc regni direxit in signia, quo principatum dignitatis ejus attinere cognovit.' Lib. n. ep. 13 : cf. above, p. 139, n. 8. On the sturdy language of William the Con queror, when aBked to do homage to Gregory, see Turner, Hist, of England, 'Middle Ages,' I. 131, ed. 1830. 5 See Stanzel, Gesch. Deutschlands water den friink. Kaisern, 1. 248 sq. 1 His own election, it is true, had been confirmed by the emperor ac cording to the decree of Nicholas II. (above, p. 151, n. 7) : but that is the last case on record of a like confirmation. Bowden's Life of Gre gory VII. I. 323. 2 In his more sober moments he allowed that the royal power was also of Divine institution, but sub ordinate to the papal. The two dig nities ('apostolica et regia') are like the sun and moon : Epist. lib. VII. ep. 25 (Mansi, xx. 308). An apolo gy for Gregory VII. on claiming oaths of knightly service from the kings and emperors, is made by Dollinger, ni. 314 — 316. 3 Spain was so regarded (' ab an- tiquo proprii juris S. Betri fuisse') : Epist. lib. I. ep. 7. 4 Thus Gregory VII. (1074) re proaches the king of Hungary for -1305] Constitution of the Church. 263 CIVIL POWER. lay-investiture was strenuously resisted8. After some pa- relations cific correspondence, in which Henry shewed himself dis- " ''"''' posed to beg the papal absolution7 for the gross excesses of his youth, he was at length commanded to appear in Bome for judgment8, on the ground that Hildebrand had been entrusted with the moral superintendence of the world. The emperor now hastened to repel this outrage : he deposed his rival9, and was speedily deposed himself and stricken with the papal ban10 (1076). Supported by a number of disloyal princes who assembled at Tribur, the terrible denunciation took effect; they formed the resolution of proceeding to appoint another king, and Henry's wrath was, for a time at least, converted into fear11. An abject visit to the pope, whom he propitiated by doing penance at Canossa12, ended in the reconstruction of his party, and 6 On the historical connexion of this law, see Jaffa", p. 417. It runs as follows : ' Si quis deinceps epi- scopatum vel abbatiam de manu ali- cujus laica? persons susceperit, nul- latenus inter episcopos habeatur,' etc adding, 'Si quis imperato- rum, regum, ducum, marchlonum, comitum, vel quilibet siecularium potestatum aut personarum investi- turam episcopatuum vel alicujus ecclesiastica? dignitatis dare pne- sumpserit, ejusdem sententia? [i. e. of excommunication] vinculo se ad- strictum esse sciat :' Mansi, xx. 517. Gregory had already (1073) threat ened Bhilip of France with excom munication and anathema for simo- niacal proceedings -.Epist. lib. I. ep. 35. 7 His letter (1073) is given at length in Bowden, 1. 340 sq. The hopes which it inspired in Gregory are expressed by his Epist. lib. I. epp. 25, 26. = See Bruno, De Bello Saxon, c. 64 (in Pertz, VII. 351) ; and Lam bert's Annates, a.d. 1076. Accord- in^ to the latter work Henry was summoned, on pain of anathema, to appear in Bome by Feb. 22 : but cf. Neander, VII. 144, 145. 9 The stronghold of the imperial ists was the collegiate chapter of Goslar. They were backed on this occasion by the synod of Worms (Jan. 24, 1076), which, not content with a repudiation of the pope, as sailed his character with the most groundless calumnies : Lambert, as above ; Bowden, 11. 92 sq. 10 Mansi, xx. 469. ' Henrico regi, filio Henrici Imperatoris, qui contra tuam ecclesiam inaudita superbia insurrexit, totius regni Teutonico- rum et Italia? gubernacula contra- dico, et omnes Christianos a vinculo juramenti, quod sibi fecere vel faci- ent, absolvo, et ut nullus ei sicut regi serviat interdico... vinculo eum anathematis vice tua alllgo'.... Cf. Paid. Bernried, Vit. Gregor. c. 68 sq. This and other works in defence of Gregory will be found in Gretser. Opp. torn. vi. Those which take the opposite (or imperial) side have been collected in Goldast's Apolog. pro Imper. Henrico I V., Hanov. 1 6 1 1 . 11 Neander, vn. 153. 12 See the humiliating circum stances detailed by Gregory himself 264 . vonstitution of the Vhurcti. \A.v. 1073 relations the gradual recognition of his rights TO THE CIVIL POWER. ' Reforming ' principles de veloped by it. The papal ban, indeed, was reimposed in 1080; but the emperor had strength enough to institute a rival pontiff2 (Clement III.) : and although his arms were partially resisted by the countess of Tuscany8 (Matilda) and the Normans under Bobert Guiscard4, who came forward in behalf of Gre gory, the subjects of the pope himself were now in turn estranged from him5. He therefore breathed his last (1085) an exile from the seat of his ambitious projects6. It was made apparent in the course of this dispute that numbers were unwilling to concede the pope a right of excommunicating monarchs, even in extreme cases ; and that others who admitted this denied the further claim to dispossess an emperor of all his jurisdiction and absolve his subjects from their oath of allegiance7. The relations of the spiritual and temporal authorities were now embarrassed more and more by popes who fol- The second Urban, after Further papal lowed in the steps of Gregory encroachments. ° J placing Philip I. of France8 under the papal ban (1094), (Jan. 28, 1077) m a letter written to the German princes : lib. iv. ep. 12. The tone of this letter is most unapostolic. 1 The enemies of Henry, it is true, proceeded to elect Rudolph of Suabia for emperor, the pope remain ing neutral at first, and afterwards (1080) espousing (Mansi, xx. 531) what he thought the stronger side : but Rudolph's death soon after left his rival in possession of the crown, and ruined the designs of Gregory. 2 Jaffe', p. 443. 3 On the relations of Gregory with this princess, see Neander, vn. 155 (note), and Sir J. Stephen's Essays, I. 45 S<1' 4 This rude soldier had been ex communicated by Gregory in 1074 (Mansi, XX. 402), but in 1080 (June 29) the services of the Norman army were secured at all hazards. See Gregory's investiture of their leader, in Mansi, XX. 314. 5 See Bowden, 11. 318. 6 One of his last public acts was a renewal of the anathema against Henry and the anti-pope : see Ber- nold's Chron. A.D. 1084 (Pertz, VII. 44i)- 7 Cf. on the one side, Neander, VII. 149 sq., Gieseler, in. § 47, n. 25, with Dollinger, III. 323 sq. Gregory's own defence of his con duct may be seen in his Epist. fib. IV. ep. 2. According to Capefigue (1. 294 sq.), the excommunicated emperor was to be avoided like & leper, and therefore his deposition followed as a matter of course. 8 In this case as in others (cf. p. 147, 11. 10) the papal fulmination was a popular act, Philip having repudiated his lawful wife. He was resisted by Ives, the bishop of Char- — 1305] Constitution of the Church. 265 forbade a priest or bishop to swear any kind of feudal relations q TO THE homage to the sovereign or to other laymen, — an in- civil ...... ° j > power. junction which, if carried out, would have been absolutely fatal to the union of the Church and civil power. This pontiff also headed the new movement10 of the age for rescuing Palestine from the dominion of the Saracens. The project had been entertained before by Gregory VII.11, who seems to have expected that Crusades, while strength- strengthened ening his throne, would tend to reunite the Eastern and the Western Christians; but no step was taken for the realizing of his wish until the hermit Peter woke a mighty echo in the heart of Urban II.12 Of the many consequences which resulted from that wondrous impulse, none is more apparent than the exaltation of the papal dignity18 at the expense of every other. Bome had thus identified herself with the fanaticism of princes and of people, to secure an easy triumph over both. Paschalis II., known in English history as the supporter of archbishop Anselm14 in his opposition to the crown, had sided with Henry V. in his unnatural effort to dethrone his father (1104): but soon afterwards he drove the pope himself into concessions which were deemed an ignominious tres, who begged the pope (Epist. sad depression of the Eastern Church. 46) to adhere to the sentence he had 12 See the acts of the council of pronounced through his legate at Clermont (Nov. 18 — 28, 1095), in the council of Autun. The ban was Mansi, xx. 815 sq. accordingly pronounced afresh at 13 Neander, VII. 176. On the the council of Clermont (1095) in establishment of the kingdom of Je- Philip's own territories. Bernold's rusalem (1099), the power of the Chron. a.d. 1095 (Pertz, vn. 464). pope was fully recognized in tem- 9 See DBllinger's remarks on what poral as in spiritual things. he/ialls 'the new and severe addi- 14 See Hasse's Life of Anselm, n,' in. 330. Lond. 1850 ; and Turner's Middle ¦i" On the Crusades generally, see Ages, I. 155 sq. The investiture- Micfraud, Hist, des Croisades, Wil- controversy (cf. above, p. 167, n. 5) ken, Qesch. der Kreuzmge, and Gib- was settled in England as early as bon, ch. lviii. 1 107 ; the pope and Anselm having 11 Epist. lib. II. ep. 31. In lib. conceded that all prelates should, II. ep. 49, he begs that men who on their election, take an oath of love St Peter will not prefer the allegiance to the king. This con- cause of secular potentates to that cordat was accepted in the synod of of the Apostle, and complains of the London, 1107 : Wilkins, I. 386. 266 Constitution of the Church. |A-D-J-°'7a relations compromise. Paschalis1 openly surrendered all ecclesiastical Tci™lE feofs into the hands of the civil power, on condition that P0WEB' the king should in his turn resign the privileges of investi- IfTSatSii. ture; but subsequently even this condition was aban doned, and the over-pliant pontiff went so far as to concede that Henry should invest the prelates, in the usual way, before their consecration. But the pledge was speedily revoked. Amid the crowd of conflicting theories as to the limits of the sovereign power in matters ecclesiastical, there grew up in the popedom of Calixtus II. a more tractable and intermediate party2; and since all the combatants were concordat of now exhausted by the struggle8, a concordat was agreed norms, . ^^ at Worms4 (in September 1122), and solemnly con firmed by the council of Lateran5 in the following year 1 He had already (i 106) prohibit ed every kind of lay investiture like his predecessors (Mansi, XX. 1211) : but in m 1, on the advance of an imperial army, he proposed (1) to resign the regalia held by bishops and abbots, ' i. e. civitates, ducatus, marchias, comitatus, monetas, telo- neum, mercatum, advocatias regni, jura centurionum, et curtes, qua? manifeste regni sunt, cum perti- nentiis suis, militia et castra regni' (in Pertz, IV. 67) ; and (2) to grant the king, ' ut regni tui episcopis vel abbatibus libere praeter symoniam et violentiam electis, investituram virga? et annuli conferas,' etc. ; Ibid. p. 72. The pope, however (see above, p. 240, n. 1), was soon com pelled by his party to revoke these concessions: Ibid, Append, pp. 181 sq. : cf. Cardinal, de Aragon. Vit. Paschalis II., in Muratori, Rer.Ital. Script. IIL part I. 363, and Nean der, VII. 186 — 194. A very bold and bitter protest was put forth (circ. 1 102) against the temporal assumptions of Paschalis, by the church of Liege. Their organ was Sigebert, a monk of Gemblours (Gemblacensis). The letter is print ed, among other places, in Mansi, xx. 987. 2 This school was represented by Hugo, a monk of Fleury, whose Tractatus de Regia Potestale et Sa- cerdotali Dignitate, is preserved in Baluze and Mansi's Miscellan. IV. 184 sq. 3 The following language of Ca lixtus to the emperor (Feb. 19, 1 122) deserves attention : ' Nihil, Henrice, de tuo jure vendicare sibi quserit ecclesia; nee regni nee imperii glo- riam affectamus : obtineat ecclesia quod Christi est, habeat imperator quod suum est, ' etc. ; in Neugart's Codex Diplom. Alemannice, 11. 50, ed. 1 791. 4 See Ekkehard, ad an. 1122 (Pertz, vm. 260) ; Vit. Calixti, in Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script. III. pt. I. p. 420 : Planck, iv. pt. 1. 297 sq. - 5 Dollinger (ill. 345, 346) re marks that on the subject of the oath of 'homage' as distinguished from that of fidelity, the concordat was entirely silent, indicating that Calixtus 'tolerated' it. In a letter dated Dec. 13, 1122, he congratu- —1305] Constitution of the Church. » 267 (March 27). It was there determined that the emperor relations should cease to claim the right of investiture by ring and Tci™lE crosier and should grant to every church the free election P0WEB- of the bishop, while the pope conceded that on their elec tion prelates should receive the 'regalia' from the king by means of the sceptre, and should thus avow their willingness to render unto Csesar the things that are truly his. But though one topic of dispute was now adjusted, fresh The GMbeiunes ones could not fail to be evoked by the aspiring projects of the papacy : while on the other hand, the opposition offered by the house of Franconia, under Henry IV. and Henry V., was stubbornly continued for a hundred years (1137 — 1236) by the new line of emperors6 (the Hohen- staufen, Waiblingen or Ghibellines). The pontiff could, however, keep his ground, supported as he was by the political assailants of the empire, and especially the ducal family of Welfs or Guelphs7. His throne, indeed, was shaken for a time in the im- neanti- . hierarchical petuous movement headed by a minor cleric, Arnold of™""™^™" Brescia8, who came forward as the champion of the volun tary system, and impugned the right of bishops and of popes themselves to any temporal possession. A republic was proclaimed at Bome (1143) ; the principles of Arnold spread in every part of Lombardy, and though repressed lates the emperor on his return 'nunc specting bim. Neander's estimate tandem ad ecclesia? gremium :' Man- is favourable (vn. 203 — 209). It si, xxi. 280. appears to be established that Ar- 6 See Raumer's Gesch. der Ho- nold was a pupil of Aboard : Ibid. henslaufen und Hirer Zeit, Leipzig, p. 204 (note). Francke, Arnold von 1840. Brescia, Zurich, 1825, tries to con- 7 The Guelphs and Ghibellines nect him with the Waldenses and became the 'Whigs' and 'Tories' Cathari. He was condemned as of this period, the pope allying him- early as 1139, at the council of self with the former : cf. F. von Lateran, in company with the anti- Schlegel, Philos. of History, p. 369 pope: cf. S. Bernard. Epist. 195, (Bonn's ed.), who views the matter written in the following year to cau- differently. tion the bishop of Constance against 3 See Schrockh, xx. 112 sq., and Arnold and his principles. 155, 156, on the different views re- 268 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 TO THE CIVIL POWER. Early struggle of Frederic Barbarossa with the popes. helations at length by the imperial arms1, the fermentation they ex cited did not cease for twenty years, after which the mis guided author of it fell into the hands of the police2 (1155). The German empire was now administered by one of the sturdiest of the anti-papal monarchs, Frederic I. or Barbarossa (1152 — 1191). But after he had proved him self a match for Hadrian IV.3, he was compelled (1176) to recognize the claims of Alexander III.4, who, counting on the disaffection of the Lombards, carried out the Hil debrandine principles in all their breadth and rigour. He The influence of was seconded in England by the primate Becket5, who, although originally a supporter of the royal cause6, went over to the papal, and expired in its behalf. The point on which he took his stand was the exemption of all clerical offenders from the civil jurisdiction, urging that, whatever were the nature of their crime7, they should be tried in the spiritual courts, and punished only as the canon law prescribed. The king insisted, on the con- 1 The Eomans in this extremity invited Conrad to resume the an cient imperial rights : see e. g. the two Letters in Martene and Durand's Collect, n. 398. 2 Hadrian IV. desired the empe ror to give up 'Arnaldum ba?reti- cum, quern vicecomites de Campa nia abstulerant . . . quern tamquam prophetam in terra sua cum honore babebant.' Card, de Aragon. Vit. Hadriani, in Muratori, as above, p. 442. He was immediately hanged : cf. Neander, VII. 223. 3 He had reminded Frederic (1 1 5 7) that the imperial crown was con ferred (' collatam') by the pope, with the addition, 'Neque tamen poenitet nos desideria tua? voluntatis in om nibus implevisse, sed si majora bene- ficia excellentia tua de manu nostra suscepisset, si fieri posset, non im- merito gauderemus : ' see Badevicus (Badwig), Gest. Frid. lib. I. c. 9 ; in Muratori, Rer. Ital. Script, vi. 746 Bq. The pope, in 1158, was forced to explain away the obnoxious terms : Ibid, c 22 ; Pertz, rv.- 106. 4 SeeRaumer (as above), pp. 244 sq.; DSllinger, rv. 19, 20; Gieseler, III. § 52, n. 22. 6 A copious stock of authorities for the Life of Becket is contained in the S. Thomas Cantuariensis, edited by Giles, 8 vols. Oxf. 1845 : cf. two able Articles entitled ' Bec ket' in the English Review, VI. 37 sq., 370 sq. 6 Several limitations of the cle rical encroachments had been made under his own auspices : Turner, Middle Ages, 1. 233, and note 55, ed. 1830. The same writer has shewn (p. 259, n. 112) that at one period the clergy were apprehensive lest Henry should have broken alto gether with the pope. 7 The number of crimes charged against the clerics (major and mi nor) in this reign was fearfully great. Engl. Review, VI. 61, 62, —1305] Constitution of the Church. 269 TO THE CIVIL POWER. trary, that clerics, when convicted in his courts, should relations be degraded by the Church and then remanded to the civil power for execution of the sentence. In a meeting8 called the 'Council of Clarendon' (Jan. 25, 1164), Becket had allowed himself to acquiesce in regulations which he deemed entirely hostile to the Church and fatal to his theory of hierarchical exemption : but the pope immedi ately absolved him from the oath9, and afterwards, until his murder (Dec. 29, 1170), countenanced his unremitting opposition to the crown10. His canonization and the mi racles11 alleged to have been wrought on pilgrims who had worshipped at his tomb, conspired to fix the triumph12 of those ultra-montane principles which he had laboured more than others to diffuse. 8 It consisted of the king, the two archbishops, twelve bishops, and thirty-nine lay barons. Though purporting to re-enact the ' customs of England,' the constitutions of Clarendon infringe at many points on the existing privileges of the Church : e. g. the twelfth reduced the patronage of the bishoprics and abbeys almost entirely under the king's control. Wilkins, I. 435. 9 Epist. S. Thomce, n. 5, ed. Giles. 10 Alexander durst not bring the matter to an open rupture, on ac count of his own misunderstanding with the emperor Frederic : but (June 8, 1 165) he reprimanded Henry (Ibid. II. 115) and incited some of the bishops to exert their influence in behalf of Becket. A- mong other (hings they were to admonish the king, ' ut in eo quod excesserit satisfaciat, a pravis acti- bus omninb desistat, Bomanam ec- elesiam solita veneratione respiciat,' etc. ; Ibid. II. 96 : cf. II. 53. Even where he is urging Becket to pro ceed against his enemies (April, 1 166) he adds : 'Verum de persona regis speciale tibi mandatum non damus, nee tamen jus tibi pontifi- cale quod in ordinatione et conse- cratione tua suscepisti, adimimus.' Ibid. II. 12. In a subsequent en deavour to effect a compromise, Henry insisted on the reservation 'saiva dignitate regni,' and Becket on ' saiva ecclesia? dignitate,' so that nothing was accomplished. (Eng. Review, vi. 398.) But the king af terwards relented (Jan. 1170) when he found it likely that his kingdom would be placed under an interdict (Epist. S. Thomce, n. 55). 11 John of Salisbury, Vita S. Tiiomce, Opp. v. 380, ed. Giles. 12 See the Purgatio Henrici Regis pro morte beati Thomce, and the Charta Absolutionis Domini Regis in Boger de Hoveden, Annal. pp. 529, 530; ed. Francof. 1601. The vantage-ground secured to Alex ander by these acts is shewn in lan guage like the following (Sept. 20, 1 172), where he had congratulated Henry on the conquest of Ireland : ' Et quia Bomana ecclesia aliud jus habet in insula quam in terra magna et continua, nos earn spem tenentes, quod jura ipsius ecclesiue non solum conservare velis, sed etiam ampliare, et ubi nullum jus habet, id debeas sibi conferre, rogamus,' etc. Bu rner's Fcedera, I. 45, ed. 1816 : Jaffe, p. 751. 270 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1073 RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Frederic Bar barossa renews the contest. His influence counteractedunder Inno cent III. Meanwhile the conflict with the German emperor had been reopened. Lucius III. and his immediate successors (1181—1187) were ejected from the papal city by domestic troubles1; and the restless Barbarossa threatened to reduce them into bondage, when he was at length diverted from the theatre of strife to lead an army of Crusaders (1189). He did not survive the expedition2. The minority of Frederic II. favoured the encroachments of the Boman pontiff. Innocent III. (as we have seen)8 advanced the most exorbitant pretensions, and by force of character as well as circumstances, humbled nearly all the European courts. His foremost wishes were the conquest of Pales tine and an extensive 'reformation of the Church'4, but neither of these ends could be achieved, according to his theory, except by the obliteration of all nationalities and the entire ascendancy of Bome above the temporal power. He gave away the crown of Sicily5 and governed there as guardian of the king : he elevated, and in turn de posed, a candidate for the imperial throne6: he freed the subjects of count Baymond of Toulouse, who was infected with the Albigensian tenets, from their oath of allegiance7: 1 Dollinger, IV. 21 sq. 2 Baumer, as above, n. 411 sq. 3 Above, pp. 240, 242. 4 Thus he writes (1215): 'Illius ergo testimonium invocamus, qui Testis est in ccelo fidelis, quod inter omnia desiderabilia cordis nostri duo in hoc sa?culo principaliter affec- tamus, ut ad recuperationem videli cet Terra? Sancta? ac reformation em universalis Ecclesia? valeamus inten- dere cum effectu.' Mansi, XXII. 960. The foundation of the Latin empire at Constantinople (1204) added largely to the papal empire and excited larger expectations. It was destroyed, however, in 1261. 5 Securing from the crown a sur render of the following points : the royal nomination of bishops, the power of excluding legates, and pro hibiting appeals to Bome, and the arbitrary grant or refusal of permis sion to the bishops to be present at councils : see Planck, iv. pt. I. 452 sq. ; Dollinger, rv. 27. 0 This was Otho IV., duke of Saxony, who had renounced all participation in ecclesiastical elec tions and the 'jus spolii, ' or title to the property of deceased bishops and other clergymen : but after wards withdrawing from this en gagement and seizing some of the temporalities of the Boman see, he was excommunicated by Innocent (121 1) and his crown transferred to Frederic II. : Matthew Paris, from Roger of Wendover, A.D. 1 2 10; Dollinger, iv. 31, 32. 7 See Sir J. Stephen's Lectures, 1. 219, 220; ed. 1851. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 271 he made Philip Auguste of France take back his rightful relations 8 J • • -I i • ¦ , T0 THE queen : and, passing over similar achievements, it was he civii who forced a sovereign of this country (John) to hold his royal dignity as one of the most abject vassals of the pope9 (1213). The ' Magna Charta' was, however, gained in spite of Innocent's emphatic reprobation10, and his death in 1216 allowed the terror-stricken Ghibellines to breathe afresh and make an effort for diminishing the range of papal abso lutism. Fretted by their opposition, Gregory IX. betrayed the fiery spirit of his predecessors and pronounced his ban against the second emperor Frederic11 (1227). A compro mise ensued, in which the quarrel seemed to have been amicably settled : but the interval of calm was short ; and on the recommencement of hostilities, the fearless monarch was at length proscribed as an incorrigible misbeliever, who had justly forfeited his crown (March 24, 1239)12. The contest thus exasperated did not cease until his death in 1250, after having more and more developed the con viction in his subjects, that some check must be imposed on the ambition of the Boman see18. 8 Innocent. Epist. lib. III. ep. n sq.: Roger de Hoveden, pp. 813, 814; ed. Francof. 1601. 9 The pope ' sententialiter defi- nivit ut rex Anglorum Johannes a solio regni deponeretur, et alius, papa procurante, succederet, qui dignior haberetur,' etc. M. Paris, A.D. 12 1 2, p. 195; from Roger of Wendover, ill. 241, ed. Coxe. He had before (1208) laid the whole kingdom under the interdict. In John's deed of cession he speaks of it as made ' Deo et Sanctis A postolis ejus Petro et Paulo, et Sancta? Ro mans? ecclesia? matri nostrse, ac do mino papa? Innocentio ejusque ca- tholicis successoribus . . . pro remis- sione omnium peccatorum nostrorum et totius generis nostri tam pro vivis quam pro defunetis.' M. Paris, A.D. I2i3,p. 199; R. Wendover, III. 253. The tribute-money was to be 'mille marcas esterlingorum annuatim.' 10 Wendover, A.D. 1215, in. 323. 11 Wendover (1228), IV. 157 ; M. Paris, p. 291. While under this ban Frederic actually set out on a crusade in spite of the Roman pon tiff, issuing his orders ' in the name of God and of Christendom. ' 12 The grounds on which the papal fulmination rested are given at length in the bull of deposition : M. Paris (1239), p. 412: cf. Frede ric's own letters, Ibid. pp. 415 sq. How far he merited the charge of blasphemy, infidelity, or free-think ing, is discussed by Neander, vn. 248 sq. The recent work, Historia Dvplomatica Friderici Secuncli, ed. Huillard - BrCholles (Paris, 1853), contains the most accurate informa tion respecting him. 13 A saying rose in Germany that Frederic would return, or that an RELATIONS TO THE CIVIL POWER. Beginning of reactionagainst the papacy. 272 Constitution of the Church. |A.D. ¦IU'73 The papacy, indeed, appeared to have come forth tri umphant when the last of the Ghibellines, Conradin1, perished on the scaffold (Oct. 29, 1268) : but, in spite of the prodigious energy which it continued to evince, its hold on all the European nations was relaxing, while the hope of Eastern conquest faded more and more2. It is alike remarkable that one of the premonitory blows which Boman despotism provoked had been inflicted, half uncon sciously, by Lewis IX. (St Louis) of France, and at this very juncture. What are known as the ' Gallican Liber ties' are clearly traceable to him. In his 'Pragmatic Sanction'8 he proceeds on. the idea of building up a ' national church' in strict alliance with the civil power. But a more sensible advance was made in this direction under Philip-le-Bel4, whose conduct in ecclesiastical affairs, however selfish, arbitrary and unjust, was tending to re verse the whole of the Hildebrandine policy, and threatened eagle would spring from his ashes and destroy the papacy. 1 Raumer, Gesch. der Hohenstau- fen, iv. 594. 2 Cf. the remarks of Neander on the dying out of the Crusades : vn. 260 sq. 3 Brinted in Capefigue, II. 352 sq. See the critique of this author (11. 171, 172). Another instrument, bearing the title 'Pragmatic Sanc tion' and more plainly 'Gallican,' was issued by Charles VII. in 1438. Louis IX. also contributed to the foundation of the college of Sor- bonne (1259), which afterwards pro duced a number of intrepid cham pions in the cause of ' nationality ' as it diverges from the Boman the ory of universalism. 4 On his important struggle with Boniface VIII. see Gieseler, in. § 59, on one side, and Dollinger. iv. 80 sq. or Capefigue, H. 181 sq. on the other. After some preliminary skirmishing, Philip, backed by the States-General (Ap. 10, 1302), wrote a warning letter to the pope, whose indignation knew no bounds. In the famous decretal ' Unam Sanctam,' which appeared in the following November, and is printed in Cape figue, 11. 355, (cf. Neander, ix. 11), Boniface asserted the absolute su premacy of papal power ('Porro subesse Bomano pontifici omnem humanam creaturam declaramus, di- cimus, diffinimus, et pronuntiamus omnino esse de necessitate salutis.') He published the ban against his rival (April 13, 1303), but it was powerless. Philip summoned the States-General afresh (June 13), where he preferred a charge of he resy against the pope and stated his intention of appealing to a general council and a future pontiff. Boni face, however, died in October, and the nest pope (Benedict XI.) re voked all the edicts which Boniface had promulgated against the French king. —1305] Constitution of the Church. 273 more than once to rend the kingdom from its old connexion relations ¦ i i . " fpQ THE with the Boman see. The humbled pontiff, watched and civil , , . . r . POWER. crippled at Avignon, was for many years his creature and his tool5. There was, indeed, no general wish to question the supremacy of Bome, so long as she confined herself within the sacerdotal province; but her worldliness, venality, and SmKn"-'' constant intermeddling in the affairs of state, could hardly fail to lessen the respect with which her claims had been regarded: and as soon as the idea of an appeal from her decisions to a General Council6 was distinctly mastered, it is clear that the prestige by which her usurpations were supported was already vanishing away. The true relations of the regal and ecclesiastical authority7 were now discussed with greater freedom. A reaction had commenced. Mankind were growing more and more per suaded that prerogatives like those of Hildebrand or Inno cent III. were far from apostolic, and could not be safely lodged in sacerdotal hands8. Prophetic warnings on the 6 This period of about seventy Paris, in his Tractalus de Potestate years is known as 'the Captivity, ' Regali d Papali, published in Gol- and was such when regarded from dast's Monarchia sancti Romani Im- the ultra-montane point of view : peratoris, II. 108 sq. An analysis see Vita Paparum Avenionensiwm, of it is made in the posthumous vo- ed. Baluze, Paris, 1693. lume of Neander, IX. pp. 22 sq. See 6 Frederic II. had done this in also the Qucestio disputata in utram- his circular Letters to the Christian que partem pro d contra pontificiam princes and the cardinals : Matthew potestatem, by iEgidius of Bome Paris, p. 416 : Neander, VII. 248. (afterwards archbishop of Bourges), The example was followed by Philip- in Goldast, II. 95 sq. ; Neander, ix. le-Bel : see above, p. 272, n. 4. A 19. The worst evils of the age were remarkable symptom of the state of traced to the temporal possessions feeling on this point is furnished by of the pope and to the spurious ' Do- a poem of the 13th century (Cambr. natio Constantini,' on which those Univ. MSS. Dd. XI. 78, § 18), possessions were believed to rest: where the Bomans, after arguing cf. above, p. 44, n. 4. with pope Innocent III., and charg- 8 See especially the ' Supplication ing him with becoming 'apostaticus' du Pueuble de France au Roi centre (fol. 114, a), are made to carry their le Pope Boniface le VIII.,' in the appeal to a general council, which Appendix to Du Puy's Hist, du pronounces in their favour. Differend entre le Pope et Philippes e.g. by the Dominican, John of le Bel, Paris, 1655. M.A. T 274 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. i.U/3 CIVIL POWER. Premonitory symptoms of the Reforma tion. relations fall and secularization of the Church, poured forth by TO THE . earnest souls like Hildegard and Joachim1, united with the sneers of chroniclers like Matthew Paris and a host of anti-papal songs2, in waking the intelligence and pas sions of the many : while the spreading influence of the Universities and Parliaments8 was tending, by a different course, to similar results. The vices of the sacred cm-ia, uncorrected by the most despotic of its tenants, had excited general grief and indignation, even in the very staunchest advocates of Bome. St Bernard4, for example, in ad monishing Eugenius III. to extirpate abuses, could not help reverting with a sigh to earlier ages of the faith, when 'the Apostles did not cast their nets for gold and silver but for souls.' And both in Germany and in Eng land, the impression had grown current that the Church of Bome, who had been reverenced there as a benignant mother, was now forfeiting her claim to such a title by imperious and novercal acts5. 1 The ' abbot Joachim, in his ex position of Jeremy, and the maiden Hildegare in the book of her pro phecy,' are frequently cited in these times by writers on the corruptions of the Church ; (e. g. in a Sermon preached by B. Wimbledon at St Paul's Cross, A.D. 1389, and printed in London, 1745). Respecting them and their influence, see Neander, vn. 298 — 322. 2 Extracts from German ballads of this class have been collected in Staudlin's Archiv fur alte und ncu Kirchengesch. IV. pt. iii. pp. 549 sq. : cf. above, p. 261, n. 7. The un measured fulminations of the Albi- genses and other sectaries will be noticed on a future page. Dante (it is well known) associated a Roman bishop with the apocalyptic woman riding on the beast 'con le sette teste.' 3 Cf. Capefigue's observations on this point, 11. 163. ('On commen- gait une epoque de curiosite* et d'in- novation'). Comte (Philos. Posit. lib. vi. c. to) fixes on the opening of the 14th century as the origin of the revolutionary process, which has from that date been participated in by every social class, each in its own way. 4 See his De Consideratione ad Eugenium, passim. In epist. 238, 'Amantissimo Patri et domino Dei gratia summo Pontifici Eugenio,' he asks : ' Quis mihi det antequam moriar videre ecclesiam Dei sicut in diebus antiquis, quando Aposfoli laxabant retia in capturam, non in capturam argenti vel auri, sed in capturam animarum T 5 Thus Frederic II., in writing to the king of England (Matthew Paris, A.D. 1228, p. 293), complains that the ' Curia Romana' which ought to be a nurse and mother-church, is 'omnium malorum radix et origo, non maternos sed actus exercens no- — 1305] Constitution of the Church. 275 In other words, the struggle with the civil power had relations been maturing the predispositions that eventually attained civil their object in redressing ancient wrongs and in a general — re-awakening of the Church. vercales, ex cognitis fructibus suis enim dicebatur a multis, Romana certum faciens argumentum.' And ecclesia, qua? mater omnium eccle- John of Salisbury, the bosom friend siarum est, se non tarn matrem ex- of Hadrian IV., assured that pontiff hibet aliis quam novercam V Poly- how the public feeling was now set craticus, lib. VI. u. 24. against the Roman church : ' Sicut ( 276 ) [A. D. 1U73 CHAPTEB XI. ON THE STATE OP RELIGIOUS DOCTRINE AND CONTROVERSIES. western CHUBCH. St Bernard (d. 1153). The peculiar tone of his theology. WESTERN CHURCH. The man who at this time surpassed all others in religious earnestness, and who has therefore been revered especially by all succeeding ages of the Church, was the illustrious Bernard, abbot of Clairvaux1. In reference to his system of theology he bears the title 'last of the Fathers,' representing what is called the ' positive,' patristic, or traditionary school, which in the twelfth century was giving place to philosophical inquiries and to freer modes of thought. St Bernard, in his numerous Letters, Tracts, and Sermons (of which eighty-six are on the * Book of Canticles' alone), exhibits a decided opposition2 to the speculative, and as deep a love for the contemplative, or mystical, theology. His general object was to elevate and warm the spirit of the age in which he lived, and all his writings of this class are emanations from a truly 1 See above, p. 248, Neander's Life of him, translated by Wrench : and Hist. Lilte'r. de S. Bei'nard et de Pierre-le- Ve'ne'rable by Dom Cle"- mencet, ed. 1773. 2 This antagonism is seen espe cially in his controversy with Abe'- lard (see below). Thus, for instance, be writes in Epist. 192 : 'Magister Petrus [i.e. Abelard] in libris suis profanas vocum novitates inducit et sensum, disputans de fide contra fidem, verbis legis legem impugnat. Nihil videt per speculum et in senig- mate, sed facie ad faciem omnia intuetur, ambulans in magnis et in mirabilibus super se.' The school of the Victorines (inmates of the abbey of St Victor at Paris) came back, as we shall see, in part to the standing ground of St Bernard. 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 277 Christian heart that, after communing profoundly with western itself, appears to have obtained a satisfactory response CHPRCH- to its most ardent aspirations in that view of Holy Scrip ture which had been transmitted by the ancient doctors of the Church. But meanwhile other principles, allied in some degree Thenseofthe • ~ Schoolmen. to those which characterize the Syrian school of theologians in the fifth century and John of Damascus in the eighth3, were spreading in all parts of Europe. The scholastic era had begun. We saw the earliest trace of it, accord ing to its proper definition, in the monastery of Bee4, and Anselm, who became the abbot in 1 078 and archbishop f™ff™i in 1093, may be regarded as the purest and most able 1ln^{" type of Schoolmen in the west5. He occupied the place of St Augustine in relation to the Middle Age. The basis of his principles indeed was also Augustinian"; but the form and colour which they took from the alliance now cemented between them and Aristotelian dialectics, gave to Anselm a peculiar mission, and, compared with his great master, a one-sided character. The leading object of the Schoolmen in the earlier £fSf0ai stages of their course was not so much to stimulate a ScAolastmsm- spirit of inquiry, as to write in the defence and illustra tion of the ancient dogmas of the Church7. In this ca- 3 See above, pp. 77, 78. qucerens Intellectum), gives the best 4 Above, p. 172, n. 1. insight into his theologico-metaphy- 6 Cf. Mohler's Essay entitled Die sical system. Some parts of it were Scholastik des A nselmus in his Schrif- attacked by a monk named Gaunilon, ten eta. (Regensburg, 1839), I. 129 — and Anselm replied in the Apolo- 176 : Bornemann's Ansebmus et Abce- geticus. His Works, containing a tardus, Havnise, 1840. life by his English pupil, Eadmer, 6 Thus, according to his own ac- were edited by Gerberon, Paris, count (Epist. lib. 1. ep. 68), it had 1675, and tave been reprinted in been his desire in controversy, 'ut Migne's Patrologice cursus, Paris, omnino nihil ibi assererem, nisi quod 1854. A contemporary, and in some autcanonicis aut B. Augustini dictis respects an equal, of Anselm, was incunctanter posse defendi viderem.' Hildebert de Lavardino, archbp. of The work here referred to is the Tours, who died about 1135. His Monologium sive exemplum medi- works were published at Paris, in tandide ratione Fidei, which, toge- folio, 1708. ther with his Proslogium (or Fides 7 The principle on which the true 278 State ofBeligious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1073 western pacity, they undertook to shew, (1) that faith and reason '— are not inconsistent ; or, in other words, that all the su pernatural elements of revelation are most truly rational : they laboured (2) to draw together all the several points of Christian doctrine, and construct them into one con sistent scheme : and (3) they attempted the more rigorous definition of each single dogma, pointed out the rationale of it, and investigated its relation to the rest. This method of discussion was extended even to the most inscrutable of all the mysteries of faith, the doctrine of the Blessed Trinity in Unity: and some of the scho lastics did not hesitate to argue that the truth of it is capable of rigorous demonstration1. A dispute as to the proper terms in stating that and other doctrines opened out the controversy of the Nominalists and Bealists, a question which employed the subtle spirit of the Schools at intervals for three or more centuries. The author of the former system2 was the canon Bousellin, or Boscel- linus3, of Compiegne, who, holding that all general con ceptions are no more than empty names ('flatus vocis'), or, in other words, are mere grammatical abstractions', chosen to facilitate our intellectual processes, but with no Dispute between the -Nominalistsand Realists. Opinions of lloscelltnus: scholastic wrote is forcibly stated by Anselm in the following passage: ' Nullus quippe Christianus debet disputare, quomodo quod ecclesia catholica corde credit et ore confite- tur, non sit : sed semper eandem fidem indubitanter tenendo, amando, et secundum illam vivendo humiliter quantum potest, qua?rere rationem quomodo sit.' De Fide Trinitat. con tra Roscellinum, c. 2 : 9c still more touchingly in the Proslogium, c. 1 ; ' Non tento, Domine, penetrare alti- tudinem Tuam, quia nullatenus comparo illi intellectum meum ; sed desidero aliquatenus intelligere veri- tatem Tuam, quam credit et amat cor meum. Neque enim quaero in telligere ut credam, sed credo ut intelligam.' 1 Klee, Hist, of Christian Dogmas (German), part n. ch. ii. § 1 1 . 2 The problem had, however, been suggested at an earlier date by Porphyry : see Cousin's Ouvrages ine'dits d'AMlard, pp. Ix sq. Paris, 1836 : Gieseler, in. § 73, n. 5. 3 The historical notices of Roscel- linus are very few : see Epistola Joannis ad Anselmum, in Baluze and Mansi, Miscell. 11. 174; Anselm's Liber de Fide Trinitatis et de Incar- natione Verbi contra blasphemias Ru- zelini. Gieseler, in. § 73, n. 12, has also drawn attention to a letter of Roscellinus, Ad Petr. Abcelardum, lately found in Munich. — 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 279 real and objective import, argued boldly from these prin- western ciples that if, according to the current language of the -- Church, the essence of the Godhead might be spoken of ' as One reality ('una res'), the personal distinctness of the three Divine hypostases would be constructively denied. To view the Godhead thus was (in his eye) to violate the Christian faith : it was equivalent to saying that the Persons of the Holy Trinity were not Three distinct subsistencies ('non tres res'), but names and nothing more, without a counterpart in fact. He urged, accordingly, that to avoid Sabellianism the doctors of the Church were bound to call the Father, Son, and Holy Ghost three real Beings (' tres res') of equal majesty and will. A council held (1092) at Soissons4 instantlv denounced the condemned at , „ the Council of author of these speculations on the ground that they were f^!"' nothing short of tritheism: and Anselm, as the champion Xtta"w h" of the other system (or the school of Bealists), took up his pen to write in its behalf5. According to his view the genus has a true subsistence prior to, and independent of, the individuals numbered in the class it represents : particulars arise from universals, being fashioned after these (the ' universalia ante rem') or modelled on a general archetype that comprehends the properties of all6. 4 See Pagi CWiic. in BaroniiAnnal. individual man: cf. archd. Wilber- ad an. 1094. Roscellinus abjured force, On the Incarnation, pp. 40 sq. the heresy imputed to him, but The thoughts of Anselm on this afterwards withdrew his recantation. doctrine are preserved at length in He died at last in retirement. his remarkable treatise, Cur Deus 5 The treatise above mentioned, Homo, analysed in part by Schrockh, p. 278, h. 3. He maintained that xxvm. 376 — 384. God, though Triune, is one 'Ip- 6 The Nominalists regarded all sum :' Dorner, p. 360. As the title general ideas (universalia) as no- indicates, Anselm looked upon the thing but abstractions of the human nominalistic theory of his opponent understanding, and derived from the as subversive also of the doctrine of objects presented to its observation the Incarnation. He could not un- (postrem). The Realists viewed such derstand how Christ assumed hu- general ideas as having their origin manity in all its fulness, if humanity entirely in the mind itself (ante rem), be not a something real and objective, or as that which is essential in every different from the nature of an thing actual (in re). Cf. Milman, 280 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 western But though the Nominalists were now suppressed, they L_ afterwards returned to the encounter, headed by a man his tendencies of most extraordinary powers. Abelard, born in Brittany (1079), was educated under William of Champeaux1 (Cam- pellensis), a renowned logician of the Bealistic school. The boldness of his speculations and his brilliant talents soon attracted crowds of auditors to Paris, where he opened his career2. Success, however, threw him off his guard ; and to the evil habits there contracted3 many of his future griefs as well as many of his intellectual aberrations may be traced. His earliest publication was an Introduction to Theology*, in which he has confined himself to an in vestigation of the mysteries connected with the Holy Trinity. It claims for men the right of free inquiry into all the subjects of belief, asserting that the highest form of faith is one which has resulted from a personal ac quaintance with the ground on which it rests5. The Latin Christianity, in. 247 ; Ne- ception of right reason, and as such under, vm. 3 ; and references in was not unknown even to the Gen- Gieseler, in. § 73, n. 6. tile sages : cf. the larger and revised 1 See a Life of him in the Hist. edition of the treatise entitled Theo- Litter. de la France, x. 307: cf. logia Christiana, in Martene and Cousin, as above, p. ox. A short Durand's Thesaur. Anecd. v. 1139 Treatise of William de Champeaux, sq. Gieseler (§ 73, n. 16) supposes De Origine Animal, is printed in that another work, Sentential Abce- Martene and Durand, Thesaur. lardi, was derived also from this Anecd. v. 877 sq. source. 2 He had indeed lectured for a 5 See Neander's remark on the while already at Laon in opposition difference between Anselm and Abe'- to Anselm of that place, whose lard, vin. 35, 36. The strong feel- works are sometimes confounded ings of the latter on this point may with those of Anselm of Canter- be estimated from a single passage : bury: see Cave, ad an. n 03. 'Asserunt [i.e. the anti-philosophic See his own epistle De historia school] nil ad catholiea? fidei myste- Calamitatum suarum, in P. Aboelardi ria pertinens ratione investiganduni et Heloisai Opp. Paris, 1616: cf. esse, sed de omnibus auctoritati statim Hist. LiMr. de la France, XII. 86 credendum esse, quantumcunque hac sq. 629 sq. ; Abelard, par C. de ab humana ratione remota esse vi- Remusat, Paris, 1845; Milman, deatur. Quod qu idem si recipiatur Latin Christianity, in. 251 sq. ...cujusque populi fides, quantam- Introduclio ad Theolog. Christ., cunque adstruat falsitatem, refelli seu deFide Tnmtatis ; Opp. 973 sq. non poterit, etsi in tantam devoluta He tries to shew that the doctrine sit csecitatem, ut idolum quodlibet of the Trinity is a necessary con- Deum esse ac coeli ac terra? Creator- 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 281 indiscriminate avowal of this principle, united in his pupils western with the boast, that nothing really exceeds the compre- °^L hension of a well-instructed mind, provoked the opposition of the older school of teachers6. The council of Soissons condemnation (1121) compelled him to withdraw his more extreme po-!sS&? sitions, and consign his volume to the flames7. But theU21: enthusiasm awakened by his lectures did not die, and as he still adhered to his opinions8, many charges of heretical teaching were brought against him. Bernard of Clair vaux, whose tone of mind was so completely different from his, had been induced9 to take the lead in checking the dissemination of his views. The two great doctors were confronted in the council of Sens (June 22, 1140) ; and at sens, where it was decided that the teaching of Abelard was unsound10, but that the mode of dealing with his person should, on his appeal, be left to the superior judgment of the pope. The latter instantly (July 16) approved em fateatur.' Introd. ad Theolog. cf. Milman, III. 271. If Bernard lib. II. c. 3, p. 1059. saw tnis treatise, it explains his im- 6 Walter de Mauretania (in Flan- placable hostility. Other causes of ders) was one of these : see his Epist. offence were found in his Scito tcip- ad Petrum Abcelard., in D'Achery, sum and his Commentary on the ul- S25- Epistle to the Romans. 7 Cf. his own account, Hist. Ca- 9 By William, abbot of St Thi- lamit. suar. c. 9, with Otto Frising. erry, in Bernard. Epist. 326, al. 391. De Gestis Frider. lib. I. c. 47, (in The ground of Bernard's opposition, Muratori, Rer.Ital. Script, torn. vi.). which appears to have been first He now retired first to the abbey of stated to Abelard in private, may St Denis, and afterwards to an ora- be seen in his Letters (Epp. 1 88, tory in the diocese of Troyes ('the 192, 193), and his Tradatus de Paraclete'). This he transferred to Erroribus P. Abcelardi ad Inno- Heloise when he himself became cent. II. j Opp. I. 1441, ed. Paris, abbot of Ruits in Brittany (1126 — - 1839. 1 136). w The charges brought against 8 Another startling work, his Sic him were of the most serious kind, et Non, had probably appeared in e.g. that he made 'degrees' in the the mean time. Some portions of holy Trinity, that he denied, or eva- it are printed in Cousin's Ouvrages cuated, the doctrines of grace, and inSdits. It exhibits the multifor- divided the Person of our Lord like mity of Christian truth by placing the Nestorians. All that is known Bide by side a number of divergent respecting the proceedings of the extracts from the Fathers, forming council has been collected in Giese- a manual for scholastic disputation : ler, § 73, u.. 24. WESTERN CHURCH. Gilbert de la Pore's(d. 1154). Modification of Sc'liolas- ticism. Huno of St Victor (d. 1141). Richard of St Victor (d. 1173)- Walter of St Victor (circ. 1180). 282 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D.1073 their verdict and condemned the misbeliever to perpetual -silence1. He now published a Confession and Apology2 and died soon afterwards, the guest of Peter the Venerable3 and the monks of Clugny (1142). The zeal of Bernard was now turned against a kindred writer, Gilbert de la Pore*e (Porretanus), bishop of Poitiers (1141), who, in criticising the established language of the Church, had been apparently betrayed into a class of errors bordering on Nestorianism". Convicted by a synod held at Paris in 1147, he disarmed his adversaries by recanting in the following year at Bheims5 (March 21). Our space will not admit a separate notice of the many other writers6, who in different ways attempted to pursue the philosophic methods of the Schoolmen in the study of theology. The impulse given in that direction by Abe'lard had been moderated for a time: the calmer views of Anselm having grown predominant, especially among the Victorines, (surnamed from the abbey of S. Vic tor at Paris) — Hugo7, Bichard8, and Walter9, all of whom 1 Inwritingto Bernard and others, Innocent II. declares that he con demned the ' perversa dogmata cum auctore, ' Mansi, xxi. 565 ; and after wards commands, ' ut Petrum Aba?- lardum et Arnaldum de Brixia [see above, p. 267], perversi dogmatis fabricatores et catholicae fidei impug- natores, in religiosis locis. ..separa- tim faciatis includi, et libros erroris eorum, ubicumque reperti fuerint, igne comburi.' ' Respecting these and the spirit which suggested them, see Neander, VIII. 62, 63. 3 By his influence a reconciliation was effected between Bernard and Abe'lard : see his Epist. lib. IV. ep. 4, in Bibl. Patr. ed. Lugdun. xxn. 907 : Milman, in. 267. 4 The fourth proposition he was charged with maintaining is 'Quod Divina natura non esset incarnata :' cf. Capefigue, 1. 357, 358. The fol lowing ' minor' points are also urged against him (Otto Frising. De Gestis Frider. lib. 1. c. 50) : ' Quod meri tum humanum attenuando, nullum mereri diceret prater Christum : Quod Ecclesias sacramenta evacu- ando diceret, nullum baptizari nisi salvandum.' He wrote, among other subjects, on the Apocalypse (ed. Paris, 15 12). 5 See the ' Fidei symbolum contra errores Gilliberti Porretahi,' in Mansi, xxi. 712. 6 e.g. John of Salisbury (d. 1180), a pupil of Abe'lard, but unlike him (Wright's Biogr. Brit. n. 230 sq.); Bupert of Deutz (d. 1135), a co pious exegetical writer (Hist. Litter. de la France, xi. 422 sq. : Dorner, II. 3S9sq.).^ 7 His chief works (ed. Botomagi, 1648) are De Sacramentis Fidei and the Summa Sententiarum (assigned incorrectly, with the title Tractatus — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 283 western church. combined the cultivation of the dialectics of the age with a more spiritual and mystic turn of mind10. It was through their endeavours more especially that men like Bernard were conciliated by degrees in favour of the general prin ciples from which scholasticism had sprung. This combination was exhibited afresh in Bobert le Robert ie pouie, Poule (or Pollen), for some years distinguished as a preacher11 . j.u/3 eastern inculcate the need of a reform in the physical and other church. . . r J . sciences : but he did not hesitate to push his principle of free inquiry into every sphere of human thought1. While indicating little or no love for the scholastic subtleties2, he spoke in favour of the wider circulation and more earnest study of the sacred volume, tracing nearly all the evils of the times to want of personal acquaintance with this heavenly rule of life3. He proved the clearness and fertility of his convictions on these points by recommending a revision of the Latin Vulgate4, and especially by urging the importance of recurring to the Greek and Hebrew texts. Indeed the mind of Boger Bacon was so greatly in advance of the period when he lived, as to have ante dated much of what has only flourished since the reforma tion of the Western Church. EASTERN CHURCH. There was little in the mind of Eastern Christendom to correspond with the activity, enthusiasm, and almost universal progress we have noted in the sister churches of the West. Beposing with a vague and otiose belief 1 e.g. He points out errors in da:' as in the following note, p the writings of the Fathers (c. 12), 421 : cf. Neander, vm. 112 113 arguing that 'in omni homine est » See the remarkable 'extracts multa imperfectio sapientiae, tam in from his Epistola de Laude Scrip- sanctis quam in sapientibus.' turce Sancta, in the additions made 2 He preferred Aristotle on the to TJssher's Hist. Dogmat. by Whar- whole, but added very characteris- ton (Lond. 1689) pp 420—424 tically, ' Posteriores ipsum in ali- The MS. is in the Library at Lam- quibus correxerunt, et multa ad ejus beth : no. cc. fol. 38 opera addiderunt, et adhuc adden- 4 This idea was 'carried out in tur usque ad finem mundi: quia part by Hugo de S. Charo (S Cher) nihil est perfectum in humams inven- a Dominican (d. 1263) who bv the tionibus:' Ibid, part II. c. 8. The aid of Hebrew, Greek, and Latin highest of all sciences (according to MSS. reformed the text of the him) is the science that treats of whole Bible. He also composed divme things, and it is all contained a Concordance of the Scriptures m the Bible 'qua? in sacris literis (Schrockh, xxvm. 331) and [ Pot- tota continetur per jus tamen ca- tillce in Universa Biblia, juxta quad- nonicum et philosophiam exphcan- ruplicem sensum (Ibid. 368) — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 293 on the traditionary doctrines as they had been logically eastern systematized by John of Damascus, the great body of the ' orthodox' (or Greek) communion were subsiding fast into a^GrS of a state of spiritual deadness and of intellectual senility. The rigours of Byzantine despotism, too prone to inter meddle with the articles of faith5, the ill example of a crowd of idle and unlettered monks6, and the perplexities entailed upon the Eastern empire by the recklessness of the Crusaders', had contributed to this result. The literary spirit now and then revived, however ; and if they in whom it wrought are often shadows in comparison of men like Chrysostom, or Basil, or the Gregories, they must be, not withstanding, viewed as bright exceptions to the general dulness of the age. Among the foremost scholars of the eleventh century is Michael Psellus, the younger, who besides composing p^f multifarious treatises8 on jurisprudence, physics, mathe- (d- 1105 ?) matics, and philosophy, displayed an aptitude for higher fields of contemplation in his Chapters on the Holy Trinity 5 Cf. above, p. 54, n. 2. In the The despotism of Michael Pala?olo- present period Nicetas Choniata (De gus (1259 — 1282) occasioned what Manuele Comneno, lib. vn. u. 5) is known as the Arsenian schism remarks that the emperors expected (1266 — 1312), by which the Church men to believe that they were, ibs of Constantinople was for a time XoXofiuv Bebooipoi Ka\ Soyu.aTiffTal divided in itself and separated from BeibraToi, Kal Kavbves tQv Kavovoiv that of Alexandria. See Neale, II. ebBio-Tepol, Kal aw\(Ss Belav Kal iv- 311, 312. Bponclvav irpayLiaTUv airpoaipaXeis 6 See the startling revelations of yviHi/Jioves. The emperor here alluded Eustathius, 'Eirlo-Ket/zis filov fiopaxt- to (1143 — 1 180) excited a most vio- kou iirl diopOilxrci tuv irepl abrbv, lent controversy, by insisting on the passim. Opp. ed. Tafel, 1832. general adoption of this formula, 7 On the relations of the East tov ffeov Qebi> irpoaepipeiv and West at this period, see below, +e 6/io0 Kal irpoatj>ipea8ai (Ibid.). pp. 296 sq. Some of the bishops who resisted it, 8 See a list of them in Oudinus, when sanctioned by a council, were De Scriptoribus Eccl. 11. 646, and instantly deposed : cf. Neander, vm. the article in Smith's Biogr. Did. 2C2, 253. On a future occasion, m. 563, 564. The work on the whe'n the prelates made a stand Trinity and some of the paraphrases against him, Manuel threatened to have been published. Psellus also call in the pope, which ultimately wrote an ecclesiastical treatise, Eis led to a compromise: Ibid. p. 254. ras 1x7(0$ iirra crwbdovs, Basil. 1536. Theophylact (d. 1112 ?) 294 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 eastern and the Person of Christ, and his Paraphrases on the Old CHURCH. m J 1 lestament. Contemporary with him was Theophylact1, archbishop of Bulgaria, who achieved a lasting reputation by his Commentaries on the Gospels, the Acts, the Epistles of St Paul, and the Minor Prophets. They are based, how ever, for the most part on the corresponding labours of St Chrysostom.Another exegetical writer was a monk of Constantinople, Euthymius Zigabenus2, who commented on the Psalms, the Gospels, and the Pauline Epistles, in the style, and not unfrequently the language, of the earlier doctors of the East. He also wrote a Panoply* in refutation of all forms of misbelief, deriving the great bulk of his materials from the same quarter. In the following century a kindred work4, intended as the complement of this, proceeded from the learned pen of Nicetas Acominatus (born at Chonae, formerly Colosse). The title is Thesaurus Orthodoxias, but only portions of it have been published. Euthi/mius Zigobenus (d 1118?) Nice' as Acominatus d. 1206:) 1 Opp. Venet. 1754 — 1763, 4 vols. fol.: cf. Schrockh, xxviii. 315 — 318. The sober views of Theophylact on the separation of East and West may be gathered from his Lib. de its in quibus Latini accusantur. 2 Cf. above, p. 194, n. 1. His valuable Commentaries on the Psalms and Gospels have been often printed in Latin versions. The Greek text of that on the Psalms is in Theo- phylacti Opp. Tomo rv. 325 sqq.: that on the Gospels was printed at Leipzig, 1792, and Athens, 1840. The Commentary on the Epistles exists only in MS. Cf. Fabricius, Bibl. Grceca, vm. 328sq.; Gieseler, in. § 94, n. 4 ; and Schrockh (xxvni. 306 sq.) on the character of his works. 3 The full title is TlavoirKla S07- ua/riK^] rrjs 6p8odb%ov 7r/oTews. Part only of the Greek original has been published (at Tergovisto, in Wal- lachia, 17 n). A Latin translation appeared at Venice in 1555 : but the thirteenth title, Kara t£jv ttjs 7ra\cuas 'Vtiifins, Tjroi ti2v 'ItoXcSi/, on the doctrine of the Procession, is there dropped. See an interesting article (by Ullmann), in the Studien und Kritiken, for 1833, m. 665. Another work of this class (A Col lection of the Principles of Faith) was composed for the Alexandrine Jacobites by Ebn-Nassal. It not only refutes the systems of paganism and Judaism, but makes an assault on the Nestorians and the Melchites. Neale, 11. 304. 4 Ullmann, Ibid. p. 680. The whole is extant in the Royal Li brary of Paris. The first five books appeared in Paris, 1569. On the historical writings of the author, see Smith's Biogr. Diet. 11. 1183. — 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 295 Nicholas, bishop of Methone (in Messenia) was a more eastern0211110 M original and able writer. He examined and rejected the philosophy of Proclus6, the Neo-Platonist, whose principles SK6-""^ appear to have survived in the Peloponnesus, and was also (i 1200?l energetic in repelling the encroachments of the pope and in defending the peculiar tenets of the Greeks. But all the Eastern scholars of this period are surpassed Eustathius by the archbishop of Thessalonica, Eustathius. His gi- Thessalonica gantic commentaries6 on the ancient poets, more especially on Homer, did not so engross his mind as to unfit him for the prosecution of his ecclesiastical studies. Some of his minor works7, including Sermons and Epistles, have lately come to lightj and we there see him treading in the steps of Chrysostom, and waging war against the hollo w- ness, frivolity, and superstitions of the age. Besides a multitude of long-forgotten writers on divinity, Ebed-jmi and some who still enjoy considerable fame as jurists and historians, others had continued to spring up beyond the pale of the ' Orthodox' communion. Ebed-Jesu8 metro politan of Soba (Nisibis) was the most able and voluminous writer of the Chaldsean (or ' Nestorian') body ; and among the Jacobites were Dionysius Bar-Salibi9, bishop of Amida, Bar-sami Jacob10, bishop of Tagritum, and Abulpharagius11 (Bar- Jacob of ' (d. 1231). Abulpharariius 5 The title of the treatise is 9 He wrote Commentaries on the (d. 12861. ' AvdirTv^is tt)s 0£oX<>7iK7)s o-Toixeui- whole Bible and many other trea- o-ews HpoKhov, ed. Vomel, Francf. tises (Asseman, Ibid. II. 156). His 1825 : cf. Ullmann, as above, pp. Liturgia is published in Renaudot, 701 sq. His treatises De Primatu Liturg. Orient. Colledio, 11. 448 sq., Papce, etc. are not published (Fabri- ed. 1847. cius, Bibl. Grcec. xi. 290). 10 On his Liber Thesaurorum, see 6 See Smith's Biogr. Did. II. 120. Asseman, Ibid. n. 237. 7 Eustathii Opuscula, ed. Tafel, n Besides a very important his- Francof. 1832 : cf. Neander, vm. torical work, Hist. Dynasliarum, of 248. which versions have been prieted 8 Among other things (see Asse- entire (ed. Pocock, 1663), together man, Bibl. Orient. III. part. I. 325) with a portion of the original Syiiac he wrote a treatise entitled Liber (Leipzig, 1789) and extracts from Margaritas seude Veriiate Christiana; the rest in Asseman (Ibid. 11. 244 Religionis, printed in Maii Script. — 463), Abulpharagius wrote many Vet. Nova Colledio, Bom. 1825, torn. strictly theological works, e.g. Hot 's., part. II. 317 sq. reum Mysteriorum, Candelabrum WEST. 296 Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 relations Hebrasus), maphrian or primate of the East. The kindred eastoand sect of the Armenians also added many contributions to the province of dogmatic and polemical theology, as well as to the other fields of learning1. The best known and most accessible are those of the Armenian catholicos, Nerses2, who exhibits a decided predilection for the western modes of thought. Hated and occasionally persecuted by their Moslem con querors, these sects had gradually been drawn more closely to each other3, though retaining their distinctive creeds. The state of feeling was, however, different in the Greek and Latin Christians, whom we saw diverging more com pletely and exchanging the most bitter fulminations at the close of the previous period. Nerses(d. 1173) RELATIONS OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES. prolongation The effect of the scholastic system, and still more of the of the schism. J ? development of papal absolutism, was to sharpen the great lines of demarcation which divided East from West. The Sanctorum de Fundamentis ecclesi- asticis. His Nomocanon Ecclesice Antiochence is published in a Latin version by Maii, as above, torn. X. part. II. I — 268 : and his Liturgia in Benaudot, II. 455 — 467, where see the editor's annotations, pp. 467 —470. 1 See Neumann's Gesch. der ar- menisch. Liter, p. 148 : cf. above, p. 189, u. 8. 2 His works, with a Latin ver sion, were published at Venice, in 2 vols. 8vo. 1833. 3 Asseman (II. 291) quotes the following from Abulpharagius, who, after censuring those who introduced absurd heresies into the Church, con tinues : ' Reliqua? vero qua? hodie in mundo obtinent sectse, cum omnes de Trinitate et inculumitate natura- rum, ex quibus est Christus absque conversione et commistione, ceque bene sentiant, in nominibus unionis solum secum pugnant .-' cf. Ibid. pp. 249, 266. The Armenians on more than one occasion made overtures to the Greek empire with a view to the establishment of union, and that union seemed to be almost completed in 1179. (Gieseler, in. § 97, n. 9.) But subsequently (1199) fresh nego tiations were opened with the popes, which led to a more permanent re sult (Schrockh, xxix. 368 sq.). In 1239 it is recorded that the catho licos received a pallium from Bome (Ibid. 370). This truce was, how ever, ultimately broken in its turn. The powerful Latins also threatened at one period (1237 — 1247) to ab sorb the Jacobites and the Nesto rians : see Baynaldus, Ann. Eccl. ad an. 1247, §§ 32_ 42> Schrockh, xxix. 363—367. — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 297 Latin theory as to the mode of the Procession of the Holy relations CI • -,. i • -i -i • i ¦ i • , n • of the topint, which has constituted, with some points ot minor east and L ' ' . r WEST. moment, an insuperable bar to compromise, was now more clearly stated and more logically urged into its consequences by a master mind like Anselm's4; while the towering claims of Hildebrand, content with nothing short of uni versal monarchy in every patriarchate of the Church, were met by indignation and defiance5. It is likely that the thought of widening the papal £(c/™!'0™ empire was a moving cause of the Crusades ; and when 1098: the first of those enterprises was considered at the council of Bari6 (in Apulia), 1098, the Latin doctrine was distinctly reaffirmed, and the anathema imposed afresh on all who ventured to impugn it. In the reign of the next pontiff aJ^$s.e~ (Paschalis II.) a negotiation was set on foot (1113) by sending Peter Chrysolanus7, archbishop of Milan, to the court of Alexius I. Comnenus, (1081 — 1118), who was trembling at the progress of the Seljuk Turks on one side and the wild Crusaders on the other. Terms of union were again proposed in 1115, Paschalis writing a pacific letter to the emperor, but urging the submission8 of the ' 4 See his De Processione Spiritus tempt upon the Russian church, Sancli contra Grcecos : Opp. ed. Ger- 'ex parte B. Petri:' Mansi, xx. beron, pp. 49 — 61. The sober tone 183 : Mouraviev, p. 362. of this production may be estimated 6 Anselm happened to be present, from the Prologue where he is speak- and (adds William of Malmesbury) ing of his antagonists : ' Qui quo- ' ita pertractavit qua?stionis latera, niam Evangelia nobiscum veneran- ita penetravit et enubilavit intima, tur, et in aliis de Trino et Uno Deo ut Latini clamore testarentur gau- credunt hoc ipsum per omnia quod dium, Graeci de se pra?beri dolerent nos, qui de eadem re certi sumus ; ridiculum.' De Gedis Pontif . p. 223. spero per auxilium ejusdem Spiritus Out of this oration grew the treatise Sancti quia si malunt solida? veritati above mentioned. acquiescere quam pro inani victoria 7 See his Oration in Leo Allatius, contendere, per hoc quod absque Grcecia Orthodoxa, I. 379 sq. Bom. ambiguitate confitentur ad hoc quod 1652. The treatise De Eccl. Occi- non recipiunt rationabiliter duci pos- dent, atque Orient, perpetua Consen- sint.' done, by the same author, is an 5 e.g. Anna Comnena, as quoted important, though one-sided, autho- by Gibbon, ed. Milman, VI. 5, n. rity in this dispute. 11. Under Hildebrand (1075) the ° ' Prima igitur unitatis hujus via Western pontiffs made their first at- ha?c videtur, ut confrater noster OF THE EAST AND WEST. but the effort unavailing. 298 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1073 relations Eastern prelates as the foremost article of the concordat he was anxious to arrange. The project failed, however, as we learn from its revival in 1146, when Anselm, bishop of Havelberg, and ambassador of Lothaire II., disputed with Nicetas, the archbishop of Nicomedia, at Constantinople. It is obvious from the extant record1 of this interview, that the divergency of East and West had rather widened since the time of Cerularius ; and the other writings of the age2 bear witness to the fact. They shew especially3 that the encroachments of the pope were now more keenly felt to be subversive of religious nationality, and that the 'Boman' Church was being substituted for the Catholic and Apostolic brotherhood which they were taught to reverence in the creed4. The founding of a Latin empire at Constantinople by the French and Venetians, and the brutal pillage that had been its harbinger (1204), could only deepen the hereditary hatred of the Greeks, and add fresh fuel to the flame5. foundation of a Latin empire at Con stantinople. Constantinopolitanus patriarcha pri- maturn et reverentiam sedis apo stolica? recognoscens obstinatiam prseteritam corrigat...Ea enim, qiue inter Latinos et Grsecos fidei vel consuetudinum [diversitatem] faci- unt, non videntur aliter posse sedari, nisi prius capiti membra cohaereant.' The whole of this letter is printed for the first time in Jaffe', Regent. Pontif. Roman, pp. 510, 511, Bero- lin. 1 85 1. The independent bearing of the Bussian Church at this period is well attested by a letter of the metropolitan of Kiev to the pope, in Mouraviev, ed. Blackmore, p. 368 —37°- 1 In D'Achery's Spicilcg. I. 161 sq. Cf. the modern German essays, referred to by Neander, vni. 256 (note). 2 See the list in Gieseler, § 95, n. 7. The popular hatred is gra phically sketched by Gibbon, vi. 5 sq. At this period grew up the still pending controversy on the subject of the Holy Places at Jeru salem. The ' orthodox ' or Greeks purchased from Saladin the church of the Holy Sepulchre in 1187 ; but Latin Christians, and even some of the Eastern sects (e.g. the Armeni ans), were allowed the use of chapels in it, to the great annoyance of the proper owners. 3 Thus Nicetas, in the Disputa tions above quoted (lib. ni. c. 8, p. 196) : 'Si Romanus Pontifex in excelso throno gloriae sua? residenS nobis tonare, et quasi projicere man- data sua de sublimi voluerit, et non nostro concilio, sed proprio arbitrio, pro beneplacito suo de nobis et de ecclesiis nostris judicare, imo im- perare voluerit : quce fraternitas, seu etiam quce paternitas hcec esse poterit ? Quis hoc unquam aequo animo sus- tinere queat ?' etc. 4 Ibid. 5 So deep had the aversion grown that at the date of the council of Lateran (12 15), it was not unusual — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 299 It chanced, however, that the new political relations which relations this Latin dynasty effected, led the way to another series east and WEST of attempts for binding the antagonistic churches into one. — The Eastern emperors, who held their court at Nicsea, watching for an opportunity to stem the furious tide of western domination, ultimately sought to bring about this Its <$<* on me ./ o o reunion of the object by negotiating a religious treaty with the popes. c'AM,'cAra- The step originated in the able politician, John III. Vatatzes (1222—1255), who was seconded by two severe but on the whole conciliatory letters6 from the pen of Germanus, the patriarch of Constantinople (1232). Gre gory IX. attracted by these overtures dispatched his envoys to the East (1233). They were instructed to declare7 that while he could not tolerate in any one the slightest deviation from the doctrines of the Boman Church, he would allow the Orientals to retain a few of their peculiar usages, and even to omit, provided they did not repu diate8, the expression Filioque, in their recitation of the Creed. Although this effort shared the fate of many of its for the Greeks to rebaptize those Biogr. Did. n. 264. He did not who had been already baptized by hesitate to trace the schism between the Latins; c. 4 : cf. above, p. 201, the rival churches to the pride and n. 6. Other sweeping charges which tyranny of Bome: 'Divisio nostras polemics brought against each other unitatis processit a tyrannide vestra? may be seen in the Tradatus contra oppressionis [addressing the cardi- Grcscorum errores de Processione Spi- nals], et exactionum Bomana? eccle- ritus S., de animabus defundorum, sise, qua? de matre facta noverca de azymis et fermentato et de obedi- suos quos diu educaverat, more ra- entia Rom. Ecclesice (1252), in Cani- pacis volucris suos pullos expellentis, sius, Led. Antiq., ed. Basnage, rv. filios elongavit:' p. 389. 29 sq. In the midst of these dis- 7 See the papal Letters in Mat- sensions the French king, Philip thew Paris, pp. 390 sq. The envoys Auguste, founded a 'collegium Con- were two Dominicans and two Fran- stantinopolitanum' in Paris for the ciscans, respecting whose negotia- training of the Greeks who now and tion, see Eaynaldus, Annal. A. D. then embraced the Latin rite: Bu- 1233, § 5 sq. la?us, Hist. Univ. Paris. III. 10. 8 They were even required to burn 6 Preserved in Matthew Paris, the books which they had written A.D. 1237, pp. 386 sq.: but mis- against the Latin doctrine of the dated. See an account of the life and Procession, and to inculcate it in writings of Germanus in Smith's their sermons. 300 State ofBeligious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 relations predecessors, an important school with leanings to the OS THE r ' r , E wS^ND Western view of the Procession now arose among the Greeks. The leader of it was an influential ascetic, Nicephorus Blemmidas1; and when the policy of John Fresh attempts Vatatzes was continued under Michael Palseologus, who at union. ° drove the Latins from Constantinople (1261), the plan of a reunion was more widely entertained, and in so far as the Byzantine jurisdiction reached, was almost carried to effect. The emperor himself appears to have been forced into this negotiation by his dread of the crusade2 which Urban IV. had organized against him, for the purpose of replacing Balduin II., his Latin rival, on the throne. When every other scheme for warding off the danger failed him, he convened a synod at Constantinople, and enlarging on the critical position of affairs, attempted to 'numtfof1' w*n over *ne reluctant clergy to his side. He argued3 that f'aSogus. tne use 0I" leavened or unleavened bread might be in future left an open question ; that it was imprudent, and uncharit able also, for the Eastern Christians to require an absolute agreement in the choice of theological terms, and that they ought to exercise forbearance on such points, pro vided the antagonistic Latins would in turn expunge their Filioque from the Creed; that by agreeing to insert the name of the Boman pontiff in the ' diptychs,' they would not incur the charge of elevating him unduly, nor of derogating from the honour of the Eastern patriarchs; and lastly, that the exercise of papal jurisdiction in the 1 He wrote two works on the is applauded by Neander, VIII. 263. Procession, in the one maintaining a See Gibbon, VI. 96 sq., ed. Mil- the Greek doctrine, and in the other man. manifesting a decided preference for 3 The best account is that of the Latin. Leo Allatius (De Per- Georgius Pachymeres, who was petua Consensione, lib. II. c. 14) advocate-general of the church of attempts to explain this variation. Constantinople, and wrote, among Both the treatises are published in other things, an Historia Byzantina, that writer's Grcecia Orthodoxa, I. 1 containing the life of Michael Pala?o- — 60. The firmness of Nicephorus in logus : see especially lib. v. c. 18 sq., declining to administer the sacrament ed. Bonn, 1835, and cf. Schrockh, to Marcesina, an imperial mistress, XXIX. 432 sq. — 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 301 matter of appeals, if such a claim as that should be in relations words asserted, could not, owing to the distance of the east and Eastern empire, be so harsh and burdensome as they — were ready to forebode. The patriarch of Constantinople, Joseph, who was ever Resistance an inflexible opponent of the compromise, had found a &««•• warm supporter in the chartophylax Beccus, or Veccus, (keeper of the records in the great church of Constan tinople). But it seems that the convictions of the latter underwent a thorough change4 while he was languishing in prison, as a penalty for his resistance to the wishes of the court ; and afterwards we find him the most able and unflinching champion of the party who were urging on the project of reunion. Palaaologus now sent a message5 ms deputation m v • i • -i • • ,...,. 7 tothepope, to pope Uregory A.., in which, ignoring the disinclination 1273. of the patriarch and the hostility of his own subjects at Constantinople, he expressed a strong desire for unity, and even ventured to hold out a hope of its immediate con summation (1273). In the following year a larger embassy" jj™"/™/Constantinople, ' at the council of Lyons, 1274- 4 This change is ascribable, in address the pope as 'oecumenical,' part at least, to the writings of Ni- but only as the 'great pontiff of the cephorus Blemmidas. Some have Apostolic see.' Ibid. p. 316. viewed it as no more than hypo- 6 The members of it were Germa- critical pretence. But his subsequent nus, formerly patriarch of Constan- firmness, notwithstanding all the stinople, Theophanes, metropolitan persecutions he endured from the of Niceea, and many other court dominant party, is opposed to this dignitaries. In the letter which they construction. Many of his works carried with them (Mansi, xxiv. are published by Leo Allatius, in 67), Pakeologus, after he had made the Grcecia Orthodoxa. a statement of his faith according to 5 Neale, East. Chiorch, ' Alexan- a form drawn up by Clement IV. in dria,' II. 315. The displeasure of 1267, preferred the following re- the people at this movement of the quest : ' Rogamus magnitudinem court is noticed by Pachymeres, as vestram, ut ecclesia nostra dicat above, lib. V. c. 22. Gibbon men- sanctum symbolum, prout dicebat tions, however, that the letters of hoc ante schisma usque in hodier- union were ultimately signed by the num diem ;' but it seems that the emperor, his son, and thirty-five me- delegates themselves had no objee- tropolitans (vi. 98), which included tion to the clause Filioque, as they all the suffragans of that rank be- chanted the creed with that addition longing to the patriarchate : yet on the 6th of July. (as Mr Neale remarks) they do not 302 State of Religious Doctrine and Uontroversies. |a.d. xv/o relations appeared in his behalf at what is called the 'general'1 east and council of Lyons ; and on June 29, 1274, the formal work WEST — of 'reconciliation' was inaugurated, in the presence of the pope himself, with unexampled grandeur and solemnity2. A future session of the prelates, on July 6, beheld the representatives of Palseologus abjure the ancient schism, and recognize the papal primacy, as well as the distinctive tenets of the Boman Church. General dis- On their return, the patriarch Joseph, who had pre- ap/irobation . ... . . r -. . « of the measure, viously retired into a convent waiting for the issue ot negotiations he had vainly striven to retard, was superseded by his former colleague Beccus3: but the people of Con stantinople viewed the union with unmixed abhorrence, and in many cases went so far as to decline religious inter course with any one suspected of the slightest tenderness for Bome. The gentle pen of Beccus was in vain em ployed to soften the asperity of public feeling; and although he often interceded with the emperor in mitiga tion of the penalties inflicted by that heartless tyrant on the nonconforming party, his endeavours only tended to increase the general agitation. He resigned his honours, Dec. 26, 1282, convinced that he should never reconcile his flock to the unpopular alliance with the West4. 1 The Council was not recognized had recently composed an Opusculum as 'oecumenical' by Eastern churches: contra Grcecos, was expected to take it contained no representatives of part in the proceedings of the coun- Athanasius the patriarch of Alexan- cil, but died on his journey thither. dria, nor of Euthymius of Antioch, 3 Pachymeres, as above, lib. v. c. nor of Gregory II. of Jerusalem. 24 sq., and Neander, vm. 270 sq! The last of these positively wrote Banishment, imprisonment, confis- against the union. Neale, Ibid. p. cation of property, scourging, and 317. The same repugnance to the personal mutilation were among the union was felt in Russia. Moura- instruments employed by Michael viev p. 49. Palseologus in forcing his subjects Five hundred Latin bishops, se- into an approval of the union with venty abbots, and about a thousand the Latins. On the other side the other ecclesiastics were present, to- ultra-Greeks were most unmeasured gether with ambassadors from Eng- in their animosity and in the charges land, France, Germany, &c. The which they brought against their pope celebrated high mass, and Bo- rivals. naventura preached. Aquinas, who * Pachymeres (lib. VI. c. 30) says — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 303 The Boman pontiffs had in turn grown weary of the sects. coldness, craft, and insincerity betrayed by Michael and his Farmfll d,«. son in carrying out the terms of union. They accordingly tuunion allowed the crown of the Two Sicilies to fall into the hands of his powerful rival5, Charles of Anjou (1266) : and when he instigated the revolt of those provinces in 1280, pope Martin IV. restrained himself no longer, breaking up the hollow and unprofitable treaty by his excommuni cation of the Eastern emperor6 (Nov. 18, 1281). The speedy death of Michael Palseologus (1282) was followed by the overthrow and disappearance of the Latin party, and the formal revocation7 of the acts in which the see of Constantinople had succumbed to that of Bome. THE EASTERN AND WESTERN SECTS. The most important of the Eastern sects who flourished f^a""i(7((, at this period were the Bogomiles, or the Massilians8, &*¦'¦ " kindred (as we have already seen9) to the Enthusiasts or Euchites. Issuing in the early part of the twelfth century from Bulgaria, where they grew into a formidable body, that, with the exception of the em- vvlios ™ M.aeraCKiavCov, draw Bo- peror and patriarch, and a few of yopilXav a'ipeais iv irdo-g irbXei, Kal their immediate dependents, irdvres X-fjp.ov Kal voXvciSoos alpiaeas dus, Annal. Eccles. A.D. 1281, § 25. ru>v adiav Mao-aaXiavuiv, toiv koX Earlier traces of displeasure are QovvbaCrGiv Kal Boyop.i\oiv Ka\ovp.i- noted in Schrockh, XXIX. 449. vm, Kal EiixtrSi/, k.t.X., edited by 7 The new emperor Andronicus Tollius in his Iter Italicum, 1696, II., although he had joined his p. 112. father in negotiating the union on 9 Above, p. 202. The colony of political grounds, was really op- the Paulicians at Philippopolis posed to it: see his Life by Pachy- (above, p. 92, n. 1) was still thriv- meres lib. I. c. 2. He was also ing : but their influence was counter- excommunicated, by Clement V., in acted in a great degree by the foun- j,0y_ dation of the orthodox Alexiopolis 8 That these names may be re- in the reign of Alexius Comnenus garded as descriptive of the same (1081— 1118). See the Life of that body is proved by the following emperor ('Alexias') by his learned passage, among others : 'H iroAuci- daughter Anna Comnena, lib. xiv. sects. 77ae main features of their creed. 304 Stateof Religious Doctrine and Uontroversies. ja.d.xu/3- they invaded other districts in the patriarchate of Con- " stantinople, and soon afterwards obtained a footing in Egyptian dioceses1. At the centre of their theological system8, which was quasi-dualistic, stood a superhuman being whom they called Satanael, the first-born Son of God, and honoured with the second place in the administration of the world3. This Being (a distorted image of the Prince of Evil) was ere long intoxicated by the vastness of his power: he ceased to pay allegiance to the Father, and resolved to organize an empire of his own. A multitude of angels, whom he had involved in his rebellion, were ejected with him from the nearer presence of the Lord, and after fashioning the earth from preexistent but chaotic elements, he last of all created man. The human soul, however, had a higher origin: it was inspired directly into our first parents by the Lord of heaven Himself; the framer of the body having sought in vain to animate the work until he had addressed his supplications to the Author of all Good4. The very excellences now apparent in mankind inflamed the envy of Satanael. He seduced the mother of the human race; and Cain, the godless issue of that intercourse, became the root and representative of evil: while his brother Abel, on the contrary, the son of 1 Neale, n. 240. According to this writer, a treatise, still in MS., was composed by the Alexandrine patriarch Eulogius against the Bo gomiles. a Our information on this subject is derived mainly from the work of Euthymius, above cited, n. 8, and the twenty-third title of his Pano- plia (see above, p. 294, n. 3), which was edited separately by Gieseler, Giittingen, 1842. The general truth fulness of eastern writers on the Bogomiles has been established by the close agreement of their narra tive with independent publications of the Western Church in refutation of the kindred sect of Cathari. 3 Euthym. Panop. tit. xxm. c. 6 : cf. the apocryphal Gospel in Thilo's Codex Apocryph. N. Test. I. 885, and Neander's summary, vm. 2 79 sq. 4 Aie7T/>e0-/3eiVaro irpbs rbv dya6bv Ilaripa, Kal irapeK&Keo-e ireLiv icpocKbvnaiv (c. 11). It is The word is xpiaroiToXiTai. very remarkable that the Bogomiles 2 See above, p. 305, n. 5. They cherished an esteem for Constantine spoke of churches as the habitation Copronymus (above, p. 80). of demons (Euthymius, as above, c. 6 They abhorred the symbol of the 18), urging that the Almighty does cross ois dvaipirnv too 2wt?)/>os (c. not dwell in 'temples made with 14); they refused the title QeorbKos hands :' they condemned the sacra- to the Virgin on the ground that it ment of the altar (rty lwutik^v koI properly belongs to every holy soul, daobov form of prayer which they allowed aiirou yvobo-ns Li-trre ttjc £%obov, was the Lord's Brayer : c. 19. c. 8). An Oration was composed 3 c. 16. The baptism adminis- by the patriarch of Constantinople, tered at church was in their eyes Germanus (d. 1254), In exaltatio- equivalent to John's, and therefore nem venerandce crucis et adversus Bo- was a vestige of Judaism. Their gomilos; in Gretser, Opp. II. 112 sq. own mode of initiation is described 6 gee ^ expressions in p. 303, in the paragraph here quoted. n. 8. 4 Toils 'Iepdpx°s be Kal robs ITa- 7 Eor an account of the stratagem ripas bfiou irdvras diro5oKip.d^ov(nv employed by Alexius, see Schrockh, tis elSu\o\drpas dia rfyv twv cIko- xxix. 462 sq. — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 307 mately perished at the stake, in Constantinople, 1119. His sects. creed, however, still survived and found adherents in all ~ quarters, more especially in minds alive to the corruptions of the Church, and mystic in their texture8. The communication which existed now between the The rise of the ^ Eastern and the Western world, arising chiefly out of semes. pilgrimages, commerce, and crusades, facilitated the trans mission of these errors into Lombardy, the south of France, and ultimately into almost every part of Western Europe. All the varying titles, Bulgri9, Popelicani10, Paterini11, Passagieri12, Cathari13, and Albigenses14, indicate, if not the 8 See the sketch given by Nean der of the two monks Chrysomalos and Niphon (vm. 289 — 295). Se veral councils of Constantinople (e.g. 1140, 1143; Mansi, xxi. 551, 583) anathematized the principles of the Bogomiles. 9 This name (with its varieties, Bulgares, Bougres, etc.) points at once to Bulgaria, the chief seat of the Bogomiles, and formerly infected with the cognate heresy of the Pau licians (Gibbon, v. 281 sq. ed. Mil- man). 10 'Popelicani' (='Publicani,'and in Flanders, ' Piphiles ') seems to have been chiefly used in France. Ducange, Gloss, v. 'Populicani.' It is probably a corrupted form of IlavXiKiavoi. See DrMaitland's Facts and Documents illustrative of the History, die. of the Albigenses and Waldenses, Lond. 1832, p. 91, and the same writer's Eight Essays, Lond. 1852, p. 172. The Greeks would pronounce their word Pavlikiani. 11 See above, p. 204, n. 6. Mat thew Paris, A. D. 1236, p. 362, writes, ' qui vulgariter dicuntur Paterini et Bugares :' and, A. D. 1 238, p. 407 : ' Ipsos autem nomine vulgari Bugaros appellavit (Robertas Bugre, the Inquisitor), sive essent , Paterini, sive Joviniani, vel Albi genses, vel aliis hseresibus maculati.' 12 This name, with its equivalent 'Passagini,' is derived from 'Pas- sagium,' the common word for a 'crusade' (Ducange, sub voc.) ; it therefore will suggest the channel by which Catharist opinions were conveyed at times into the west of Europe. 13 This name (= the Pure, or Pu ritans, and connected with ' Boni Homines' and ' Bons-hommes ') was most current in Germany. It sur vives as a generic form in Ketzer. As early as Aldhelm (Opp. p. 87, ed. Giles) we read of heretics, ' qui se Katharos, id est, mundos nuncu- pari voluerunt.' 14 The name 'Albigenses' (mean ing natives of the district Albigesi- um, or the neighbourhood of Alby) does not appear to have been used for marking out the members of this sect until some time after what is called the ' Albigensian' Crusade (Maitland, Facts and Documents, &c. p. 96). They were at first known by some one of the titles above mentioned, or others like them (see Schmidt, Hist, et Doctrine de la secte des Cathares, Paris, 1 849, Tome II. pp. 275 — 284); and subsequently, as distinguished from the Waldenses, they bore the simple name of ' here tics :' Maitland, Eight Essays, p. 178. X 2 SECTS. The abstract principles of their creed. 308 State of Religious Doctrine and uontroversies. [a. d. 10/3 very same, at least a group of kindred sects, all standing in relations more or less immediate with the Bogomiles, and holding certain points in common with Paulicians and the Manichseans proper1. At the basis of their speculative system lay the Eastern theories of dualism and emanation. But the former was considerably changed or softened, partly (as it seems) by contact with less impious sectaries, and partly by the independent action of the Western mind. One school2 of Cathari continued, it1 is true, entirely ditheistic, cherishing the Manichsean view of two opposing Principles, which had alike subsisted from eternity in regions of their own (the visible and the invisible): but others3, like the Bogo miles, while tracing the formation of the present world to absolutely evil agencies, and looking upon matter as irreconcileably opposed to spirit, were nevertheless induced to recognize one only primal, God, the Author of all true and permanent existence. The antagonistic powers of darkness had originally paid allegiance unto Him, and as their fall, with its results, at length necessitated the de scent of Christ, who was a glorious emanation issuing from the Father in behalf of men, the fruit of His redemption will be seen in the eventual recovery of human souls and 1 See the works of Maitland and Schmidt above referred to ; and es pecially Hahn's Gesch. der Kdzer im Mittelalter, Stuttgart, 1845-7 ; Giese ler, III. §§ 87 — 90, 96; and Neander, VIII. 297 — 330. The last writer has pointed out many particulars which shew the close affinity between the Cathari and Bogomiles, although he thinks (p. 297) that one class of the former may have sprung out of some other (Eastern) sect which dif fered in the details of its creed from Bogomiles or Euchites: cf. Schmidt's reply, II. 263 — 266, in which he contends that Bogomilism itself is rather a branch or modification of primitive Catharism. 2 Neander, vm. 298. It is observ able that some writers of this party appealed both to the Scriptures and Aristotle in favour of their views; but they indulged in the most ex travagant flights of ' spiritual' inter pretation. Among the chief of their doginatic peculiarities they were pre- destinarians (p. 301), and represented the Virgin-Mother as an angel (p. 303). 3 Ibid. p. 305 ; with which com pare Schmidt's 'Appreciation Ge- neVale,' 11. 167 — 173. — 1305] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 309 a return of the material world into the chaos out of which sects. it had been shaped. In noting the more practical phases of this heresy the its more prac- modes of thought we saw prevailing in the Bogomiles twalasvecU' continually recur. The Cathari rejected most of the pro phetic writings of the Old Testament4 as well as the dis tinctive principles of the Mosaic ritual, on the ground that Satan was the author of them both5. Contending that the body of the Son of God6, on His appearance among men, was an ethereal body, or was not in any way derived from the substance of His Virgin-Mother, they repudiated every article of faith that rests upon the doc trine of the Incarnation. They agreed in substituting novel rites for those administered at church7, denouncing with pecular emphasis the baptism of unconscious chil dren8. They were also most ascetic in their discipline; forbidding matrimony, and, at least in many districts, every kind of animal food. Nor should we deem this 4 The Dominican Moneta, who the historic Christ (see Peter of wrote his book Adversus Catharos d VauxSernai, as in the former note): Valdenses about 1240, says (p. 218) others held the same opinion as the that the Cathari at first rejected all Bogomiles ; above, p. 304. the prophets except Isaiah : but they 7 Their hatred of the whole afterwards quote these writings in church-system is attested by con- disputing with their adversaries. temporary writers, e.g. Ebrard and 6 e.g. Peter, a Cistercian monk Ermengard, edited by Gretser (In- of Vaux Sernai (Vallie-sarnensis), golstadt, 1614), in a work bearing whose Hist. Albigensium (as far as the incorrect title Trias Scriptorum the year 1218) is printed in Bou- adv. Waldensium sectam : cf. Giese- quet and Brial's Script. Franc, xix. ler, § 87, n. 25, 26; and Maitland, 1 sq.: 'Novum Testamentum be- Facts and Documents, pp. 372 — 391. nigno Deo, Vetus vero maligno at- 8 Their own rite of initiation was tribuebant, et illud omnino repudia- called 'consolamentum' (cf. above, bant prceter quasdam auctoritates quce p. 203, n. 6), a ' baptism of the de veteri Testamento novo sunt im- Spirit' ('Consolator'), which they sertos, ' etc. c. 2. administered by the laying on of 6 Different views existed on this hands and prayer. See Schmidt, n. point. One school of Cathari ad- 119 sq. respecting this and other mitted the reality of our Saviour's rites. The best original authority body, but ascribed it to Satan, and is Rainerio Sacchoni (circ. 1250), affirmed that the genuine Christ whose work is analysed in Mait- (' bonus Christus') is purely spiri- land's Facts and Documents, pp. tual and altogether different from 400 sq.: cf. pp. 525 sq. SECTS. Tiie Cathari most powerful in the south of France. 310 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 rigour hypocritical. The lives of the more spiritual or ' perfect' class1 presented an example of simplicity, and not unfrequently of moral elevation2, higher than was commonly discernible in members of the Church; and to this circumstance should be ascribed at least some measure of the popularity and progress3 of the Cathari as soon as they began to circulate their tenets in the West. The ground in which those tenets were most deeply rooted was the south of France, from Be"ziers to Bordeaux, especially throughout the territories of the count of Tou louse, and in the neighbourhood of Alby. Here, indeed, among the haunts of gaiety, refinement, and romance, the morals both of court and people were most shamelessly relaxed4 ; but on a sudden the attention of the many, rich and poor alike, had been directed into other channels by the forcible harangues of ' Albigensian' preachers. With a few exceptions, all the barons of the neighbourhood became 1 The Cathari were divided into (i) the 'Perfecti,' or 'Boni Ho mines,' and (2) the 'Credentes,' or ' Auditores :' see Schmidt, n. 91 sq. Neander, vm. 315 sq. It is recorded that, although the number of the Cathari was immense in all quarters of the world in the first half of the thirteenth century, only four thou sand belonged to the class of ' Per fecti.' 2 The picture drawn by Schmidt (1. 194) may be somewhat too fa vourable, but the superiority of their moral character as compared with that of the prelates cannot be disputed. See the whole of the chapter, pp. 188 sq. 3 e.g. William Little of Newbery, De Rebus Angl. lib. II. u. 13 (ed. Hearne), who died about 1208, de scribes their rapid growth in France, Spain, Italy, and Germany. Some who found their way into England were suppressed as early as 11 60 (or 1 1 66), by the council of Oxford (Wilkins, I. 438). They were so numerous in the south of France, Guyenne, Provence, and the greater part of Gascony, that foreigners were told how heresy was rapidly in fecting more than a thousand towns, and how the followers of Manes in that district were outnumbering those of Jesus Christ. Schmidt, I. 194. The same is mentioned with regard to Lombardy and the papal states (Schmidt, I. 142 sq.), where we may gather from the treatise of Bonacursus (circ. 1190), Vita Hcere- ticorum, seu Manifestatio Hceresis Catharorum (in D'Achery, I. 208 sq.), that the leaders of the sect ('Passagini') had so far modified their doctrines as to have betrayed a judaizing tendency ; cf. Neander, vm. 332 ; Schmidt, n. 294. 4 Abundant proofs of this are furnished in the 'chanzos' of the Provencal poets, collected, for exam ple, by Baynouard inhis Poisies des Troubadours; and in the Fabliaux: although these latter more commonly refer to the north of France. — 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 311 protectors of the heresy ; some even ranking with its most sects, devoted followers, the 'Perfect5.' In a council held at ~ Toulouse as early as July 8, 1119, a class of tenets such as those maintained among the Cathari6, were solemnly denounced; and mission after mission7 laboured to repress their wider circulation. It was not, however, until the Their violent pontificate of Innocent III8., that vigorous measures were adopted for the extirpation of the sect. The murder • of by crushes, the papal legate9, Pierre de Castelnau, in 1208, which was attributed unjustly to count Baymond of Toulouse, a patron of the ' Albigenses,' led the way to an atrocious series of Crusades, conducted at the bidding of the pope by Simon de Montfort, earl of Leicester, and extending over thirty years10. By this terrific war the swarming misbelievers of Provence were almost literally 'drowned in blood.' The remnant which escaped the sword of the crusaders fell a prey to ruthless agents of the Inquisition, — the and by me A J ° -1 ' Inquisition. tribunal now established permanently by the council of Toulouse11 (1229) for noting and extinguishing all kinds of heretical pravity. 5 Schmidt, I. 195, 196. . 7 That in 1147 consisted of the " It denounces (can. 3) those, "qui legate Alberic and St Bernard : see religionis speciem simulantes Dp- Bernard. Epist. 241, from which we minici corporis et sanguinis sacra- learn that the churches were desert- mentum, puerorum baptisma, sacer- ed, the clergy despised, and nearly dotium, et ca?teros ecclesiaBticos all the south of France addicted to ordines et legitimarum damnant the Cathari : cf. Schmidt, 1. 44, 45. fcedera nuptiarum' (Mansi, xxi. In 1 181, Henry abbot of Clairvaux, 225, where the date is incorrectly who had before (11 78) endeavonred given : cf. Jaffe', p. 529). At this to reclaim the diocese of Alby in a council an appeal was made to ' po- gentler way, began to preach » testates exterae,' in order to suppress crusade against it : Ibid. I. 83. the misbelievers. The decrees were 8 See above, p. 252, on his pa- echoed at the council of Lateran tronage of Dominic, the founder of (1139): Mansi, xxi. 532. Other the Preachers. councils, e.g. Rheims (1148), c. 18, 9 Schmidt, I. 217 sq. and Tours (1163), c. 4, adopted the 10 See Barrau and Darragon, Hist. same course. An important con- des Croisades contre les Albigeois, ference with the leaders of the Paris, 1840, and Schmidt, as above, Cathari, including their bishop Si- I. 219—293. card Cellerier. was held in 1165 n Mansi, XXIII. 192 sq. The germ (Mansi, XXII. 157) at Lombers, near of this institution is contained in Alby: cf. Schmidt, 1. 70 sq. the decree of Lucius III. (1184), 312 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 sects. The fears awakened in the Vatican and in the Western " ~~ Church at large by the astounding progress of the ' Al bigenses,' were increased by other movements, totally distinct in character, but also finding the great bulk of their adherents in the southern parts of France. The Peter of Bruu author of the earliest (1104—1124:) was a priest of Bruis named Peter (hence the title Petrobrusiani), who, together with some startling traits of heterodoxy, manifested1 an attachment to the central truth of Christianity, and a desire to elevate the tone of morals in the districts where he taught. He ultimately perished at the stake ; but the impression he produced was much extended by a Cluniac and Henry m monk and deacon, Henry2. After labouring sedulously Cluniac monk . ^-i-i-i.-i-iii i , a n • • > (silenced In the field which had been overrun by 'Albigensian missionaries, and attracting many whom their doctrines did not satisfy3, he fell (1147) into the hands of a papal legate, who had visited Provence in company with St Bernard for the purpose of resisting the further propa gation of heretical opinions. Henry was sentenced at the ' Contra Ha?reticos,' (Maitland's Facts, &c. pp. 496 — 498) ; and its organization was advanced by the council of Lateran (1215), c. 3 (Decret. Gregor. lib. v. tit. 7, c. 1 3 : in the Corpus Juris Canon.). On the general history see Limborch, Hist. Inquisitionis, Amst. 1692. It soon found other fields of duty in extinguishing the Cathari of Italy (Schmidt, I. 159 sq.), of Spain (Ibid. I. 372 sq.), of Germany (Ibid. I. 376 sq.), and also in suppressing (1234) a politico-religious sect, en titled ' Stedingers,' who had arisen in the district of Oldenburg : Gie seler, III. § 89, n. 37. Friesisches Archiv, ed. Ehrentrant, n. 265 sq., Oldenburg, 1854. They refused to pay tithes and tributes, * Our chief information respecting him is derived from a contemporary Letter of Peter the Venerable, Ad- versusPetrobrusianosHcereticos; Opp. p. 719, ed. Migne. It seems that Peter of Bruis and his immediate followers rejected infant baptism, on the ground that personal faith is always needed as a precondition, ere the grace of God can take effect (' nos vero tempus congruum fidei expectamus'). For this cause they rebaptized. They undervalued, if they did not absolutely set aside, the Eucharist. They burned the crosses, and denounced church- music and the ritual system of the age. They also censured and de rided prayers and offerings for the dead : cf. Neander, vm. 338 — 341. 2 See Gesta HUdeberti among the Ada Episcoporum Cenomanensium [i. e. of Mans], in Mabillon, Vd. Analect. ill. 312, and cf. Neander, VIII. 341—350 ; Gieseler, § 87, n. 4. 3 Schmidt, I. 40, 41. 1 — 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 313 council of Bheims (1148) to meagre diet and imprisonment sects. for life. How far the influential sect, hereafter known as the The waidenses „_ ... °r Vaudis. Waldenses4,' were allied with this reforming movement, is not easy to determine. They are certainly to be dis tinguished from the ' Albigenses6.' In their creed we find no .vestiges^ of dualism, nor anything which indicates the least affinity to oriental theories of emanation. What those bodies learned to hold in common, and what made them equally the prey of the Inquisitor, was their un wavering belief in the corruption of the Mediaeval Church, ( especially as governed by the Boman pontiffs6. It has also been disputed whether the ' Waldenses' dated further back as a religious corporation than the twelfth century. Although this view appears to have been current once with members of the sect7, or had at least been confidently 4 This name first occurs in an edict of Ildephonsus, king of Ar- ragon (1194). (Maitland's Fads and Documents, &c, p. 181.) The ' Waldenses ' are there associated with the ' Inzabbati ' (i. e. persons wearing ' sabots ' or wooden shoes), and with the 'Poor Men of Lyons.' Another of the names they bore was ' Leonista? ' (from Leona = Lyons). 5 This distinction has been ques tioned by two very different schools of theologians, one endeavouring to shew that the tenets of the Albi genses and Waldenses were equally false, and the second that they were equally true : but all dispassionate writers of the present day (e.g. Gieseler, Neander, Schmidt) agree in the conclusion above stated: Dr Maitland has discussed the question at length in his Facts and Documents, etc., and in his Eight Essays (1852), pp. 178 sq., he ad duces evidence from a record of the Inquisition of Toulouse (1307 — 1323) which 'completely decides the question.' A new work, entitled Die romanischen Watdenser, etc. was put forth in 1853 (Halle) by Dr Herzog. 0 In 1207 a pastor of the Albi genses maintained that the Church of Bome was not the Spouse of Christ, but the Apocalyptic Ba bylon. See the extract on this subject in Ussher's De Christ. Eccl. Successione et Statu, ch. X. § 23, Opp. II. 341, ed. Ellington. The Waldenses also ultimately urged the same objection (though at first their tone was different), ' Quod Ecclesia Romana non est Ecclesia Jesu Christi Quod Ecclesia Romana est ecclesia malignantium, et bestia et meretrix,' etc. See Bainerii Summa de Catharis et Leo- nistis, in Martene and Durand's Thesaur. Anecdot. v. 1775. 7 In the Summa, as above quoted, the Waldenses of the thirteenth century affirmed 'quod ecclesia Christi permansit in episcopis et aliis prselatis usque ad B. Sylves- trum [the contemporary of Con stantine], et in eo defecit quousque ipsi earn restaurarunt : tamen dicunt, 314 Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1073 SECTS. Their founder, Peter Waldo: urged on some occasions when the adversaiy challenged them to prove the antiquity of their opinions, it is found to have no basis in authentic history. The leader of the agitation out of which they grew (1170) was Peter Waldo (Pierre deVaud), a citizen of Lyons, who renounced his property that he might give himself entirely to the service of religion. He began to circulate a Eo- maunt version of the Gospels and of many other books of Holy Writ1, and with the aid of kindred spirits, laymen like himself, to preach among the populace ; their object being, not to tamper with the creeds or revolutionize the eccle siastical system, but rather to exalt the spirit and to purify the practice of the age. These warm and desultory efforts proved distasteful to the archbishop of Lyons, who compelled the preachers to desist. They carried an appeal to Bome (1179), exhibiting their version of the Bible to pope Alexander III., and suing for his appro bation both of it and of the new fraternity2. The papal quod semper fuerunt aliqui qui Deum timebant et salvabantur.' But when it was argued, e.g. by the Dominican Moneta (circ. 1240) Adversus Catharos d Valdenses, ed. Ricchini, p. 402, that the Wal denses were not ' successores Ec clesia? primitiviE,' and therefore not ' Ecclesia Dei, ' some of them con tended that the sect bad lasted ever since the time of pope Syl vester, and others that it was trace able to the age of the Apostles : see the Additions to the Summa of Rainerio, in Bibl. Patr. ed. Lugdun. xxv. 264, and Pilschdorf, Contra Waldenses (circ. 1444) : Ibid. xxv. 278. Schmidt (11. 287 — 293) has proved that history and tradition are both silent on this great an tiquity until the 1 3th century, and that the sect was really no older than Peter Waldo. Neander (vm. 368, note) thinks Dr Maitland ^omewhat too sceptical as to the genuineness of the Nobla Leyczon, a Waldensian summary of doctrines, claiming to belong to A.D. 1100. It may, however, have been written at the close of the 12th century : Schmidt, p. 290. 1 As he was himself no scholar, the version was made for him by two ecclesiastics. See a contem porary account by the Dominican Stephen de Borbone, extracted in D'Argentre', Colledio Jvdiciorum de Novis Erroribus, qui ab initio xii scec. usque ad an. 1632 in Ecclesia proscripti sunt, Paris, 1728, I. 87. The same hands translated for him ' auctoritates Sanctorum multas per titulos congregatas, quas Sententias appellabant.' 2 See the important record of their conduct at the council of Lateran by one who was an eye witness, Walter Mapes, afterwards archdeacon of Oxford (1196). The passage is in his De Nugis Curi- — 1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 315 license was not given, although at present the Waldenses sects. did not share in the anathemas pronounced on other bodies jaiU t0 " (Cathari included). -They were afterwards condemned, pvapCaTmmtion. however, in 1184, by Lucius III.8 But nothing could repress the sturdy vigour of the men who laboured at all costs to forward what they deemed a genuine reformation of the Church. Their principles were soon diffused in Rapid diffusion a of his Southern France, in Arragon, in Piedmont, in Lombardy4, principles. and even in the Bhenish provinces5. Insisting as they always did on the desirableness of personal acquaintance with the Bible, which, in union with their claim to exercise the sacerdotal office6, constituted the peculiarity in their original creed, they multiplied translations into the ver nacular, and frequently surpassed the clergy in their knowledge of the Scriptures'. Innocent III. endeavoured to unite them with the Church (1210), and he in part succeeded, forming his Waldensian converts into a society entitled Pauperes Catholici8; but the majority, estranged by persecution, zealously maintained a separate existence. At the close of the thirteenth century we find a number of them in the valleys of Piedmont9, where after many alium, Distinct. I. § xxxi. (ed. Eucharist might be consecrated 'a Wright, 1850), the title being 'De viro et muliere, ordinato et non secta Valdesiorum.' ordinato :' and both males and fe- 3 'In primis ergo Catharos et males preached on every side ('tam Patarinos, et eos qui se Humiliatos homines quam mulieres, idiota? et vel Pauperes de Lugduno falso no- illiterati, per villas discurrentes et mine mentiuntur ; Passaginos, Jo- domos penetrantes et in plateis sepinos, Arnoldistas perpetuo decer- praedicantes et etiam in ecclesiis, ad nimusanathematesubjacere.' Mansi, idem alios provocabant.' Stephen XXII. 477- de Borbone (as above, p. 314, n. 1). 4 See authorities at length in They had a ministry, however, Gieseler, § 88, n. 8, 9, 10. nominated by the brotherhood, and 5 The following passage is an consisting of 'majorales' (= bi- allusion to their progress in the shops?) and 'barbas' (=preaeh- neighbourhood of Treves (1231) : ersj) : see Gieseler, § 90, n. 29. 'Et plures erant secta? et inuiti Their ministers were married. earum instructi erant Scripturis 7 Neander, VIII. 360. Sanctis, quas habebant in Theutoni- 8 Innocent III. Epist. lib. XI. cam translatos.' Gesta Trevirorum, epp. 196 — 198 : lib. xn. epp. 17,69: I. 319, August. Trevir. 1836. lib. xni. ep. 78. 6 e.g. They maintained (in the 9 See extracts from a record in passage above cited, n. 5) that the the archives of Turin communi- SECTS. 316 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1073 dark vicissitudes they are surviving at the present day1. Their tenets, which were at the first distinguishable in but' few particulars from those of other Christians, rapidly developed into forms antagonistic to the common teaching of the Mediaeval Church2. The Vaudois were indeed to some extent precursors of the Beformation, more especially as it was often carried out in continental Europe. An allusion has been made already to the aberrations i :io i ; ) of the stricter school of the Franciscans3, of the Beghards4, and the Arnoldists5 (or partisans of Arnold of Brescia). From the impulse which had been communicated by the authors of those movements sprang another sect, entitled ' Apostolicals6.' It was confined at first to Lombardy and The Apostolicals cated by Krone in his Fra Dolcino •and die Patarener, p. 22, Leipz. 1844. 1 They maintained themselves in Provence until 1545, when by uniting with the Calvinists they were violently persecuted and ex pelled. For an account of their past sufferings and present condi tion, see Gilly's Narrative, &c. 4th edition, and Leger, Hist, des Vaudois. Their intercourse with GEcolampa- dius and other Swiss reformers, in 1530, is described by Herzog, pp. 333—376- 2 They denied the sacramental character of orders, unction, con firmation, and marriage, and the efficacy of absolution and the eu charist when these were adminis tered by unworthy persons whether lay or cleric (cf. above, p. 315, n. 6). They did not accept the canon of the Mass, but were in favour of more frequent (even daily) communion. They did not invoke the saints, nor venerate the cross and relics. They did not believe in any kind of purgatory, and made no offerings for the dead. They repudiated tithes, the taking of an oath, military service, and capital punishment. They dispa raged fasting, all distinction of days ('quod unus dies sit sicut alius'), and every kind of decoration in the ritual or the fabric of the church. With regard to baptism their opin ions are not very clearly stated, but, owing to their strong belief in the necessity of actual preconditions on the part of the recipient, they seem at best to have esteemed it, when administered to infants, as an empty ceremonial ('quod ablutio, qua? da- tur infantibus, nihil prosit'): cf. Ne ander, vm. 365. See on the Wal- densian doctrines the authorities quoted above, p. 313, n. 7, and the Extracts from Limborch's History of the Inquisition, in Maitland's Facts, &e. pp. 229 sq. 3 Above, p. 250. 4 Above, p. 254. Gieseler, §90, n. 35, has pointed out some fea tures in which the Beghards, or, (as they described themselves) 'the Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit,' were akin to the Waldenses; and it will be shewn hereafter that they were progenitors of the Ger man (not the English) Lullards, or Lollards. 6 Above, pp. 267, 268. 6 See Mosheim's Gesch. des Apos- tel-ordens, Helmstadt, 1748. A full, -1305] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 317 certain districts of the Tyrol. Its main object was to realize sects. the long-forgotten picture which the Bible seemed to furnish of a truly evangelic poverty, and of a Church where all the members, from the highest to the lowest, are united solely by the bonds of Christian love7. The exhortations of the Apostolicals were all, however, more or less distempered by fanatical and communistic theories8, which, rousing the displeasure of the Inquisition and the civil power, at length consigned their hapless leader, Saga- relli9, to the stake (1300). His able, but misguided fol- |X™.*' and lower, Dolcino, after braving almost every kind of danger, for the sake of his convictions, met the same unchristian fate10 (1307). but somewhat violent, description of the struggle which the ' Apos tolicals' excited will be found in Mariotti's Fra Dolcino and his Times, Lond. 1853. 7 ' Sine vinculo obedientise ex- terioris, sed interioris tantum.' 8 Mariotti, pp. 182 sq., pp. 213 sq. Extracts from two of Dolcino's circulars are given in Muratori, Script. Rer. Itcd. ix. 450. The fol lowing views, among his other predictions, shew that he hoped to witness not only the purification of the papacy but also the founding of a native monarchy : ' Fredericus rex Sicilia? debet relevari in impe- ratorem, et facere reges novos, et Bonifacium papam pugnando ha bere et facere occidi cum aliis oc- cidendis....Tunc omnes Christiani erunt positi in pace, et tunc erit unus papa sanetus a Deo missus mirabiliter et electus,...et sub illo papa erunt illi, qui sunt de statu Apostolica, et etiam alii de clerieis et religiosis qui unienter eis, et tunc accipient Spiritus Sancti gratiam, sicut acceperunt Apostoli in Ecclesia primitiva.' For Dante's view of Dolcino and his mission, see Dell' Inferno, cant, xxvin. 55 sq. 8 Mariotti, p. 102. 10 Ibid. p. 296. In 1320 some branches of the sect of ' Apostoli cals ' existed in the south of France, and traces of them are found in Germany as late as the year 1402. Ibid. pp. 314 sq. ( OlO ) La.d. xu/6 CHAPTEB XII. ON THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETY. means op Confining our review to Western Christendom1, in GRACE AND ' ledge" which alone the aspect of religion underwent a clearly ~ measurable change, we must regard the present as an New impulse age of great activity and very general progress. The given to the „, .. ": iir»-n l Western mind. Crusades had opened a new world ot intellectual enter prise; the fever of scholasticism arousing all the specu lative faculties had urged men to investigate the grounds of their belief; while literary institutions, bent on further ing the spread of secular as well as sacred knowledge, and constructed after the illustrious models in the University of Paris, had sprung up on every side2. A somewhat novel feature in the works transmitted to us from the twelfth and thirteenth centuries should not be overlooked. The literature of Europe until then was almost everywhere exclusively 'religious,' or one might affirm at least that it was nearly always penetrated by a strong ecclesiastical element3. But afterwards a different class of works were published, which, if not entirely hostile to the Church, were Literature not exclusivelyecclesiastical : 1 On the torpor and monotony of the Eastern Church at this period also, see above, p. 293. a See above, 253. Colleges began to be numerous in France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, and Germany (Mbhler, Schriften, etc. II. 6). This impulse was transmitted as far as Iceland, on the copious literature of which, see Mallet's Northern Anti quities, pp. 363 sq. ed. 1847. The two 'general' councils of Lateran, a.d. 1179 (c. 18), and a.d. 1215 (c. 11), enjoin that a schoolmaster shall be provided in every cathedral church for teaching the poorer clerics and the young. , 3 Capefigue, L'Eglise au Moyen Age, 1. 362. — 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 319 ri i GRACE AND buch were many know often very immoral. calculated to impair its old ascendancy and to imperil the means of foundations both of faith and morals of the amorous pieces4 of the Troubadours, Trouveres, and Minnesingers. Soft and polished as they are, it is too obvious that their general tendency was td produce con tempt for holy things and throw a veil upon the most revolting sensuality. The same is often true of mediaeval romances5, which, as may be argued from the copious list surviving at the present day, began to fascinate a very numerous circle. The more earnest readers still preferred the ancient ' Lives of Saints6.' These after some recasting were, as in the former aae, translated into many dialects of Europe, vernacular ° 7 ^ -1 sources of Some acquaintance with the truths of Christianity might £2^, also be obtained from versions of the Bible, or at least of certain parts which were occasionally put in circula tion7. But the most original method now adopted for 4 See Sismondi, Literature of the South of Europe, c. iv — vm. ; Tay lor (Edgar), Lays of the Minne singers, passim. It appears that one of the earliest of the amorous poets in the north of France was Abe'lard, the schoolman. Hallam, Liter, of Eur. pt. I. ch. I. § 36. On the swarms of romances that found their way into the monasteries at this period, see Warton, Engl. Pod. I. 80 sq. ed. 1840. 5 See Ellis, Specimens of Early Engl. Romances, ed. Halliwell, 1848. 6 The Speculum Historiale of Vin cent of Beauvais (Bellovacensis), and the Historia Lombardica sive Legenda Aurea de Vitis Sanctorum, of Jacobus de Voragine (di Virag- gio), were the favourite books in Western Europe. The popularity of the latter (the 'Golden Legend') continued to the time of the Be- formation. A specimen of the ver nacular hagiology of this period is furnished by a Semi-Saxon Legend of St Catherine (among the publica tions of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society). The date is the early part of the 1 3th century. 7 e.g. before the year 1200, the Anglo-Normans had translated into their own dialect, in prose, the Psalter and the Canticles of the Church; and towards the middle of the thirteenth century they seem to have possessed a prose version of the entire Bible. But most of the sacred literature, at this period is metrical; e. g. the Ormutum, writ ten perhaps about the commence ment of the thirteenth century, and serving as a paraphrase of the Gos pels and the Acts. Other instances are quoted in the Preface to the Wyckliffite Bible, p. iii. Oxford, 1850. The Historia Scholastica of Peter Comestor (circ. 1190) was very generally circulated both in the original and in translations. It contains an abstract of sacred history, disfigured often by absurd interpo lations and unauthorized glosses. A version of it, somewhat modified (1294), was known as the first French 320 State oj intelligence and ±"tety [A-P- xu/& Religious plays. means of imparting rudiments of sacred knowledge were dramatic grace and , ., . . ., , . , i ¦ ? , -, ,i ledge" exhibitions, called 'miracle-plays, which grew at length into ' moralities.' The object was to bring the leading facts of revelation and church-history more vividly be fore the ill-instructed mass. The infancy, the public life, and crucifixion of our Blessed Lord were the most favourite topics1. It is constantly complained, however, even with regard to the more enterprising class of scholars, that the Bible was comparatively thrust into the background2, many of R^adino of the ^em seeming to prefer the study of the pagan writers or the civil law, and others giving all their time to lectures on the ' Book of Sentences.' The Vaudois, on the contrary, like all the other mediae val sectaries who thought themselves constrained to wrestle with the evils of the times, appealed in every case di rectly to the Bible3; and although the meaning of the Bible. See Gilly's Preface to the Roma/ant Version of St John, pp. xiv — xvii. Lond. 1848. 1 See an abstract of one of them in Sismondi, Lit. of the South of Europe, 1. 231 sq.; Mone's Schau- spiele des Mittelalters, passim, Karls ruhe, 1846, and Warton's Hist, of English Poetry, II. 24 sq., ed. 1840. It is remarkable that a northern missionary (at Biga) made use of this vehicle in 1204, 'ut fidei Chris tiana? rudimenta gentilitas fide etiam disceret oculata:' Neander, VII. 52. One of the earliest, and in England the very first, of these theatrical pieces was a Ludus S. Catharines, performed at Dunstable about 1100: Dugdale's Monast. 11. 184, new ed. 2 Thus Bobert le Poule (Pollen), as above, p. 283, read the Scriptures at Oxford, where, as well as in other parts of England, they had been neglected 'pra? scholasticis : ' cf. the remarkable language of Peter of Blois (Blesensis), archdeacon of Bath (d. 1200), ep. lxxvi. The follow ing words of Boger Bacon (quoted in Bula?us, Hist. Univ. Pdris. HI. 383) are to the same effect : 'Bac- calaureus, qui legit textum, succum- bit lectori Sententiarum. Parisiis ille, qui legit Sententias, habet prin- cipalem horam legendi secundum suam voluntatem, habet socium et cameram apud religiosos, sed qui legit Bibliam caret his,' de. — But on the other hand numerous in stances have been collected, more especially by Ussher (Hist. Dog matical Works, ed. Elrington, XII. 317 — 343), in which the ancient reverence for the Scriptures, as the rule of life, is very forcibly expressed. 3 It was the principle of Peter Waldo to persuade all ' ut biblia legerent, atque ex ipso fonte liben- tius haurirent aquam salutarem, quam ex hominum impuris lacunis. Soli enim Bibliae scriptures tot di- vinis testimoniis ornata? atque con- firmatse conscientias tuto inniti posse.' MS. quoted by Ussher, as above, p. 331. — 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 321 sacred text was often very grievously distorted in their means of efforts to establish a one-sided or heretical position, the know- r ' LEDGE. fresh .impulse which had now been given to scriptural . . . .-,-, ., -i n i • -i Specially pro- mquiry was insensibly transmitted tar and wide among "«***. ty™ ± J J ° sectaries. the members of the Church itself4. At first, indeed, the use to which vernacular translations were applied, awakened the suspicions6 of the prelates and the fury of the Inquisition. The endeavours to suppress them dated Ati™ft'^ j. rr suppression from the council of Toulouse6 in 1229, allusion being there tSnsu£f! intended more especially to the Bomaunt translations circulated by the followers of Peter Waldo. But in spite of this repugnance on the part of the ecclesiastical authorities, the wish to draw instruction personally from 4 e.g. Boger Bacon, as above, p. 291. 6 Thus Innocent III. (1129), lib. II. ep. 141, after directing the at tention of the bishop and chapter of Metz to the existence of a ' Gal lic ' version of the Psalter, Gospels, Pauline Epistles, etc., proceeds as follows : ' Licet autem desiderium intelligendi divinas Scripturas, et secundum eas studium adhortandi reprehendendum non sit, sed potius commendandum ; in eo tamen ap parent merito arguendi, quod tales occulta conventicula sua celebrant, officium sibi praedicationis nsurpant, sacerdotum simplicitatem eludunt, et eorum consortium aspernantur, qui talibus non inherent.' A like feeling had been manifested some time before (12 10) in condemning the works of the pantheistic school man David of Dinanto (see above, p. 285, n. 3). The prohibition was extended to all ' theological ' works in the French language, David hav ing used translations for disseminat ing his opinions : Neander, vm. 131, 132. 6 Can. 14. It forbids the laity to have in their possession any copy of the books of the Old and New Testament, except perhaps the Psal ter and those parts of the Bible M.A. contained in the Breviary and the Hours of the Blessed Virgin, and most rigorously condemns the use of vernacular translations. See Fleury's apology for this injunction, Hist. Eccles., liv. lxxix. § 58. At the council of Tarragona (1234, c. 2), the censure is restricted to all versions ' in Bomanico : ' but in 1246 the council of Be'ziers (Biter- rense), where the Cathari had been most numerous, absolutely urge the Inquisition (c. 36 : Mansi, xxm. 724) to take measures 'de libris theo- logicis non tenendis etiam a laicis in Latino, et neque ab ipsis neque a clericis in vulgari.' It is remarkable, however, that notwithstanding these local prohibitions, many parts of the Bible were still translated (e. g. into Italian and Spanish), and ap parently authorized : Gilly, as a- bove, pp. xvi., xvii. The reason given for putting out a new edition of the French 'Bible' (see above, p. 319, n. 7) in the reign of Charles V. of France (1364 — 1380), was to supplant the Waldensian versions : Gilly, p. xxii. Cf. Buckingham, Bible in theMiddle Ages, pp. 43, 46. On the use made of translations of the Scriptures by the Boman missions to the East, see above, p. ¦235, °- 7- 322 State of Intelligence and Jfiety. [A.d. iu/3 know ledge. means of the oracles of God continued to increase with the diffusion GRACE AND of intelligence. The present age was also far superior to the last in the efficiency and number of its public teachers 1. Every parish- priest, as heretofore, was bound2 to inculcate on all the children of his cure at least some elementary knowledge of the Christian faith (by expositions of the Creed, the Lord's Prayer, the Ten Commandments, and at last the Ave Maria, in the vulgar tongue), as well as to be dili gent in preaching to the rest3. But more was now effected through the voluntary labours of the Mendicants4, whose zeal and learning were employed, as they itinerated here and there, in teaching simple truths of Christianity no less than in repelling what were deemed the shafts of misbelief. A prelate, such as Grosseteste5, anxious for the spiritual advancement of his flock and painfully alive to the incom petence6 of many of the seculars, occasionally invited Men dicants to aid him in his holy task ; and even where they had no invitation, they considered that the papal license Preaching, often com mitted to the Mendicant Order. 1 We may judge of the opportu nities of instruction now afforded to the working-classes by the fact that all persons were enjoined to go to church (sometimes under a penalty, e.g. council of Toulouse, A.D. 1229, c. 25) on Sundays, on the greater festivals (see a list of them, Ibid. c. 26, or council of Exeter, a.d. 1287, c. 23), and on Saturday evenings. 2 Cf. above, pp. 206, 207 ; see also the Prcecepta Communia of Odo, bishop of Paris (circ. 1200), § 10, in Mansi, xxn. 681 ; the Sta- tuta Synodal, of Bichard of Chi chester (1246), Ibid, xx hi. 714: and archbp. Peckham's Constitutions (1281), in Johnson, II. 282 sq. 3 A mighty influence must have been exerted by the sermons of St Bernard, who often preached in the vernacular language. Speci mens of this class are printed in the Documens sur VHisloire de France, ed. Le Boux de Lincy, 1841. On the other famous preach ers of this period, see Schrockh, xxix. 313 sq. The sermons of Berthold, a Franciscan (d. 1272), are said to have produced a very deep impression on all kinds of hearers. Many of them (surviving in the vernacular) have been edited by Kling, Berlin, 1824. 4 See above, pp. 249 sq. 5 Above, p. 252, n. 8. 0 This was also urged by the apologist of the Franciscan and Dominican orders. He regarded them as supernumeraries especially authorized by the pope in an emer gency to remedy the sad defects of the parochial priests : cf. the lan guage of Bonaventura and Aquinas quoted in Neander, VII. 398. — 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 323 was enough to warrant their admission into any diocese. The popularity of this abnormal method of procedure indi cates the growing thirst for knowledge ; and we must infer that, notwithstanding all the gross hypocrisy, fanaticism, and intermeddling spirit which the friars have too commonly betrayed in after times, they served at first as powerful agents in the hands of the Almighty for promoting in tellectual culture and enlivening the stagnant pulses of religion7. It was not until this period that the ' sacramental ' system of the Church attained its full development8. The methodizing and complete determination of the subjects it involved is due to the abstruse inquiries of the School men. Previously the name of ' sacrament ' was used designate9 a ritual or symbolic act in general Confirmation, and the Eucharist belonging to a special class10. But in the twelfth century the ordinances which MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. to Sacramental — . system of the ¦-Baptism, Church. 7 The treatise of Humbert de Bomanis (circ. 1250), general of the Dominicans, entitled De Eru ditions Prcsdicatorum, is a fine proof of the earnestness with which men were enjoined to enter on the work of preaching, though we trace in it a disposition to exaggerate the worth of sermons as compared with other means of grace. See a review of it in Neander, VII. 43s — 440. The following is the account given by the biographer of Aquinas (c. viii. o. 48, as above, p. 287, n. 7), respecting his style of preaching : ' Prsedicationes suas, quibus placeret Deo, prodesset po pulo, sic formabat, ut non esset in curiosis humans sapientia? verbis, sed in spiritu et virtute sermonis, qui, vitatis quae curiositati potius quam utilitati deserviunt, in illo suo vulgari natalis soli proponebat et prosequebatur utilia populo.' 8 See Hagenbach, Hist, of Doc trines, § 189 (vol. II. pp. 73 sq., Edinb. 1852), on the one side, and Klee, Dogmengesch. Pt. II. ch. vi., on the other. 9 St Augustine's definition was 'sacra? rei signum,' or 'invisibiJis gratia? visibilis forma' (Klee, Ibid. § 1) : but like Damiani (quoted above, p. 213, n. 8), he applied the word ' sacramentum' very generally. The same appears to have been the case with the word pivarripiov in the East, although the number of rites to which it was in strictness ap plicable, was at length reduced to Bix, — baptism, the Lord's Supper, the consecration of the holy oil (re\eT7) p-upov), priestly orders, mo nastic dedication (/iovo-xikti reXeiw- ais), and the ceremonies relating to the holy dead. Schrockh, xxm. 127 — 129 ; xxvin. 45. 10 e.g. as late as Babanus Mau rus (De Institut. Ctericorum, lib. I. c. 24), and Paschasius Badbert (De Corpore et Sang. Domini, c. 3), and Berengarius (De Ccena Domini, p. 153), the 'sacramenta' are restricted in this manner : and when Alex- . Y2 324 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Limitation of Hie sacraments to seven. Mode of regarding iltem. could claim to be admitted to the rank of ' sacraments ' were found to coincide exactly with the sacred number seven1. The earliest trace of this scholastic limitation has been pointed out in a discourse of Otho the apostle of the Pomeranians2 (1124); and from the age of Peter Lombard3, Bonaventura, and Aquinas, members of the Western Church were taught to pay a large, if not an equal, share of reverence unto all the ' sacraments of the new law,' — Baptism, Confirmation, the Eucharist, Peni tence, Extreme Unction, Orders, and Matrimony. A dis tinction was, however, drawn among them in respect of dignity, specific virtues, and importance4. Preachers also were not wanting to insist upon the need of faith and other preconditions in all those, excepting infants5, who were made partakers of the sacraments. Still it is plain that the prevailing tendency of this and former ages, as distinguished from the period since the Beformation, was to view a sacred rite far too exclusively in its objective ander of Hales (Summa, Pt. IV. Qua?st. VIII. Art. 2) accepted the scholastic terminology he was con strained to allow that only two sacraments (baptism and the eu charist) were instituted by the Lord Himself 'secundum suam formam.' The same appears to be the view of Hugo de St Victor, in bis work On the Sacraments (above, p. 282, n. 7). 1 See the varying theories on this point in Klee (as above), § 10, to which may be added the ser mons of the Franciscan Berthold (as above, p. 322, n. 3), pp. 439 sq. 2 Above, p. 224 : cf. Schrockh, XXV. 227. 3 Sentent., lib. IV. Dist. I. sq., which practically settled the dis cussion in the Western Church. The sects, however, still continued to protest against the elevation of a class of Ordinances for which there was no express warrant in the Bible (e. g. the Waldenses, above, p. 316, n. 2). 1 Klee, as above, §11. 5 See the remarkable passage in Peter Lombard, Sentent. lib. IV., Dist. 4, on the benefits of baptism in the case of infants. His language im plies that the precise amount of spiritual blessing was disputed, and that some, who thought original sin to be remitted in the case of every child, contended that the grace imparted then was given 'in munere non in usu, ut cum ad majorem venerint [i. e. cuncti par- vulij a?tatem, ex munere sortiantur usum, nisi per liberum arbitrium usum muneris extinguant peccando, et ita ex culpa eorum est, non ex defectu gratia?, quod mali fiunt.' Aquinas discusses the same point, 'utrum pueri in baptismo conse- quantur gratiam et virtutes.' (Sum ma, Pt. in., Quaest. lxix., Art. vi.), determining it, for the most part, in the language of Augustine. — 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 325 character6 {i.e. without regard to the susceptibility of those coreup- to whom it was applied). • abuses. These feelings were in no case carried out so far as Definite in relation to the Eucharist. The doctrine which affirmed of transub- a physical ' transubstantiation' of the elements had, on the overthrow of Berengarius7, gained complete possession of the leading teachers of the West8. Discussions9, it is true, were agitated still among the Schoolmen as to the exact intention of the phrase 'to transubstantiate;' but the em phatic sentence of the council held at the Lateran10 (1215), designed especially to counteract the spreading tenets of the Albigenses and some other sects11, admitted of no casuistical evasion. One effect of a belief in transubstantiation was to discon- ^™S1^" tinue the original practice of administering the Eucharist 6 The phrase ' ex opere operato ' was now introduced to represent this mode of viewing sacraments ; e. g. Duns Scotus (Sent. Mb. iv. Dist. I., Quaest. 6, § 10) affirms, ' Sacramentum ex virtute operis ope- rati confert gratiam, ita quod non requiritur ibi bonus motus anterior qui mereatur gratiam ; sed sufficit, quod suscipiens non ponat obicem.' Aquinas, on the other hand (Summa, Pt. in., Qusest. lxii.) maintains that the sacrament is no more than the ' instrumentalis causa gratia?,' while the true agent is God : ' Deus sacra mentis adhibitis in anima gratiam operatur:' ... 'Nihil potest causare gratiam, nisi Deus.' Elsewhere, however (Pt. in. Qusest. lxxx. Art. 12), he argues that the 'perfection' of the Eucharist is not to be sought 'in usu fidelium, sed in consecra- tione materise.' 7 See above, p. 186. 8 Gieseler (§ 77, n. 5) has pointed out an instance where the term ' transubstantiatio' occurs as early as Damiani in his Expositio Canonis Misses, in Maii Script. Vet. Colled. vi., pt. 11. 215, Bom. 1825). Other instances belonging to the twelfth century have been collected in Bp. Cosin's Hist. Transubslant. c. 7, new edit., which is an important au thority on the whole question. 9 See Klee, as above, § 25. One of the most independent writers on the subject was the Dominican, John of Paris, (circ. 1300) whose Determinatio de modo existendi Cor poris Christi in Sacramento altaris alio quam sit ille, quern tend Ecclesia was edited by Allix, Lond. 1686 : cf. Neander, VII. 473. 10 'In qua [i.e. Ecclesia] idem Ipse Sacerdos est et Sacrificium Jesus Christus, cujus corpus et san guis in Sacramento altaris sub spe- ciebus panis et vini veraciter con- tinentur, transubstantiatis pane in corpus et vino in sanguinem potes- tate divina', de. c. 1. On the con temporary doctrine of the Eastern Church, see above, p. 103, n. 8 ; Schrockh, xxvin. 72, 73 ; Hagen- bach, § 10)7. 11 Cf. Palmer's Treatise on the Church, part iv. ch. XI. § 2. CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Adoration of the host. 326 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 in both kinds1; the reason being that our Blessed Lord existed so entirely and so indivisibly in either element that all who were partakers of the consecrated host received therein His Body and His Blood2. This novel theory was called the doctrine of ' concomitance :' but notwith standing all the specious logic which the schoolmen urged in its behalf, it was not generally accepted till the close of the thirteenth century. Another consequence that flowed immediately from the scholastic dogmas on the Lord's Supper was the adoration of the host. It had been usual long before to elevate3 the holy sacrament with the idea of teaching by a symbol the triumphant exaltation of the Lord. A different mean ing was, however, naturally imparted to the rite4, where men believed that Christ was truly veiled beneath the sacramental emblems. These in turn became an object of the highest worship, which was paid to them not only in the celebration of the mass, but also when the host 1 Cf. above, p. 213, n. 8. 2 Anselm (Epist. lib. iv. ep. 107) was the first who argued ' in utra- que specie totum Christum sumi.' Others, quoted at length by Gieseler (§ 77, n- 11, i"i)i followed his ex ample ; though the cup did not begin to be actually withdrawn from the communicants till somewhat later. The steps by which the change was finally accomplished have been traced at length in Spittler (as above, p. 213, n. 8). 3 Schrockh, xxvm. 74 : Klee, part II. ch. vi. § 32 : L'Arroque, Hist, of the Eucharist, part I. ch. ix. We may gather the prevailing modes of thought from the ' Ancren Biwle,' written early in the 13th century (edited with translation by Morton ; Camd. Soc. 1853): 'In the mass, when the priest elevates God's body, say these verses standing, Ecce salus mundi, verbum Patris, hostia vera, Viva caro, deitas integra, verus homo: and then fall down with this greeting, A ve principium nostrce cre ation-is, de.' p. 32. * The first recorded instance of ' adoration' in Germany (i. e. of kneeling down before the host as an object of worship) is said to have occurred in the thirteenth century (circ. 12 15). See Csesarius of Heisterbach, De Miraculis, etc., Dialogi, lib. ix. c. 51 (quoted by Neander, vn. 4.74). In the Decrd. Gregor. IX., lib. in. tit. xli. c. 10 (Corpus Juris Canon.), we find the following order of Honorius III. (circ. 1217): 'Sacerdos vero qui- libet frequenter doceat plebem suam, ut, cum in celebratione missarum elevatur hostia salutaris, quilibet se reverenter incliuet, idem faciens cum earn defert presbyter ad in- firmum.' The Order of St Clara (above, p. 249, a. 8) devoted them selves especially to the adoration of the sacrament. Capefigue, 11. 21. — 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 327 was carried in procession to the sick. The annual feast «oer(jp- of Corpus Christi (on the Thursday after Trinity Sunday) abuses. was the point in which these acts of worship culminated. Feast of It was authorized expressly in a bull of Urban IV.5 (1264)s CormsCh,istl' and confirmed afresh by Clement V. at the council of Vienne6 (1311). Although we must acknowledge that the better class Practical remit of minds may have been stimulated in their pious medita- trausuhstaniia- turns7 by thus realizing the immediate presence of the Crucified, the general effect of a belief in transubstan tiation, and the doctrines in connexion with it, was to thin the number of communicants8. The Eucharist was commonly esteemed an awful and mysterious sacrifice of which the celebrant alone was worthy to partake, at least 5 Bullarium Romanum, I. 146 sq. Lugdun. 1712. It seems to have existed somewhat earlier in the diocese of Liege, or at least the in stitution of it was suggested from that quarter. See Gest. Pontif.... Leodiens., ed. Chapeaville, II. 293; Leodii, 1612. 6 Clemenlin. lib. III. tit. xvi. (in the Corpus Ju/r. Canon.). 7 e. g. the treatise De Sacrament. Altaris, Pt. II. c. 8 (wrongly as cribed to Anselm of Canterbury and printed in the old editions of his Works) : ' Cum ergo, de carne sua, amandi Se tantam ingerit materiam, magnam et mirificam animabus nos- tris vitse alimoniam ministrat, cum dulciter recolligimus et in ventre memorise recondimus qusecunque pro nobis fecit et passus est Christus.' Ancrem Riwle, p. 35 (Morton's translation) : ' After the kiss of peace in the mass, when the priest consecrates, forget there all the world, and there be entirely out of the body ; there in glowing love embrace your beloved [Saviour] who is come down from heaven into your breast's bower, and hold him fast until he shall have granted whatever you wish for.' Cf. Nean der, VII. 467. 8 The twenty-first canon of the council of Lateran (12 15) is evi dence of this infrequency. It en joins that all the faithful of either sex shall communicate at least once a year, viz. at Easter, on pain of excommunication (' nisi forte de con- silio proprii sacerdotis ob aliquam rationabilem causam ad tempus ab ejus perceptione duxerit abstinen- dum).' Schrockh (xxvni. 111 sq.) has collected other evidence, shew ing that in France and England attempts were made to induce the people to communicate three times a year. Worthless priests now began to enter into pecuniary contracts, binding themselves to offer masses (say for twenty or thirty years) in behalf of the dying and the dead. The better class of prelates did not fail, however, to denounce the prac tice. Ibid. p. 113, and Neander, vn. 481. The practice of administer ing the Eucharist to children was discontinued from this epoch, scarce ly any trace of it appearing after the twelfth century. It was actually forbidden at the council of Bordeaux (Burdegalense), a.d. 1255, c. 5, but is still retained in the Eastern Church. 328 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a. d. 1073 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Worship cf the Virgin. from day to day. His flock were present chiefly as spectators of the rite. A grave delusion which had shewn itself already in the worship of the blessed Virgin was continued to the present age1. It now pervaded almost every class of Christians, , not excepting the more thoughtful Schoolmen2, and was one of the prime elements in giving birth to what are called the institutes of 'chivalry.3' The parallel indeed which was established at this time between the honours rendered to St Mary and to God himself4 is a distressing proof that in the estimation even of her purest votaries she was exalted far above the human level and invested with prerogatives belonging only to her Son. A slight reaction may indeed have been occasioned through the partial failure of the effort, noticed on a previous page5, when the Fran- 1 Buckingham, p. 255 : 'In the 13th century the universal reverence of mankind found utterance in the establishment of that order, whose founders chose the title of Servites, or Serfs of Mary, as the expression of their joyful allegiance to her sovereignly? 2 e.g. Bonaventura, above, p. 286. 3 See Miller's History Philoso phically Illustrated, 11. 14 — 16. A glance at the Fabliaux (ed. Le Grand) will shew the awful way in which the worship of the Virgin was associated with an almost dia bolical licentiousness : see especially the Contes Devots, in tome v. 4 We see this feeling manifested strongly in the Cursus B. Marice (Neander, vn. 117, note), and in the compilation of the Psalterium Mhvus, the Psalterium Majus B. Virginis Marice, and of the Biblia Man'iana, which (whoever may have been the authors) were circulated at this period (cf. above, p. 286, n. 2 ; and Gieseler, § 78, n. 9, 10, 12). Aquinas first employed the term hy- pcrdnlia ( = ' medium inter latriam et duliam'), intending by it the peculiar veneration, short of supreme worship, which was due to the Vir gin as distinguished from all other saints (Summa, Secunda Secunda?, Qusest. cm. Art. iv.). He affirms elsewhere (Part ni. Qusest. xxv. Art. v.) 'quod matri Begis non debetur sequalis honor honori qui debetur Begi; debetur tamen ei quidam honor consimilis ratione cu- jusdam excellentia?.' 5 Above, p. 290. The Feast of the Conception of the Virgin (Dec. 8), corresponding with that of her Na tivity (Sept. 8: cf. above, p. 100, n. 4) was introduced in the 13th century, but not made absolutely binding (' cujus celebrationi non im- ponitur necessitas ;' Synod of Ox ford, a.d. 1222, c. 8: Mansi, xxn. 11 53)- See, on the general question, Gravois, De Ortu etProgressu Cultus ac Festi Immac. Concep. Dei Gene- trkis, Luc. 1762. The council of Basle (Sess. XXXVI. ; Sept. 17, 1439) decreed that the doctrine of the Im maculate Conception was a pious opinion, agreeable to the worship of the Church, the catholic faith, and riL'ht reason. — 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 329 ciscans attempted to exact belief in the immaculate con- corrup- ception of the Virgin as an article of faith : but it is obvious abuses. that the party siding with Anselm, Bernard, and Aquinas was outnumbered by the rest, and that the general current of religious feeling had now set the other way. The number of factitious saints, already vast6, was saint worship. multiplied by the credulity of some and by the impious fraud of others, who on their return from Palestine were apt to circulate astounding tales among their countrymen, and furnish fresh supplies of relics to the convents on their way. These practices, however,- were most warmly reprobated here and there'. The rage for pilgrimages had not been diminished, Pilgrimages. even after the idea of rescuing the Holy Sepulchre was generally abandoned8 on all sides. The less distant shrines were still frequented by a crowd of superstitious devotees, attracted thither, as of old, by an idea of light ening the conscience at an easy cost. Nor was the sterner Extreme . . ¦ o i i i • asceticism. and ascetic class of penitents extinct9: although it seems 6 Above, p. 210 : see the very 9 They frequently took refuge in large Catalogus Sanctorum, compiled some one of the religious Orders, or by Beter de Natalibus ; fol. Lugdun. attached themselves to the third 1 5 14. To this period belongs the class of the Franciscans (see above, famous legend of the 1 1,000 virgins p. 250). In the Eastern Church of Cologne (perhaps a mis-reading the self-immolation of the monks as- of XI M. Virgines=XI Martyres, sumed the most extravagant shapes. Virgines). The story was already See Eustathius, Ad Stylitam quen- current among our forefathers in the dam, c. 48 sq. (Opp. ed. Tafel). 14th century: see a Norman- French The pilgrimages of Italian 'Flagel- Chronicle, c. mi. Cambr. Univ. lants' (1260 sq.) are manifestations MSS. Ee. I. 20. of the same spirit in the West (Mu- 7 A fine specimen occurs in the ratori, Script. Rer. Ital. vm. 712)- treatise De Pignoribus Sanctorum The author of the Ancren Riwle, of Guibert, abbot of Nogent-sous- who is generally very stern, was Coucy (d. 1124): Opp. ed. D'Achery, under the necessity of giving such 1651. injunctions as these to the nuns of 8 Above, p. 272. The feelings of Tarente in Dorsetshire : ' Wear no the more intelligent pilgrims may iron, nor hair-cloth, nor hedgehog- be gathered from a tract of Peter skins ; and do not beat yourselves of Blois, De Hierosolymitana Pere- therewith, nor with a scourge of grinatione acceleranda. See extracts leather thongs, nor leaded ; and do of the same general character in not with holly nor with briars cause Neander, vn. 425 — 427. yourselves to bleed without leave of CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Scholasticview of Penance. 330 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a. d. 1073 that in the West the spirit of religion had upon the whole become more joyous than was noted in the former period. The influence of the Schools had shewn itself again in giving a more scientific shape to the conceptions which had long been current in the Western Church respecting penance. It is true that many popular abuses of an earlier date1 were still too common both in England and the continent. They kept their ground in spite of all the efforts made by Gregory VII.2 and other prelates to enforce a worthier and more evangelic doctrine. Peter Lombard, with the Schoolmen generally, insisted on contrition of the heart as one of three3 essential elements in true repent ance ; — the remaining parts, confession of the mouth and satisfaction, being signs or consequences of a moral change already wrought within. According to this view, humili ation in the sight of God is proved by corresponding acts of self-renunciation, by confession to a priest (a usage ab solutely enjoined on all of either sex at Lateran4, 1215), your confessor ; and do not, at one time, use too many flagellations :' p. 419 (Morton's translation). 1 See above, p. 216: and cf. council of York (1195), c. 4; of London (1237), u. 4: Wilkins, I. 501, 650 ; Johnson, n. 76, 154. 2 His letter (1079) to the bishops and faithful of Britanny (lib. vn. ep. 10: Mansi, xx. 295) is very remarkable. He argues that true repentance is nothing less than a return to such a state of mind as to feel one's self obliged hereafter to the faithful performance of baptis mal obligations. Other forms of penance, if this change of heart be wanting, are said to be sheer hypo crisy. See also the Epistles of Ives of Chartres, epp. 47, 228; and the 16th canon of the synod of Melfi (1089) : Mansi, xx. 724. The sober views of Hildebrand respecting mo- nasticism may be gathered from his letter to the abbot of Clugny : lib. vi. ep. 17. 3 The three-fold representation of penance, ' contritio (distinguished from attritio) cordis,' ' confessio oris,' and 'satisfactio operis,' dates from Hildebert of Tours, e. g. Sermo IV. in Quadragesima, Opp. col. 324". It is also found in Beter Lombard (Sen tent. lib. rv., Dist. xvi.) and in the schoolmen generally. Peter Bles- ensis, De Confessione Sacramentali (p. 1086, ed. Migne) has the follow ing passage : ' Christus autem pur- gationem peccatorum faciens, non in judicio, sed in desiderio, non in ardore, sed in amore, tria nobis pur- gatoria misericorditer assignavit, cordis contritionem, oris confessio- nem, carnis afflictionem,' etc. On the names 'contrition' and 'attri tion,' see Klee, part II. ch. VI. § 11. 4 Peter Lombard (as above, Dist: XVII.) asserts the necessity of oral — 1305] . State of Intelligence and Piety. 331 and by performing, in obedience to his will, a cycle of oorrup- TIONS AND religious exercises (fastings, prayers, alms, and other abuses. kindred works). The aim of these austerities, as well as that- of penance in all cases, was to expiate the ' poena,' or the temporal effect of sins which, it was argued, cleaves to the offender, and demands a rigorous satisfaction, even after the eternal consequences of them (or the ' culpa') are remitted freely by the pardoning grace of Christ5. As many as neglected to complete this satisfaction in the present life would find a debt remaining still to be dis charged in purgatory, — apprehended by the Schoolmen as a place of discipline to which the spirits of the justified, and they alone, have access. Peter Lombard also dealt a heavy blow on those who Absolution. had exaggerated the effects of sacerdotal absolution6. . He maintained that any sentence of the priest was valid only in so far as it accorded with the higher sentence of the Lord. But in the many a distinction of this kind was far too often disregarded, and the errors into which they confession, ' si adsit faeultas :' but aternce, quse simul cum culpa di- the first conciliar authority abso- mittitur ex vi clavium, ex passione lutely demanding it of every one, Christi effieaciam habentium, auge- 'postquam ad annos discretionis tur gratia, et remittitur temporalis pervenerit,' is the Concil. Later. pcena, cujus reatus adhuc renianse- (1215), c. 21. See the arguments rat post culpa? remissionem : non of Aquinas in the Summa, part in. tamen tota, sicut in baptismo, sed lxxxiv. sq. The practice pars ejus,' of confessing to laymen was allowed 6 ' Hoc sane dicere ac sentire in extreme cases, but in the thir- possumus, quod solus Deus dimit- teenth century such acts were judged tit peccata et retinet : et tamen to be non-sacramental : see Gieseler, Ecclesia? contulit potestatem li ra. § 83, n. 2 : Klee, as above, § 19. gandi et solvendi. Sed aliter Ipse On the violent controversy which solvit vel ligat, aliter Ecclesia. sprang up at this period in the Ja- Ipse enim per se tantum dimittit cobite communion respecting the peccatum, quia et animam mundat necessity of auricular confession, see ab interiori macula, et a debito Neale, Eastern Church, II. 261 sq. seterna? mortis solvit. Non autem 5 e.g. Aquinas, (Summa, Pt. in. hoc sacerdotibus concessit, quibus Supplement. Qusest. xvni. Art. 2) : tamen tribuit potestatem solvendi et ' IUi, qui per contritionem conse- ligandi, i.e. ostendendi homines li- quutus est remissionem peccatorum, gatos vel solutos. Sentent. lib. IV. quantum ad culpam, et per conse- Dist. xvni. This view was, how- quens quantum ad reatum pcence ever, far from general : cf. Klee, § 8. 332 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1073 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Indulgences. fell would find abundant countenance in some proceedings of the Church itself. Indulgences, for instance, purporting to lessen the amount of satisfaction, or, in other words, to act as substitutes for penitential exercises1, were now issued by the popes, in favour of all Western Christendom, when it was necessary to stir up the zeal of the Crusaders, or advance the interest of the Boman see. The earliest grant of 'plenary' indulgences is due to Urban II.2 (1095). It was discovered also that a treasury of merits3, rising chiefly out of Christ's, but partly out of those which others, by His grace, had been enabled to contribute, were now placed at the disposal of the popes, who could allot them to the needy members of the Church as an equivalent for un completed penance. A gigantic illustration of these prin ciples recurred in 1300, which Boniface VIII. appointed Tear of jubilee, as the year of Jubilee4. A plenary indulgence was thereby Treasury of merits. 1 See above, p. 216. 2 Council of Clermont, c. 2 : ' Qui cunque pro sola devotione non pro honoris vel pecuniae adeptione, ad liberandam Ecclesiam Dei Jerusalem profectus fuerit, iter illud pro omni pcenitenlia [ei] reputetur : ' Mansi, xx. 816 : cf. Gibbon, ed. Milman, v. 413 sq. The fearful relaxation of morals in the great bulk of the Cru saders furnishes an instructive com ment on this practice. See Aventi- nus, Annal. Boiorum, lib. vn. c. 3, edit. Gundling. Innocent III. hini- Belf (1215), in Decretal. Greg. IX., lib. v. tit. xxxvni. c. 14, was obliged to limit the extension and number of indulgences, and Innocent IV. (1246), in Mansi, xxm. 600, con fesses that some of the Crusaders ' cum deberent ab excessibus absti- nere, propter libertatem eis indultam, furta, homicidia, raptus mulierum, et alia perpetrant detestanda.' The inability of the populace to enter into the scholastic distinctions on this point is singularly illustrated by the language of William of Auxerre, who viewed the teaching of the Church as a kind of 'pious fraud.' Neander, vil 486. 3 'Thesaurus meritorum,' or ' Thesaurus supererogationis per- fectorum.' The first advocates of this notion were Alexander of Hales and Albert the Great (see extracts in Gieseler, § 84, n. 15—18). With regard to souls in purgatory it was contended that indulgences do not apply auctoritative but impdrative, i.e. not directly, but in virtue of the suffrages which are made in their behalf by the living. The question is discussed at length by Aquinas (Summa, Pt. III. Supple ment. Qusest. LXXI. Art. 10). 4 See the Bull in the Extrava- gantes Communes (Corp. Jur. Canon.), lib. V. tit. IX. c. 1. The pope grants to all who are penitent, or shall become so, 'in prsesenti et quolibet centesimo secuturo annis, non solum plenam, sed largiorem, imo plenissimam omnium suorum veniam peccatorum.' — 1305] State of Intelligence and Piety. 333 held out to every Christian, who, for certain days, should corrup- punctually worship at the tombs of St Peter and St Paul, abuses. The news of this festivity were spread on every side, attracting a tumultuary host of pilgrims6, male and female, who set out for the metropolis of Western Christendom, in search of what they hoped might prove itself a general amnesty, at least for all the temporal effects of sin, both present and to come. In that and other like events we see the characteristic contradictions „ in the general features of the age. It was an age of feverish excite- mt "J®* ment, where the passions and imagination acted far more strongly than the reason, and accordingly it teemed throughout with moral paradoxes. Elements of darkness and of light, of genuine piety and abject superstition, of extreme decorum and unblushing profligacy, of self-sacrifice approaching almost to the apostolic model and of callous ness that bordered on brutality, are found not only in immediate juxtaposition, but are often, as it seems, amal gamated and allied. The courtly knight devoted to the special honour of the Virgin, but most openly unchaste, the grasping friar, the Inquisitor consigning to the faggot men whom he had just been labouring to convert, the gay recluse, the pleasure-hunting pilgrim, the Crusader bending on the blood-stained threshold of the Sepulchre and then disgracing by flagitious deeds the holy sign he had emblazoned on his armour, — these are specimens of the deplorable confusion to be traced in all the ruling modes of thought. But on the other hand we should remember that anom alies which differ only in degree present themselves in every age of Christianity, nay, more or less, in every human heart ; and that in spite of very much to sadden and perplex us in our study of the Middle Age, there 5 Capefigue, II. 142 sq. 334 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a.d. IO/a — 1605] corrup- is enough in men like Anselm, Bernard, Louis IX. of tions and ° . '..' abuses, i ranee, Aquinas, Grosseteste, and if we include the gentler sex, Elizabeth of Hessia, Hedwidge of Poland, and a host of others, to attest the permanence of Christian truth and real saintliness of life. Jwrijr Iraofr d % $pfole %%t%. THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH FROM THE TRANSFER OF THE PAPAL SEE TO AVIGNON UNTIL THE EXCOMMUNICATION OF LUTHER. 1305—1520. { 060 ) [>• D- ii305 CHAPTER XIII. § 1. GRO WTH OF THE CHURCH. missions. The Gospel of our Blessed Lord was now ' in truth or in pretence' accepted by the vast majority of European tribes, although in much of the Iberian peninsula, in Bussia1, and the modern Turkey2, its ascendancy was broken or disputed by the adversaries of the Cross. AMONG THE LITHUANIANS. introduction Almost the onlv district of importance which remained of the Gospel •> L intoLithua- entirely in the shade of paganism was the grand-duchy of Lithuania3, peopled by a branch of the Sarmatian family4, in close relation to the Slaves5. As early as 1252 we read6 that Mindove, the son of a Lithuanic chief, embraced the Christian faith, and Vitus, a Dominican, appears to have 1 The Mongols were not expelled also Christianity was well-nigh sub- till 1462 ; see above, p. 131. verted in 1369 (above, p. 235, n. 8), 2 Constantinople itself fell into and the subsequent irruptions (1370 the hands of the Muhammedans, — 1400) of Timur (or Tamerlane), May 29, 1453 ; the last refuge of an ardent patron of the Persian the Christians being the church of (anti-Turkish) sect of the Muham- St Sophia, which was afterwards medans, while they proved instru- converted into a mosque. Gibbon, mental in curtailing the Ottoman vi. 312 sq., ed. Milman. power, were no less fatal to the pro- 3 Hither had fled a remnant of pagation of the Gospel. See Gibbon, the Prussians, who still clung to VI. 178 sq., ed. Milman. heathenism : above, p. 232, u. 4. 5 pjr Latjjam>g Ethnology of Eu- 4 Numbers of their kinsmen in rope, pp. 154 sq., Lond. 1852. the East, instead of realizing the 6 Dollinger, in. 285, 286: but hopes of Catholic and Nestorian cf. Schrockh, xxx. 496. Russian missionaries (cf. above, p. 234), influences had also been exerted shewed a stronger leaning to Mu- on the other side and in a milder hammedanism. See Mosheim, Hist. spirit. Mouraviev, p. 42. Tartar. Eccl., pp. 90 sq. In China —1520] Growth of the Church. 337 gone thither, at the bidding of pope Innocent TV., as missions. missionary bishop : but ere long the influence he exerted ~ was reversed, and scarcely aught is heard of Christianity in Lithuania until 1386. In that year Jagal, or Jagello7, the grand-duke, whose predatory inroads had been long the terror of his Polish neighbours, entered into an alii- through a ance with them, on condition that he should espouse their channel. youthful monarch, Hedwige, and should plant the Church in every part of his dominions. Jagal was baptized at Cracow8 (1386), by the name of Vladislav, and in con junction with Bodzanta9, the archbishop of Gnesen, and a staff of Polish missionaries headed by Vasillo, a Fran ciscan monk, he soon extinguished the more public and revolting rites of paganism. But, strange to say, the work of the evangelist was mainly undertaken by the duke himself10, the missionaries having little or no know ledge of the native dialects. The change produced was, therefore, nearly always superficial", though, as time went on, the immediate neighbourhood of Wilna12, where the 7 The chief original authority on Polonia adducto novas vestes, tuni- the conversion of Lithuania is the eas, et indumenta :' p. 1 10. The bap- Historia Polonies of John Dlugoss tisms were performed by sprinkling (a canon of Cracow, who died 1480), a large mass of the people at once, ed. Lips. 1711, lib. x. pp. 96 sq. to all of whom was given the same 8 Some of his retinue who had christian name, e.g. Paul or Peter. been formerly baptized according n In the middle of the fifteenth to Greek rites could not be induced century, serpent-worship was still ' ad iterandum, vel, ut signification dominant in many districts (see verbo utar, ad supplendum bap- ^Eneas Sylvius, De Statu Europce, tisma.' Ibid. p. 104. c. 26, pp. 275 sq., Helmstad. 1699) : 9 Wiltsch, 11. 261. and traces of heathenism are re- 10 The following entry of the corded even in the sixteenth cen- Polish chronicler is in many ways tury (see Lucas David, Preuss. instructive : ' Per dies autem ali- Chronik. ed. Henning, vn. 205). quot de articulis fidei, quos credere 12 The see was founded in 1387, oportet, et Oratione Dominica at- in which year, according to a que symbolo per sacerdotes Polo- chronicler (quoted by Eaynaldus, norum, magis tamen per Wladislai ad an. § 15), Lithuania passed over regis [ ? operam], qui linguam gen- ' ad ecclesias Romante obedientiam, tis noverat et cui facilius assentie- optimi principis auctoritate inducta.' bat, edocta, sacri baptismatis unda The bishop was placed in immediate renata est, largiente Wladislao rege subjection to the papal see, without singulis ex popularium numero post a metropolitan. susceptum baptisma de panno ex M.A. Z 338 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1305 missions, bishops lived, was gradually pervaded by a knowledge of Conversion of the Samaites : and Lapps. Conversion of the Kumanians. the truth. AMONG THE SAMAITES AND LAPPS. The arms of the Teutonic knights1 had forced a way into the region occupied by the tribe of Samaites (Samo- gitse), which are probably to be connected with the savage and half-christian race of Samoeids2, at present bordering on the Arctic circle. The slight impression thus produced was afterwards extended (1413) by the labours of a Lithua nian priest named With old3. He was consecrated bishop of Wornie or Miedniki4 (? 1417), but numbers of his flock appear to have immediately relapsed. The date of their final conversion is unknown. The Lapps, a kindred tribe5 inhabiting the northern most extremity of Scandinavia, had submitted to the thriving state of Sweden in 1279. From thence pro ceeded Christian missions, more particularly in the time of Hemming6, primate of Upsala (1335), who founded the first church at Tornea, and baptized a multitude of people. It was not, however, till the sixteenth and two following centuries7 that Christianity became the popular religion. AMONG THE KUMANIANS. These were members of a Turkish family 8 who entered Europe at the close of the eleventh century upon the track of the Magyars. They settled more especially in Volhynia 1 Above, p. 232. 2 Schrockh denies this (XXX. 498), but assigns no reason. On the other hand it is indisputable that the Samoeids (a section of the Ugrian race) had formerly dwelt in more southern latitudes : cf. La tham , Ethnology of Europe, pp. 1 66 sq. 3 Dlugoss, as above, lib. xi. pp. 342 sq. 4 A bishopric had been planted here in 1387 (see Eaynaldus, as above, p. 337, n. 12), but owing to the troubles of the period, was not actually filled until 1417: cf. Wiltsch, n. 262. 5 Latham, as above, p. 147. e See Scheffer's Lapponia, c. 8, pp. 63 sq., Prancof. 1673. 7 Guerike, Kirchengesch. n. 355, 356, Halle, 1843. On the earlier labours of Russian monks, see Mouraviev, pp. 70, 97. 8 Latham, as above, p. 247. —1520] Growth of the Church. 339 and Moldavia, where, unlike a number of their kinsmen missions. who became Muhammedans, they clung to a degraded form of paganism9. In 1340 some Franciscan missionaries, who had been established in the town of Szeret (in Bukhovinia), were assassinated by the natives. To avenge this barbarous wrong an army10 of Hungarian crusaders marched into the district and compelled a large proportion of the heathen to adopt the Christian faith and recognize the Boman pontiff11. But as all Moldavia was ere long subdued by the Walla- chians, the new ' converts' passed thereby into the juris diction of the Eastern Church12. IN THE CANARIES AND WESTERN AFRICA. The enterprising spirit of the Portuguese had opened influence of . . . r the discoveries a new field for missionary zeal. Incited by the ardour p^Luese of prince Henry13, they discovered the important island of Madeira in 1420. Other efforts were alike successful ; and in 1484 Bartolome Diaz ventured round the southern point of Africa, which was significantly termed the ' Cape of Good Hope.' The ground-work of their Indian empire was established in 1508 by Alfonso Albuquerque. Mean while the authors of these mighty projects had secured the countenance and warrant of the pope, on the condition that wherever they might plant a flag, they should be also zealous in promoting the extension of the Christian faith u. 9 According to Spondanus, An- 1S Ibid. pp. 340, 349. nates, ad an. 1220 (Continuatio, 1. 13 See Mariana, Hist. General de p. 78), the archbishop of Gran had Espana, lib. xxv. c. 11 (II. 166 sq., in that year baptized the king of the Madrid, 1678). Kumanians and some of his sub- 14 The first arrangement of this iects : but it does not appear that kind was made by Henry of Por- Christianity was generally adopted tugal with Eugenius IV. in 1443. till a later period : cf. Schrockh, Other instances are cited in Schrockh, xxx. 499, 500. xxx. £01, 502. Mariana (lib. xxvi. 10 See the native Chronicle, c. 46, c. 17) speaks as if it were a lead- • in Sch wandtner's Script. Rer. Hun- ing object of the expeditions ' Llevar gar. I. 195. 'a mz del Evangelio a lo postrero 11 A Latin, bishopric was placed del mundo, y a la India Oriental.' at Szeret in 1370 by Urban V.: Whenever missionary zeal was mani- Wiltsch, II. 300, 340. fested, it was chiefly turned against z 2 340 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1305 MISSIONS. Apathy in regard to missions.Conversion of the Canary Islands. Christianity on the coast of Guinea. This pledge, however, was but seldom kept in view throughout the present period; an immoderate lust of wealth and territorial grandeur strangling for the most part every better aspiration. The Canary Islands are indeed to be excepted from this class. A party of Fran ciscans1, about 1476, attempted to convert the natives ; and a letter2 of pope Sixtus IV. attests their very general suc cess, at least in four of the southern islands. The same missionaries penetrated as far as the ' western Ethiopians,' on the coast of Guinea3. And soon after, in 1484, when traffic had been opened with the Portuguese, the seeds of Christianity were scattered also to the south of Guinea, in Congo and Benin4. But on the subsequent discovery of a passage round the Cape, the speculations of the western merchants were diverted into other channels. Discovery of Amwica. IN AMERICA. Columbus, while engaged in the service of Ferdinand and Isabella, landed on the isle of San Salvador in 1492 • and five years later, a Venetian, Cabot or Gabotta, who had sailed from England, ranged along the actual coast of North America, and was indeed the first of the adven turers who trod the soil of the new continent5. In 1499 Brazil was also added to the empire of the Portuguese, antagonistic forms of Christianity. Thus in India, the Portuguese la boured to repress the 'Syrian' Chris tians (above, p. 30) on the coast of Malabar (see Geddes, Hist, of Church of Malabar, p. 4, Lond. 1694); and the same spirit dictated the first in terference of the Portuguese in the Church of Abyssinia, extending over half a century (1490 sq) : Neale, East. Church, 11. 343 sq. 1 Eaynaldus, ad an. 1476, § 21. 2 ' Percepimus quod jam Divina cooperante gratia ex septem ipsa- rum Canarise insulis habitatores quatuor earundem insularum ad fidem conversi sunt : in aliis vero eonvertendis tribus non pauca sed magna expectatur populorum et gen tium multitudo converti; nam qui Deum hactenus non noverunt, modo cupiunt catholicam fidem suscipere, ac sacri baptisraatis unda renasci,' etc. Quoted in Wiltsch, § 522, u. 1. 3 Eaynaldus, ad an. 1476, § 22. 4 /iid.adan. i484,§82: Schrockh, xxx. 503. s Cf. the interesting tradition no ticed above, p. 119, n. 8. —1520] Growth of the Church. 341 and afterwards, in 1520, Magalhaens achieved the circum- missions. navigation of the globe. Yet owing to the imbecility, the sloth, and moral blindness of the Church in Spain and Portugal, these conquests did not lead at first to any true enlargement of her borders. What was done ostensibly for ' the conversion of the Indians' tended rather Fanaticism -i -, . . R m1 ~ f, of Vie Spanish to accelerate their rum . ihe fanatic temper of the conquerors: Spaniard, maddened as he was by recent conflicts with the infidel at home, betrayed him into policy on which we cannot dwell without a shudder. Multitudes who did not bend to his imperious will and instantly renounce the ancient superstitions, were most brutally massacred, while slavery became the bitter portion of the rest7. Their only friend for many years was an ecclesiastic, Bartolome ™S^( de las Casas, who in sojourning among them (till 1516) drew a harrowing picture of the national and social wrongs he struggled to redress8. Some measures had indeed been taken for disseminating Christian principles and lightening the yoke of the oppressed. The pope already urged this Attempts to . . „ . o i c ci convert the point on making grants of territory to the crowns of Spain Indians. and Portugal. At his desire a band of missionaries10, chiefly of the Mendicant orders, hastened to the scene of action ; 6 The title of the contemporary niards to transport a multitude of work of Bartolome de las Casas, Negroes from the coast of Africa. an eyewitness, is pathetically true: Thus started the inhuman 'slave- Relacion de la destruicion de las In- trade.' dias. See an account of him and 8 Above, n. 6. He finally re- his writings in Prescott's Conquest treated, almost in despair, to a con- of Mexico, I. 318 sq. Lond. 1850. vent at St Domingo. His dislike He declares that in forty years his of slavery was, however, shared by fellow-countrymen had massacred the Dominican missionaries, who twelve millions of the natives of appear as the ' abolitionists ' of that America. age. 7 The Tlascalans alone, at the re- 9 Alexander VI. affected to do commendation of Corte"s, were ex- this (1493), ' de nostra mera libe- empted from the system of repair- ralitate ac de apostolicse potestatis limientos (or compulsory service). plenitudine :' Eaynaldus, ad an. Prescott, as above, in. 218 : cf. in. 1493, § 19: cf. Mariana, lib. xxvi. 284. At first the bondage of the u. 3 (11. 184). In the same year he conquered was most abject, but the sent out missionaries to attempt the emperor Charles V. consented to its conversion of the natives, § 24. mitigation, and allowed the Spa- 10 Prescott, in. 218 (note). 342 Growth of the Church. [a.d. 1305 missions, and in many of the ordinances which prescribe the service ~ of the Indians, it is stipulated that religious training shall be added. But these measures seldom took effect. In 1520 only five bishoprics1 had been established, and the genuine converts were proportionately rare: although it should be stated that upon the final settlement of Mexico, the conqueror had begun to manifest a deep solicitude for the religious welfare of his charge2. COMPULSORY CONVERSION OF MUHAMMEDANS AND JEWS. A series of reactions dating from an earlier period had confined the Moorish influence to a corner in the south of Spain ; and when the royal city of Granada ultimately The Moors bowed beneath the arms of Ferdinand and Isabella, in of Spam : . . . . 1492, it was their ardent hope to christianize the whole Peninsula afresh. The foremost agent they employed was Ximenes, archbishop of Toledo (1495). His arguments, however, did not always satisfy the audiences to whom they were addressed3, and therefore he proceeded in the narrow spirit of the age, to which in other points he shewed himself remarkably superior4, to advise the appli cation of coercive measures5, justifying them on grounds of policy. The copies of the Koran were immediately 1 Wiltsch, § 523, where a letter, Ximenes, I. 136 sq. Paris, 1694. On addressed to Leo X. by Peter Mar- the conquest of Granada, Perdinand tyr (an ecclesiastic of the court of had positively pledged himself to Perdinand), is quoted. tolerate the religion of the Moors. 2 Prescott, in. 219. He begged Mariana, lib. xxv. u. 16 (11. 176). the emperor to send out holy men, 4 He was, for instance, a great not pampered prelates, but mem- patron of learning, and contributed bers of religious orders whose fives much to the editing of the Poly- would be a fitting commentary on glott Bible which bears his name their doctrine. The result seems to (Pleury, lib. oxix. § 142). A sketch have been eminently successful in of his ecclesiastical reforms is given this case, almost every vestige of the in Prescott's Ferdinand and Isa- Aztec worship disappearing from bella, n. 481 sq. the Spanish settlements in the course 5 On the different views that were of the next twenty years. taken of his conduct, see Schrockh, 3 See Flechier, Hist, du Cardinal xxx. 518, 519. —1520] Growth of the Church. 343 seized and burnt in public, while, to gratify the rage of missions. the fanatic populace, it was resolved at last, in 1501, ^> conver~. that every obstinate Muhammedan who did not quit the apuSim. country should henceforward be reduced to the position of a serf. As one might naturally expect, a part of the Moriscos now conformed6; but many others, who were true to their convictions, crossed the channel into Barbary'. The violence with which the Jews were handled by Persecution of J the Jews, the other states of Em-ope8 was intensified in the Peninsula, where they had long existed as a thriving and compara tively learned body9. The old story of their crucifying children on Good Friday, gained a general currency at the beginning of the present period10. Laws were framed accordingly for their repression, and a superstitious rabble, stimulated, in the south of Spain particularly, by inflam- particularly in matory preachers11, vented their unchristian fury on the Jews, whom they despoiled of property and even life itself. More salutary influence was exerted here and there by magistrates or preachers of the better class12; and at the 6 Mariana (lib. XXVII. e. 5) re- translated by Mr Kirwan, pp. 64, cords many instances, where thou- 65, Cambridge, 1851. At the same sands were baptized together. time all Jews were ordered to wear 7 Ibid. a red badge on their left shoulder, 8 Schrockh (xxx. 551 sq.) has under heavy penalties. pointed out a number of cruelties n e.g. those preached at Seville committed on the Jews of Germany. 1391, by archdeacon Martinez (Ibid. One of the most inhuman persecu- pp. 87 sq.), the effect of which was tions, which he does not mention, that many of his audience rushed happened in 1349, when they were into the streets and murdered all charged with poisoning the wells and the Jews they met. He was re- causing an unusual mortality (see strained, however, by the king (John Pezii Scriptor. Rer. Austr. I. 248). I.) : but in the very next reign four 9 Their greatest theological lumi- thousand Jews were slain at once. nary at this time was Eabbi Isaac Ibid. p. 92. Abarbanel, a distinguished exege- 12 The conversion (circ. 1390) of tical writer, born at Lisbon (1437). the learned Talmudist, Halorqi (after- His works on the Old Testament wards known as Jerdnimo de Santa have been much used and valued F^) is traced to the discourses of an by Christian commentators. earnest preacher, Vincente Ferrer. 10 Thus in Spain Alfonso X. Ibid. p. 95. Pablo (afterwards enacted a law providing for the bishop of Cartagena) was moved to punishment of such offenders. A. follow his example by reading Aqui- de Castro, Hist, of the Jews in Spain, nas, De Legibus. Ibid. p. 106. 344 urowtn of the Uliurch. [A.D. 1B05 Endeavoursto convert them. memorable disputation in Tortosa1 which lasted several months (1414), a party of the most accomplished Babbis owned their inability to answer the opponents, and, with two exceptions, instantly passed over to the Church. But although the conversion of their champions had disarmed to some extent the prejudice of others, it does not appear that the Hebrews as a body had been drawn more closely to the Christian faith. The thunders of the Spanish In quisition, which began its course in 1480, were continually levelled at the Jews2 and at a growing class of persons whom it taxed with judaizing. Prompted by the same distempered zeal, or captivated by a prospect of replenish ing the public coffers, Ferdinand and Isabella gave them the alternative of baptism or expulsion3. Many, as we noticed in regard to the Moriscos, would be nominally christianized in order to retain their property. A mul titude of others fled for refuge chiefly into Portugal, but new calamities were thickening on their path. In 1493 the king of Portugal (John II.) ordered4 that the children of the Hebrews should be forcibly abstracted and baptized ; while such of the adults as were unwilling to be taught the truths of Christianity were in the following reign compelled to forfeit their possessions and to emigrate in quest of other homes. 1 Ibid. pp. 96 — 100. The con gress was held in the presence of the Spanish anti-pope Benedict XIIL, who afterwards issued certain de crees condemnatory of Jewish tenets, and among other things requiring that Jews should listen every year to three sermons preached with the design of promoting their conver sion: Ibid. p. 104. A similar de cree was passed at the council of Basle in the sixteenth session (Feb. 5, 1434), where the necessity for founding Hebrew and other profes sorships in the Universities was strongly insisted on. Cf. above, p. 236, n. 4. 2 Ibid. pp. 145 sq. 3 Ibid. p. 164. Accounts differ as to the actual number of the ex pelled. Mariana (lib. XXVI. c. i) thinks it might be as great as eight hundred thousand. 4 De Castro, as above, pp. 202 sq. -1520] ( 345 ) CHAPTEB XIV. CONSTITUTION AND GOVERNMENT OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. The numerous changes that were supervening at this the period on the constitution of the Western Church, in ternally regarded, had been so inextricably blended with ulterior questions touching its relation to the secular au thority, that, in the narrow limits of a volume like the present, the two subjects will be most conveniently ap proached and carried on together. Viewed by unobservant eyes, the form of government Growth of prevailing in the west of Christendom might often look feeling. as autocratic as it was in the palmy days of Gregory VII. or Innocent III.; but on a closer survey we shall find that while political events as well as public opinion had been hitherto conspiring almost uniformly to exalt the papacy, they now were running more and more directly counter to its claims. The very impulses which it had given for civilizing all the influential states of Europe were now threatening to recoil and overwhelm itself. From the commencement of the present period till the former half of the fifteenth century the consciousness of civil and of intellectual independence had been roused alike in kings, in scholars, and in legislative bodies. The important middle-class, now starting up on every side, had also grown impatient of the foreign bondage; and although the surface of the Church was somewhat 346 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1305 THE PAPACY. Effect of the residence at Avignon (1305-1376). smoother in the interval between the council of Basle (1443) and the appearance of Luther, it is obvious that a strong under-current of hostility to Bome had never ceased to work and rankle in men's bosoms. There was still indeed no well-defined intention to revive the theory of local churches, or to limit, in things purely spiritual, the jurisdiction of the Boman see : but as one formidable class of its pretensions had intruded very far into the province of the civil power, the pontiffs daily ran the risk of weakening their sway in general by the arbitrary maintenance of some obnoxious point. The conflict, which at first is traceable in almost every case to the resent ment of a crushed and outraged nationality, was easily extended to a different sphere of thought, till numbers of the more discerning spirits, keenly smarting under the injustice of the pope, had lost all real faith in his in fallibility1. A heavy blow had been inflicted on the temporal su premacy of Bome when Clement V. submitted to the king of France and fixed his chair within the juris diction of a papal vassal, Bobert of Anjou, at Avignon. The seventy years' captivity2, as the Italians often called the papal sojourn in Provence, had tended much to weaken the prestige associated with the mother-city of the West. The pontiffs also, living as they now did far away from their estates, devised new engines of extor tion3 for replenishing their empty coffers. By this venal 1 e.g. The following is the lan guage of Marsilius of Padua, for merly rector of the University of Paris : ' Sic igitur propter tempo- ralia contendendo non vere defen- ditur sponsa Christi. Earn etenim, qua? vere Christi sponsa est, catho- licam fidem et fidelium multitu- dinem, non defendunt moderni Ro- manorum pontifices, sed offendunt, illiusque pulchritudinem, unitatem videlicet, non servant, sed fcedant, dum zizanias et schismata seminando ipsius membra lacerant et ab invicem separant,' de.; in Goldast, Monar chic Roman, n. 281, ed. Francof. 1668. 2 'L'empia Babilonia' is the phrase of Petrarch. 3 e.g. the appropriation of rich benefices and bishoprics to the use of the pope or of his favourites, by —1520] Constitution of the Church. 347 and rapacious policy the feelings of the Church were still the more deeply irritated and more lastingly estranged4. - In spite of the obsequiousness, of Clement V. in deal ing with the crown of France, he shewed as often as he dared that he inherited the domineering temper of the papacy6. But his pretensions were eclipsed by those of John XXII.6 (1316), whose contest7 with the German cmtestbe- N ' tween John emperor, Louis of Bavaria, was a prolongation of the f^g^m mortal feud between the Ghibellines and Guelfs, to which miveror- allusion has been made above8. In 1323 (Oct. 8) a papal missive9 called on Louis to revoke his proclamations, to what were known as ' reservations ' or 'provisions.' Such benefices were held with others ' in commendam :' cf. above, p. 244, u. 4. The system in this form commenced under Cle ment V. (Extravagantes Communes, lib. III. tit. ii. c. 2, in ' Corpus Juris Canon.'), and was fully de veloped by his successor John XXIL, who 'reserved' to himself all the bishoprics in Christendom (Baluze, Vit. Paparum Avenion., 1. 722 ; Hallam, Middle Ages, c. vn. pt. ii. : vol. II. p. 234, 10th ed.; where other instances are given). In England, where the papal man dates for preferring a particular clerk had been disputed long before, the system of 'provisions' was most strenuously repelled: see Rot. Part., 3 Bio. II. § 37, and especially the famous statute of Provisors (1351), 25 Edw. III., cap. 6. Other cases of resistance are cited in Twysden, Vindication of the Church, pp. 80, 81, Camb. ed. Annates, or first- fruits of ecclesiastical benefices, were also instituted by John XXIL, who accumulated in this way a prodigious treasure (Hallam, Ibid. Twysden, pp. 104 — 107). 4 e. g. Giovanni Villani (Hist. Fiorent. lib. IX. u. 58) draws the following picture of John XXIL : 'Questi fu huomo molto cupido di moneta e simoniaco, che ogni bene- ficio per moneta in sua corte si vendea, ' etc. 5 This was exemplified in his laying Venice under the interdict (1309), and even forbidding all com merce with it and empowering any one to seize the property or persons of its subjects. Baynald. ad an. 1309. § 6. 6 Owing to a violent dispute be tween the French and Italian car dinals, the papal throne was vacant two years and nearly four months after the death of Clement (1314). It may here be noted that the last important contribution to the Canon Law (the Libri Clementini) was made by this pope in 1313: cf. above, p. 242, n. 3. 7 One of the best accounts of this important struggle will be found in Ohlenschlager, Staatsgesch. des rom. Kaiserthums in der erst. Halfte des I4ten Jahrhund. pp. 86 sq., Francof. 1755. 8 p. 267. Dante was engaged in this controversy, taking the side of the Ghibellines. His book On Mo narchy appeared in 1322. 9 See the various Processes against the emperor in Martene and Du- rand's Thesaur. Anecd. 11. 644 sq., and cf. Dollinger, IV. 106. The people, the jurists, and many of the clergy took the imperial side of the dispute. 348 Constitution of the Church. \_A. D. 1305 the ¦ PAPACY. Chumpions of the imperial interest. abstain from the administration of the empire, and pre- - sent himself, within three months, a suppliant at Avig non, if he wished his claims to be allowed. Meanwhile both laymen and ecclesiastics were commanded to with hold allegiance from him. Goaded by indignities like this, the emperor put forth a counter-manifesto (Dec. 16, 1323), where he did not hesitate to call his adversary a pre tender and a fautor of heretical pravity. He also stated his intention of appealing to a General Council1. But his threats and protests were alike unheeded, and the sen tence of excommunication was launched against him in the following spring (March 21). Amid the tumults which this controversy had pro duced, the Church was further startled by the publica tion of a treatise written by imperialists2 and levelled at the roots of papal, and indeed all other hierarchical, supremacy. The title of it is Defensor Pacis. As the natural effect of a recoil from Hildebrandine principles, it manifests a disposition to exaggerate the privileges of the laity in matters that affect the Church, contending even that the power of the keys was delegated to the priesthood by their flock or by the emperor himself, who might be viewed as the representative of all3. In many 1 See above, p. 273. The docu ment in Ohlenschlager, as above, Urkundenbuch, p. 84. Louis admits, however, that the Almighty has placed two great lights in the fir mament of the Church, 'pontifi- calem videlicet auctoritatem et im- peratoriam majestatem, illud ut praeesset diei, spiritualia disponendo, alterum ut praeesset nocti, temporalia judicando :' cf. above, p. 262, n. 2. 2 The leading author was Mar- silius of Padua, assisted by John of Janduno, a Franciscan : cf. Ne ander, IX. 35. The Defensor Pacis is printed in Goldast's Monarch. Roman. II. 154 sq. It was trans lated into English at the beginning of the Reformation, and included in a list of 'prohibited books:' Baker, Notes on Bwnd, (Brit. Mag. xxxvi. 395). 3 e. g. Conclusio xvi., xvm., xxm., xxxvii. (These Conclusions, forty-one in number, are in the third Part of the Treatise). The following is another indication of the same tendency (Conel. xxxm.) : ' Generale concilium aut partiale sacerdotum et episcoporum ac re- liquorum fidelium per coactivam potestatem congregare, ad fidelem legislatorem aut ejus auctoritate principantem in communitatibus fi- -1520] Constitution of the Church. 349 THE PAPACV. points the authors of this work preserved a juster balance, and may fairly take their stand with the precursors of - the Beformation4. It is plain that nearly all the anti- papal writings of the age are tinctured with the prin ciples of the extreme Franciscans, or the ' Spirituales6,' who had long been halting in their loyalty to Bome. Another of that disaffected class is William of Occam, the English schoolman, who had found a shelter at the court of Louis of Bavaria, and contended with a bold ness hitherto unequalled for the dignity and independence of the empire6. He questioned the infallibility of the pope in judging even of doctrinal matters, and, unlike the great majority who shared his feelings on this head, he was unwilling to accept a General Council as the court of ultimate appeal. The cause of John XXIL was defended, among others7, Defenders of delium tantummodo pertinere, nee in aliter congregato determinata vim aut robur habere.' The Defensor Pacis also advocates the theory that priests and bishops were ori ginally equal, and derives the pri macy of Bome itself from a grant of Constantine (' qui quandam pras- eminentiam et potestatem tribuit episcopis et ecclesiae Bomanas super caeteras mundi ecclesias seu presby teros omnes'). As above, n. 243. 4 Thus they plainly state, 'quod nullam scripturam irrevocabiliter veram credere vel fateri tenemur de necessitate salutis ceternce, nisi eas quae canonical appellantur' (Ibid. p. 254) ; reserving, however, the first place in the interpretation of Scripture to general councils ('et ideo pie tenendum, determinationes conciliorum generalium in sensibus scriptwee dubiis a Spiritu Sancto suae veritatis originem sumere,' Ibid.). 5 See above, p. 250. It was members of this school, headed by Ubertinus de Casali, who stigma tized the pope as a heretic for maintaining that our Lord and the Apostles 'in speciali non habuisse aliqua, nee in communi etiam.' See also the Defensorium Wit. Occami contra Johan. papam XXIL, in Brown's Fascic. n. 439 — 465. 6 His Disputatio de Polestate Ec- clesice et Sceculi and other kindred works are printed in Goldast, as above, II. 314 sq. His anti-popery is almost as hot as Luther's (e.g. p. 390): cf. Turner, Hist, of Eng land, Middle Ages, in. 98. 7 The principal was a Franciscan of the milder school named Alvarus Pelagius, who composed his De Planctu Ecclesias about 1330 (ed. Venet. 1560). He maintains 'quod jurisdictionem habet universalem in totomundo Papa nedum in spiritual- ibus, sed temporalibus, beet execu- tionem gladii temporalis et jurisdic tionem per filium suum legitimum imperatorem, cum fuerit, tanquam per advocatum et defensorem Eccle- siae, et per alios reges .... debeat ex- ercere:' lib. I. c. 13. THE PAPACY. The papal threats inoperative* Attempts at reconciliation. 350 vonsiuunon oj ine unurcn. LA. u. i. 305 by an Augustinian hermit of Ancona, Agustino Triomfi -(Triumph us), who, in pushing ultra-montane principles to their legitimate results, asserted that the pope alone could nominate an emperor, and therefore that the college of electors acted only at his beck or through his delegation1. But the hour was past when writers of this stamp could sway the general mind of Europe. Appealing to a future council2, Louis braved the excommunication, and at last the interdict3, of his opponent (1324). He con fided in the loyalty of his dependents*, and especially in the Franciscan order, one of whom he thrust into the place of John XXIL with the title Nicholas V. These friars never ceased to tax the pontiff as a heretic, alleg ing, in addition to an older charge respecting his con tempt of ' evangelical poverty,' that he had absolutely erred while preaching on the beatific vision of the saints5. The next pontiff, .Benedict XII.6 (1334), appears to have been anxious to reform his court, and even can- 1 See the Summa de Potestate Ec clesiastica (ed. Bom., 1582), Quaest. xxxv. Art. I. sq. The papal claims were seldom more offensively stated than in the following passage: 'Pla num est autem, quod papa est omnis juris interpres et ordinator, tamquam architector in tota ecclesiastica hier- archia, vice Christi; unde quolibet jure potest, cum subest causa ration- abilis, decimas laicorum, non solum subditorum, verum etiam regum, principum et dominorum reeipere et concedere pro ecclesiae utilitate, ac eos, si noluerint dare, compellere.^ Quaest. Lxxin. Art. in. 3 His formal appeal is given in Baluze, Vit. Papar. Avenion. 11. 478. 3 In Martene and Durand., as above, n. 660. 4 We learn from the comtempo- rary Chronicon of Johann von Win- terthur (or Vitoduranus), that such of the clergy as observed the inter dict were roughly handled by the people : see Thesaurus Hist. Helve tica! (Tiguri, 1735), I. 49. 6 According to the Continuator of the Chronicon of William de Nangis (D'Achery, ni. 95), he had stated in a, sermon (1331), 'quod animae decedentium in gratia non videant Deum per essentiam, nee sint perfecte beatae, nisi post re- sumptionem corporis :' cf. Dollinger, iv. m (note). The practical deduc tion from his view is thus stated by Giovanni Villani, lib. x. c. 230 : ' Dicendo laicamente, come fedel Christiano, che in vano si preghereb- bono i santi, b harebbesi speranza di salute per li loro meriti, se nostra donna santa Maria. ..e li altri santi, non potessono vedere la Deitade in- fino al di del giudicio," etc. 6 Personally he was not a model for the clergy, being ' comestor maximus et potator egregius,' and the origin of the proverb ' bibamus papaliter:' see Neander, ix. 58. — 1520] Constitution of the Church. 351 celled many grants of benefices which his predecessors the PAPACY had made over to themselves7. He also wished to bring about a reconciliation with Louis of Bavaria: but his efforts were resisted by the king of France, to whom he was in bondage8. For this cause the interdict of John XXIL long continued to disturb the peace of Germany. In 1338 a meeting of electors9 held at Bense (on the banks of the Bhine) asserted the divine commission of the emperor, and laboured to emancipate him altogether from the trammels of the Boman pontiffs, venturing even to withdraw from them the ancient privilege of confirm ing his election. Clement VI. (1342) prolonged the con- ^^JJ troversy, and on finding the imperialists determined to "'"<««!*• maintain their ground, two other writs of excommunica tion10, breathing curses hitherto unequalled in the mani festoes of the pope, were circulated in all quarters where adherents could be gained (1341, 1346). When Louis died in 1347, the prospects of his house and party had been darkened by the elevation of a rival emperor, Charles of Moravia, who had pledged himself11 to carry out the policy suggested by the king of France and by the conclave at Avignon. Many of the violent Fran ciscans were now ready to conform, and even William 7 e. g. Baluze, Vit. Papar. Ave- ceeded his prerogative by trying to nion. I. 198. Albert of Strasburg dissolve the marriage of Margaret (Argentinensis), Chron. in Urstisii of Carinthia, and granting to his German. Hislor. II. 125. son the dispensations necessary for 8 Dollinger, IV. 116, 117. contracting an alliance with her 9 See the document in Ohlen- (:342)- See Occam, De Jurisdic- Bchlager, as above, p. 1S8. This act time imperatoris in causis matrimo was afterwards published (March, nialibus, in Goldast's Monarch. I. 1339) as a constitution of the em- 2I> and the Chronicon of Vitodura- pire (Goldast, Constit. Imperial, m. nus (as above, n. 4), p. 59. m), and vigorously defended by 10 In Eaynald. ad an. 1343, § 43 Leopold of Bebenburg, afterwards ad an- 1346, § 3- For the inter- bishop of Bamberg, and by William venmg negoeiations with the pope, of Occam. The last-mentioned see documents in Ohlenschlager, pp. writer took the part of Louis in 226 sq. another question, where he far ex- n Eaynald. ad an. 1346, § 19. 352 Constitution of the Church. [A.D. 1305 the PAPACY. Return of the Pope to Home, 1376. The papal schism of forty years. of Occam ultimately recognized, in words at least, the . jurisdiction of the pope1. But much as this important victory might seem to benefit the cause of Clement and to prop his sinking for tunes, they were damaged more and more by his rapacity, his nepotism, and the licentious splendour of his court". He was succeeded by Innocent VI. (1352), who in a reign of ten years did something3 to produce a healthier tone of morals and to allay the ever-formidable spirit of re monstrance which was breaking out on every side, espe cially in parliaments and other public bodies. Urban V. (1362) attempted, notwithstanding the resistance of one faction in the conclave, to replace the papal chair in Italy (1367), but unpr'opitious circumstances drove him back4; and that desire could not be finally accomplished till the next pontificate (1370), when Gregory XL, relying on the influence of a nun, the able Catharine of Siena5, occupied the old metropolis (1376). His death, which followed in 1378, gave rise to a dispute, which, next to the long residence at Avignon, was tending more than other agencies to shake the empire of the popes, and stimulate a reforma tion of the Church6. The present schism, unlike convul- 1 Dollinger, rv. 123. 2 See Albert of Strasburg (as above), p. 133, and Matteo Villani (who continued the Historie Fioren- tine of his brother, Giovanni Villani), lib. in. c. 43 : cf. Dollinger, iv. 124. 3 e. g. Baluze, Vit. Papar. Am nion. I. 357. Under his predecessor almost all the English benefices were reserved to the pope or other ' aliens, ' which provoked the famous statute of Provisors (1350). Inno cent VI. did not repeat his claims ; and Urban V. issued a bull Contra Pluraliiates in benefciis (1 365) : Wil kins, in. 62. 4 Raynald. ad an. 1370, § 19. Petrarch (Vie de Pbtrarque, by De Sade) was actively engaged in this dispute, contending for the claims of Bome as the metropolis of the popes, and eloquently denouncing the corruptions of Avignon, which he calls the third Babylon : see his Epistolce sine titulo. A sketch of the rise and fall of Bienzi, and the civil revolutions of which Rome was now the theatre, will be found in Gibbon, ch. lxx. 0 Some of her works, including letters on this point, were printed at Paris, 1644 : see her Life in the Act. Sand. April, in. 956. Bridget (Brigitta) of Sweden, also canon ized, was equally urgent in pro moting the return of Gregory : see her Revelaliones, lib. rv. c. 1 39 sq. ed. Antverp. 16 11. 6 See Neander, ix. 67 sq. on the —1520] Constitution of the Church. 353 the PAPACY. sions of an earlier period', lasted almost forty years (1378 — 141 78), and therefore could not fail to give an impulse, hitherto unknown, in calling up the nationality of many a western state, in satisfying it that papal rule was not essential to its welfare, and in thereby adding strength to local jurisdictions. The dislike of ' aliens' and of Boman intermeddling was embittered at the same time by the fresh exactions9 of the rival pontiffs, each of whom was clearly anxious to maintain his dignity at any cost what ever. The origin of this important feud appears to be as its origin. follows10. When the cardinals, of whom the great ma- rise and important bearings of the papal schism. Henry of Hesse (al. Langenstein), in his Consilium Pa ds, printed by "Von der Hardt in the Concil. Constant. II. I sq., de clares (1381) 'Hanc tribulationem a Deo non gratis permissam, sed in necessariam opportunamque ecclesice reformationem finaliter converten- dam :' cf. Lenfant, Concile de Pise, lib. I. p. 51, Amsterd. 1724. 7 See, for instance, p. 242, n. 1, 2. 8 In this year Benedict XIII. was deposed by the couucil of Con stance, but he persisted in his claims until his death in 1424. 9 See the treatise, written in 1401, De Ruina Ecclesice (al. De Corrupto Ecclesice Statu), attributed generally to Nicholas de Cle'menges (Cleman- gis), and printed in Von der Hardt, Concil. Constant, torn. 1. pt. in., and in Brown, Fascic. II. 555 sq. Neander (ix. 81 sq.) has reviewed this memorable work, together with a short treatise, De Studio Tlieolo- gico, in D'Achery, I. 473 sq. The author traces the exile of the popes to their own ' fornicationes odibiles.' In speaking of his own time he writes : ' Adeo se et ecclesiam uni- versalem eorum arbitrio subjecerunt atque dediderunt, ut vix aliquam parvulam praebendam nisi eorum mandato vel consensu in provinciis M. A. eorum tribuere ausi essent.' A second writer of the period, Theodoric de Niem (Nieheim), in his works, De Schismate, and Nemus Unionis (Ar- gentor. 1629), has furnished ample evidence to the same effect. The English parliaments continued to resist, with more or less firmness, the increased exactions of the pope, and in 1389 the statute of Praemu nire, 13 Bic. II. stat. II. c. 2 and 3, enlarged and reinforced by 16 Bic. II. c. 5, was levelled at the same offender. No one in future was to send or bring hither a summons or excommunication against any per son for executing the statute of Provisors (cf. above, p. 352, n. 3), and the bearers of papal bulls or other instruments for the translation of bishops and like purposes, were subjected to the penalty of forfeiture and perpetual imprisonment. It is remarkable that the statute 16 Bic. II. was enrolled on the desire of the archbishop of Canterbury. Twys den, Vindic. of the Church, p. 111, Camb. ed. 10 Hallam, Middle Ages, 11. 237, 238, 10th ed. : Maimbourg, Hist, du grand Schisme, Paris, 1678 ; and more especially Lenfant, Concile de Pise, who in the first and second books has fairly stated the evidence on both sides. AA THE PAPACY. 354 Constitution of the Church. [a.d. 1305 jority were French, had met to nominate a successor of Gregory XL, the Boman populace tumultuously demanded that their choice should fall on some Italian. Influenced by this menace they elected a Neapolitan, the archbishop of Bari, who at his coronation took the name of Urban VI. (April 18, 1378). The cardinals, however, soon repented of their choice, and, when the pressure of the mob had been withdrawn, endeavoured to annul the whole pro ceeding by the substitution of a member of their own conclave, and a Frenchman, who was crowned as Cle- Baiance of the ment VII. (Oct. 31). Between these two competitors the two opposing . factions. Western Church was almost equally divided1. Urban, who remained at Bome, enjoyed the countenance of Eng land, Italy, Bohemia, the German empire, Prussia, Poland, and the Scandinavian kingdoms : while his rival, who re treated to Avignon, was acknowledged in the whole of France", Scotland, Spain, Lorraine, Sicily, and Cyprus. Neither of the factions would consent to the retirement of their leader, and accordingly the quarrel was embittered scries of rival and prolonged. The Boman conclave, after the death of Urban, nominated Boniface IX. (1389), Innocent VII. (1404), and Gregory XII. (1406); and Clement had an obstinate successor in the cardinal Pedro de Luna, Be nedict XIII. (1394). Dismayed or scandalized by this unseemly struggle, the more earnest members of the 1 Bichard Ullerstou (or TJlver- stone), whose paper urging an im mediate 'reformation of the church,' was presented at the council of Pisa (1409), complains of this among the other consequences of the schism : 1 Quod profecto exinde patuit, quod regna inter se prius divisa partibus a se invicem divisis et inter se de papatu contendentibus se parifor- mlter conjunxerunt.' See the whole of this remarkable document in Von der Hardt's Concil. Constant. I. H26sq. 2 The university of Paris shew ed its independence for some time by recognizing neither of the can didates, so that there were three parties in the Western Church, the Urbanites, the Clementites, and the Neutrals. The last party, who were looking to a general council for re dress, was represented by Henry of Langenstein (cf. above, p. 352, n. 6): Neander, IX. 71, 72. The influen tial manifestoes issued at this crisis by the university are noticed in Bu- laeus, Hist. Univ. Paris, iv. 618 sq. —1520] Constitution of the Church. 355 THE PAPACY. Church8 now looked in every quarter for redress. At length they seem to have been forced to a conclusion that the schism was never likely to be healed, except by the assembling of a general council4, which (in cases where a reasonable doubt existed as to the validity of an election) nearly all the theologians deemed superior to the pope. The Council of Pisa6 was now summoned in this spirit £ xiy- l87- ' i See Eoscoe's Life of Leo X. II. 10 Cf. the extract from Erasmus, 87 sq., Lond. 1846; Hallam, Lit. of above, p. 378, n. 1, and others m Europe, Pt. I. ch. II. § 64, and ch. Gieseler, V. § 154, u. 8. WESTERN CHURCH. Mystical school of theologians. John Tauler <1290—13fil>. ' doctor suhli- mis et illumi- •natus.' 382 State of Religious Doctrine and Uontroversies. [A.D. 1305 in the fifteenth century, and, more than ever, at the .dawn of Luther's reformation, threatened to assume an anti-christian character, — where wanton speculations had become most rife, and where indeed it was an index of good breeding to despise the mysteries of Holy Writ1. But meanwhile other agents were at work in many parts of Germany. The studies of ecclesiastics had there taken a more biblical direction. Men who learned to know themselves were thirsting 2 after something more profound than the scholastic subtleties, more fervent than the cloudy reveries of Plato. Such was the new race of mystics. Here and there we find them swerving into serious errors3, but more commonly they are distinguished by a simple and unreasoning adherence to the central doctrines of the faith, combining with it a peculiar earnestness and a desire to elevate the tone of personal religion. In the members, therefore, of this school (the 'Friends of God' as they were called) we may discern precursors4 of a genuine reformation. At the head of them is John Tauler5, a Donlinican of Cologne. He was originally captivated by the dialectic 1 'In quel tempo non pareva fosse galantuomo e buon cortegiano colui che de dogmi della Chiesa non aveva qualche opinione erronea ed herdica.' MS. quoted in Banke, Popes, I. 56, Lond. 1847. 2 ' Nam quid potest ibi syncerum dici, ubi pro religione superstitio, pro divina sapientia hominum phi- losophia, pro Christo Socrates, pro sacris scriptoribus Aristoteles atque Plato in Ecclesiam irruperunt. Ne que hasc ita intelligi velim, quasi reprehendam philosophise studium... sed sic se res habet, ut, nisi divini- tatis cognitio prsemonstratrix, mens ipsa hominis errans et vaga ad loca spinosa deviaque deducatur.' Stur- rnius ad Cardinales deledos ; Argen- tor. 1538. 3 e.g. Master Eckart (Aichard), a Dominican of Cologne, who died about 1325, and was one of a class of mystics who diverged into Neo-Pla- tonism, affirming, for example, that our individuality would be forfeited at last on our reabsorption into the Divine essence. See Schmidt, E- ludes sur le mysticisme allemand au xiv' si^cle, a Paris, 1847, PP- 1^ s(l- J Neander, IX. 569 sq., and Bitter, Christi. Philos. iv. 498 sq. Some of the doctrines of Eckart were con demned in a bull of John XXII. (1329): see Baynald. ad an. 1329, §§ 70, 71- 4 See Ullmann's Reformatoren vor der Reformation, Hamb. 1841 and 1842. 6 See especially Schmidt's Johan nes Tauler von Strassburg, Haml 1841, and his French Essay quott in a previous note. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 383 studies of the age, and the effect of them continued to western be traceable in all his writings : but his intercourse with a — Waldensian6, Nicholas of Basle (1340), produced a thorough change in his convictions and pursuits. For twenty years he was an indefatigable preacher, stimulated', as it seems, by the political distractions of his country and the ravages of a terrific pestilence ('the black death'). His thrilling sermons8, of which many were preserved in the ver nacular dialects, are marked by evangelic tenderness and spiritual depth. They were peculiarly useful in resisting the general tendency to overvalue the liturgic element of worship. Tauler will be found to have had numerous points in J"*" ¦i Ruysbroek common with John Buysbroek9, prior of the Canons-Begular !' with effect to the elucidation of the Old Testament, and Gerson, who was led by corresponding works of St Au- S'^ggi gustine to construct a Harmony of the Four Gospels10. But on the resuscitation of the ancient literature and the discovery of printing, stronger impulses had been com municated in this direction. The superior scholarship 6 See, for instance, the extracts Reform, in Italy, p. 53, Lond. 1827). in Gieseler, v. § 153, n. 18. Luther 8 Exceptions may be made in wrote the Preface to a Farrago of favour of the English Dominican his works, ed. Basil. 1522, and ex- Bobert Holcot (d. 1349), on whose pressed himself in the following exegetical and other works, see terms (which furnished Ullmann Wharton's Append, to Cave's Hist. with a motto) :' Wenn ich den Wes- Liter, ad an. 1340; and of the selzuvor gelesen, so liessen meine Spanish prelate Tostatus of Avila Widersacher sich diinken, Luther (d. 1454), on whom, see Schrockh, hatte Alles vom Wessel genommen, xxxiv. 147 sq. also stimmet unser Beider Geist zu- 9 His Poslillce Perpetuce in Biblia sammen.' have been often published, first at 7 e.g. the old High-German ver- Bome, 1471, in 5 vols, folio. sion, printed first at Mayence, 1462, 10 This work is entitled Monotes- was reprinted ten times before the saron, seu unum ex quatuor Evan- Reformation (see other evidence in geliis: Gerson, Opp. ed. Du Pin, Gieseler, v. § 146, n. 13). In like iv. 83 sq. He looks upon the va- manner an Italian version, printed nations in the Sacred Writers as at Venice as early as 1471, is said to constituting a, ' concordissima dis- have gone through nine editions in sonantia.' AT-_ J>J?i 11- X ,. /nna TW'fViu'a the fifteenth century (see M'Crie's CC2 388 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 westernchurch. Laurentius Valla (d. 14511- Ximenes (d. 1522>- (d. 1522)- Erasmus (d. 1536). Scarcity of great writers. and holy taste of Laurentius Valla1, cardinal Ximenes2, Beuchlin3, Erasmus4, and others, indicated that a brighter period was now dawning on the field of scriptural her- meneutics. Though it be unfair to urge that men were wholly unacquainted with the Bible in the times anterior to the Beformation, we may safely argue that the Be- formation was itself a consequence of the enlightenment which biblical inquiries had produced. EASTERN CHURCH. As there was almost nothing in the Eastern Churches corresponding to the Middle Ages in the West, we meet with nothing like the healthy series of reactions just de scribed. The present period was indeed more sterile and monotonous than all which went before it. Scarcely any theological writers6 of importance can be traced excepting those who figured in the controversy with the Latin Church. The more distinguished of the biblical scholars was 1 His entire works were printed at Basle in 1540. The chief of them in this connexion (cf. above, p. 380, n. 6) is the series of Annolationes in Novum Testamentum, which dis play great critical ability. His work, De Libero Arbitrio, and still more the famous Declamatio de falso credita d ementita Constantini Do- natione (cf. above, p. 273, n. 7), have laid him open to Bellarmine's charge of being a precursor of the Lutherans. a Cf. above, p. 342. His sagacity and zeal in the preparation of the Complutensian Polyglott (1514 — 1517) were beyond all praise : see Schrockh, xxxiv. 81 sq. The papal sanction was, however, withheld un til after the cardinal's death in 1522. 3 Beuchlin's fame is mainly due to his restoration of Hebrew litera ture, in which he was bitterly opposed by many of the German monks. (See Maii Vit. Reucldini, passim.) Against them are directed the most cutting satires of the Epi- stolce Obscurorum Virorum (see above, p. 380, n. 6). Beuchlin's Hebrew grammar and lexicon were pub lished in 1506: and in 1518 a fine edition of the Hebrew Bible ap peared at Venice. M'Crie, Reform. in Italy, p. 40. 4 His edition of the New Testa ment appeared at Basle in 15 16: Ibid. pp. 4.7 sq. The mighty in fluence which his theological works exerted on the Beformation, more especially in England, where his caution was appreciated, belongs in strictness to the following period. 6 To church-history an important contribution was made by Nice phorus Callisti Xanthopuli (circ. 1 3 33)i whose work in eighteen books extends from the Incarnation to the death of Phocas (610) : see Dowling's Introd. to Eccl. Hist. pp. 91 sq., Lond. 1838. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 389 Theophanes6, archbishop of Nicsea, who composed a Har- eastern mony of the Old and New Testament, and also an elaborate Apology, directing both of them against the Jews. A mec°Iamaof monk of Thessalonica, Simeon7, wrote a Dialogue against simeon of ' all Heresies, and many other works in vindication of the (™o. hio)- 'orthodox' (or Greek) communion. George of Trebizond, George of i • -i -iii ? Trebizond a somewhat copious author , added to the stock of evi- (1396-1486). dences in a book on the Truth of Christianity. The state of feeling in the great majority of eastern Christians was so torpid as to cause but few internal ruptures. The Strigolniks9 of Bussia, who in 1371 and Russian sect * -i i i tvt of Strigolniks. afterwards obtained a host of proselytes at Novogorod, are the only formidable sect that sprang up in this period. They were bitterly opposed to all the members of the sacerdotal order, and their tenets, in some points at least, resemble those now current with the English ' Lollards.' But another controversy10, that broke out in the neigh- The Quietist J ' y or Hesychast bourhood of Constantinople, also merits our attention, controversy.- yielding as it does some insight into the prevailing modes of thought. A party of the monks who swarmed upon the ' Holy Mountain' (Athos)11, in their contemplations on the blessedness of ' seeing God,' were led to argue that 6 See Wharton's Append, to Cave, that all Christians are invested ad an. 1347. with the rights of priesthood, and 7 Ibid, ad an. 1410. Leo Alia- elected their own teachers from tius (the Bomanizer) writes with among themselves. They also de reference to Simeon's Dialogue, that nied the necessity of confession, it is ' pius et doctus, dignusque qui and made no prayers and offerings aliquando lucem videat, sed manu- for the dead. ductus a Catholico.' De Simeonum 10Onthiscontroversy,seeSchrockh, Scriptis Diatriba, p. 193. Another xxxiv. 431—451 ; Engelhardt, Die , work of this Simeon is On the Faith Arsenianer [cf. above, p. 293, n. 5] and Sacraments of the Church, print- und Hesychasten, in Illgen's Zeit- ed, according to Schrockh (xxxiv. schrift, Bd. VIII. st. i. pp. 48 sq. ; 427), in Moldavia (1683) with the Dorner, Lehrevon der Person Christi, authority of Dositheus, patriarch of n. 292 — 297. Jerusalem. u Since the 9th century Mount 8 Wharton, as above, ad an. 1440, Athos has been covered with monas- and Leo Allatius, De Georgiis Dia- teries. See their number and con- triba, pp. 395 sq. dition (in 1836) described in Curzon's 9 See Mouraviev, ed. Blackmore, Visit to Monasteries in the Levant, pp. 65, 379, 380. They maintained Lond. 1849, PP- 356 s1- EASTERN CHURCH. opened by Barlaam (circ. 1341)- Resistance of Gregorius Palamas, and Nicholas Cabasilas. 390 State of Religious Doctrine and Uontroversies. [A.D. 1305 the Christian may arrive at a tranquillity of mind entirely free from perturbation, and that all enjoying such a state may hold an ocular intercourse with God Himself, as the Apostles were supposed to do when they beheld His glory shining forth in the Transfiguration of our Lord. These mystics bore the name of Quietists, or Hesychasts1 ('Hcrv^ao-Tat). They were vehemently assailed2 by Bar laam (circ. 1341), a learned monk of the Order of St Basil, and in all his earlier life a staunch defender of the Eastern Church3. His strictures roused the indignation of Gregorius Palamas4, hereafter the archbishop designate of Thessalonica; by whose influence several councils5, held at Constantinople (1341—1350), were induced to shelter, if not absolutely patronize, the Quietists. Their censor, driven to revoke his acrimonious charges, instantly seceded to the Western Church6, where he became the bishop of Giersece in Calabria. The Hesychastic school was thus enabled to achieve a triumph. They were generally sup ported by the eastern theologians7; among others by the celebrated mystic, Nicholas Cabasilas, archbishop also of Thessalonica (circ. 1350). His important treatise on The Life in Christ9, is now accessible to scholars. 1 Other names given to them by their opponents were Massalians (above, p. 303, n. 8), and '0/j.a\6- \p\1X01 (Umbilieanimi). The latter seems to have referred to their custom of sitting still and gazing on the pit of their stomach (not unlike some of the Hindu and other heathen ascetics). 2 Joh. Cantacuzenus, Hist. lib. n. c. 39 ; Nicepb. Gregoras, Hist. By- zant. lib. XI. c. 10. 3 See, for instance, his JXepl ttjs rov IlaTra dpxrjs, ed. Salmasius, Lugdun. 1645. 4 Joh. Cantacuzenus, Ibid. On his other writings, see Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1354. 5 (1341), Mansi, xxv. 1147; (1347), xxvi. 105 ; (1350), ib. 127. 6 Cantacuzenus, lib. II. c. 40 ; Niceph. Gregoras, Ibid. Some of the Letters which he wrote on the Western side of the controversy are printed in Canisius, Led. Antiq., ed. Basnage, rv. 361 sq. Other in stances of secession to the Latin Church occur now and then. 7 Cf. Schrockh, xxxrv. 449, 450. 8 See Gass, Die Mystik des Nico- laus Cabasilas vom Leben in Christo, Greifswald, 1849 : Wharton, as above, ad an. 1350. Among other works in vindication of the Greek Church, he wrote a treatise on the Procession of the Holy Ghost, in answer to Aquinas (cf. above, p. 302, n. 2). — -1520] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 391 ... ._._.,„ „, _ RELATIONS RELATIONS OF THE EASTERN AND WESTERN CHURCHES. OF east AND WEST. . The ancient resolution to maintain their freedom in Eastern anti- defiance of the Boman court was still the general feeling ffl» church. of the eastern Christians. Some of them, for instance Nilus Cabasilas9, who had preceded his nephew Nicholas in the archiepiscopal chair of Thessalonica, wrote with temper and ability. But in proportion as the Turks were menacing Constantinople, it became the policy of the en feebled emperors to win the favour of the Latin Churches. This could only be effected by the healing of the schism. Negoeiations were accordingly reopened as early as Reopening of ° cj j 1 j negoeiations. 1333. In 1339 Andronicus III. Palseologus10 dispatched a formal embassy to Benedict XII. at Avignon. The leader of this party was the monk Barlaam, who, as we have seen11, immediately afterwards passed over to the Western Church. His mission was, however, fruitless in re spect of his fellow-countrymen at large : and though another emperor, John V. Palasologus, betook himself in person12 JMiof Palaiologus to 9 His works De Causis Divisionum violate the unity of the faith (' quia Rome, 1369. in Ecclesia and De Primatu Papce in Ecclesia Catholica, in qua una (translated into English, Lond. t 560), fides esse noscitur, quoad hoc du- were edited by Salmasius, Hanov. plicem fidem minus veraciter esset 1608. He also wrote at great length dare'). With regard to the papal De Processione S. Spiritus adversus supremacy, Benedict intimated that Latinos .- see Leo Allatius, Diatriba the only way to ' auxilia, consilia, de Nilis, p. 49. Another Nilus et favores, ' was by cordially re- (surnamed Damyla), circ. 1400, turning to ' the obedience of the wrote several treatises on kindred Boman church.' A fresh embassy subjects, but in a more bitter spirit: was sent to Avignon by Canta- see Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad cuzenus (see his own Hist. lib. iv. an. 1400. c. Cf), for the sake of negociating 10 On the earlier correspondence, a union with Clement VI. (1348) ; see Baynald. ad an. 1333, §§ 17 sq., but it was also fruitless. and Gibbon, ch. lxvi. In 1339 u Above, p. 390. (Baynald. ad an. §§ 19 sq.) the 12 Baynald. ad an. 1369, § 1 sq. Greeks promise, ' Quaecunque a, He had already (1355) bound him- generali concilio determinata fue- self by a secret oath to become rint, omnes orientales libenter ha3c 'fidelis, obediens, reverens, et de- recipient.' They also begged that votus beatissimo patri et domino, the mode of stating the Procession domino Innocentio sacrosanctse Bo- of the Holy Ghost might be left manae ac universalis Ecclesias .... an open question ; but the Latins summo pontifici et ejus successori- answered, that this would be to bus.' Baynald. ad an. 1355, §34: Anti-Roman bias of his son. 392 State of Religious Doctrine and Uontroversies. [A.D. 1305 relations to the court of Bome (1369), and by his abject homage and west, to pope Urban V. endeavoured to awake the sympathy "of European princes, his defection from the Eastern Church produced no spiritual nor temporal results. His son, Manuel II., notwithstanding a fresh canvass for auxi liaries1 in Italy, France, Germany, and England (1400 -1402), was unshaken in his predilections for the creed and worship of his fathers2. The invasions of Timur (or Tamerlane), who conquered Anatolia in 1402, and thus diverted3 for a while the onslaught of the Turks, relieved the emperor from the necessity of forming an alliance with the west; but, danger having finally become more imminent than ever, a fresh series of negoeiations were commenced (1434) under John VII. Palseologus, his son. This monarch, after some preliminaries, undertook to hold another conference with the Latin Church beyond the Adriatic; and when he was driven to determine4 whether the true channel of communication were the Boman pontiff or the synod of Basle, an accident eventually threw him into the arms of the former. He was carried off in Fresh negoeia tions under John VII. Palaoloavs. 1434-1438. cf. Gibbon, ch. lxvi. (vi. 217 — 220, ed. Milman). 1 Gibbon, Ibid. pp. 220 — 222. On account of tbe papal schism (above, p. 352) the emperor had studiously avoided committing him self to either party, and indeed that circumstance facilitated his applica tion to the different courts. 2 He even wrote twenty Dialogues in its defence : Leo Allatius, De Eccl. Occident, d Orient. Perpet. Consensione, p. 854. In 1418, how ever, he appears to have sent an embassy, headed by the archbishop of Kiev, to the synod of Constance, where the Greeks were allowed to perform Divine Service according to their rite. See Lenfant, Hist. du Concile de Const, liv. vi. ch. 44. 3 Cf. Miller's History philosophi cally illustrated, n. 371, 3rd edit. 4 Both the council and the pope (cf. above, p. 362) had sent vessels to fetch the emperor from Constan tinople, but the pope's galleys an ticipated the other by a few days, and thus in all probability decided a most critical question as to the relations of the East and West in future ages. The admiral of the pope's galleys was his nephew, who had received instructions Iva irokep.'riav oirov av copy ra Kdrepya rijs Ztwo'Sou, Kal, d Supijdn, Kara- bvo-n Kal dq^avlan. See on the whole subject the work of Syropu- Ius (circ. 1444), Vera Hist, unionis non verce inter Grcecos et Latinos, ed. Creyghton, Hagse Comitis, 1660, and the Acts of the councils of Perrara and Florence, in Labbe, xni. 1 sq. : cf. Schrockh, xxxrv. 413 sq- — 1520] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 393 triumph to the council of Ferrara (Feb. 28, 1438), attended relations i O V T? A ST by twenty-one eastern prelates, in addition to the patriarch and west. of Constantinople5. The chief spokesmen on his side were council of Mark of Ephesus, Dionysius of Sardis, and Bessarion of 1438. Mcsea. Legates also were accredited for the occasion by Philotheus of Alexandria and Dorotheus of Antioch ; while Joachim of Jerusalem entrusted his subscription to Mark of Ephesus. The pope (Eugenius IV.) was not generally present in the council, after the second session (March 15); but he left behind him two accomplished advocates, the car dinal Juliano6, who had now retreated from the synod of Basle, and Andrew the Latin bishop of Bhodes. The 8cheme of questions to be handled by the deputies con sisted of the following heads : (1) the Procession of the ubjectsof . . n . . iscussion. Holy Spirit, (2) the addition of the clause Filiogue to the Constantinopolitan creed, (3) Purgatory and the interme diate state, (4) the use of unleavened bread in the holy Eucharist, (5) the jurisdiction of the Boman see and the supremacy of the pope. A long delay occurred before the actual business of the conference was opened, owing to the thin attendance7 of the western prelates at Ferrara. But in the following autumn (Oct. 8), when the vigour of the Basle assembly was declining, a debate8 was held 5 The Bussian church at this time arrival of the Greeks there were was governed by a metropolitan of present only cardinal Juliano, five Kiev, called Isidore, who had been archbishops, eighteen bishops, ten appointed at Constantinople under abbots, and some generals of mo- Bomanizing influences. He went to nastic orders. Many of the Euro- the council of Ferrara in spite of pean princes were in favour of the the misgivings of king Basil, and at Basle synod (see above, p. 363), length espoused the tenets of the and Charles VII. of France, in par- western theologians. On his return, ticular, at first forbade any of his however, decorated with the Boman subjects to go to Ferrara. purple, he was for a while shut up 8 Andrew of Bhodes contended in a monastery ; but escaping thence at great length in the 6th session took refuge with the pope. Mou- (Oct. 20) that the clause Filioque, raviev, pp. 76 78. which the Greeks regarded as a 6 See above, p. 360, and p. 362, mere addition, was in truth an ex- fl. ^ plication, or necessary consequence, 7 In the first session before the of what had been maintained from relations OF EAST AND WEST. Synod trans ferred to Florence, 1439. Secession to the Latin side. Decrees on the Procession: on unleavened bread: on Purgatory: 394 State of Religious uoctrine and Uontroversies. [A.D. 1305 respecting the first point of controversy. It continued, with some interruptions, till the synod was at length ' transferred, by reason of the plague, to Florence. There the sessions were resumed on Feb. 26, 1439, and with them the discussions as to the Procession of the Holy Ghost. The Latin arguments, adduced by the provincial of the Dominicans in Lombardy, were stigmatized at length as absolutely heretical by Mark of Ephesus1, but on the other hand Bessarion2 owned himself a convert to the western doctrine, which he now proceeded to defend with vigour. A decree3, embodying his conclusions, was put forward, pledging all who signed it to believe that the Holy Spirit is eternally from the Father and the Son, and that His essence is eternally from Both as from One principle, and by one only spiration ('tamquam ab uno principio et unica spiratione') : or, in different lan guage, that the Son is verily the Cause, or principle, of the subsistence of the Holy Spirit equally with the Father. It was next conceded by the Easterns that un leavened bread as well as leavened might be lawfully and efficaciously employed in celebrating the Eucharist4. The Latin theories on purgatory also were admitted, the new definition being, that the soul of every penitent who dies in the love of God, before he has made satisfaction the beginning. In the next session (Oct. 25) he illustrated his remark by the enlargement of the Nicene Creed at Constantinople in 381. 1 Bespecting him and his nume rous anti-Latin writings, see Whar ton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1436. His Epistola de Synodo Florentina ad omnes Christianas is printed, in the reply of Joseph, bp. of Methone, in Labbe, xiii. pp. 677 sq. An other Greek declared on this occa sion, when a threat had been ap plied to make him surrender his belief : ' Mori malo, quam unquam Latinizare.' 2 See Wharton, as above. Bes sarion became a Boman cardinal, and on the death of Nicholas V. (1455) was on the point of suc ceeding to the popedom. His mu nificence -and abilities contributed much to the diffusion of Greek lite rature in Italy. 3 Labbe, xni. 510 sq. 4 The language is remarkable : 'In azymo sive fermentato pane triticeo corpus Christi verac'iter con- fici [in Bessarion's version reXeicBai dXndws] ; sacerdotesque in altero ip- sum Domini corpus conficere debere, unumquemque scilicet juxta suae ec- clesise, sive oceidentalis, sive orien- talis, consuetudinem. ' —1 520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 395 for his past misdeeds by bringing forth the fruits of peni- relations tence, is aided after death by prayers and other offerings and west. which the faithful make in his behalf; while he himself is undergoing pains (' poenis purgatoriis') in order to his final purification and reception into heaven5. Whether this effect be due to elemental fire or other agents, is declared to be no matter for a synodal decision. As to the supremacy (to irpoiTelov) of the pope", the Greeks onthepapai 1 J \ i i i.^ i i supremacy. were willing to acknowledge it in all its latitude, unless indeed the final clause for saving the canonical order, rights, and privileges of the eastern patriarchs were meant to circumscribe his power. This memorable edict was published July 6, 1439, when completion of r J > ' the union. it exhibited the signatures7 of the emperor, the repre sentatives of the patriarchs of Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem, and of many others, not including Mark of Ephesus, nor the patriarch of Constantinople, who had lately died at Florence. The great object of so many conferences might seem to have been reached. But when 6 Ibid, and cf. Schrockh, xxxrv. primatum, et ipsum pontificem Bo- 429, 430. The other two cases, manum successorem esse beati Petri where the destination of the spirit principis apostolorum, et verum is either heaven or hell, are put as Christi vicarium, totiusque ecclesiae follows : ' Illorumque animas, qui caput et omnium Christianorum pa- post baptisma susceptum nullam trem ac doctorem existere,' dc. Ibid. omnino peceati maculam incurre- The pope, however, it was added, is runt, illas etiam, quas post con- to act in accordance with the canons tractam peceati maculam vel in of the Church (mb" bv rpbirov Kal suis corporibus, vel eisdem exutas iv rots irpaKriKots tSv oIkovlkcvikSv corporibus, prout superius dictum trwibivv, Kal ec rots lepois Kavbn 5ia- est, sunt purgata?, in caelum mox Xa/t/3acercu). recipi, et intueri clare ipsum Deum 7 On the Latin side the persons Trinum et Unum (cf. above, p. 350, who affixed their names were the n. 5), sicuti est, pro meritorum pope, eight cardinals, the Latin pa- tamen diversitate alium alio per- triarchs of Jerusalem and Granada, fectius ; illorum autem animas, qui two episcopal ambassadors of the in actuali mortali peccato, vel solo duke of Burgundy, _ eight archbi- originali decedunt, mox in infernum shops, forty-seven bishops (nearly descendere, pamis tamen disparibus all Italians), four generals of monas- puniendas.' tic orders, and forty-one abbots. 6 ' Item diffinimus, sanctam apo- The Greeks, to the number of stolicam sedem et Bomanum ponti- thirty, arrived at Constantinople, ficem in universum orbem tenere on their return, Feb. 1, 1440. RELATIONS OP EAST AND WEST. Its rejection in the East. Perpetuity of the schism. Vain attempts to vnn over the Armenians, 396 Stateof Religious Doctrine and uontroversies. [A.D. 1305 the tidings of reunion were divulged in Bussia1 and the Eastern Church2 at large, the synod was immediately re pudiated by the several churches. The new patriarch of Constantinople, Metrophanes, became an object both of hatred and contempt to his own suffragans, who forced him in the end to abdicate his throne. All 'Latinizers' were regarded by the populace as abject traitors to the faith of Christ; and even the compliant patriarchs3 who took a share in the proceedings at Ferrara, soon repented of their aberrations and openly reverted to the 'orthodox' belief. On the annihilation of Byzantine glory (1453) the rea sons for soliciting the friendship of the Western Church had ceased to operate. The Christians of Constantinople were then permanently disengaged from their alliance with the civil power, and from that day to this, in spite of many proselyting efforts, concentrated at the close of the six teenth century against the Church of Bussia4, the inveterate quarrels of the East and West have never been composed. The fears awakened at Constantinople by the Turks had acted in like manner on the court of Armenia. As early as 1317 an embassy3 was sent imploring help from John XXIL, and promising as an equivalent to bring about a cordial reconciliation with the Latin Church6. The briefs, however, which he circulated in the west of Europe with the hope of stirring up a new crusade were fruitless7: while, upon the other side, hereditary hatred 1 See above, p. 393, n. 5. 2 Neale's Eastern Church, ' Alex andria,' n. 337: and Gibbon, ch. lxvii. (vi. 260, 261, ed. Milman). 3 See e. g. their synodal letter (1443) in Leo Allatius, De Perpet. Consensione, pp. 939 sq., in which they characterize the council of Florence as p.iapdv, and threaten to excommunicate all who fraternize with the Latins. Their epistle to the emperor is quite as denuncia tory : Ibid. pp. 942 sq. 4 Mouraviev, p. 122. 5 Baynald. ad an. 1317, § 35 : cf. ad an. 1308, § 32, and above, p. 296, n. 3. 6 Ibid, ad an. 1318, §§8—17. In the same year (§ 15) the pope sent a party of Dominicans to facilitate the union ; but it never seems to have extended beyond the court and the nobles of lesser Armenia: see (as below, n. 8) Art. xxxiv. 7 The patience of the Church was already well-nigh exhausted by the — 1520] Stale of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 397 of the council of Chalcedon8 and a strong attachment to relations their semi- Jewish notions9, swayed the bulk of the Arme- and west. nian people to resist the tempting offers of the pope. In 1367 their country fell a prey to the Mameluke Turks, who threatened to erase all vestiges of Christianity10. A remnant it is true survived, and at the council of Florence, after the departure of the Greeks, a specious $%%!£%£ edict was drawn up (Nov. 22, 1440) for the purpose of embracing the Armenians in the general peace11. The kindred sect of Copts (or Jacobites) of Egypt, who had ^cc%!° also undergone a frightful persecution at the hands of the Mamelukes12, were made the subjects of a like decree13 (Feb. 4, 1441). An emissary of the Coptic patriarch14 ap peared in Florence, to facilitate this work. In neither case, however, did the overtures prevail except with individuals here and there. A firmer footing was at length obtained f,"S™Jssfiia. levying of tenths and other contri butions with a similar pretext, for the benefit of the popes and the kings of France : cf. Twysden, Vin- dication, p. 103, Camb. ed. The pope, however, in the present case for warded pecuniary help to the Arme nians (Baynald. ad an. 1323, § 5: Schrockh, xxxiv. 453). 8 See a catalogue of errors al leged against them in 1341 by Benedict XII. (in writing to the catholicos of Armenia) ; Baynald. ad an. 1341, §§45 sq. It is there stated (Art. III.) that they held a festival in honour of Dioscorus who was condemned at Chalcedon (Oct. 13, 451), themselves main taining with him, or at least deduc ing from his theory, ' Quod sicutin Domino Jesu Christo erat unica Persona, ita erat una Natura, scili cet Divina, et una voluntas et una operatio' (cf. above, p. 70). They appear to have also held (Art. IV.) that since the Passion of our Lord original sin has been remitted to all the children of Adam ('pueri qui nascuntur ex filiis Adam non sunt damnationi addicti'). They did not believe in a purgatory ('quia, ut dicunt, si christianus confiteatur peccata sua, omnia peccata ejus et pcencs peccalorum ei dimittuntur, ' Art. xvn.). They offered no prayers for the dead with the hope of pro curing a remission of sins ('sed generaliter orant pro omnibus mor- tuis, sicut pro beata Maria, Apo- stolis, Martyribus, et aliis Sanctis, ut in die judicii intrent in regnum cceleste.' Ibid.). In Arts, lxxxiv., lxxxv., we are told that they abso lutely denied the papal supremacy. 9 Thus (Art. XLVI.) they observed the legal distinctions between the clean and unclean meats : cf. above, p. 202, n. 2. 10 Baynald. ad an. 1382, § 49. 11 Labbe, XIII. H97sq. ; Schrockh, xxxiv. 458. 12 Benaudot, Hid. Patr. Alexand. Jacob, pp. 602 sq. ; Neale, 11. 322, 32 3- 13 Labbe, Ibid. I204sq.: Schrockh, xxxiv. 416. 14 Neale, II. 336. 398 Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 relations among the Christians of Abyssinia1. It proceeded from and west, an interchange of salutations at the Florentine synod on the part of their king Zara Jacob and Eugenius IV. The ultimate effect of it was the formation of a Latinizing school, which flourished, for some time at least, under the auspices of the court of Portugal2. We gather also from the closing acts of the council of Florence, now translated to the Lateran (Sept. 30, 1444, and Aug. 7, 1445), that the prelates made a vigorous effort to win over the Nestorians3 (' Syrians'), and that numerous section of the Maronites4, who still adhered to the Monothelete opinions. Whether any kind of change resulted from these later manifestoes of the Western Church, it is not easy to decide. Overtures to the Nestorians and the Maronites. Reformers in the Chw ch. CONTINUOUS EFFORTS TO WORK OUT A REFORMATION. The name of Beformation5 had been long familiar in the West of Europe. During all the present period, more especially the earlier half of the fifteenth century, it never ceased to vibrate in men's ears. A consciousness that the ecclesiastical system was diseased and lamentably out of joint, as well as a presentiment that things could not long continue as they were, had been awakened on all sides among the earnest and more thoughtful members of the Church. These feelings were occasionally shared by tenants of the Boman court8 itself: but for the most 1 Neale, n. 336. 2 See above, p. 339, n. 14. 3 Labbe, xin. 1222 sq. This decree states that Abdalla, archbp. of Edessa, had come to the synud in the name of Ignatius, patriarch of the Syrians. 4 Ibid. 1225 sq. (cf. above, p. 77). On the same occasion, deputies presented themselves in the name of Timotheus, metropolitan of the ' Chaldaeans ' (Nestorians) of Cy prus. By these proceedings, writes the Continuator of Fleury (ad an. I445> s- 5)> all the eastern sects would have been united to the Church of Bome, 'si ses decrets eussent e"te' rectls sur les lieux ; mais par malheur ils n'eurent point d'effet:' cf. Gibbon, vi. 241, ed. Milman. 5 See e.g. above, p. 22, n. 8; p. 270, n. 4. 6 e.g. Pius III., above, p. 365, n. 5. The language of Hadrian VI. (by his nuncio), at the diet of Nu remberg in 1522, is most emphatic : Baynald. ad an. 1522, § 66. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 399 part it had now become the centre of corruption and a reforma- • • TORY rallying point for all the self-complacent and reactionary efforts. spirits. Hence the origin of the continued struggle made at Pisa, Constance, and Basle, to circumscribe the papal monarchy. The leaders in it felt that such a step was absolutely indispensable for healing the disorders of the age. The council-party, as we saw, enjoyed the patronage of kings and governments ; it was supported almost uni formly by the lawyers and the more intelligent among the laity. We must, however, bear in mind that few reformers of this class had ever meditated critical in quiries into the established dogmas of the Church. One section of them were disposed to carry their reformatory principle no further than the temporal branches of the papal jurisdiction or the gross excesses in the lives of clergymen and monks. Accordingly the failure7 of the movement they had started, for convening general councils periodically, seemed a blow quite fatal to their projects of reform. But others who like them were anxious to preserve the outward unity of Christendom at almost any price, went further in applying sanitary measures. Chilled and wearied by the subtleties of a degenerate race of schoolmen, they reverted8 for illumination to the Holy Scriptures, and the writings of the early Church. The great majority, indeed (for instance men like Gerson or a Kempis), were not conscious of antipathy to the esta blished creed or ritual institutions of their country. Many 7 See above, p. 359, n. 7. The of a conciliar reformation: 'Quia cry for a general council was re- ista deficiunt \i. e. obedientia prin- newed, however, at the end of the cipum, zelus fidei], quseso, ex con- fifteenth century, and prolonged by ciliis cujusmodi reformatio prove- the Germans and English to the niet .... Ecclesiam per concilium middle, of the next. We gather reformare non poterit omnis hu- from the following expressions of mana facultas : sed alium modum an Inquisitor, in his reply to the Altissimus procurabit, nobis quidem 'reforming' cardinal, archbishop of pro nunc incognitum, licet heu! pras Crayn (Hottinger, Hist. Eccl., sasc. foribus existat, ut ad pristinum sta- XV. p. 413) who died in prison turn ecclesia redeat.' (1484),' that little hope was held out 8 See above, p. 3S2. REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. Reformersout of the Church. 400 State of Religious Doctrine ana Uontroversies. Ja.d. 1305 doctrines1 which have since been methodized in such a way as to present a sharper, a more startling and more systematic form were tacitly allowed or even strenuously defended : yet meanwhile the general tone of their pro ductions, as the use to which they were hereafter put by leaders of the Beformation shewed, was adverse2 to the modes of thought and feeling which prevailed before that epoch. While the timid, calm, or isolated efforts of this kind were tending in the bosom of the Church itself to some thing more emphatic, other agencies external to it had been also urging on the work. In spite of the Inquisitors8 who prowled in every part of Europe, many sects, retain ing more or less of truth, and more or less antagonistic to the hierarchy and the ritual of the Church, continued to recruit their forces. Though the Cathari, or Albigenses, had been massacred4 in all the south of France (except one miserable remnant5), they were at the middle of the fourteenth century so numerous8 in Croatia, Slavonia, runt Papee (ed. 1556), though con structed in a narrow, grasping, and, at times, in something like a dis ingenuous spirit, will furnish many illustrations of this remark. See also Field, On the Church, Append, to Book in. (11. 1—387, ed. 1849), who proves at length that the ex treme opinions, stereotyped by the Council of Trent, were held only by ' a faction ' in the age preceding Luther's. 3 Schrockh, xxxrv. 468 sq. 4 See above, p. 311. 6 Such are, in all probability, the Cagots of the Pyrenees : Schmidt, Hist, des Cathares, etc. I. 360. 6 Ibid. 1. 125 sq. The inhabi tants of Bosnia and Albania, where the doctrines of the Bogomiles were deeply rooted, afterwards became the champions of Islamism. Spen cer's Travels in European Turkey, I. 3°3— 312; Lond. 1851. 1 Gerson, for example, recon ciled himself to a belief in the Im maculate Conception of the "Virgin, on the ground that it was a develop ment : ' Doctores addiderunt multas veritates ultra Apostolos. Quaprop- ter dicere possumus, hanc veritatem " beatam Mariam non fuisse concep- tam in peccato originali" de illis esse veritatibus, ques noviter sunt revelalce vel declaratoe, tam per miracula quae leguntur, quam per majorem partem Ecclesias sanctas, quae hoc modo tenet.' Opp. in. 1330, ed. Dupin. He also applies the remark to pur gatory. Juster views are advocated in a Wycliffite treatise (1395) edited by Forshall (185 1), the author ask ing (p. 79) in a parallel case : ' Bi what presumpcion bryngith in this synful man this nouelrie, not foundid opinli in the lawe of God neithir in reesun ? ' 2 The Calalogus Testium Veritatis, qui ante nostram cdatem reclama- — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 401 Dalmatia, Albania, Bulgaria, and especially in Bosnia, as reforma- to form a large proportion of the populace. The school efforts of Peter Waldo had been similarly thinned by ruthless persecutions7, but it still survived8 in France, in parts of Germany, and even in Bohemia, as well as in the more sequestered vales and fastnesses of Piedmont9. The Beghards10 also, with the German Lollards, or at least that section of them which had now revolted absolutely from the Church, including- Fratricelli, 'Brothers and Sisters of the Free Spirit,' and a minor group of mystical and antinomian confraternities, appear at intervals on every side. They seemed to thrive not only in their earlier settlements, but also in the south of France, in Italy and Sicily11. To these may be subjoined the Adamites, the Luciferians, the Turlupines (all independent offshoots from the Beghards12), the disciples of John Pirnensis13 in Silesia, and a party of Flagellants", who, 7 The first of these, in the pre sent period, was set on foot by John XXIL (1332), and many others followed : Schrockh, XXXIV. 488 sq. 8 The numbers in Dauphiny, as late as 1373, are said to be 'maxima multitudo' (Baynald. ad an. § 20). Traces of them in different parts of Germany are noted by Gieseler to the end of the fourteenth century ; IV. § 122, n. 5. They appear to have entered Bohemia at the close of the twelfth (see The Reformation and Anti-Reformation in Bohemia, Lond. 1845, I. 5 > angmaof CJ transubstan- most part to suppress the evils that grew out of mal- J^q"" administration9. If he called the papacy an ' antichristian' 4 It is manifest, however, from opinions out more fully: see Le Bas, the proceedings of the synod of pp. 190 sq, ; Vaughan, pp. 216 sq. London (1382), that Wycliffe was 8 Above, p. 352. In Wycliffe's still charged with holding more unprinted treatise, Schisma Papce extreme opinions on this subject : (circ. 1 380), he thus writes of the 'Item quod decimae sunt purae dissension: 'Trust we in the help eleemosynae, et quod parochiani pos- of Christ on this point, for He sint propter peccata suorum curato- hath begun already to help us gra- rum eas detinere, et ad libitum aliis ciously, in that he hath clove the conferre.' Wilkins, HI. 157. head of Antichrist, and made the two 5 See Palmer's Treatise on the parts fight against each other. For Church, part vi. ch. iv. sect. 1 . it is not to be doubted that the sin 6 He does not even shrink from of the popes which hath been so long the supposition ' Si papa fuerit a continued, hath brought in this divi- fidedevius.' sion.' Quoted in Vaughan, p. 374. 7 After his escape from his ene- 9 Thus at the close of his ex- mies at Lambeth, Wycliffe had a amination at Lambeth, in which controversy on the same topic with no purely dogmatical question was an anonymous divine called 'mixtus discussed (Lewis, No. 40, p. 389), theologus.' He there carries his his protest runs as follows : ' Hae TORY EFFORTS. 410 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 1305 reforma- power, he only meant, as did a host of earlier writers who had used a similar expression, to denounce the practical corruptions then abounding in the see of Bome. But after 1380 many of his protests went far deeper1. He repudiated the prevailing dogmas on the nature of the Presence in the Eucharist. According to his view there is no physical conversion of the elements ; they do not lose their proper substance after consecration : yet in some mode or other which he does not rigidly define, it is contended that the sacramental bread is simultaneously and truly the Body of Christ. In different language, sunt conclusiones, quas vult etiam usque ad mortem defendere, ut per hoc valeat mores Ecclesice refor- mare.' Wycliffe, in other words, had hardly exceeded many of his prede cessors in the area and vehemence of his critiques. See, for instance, A Poem on the Times of Edw. II. (circ. 1320), edited by the present writer for the Percy Society,. No. lxxxii., or the Vision and Creed of Piers Plowman, passim; although the Creed may have been itself a Wycliffite production. 1 The following are five of the twelve theses (Vaughan, pp. 560, 561) which he offered to maintain at Oxford on this subject (1381).: 1. 'Hostia consecrata quam vide- mus in altari nee est Christus nee aliqua Sui pars, sed efficax ejus signum. 2. Nullus viator [i. e. Christian] sufficit oculo corporali, sed fide Christum videre in hostia consecrata. 3. Olim fuit fides Ecclesise Bomanae in professione Berengarii, quod panis et vinum quas remanent post benedictionem sunt hostia consecrata. 4. Eucha- ristia habet virtute verborum sa- cramentalium tam corpus quam sanguinem Christi vere et realiter ad quemlibet ejus punctum. 5. Trausubstantiatio, idemptificatio, et impanatio, quibus utuntur baptiste signorum in materia de eucharistia, non sunt fundabiles in Scriptura.' These views are fully stated in the fourth book of Wycliffe's Trialogus (circ. 1382), a work which em bodies many of his academical lec tures. It was printed in 1525, at Basle, with the title Jo. Wiclefi viri undiquaque piissimi Dialogorwm libri quatuor. In an English Con fession, of the same date, preserved in Knyghton (inter Scriptores X., col. 2649), he deems it 'heresie for to trowe that this sacrament is Goddus body and no brede ; for it is both togedur.' He also draws a sharp distinction between his view and that of 'heretykes that trowes and telles that this sacrament may on none wise be Goddus body.' Cf. also a Latin Confessio, in Vaughan, pp. 564 sq. where Wy cliffe taunts his adversaries on the ground that they are 'secta cul- torum accidentium,' and expresses his belief ' quod finaliter Veritas vincet eos.' He also adduces seven witnesses from the Fathers of the Church 'ad testificandam Ecclesise judicis hujus sententiam,' ascribing the establishment of transubstantia tion to Innocent III. and the Friars : cf. above, p. 325, Wycliffe's Tria logus, p. 196, and the Wycliffite Remonstrance, edited by Mr Forshall (Lond. 1851), p. 79. Neander (ix. pp. 218 sq., Bohn's edition) has in vestigated the opinions of the re former on theBe topics. on this subject condeinni Oxford. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 411 Wycliffe seems to have revived the doctrine of Batramnus, reforma- .iElfric, and Berengarius2. efforts. When these tenets had been advocated for some time nu teaching in Oxford3, they excited the hostility of William de condemned at Barton, the chancellor (1381), who calling to his aid twelve other doctors, eight of whom were members of religious orders and on that account the bitter enemies of Wycliffe, instantly pronounced the views of the re former contrary to the determinations of the Church. They censured4 him, and with him all who were unwilling to confess that after the consecration of the eucharistic elements 'there do not remain in that venerable sacra ment the material bread and wine which were there before, each according to its own substance or nature, but only the species of the same, under which species the very Body and Blood of Christ are really contained, not merely figuratively or tropically, but essentially, substantially, and corporeally, — so that Christ is there verily in His own proper bodily presence.' Silenced by the academical authorities, the fearless culprit next endeavoured to con found his adversaries by appealing to the king5: but he unpropuwus , . nl. ,... . circumstances. was driven to suspend this measure by the intervention s See the previous note, § 3, and statim sic docentem tanquam ser- cf. above, pp. 181, 182, 186. pentem. venenum pestiferum emit- 3 The Diffmitio contra Opinio- tentem fugiat et abscedat sub poena nes Wycliffianas, here alluded to excommunicationis majoris' etc. To (Vaughan, pp. 561- — 563), com- set himself right with his friends plains that by the publication of and followers at large, Wycliffe 'pestiferous documents' at Oxford, now published (138 1) his well-known 'fides Catholica periclitatur, devo- tract entitled Ostiolum or Wychett tio populi minoratur, et haec univer- (printed first at Nuremberg in 1546). sitas mater nostra non mediocriter He seems to have retreated from diffamatur.' the University at the same time, 4 Ibid. p. 562 : cf. Twysden's but, according to Dr Vaughan (pp. Vindication, p. 234. They also ap- 571 sq.), he was there again in the pended a prohibition, 'ne quis de following year (1382). caetero aliquem publice docentem, s See the extract from archbp. tenentem vel defendentem praemis- Sudbury's Register in Wilkins, in. sas duas assertiones erroneas aut 171, where the language is remark- earum alteram in scholis vel ex- able: '....appellavit non ad papam, tra scholas in hac universitate quo- _ vel episcopum, vel ordinarium eccle- vismodo audiat vel auscultet, sed siasticum; sed haereticus adherens 412 Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 TORY EFFORTS Synod of London, 1382. reforma- of John of Gaunt, who seems indeed to have been losing all his confidence in Wycliffe, when the latter animad verted on the doctrine, as distinguished from the practical corruptions and the secular encroachments, of the Church. A communistic outbreak of the English peasants and villeins, headed by Wat Tyler and John Balle1, occurred at this very juncture ; and although it was not instigated2 or fomented by the new opinions, it could hardly fail to prejudice the civil power against all further movements; more especially when, as in Wycliffe's, little or no tender ness was shewn to the Establishment and other constituted authorities of the realm. The primate had been murdered in the recent tumults. To his throne succeeded Courtenay, the old antagonist of the reforming party, who availed himself at once of the alarms now generally felt in England for suppressing what was deemed by many of his school the surest pro vocation of God's anger3. By his influence a new synod4 was convened at the house of the Black Friars, London, Wilkins, III. 152, 153. 3 This fact is well established by the author of a History of England and France under the House of Lan caster (Lond. 1852), pp. 16 sq., and notes : cf. Vaughan, pp. 260, 261. Mr Hallam (Middle Ages, III. 178, 179, 10th ed.) leans to the other side. That incendiary principles were not uncommon at this period may be gathered from the con demnation of John Petit, a doctor of Paris, by the synod of Constance (July 6, 14 r5). 3 e.g. The zealot, Walsingham (p. 266), who never charged the Wycliffites with stimulating the in- " surrection, looks upon it as a judg ment of heaven upon the prelates for not prosecuting the new heresy. 4 Wilkins, III. 157. One of the prelates was William of Wykeham. It is remarkable that, among the other accusations here brought against the reformer, one is to saeculari potestati in defensionem sui erroris et haeresis appellavit ad regem Bichardum, volens per hoc se pro- tegere regali potestate, quod non puniretur, vel emendaretur, eccle siastica potestate.' In the autumn of 1382, however, Wycliffe carried ' his appeal to Caesar, ' in a Com plaint which he addressed to the king and parliament (printed at Oxford in 1608, with other pieces, under the editorship of Dr James). It is divided into four articles, three of which relate to the vows of religious orders, the relations of the clergy to the civil power, and the withholding of tithes and offer ings from unworthy curates ; while the fourth re-states the theory of Wycliffe on transubstantiation. 1 Of this person, who was a priest, Knyghton (col. 2644) says that he was a 'precursor' of Wy cliffe, but never intimates that the two were acting in concert : cf. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 413 (May 17, 1382), in order to deliberate respecting certain reforma- strange opinions which were said to have been widely efforts. circulated both among the nobility and commoners of ~~ England. The proceedings had the sanction of eight pre lates, with a sprinkling of canonists, civilians, and divines. Of twenty-four propositions6 there attributed to Wycliffe, ten were branded as heretical, and all the rest as execrable and erroneous. Some of Wycliffe's more distinguished partisans, especially Nicholas Hereford, Philip Bepington, and John Aston6, were now called upon to disavow those condemnation tenets, or to suffer heavy penalties, — an ordeal which it n> "" seems but few of them had still sufficient constancy to meet7. There was indeed no English law at present which inflicted capital punishment in case of heresy: but Courtenay had been able to procure a royal letter8 (dated this effect, that after the death of Urban VI. no pope ought to be recognized, but that the people should be, like the Greeks, governed by their own laws : § 9. See the con temporary history of these proceed ings in Fasciculi Zizaniorum, ed. Shirley, pp. 272 sq. 6 Many of these were state ments, somewhat garbled, of what Wycliffe really taught. The most preposterous of them (§ 7) ran as follows : ' Quod Deus debet obe- dire diabolo,' an inference drawn perhaps from Wycliffe's rigorous views of predestination. Of the ' erroneous' conclusions one is thus expressed : ' Quod liceat alicui etiam diacono vel presbytero, prae- dicare verbum Dei absque auctori- tate sedis apostolica? vel episcopi catholici, seu alia de qua suffi- cienter constet.' This charge ori ginated in the fact that some of Wycliffe's disciples ('Poor Priests') itinerated, like the Friars, in all parts of the country, often bare foot and in coarse raiment of a russet hue, inveighing against the corruptions of the Church, com forting the sick and dying, and expounding the Scriptures. They formed a kind of 'home-mission.' 6 Wilkins, in. 166. The fol lowing passage from Walsingham (Hypodigma Neustrice, in Camden's Anglica, dec. p. 535) appears to shew that Wycliffism was now most un popular among the clergy. They granted the king a tenth in the autumn of 1382, but with the con dition ' ut videlicet Bex manus apponat defensioni ecclesiae, et prae- stet auxilium ad compressionem haereticorum Wicklevensium, qui jam sua prava doctrina pcene in- fecerant totum regnum.' 7 Vaughan, pp. 269 sq.; Hist, of England under the House of Lan caster, pp. 18 — 22, and note xn. How far Wycliffe was himself dis posed at this time to modify his statements on the Eucharist may be gathered from the documents enumerated in p. 410, n. 1. 8 Addressed to the Oxford au thorities and also to sheriffs and mayors: see Hist, of England, as above, p. 360; and Fascic. Zizanio rum, pp. 312 sq. 414 Stateof E^*yi ?i/uk M&vtnu> KjOieorOvarsics. "y.&-.u. 1305 TORY EFFORTS. Wycliffe's retirementand death, 1384. reforma- July 13) which authorized their banishment from Oxford and the ultimate imprisonment of all who might defend the new opinions. Lancaster himself enjoined the leaders of the movement to throw down their arms; and after Wycliffe had in vain endeavoured to excite the king and parliament in their behalf1, he quietly resided on his benefice at Lutterworth, where he expired2, in the com munion of the English Church, Dec. 31, 1384. Meanwhile, however, he had occupied himself in labours that were destined to immortalize his name. The earlier of those versions of the Bible and ' Apocrypha,' which are known as ' Wycliffite3,' was then completed. Not a few detached portions, as we have already seen4, were rendered into English at an earlier date : but never till the present period was the whole of the sacred volume generally unlocked and circulated freely among all orders of society.' Though it is probable that many who resisted Wycliffe's movement as unauthorized were still in favour His transla tion of the Bible. 1 See above, p. 411, n. 5 : Vaughan, pp. 289 sq. His comparative im punity now stimulated Urban VI. (the rival pope acknowledged in this country) to cite him to the court of Bome. Wycliffe replied excusing himself in a half-sarcastic letter (printed in "Vaughan, p. 576; and in Fascic. Zizan. p. 341), upon the ground of bodily infirmity (a paralytic affection of which he died at last). Among other things he says : ' I suppose over this, that the pope be most oblished to the keping of the Gospel among all men that liven here. For the pope is highest vicar that Christ has here in erth. For moreness [i.e. superiority] of Christ's vicars is not measured by worldly moreness, hot by this, that this vicar sues [i.e. follows] more Christ by vertuous living: for thus teches the Gospel.' 2 He was taken ill at mass on the feast of Thomas a Becket (Dec. 29) and died on the feast of pope Sylvester, from which his enemies argued that his death was a Divine judgment for the violence with which he had assailed both these prelates. 3 See on this subject the able Preface to the Wycliffite Versions of the Bible, published at Oxford, 1850, p. vi. The later and more popular version is mainly due to John Purvey, the second champion of the English Lollards ; Ibid. p. xxxii. ; Vaughan, p. 359, note. 4 Above, p. 319, n. 7. Sir Thos. More (Works, p. 233, ed. 1549) actually asserts that Wycliffe's ver sion of the whole Bible into English was not the oldest: but no one has ever verified the assertion : cf. Vaughan, p. 334. The extract given in Ussher (Hist. Dogmat., Works, xn. 346, ed. Elrington) states that an earlier version was put forth by John of Trevisa, chap lain to Lord Berkeley ; but this theory is also untenable : Pref. to the Wycliffite Bible, p. xxi. -1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 415 of vernacular translations6, others seem to have regarded reforma- • TORY them m every case with horror and alarm6. In putting efforts. forth their work it is quite obvious that the authors were anticipating the most active opposition7. An attempt was made accordingly, soon after it appeared, to check its circulation8: but no measures of that kind were carried out till twenty years later, in a synod9 held at Oxford (1408). The general views of Wycliffe on dogmatic questions summary of ° J o i. /iM theological may be gathered partly from the evidence adduced above, °Pinims': and partly from the multitudinous tracts1" he composed at Lutterworth immediately before his death ; but none of these are so distinct and comprehensive as the more scho lastic work entitled his Trialogus11. Accepting the con- ciliar definitions of the ancient Church12 as they related to 5 Even archbishop Arundel (Con stitutions against Lollards, § 6 ; with notes in Jdhnson, II. 466, 467, Oxf. 185 1 ) does not absolutely forbid such translations (in 1408), but requires that they shall first be submitted to the diocesan, or if need be, to a provincial council. He also praises Anne of Bohemia (the queen of Bich. II.), ' quod quamvis advena esset et peregrina, tamen quatuor Evangelia in linguam Anglicam ver3a et doctorum com- mentariis declarata assidue medi- taretur.' Quoted in Ussher, as above, p. 352. Bichard of Ham- pole's version of the Psalms (circ. 1340) was not prohibited. 6 Thus Knyghton, the anti-Lol lard, has the following charac teristic passage (col. 2644) : ' Hie magister Johannes Wyclif evange lium, quod Christus contulit clericis et Ecclesia? doctoribus, ut ipsi laicis et inferioribus personis secundum temporis exigentiam et personarum indigentiam cum mentis eorum esurie dulciter ministrarent, trans- tulit de Latino in Anglicam lin guam, non angelicam, unde per ipsum fit vulgare et magis aper- tum laicis et mulieribus legere sci- entibus, quam solet esse clericis admodum literatis et bene intelli- gentibus : et sic evangelica marga- rita spargitur' etc. 7 For their mode of defence, see Preface to the Wycliffite Bible, pp. xiv, xv. note: Vaughan, pp. 338. The title of Wycliffe's own treatise on this point is sufficiently startling: How Antichrist and his clerks travail to destroy Holy Writ. 8 See the remarkable protest of John of Gaunt, when an attempt was made to suppress it by act of Parliament (1390), in Ussher, as above, p. 352. 9 Wilkins, m. 314 ; Johnson, 11. 457- 10 Vaughan, p. 405. The number of them (see the Catalogue, Ibid. PP- 5*5 — 544-) appears almost in credible. 11 Above, p. 410, n. 1. It is analysed in Turner's Hist, of Engl. 'Middle Ages,' v. 1S5— 193, ed. 1830. ia See the extracts in Massing- berd, Engl. Reformation, pp. 127, 128, 2nd ed. The Wycliffite Re monstrance (ed. Forshall) occupies 416 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 the sacra ments. reforma- the central truths of our religion, he professed to be efforts, desirous of reverting in all other points to Holy Scripture and the early standards of belief1. The prominence awarded in his system to the Incarnation and Atone ment of the Saviour2, led him to renounce all trust in human merit, to suspect, if not to discontinue invocations of the saints, and more especially to fulminate against the impious sale of 'pardons,' or indulgences. Though he persisted to the last in speaking of the ' sacraments' as seven in number3, he arrived at clear distinctions with regard to their necessity, importance, and effect. The Eucharist, according to his view, while it is ' sacramentally the Body of Christ ' is also ' in its nature truly bread4;' and consequently the supreme worship of the host ap peared to him idolatrous5. In baptism, which he thought was properly administered to infants, he could recognize the ordinary channel instituted by the Lord Himself, and therefore commonly required, in order to the remission of sins6. He was in doubt as to the scripturalness of con firmation7, shocked by an excessive ritualism with which it had been loaded and obscured. The ministerial ' orders,' he contended, were originally two8; on which account the the same ground. It contends that the doctrine of transubstantiation is not expressed in Holy Writ and is unproved by ' kyndeli [i. e. na tural] reesoun, ' and experience. 'Also holi doctouris bi »¦ thousand yeer and more taughten not this opinli, but expresli the contrarie, as it is opin of seynt Austyn, Jerom, and Chrisostom :' p. 78. 1 The following prophecy in the Trialogus (p. 271) is very remark able : ' Suppono autem, quod aliqui fratres, quos Deus docere dignatur, ad religionem primaevam Christi devotius convertentur, et relicta sua perfidia, sive obtenta sive pe- tita Antichristi licentia, redibunt libere ad religionem Christi primae vam, et tunc asdificabunt ecclesiam sicut Paulus.' 2 Trialogus, pp. 171 sq. : cf. Le Bas, pp. 321, 322. He is most emphatic on the subject of indul gences in his treatise On Prelates, (1383) : Vaughan, pp. 428 — 430. 3 Trialogus, pp. 180 sq. 4 Ibid. p. 192 : cf. above, p. 410, n. 1. 5 See Neander's remarks on this point, IX. 225. 6 Trialogus, pp. 213 sq. 7 Ibid. p. 222 : cf. Le Bas, p. 340. 8 Cf. above, p. 409. The passage in the Trialogus (p. 225) runs as follows : ' In primitiva Ecclesia .... suffecerunt duo ordines clericorum, scilicet, sacerdos et diaconus .... — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 417 bishop ought to be included in a category with the pope, reforma- the cardinals, and others, who had no existence in the efforts. apostolic age. The first step in genuine penitence9, accord- ing to his view, is thorough change of heart, and though he did not question the established usage of auricular con fession, he denied its absolute necessity in every case. His speculations on the nature and intent of matrimony10 are peculiarly erratic. On the one side he conceived it to have been ordained for the filling up the vacancies occasioned in the court of heaven by the apostacy of Satan and his angels11: on the other, he regarded stipulations which forbid the marriage even of the nearest kindred as deriving all their force from human maxims and de crees12. The last in order of the ' sacraments,' extreme unction, was verbally retained : but he had looked in vain for traces of its institution in the Holy Scriptures13. While diverging thus at numerous points from the Purgatory. tradition of the Mediseval Church, it is remarkable that Wycliffe still continued to believe in purgatory14, and at Tunc enim adinventa non fuit dis- dicit non solum ex cognatione, sed tinctio papae et cardinalium, patri- ex aflinitate, amorem inter homines archarum et archiepiscoporum, epi- dilatari ; et causa haec hominum est scoporum et archidiaconorum,' etc. nimis debilis.' More sober views, In his treatise on Obedience to Pre- however, are expressed in An Apo- lates (1382), he defends the irregu- logy for Lollard Doctrines, attributed larities of 'poor priests' (cf. above, to Wycliffe, pp. 70, 71, ed. Todd, p. 413, n. 6) by urging that the 1842. 'worldly' bishops had no right to 13 Seethe brief discussion in the prevent them from instructing the next chapter of the Trialogus, (lib. people : Vaughan, pp. 424 sq. iv. c. 25). He maintains that St 8 Trialogus, pp. 254 sq. Of con- James (v. 14) is not speaking of fession he adds : ' Sed non credat ' infirmitatem finalem, sed conso- aliquis, quin sine tali confessione lationem faciendam a presbytero, auriculari stat hominem vere con- dum aliquis infirmatur, et quia per teri et salvari, cum Petrus injunxit viam naturae oleum abundans in generalem pcenitentiam.' illis partibus valet ad corporis sani- 10 See the Trialogus, pp. 238 — tatem. Ideo talem meminit unc- 250, and Le Bas, pp. 342, 343. tionem, non quod illud oleum agat 11 Cf. above p. 304, n. 4. in animam, sed quod oratio effusa 12 After speaking of the marriage a sacerdote devoto medicat quem- of brothers and sisters in the in- quam, ut Deus infirmitati animae fancy of the world, he adds : 'Nee suffragetur.' superest ratio, quare non sic liceret « In his MS. treatise On the hodie, nisi humana ordinatio, qua} Curse Expounded (1383), he writes M. A. EE 418 State ofBeligious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. D. 1305 Tripartite division of the Church. reforma- least to some extent in the effects producible on saints TORY efforts, departed by the prayers and alms of holy friends surviv ing, and the service of the mass. A late, if not his very latest, publication1 represents the family of God in three divisions : (1) the holy angels and beatified men, (2) the saints in purgatory, who are doomed to expiate the sins committed in the world2, and (3) the remnant of true- hearted Christians who are following while on earth the footsteps of the Lord. As a result of his belief in ab solute predestination3, .he confined the members of the Church to those who will eventually be saved4. The reprobate he held to form a class essentially and irre versibly distinct ; although as long as men are in the body none (it was maintained) could feel assured of his eternal destination5. Many germs of error and extravagance may be de tected in the theories of Wycliffe, much as those were overbalanced by the noble witness he had borne to long- forgotten truths and by the virtues of his private life. The anti-social principles avowed by some of his descendants pies by the (known as early as the year 1387 by the opprobrious name Absolute re probation. as follows : ' Saying of mass, with cleanness of holy life and burning devotion, pleaseth God Almighty, and is profitable to Christian souls in purgatory, and to men living on earth that they may withstand temptations to sins.' Quoted in Vaughan, p. 438 : cf. Le Bas, pp. 3^7, 3^8. 1 De Ecclesia et Membris ejus, edited by Dr Todd (Dublin, 1851). 2 The words are remarkable, par ticularly as indicating a distrust of prayers for the dead : ' The secound part of this chirche ben sentis in purgatorie ; and thes synnen npt of the newe, but purgen her \i. e. their] olde synnes : and many errours fallen in preiying for theis seyntis ; and sith thei alle ben deede in body, Cristis wordis may be takun of hem, Sue [follow] we Crist in our liyf and late the deede berie the dede;' p. iv. 3 See Neander's investigation of this point, IX. 240 sq. One of the charges brought against Wycliffe at the council of Constance (1415) was, that 'omnia de necessitate absoluta eveniunt : ' cf. Lenfant, Hist, du Concile, liv. n. ch. 59, Art. xxvii. 4 ' This chirche is moder to eche man that shal be sauyd, and con- teyneth no member but oonly men that shulen be sauyd :' De Ecclesia, as above, p. iv. 5 Ibid. p. v. He adds, that 'as eche man shal hope that he shal be sauyd in bliss, so he shulde suppose that he be leme [i. e. a member] of hooli chirche.' 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 419 of 'Lollards')8 had been logically drawn from his extreme reforma- positions on the nature of property and the inherent vice efforts. of all ecclesiastical endowments. Part, indeed, of the success7 attending his own labours would be due to this peculiarity' of his creed : but there we also find an ele ment conducing more than others to its premature decline. The upper classes of society were alienated8, and a number of the more distinguished clerics, who had joined the move ment in its earlier stages, now withdrew and took the other side9. Soon after Wycliffe's death complaints were made that the 'Lollards' advocated tenets like the following10: They regarded absolution as sinful and even impious : pil grimages, invocation of saints, the keeping of saints'-days, . and the use of images they branded as idolatry : they ques- • tioned11 the lawfulness of oaths, and undervaluing all epi scopal jurisdiction, went so far as to ordain their ministers12 and organize an independent sect. On more than one AUmpU „, occasion members of it were obnoxious to the charge of r%Zs7them. stirring up sedition13; and the English court, at length 6 See above, p. 373, 11. 9; and 10 Seethe catalogue of these 'novi Turner, Middle Ages, V. 198, where errores' in Knyghton, col. 2707. the bishop of Worcester (1387) de- n The words are 'Quod non licet nounces the 'Lollards' as 'eternally- aliquo modo jurare :! cf. the charges damned sons of Antichrist,' &c. brought against the Waldenses, 7 This was so marked, that above, p. 316, u.. 2. Knyghton, in speaking (col. 2666) 12 Wals.ngham, Hypodigma Neus- of knights, counts, and even dukes trice, p. 544, alludes to this feature among the 'Wycliviani sive Lol- of their system in the following lardi, ' adds : ' Secta ilia in maximo terms : ' Lollardi sequaces Johannis houore illis diebus habebatur et in Wicliff in tantam sunt evecti temeri- tantum multiplicata fuit, quod vix tatem, ut eorum presbyteri, more duos videres in via quin alter eorum pontificum [i. e. bishops] novos crea- discipulus Wyclefi fuerit.' rent presbyteros, asserentes quem- 8 Hist, of England under the House libet sacerdotem tantam habere po of Lancaster, pp. 36, 37. testatem conferendi sacramenta ec- 9 Instances are given in Le Bas, clesiastica quantum papa:' cf. the pp. 386 — 390. The same occurred, Apology for the Lollards, pp. 28 sq., and for similar reasons, in the great and Dr Todd's remarks, ' In trod., ' convulsion of the sixteenth cen- pp. xxviii, xxix. tury. Heath, for instance, an espe- 13 e.g. they placarded the churches cial favourite of Melancthon (1535), in London with scurrilous attacks became the Marian archbishop of upon the priests. Hist, of England, York (1555). aa above, pp. 29, 30. The boldness EE 2 420 Stateof Religious Doctrine and Uontroversies. [A.D. 1305 REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. relieved from other adversaries, entered on a vigorous course of action for repressing every kind of misbelief. The same repressive policy was followed out by Henry IV., who on dethroning Eichard (Sept. 29, 1399) had found it more than ever needful to secure the aid of the ecclesiastics, monks, and friars1. At this epoch, it would seem, the tenets of the Lollards2 were expressed with greater boldness and pursued more generally into their Further points logical results. They lost all reverence for the sacra- of eojitroeersy ° J opened. ments administered at church, and characterized the mass itself3 as the watch-tower of Antichrist. They absolutely rejected the doctrine of purgatory", though retaining, with conditions, certain prayers and offerings for the dead5. • They carried out their views of matrimony so far as to require that monks and nuns should marry, lowering at of their tone at this period is at tested by the remonstrances which they addressed to the parliament of 1395 (Wilkins, III. 221). The substance of their manifesto was then expanded and published in the English language ; and Mr Porshall has apparently identified the larger treatise with the Eccle sice Regimen, or so-called Remon- drance, which he edited in 1851 : see his Pref., pp. ix, x. In the following year (1396), eighteen pro positions taken from Wycliffe's Tria logus were condemned by a synod held in London (Wilkins III. 229), and answered in the treatise of Woodford above cited, p. 403, n. 8. 1 Soon after his accession he put forth a proclamation with the sanc tion of the House of Lords, direct ing the seizure and imprisonment *f all persons who dared to preach against the Mendicants (March 21, 1399): Bymer's Fcedera, vm. 87. Henry V. (Nov. 6, 141 3) made a grant of 25 marks per annum to the Warden and Convent of Priars Minors in the University of Cam bridge for the support of the Catholic faith : Documents relating to the Uni versity, 1. 38, ed. 1852. 2 See Hid. of England, as above, p. 32. 3 Wycliffe himself is charged (but, as it seems, unfairly) with disparaging 'the Mass and Hours.' Thus, in the Articuli Joh. Wiclefi condemned at Constance (in Brown's Fascic. I. 276), we read • among others of this kind : ' Utile foret ecclesias poni in pristina libertate : et sic cessarent missarum superaddita- rum solennia et orationes cum horis canonicis adinventae. Licet enim istaa tres adinventiones humanae per ac- cidens prosint ecclesice, non tamen lantum quantum peccatum diaboli.' 4 Cf. above, p. 417. 5 e.g. in one of the Conclusions (§ 7), addressed to Parliament (as above, p. 419, n. 13), they speak as follows: ' Quod spirituales orationes pro animabus mortuorum factae in ecclesia nostra [i.e. the Church of England which they distinguish (§ 1) from its 'noverca,' the Church of Bome], praeferentes unum per nomen magis quam alium, est fal- sum fundamentum eleemosynae.' — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine' and Controversies. 421 the same time its importance by dispensing with the in- reforma- tervention of the priest. Their strong antipathy to saints' efforts. days now extended to the weekly festival of the resurrec tion, which they treated as a merely Jewish ordinance6. Of other features now developed, none was practically more important than the circulation of a host of semi- political prophecies7, suggested by extravagant ideas re specting the secularization of the Church. It was to meet these later forms of Lollardism that Persecuting statute. Henry and his parliament devised the sanguinary statute8 De hmretico comburendo. Trial in the civil courts was hereby superseded; for certificates from any bishop or his commissary, stating - that a person was convicted or was vehemently suspected of heresy, constrained the sheriffs and their officers 'forthwith in some high place, before the people, to do him to be burnt.' An early victim of the spirit which presided, in the framing of this merciless enactment was William Sawtr^9, a parish -priest, wuiiam who had already manifested what were deemed heretical (d. 1401). opinions, and had been driven to recant ; but on reiterating his denial of transubstantiation10, he was publicly burnt at Smithfield (Feb. 26, 1401). Another victim was Lord Cobham11 (Sir John Oldcastle), a person of extraordinary Lordcobham merit. He had always set the highest value on the works 6 Cf. above, p. 316, n. 2 ; where of his crime and as an example to the same charge is brought against all other Christians. ' the Waldenses. 10 This was the gravamen of the 7 See Dr Maitland's 8th essay case against him. A MS. Chronicle (1852) on The Lollards, pp. 216 sq. of the period (Camb. .Univ. Libr. These 'prophecies' continued to be Dd. xiv. 2, fol. 305), in recounting circulated until the very dawn of the similar persecutions, states the crime Beformation. of . one of the sufferers in. these 8 2 Hen. IV. c. 1 5 ; Wilkins, in. terms : ' bicause that he said that 252. On the doubts respecting the godys body myjt nat be grounde in authority of this act, see Hist, of a mulle, and that he kept counseil in England, as above, Note xvii. huyding of lollards boks.' 9 Vaughan p. 486. The royal n One of the best accounts of mandate for his execution (Rot. him is given in the anonymous Pari. 2 Hen. IV. § 29) orders it to Hist, of England, as above, pp. 60 be made conspicuous 'in abhorrence —87. REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. 422 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a. d. 1305 of Wydiffe1, and his mansion at Cowling Castle in Kent had often furnished Lollard preachers with a shelter and a home. Suspected of a leaning to the new opinions, he was now, on his appeal to Henry V.2, transferred into the court of archbishop Arundel, his most implacable opponent3 (Sept. 1413). The charges brought against him were that he impugned the jurisdiction of the English Church and propagated misbelief, particularly on the Eucharist, the merit of pilgrimages, relics, image-worship, and the papal monarchy. The trial ended in a sentence which proclaimed him a ' pernicious and detestable heretic; ' but in the respite granted with the hope of wringing from him a confession of his guilt, he found an opportunity of escaping into Wales4, where he continued till 1417. He was then re captured, sentenced to the stake, and most barbarously executed in St Giles's Fields on Christmas-day5. 1 Copies of them were diffused at his expense': Vaughan, p. 495. 2 This monarch is praised by a contemporary as ' Christo et mundo commendatissimus inter reges,' for raising a standard 'contra Wicle- vistas haereticos.' 3 In the convocation held at Oxford, 1408, and apparently ad journed to London, he had pub lished his violent Constitutions against Lollards (Johnson, n. 457 — 475, Oxf. 1851, where see the edi tor's notes). The first of these enjoins that 'no one preach to the people or clergy in Latin or in the vulgar tongue, within a, church or without it, unless he present him self to the diocesan of the place in which he attempts to preach and be examined,' &c. In § 4, scholars are forbidden to dispute 'publicly, or even privately, concerning the Catholic faith or the sacraments of the Church.' Arundel was now supported by a Carmelite friar, Thomas Netter of Walden, whose Doctrinale Antiquitatum Fidei Eccl'. Cathol. (not unfrequently printed) is aimed at the Lollards. He is also generally regarded as the au thor of Fasciculi Zizaniorum ma- ffistri Johannis Wyclif, (above, p. 408, n. 2) : see Shirley's Introd., pp. lxx. sq. 4 Walsingham (in Camden's An- glica, de. p. 390) ascribes the rumours of disturbances in the following January to a secret conspiracy of the Lollards : but there is every reason to believe that Cobham was still in Wales : cf. Vaughan, pp. 503 — So'5. In 1430, however, some of them did rise into actual rebellion : Turner, Middle Ages, III. 14, 13. 5 Many other executions followed (Wilkins, III. 394 sq.) to the joy of men like Thomas Netter, who says (in the Proem, to his Dodri- nale) that they were all consigned 'duplici pcenae, incendio propter Deum, suspendio propter regem.' Elmham, a Latin poet of the time, discovers Sir John Oldcastle in the Apocalyptic number 666 : Liber Metricus, I. cap. 11. 1. 89, 90. 'Nomine sexcenti sunt, sexaginta simul sex : of Constance 'enounces — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 423 A heavier blow had meanwhile been inflicted on the reforma- Lollards by the council of Constance6 (1415). However efforts. cordially the bulk of the ecclesiastics there assembled Ti^councu might rejoice in the attempt of Wycliffe to repel the or. arrogance of Rome, to banish all administrative abuses, 1415 and to elevate the tone of morals in the Church at large', they could not tolerate those branches of his system where he meddled with the order of society and questioned the traditionary faith of Christians. Five-and-forty articles8, extracted from his writings, were accordingly denounced (May 5, 1415). Another list, extending to no less than sixty articles', was added in a future session (July 6) ; nearly all of them agreeing in the main with accusations ¦ that had been already urged against himself or some of his earlv followers in England. On the same occasion it Burning of . , p his bones, was ordered that the bones of Wycliffe, if discernible from 1428. those of other persons, should be burnt, — a fulmination which, however, was suspended till the time of pope Martin V. (1428). The prelate whom he charged to see it Extrahe quot remanent, his sua the University of Oxford, which vita datur.' condemned the Lollard tenets in Memorials of Hen. V., edited by 1412, drew up in 1414, and by the Cole, in the series of Chronicles king's express command, a series and Memorials of Great Britain, of Articles concerning the Reform at, 96. ation of the Church (Wilkins, hi. , 6 The University of Oxford had 360—365). deputed twelve persons in 1412 to 8 See Von der Hardt, Concil. examine the works of Wycliffe, Constant, iv. 150 sq., and Lenfant, and the result was that no fewer Hist, du Concile du Const, liv. 11. than two hundred and sixty-seven ch. 59. The proceedings were pre- conclusions were branded as ' guilty faced by a sermon from the bishop of fire:' Wilkins, ni. 339 sq. A of Toulon, in which it is remark- fact like this appears to militate able that the pope himself was strongly against the genuineness of handled in the roughest way. the Publike Testimonie given out by 9 Von der Hardt, iv. 408 sq. ; the Uhiversitie of Oxford in honour Lenfant, liv. m. ch. 42. Chicheley, of Wycliffe, and bearing date Oct. 5, who succeeded Arundel at Canter 1406 (Ibid. III. 302) : cf. Le Bas, bury, in the following year (1416) pp. 309 sq. His writings were also followed up these censures in the condemned by pope John XXIII. same harsh and narrow spirit (Wil- in 1412 : Mansi, xxvn. 505. kins, III. 378), aiming more espe- 7 We may estimate the strength cially to prevent the Lollards from of these feelings from the fact that holding ' secret conventicles.' TORY EFFORTS. 424 State of Religious Doctrine and uontroversies. [a. u. j.305 reforma- executed was Fleming, bishop of Lincoln, once an ardent champion of the new opinions1, who proceeded to exhume the body of his former friend, and after burning it, directed that the ashes should be thrown into the Swift, the stream which flows by Lutterworth2. The only writer who applied himself in earnest to con vert the Lollards, by the use of candid argument and by diffusing tracts in the vernacular, was Reginald Pecock3, who had been translated from the bishopric of St Asaph to that of Chichester in 1449. His moderation was, how ever, almost fatal to him. He could not insist upon the absolute infallibility of the Church4; and after a vexatious controversy with his brother-prelates, he was driven by a threat of punishment for heresy to make a solemn recanta tion, and was finally immured in Thorney abbey where he died5. Reginald Pecock,(silenced 1457). 1 See Le Bas, p. 390. 3 Lyndwood (Provincial^, p. 284, Oxon. 1679) mentions these bar barous proceedings with apparent satisfaction. 3 See Lewis, Life of Pecock, pas sim : and Wharton's Append, to Cave, ad an. 1444. His chief book against the Lollards is entitled The Repressor of overmuch blaming of the Clergy; printed (i860) in the series of Chronicles and Memorials of Great Britain. In the first part, he dis cusses at great length the principal objection of the nonconformists, that nothing is to be received as true, or obligatory on the Christians, if it be not fully and expressly stated in the Bible. He maintains (Pt. I. ch. v. p. 25), 'if eny semyng discorde be titwixe the wordis writen in the outward book of Hob' Scripture and the doom of resoun, write in mannis soule and herte, the wordis so writen withoutforth oujten be expowned and be interpretid and broujt forto accorde with the doom of resoun in thilk mater;' &c. 4 His obnoxious statements had appeared in his Treatise of Faith: see Mr Babington's Introduction to Pecock's Repressor, pp. xxxii. sq., and p. xxxix. u. 1. The second book, in which he shews that Scripture is the only perfect and substantial basis of belief, was published, London, 1688. 5 He was allowed no writing materials, and 'no books to look on, but only a portuous [i. e. bre viary], a mass-book, a psalter, a legend, and a Bible.' Harleian MS. quoted by Turner, in. 143, n. 47 : cf. Repressor, Introd. p. lvii, and note 3. Leland (Collectanea, III. 410, ed. Hearne) extracts a passage from an old chronicle which throws light on the condemnation of Pe cock : ' male sensit de Eucharistia et de sanctionibus Ecclesiae.' The sus picion with which he was regarded is further seen in a supplemental statute of King's College, Cam bridge (founded 1441) ; provision being then made that every scholar, at the end of his probationary years, should abjure the errors or heresies ' Johannis Wiclif, Reginaldi Pecock,' etc.: Lewis, as above, p. 173. fluence of the Lollards. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 425 Although it is not easy to trace out the fortunes of the reforma Lollards during the political convulsions from which Eng- efforts. land suffered in the fifteenth century, nor to determine interior in whether they were still surviving at the outbreak of the Reformation6, we can scarcely doubt that strong predis positions were excited in its favour, by their preaching and their works. John Wycliffe may indeed be taken as the prototype7 of one important school of English, and still more of Continental Church-reformers. In the na tural bias of his mind, in the unwonted clearness of his moral intuitions,- in his rude but manly style, and in the fearless energy with which he struggled, almost single- handed, to eradicate the gross abuses of the times, we see an agent qualified to censure and demolish errors rather than to strengthen the dismantled fortress of the Church, and beautify afresh the ancient sanctuary of truth : while some of his opinions, even where he was not conscious of the slightest wish to foster insurrection, were too easily convertible for such an end by over-heated crowds or by less scrupulous disciples. It is found, accordingly, that the Reformers who at last succeeded in the sphere of labour where his patriotic piety had failed, drew little, if at all, from his productions8: and in Germany, the Lutheran, 6 Traces of their influence are have been stirred to make this found in the Acts of the Convoca- onslaught by reading ' Wicliefe's tion of 1536: see Hard wick's Hist. boke, which he wrote De Ecclesia ¦'' of the Articles, pp.34, 35, 2nd edi- but when he was at length pro- tion. moted to the see of London, he 7 See Prof. Blunt's remark on the 'changed his mind,' pp. 6 — 8: cf. affinity between the Lollard and the Nicolas's Life and Times of Hatton, Puritan, in his Sketch of the Reforma- p. 237, Lond. 1847. The twenty- tion, pp. 87 sq., 6th edit. sixth of the Articles of Religion, if 8 Dr Todd, in the 'Advertise- not others also, may have had an ment' prefixed to his edition of eye to errors of the Lollards; al- Wycliffe's treatise De Ecclesia * et though in the Remonstrance edited membris suis, quotes a passage from by Mr Porshall, the writer of it Aylmer's Harborough for faithful grants that sacraments and other subjects, printed at Strasburg, 1559, ordinances may be truly administer- and launching censures at the pre- ed by 'evil men' (p. 123), but that lates on account of their temporal in cases where the lives of priests possessions. The author seems to are openly scandalous, their flocks 426 State of Religious Doctrine and uontroversies. [a.d. 1305 REFORMA- TOltV EFFORTS. Simultaneous movement in Boliemia. Milicz (d. 1374). as distinguished from the Swiss divines, appear to have regarded Lollardism with positive distaste1. The feverish impulses, however, which that system had communicated to the general spirit of the age were soon transmitted to a distance. They not only tended to en lighten England, but ' electrified' Bohemia. Some indeed of the reaction there produced is traceable to other causes2, for example to the freer element in the original Christianity of the district ; to the old antagonism between the Slavic and Germanic families, of whom the latter was in close alliance with the pope; and even more to individual preachers3, who, ¦ anterior to the age of Huss or Wycliffe, started independent measures for the exaltation of their mother-Church. Of these precursors, three at least deserve a special notice. Milicz, a Moravian of Cremsier, was the archdea con of Prague, and secretary to the emperor Charles IV., the king of Bohemia. Anxious to devote himself entirely to the spiritual benefit of others, he resigned his large emoluments (1364), and during several years perambu lated in the country as an earnest preaeher of repentance4. He was more and more oppressed by a conviction that the Church had sunk into the grasp of Antichrist5. He are bound to keep aloof from their communion (cf. Apology for Lollard Doctrines, pp. 37 — 40, ed. Todd). 1 Some of their antipathy was due to the aberrations mentioned in the previous note : e. g. Apologia Confess. August, (by Melancthon), p. 149, in the Libri Symbolici, ed. Prancke, Leipz. 1847 : cf. other in stances in Gieseler, iv. § 125, n. 31, and Le Bas, pp. 320, 321. 2 See above, pp. 122 — 125. 3 The best modern authorities on this subject are Palacky's Gesch. von Bijhmen, Prag, 1845, and Jordan's Vorliiufer des Husitenthums in BSh- men, Leipz. 1846. 4 At first his influence was im paired by his want of familiarity with the native tongue, or the strangeness of his accent ('propter incongruentiam vulgaris sermonis') ; ' but afterwards he made a deep im pression more especially on the fe male auditors ('incceperunt mulieres superbae pepla alta et gemmis cir- cumdata caputia et vestimenta auro et argente ornata deponere') : see a Life of Milicz (by a disciple; in Bal- bhrus, Miscell. Hid. Bohemia, De- cad. I., lib. IV., pp. 45, 46 ; Prag. 1682. 5 With this feeling he composed a Libellus de Antichristo, on which see Neander, IX. pp. 256 sq., Jordan, p. 29. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 427 treated on this topic in St Peter's at Rome6 (1367), but reforma- was immediately silenced by the Inquisition7. Urban V., efforts. however, who attempted at that very juncture8 to reoccupy ~ the old metropolis, released the culprit from his chains and' sent him back to Prague. He there resumed his work; but certain Friars, envious of his popularity and writhing under his rebukes, commenced a fresh attack upon him. He expired at Avignon in 1374, while the judicial process they had instituted was still pending9. One of his contemporaries was an Austrian, Gonrad ?™™<7 of I ' II aldhansen bt Waldhausen10, who adopted a like method in Vienna (<*• 1369). for awakening all classes of society. He was at length invited by the emperor Charles IV. to aid the holy movement in Bohemia11; and the sermons which he there delivered seem to have produced a marvellous effect. Like Milicz, he had also proved himself peculiarly obnoxious to the Mendicants12, who strove to silence him (1364). Their opposition failed, however, and he died in peace (1369). Among the numerous followers of Milicz none acquired Matthias of Janow (d. 1394). 6 He there announced '-quod jam Militius cremabitur :' Life, as Antichristus venit' (Life, as above, above, p. 51. p. 51): feeling himself constrained s See above, p. 352. to pray and labour ' pro domino 9 This point does not seem to be nostra papa et pro domino impera- very clearly established : see Jordan, tore, ut ita ordinent ecclesiam sane- p. 27, and Neander, ix. p. 263. tam in spiritualibus et temporalibus, 10 Sometimes called ' von Stiekna' ut securi fideles deserviant Creatori :' through an error of the press which Neander, ix. 259. Another of the confounded him with another of the charges subsequently brought against same class. Sczekna is said to have him was for strenuously maintaining also distinguished himself by preach - ' quod omnis homo tenetur de neces- ing 'contra clericos:' Neander, p, sitate saltern ad minus bis in hebdo- 264, note. mada sumere corporis Dominici sa- u On his labours there and hereto- cramentum :' Jordan, p. 39, where fore, see Jordan, pp. 3 sq. He also all the twelve articles are given. was persuaded that the Antichrist 7 This engine was now worked was rampant in the Church. by Mendicants, to whom Milicz, like 12 According to Balbinus (as above, Wycliffe, made himself peculiarly ob- p. 426, n. 4), p. 406, Conrad corn- noxious. On his apprehension some posed a large treatise entitled Accu- of them announced to their congre- sationes Mendicantium : cf. Neander, gations in Prague, ' Carissimi, ecce pp. 268 sq. 428 State of lxeugious Doctrine and Uontroversies. [A.D. 1305 reforma- so high a reputation as Matthias of Janow (in Bohemia), efforts, -who, proceeding on the same conviction that the Church would decompose if it were not immediately reformed1, appears to have anticipated many of the views hereafter cherished by the Lutheran divines. A six years' residence at Paris (hence his title of 'Magister Parisiensis') made him an accomplished scholar and philosopher: but holier aspirations were excited in him as he listened to the fervent preachers now arising in his native country. In 1381 he was inducted to a stall in the cathedral church of Prague. The scandals there laid open to his gaze impelled him to rebuke the monks and clerics, in a work2 On the Abomination of Desolation in the Church. A more im portant work3, however, is entitled Rules of the Old and New Testament, in which, amid a number of prophetic theories, he handles the corruptions of the age with terrible severity. Among the remedies on which both he and Milicz had insisted, one was greater frequency in the 1 He went so far even as to de- extracts from it are supplied in Jor- spair of the corrigibility of the dan, as above, pp. 59 sq. : cf. Nean- Church in its present state : ' Dei der's review, ix. pp. 280 — 335. In Ecclesia nequit ad pristinam suam one passage (p. 313) it is manifest dignitatem reduci, vel reformari, nisi that Janow, had he followed out his prius omnia fiant nova.' De Sacer- argument, would have insisted on dotum et Monachorum Abominalione the necessity of communion in both Desolationis, etc., u. 37 (published kinds. His words are, 'Propter in the Hist, et Monument. Joh. Hus, quotidianam frequentiam et propter Norimb. 1715, 1. 473 sq.). In an dualitatem utriusque specieij panis extract (given by Jordan, p. 68), he et vini, a quibus hoc sacrificium ill- thinks it essential to a reformation tegratur:' cf. p. 333. Accordingto that the ritual system of the Church his view, the Eucharist- was the and some of its dogmatical excre- crowning act of worship (p. 323), scences should be curtailed : ' Qua- and the Bible the great source of propter apud me decretum habeo, Christian joy and knowledge. On quod ad reformandam pacem et the latter point he spoke with a unionem in universitate Christiana peculiar emphasis (Jordan, p. 30) : expedit omnem plantationem illam ' Unde cum vidi quam plurimos por- eradicare, et abbreviare iterum ver- tare semper reliquias et ossa diver- bum super terram, et reducere Christi sorum sanctorum, pro defensione sua Jesn Ecclesiam ad sua primordia sa- quilibet et sua singulari devotione... lubria et compendiosa.' ego elegi mihi Bibliam, meam elec- a As in the previous note. tam, sociam meas peregrinationi, ges- 3 The whole is still in MS., but tare semper mecum,' de. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 429 reception of the Lord's Supper4: but a synod held at reforma- Prague5 in 1388 discountenanced the practice, by forbid- efforts. ding laymen to communicate more frequently than once a month6. The ground had thus been broken for the sedulous John huss but ill-requited labours of John Huss' (Hus), who saw the light at Husinecz, a market-town of Bohemia, July 6, 1369. His place of training was the newly-founded University of Prague, where he became professor [i.e. public tutor) in philosophy (1396). Soon afterwards, in (1400), he was chosen as the spiritual director of the queen Sophia; and his popular discourses at the chapel of Bethlehem8 in Prague (1401) were instrumental to the spreading of his influence from the court and university to all the humbler grades of life. His ' orthodoxy' at this time was unimpeachable : we find him bearing a com mission from the primate Sbynco (Lepus) and conducting an inquiry into the genuineness of a reputed miracle at Wilsnack9. Huss had grown familiar with the Sacred Writings, Transmission with the doctors of the Western Church, especially Au- writings to gustine, and with modern authors of celebrity, including Grosseteste10 of Lincoln and his own fellow-countryman, 4 See above, p. 427, n. 6. Janow Monumenta Joh. Hus atque Hieron. thus expresses himself in the un pub- Pragensis, Norimb. 17 15; Palacky, lished work reviewed by Neander Gesch. von Bohmen, as above ; Nean- (p. 329) : ' Absit autem hoc a Chris- der, ix. 339 — 537 ; and Daun's Ma- tianis quod debeant solum semel in gister Johannes Hus, 1853. anno agere memoriam Dominicae 8 The founder of this chapel states, paasionis, quae continuis momentis in his deed of gift (Gieseler, v. § 1 50, debet in ipsorum pectoribus demo- n. 1), that he called it 'Bethlehem rari.' He was in favour of daily quod interpretatur domus panis... communion. ^ac consideration, ut ibidem popu- 5 Jordan p. SS- ^ua communis et Christifideles pane 6 In the Ancren Riwle (Camd. Soc. praedicationis sanctae refici debeant.' l853), P- 412, it is enjoined that, as 9 See the particulars in Neander, men undervalue what is frequently pp. 342 sq. administered, the laity should com- 10 This may be concluded from munioate only fifteen times in a year. references to Grosseteste in the 7 See, especially, the Historia d works of Huss. 430 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 ieforma- Matthias of Janow, when the theological as well as other TORY" ' efforts, tracts of Wycliffe found their way as far as Prague and caused a general fermentation in the academic circles1. The exchange of sentiments promoted in this age by wandering scholars was facilitated in the case of England and Bohemia by the recent marriage of the princess Anna, daughter of Charles IV., to our Richard II. We are also told2 that Jerome of Prague, who stood to Huss in a relation similar to that in which Melancthon stood to Luther, sojourned for a time at Oxford (circ. 1398), and on returning home imported numerous copies of the Wycliffite tracts to circulate among the students in Bo hemia. Huss had not been favourably impressed with some of these productions ; but a change8 at length appears to have come over him, and he stood forth as Wycliffe's pupil and apologist. The ground-tone of their minds, however wide they may have been apart on isolated 1 According to Huss himself 3 Vaughan's Wycliffe, p. 509. (Contra Anglicum Joan. Stokes: Opp. Yet it is obvious from the language I. 108), who informs us that as early used by Huss himself (Opp. 1. 330) as 1 38 1 some of the Wycliffite tracts that he did not acquiesce in some were known in Prague, and that he of Wycliffe's opinions even at the was acquainted with them before close of his career. He says that he 1 39 1. These, however, may have holds to the ' sentential verae ' of the been chiefly philosophical in their English reformer, 'non quia ipse character. dixit, sed quia Divina Scriptura, vel 2 The authority on which this ratio infallibilis dicit. Si autem statement generally rests, is jEneas aliquem errorem posuerit, nee ipsum, Sylvius (Hist. Bohem. c. 35), whose nee quemcunque alium intendo in hatred of the Hussites will be ga- errore, quantumlibet modice, imi- thered from the following extract : tari.' On the other hand, jEneas ' Imbutus jam ipse [i. e. vir quidam Sylvius, as above, declares that genere nobilis] Wiclevitarum veneno Huss carried his admiration of Wy- et ad nocendum paratus, turn quod cliffe to the highest pitch, assert- erat familiar sua? cognomen, Putri- ing of his books that they contained dum Piscem, i. c. foetidum virus in all truth, ' adjiciensque crebro inter cives suos evomuit.' Palacky, how- pradicandura, se postquam ex hac ever, seems to think that the noble luce migraret in ea loca proficisci here mentioned was Nicholas von cupere, ad quae Wyclevi anima per- Faulfisch, a less distinguished fol- venisset, quern virum bonum, sane- lower of Wycliffe (in. pt. 2, 192, turn, cceloque dignum non dubi- n. 245). taret.' :— 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 431 topics, was the same: they both were Realists4, and reforma- both intensely anxious to promote the reformation of the efforts. Church5. A numerous party6 now began to cluster in the chapel Quarrel of the and the lecture-room of Huss. In him the natives saw Bohemian acaaemtcs. an able type of the Bohemian as distinguished from the other class of students ; and accordingly the advocacy of the new opinions in religion was ere long identified with politics, and irritated by the national dislike of every thing Germanic. In the midst of this unhappy war of races, nearly all the foreigners withdrew from Prague (1409), transfusing into other seats of learning the an tipathy which most of them now cherished both for Wycliffe and the new reformers in Bohemia. One of the most glaring evils on which Huss insisted huss attacks ' ¦ -ii n i • the corrupt from the opening to the close of his career, was the ecclesiastics, degeneracy of the ecclesiastics7. His invectives roused the anger of his former friend, archbishop Sbynco8, who ¦imputing the sensation thus produced to the diffusion of the Lollard tracts, commanded them to be collected and " Neander, ix. p. 349. The Ger- four thousand) students, there were man students, on the contrary, were only two thousand left in Prague. Nominalists, which introduced an- The malcontents established them- other element of strife. selves at Leipzig. 5 Huss (Opp. I. 109) mentions 7 Cf. above, n. 5. In 1407 he this as the great bond of sympathy preached before a diocesan synod with the English reformer: 'Mo- from Eph. vi. 14 (Opp. n. 32 sq.), vent me sua scripta, quibus nititur and betrayed his leaning to the toto conamine omnes homines ad views of Wycliffe and Matthias of legem Christi reducere, et clerum Janow with regard to the ecclesi- pracipue, ut dimittendo saeculi pom- astical endowments. He also in- pam et dominationem vivat cum veighs against the dissolute habits apostolis vitam Christi.' of many of his audience (' pralati, 6 Neander, pp. 352 sq. iEneas canonici, plebani, et alii presbyteri,' Sylvius (as above, c. 35) puts the p. 38). matter thus: 'Bexerunt scholam 8 Neander, pp. 361 sq. A formal Pragensem usque in ea tempora treatise ('Antiwickleffus') was com- Teutones. Id molestissimum Bo- posed at this juncture (1408) by hemis fuit, hominibus natura fero- Stephen, abbot of Dola (in Moravia). cibus atque indomitis.' After the It is printed in Pez, Thesaur. Anec- secession of the Germans, who are dot. iv. part ii. 149 sq. where the said to have numbered, at the least, Antihussus and other cognate pieces five thousand (others have it forty- may be found (pp. 361 sq.). reforma tory EFFORTS. appeals to a pope better informed .- is excom municated, 1411: 432 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 committed to the flames1 (1408). A series of complaints were also lodged at Rome2, which finally evoked a bull of Alexander V. (Dec. 20, 1409). He there enjoined a fresh inquiry, in the hope of burning all the other books of Wycliffe and suppressing every form of Lollardism. But Huss, like his precursor, was at first in favour with the court3; and this advantage, added to a keen perception of the weakness and injustice of the papacy, induced him to appeal from the decision of ' a pontiff ill informed' to one ' better informed4.' So confident was he in his integrity, that on receiving news of Alexander's death (May 3, 1410) soon afterwards, he promptly brought his case before the new pope5, the monster John XXIII. The culprit was now cited to attend in person at Bologna ; but his friends, who knew the danger he was in, dissuaded him from such a step6, and on his failing to appear, the sentence of excommunication (Feb. 1411) was launched immediately against him, notwithstanding all the interest employed on his behalf by Wenceslaus and the queen'. 1 Two hundred copies, of which many had been richly bound, were thus destroyed : cf. Vaughan's Wy cliffe, p. 404. The University of Prague declared (June 15, 14 10) that it was not a consenting party to the act of archbp. Sbynco and the rest ' in combustionem librorum magistri Johannis Wicklef :' Giese ler, § 150, note 9. Neander (p. 377) places this combustion in the sum mer of 14 10. 2 Another ground of complaint was that the new reformer exercised pernicious influence by his sermons. This was to be obviated by forbid ding any one to preach in a private chapel, such as the Bethlehem. See Alexander's bull in Baynald. ad an. 1409, § 89. 3 Stephen, the abbot of Dola (as above), p. 390, ascribes the protec tion of Huss to the ' popularis vulgi favor et saeculare brachium.' 4 ' A papa male informato ad pa pain melius informandum :' see Ne ander, p. 376. 5 His Appellatio ad sedem, Apos- tolicam is printed in the Hist, et Monument. 1. 1 12. Bespecting John XXIII. , see above, p. 356. 6 The following is part of his own version of the matter : ' Citatus aulem personaliter ad Bomanam cu riam optabam comparere humiliter ; sed quia mortis insidiae tam in regno quam extra regnum praesertim a Teutonicis sunt mihi positae, ideo multorum fretus consilio judicavi, quod foret Deum tentare, vitam morti tradere, profectu Ecclesias non urgente. Igitur non parui person aliter, sed advocatos et procuratores constitui, volens Sanctis sedi apos- tolicae obedire.' See the rest of this Confession of Faith, correctly given in Pelzel, Lebensgeschichte des Ko- nigs Wenceslaus, Documents, No. 230; Prag, 1788. 7 Neander, pp. 392 sq. REFORMA TORY — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 433 Their influence was, however, more successful in promoting an accommodation between him and the archbishop; efforts Huss avowing his respect for the ecclesiastical authority But reconciled and his determination to adhere in all things to the will wA%?"*" of Christ and of the Church8. But in the following autumn Sbynco breathed his last, and when a legate was dispatched from Rome with the accustomed pallium for the new archbishop, John annexed to it a parcel of indulgences, which purported to be at indulgences once available for all persons who might volunteer to Bohemia: execute the ban that had been issued for dethroning his opponent, the king of Naples. The enormity of this procedure stirred the vehemence of Huss9 and of his col league, Jerome, to the very highest pitch. The latter, hot and sanguine, lost no time in propagating his enthu siasm among the students, who, in order to exact a kind of vengeance for the seizure of Wycliffe's writings, or ganized a mock-procession in the streets of Prague and burnt the papal instruments10. Though Huss had not burning of ae ,,.. .. i, -,-, r documents in directly sanctioned this irregularity, and though he after- f",«K wards regretted its occurrence, the most formidable cen sures of the Church alighted on his head11. He could huss retreats. *o' 8 Ibid. p. 396. He now put forth able Qucestio devoted to that subject the Confession, quoted above, vindi- (1412) : Hist, et Monument. I. 215 sq. eating himself in the eyes of the 10 See Pelzel, as above, n. 608 sq. University. It seems that the violence connected 9 He justified his resistance on with this act estranged the king the following grounds : ' Ego dixi from Huss. According to Stephen quod affecto cordialiter implere man- of Dola (in Pez, Thesaur. Monu- data apostolica et ipsis omnino obe- ment. iv. part ii. 380), he published dire, sed voco mandata apostolica a decree, 'ut nequaquam aliquis doctrinas apostolorum Christi, et de audeat rebellare et contradicere oc- quanto mandata pontificis concor- culte vel publice, sub capitali poena, daverint cum mandatis et doctrinis indulgentiispapalibus.' Threeyouths apostolicis, secundum regulam legis were afterwards executed for inter- Christi, de tanto volo ipsis paratis- rupting preachers, who invited their sime obedire. Sed si quid adversi flocks to purchase indulgences ; see concepero non obediam, etiamsi ig- Neander, pp. 417 sq., and Lenfant, nem pro combustione' inei corporis Hist, du Concile de Constance, liv. meis oculis praeponatis :' Neander, III. c 11. _ P 400 His views on indulgences u He was excommunicated atresh, may be seen at length in a remark- and all the place in which he lived M.A. FF TORT EFFORTS, His religious opinions at this lime. 434 Stateof Religious Doctrine ana Controversies. j_A.i>.1305 reforma- no longer prosecute his public mission, but addressing an ipnUT OX J i • i Tl appeal to Jesus Christ Himself1, the only righteous Judge, retreated from the theatre of strife. The works2 which he composed in his retirement have enabled us to mark the final stages in the growth of his belief. To many of the characteristic dogmas then pre vailing in the Church, he yielded his unwavering assent3, confining his denunciations mainly to those points which he regarded as excrescences, abuses, or distorted forms of tmth. His principles4, indeed, had they been logically apprehended and consistently applied, must have con strained him to relinquish some of the positions advocated by the western schoolmen : but, unlike his English fellow- worker, Huss had not been largely gifted with the logical faculty, and therefore he continued all his life unconscious of his own divergencies. So far was he indeed from meditating the formation of a sect, that he had hoped to renovate the Western Church entirely from within. A reference to these facts may well explain the readiness6 was stricken by the papal interdict. Even the chapel in which he preached was to be levelled with the ground : Palacky, III. pt. i. 286. 1 See the Hist, d Monument. I. 22. 3 One of the most important, and indeed his very greatest work, is the Traclatus de Ecclesia (in the Hist. et Monument. I. 243 sq.) His divi sion of the Church, like that of Wycliffe (see above, p. 418), is tri partite. The 'ecclesia dormiens' he defines (c. 2) to be ' numerus pras- destinatorum in purgatorio patiens.' By recognizing some of the finally condemned as members of the Church on earth, he shews that he did not follow Wycliffe blindly (cf. above, p. 418, n. 5). The following are his words (c. 3) : ' Dupliciter homines possunt esse de sancta matre Eccle sia, vel secundum prssdestinationem ad vitam aeternam, quomodo omnes finaliter sancti sunt de sancta matre Ecclesia ; vel secundum praedestina- tionem solum ad praesentem justi- tiam, ut omnes, qui aliquando acci- piunt gratiam remissionis peccato- rum sed finaliter non perseverant.' He insists upon the fact (e.g. c. 4, c. 1 3 sq.) that Christ and He alone is the 'Head of the Church,' but also urges the importance of obey ing the pope and cardinals (c. 17) ' dum docuerint veritatem juxta le gem Dei.' Another source for ascer taining his opinions at this juncture are his Letters (Ibid. I. 117 sq.: cf. Palacky, in. pt. i. 297, 298). 3 See Lenfant's Hist, du Concile de Constance, liv.- III. c. 50 — 55! and cf. liv. I. c. 27. 4 Neander, pp. 429 sq. 6 After his arrival at Constance he stated that he came with joy, and added, that if he were convicted of any error he would immediately abjure it. Lenfant, liv. I. c. 36. — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 435 he shewed to vindicate himself before the council of Con- reforma- stance, whither he was now invited to proceed. That efforts. great assembly constituted in his eyes the lawful repre- m proceeds sentative of Christendom; and as he had no longer any of Constance, hope of finding justice at the papal court, he went in search of it elsewhere. We see him starting for the council6 (Oct. 11, 1414) armed with testimonials of his 'orthodoxy' from the primate of Bohemia (Conrad), and the titular bishop of Nazareth, who was officiating as the inquisitor of heresy in the diocese of Prague7. He also bore the passport (or 'safe-conduct') of the German emperor Sigismund8, which guaranteed his personal pro tection in the very strongest terms. He reached Constance9 on the third of November, attended by a party of his fellow-countrymen, especially the noble John of Chlum, his pupil and unwavering friend. But others, who were labouring to repress the holy movement in Bohemia, had arrived before him10. One of them, Palecz11, his former colleague in the university of Prague, was actively en gaged in circulating rumours to his disadvantage: and as many of the clerics there assembled had been prejudiced against him, partly through his recent quarrel with the 6 Ibid. liv. I: c. 24. sibi fides aut promissio de jure natu- 7 In this document (Hist, et Mo- rali, Divino vel humano, fuerit in nument. 1. 3) the inquisitor declares, prcejudicium catholicce fidei obser- ainong other things, ' Collationes vanda.' plures [i. e. with master John Huss] 9 According to Lenfant (liv. I. c. de diversis sacra? scripturae materiis 26) Huss immediately notified his faciendo, nunquam aliquem in ipso arrival to pope John XXIII. , who inveni errorem vel haeresim, sed in promised to lend him every help in omnibus verbis et operibus suis his power; ipsum semper verum et catholicum 10 Lenfant, liv. I. c. 35 : Neander, hominem reperi.' IX. p. 465. -They had been alienated 8 Ibid. I. 2. The violation of this from him chiefly by his vigorous promise was subsequently justified opposition to the papal indulgences. (Sept. 23, 1415) by a decree of the n In a formal reply, Ad Script. council (in Von der Hardt, IV. 321), Steph. Paletz, he had been con on the ground that Huss, by im- strained to speak as follows : ' Ami- pugning the ' orthodox faith,' bad cus Paletz, amica Veritas, utrisque rendered himself 'ab omni conductu amicis existentibus, sanctum est prae- et privilegio alienum; nee aliqua honorare veritatem. ' FF2 where he is treacherously 436 State of Religious uocvrine ana controversies, (_a.ij.1305 reforma- German students, partly through his firmness in declining efforts, to pronounce an indiscriminate condemnation of Wycliffe and the Oxford school of church-reformers, he was treacherously taken into custody1 (Nov. 28). The scenes that followed are the most revolting in the annals of the Western Church. The oral explanations2 of the prisoner, even as reported by his adversaries, and the tracts8 which he composed while languishing in chains, evince that to the last his own opinions coincided in almost every point with those professed by members of the council. They were zealously employed in limiting the power and in denying the infallibility of Rome4: they all of them ex hibited a wish to elevate the morals of the clergy, and advance at least in some degree the reformation of the Church, — the very measures that lay nearest to the heart of Huss: yet so infatuated were they by their national prejudices, or so blinded by their hatred of a man who would not disavow all sympathy with Wycliffe5 (much as he receded from the doctrines of the Lollards), that they 1 Neander, pp. 472 sq. Some of the loose charges brought against him may be seen in Lenfant, liv. I. c. 42. One of them was, that he taught the necessity of administer ing the Eucharist in both kinds ; but we shall see hereafter that the accusation was groundless : cf. his own replies in Hist, et Monum. 1. 15 sq. Gerson, the famous chan cellor of Paris, also extracted nine teen articles from the treatise De Ecclesia, and called upon the council to condemn them (Ibid. pp. 29 sq.) : cf. above, p. 384, n. 4. His lellow- countrymen expressed their indig nation at the imprisonment of Huss (Hist, et Monum. 1. 9 sq.), and they were seconded by the Polish nobles who were present at the council (Krasinski, Reform. inPoland, 1. 62). 2 e. g. in his three public hearings before the council (Lenfant, liv. in. e. 4 sq. ; Neander, pp. 495 — 515). On the second of these occasions (June 7) he actually spoke of the view of Berengarius on the Eucharist as 'magna haeresis.' 3 Lenfant, liv. 1. c. 43. 4 See above, pp. 356 sq. 5 A charge on which the council placed peculiar emphasis related to this point : ' Quod pertinaciter ar- ticulos erroneos Wicleffi docuisset in Bohemia et defendisset.' On his reply, see Lenfant, liv. III. c. 5, and Neander, p. 501. The former of these writers (liv. III. c. 57) shews that partial sympathy with Wycliffe was the ground of his condemnation ; and it is remark able that the order of the council for burning the bones of the Eng lish reformer immediately preceded the examination of Huss : cf. above, pp. 423, 424. ¦i— 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 437 sentenced him to perish at the stake6. As soon as the reforma- executioner had done his barbarous work, the ashes of efforts. the victim were all flung into the Rhine, 'that nothing andputto might remain on earth of so execrable a heretic ' (July wis! 6, 1415). The ardent Jerome of Prague, who shared his senti- Martyrdom of ° Jerome of ments, and who appeared at Constance hoping for a fT?*""' prosperous issue, was at first so panic-stricken by the fate of Huss that he consented to abjure the errors which the council charged against him7 (Sept. 23). But his courage afterwards revived. He publicly revoked his abjuration (May 16, 1416), in so far as he had offered violence to truth or had defamed the memory of Huss and Wycliffe. He was therefore handed over to the civil power, and several of his most infuriated enemies were struck by the unearthly joy that swelled his bosom even in the flames8 (May 30). The ashes of these two reformers lighted up a long§^{e**r and furious war9. Their countrymen had already expos tulated with the council, in the hope of rescuing the martyrs from its grasp ; and when the tidings of their execution, reached Bohemia, disaffection to the Germans and the emperor expressed itself anew in revolutionary acts. Another element of strife had also been contributed. 6 Hist, et Monum. I. 33 sq., and also the Narratio in the Hist, et Lenfant, liv. ill. c. 45. The fol- Monum. Johan. Huss, II. 522 sq. lowing passage indicates a hope 8 Lenfant, liv. iv. c. 85. As he that reformation would come at went to the place of execution he last : ' Prius laqueos, citationes et recited the Apostles' Creed, and at anathemata Anseri [a play on his the stake his voice was heard own name, Hus = Goose] para- chanting the Paschal Hymn, 'Salve verunt, et jam nonnullis ex vobis festa dies,' etc. The astonishment msidiailtur. Sed quia Anser, ani- of Poggio, the Florentine scholar, mal cicur, avis domestica, suprema on listening to his defence before volatu suo non pertingens, eorum the eouncil, is expressed in a letter laqueos f? non] rupit, nihilominus to Leonardo Aretino, translated in alia? aves quae Verbo Dei et vita Lenfant, c. 86. volatu suo alta petunt, eorum in- 9 See Lenfant, Hist, de la guerre sidias conterent.' Hist, et Monum. des Hussites, etc. Amsterdam, 1731, ¦j I2J with a Supplement by Beausobre, ' 7 Lenfant, liv. rv. c. 31. See Lausanne, 1735. 438 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies, [a.d. 1305 reforma- It seems that Huss, who held the mediaeval doctrine of TORT EFFORTS. Jacobellus de Misa. The Calixtines, arms or Utraquists. concomitance1, had acquiesced in the propriety of the com munion in one kind: but his disciple, Jacobellus de Misa (Jacob of Mies), incited probably by some expressions in the works of Matthias of Janow2, had begun as early as the autumn of 1414 to lay unwonted stress on the importance of administering the chalice to the laity 3. The other side was taken quite as absolutely by the council of Constance4 (June 14, 1415), and 'The Chalice,' there fore, grew at length into a watch- word of that numerous party in Bohemia who revered the memory of Huss. For several years the forces of the empire were completely kept at bay: but the development of the religious dif ferences among the Hussites was hereafter fatal to their One section of them, the Calixtines* or Utraquists", may be called the moderate party. They adhered to Huss and Jacobellus, claiming7 that the Word of God should be freely preached in all the kingdom of Bohemia, that the Eucharist should be administered according to the terms of the original institution, that the incomes of the clergy should be lowered, and a more rigorous discipline enforced on all the members of the Church. This section 1 Above, p. 326. The question is fully investigated by Lenfant, Hist, du Concile de Const, liv. ii. u. 74 sq. 2 Cf. Neander, p. 488. 3 That he was the first to ad minister in both kinds is expressly stated in the Apologia verce Doc trinal drawn up in 1538 by the 'Moravians' (in Lydii Waldensia, II. 292, Dordreci, 1617) : ' Magister Jacobellus primus omnium commu- nionem utriusque speciei in Bohe mia practicare coepit : ' cf. ^Eneas Sylvius, Hist. Bohem. c. 35. 4 See the decree in Von der Hardt, III. 646, where the modern practice is defended on the ground that it serves ' ad evitandum pe llicula aliqua et scandala,' The doc trine of concomitance is also affirm ed in the strongest terms ('cum firmissime credendum sit, et nulla- tenus dubitandum, integrum corpus Christi et sanguinem tam sub specie panis quam sub specie vini vera- citer contineri'). For the Apologia of Jacobellus in reply to this decree, see Von der Hardt, in. 591 sq. He was supported by the university of Prague (March 10, 1417), whose manifesto is printed in the Hist, d Monum. 11. 539. 5 From Cahx = chalice. 6 From the phrase ' sub utraque specie.' 7 See the whole document in Brzezyna (al. Byzyniiis), Diariwm Belli Hussitici (in Ludewig's Relir quite Manuscr. vi. 175 sq.). — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 439 of the Hussites, after many sanguinary struggles with the reforma- empire and their brethren, were eventually absorbed into efforts. the Western Church, negoeiations with them having been ~~ conducted through the medium of the council of Basle8 (1433). But the resistance was kept up much longer by the Taborites (so called from a Bohemian mountain, Tabor, The Taborites. where they pitched their earliest camp). While they adopted many theories like those now current in the sect of the Waldenses9, they diverged at other points into a gloomy and morose fanaticism10. They ventured to destroy all sacred literature, with the exception of the Bible ; to denude religion of all pomp and every kind of ceremonial ; to deprive the clergy of their property; to pillage the religious houses ; and, confiding in the hope that Christ would soon return in person as their king, they bade defiance to their constituted rulers both in church and state. They were suppressed, however, in the end, by the Bo hemian government (circ. 1453), or forced to sue for tole ration as a sect. From their communion, after its fanatic origin of the r .. , ... Moravians, or element had been expelled, arose the peaceful and still vntm^ thriving confraternity11 entitled the Moravians, or United (<=iro. H50). 8 See the documents in Martene 145 sq., 190 sq., and the Refor- and Durand, Ampl. Colled. VIII. motion and Counter- Reformation in 596 sq. The Compadata now drawn Bohemia, I. 14 sq. Lond. 1845. up concede the points on which Their chief leaders were Ziska (d. the Calixtines had insisted, but 1424) and Procopius (see Brown's with many stringent limitations: Fascic. 11. 632 sq.) : but after 1453, for instance, the priest who mi- when they had been defeated by nisters in both kinds is neverthe- the Calixtines, they disappear as a less to teach the people that 'sub political body. About the same qualibet specie est integer et totus time (145°) tney Beem to have Christus:' cf. Mansi, xxx. 692. In opened negoeiations with the pa- 1462) ^Eneas Sylvius (Pius II.) de- triarch of Constantinople : Ibid. p. clared the Compadata invalid, but 29. A section of the Taborites were they kept their ground in spite of now entitled ' Picards (1. e. Be- his denunciation : Gieseler, v. § 152, ghards), a name of reproach already notes 10, 17. Siven to Milicz, and to the early 9 Members of this sect existed in followers of Huss. Bohemia at this time: see above, u A complete history of them n g will be found in Carpzov, Religions- " On their actions and opinions, untersuchung der b'ohmischen und see Brzezyna (as above, n. 7), pp. mdhrischen Bruder, Leipz. 1742: REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. Reforming party in Poland. Appearance of Luther (1482-1546). 440 State ofRmtywus uocirme ana Uontroversies. [a.d. 1305 Brethren, who thus constitute the chief historic link be tween the times of Huss or Wycliffe and our own. It seems that efforts had been made to propagate the Hussite doctrines in the neighbouring state of Poland. As early as 1431 a public disputation1 was held at Cracow between the doctors of the university and certain deputies from Bohemia; and in 1450, a Polish senator2 proposed to expedite a reformation of the Church by calling in the aid of the secular authority. But further indications of this spirit are not clearly traceable until the partisans of Luther made some converts at Dantzic3 and Thorn4 about the year 1520. He it was who carried out the principles5 which Huss had perished in attempting to diffuse. Their characters, indeed, had many traits in common6. Both were strongly see also Lydii Waldensia, II. I sq. Dordreci, 1617. They separated entirely from the Church in 1457, not ' propter caeremonias aliquas vel ritus ab hominibus institutes, sed propter malam et corruptam doctrinam.' They denied transub stantiation and condemned the ado ration of the host, affirming that Christ is not in the eucharist ' cor- poraliter' but 'spiritaliter, potenter, benedicte, in veritate.' See the Re- sponsio Excusatoria Fratrum Wal- densium (1508), in Brown's Fascic. I. 184. Other doctrinal peculiarities are enumerated in two kindred docu ments (Ibid. pp. 162 — 172). 1 Krasinski, Reform, in Poland, I.79. * Ibid. I. 92 sq. 3 Ibid. p. 113. 4 Ibid. p. 124. When the papal legate came to this place, and was proceeding to burn a portrait of Luther, he was pelted away by the crowd. 6 See the striking words of Luther in the Preface he contributed to the Works of Huss, ed. Norimb. 1558 (quoted by Lenfant, Hist, du Con cile de Constance, liv. I. c. 2 1). He speaks of his 'incredible astonish ment ' on reading a copy of the Sermons of John Huss, which he found (circ. 1506) in the convent at Erfurt : ' I could not compre hend,' he adds, 'for what cause they burnt so great a man, who explained the Scriptures with so much gravity and skill.' In 1519 Luther exchanged letters with some of the Utraquists of Bohemia, one of whom addressed him as follows : ' Quod olim Johannes Huss in Bo hemia fuerat, hoc tu, Martine, es in Saxonia. Quid igitur tibi opus ? Vigila et confortare in Domino, deinde cave ab hominibus : ' see Gieseler, v. p. 246 ; Fourth Period, § 1, n. 50. The connexion between Huss and Luther is strongly stated in a contemporary ballad, edited by Soltau (Leipzig, 1845), pp. 278, 279. 6 One of the most important dif ferences was in their philosophic modes of thought. Huss (we saw above, p. 431) was a determined Bealist ; while Luther seems to have inclined in early life to No minalism. His favourite authors were Peter d'Ailly, Gerson, Wil- — 1520] State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 441 indisposed to vary from the standard teaching of the reforma- Church7: yet both were ultimately driven into a posture of efforts. hostility by struggling to suppress the sacrilegious traffic in indulgences. Their conscience sickened and revolted at the spectacle. A power that authorized proceedings so iniquitous, and did not scruple to employ its engines for exterminating all whose moral nature had impelled them to protest,- could hardly (so they reasoned) be of God. Although the Saxon friar had not anticipated the ulterior hearings of this thought while he was posting up his theses on indulgences8 (Oct 31, 1517), his future inter views9 with Cajetan, Eck, and others, tended to develope his opinions, and convinced him more and more that some thing must be done to purify the Western Church. When cited to the court of Rome, he entered an appeal10, as Huss had done before him, to a future and more evangelic pontiff (Oct. 16, 1518), and soon after indicated his in tention of applying for redress to what he deemed the first tribunal of all Christendom, a general Council11 (Nov. 28). liam of Occam (cf. above, p. 379, Works, dated 1545. n. 4), and Gabriel Biel, preferring 8 See them (ninety-five in num- them to Thomas (Aquinas) and ber) in Loscher, Reformations- Acta Duns Scotus. He was marked, unci Documenta, 1. 438, Leipz. 1720. however, like his great Bohemian One thesis (§ 27) ran as follows : prototype, by an intense love for 'Hominem praedicant, qui statim biblical studies ('fontes doctrina? ut jactus nummus in cistam tin- ccelestis avide legebat ipse ;') while nierit, evolare dicunt animam' [i.e. they both were strongly Augusti- out of purgatory]. The papal bull man. Melancthon says of Luther enforcing the generally received (Vita Lvtheri, p. 7, ed. Heumann), doctrine of indulgences is dated after mentioning the above particu- Nov. 9, 1518 : see it in Loscher, lars : ' Sed omnia Augustini mo- 11. 493. numenta et saepe legerat et optime 9 An account of these discussions meminerat:'cf. above, p. 383.n- I2- is reserved for a future volume, 7 They were also ardently de- when the gradual change in Lu- voted to the pope. Luther has ther's views will be exhibited more informed us that in early life he . fully. _ was so infatuated by the papal 10 'A papa non bene informato dogmas 'ut paratissimus fuerim ad melius mformandum. bee tne omnes, si potuissem, occidere aut document in Loscher, as above, II. oocidentibus cooperari et consentire, 484. qui pap* vel una syllaba obedi- " Majoj. He renewed this entiam detrectarent.' Pref. to his appeal Nov. 17, 1520. REFORMA TORY EFFORTS. A new epoch in Church- History. 442 State of Religious Doctrine and Controversies. [A.D. 1305 A further series of discussions, held at Leipzig1 (June 27, — July 16, 1519), ended in his formal condemnation by the pope (June 15, 1520): yet Luther, differing from a host of his precursors who had not been able to withstand the thunders of the Vatican, intrepidly arose to meet the danger, pouring forth a torrent of defiance and contempt. The bull of excommunication which had branded him as a heretic was publicly burnt2 at the eastern gate of Wit tenberg, together with a copy of the pope's Decretals and other obnoxious writings3 (Dec. 10, 1520). Every chance of compromise and reconciliation4 va nished at this point : it forms the most momentous epoch in the history of Europe, of the Church, and of the world. The deep and simultaneous heaving that was felt soon afterwards in Switzerland5, in Spain, in Poland, and in 1 Ibid. III. 2 15 sq. Luther was supported on this occasion by Carl- stadt (Bodenstein) ; their chief an tagonist was Eck. Immediately afterwards Melancthon wrote his De fensio contra Johan. Eckium : Opp. I. 113, ed. Bretschneider. In the following year Eck betook himself to Bome in order to stir up the pontiff (Leo X.). The bull against Luther (in Baynald. ad an. 1520, § 51) was due to his exertions. 2 See the reasons he assigned for this act (Quare Pontificis Romani d discipulorum ejus Libri a Doctore M. Luihero combusti sint) in his Works, ed. Walch, xv. 1927 : cf. Roscoe's Leo the Tenth, 11. 218, 219, Lond. 1846. On the following day he told his college-class, ' Nisi toto corde dissenliatis a regno pa- pali, non potestis assequi vestrarum animarum salutem.' His treatise De Caplivitate Babylonica Ecclesice, which was prohibited as early as Oct. 20, 1520 (De Wette, 1. 517), shews that on the doctrine of the sacraments he had now broken alto gether from the Mediaeval Church. 3 ' Omnes libri Papae, Decretum, Decretales, Sext., Clement., Extra vagant., et, Bulla novissima Leonis X. ; item Summa Angelica [a work on casuistry], Chrysoprasus Eccii [a treatise on Predestination], et alia ejusdem autoris, Emseri, et quaedam alia, quae adjecta per alios sunt : ' Luthers Briefe, ed. De Wette, I. 532. 4 The nearest approximation to it, so far as the Saxon reformers were concerned, was at the diet of Batisbon (154 1) : see the present writer's Hisl. of the Articles, pp. 29, 30, 2nd edit. 5 According to a statement of Capito (1536) in Hottinger's Hist. Eccl. saec. xvi. pt. 11. 207, the Swiss reformation sprang up more inde pendently : ' Antequam Lutherus in lucem emerserat, Zuinglius et ego inter nos communicavimus de Pontifice dejiciendo, etiam dum ille vitam degeret in Eremitorio. Nam utrique ex Erasmi consuetu- dine et lectione bonorum auctorum qualecumque judicium turn sub- olescebat.' In Switzerland also it was the scandalous traffic in indul gences that fired the soul of Zwin- — 1520] Stateof Religious Doctrine and Controversies. 443 Scandinavia, in the British Islands and in Hungary, in reforma- France, in Belgium, and the Papal States themselves, as efforts. well as in the German provinces extending from the Baltic to the Tyrol, prove that all things were now fully ripe for some gigantic change; the Reformation had arrived. gli (Ibid, part iii. p. 162) : cf. of France, In trod. pp. xxix, xxx. De Felice, Hist, of the Protestants Lond. 1853. ( 444 ) [a.d. 1305 CHAPTER XVI. ON THE STATE OF INTELLIGENCE AND PIETT. MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. Transitional character of this period. Enough has been already urged to warrant us in say ing that this period in the lifetime of the Western Church is eminently one of twilight and transition. It may alto gether be esteemed a sort of border-province that unites the Mediaeval to the Modern history of Europe. Many of the old traditions, whether social, civil or religious, had been rudely shaken in the conflicts of an earlier date ; but it was only in the fourteenth, and still more the fifteenth century, that we behold them tottering to their fall or actually dethroned. Then also that romantic ardour, — the enthusiasm so characteristic of the Middle Age, producing its phantastic modes of thought and action, and diffusing over it an irresistible charm, — was more and more ex hausted1. Popes and preachers, for example, sought in vain to organize a fresh crusade: their motives were no longer thought to be above suspicion, and accordingly, when armies of the 'paynim' hovered on the confines of the Western Chm-ch itself and made the potentates of Hungary and Poland tremble for their safety, few could now be stirred to raise a hand in their behalf. The spirit of religious chivalry was dying, or at least had forfeited the strong predominance it once possessed: it yielded to the cold, and often the contemptuous, voice of reason or the maxims of prudential statecraft; while the failure of the public faith in Romanism was tending to produce luke- 1 The chief exceptions will be found in Spain: cf. above, p. 342. —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. . 445 warmness in the many, and in some a rabid unbelief. A means of different but no less portentous revolution had come over Grknow-nd all the other faculties of man : he grew more conscious of — LED6E' his freedom, of his personality, and of his power. The dim and circumscribed horizon of his thoughts, which heretofore he never dared to pass, and which his fathers deemed impassable, was every day expanding on all sides. A prospect wider, grander, and more full of hope seemed stretching at his feet. The causes that had been conspiring to produce this causes cf the mighty change were various, and were also acting through a multitude of independent channels. Some may be enu merated thus: — the bold discussions of the later School men2, which, however heartless, had not failed to sharpen and evolve the intellectual powers; the restoration of a purer taste3, exemplified in literature by men like Dante, Petrarch, Boccaccio, and Chaucer, and in art by Giotto, Michael Angelo, and Raphael; the frequent intercourse4 between the eastern and western Christians, more par ticularly in negociating a reunion of the Church ; the con quest of Constantinople by the Turks (1453) ; the west ward flight of scholars bearing with them Greek and other manuscripts; the spread of commerce; the disco very of long-forgotten Continents, unveiling wider spheres of intellectual enterprise; the cultivation of the modern languages, and the invention (or at least extended use) of paper" as the common vehicle of writing. But the 2 See above, pp. 377 sq. in the age preceding the Beforraa- 3 Miller's History philosophically tion that led to the departure from Uludrated, Bk. 11. ch. mil, xiv. the ancient types in Italy and other Hallam (Lit. of Europe, Pt. I. ch. I. countries of the West, and inter- § 92) regards Petrarch as the re- fered with the development of Chris- storer of polite letters. The re- tian architecture in the unreform- aniination of Architecture had pre- ed as well as the reformed commu- ceded that of the other fine arts nities. by many centuries. (See Hallam, 4 P. von Schlegel, Phil, of His- Europe during the Middle Ages, ch. lory, pp. 386, 387, ed 1847. IX. pt. II.). Indeed it was the re- 5 See Hallam, Lit. of Europe naiesance of heathenizing influence Pt. I. ch. 1. §§ 59 sq. 446 [a.d. 1305 MEANS of GRACE AND KNOWLEDGE. Printing one of the most important. Scholasticinstitutions and their results. mightiest agent was the press; typography, or printing by the aid of moveable metallic types1, originating at the middle of the fifteenth century. By means of it the ancient sources of instruction had been multiplied inde finitely; reading had become more easy and luxurious, while the rapid diminution thus effected in the price of books2 had made them more accessible to every grade of life. We may compute the influence of the new in vention by considering that in thirty years, from 1470 to 1500, more than ten thousand editions of books and pamphlets issued from the press3. The number of these publications may be also taken as an index to the growth of schools and other kindred institutions. It is true that as the monks degenerated* many of the old establishments connected with religious houses were involved in their declension; and the same, though in a less degree, is often visible among the dif ferent ranks of Friars": but meanwhile a considerable compensation had been made in every part of Europe by the founding of colleges and universities as well as minor seats of learning. Not a few indeed of these were planted on the very site of convents which had been legally suppressed through the notorious profligacy of their inmates. At the time when Luther was engaged in giving lectures at Wittenberg, as many as sixty-six universities were organized in different parts of Europe, sixteen of them in Germany itself6; and even in the fourteenth century we know that such as then existed literally swarmed with students7. It is symptomatic of 1 Ibid. ch. III. § 19 ; Miller, II. 446 sq. Tabular or block-printing was much older. 2 The price was immediately di minished four-fifths : Hallam, Ibid. § 147- 3 See the statistics, Ibid. § 142. More than half of these appeared in Italy. The editions of the Vulgate were 91. In England all the books printed in this interval amounted to 141. 4 See above, p. 369. 6 Above, p. 371. 6 Mulder's Schriften, etc. n. 6 : Schrockh, xxx. 64 — 127. 7 Before the plague of 1348, no less than thirty thousand students —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 447 the influence exercised by institutions of this class that means of they invariably produced the chief antagonists of Roman GRknow-nd absolutism8; Wycliffe, Huss, and others being numbered - LLDGK with the foremost academics of the age9. In very many, doubtless, no desire of reformation was awakened by the subtle exercises of the schools ; and it is certain that no aim was further from the thoughts10 of those who in the latter half of the fifteenth century were loud in advo cating a return to every class of pagan models and were eagerly engaged in studying the esthetics and philosophy of Greece: yet even there we must remember that the critical faculty was stimulated in a way unknown to former ages. Some at length were bent on turning this new light directly to the Church. The copies of the Holy Scriptures and the Earlier Fathers were sought out, collated, and in certain cases printed, more especially by scholars like Erasmus11, who were thus unconsciously see above, p. 431, n. 6. 8 This, we have seen, was re markably the case in the model- university of Paris : and accordingly writers like Capefigue (e. g. n. 169) always regard it as professing ' une theologie equivoque et un catholi- cisme mixte, osant quelquefois la negation partielle de l'autorite' du pape.' 9 Even Gerson, while deploring the abuses of the period, turned with comfort to the thought that education might eventually uproot them : ' A pueris videtur incipienda Ecclesiae reformatio.' Opp. 11. 109, ed. Du Pin. 10 See above, p. 381: and cf. M'Crie's Reformaticm in Italy, pp. 12. sq. 11 See above, p. 388. It was indeed a characteristic of the re forming party, that they encouraged learning and carried with them the chief scholars of the time, at least in earlier stages of the movement (Boscoe, Life of Leo X, II. 103, 104, ed. 1846). Yet, on the other were congregated at Oxford in nearly four hundred seminaries. The following is a portion of the statement made by Bichard, arch bishop of Armagh, an Oxford man, in Brown's Fascic. 11. 473, 474 : 'Item consequitur grave damnum in clero, in hoc, quod jam in Studiis [i.e. the scholastic institu tions] regni Angliae propter talem ' substractionem a suis parentibus puerorum [i. e. their absorption into the Mendicant orders], laici ubique retrahunt suos filios ne mittant eos ad Studium, quia potius eligunt eos facere cultores agrorum eos ha- bendo quam sic in Studiis eos tali- ter amittere : et sic fit quod ubi in Studio Oxoniensi adhuc meo tem pore erant triginta millia studen- tium, non reperiuntur sex millia his diebus ; et major hujus minutionis causa sive oceasio, praemissa puer orum circumventio [i. e. by the Priars] sestimatur:' cf. Vaughan's Wycliffe, pp. 32, 33 ; and on the vast number of students who seceded from Prague in the time of Huss, LEDGE. 448 State of Intelligence and Piety, [a.d. 1305 means of supplying food as well as armour to the champions of a GRACE AND , rr ¦', ° „ r , , , . , . , / it , 1 " later day. Men needed little penetration to discern that Christianity, at least in its ordinary manifestations, had receded far from its ideal; and although by some these changes were explained on what has since been termed the theory of development1, another class of minds2 would labour to retrace their steps, in bringing back the creed and ritual of the Church into more perfect harmony with those of Apostolic times. The growing taste for purely biblical studies3 has been noted in a former page. That taste was chiefly though not altogether fostered by the anti-Roman party, — in the Church itself4 by those who urged the need of reforma tion, and still more by sectaries who justified their own abnormal acts by combating the errors and abuses that had long been festering in Christendom at large. Nor were the many absolutely destitute of sacred knowledge Stud.y of the Bible. hand, we must remember that the anti- reformation school was by no means destitute of learning. For instance, the decree which con demned Luther as a heretic was drawn and signed by the elegant pen of cardinal Sadoleti. I Such, for instance, was the way in which Gerson reconciled himself to one prevailing doctrine of the age: see above, p. 400, n. 1. 2 This was the conviction of arch bishop Hermann of Cologne, among others : see his Simple and Religious Consultation, 'Epistle,' A, iii. Lond. 1547- 3 Above, p. 387. 4 e.g. by Nicholas de Clemenges (in the De Studio Theologico, as above, p. 353, n. 9), who, after urging the study of the Fathers on the principle that they are streams which bear us up directly to the fountain, has remarked in reference to the Sacred Writings : ' Quoniam in his quae Divina sunt nihil debe- mus temere definire, nisi ex cedes- lib us possit oraculis approbari; quae divinitus enuntiata de his, quae scitu de Deo sunt necessaria, aut ad salu- tem opportuna, si diligenter inves- tigarentur, nos sufficienter instru- unt' (p. 476). Dr Abendon, an Oxford man, who preached at the council of Constance (1415), ex horted the prelates in particular to cultivate this study (Lenfant, liv. iv. c. 36) : and the reforming cardinal D'Ailly, in like manner, recommends it on the ground that 'ipsum fundamentum Ecclesiae' is 'ipsa Sacrae Scripturae Veritas' (in Brown's Fascic. 11. 510). We see the effect of the revival of letters in the following passage of Pico di Mirandola (quoted by Ussher, Opp. xn. 366, ed. Elrington) : ' Ad hanc notitiam divinorum capessendam ve- leres theologi omnes exhortantur. Huic juniores, Innocentius, Joan nes Gerson, aliique nonnulli assidue monent incumbendum : et non modo his qui ex officio ad id negotii sunt obnoxii, ut sacerdotes et clerici, sed omnibus cujuscunque gradus et or- dinis ext iter int.' — 1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 449 and of access to the oracles of God. The blow" which means of had been aimed at the vernacular translations of the know-ND thirteenth century had ceased to operate, or was at least — evaded, in all quarters. Several, it is true, including the more gifted ecclesiastics, looked upon those versions with $j£Sta* an ill-concealed distrust6, and some of the more acri- tmmlatlms- monious partisans of Rome denounced them altogether7: yet in spite of this occasional resistance, they could never be displaced. In England numerous copies of the Wycliffite Bibles8 were long cherished, even as it seems by many who did not embrace the Lollard doctrines ; and in all the second half of the fifteenth century9 translations 5 See above, p. 321. To the in stances there adduced, in note 6, it may be added that an English prose version of the Book of Psalms and certain Canticles was made (circ. 1320) by William de Schor- ham, and that another was con tributed by Bichard of Hampole (cf. above, p. 383, u. 12), who added a brief commentary : see Preface to the WyclifiBte Bible, p. v. 6 Even Gerson is to he reckoned in this class. He desires (Opp. I. 105, ed. Du Pin) ' prohibendam esse vulgarem translationem librorum sa- crorum nostra? Bibliae, prcesertim ex tra moralitates et historias,' adding, 'claras rationes ad hoc plurimas in- venire facile est. ' His authority is urged by the anti-reformation writer, Cochlaeus, in the tract, 'An expediat Laicis legere novi Testamenti libros lingua vernacula,' ed. 1533. The'Or- mndum' (above, p. 319, n. 7) was re ceived with jealousy and opposition : see White's Pref. p. lxxv. Oxf. 1852. 7 See, for example, the offensive language of Knyghton (Wycliffe's , antagonist), above, p. 415, n. 6. In an anti-Lollard song, printed by Ritson, it is said to be 'unkyndly for a knight' to 'bable the Bibel day and night.' 3 See above, p. 414, and the Pre face to the Oxford edition, p. xxxiii. M.A. In the Constitutions of archbishop Arundel (Johnson, 11. 466), the readiAg of such versions is pro hibited, under pain of the greater excommunication, at least until they have been formally authorized. 9 The numerous editions of the German and Italian Bibles have been mentioned above, p. 387 : cf. Buckingham, Bible in the Middle Ages, pp. 60 sq. Attempts were made, however, to suppress all vernacular translations, for instance, by the archbp. of Mayence in i486 (quoted in Gieseler, v. § 146, n. 14). In Spain the lovers of the Sacred Books evaded the Inquisitor by translating portions of them into Castilian verse (e. g. Job, Psalms, Proverbs, and the Life of Christ, drawn from the Evangelists) : A. de Castro, Spanish Protestants, p. lxii., Lond. 185 1. On the importance attached to the ver nacular dialects and to the general diffusion of the Scriptures by the Waldenses, see Neander, rx. 565. The price of the Sacred Books, how ever, "would be long a serious bar to their progress in the lower orders of society. Thus a copy of Wycliffe's Bible, at the beginning of the 15th century, cost four marks and forty pence ( = £2. 16s. 3d of present mo ney) : Blunt's Sketch of the Reforma tion, p. 69, 6th edit. GG 450 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1305 LEDGE. Intelligencemore widely diffused. means of of the Scriptures found a multitude of readers, both in know- Germany and northern Italy, and some in Spain itself. We should remember also that a larger fraction of the whole community were educated at this period,- having learned to write1 as well as read. The operation of the Crusades had proved most favourable to the growth of civil liberty: they had relaxed the trammels of the feudal system2. Artisans and traders had sprung up on every side, and the inhabitants of towns, supplying the prolific germ of the important middle-class, were far more nu merous than in all the earlier ages of the Church. Amid the humblest order of society, the peasants, where the bulk appear to have continued in a state of villenage, some scanty tokens of amelioration and refinement3 were discernible. The powers of thought had been more com monly aroused, and as the natural effect of such awakening the masses had grown conscious of their own importance. They were often most impatient of the yoke which both in secular and sacred matters goaded them at every point and bowed them to the earth. The strength of such con victions was peculiarly betrayed in all the fourteenth century, when it is easy to observe the rapid growth of self-assertion, breaking out into political discontent*. Besides the other tracts and ballads that were cir culated for the gratifying of these intellectual wants, there was a constant issue of 'religious' publications. Thus in England a vernacular book of devotion for the laity was furnished by ' The Prymer5.' The authors or trans- Other books ofdi'eo'ionand reliqious instruction. 1 Hallam, Liter, of Europe, Pt. I. ch. I. §§ 54 sq. 2 See Sir J. Stephen, On the History of France, Lect. vi. 3 History of England and France under the House of Lancaster, p. 10. 4 e.g. in England, as early as I275> it "as found necessary to repress a number of ballads and other pieces tending ' to cause dis cord betwixt king and people ' (War- ton, Engl. Poetry, I. 45, ed. 1840); and in the time of Wycliffe and subsequently (see above, p. 412, n. 3) the spirit of disaffection shewed itself in the most violent forms (cf. the Preface to a Poem On the times of Edw. II., ed. Percy Society, No. lxxxii., pp. vii. sq.). 6 Edited, with a preliminary Dis- —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 451 lators of religious poetry6 were also very numerous, choos ing, for example, as their subject, an affecting passage in the life or sufferings of our Blessed Lord, expounding Psalms or Canticles, or not unfrequently embellishing the passion of some primitive or mediaeval saint. A deep impression must have also been produced by tracts like those contained in Wycliffe's 'Pauper Rusticus' or 'Poor Caitif,' which were now disseminated far and wide in English, with the hope of leading 'simple men and women of good will the right way to heaven'.' The same idea was extensively adopted on the Continent, especially8, as it would seem, by the new order in which Thomas a. Kempis had been reared. Indeed the unexampled popu- MEANS OF GRACE AND KNOW LEDGE. sertation, and an Appendix of some other vernacular forms of prayer, confession, &c, in Vol. n. of Mas- kell's MonumentaRitualia. The con tents are : the Matins, and Hours of our Lady ; the Evensong ; the Compline ; the seven Psalms ; the fifteen Psalms ; the Litany (con taining the germ of the English Litany now in use); the Placebo, and Dirige (the Office of the Dead) the Commendations ; the Pater nos ter; the Ave Maria ; the Creed the Ten Commandments ; the Seven deadly Sins. See the Contents of other copies of ' the Prymer,' ib. pp. xl. sq. ; Procter, Hist, of the Prayer- Book, pp. 12 sq. 6 The Cambridge University Li brary is rich in this kind of litera ture. A remarkable instance occurs in MS. Dd. I. i, § 7, entitled 'Me- moriale Credentium,' which is said to be ' wreten in englisch tonge for lewid [lay] men, that nought under- Btond latyn ne frensch, and is drawn out of holi writte and of holy doc tors beforn this tyme.' It contains an account of the plagues of Egypt and the giving of the law, expo - sitions of the Ten Commandments, the seven deadly sins, penance, tran substantiation, the Lord's prayer, the four cardinal virtues, the seven sacraments, the seven gifts of the Holy Ghost, the seven works- of mercy, the joys of heaven and the pains of hell. The date is about 1330. 7 For an account of it see Vaughan's Wycliffe, p. 533, new edit. 8 See Delprat (as above, p. 374, n. 2), pp. 306 sq. The Mendicants opposed this practice of the ' Com mon-Life Brothers,' affirming ' quod laici libros Teutonicales habere non deberent, et sermones non nisi ad populum in ecclesia fieri deberent.' The chronicler, John Buscb, in bis De reformatione Monasteriorum (as above, p. 369, n. 7), 11. 925 sq., did not justify the translation of the ' Canon' (of the Mass), and of books which he thought 'altos et divinos ;' yet he adds, ' libros mo rales de vitiis et virtutibus, de In- carnatione, Vita, et Passione Christi, de vita et sancta conversatione et martyrio sanctorum Apostolorum, etc.; homilias quoque et sermones Sanctorum, ad emendationem vitas, morum diseiplinam, inferni timorem, patriagque coelestis amorem provo cates, habere et quotidie legere cunctis doctis d indoctis utilissimum est.' GG2 452 State oj jmietiigence ana jriety. [a..l>. 1305 means of larity of his own treatise ' On the Imitation of Christ'1 * know- wiU furnish a delightful proof that thousands of his fellow- ledge. men could find a pleasure in his simple and soul-stirring maxims, — maxims which, in spite of their asceticism, are ever animated by the breath of genuine Christianity. The sermons preached at church on Sundays and saints'- days must have varied with the piety and knowledge of the curate or the friar who supplied his place. In England many of them in the fourteenth century were metrical2, consisting, as a general rule, of paraphrases on the Gospels throughout the year, enforced by anecdotes or stories which the preacher borrowed from the Old and New Testament, from Legends, and from other sources. Some of these pro ductions are both simple and pathetic ; but the great majority are pointless, cold, and nearly always full of puerilities. If we may judge from the severe remarks of Gerson3 in his 1 Above, p. 374, n. 3. This work is said to have gone through 1800 editions : Hallam's Liter, of Europe, Pt. 1. ch. II. § 63. 2 Thus in the volume of sacred poetry above mentioned (p. 45 1, n. 6), there is a long series of metrical Ber- mons belonging to this class (pp.48 — 402). They proceed, with two excep tions, in the usual course from Advent onwards. Many other copies exist ; e. g. one in the same repository, Gg. v. 31, and a third in the Ashmolean collection, No. 42. Such also had been the Ormulum (ed. Oxon. 1852), a series of Homilies, composed in metre without alliteration (early in the 13th century) : cf. White's Pref. pp. Ixx., lxxi. A series of Expo sitions of the Dominical Gospels, in Bomance, is preserved in the Camb. Univ. MS. Gg. 1. 1., fol. 135—261 : their author was Bobert de Gret- ham. For specimens of the English prose sermons in the following cen tury, see the Liber Festivalis printed by Caxton. 3 Lenfant, Hist, du Concile de Constance, liv. VII. u. 8. Gerson adds, that there was no greater rarity than to hear 'good Gospel- preaching.' 'Seeds of error,' he continues, ' are scattered abroad, and the people are fed with imper tinent and frivolous tales.' Bichard Ulverstone (above, p. 354, n. 1) in like manner expresses a hope, that when abuses had- been taken away the pontiff would preach the Gospel himself, and would depute sound preachers to all parts of Christen dom : Ibid. c. 9. The language of John of Trittenheim, immediately before the Beformation (circ. 1485), evinces that this hope had not been realized. After speaking of the secularity and vices of the clergy generally, he adds, ' Bomana lingua scribere vel loqui nesciunt, vix in vulgari exponere Evangelia didi- cerunt. Quantos errores, fabulas et haereses in Ecclesia praedicando po- pulis enuncient, quis nisi expertus credere posset !' Instit. vitce sacer dotalis, c. 4 : Opp. Mogunt. 1605. —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 453 sermon before the Council of Rheims in 1408, the office corrup- of preaching was now generally disparaged ; bishops having abuses. almost everywhere abandoned it to their stipendiaries or to the vagrant friars. In the age anterior to the Re formation it was often made a subject of complaint4, that preachers spent their strength on empty subtleties, or even interlarded their discourses with citations from the pagan authors rather than the Word of God. A better class indeed always existed, such as we have sketched6 in Ger many and Bohemia, but the evidence compels us to infer that members of it were comparatively few6. The observations made already on the ritual and the ^SHe"tal sacramental system' of the Church apply still further to the present period. Much as individual, writers8 called in question the scholastic arguments on which that system now reposed, and much as others might protest9 against the notion that a sacrament can operate mechanically, or without conditions on the part of the recipient, it is plain 4 See the last reference, and other preachers used to give a coarse passages in Gieseler, v. § 146, notes flavour to their discourses. This 2, 3. A like charge had been was thought to be especially allow- brought against the preachers of an able during the Easter festival, when, earlier date by Nicholas de CIC- according to a prevalent custom, the menges, in his De studio Theolog. roughest jests were tolerated even (as above, p. 353, n. 9). He writes, in the pulpit, to excite what was ' Hodie plurimi exercentur, quas called the Easter laugh. licet intellectum utcunque acuant, 5 See above, pp. 382 sq. and pp. nullo tamen igne succendunt affec- 426 sq. turn, nullo alimento pascunt, sed 6 Even Bossuet allows that many frigidum, torpentem, aridum relin- of the preachers 'made the basis quunt:'p. 476. Many of the Sermones of piety to consist in those prac- de Tempore, the Sermones de Sandis, tices which are only its accessories,' the Sermones Quadragesimales, etc. and that they ' did not speak of the of the period amply justify this grace of Jesus Christ as they ought comment. Immediately before the to have done.' Quoted in De Felice, time of Luther several mendicants Hid. of the Protestants of France, adopted a sarcastic and quasi-comic Introd. p. xvii. Lond. 1853. style of preaching, e.g. Geiler of 7 Pp. 323—327. Kaisersberg, Menot, a Franciscan 8 e.g. Durand de S. Pourcain of Paris, Gabriel of Barletta, a Nea- (above, p. 378, u. 2), Wycliffe, Tn- politan : see, especially, ' Der Predi- alogus, lib. iv. c. 1 sq. eer Olivier Maillard,' by C. Schmidt, » e.g. John Wessel (Luther s pro- in the Zeitschrift fur die histoi: totype), in Ullmann s Life of him ie, 1856, pp. 489—542. Some (Hamb. 1834), pp. 3^, 3*3- 454 State of Intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 1305 corrtjp- that Western Christendom1 had, generally speaking, ac- T abuses!1' quiesced in the conclusions of the earlier Schoolmen ; or, _ in other words, adopted the positions that were fixed and stereotyped hereafter by the council of Trent2. Almost the only symptom of resistance, on the part of those who held the other doctrines of the Church, related to com munion in both kinds ; but we have seen that the council of Constance8 strenuously adhered to the prevailing usage, and at length, when some apparent relaxation had been made at Basle, the non-necessity of such communion (or the doctrine of ' concomitance') was quite as strongly re affirmed. i/iemnrji,f The worship of the Virgin, which had been developed in preceding centuries to an appalling height, was carried even higher by the sensuous and impassioned writers of the present. She was invoked, not only as the queen of heaven, our advocate, our mediatrix, and in some degree the moving cause of our redemption4, but as the all-power ful, the single, and the all-prevailing intercessor6. High 1 The Eastern Church (cf. above, where Nicholas Cusanus (1451), as p. 323, n. 9) had also manifested papal legate, denounces the fabri- a disposition to accept the Western cators of this 'miracle' for their view, at least the representatives profaneness and cupidity. In the whom it sent to the council of MS. volume referred to above (p. Florence were committed to that 451, n. 6) there is a story of an course: Mansi, xxxi. 1054 sq. abbot who argued that 'the bred 2 Hence the phrase 'scholasti- in the awter is not kyndeliche [na- corum doctrina' in the English Ar- turally] Goddis body but a tokne tides of 1552= 'doctrina Bomanen- thereof (p. 522). He is confuted smm' in the Articles of 1562: see by a miracle, in which appeared Hard wick's Hist, of the Articles, ' in the awter a child ligging beforn PP- 304, 3<>5, 2nd edit. the prest,' &c. 3 See above, p. 438. A treatise * These expressions were used was composed in the name of the even by John Huss, in 1414; see council by Maurice of Prague (Len- Lenfant, Concile du Const, liv. I. fant, liv. VI. c. 19), in which the c. 27. chief weight of the argument is 5 Instances occur, not only in made to rest on the authority of poets like Chaucer, whose Priere de synods. The populace were easily Nostre Dame contains the line 'Al- reconciled to the withdrawal of the mighty and all merciable queene,' Cup, especially when stories of but also in the Mariale of an Italian 'bleeding hosts' were circulated Franciscan, Bernardinus de Bustis, afresh : see Gieseler, v. § 145, n. 9, on whose works see Wharton's Ap- — 1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 455 and low, the scholar and the peasant, generally esteemed an 'Ave Maria' as equivalent to a ' Pater Noster' ". It was therefore easy to predict that the hostility' evoked by efforts which had long been seeking to exact belief in the immaculate conception of the Virgin, had grown feebler every day. Although the spread of scholarship8 had frequently ex- CORRUP- TIONS AND ABUSES. i pend. to Cave, ad an. 1480. One extract (Part. XII. Sermo II.) will suffice : ' A tempore quo virgo Maria concepit in utero Verbum Dei, quandam ut sic dicam jurisdic- tionem seu auctoritatem obtinuit in omni Spiritus Sancti processione teinporali, ita ut nulla creatura aliquam a Deo obtineat gratiam vel viirtutem, nisi secundum Ipsius pice matris dispensationem.' ' In her the penitent beheld the Mother and the Mediatrix, the loving parent and the potent intercessor, eager to bless as she was all-powerful to save.' Buck ingham, p. 255. 6 See examples in Gieseler, § 145, n. 13. It is painful to observe an archbishop of Canterbury (Sudbury) enjoining his clergy (1377) to sup plicate in one breath (' devotissime exorent') God, His Mother, and the Saints : Wilkins, in. 121. Two new festivals were instituted at the same date (1372, 1389) in honour of the Virgin, the former called Festum Prcesentationis, the latter, Festum Visitationis. Another indication of the blindness with which the worship of the Virgin was now practised is supplied by the currency of the fable respecting a miraculous transfer of her house from Palestine to Loretto : see Gieseler, v. § 145, n. 12. 7 See above, p. 329- The wa.v in which the credit ot St Bernard and other writers was now saved is indicated by the following extract from Gabriel Biel, the schoolman (Collectorium, lib. HI. distinct. Hi. quaest. I. art. 2): 'Auctoritas Ec- clesiae major est auctoritate cujus- cunque Sancti, saltern post canoni- cos Scriptores.... Nee propter hoc culpandus est D. Bernhardus, sed nee S. Thomas, S. Bonaventura, cae- terique Doctores cum magno moder- amine opposita opinantes, quoniam eorum tempore hoc licuit, quoniam nulla determinatio vel Concilii vel Apostolicae sedis facta fuit.' The conciliar authority to which he al ludes is that of the synod of Basle (Mansi, xxix. 183) ; yet even the decree there issued, owing to the quarrels of the council and the pope, was not regarded as a final settle ment of the question. The Domi nicans still protested, and went so far as to charge the advocates of the immaculate conception of the Virgin with the name of heretics : see a bull of Sixtus IV. (1483) in the Canon Law (Extravagantes Com- nvwh. lib. III. tit. XII. u. 2). 8 Thus Gerson preached a strik ing sermon at Constance on the ca nonization of St Bridget (cf. above, p. 352, n. 5, and Lenfant, liv. I. c. 70). The title is De Probatione Spirituum (Opp. I. 37 sq.). Jaco bellus, the Hussite (Lenfant, liv. il c. 73), disparages without ab solutely rejecting some of the Le gends ; for instance, that of St Catharine of Alexandria. Gobe- linus Persona (circ. 1420), and after him Nicholas Clopper (1472), were still more sceptical respecting her, although her name in some places was admitted into the ' Canon of the Mass.' See An Historical In quiry respecting her, by the present writer, among the Publications of the Cambridge Antiquarian Society (1849). 456 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1305 corrup- cited men to criticize the older Legends, and on more than tions and . ° abuses, one occasion to dispute the title even of the favourite saints worship of the of Christendom, their worship, generally speaking, had continued as before. They occupied the place of tutelar divinities1, however much the holier class of Christians shrunk from their complete association on a level with the King of saints Himself. It was indeed a gross exaggeration of the reverence paid to them in earlier times that stirred the zeal of Wycliffe'''. Not content with placing them in a subordinate position, he impugned the custom of ob serving special festivals in honour of the saints: but few if any members of the Church were now disposed to follow his example. Reaction This repugnance may have been increased in him by against the . . ..... „ . . ritualism of witnessing the multiplicity of such observances ; for it is remarkable that in the present period indications of a wish to simplify the public ritual frequently occur and are be trayed by earnest men of very different schools of thought. They felt that true devotion ran the risk of being suf focated3, and the memory of Christ Himself obscured, by 1 Gerson admits (Opp. in. 947) species of excess : Lenfant, liv. vn. that some Christians whom he e. 62. A catalogue of the feasts terms 'simpletons' worshipped the which were rigorously observed by very images of the saints, but he the Church of England in 1362, excuses this impiety on the ground will be found in Wilkins, 11. 560 of their invincible ignorance, or (cf. Johnson's Notes, 11. 356, 428, because they intend to do what 429). The first in order is the the Church does in the honour she Lord's Day ('ab hora diei sabbati bestows on images. Huss, though vespertina inchoandum, non ante censuring such worship, did not horam ipsam praeveniendum, ne Ju- object to certain marks of out- daicae professionis participes videa- ward reverence (' licet possint ho- mur'). The festival of Trinity Sun- mines genua flectere, orare, offerre, day, or at least its universal observ- candelas ponere,' etc.) : Opp. II. 343. ance on the octave of Whitsunday, 2 Trialogus, lib. III. c. 30. The also dates from the present period : • reforming ' party at Constance (in- see Guerike, Manual of Antiquities, eluding D'Ailly and Gerson) were ed. Morrison, p. 161. in favour of abolishing all festivals 3 See the remarkable extract from 'not instituted by the old law and Jacobus de Paradiso, a Carthusian the decrees of the Fathers, especi- (d. 1465) in Gieseler, § 145, n. i, ally the inferior holidays,' on the and the whole of another of his trea- ground that they were generally de- rises, De Septem Statibus Ecclesice, voted to drunkenness and every in Brown's Fascic. 11. 102 112. —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 457 a complexity of rites that were too often altogether un- corrup- intelligible to their flocks. These rites they also felt were TabusesND celebrated only for filthy lucre by a multitude of hypo- ~ critical and sacrilegious priests4. The mind of Western Christendom had thus been predisposed for the avenging outbreak of the sixteenth century, which shewed its ve hemence in nothing so distinctly as in the abolishing of 'dark and dumb ceremonies,' — prelates not uncommonly included in the number. But a darker blot, and one that was almost ingrained Penance. into the constitution of the Mediaeval Church, is found in the prevailing theory of penance. At the basis of it lay the thought, that, notwithstanding the forgiveness of Bins', a heavy debt is still remaining to be paid by the offender as a precondition to his ultimate acceptance with the Lord. The liquidation of this debt, according to the Schoolmen, is advanced not only by the self-denial and the personal afflictions of the sinner, but on his removal hence may be facilitated more and more through various The same point is urged by Nicho- previous note : ' Tot enim hodie las de Clemenges in his De novis dicuntur missae quasi quaestuariae, celebritatibus non instituendis (Opp. vel consuetudinariae, vel ad compla- pp. 143 sq., ed. Lydius). Matthias centiam, vel ad scelera cooperienda, of Janow in like manner, in the De vel propriam justification em, quod Sacerdotum d Monachorum abomi- apud populum vel clerum sacro- natione (as above, p. 428, a. 1), c. sanctum Corpus Domini jam viles- 60, complained as follows : ' Multi- cit. ' And Jacobus de Paradiso (in • plicata sunt ad haec mandata et ce- Brown, II. no), after inveighing remoniae hominum infinitae, et ut against a number of superstitions, tantum essent tremenda et tantae adds, ' Altaria aut ecclesias in con- auctoritatis, quemadmodum Dei venticulis locorum, sub spe miracu- summi praecepta, praedicantur et do- lorum aut sacrorum erigentes pi'opter centur et cum magna districtione turpem qucestum.' The conclusion imperantur.' The gentler influence of tbe paragraph is very striking : of the 'Friends of God' (above, p. ' Et quis omnia enarrare ac enume- 382) was tending to the same result. rare sufficiat, quibus Ecclesia mo- Even the papal champion (cf . above, dernis temporibus cernitur defor- p. 349, n. 7), Alvarus Pelagius, De mata ? Putamusne haec omnia ali- Planctu Ecclesice) lib. 11. c. 5, is quando posse reformarif cf. the forced to acknowledge : 'Nostra au- observations Concerning the Service tern Ecclesia plena et superplena est of the Church and Of Ceremonies, altaribus, missis, et sacrifieiis.' prefixed to the English Prayer- 4 e. g. Alvarus Pelagius, as in the Book. 458 State oj intelligence and Piety. [A.D. 1305 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Ascetic view of it. acts of piety which others undertake in his behalf1. Among the more intelligent2 it was asserted that relief is only possible to those who have already manifested true re pentance and are truly justified before their death. The soul which has not in the present life been made a sub ject of this holy change will pass immediately into the prisons of the lost, where it can profit neither by its own compunction nor the suffrages of other men. But in the popular discourses of the age we look in vain for such discrimination in the handling of these awful subjects; penance is too generally confounded with repentance, while the commutation and vicarious fulfilment of it are at least assumed to be available for all, however hardened or corrupt, and whether numbered with the living or the dead8. A penance was awarded either publicly in case of fla grant and notorious sin, or privately in the confessional ; its nature and degree depending on the customs of the diocese, or on the will of the spiritual adviser4. But the work of penitence was prosecuted by the several classes of delinquents in a very different spirit. Some, exeeed- 1 Gabriel Biel, Exposilio Missce (see above, p. 380, n. 3), Lect. lvii. states the question thus : ' Cum enim defuncti implere non possint opus, pro quo dantur indulgentiae, dum illud pro eis fit ab alio, jam opus alterius. suffragatur eis, ut pos sint consequi indulgentias, non mi nus quam si ipsi per se opus illud implevissent.' So far was this idea of substitution carried, that some cf the Franciscans thought every mem ber of their own Order safe, expect ing that St Francis would descend annually and rescue all who had died that year in the habit of the Order. See the account in Eccard, Corpus Hist. Med. Mvi, n. 1101. 2 Cf. above, pp. 330, 331. 3 e.g. a, plenary indulgence is said to be effectual ' pro vivis et defunc- tis,' and its common definition is ' omnium peccatorum et pcenarum, quas quis in purgatorio deberet pati, remissio.' Although the metrical preacher (Camb. Univ. MSS., Dd. I. p. 361) condemns praying for those who are in hell on the ground that it is 'unskilful' and 'unworthy to God to hear,' he admits that such prayer might be answered. 4 In the MS. volume, above quoted, p. 515, three 'degrees of penance' are enumerated: (1) 'be fore the busschop in the begynnyng of Lentone, in the cathedral chirche,' (2) ' dryuyng about the sinner, about the chirche or market, or other pil grimage, with tapres and candelis,' &c, (3) ' beforn the prest whanne a man schryueth him of his synne and taketh his penaunce therfor.' —1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 459 ing the most harsh requirements of the Church, en- oorrup- deavoured to allay the consciousness of guilt by various abuses. methods of self-torture, stimulated6 now, as heretofore, by ~ apprehensions, that the end of all things was at hand/ particularly by the frequent wars, by famine, pestilence, or other national calamities, and by the desolating in roads of the Turk. By, none had this conception of the penitential discipline been carried to so terrible a length as by the ' Flagellants6,' who, although eventually excluded from the Church, were faithful to its real principles, and in respect of their unnatural austerity, had won the ad miration' both of scholars and the more enthusiastic of the crowd. The gloom, however, which had been dif- f iij0lfttaent fused in every quarter by the rigorous theory of penance was now dissipated, partly through the wider spread of knowledge, partly by a wish to substitute less onerous kinds of ' satisfaction' for the discipline exacted in the ancient canons of the Church. A favourite remedy was that of vowing pilgrimages to the shrine of some pre eminent or wonder-working saint. The crowd of devo tees that travelled to and fro on errands of this nature was prodigiously8 enlarged; while it is obvious that the 6 Guarike, Kirchen-gesch. L 820, tice lasted into the 15th century, 5th edit. A more healthy form of until it was disapproved by the piety had shewn itself in others of Council of Constance. this period, many of both sexes and 7 On the reasons which influenced of all ranks devoting at least an the council of Constance to deal hour every day 'summum humano gently with this sect, see Lenfant, generi impensum beneficium, Christi liv. v. u. 50 — 55. It found a patron Passionem, meditari ac repetere, ut in the Spanish worthy Vincente exinde, Deo grati, mala mundi fe- Ferrer (above, p. 343, n. 12). _ rant patientius et virtutes operentur s e. g. the number of royal licences ,facilius.' See Neander, ix. p. 595. granted in the first seven months of 6 See above, p. 401: Gieseler, in. 1445, to authorize the exportation § 84, n. 21 ; and rv. § 123 : Milman, of English pilgrims to the shrine of Latin Christianity, IV. pp. 396, 397. St Iago of Compostella in Spain Two outbreaks of this religious (cf. above, p. 215, n. 3) was 2200: phrensy occurred; in 1260, when see the statistics in Turner, Middle the great pilgrimage of Flagellants Ages, III. 1 38, n. 28. Of domestic started from Perugia; and in 1248 pilgrimages which stood in high re- and following years, on the breaking pute in all the fifteenth century the out of the 'Black Death:' the prac- most popular was that to Becket s CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Parloni from the pope. 460 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d.1305 Tears of Jubilee1, as oft as they revolved, would keep alive the public prepossessions by attracting an enthusiastic stream of pilgrims out of all the countries of the west to worship at the ' tomb of the Apostles.' One of the chief baits by which the multitude were captivated at this period was the grant of fresh indul gences (remission of unfinished penance). But these grants could also be procured in other instances by money-pay ments, and without submitting to the dangers and discom forts of a lengthened tour. The 'pardoner2' had in the middle of the fourteenth century become a recognized official of the Roman pontiffs, and as such he introduced himself at every turn among the numerous chapmen of the age. The merit of his wares may have been sometimes questioned8, while the purchaser had no explicit warrant of shrine at Canterbury, to Winifrith's Well, and to the image of Our Lady of Walsingham. On the continent multitudes resorted to Loretto, Ein- siedeln, the Seamless Coat of Treves, &c. &c. 1 Cf. above, p. 332. Clement, in 1343, had fixed the recurrence of the Jubilee at the end of fifty years (see the Extravagantes Communes, lib. V. tit. 9, c. 2), esteeming it an act of amnesty to all who were ' vere poenitentes et confessi.' Urban VI., however, in 1389, shortened the period to thirty-three years ; but died soon afterwards. It was the sight of the enormities connected with the jubilee of Boniface IX. in the following year that roused the indignation of Theodoric de Niem (see his oft-quoted treatise De Schismate, lib. 1. u. 68). He declares that the papal quaestors realized immense sums of money by the sale of indulgences, ' quia omnia peccata etiam sine pcenitentia ipsis confitentibus relaxarunt.' This conduct of his agents was, how ever, soon repudiated by Boniface himself: Baynald. ad an. 1390, §2. 3 See Chaucer's well-known pic ture (or, in some respects, carica ture) of the 'pardoner.' He also- dealt in charms and relics, palming on the simple many bones of which the genuineness was more than questionable : cf. the Secreta Sacer- dotum of Henry of Langenstein (quoted by Gieseler, IV. § 119, n. 14), who, after speaking of the sale of precious relics, adds 'forte est os alicujus asini vel damnati.' Many timid efforts were made to put down unlicensed traffickers, and those quaestors who had exceeded their commission : cf. above, p. 371, n. 8, and Lenfant, Concile de Con stance, liv. vn. c. 64. 3 The affirmative side was gene rally taken (above, p. 332, n. 3), but Gerson, Sermo II. pro defunc- tis, still denies ' indulgentias acquiri posse pro mortuis.' Gabriel Biel, in like manner, had once doubted (Led. LVI.) ' utrum indulgentiae pro- sint defunctis;' but, cf. above, p. 458, n. 1. It was, in fact, esteemed a heresy (in 1479) *° advocate the other side, ' Bomanum pontificem purgatorii poenam remittere non posse :' Baynald. ad an. 1479, § 32. CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. — 1520] State of Intelligence and Piety. 461 their universal applicability,— that is, in favour of the dead as well as of the living. But this point was definitely ruled in the affirmative4 by Sixtus IV. (1477): and during all- the next half-century the traffic in indulgences had grown into the most gigantic evil of the times. An inexhausti ble supply of pardons6, unrestrained by explanations as to their distinctive import and effects, were sold by vagrant commissaries6, chiefly friars, like so many articles of dress or food : ' redemption for the sins' not only of the buyer, but of families and even districts, being advertised for sale by public auction, and at last made purchaseable in advance. How manv and how tangled were the roots of this controversy ^ ° respecting impiety is gathered from a judgment of the theological their efficacy. faculty7 at Paris in 1518. Those doctors, it is true, had 4 See his Declaratio, with many other facts relating to, this question, in Amort, De origine, progressu, valore, et fructu Indulgentiarum, II. 292, August. Vindel. 1735. His argument is the following : ' Quo niam orationes et eleemosynae va- lent tanquam suffragia animabus impensa, nos, quibus plenitudo po- testatis ex alto est attributa, de thesauro "universalis Ecclesiae, qui ex Christi sanctorumque Ejus meri- tis constat, nobis commisso, aux- ilium et suffragium animabus purga- torii afferre cupientes supradictam concessimus indulgentiam, ita ta men, ut fideles ipsi pro eisdeni ani mabus suffragium darent, quod ipsa? defunctorum animae per se nequeant adimplere.' When it was demanded why the pope, who claimed a kind of ownership in this treasury of merits, did not make more copious grants to Christians generally, _ the answer was, that as the minister of God he must dispense the good things of the Church with judgment and moderation ('discrete et cum moderamine'). Luther revived this question in the 82nd of his theses on indulgences, as above, p. 44 1, n. 8. 5 Gabriel Biel accounts for their prodigious increase, partly from the fact that charity having waxed cold, 'nee satisfactiones condignae injun- guntur, nee modice injunctae perfici- untur.' Exposit. Missce, Lect. lvii. 6 See, for instance, Luther's theses, § 21 sq., as above, p. 441, n. 8 : and cf. De Felice, Hid. of the Protestants in France, Introd. p. xix. The diplomata with which Tetzel was furnished for sale were printed forms with blank spaces for the names of the purchasers, which he filled up with his own hand, as occasion required. A copy of one is preserved in Gerdes, Scrinium Antiquarium (documents relating to the Beformation), I. 73, Groning. 1748. For the modern traffic in indulgences at Alcala, see L'Espagne Pittoresque, by De Cuen- dias and De Tergal, pp. 265 — 268. 7 Ibid. p. 113: cf . Smedley 's Re formed Religion in France, I. 5 S<1-, Lond. 1832. The Sorbonne had in 1483 rejected the proposition that all souls in purgatory are 'de juris- dictione papa?,' and that if he wish 462 State of Intelligence and Piety. [a.d. 1305 CORRUP TIONS AND ABUSES. Reaction against the wliolc system of Church more especially in the time of Luther. found themselves unable to concur in a prevailing notion, that all souls indifferently escape from pm-gatory at the instant when a contribution of ten 'testons' sterling has been made on their behalf, to funds collected for a charit able object, or for instituting fresh crusades: yet on the other hand their judgment clearly recognized the vicious principle on which the system of indulgences was reared. They leave the full adjudication of the matter in the hands of God, who it is argued will assuredly accept (though not according to a stated law or graduated tariff) whatsoever is disbursed, in aid of living or departed souls, from the superfluous treasure of the Church. It was however quite impossible that thoughtful men could look upon this doctrine of vicarious pardons, and the impious traffic it produced, with aught like reverence or respect. Too many poured contempt upon the minis terial office generally when they were told that a certificate of absolution could be purchased at their pleasure. Others of a graver mood, like Huss1, or John of Wesel2, viewed the subject differently; they brought it to the touchstone of antiquity and grew persuaded that indulgences, at least as they were sanctioned by the popes and schoolmen, were not able to abide the test. A way had thus been gradually prepared for Luther and his colleagues ; and as soon as the half-hearted pontiff, Leo X., was urged to he can evacuate the whole region : see D'ArgentrC, Colledio Judiciorum de Novis Erroribus, I. part ii, 305. 1 Above, p. 433. 3 See the whole of his Adversus Indulgentias Disputatio, in Walch, Moniment. Medii jEvi, Fasc. 1., pp. 1 1 1 — 156. While granting that the pope was able to commute the penalty which human law may have in any case attached to sin, he absolutely denies the scriptural- ness of the pretension to relax a penalty imposed by God Himself ('non est in sacro Canone scrip- turn'). Durand de S. Pourcain, In Sentent. lib. rv., distinct. XX., quaest. 3, had long before suggested that the Bible said nothing of in dulgences expressly (' expresse '), and that Ambrose, Hilary, Augus tine, and Jerome were all equally silent : while Gabriel Biel (him self an advocate of indulgences) allows in Lect. lvii., quoted above, that, before the time of Gregory the Great, ' modicus vel nullus fuit usus indulgentiarum. ' — 152uj state of Intelligence and Piety. 463 reaffirm the modern theory8, — declaring that the temporal corrup- effects of sin may be remitted to the living and the dead "abuses. alike, by means of the indulgences which he had been empowered to distribute as the almoner of Christ and of the saints, — the friar of Wittenberg restrained himself no longer. He rushed forward to denounce an antichristian and demoralizing traffic, and at first he carried with him nearly all the better spirits of the age4. For Luther had 1 betrayed no wish to criticize the general teaching of the Church, to meddle with the continuity of her existence, to subvert her ancient ritual, or disparage her collective voice. The ground which he had occupied was moral rather than dogmatic. He had sought to reinvigorate in man the consciousness of personal responsibility, while he insisted, with an emphasis unequalled since the time of St Augustine, on the need of individual fellowship with Christ. If it appear that in the following stages of the move ment which he headed some of his disciples pushed reforming principles to revolutionary lengths ; if his ini quitous extrusion from the Western Church became the signal for igniting long-extinguished controversies, and the origin of feuds that vibrated in every corner of the Chris tian fold, those evils, it should never be forgotten, are less chargeable on the impetuosity of Luther than the fierce antagonism of Rome. The pride, the worldliness, the arbitrary and exclusive temper of the papal court, as well 3 The document is printed in rint, a tanta temporali poena se- Loscher, as above, n. 493. After cundum Divinam j ustitiam pro pec- defining that the 'culpa' which catis suis actualibus debita liberari, attached to sin was graciously for- quanta concessce d acquisitce indul- given through the 'sacrament of penance, ' he proceeded to discuss 4 Even F. von Schlegel (Phil, of the 'temporalis poena.' The fol- History, pp. 400, 401, Lond. 1847) lowing clause is unmistakeable : 'Ac admits that the strong necessity of propterea omnes tam vivos quam some regeneration was then univer- def unctos qui veraciter omnes in- sally felt, and that Luther seemed to dulgentias hujusmodi consecuti fue- numbers the very man for the work. 464 State of Intelligence and Piety. corrup- as the unholv craft by which it undermined the liberty TIONS AND abuses, and threatened to eclipse the light of Christendom, had long been tending more than other causes to provoke inquiry and necessitate the crisis that ensued. All projects of reform, suggested either from within or from without, had consequently grown distasteful to the Roman pontiffs : it was so with hardly an exception in the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries ; and in the sixteenth we shall find them concentrating all their virulence to blast alike the Foreign and the English Reformations in the bud. INDEX. Abbots (lay), 159, and n. 11. Abelard, the Nominalistic schoolman, his life and writings, 280 — 282; an amorous poet, 319, n. 4. Abendon, Oxford-doctor, 448, n. 4. Absalom (bp. of Boskild), 228. Absolution, Peter Lombard on, 331, ; and n. 6. Abulpharagius (maphrian of the Ja cobites), writings of, 295, and n. 11. !,Abyssinia, interference of the Portu guese, 339, n. 14 ; 398 ; negoeiations respecting at Florence, 398. Adalgar, northern missionary, 114. Adaldag (archbp. of Hamburg-Bre men), 115. Adamites, sect of, 401. Adamnam, 15, n. 7 ; his writings, 64, n. 5- Adelbert (an anti-Boman prelate), 23. Adelbert, German missionary in Bo hemia, 124, 125; his attempts to con vert the Prussians, 124, n. 6. Adelbert (first archbp. of Magdeburg), 128. Adelbert (archbp. of Bremen), 113, n. 11 ; 129, n. 5. Adelmann (bp. of Brescia), on the Eucharist, 182, u. 4. Adoptionist controversy, 66 — 70. Adrevald, on the Eucharist, 181, n. 7. .EGlDltrs (archbp. of Bourges), on the limits of the papal power, 273, n. 7. ¦iElehe ah (archbp. of Canterbury), 142, n. 2. jElered (king of England), 94, n. 1 ; 142 ; his patronage of learning and religion, 187 ; his works, 187, n. 7 ; his coadjutors, 187, n. 8. ^Elprio (English archbp.), on the Eu charist, 181, n. 4; his other writings, 188 ; difficulty of distinguishing be tween the './Elfrics,' 188, n. 1 ; his 'Lives of Saints,' 209. M. A. jElerio (Batta or Putta), 188, and n. 3. ^Ethelberht, 7, 8. Agatho (pope), endeavours to settle the Monothelete controversy, 75. Agil (Aile), missionary, 18, n. 4. Agricola (Bodolph), 380, n. 6. Agobard (archbp. of Lyons) writes on the Adoptionist controversy, 70, u. 1 ; on 'Ordeals,' 167; his other works, 169 ; protests against image-worship, 169, n. 7 ; tries to reform the service- books, 210, n. 4. Aidan (Irish missionary), 13, and n. 10. Alanus (Magnus), a Parisian school man, 283, n. 14. Albert the Great, life and writings, 286. Albert (priest of Bremen), employs force in converting the Lieflanders, 229. Albigenses (see Cathari), import of the name, 307, n. 14. Alcuin, opposed to compulsory conver sions, 25 ; 27, n. 13 ; his language to the pope, 45, n. 8 ; and to the empe ror, 58, n. 3 ; on the study of Holy Scripture, 61, n. 4 ; his character and writings, 66; 67, n. 7, 10, 11 ; 69. Aldfrith (king of Northumbria), his conduct towards Wilfrith, 16, n. 1. Aldhelm, his writings, 64, n. 6 ; 97. Alexander VI. (pope), his heinous crimes, 365. Alexius Comnenus (emperor), opposes the Paulicians, 303, n. 9 ; and re presses the Bogomiles, 306. Alfred (king) : see JElfred. All Saints, feast of, instituted, 101, and n. 8. All Souls, feast of, instituted, 218. , Amalarius (of Metz), on the triplicity of the Body of Christ, 181, n. 4. Amandus, missionary, 19, n. 8 ; 24, n. 6. HH 466 INDEX. America, tradition respecting, 119, n. 8 ; discovery of, 340 ; attempts to con. vert the natives, 341, 342 ; eventual success, 342, n. 2. Amulo (archbp. of Lyons) engages in the Predestinarian controversy, 176. Anathema, 217. Andreas (archbp. of Lund), 229, n. 10. Andrew (of Bhodes), defends the Latin Church, 393, and n. 8. Andronicus III. Palseologus, nego- ciates with the Latins, 391. Anglia (East), conversion of, 11, 12. Anglo-Saxons, their settlement in Eng land, 6 ; their mythology, 7, n. 6. Anna (of Bohemia), Queen of Bichard II. of England, 415, n. 5 ; 430. Annates, papal, 346, n. 3 ; 362, n. 1 ; 368. Anselm (archbp. of Canterbury), 172, n. 1 ; was the 'Augustine' of the Middle Age, 277; a Bealist, 278, 279 ; writes against Boscellinus, 278, n. 3 ; against the Greeks, 297, and n. 4. Anselm (of Laon), 280, n. 2. Anselm (bp. of Havelberg), 298. Anskar (Ansgar), his missionary life, 109 — 114; receives the pallium, 152, n. 2. Anthropomorphists, 206, n. 3. Apocrisiarius, what, 42, n. 4; 54, n. 1. Apostolicals (sect of), 316, 317; later traces of, 317, n. 10. Appeals (to Borne), 245 ; peculiarly ob noxious to the English, 245, n. 6 ; to a general council, 355, n. 4. Aquileia, archbps. of, suspend their com munion with Bome, 41, u. 8. Aquinas (Thomas), life and writings, 287; analysis of his 'Summa,' 287 — ¦ 289. Archbishops, their peculiar functions, 38; their influence weakened by the papacy, 38, 151, 152 ; metropolitans appointed in England, 40, and in Germany, 39 ; how consecrated in England, 40, n. 3 ; vow obedience to the pope, 152; their rights defended at Milan, 152, n. 3. Archdeacons, 49; exorbitance of, 258, and n. 6. Archicapellanus, what, 49, a. 5 ; 135. Archpresbyters, 49, u. 10. . Ardgar, missionary in Sweden, 1 12, and n. 3. Ariald, a Milanese preacher, 156, n. 1. Aristotle, his influence in the Western Church, 172, n. 2; 378, n. 1; change of feeling in regard to him, 284, 287, 380. Armenians (sect of), their flourishing condition, 189, n. 8; their judaizing turn, 202, n. 2; attempts to reunite them to the Church, 296, n. 3; re newed with greater chances of suc cess, 396, 397; their tenets in the 14th century, 397, n. 8, 9. Arno (archbp. of Salzburg), 27, 120. Arnold (cleric of Brescia), his move ment against the hierarchy, 267, 268 ; ' associated with Abe'lard, 282, n. 1. Arnulph (archbp. of Orleans), his ' re- ; forming' tendencies, 149, n. 7. Arsenian schism, 293, n. 5. Arundel (archbp. of Canterbury) op- ! poses the Lollards, 422, n. 3. Ascetics, 215, 216, 329. Asia (Central), missions to, 28, 29, 139 140. Asser, Alfred's coadjutor, 187, n. 8. Aston (John), 413. Athanasian Creed, 62, n. 1. Athinganians, sect of, 202, n. 2. Atto (bp. of Vercelli), 153, n. 7; 187, n. 9. Addomar (Omer), missionary, 19, n. 8. Augustine, St (of Hippo), his canoni cal institute, 48, n. 1; influence of his theology on the Middle Age, 62 sq. ; 168 sq. ; 277 ; and especially on Lu ther, 383, n. 12; 440, n. 6. Augustine (of Canterbury), 6 ; 7, n. 8 ; 8, 9, 11; 47, n. 7. Augustines (grey-friars), 370, n. 5 ; 371, and n. 12. Autbert, missionary in Denmark, no. Auvergne (Win. of), his writings, 291, n. 7. Avars, mission to, 27. Averroes, his philosophy, 284, n. r. Avignon, papal residence at, 273, 346; effects of, 346, 347. Aylmer (bp.), on Wycliffe,, 425, n. 8. Azymes, dispute respecting, 200, n. 3 ; 300, 394. Bacon (Boger), life and writings, 291, 292. Balle (John), who, 412, n. 1. Bardanes (emperor) revives Monothe- letism, 77, and 11. 5. INDEX. 467 Baelaam (eastern monk), opposes the — Quietists, 390, and secedes to Bome, .. 390 ; his negociation for unity, 391. Baptism, infant, 25, n. 10; 87; 177; 203, n. 6; 206, n. 5; 309; 312^ n. 1 '; - 3'°, "• 2; 3^4. n. 5. Barton (Wm. de), chancellor of Ox- j ford, 41 1. Basil I. (emperor) persecutes the Pau licians, 91. Basil (monk), leader of the Bogomiles, 306. Basle, council of, its leading objects, 359; struggle with the pope, 360 — 363 ; conduct of the Greeks respect ing, 39*- Bavaria, conversion of, 18 sq.; presence of an anti-Boman party, 21, 22. Beatus, a writer in the Adoptionist controversy, 68, n. 4. Beccus (chartophylax at Constantino ple), his Latinizing tendencies, 301, 302. Becket (archbp. of Canterbury), his contest with the crown, 268, 269 ; his influence in consolidating the papal power, 269, and n. 12. Bede (Venerable), on the increase of the episcopate, 49, n. 9 ; his theolo gical writings, 64, 65 ; his devotion to biblical learning, 65, and n. 8; 97; on preaching in the native dialects, ojb, n. 1. Beghards (or Beguins), their rise and progress, 254; 373; remains of, 401. Benedict (of Monte Cassino), his order, 47- Benedict (of Aniane), his monastic re forms, 160, and n. 1. s Benedict Biscop, his influence, 65, n. 7; 103, n. 5. Benedict IX., one of the most profli gate of the popes, 150, n. 5. Berengarius, defends the ancient doc trine of the Eucharist, 182 — 186; extreme opinions of some of his ad herents, 183, n. 11 ; 436, n. 2. Bernard (a Spanish priest), his failure in Pomerania, 223, 224. Bernard (of Clairvaux), his influence in extending the fame of the Cister cians, 248; his writings, and the character of his theology, 276, 290; his opposition to Abe'lard, 276, u. 2; 281. Berno, founder of the Cluniacs, 160. Berthold, a distinguished preacher, 322, n. 3. Berthold, a missionary in Livonia, invokes military aid, 229. Bessarion, convert to the Western Church, 394; his patronage of letters, .394, "¦ 2- Bible (see Scripture). Biel (Gabriel), last of the schoolmen, 380, and n. 3. Birinus, 10. Bishops (diocesan), their functions, 37 their visitations, 49, and n. 8 ; 106 election of, sometimes tumultuary, 54, n. 1 ; discontinuance of the prac tice, 55, 163, 367; its partial revival. 56, 163, n. 6; 367; usage in Eng land, 57, 368; their general character, r53> ]54; regarded as mere feuda tories of the crown, 162; their en croachments on the state, 165 ; ex ceptions, 166, 167, and n. 5; fettered by the papal power, 245, 246; their vow of servitude, 246; titular and suffragan bishops, 257, 258; object of the Basle council to elevate the western bishops, 367, and n. 6. Bodzanta (archbp. of Gnesen), 337. Bogomiles, rise of, and main features of their heresy, 303 — 306' repressed in part, 306, 307, and n. 8 . connexion with western sects, 307, 308, and n. 1. Bohemia, conversion of, 123 — 125; as cendancy of German influence, 125; suppression of the Slavonic ritual, 125, n. 10; reformatory movements in, 426 — 440. Bonaventura, life and writings, 286 promotes the growth of Mariolatry. 286, n. 2. Bonifacius (Winfrith), extensive mis sionary labours, 20 — 24 ; his writings,. 64, n. 6 ; his Bomanizing tenden cies, 20, and n. 7 ; 39, and n. 4, 5, 6, Borgia (Caasar), 365. Bradwardine (archbp. of Canterbury). writes against the Scotists, 290, n. 3, Bremen (see of) ; united with Ham burg, 112, and n. 5 ; point of depar ture for northern missions, 129, n. 5 Bridget (of Sweden), 352, n. 5; her canonization, 455* n- 8- British Church, 6, and n. 4; 7, n. 8; 8, n. 6; 15, n. 7 and 10; 2t, n. n. Bruno (bishop of Angers) favours Be rengarius, 1S3. hh2 468 INDEX. Bruno, founder of the Carthusians, 247, and n. 8. Bruno, perishes in attempting to con vert the Prussians, 124, n. 6. Bulgaria, conversion of, 131 — 134 > i*s temporary union with the Church of Constantinople, 134; controversy re specting, 197, 199. Bulgri, 307, n. 9, II. Byzantinism, what, 53, 54i an0- u- 2> 293, and n. 5. Cedmon, his Mdrical Paraphrase, 97, n. 10. Cagots, who, 400, n. 5. Calixtines, Hussite party, 438, 439. Canary Islands, conversion of, 340. Candida Casa (= Whiterne), 7, n. 5 ; 15, n. 11. Canon law, its component parts, 242, n. 3 ; 347. "• 6. Canons, order of, 48 ; their degeneracy, 156, 257; Dunstan's quarrel with them, 158; their right of electing the bishops, 256, and n. 5 ; attempts to reform them, 257; distinction be tween ' canons-regular' and ' canons- secular,' 257, n. 8. Canonesses, 48, n. 1. Canterbury, 8 ; 10, n. 1 ; province of, 15, n. n; primacy settled in it, 40, n. 2. Carinthia, conversion of, 27. Carloman, 45, n. 9. Carmelites (white-friars), 247, n. 8 ; 37°, n- 5; 37 r> andn. 12. Carthusians, order of, 247, 369. Casali (Ubertinus de), a ' spiritualist' Franciscan, 251, n. 6; 349, n. 5. Casas (Bartolome de las), friend of the American Indians, 341, and n. 8. Catenae, age of, 193. Cathari, their rise, 307 ; principles of the sect, 308 — 310 ; their rapid growth and violent suppression, 311; remains of, 400. Catharine (of Alexandria), relics of, introduced into the west, 212, n. 3; legend of, disputed, 455, n. 8. Catharine (of Siena), her political in fluence, 352, and n. 5. Cedd ( = Chad), 10; 15, n. 7. Cerularius (patriarch of Constanti nople) fixes the schism between East and West, 200 ; his attack on the Latins, 200, n. 3. Chaldaeans (see Nestorians). Champeaux (Wm. de), a schoolman, 280, and n. 1. Chaplains, 49, and n. 5 ; their abject position, 155, and n. 7. Chapters (rural), 49. Charo (Hugo de S.), a biblical scholar, 292, n. 4. Charles the Bald (emperor), 148, n. 1, 2 ; 165, n. 7. Charlemagne, adopts coercive mea sures in the propagation of the Gos pel, 25 ; his coronation by the pope, 44, 11. 4 ; enforces the payment of tithes, 52 ; his extensive power in matters ecclesiastical, 58, n. 3 ; 166 ; on the study of Holy Scripture, 61, n. 3; his moderation respecting im ages, 84, and n. 5 ; his zeal in found ing schools, 94 ; his coadjutors, 94, n. 3 ; publishes a Homiliarium, g6, n. 5 ; , opposes many superstitions, 99, n. 4. Chazars, partial conversion of, 134, 135. Chichelet (archbp. of Canterbury), on papal legates, 243, u. 10 ; persecutes the Lollards, 423, n. 9. China, early traces of Christianity, 29, 235; its decline, 235, 11. 7, 8. Chinghis-Khan, 233. Chorepiscopi, 49, n. 9; 153, n. 6. Chosroes (Kesra) persecutes the East ern Church, 31. Christian (monk), missionary labours in Prussia, 231. Chrodegang (bp. of Metz) 48, and n. 5; 96, 11. ¦!.' Chrtsolanus (Peter), archbp. of Milan, 297. Church-building, 102, 219. Cistercians, order of, 248. Clara, St, order of, 249, n. 8 ; 326, n. 4. Clarendon, Constitutions of, 269, and n. 8. Claudius (bp. of Turin), his 'protes tantism,' 170. Clemangis (Nich. de), his 'reforming' works, 353, n. 9; 355, n. 7. Clement VII. (pope), his connexion with the forty years' schism. 354. Clement (anti-Boman prelate), 23. Clergy, proper, 51, and n. 7 ; their marriage, 51; 157; 260; 375, and n. 8, 9 ; their concubinage tolerated, 376, n. 1; their income, 52; effects of their close alliance with the state, 58—60; their intellectual qualifica tions, 94, and n. 3; 206, n. 5 ; their INDEX. 469 degeneracy, 154, 155 ; 259—261 ; 374 — 37" ; extension of the law of celi bacy to the minor orders, 260 ; the right of inferior clerics to vote in sy nods, 356, ,1. 4. Clergy, itinerant, 49, and n. 4; 155. Clerici conductitii, 257, n. 7. Clugny, monks of, 160. Cnut (Canute the Great), interest in northern missions, 115, and n. 10. Cobham (Lord), opinions and martyr dom, 421, 422. Ccelestine-Hermits, 251. Coifi, 13, n. 6. Colleges, 254, n. 1; 298, u. 5; 318, n. 2; 446. Colman (bishop of Lindisfarne), 14; 15, n. 7. Columba (Irish missionary), 6, n. 1 ; 1, n. 5- Columbanus (Irish missionary), his la bours and opinions, 17. Common-life Brothers, order of, 373, 374; their salutary influence, 374, and n. 2. Communicants, number of, 93, n. 2; 104, n. 3; 327, n. 8; laymen forbid den to communicate more than once a month, 429. Communion of children, discontinued in the west, 327, 11. 8. Communion in one kind, 32.5, 326; controversy reopened, 428, n. 3; 436, n. 1. Concomitance, doctrine of, 326. Confession (auricular), generally prac tised, 106, 216; made absolutely , binding, 330, and n. 4. Conrad (of Waldhausen), a ' reformer,' 427. CpNRADlN, last of the Ghibellines, 272. ¦ Consolamentum, what, 309, n. 8. Constance, council of, history and ef fects, 356 ; presence of Greek envoys, 392, n. 2. Constans II. (emperor), a Monothe lete, his Type of the Faith, 73; forces compliance with it, 74. Constantine, author of Paulicianism, 86. Constantine Copronymus (emperor), his proceedings against images, 80, 81; his personal character, 80, n. 3; respected by the Bogomiles, 306, n. 4 ; and Petrobrusians, 312, n. 1. Constantini Donatio, 273, n. 7. Convocation (see Synods, provincial). Copts (see Jacobites). Corpus Christi, festival of, 327. Corbinian (missionary), 18. Cortes (conqueror of Mexico), his final wish to evangelize the natives, 342, n. 2. Cortesius, a scholastic, 380, n. 3. Counoils (see also under Synods) : of Aix-la-Chapelle (799), 69; Ibid. (816), 48; of Aries (813), 49, n. 6; 50, n. 4; 61, n. 4; of Arras (1025), 203, n. 5; of Auvergne (533), 55, n. 10; of Ban (1098), 297; of Basle (1431 — 1440), 359 — 3^3; of BHiers (1246), 321, n. 6; of Bologna (1431), 360; of Bor deaux (1255), 327, n. 8; of Braga (675), 52. n. 3; of Cashel (11 72), 95, n. 9 ; of Cealcythe (785), 50, n. 2 ; 62, n. 1 ; Ibid. (816), 152, n. 4; of Chd- Ions, (649), 49, n. 5 ; 96, n. 3 ; Ibid. (813), 48, n. 1; 152, a. 4; of Cla rendon (1164), 269; of Clermont (1095), 265, u. 12 ; of Cloveshoe (747), 22, n. 8; 49, n. 8; 50, n. 2; 61, n. 3; of Cologne (873), 156, n. 4; of Con stance (1414 — 1418), 356sq.; of Con- stantinople (680). 43, n. 11: Ibid. (T5$f&i~; not cecumemcal, 81, n. 5 ; Ibid. (867), 197; Ibid. (869), 198; not oecumenical, 198, n. 3; Ibid. (1054), 201, n. 7; Ibid. (1140 and 1143), 307, 11. 8 ; of Cordova (852), 144 ; of Coyaco (1050), 209, n. 10; of Douzi (871), 148, n. 1; of Eanham (1009), 157, n. 7; 209, 11. 10; of Ferrara (H37), 3^2, 3^3 ; 393J of Fimes (881), 159, n. 10; 166, n. 2 ; of Florence (r439b 3^3, 394—398; of Francfort (794), 69, 85; of Gran (1114), 260, 11. 2 ; of Hertford (673), 15, n. 11 ; of Ingelheim (948), 114, n. 5; of Kiersy- sur-Oise (849), 174, 175; Ibid. (853), 177; of Lateran (1059), 158, n. 1; Ibid. (1123), 266; Ibid. (1139), 311, n. 6; Ibid. (1179), 25^> D- &\ 314; 318, n. 2; Ibid. (1215), 258, n. 7; 261,' n. 6; 283, n. 1, 3; 298, n. 5; 318, n. 2; 325; 327, n. 8; Ibid. (1444), 398;/6id. (1512— 1517), 365, 3^6; 371, n. 6; 381; of London (no']), 265, n. 14; Ibid. (1108), 260, n. 4; Ibid. (1237), 330, n. 1; Ibid. (1382), 413; Ibid. (1396), 419, n. 13; Lorn- bers(i\6i), 311, n. 6; of Lyons (1274), not oecumenical, 302, and n. 1 ; of Mayence (813), 96; 100; Ibid. (847), 470 INDEX. 206, n. 2; Ibid. (848), 174; of Melfi (1O89), 330, u. 2; of Metz (863), 147, n. 10; Ibid. (888), 153, n. 6; Ibid. (859), 166, n. 2; Second Council of Niccea (787), 82, 83; Sixth Oecumeni cal Council (680), 75, 76; of Orleans (611), 52, n. 3; Ibid. (1022), 203, n. 5; of Oxford (1 160), 310, n. 3; ibid. (140S), 422, n. 3; of Paris (557), 55, n. 10; Ibid. (615), 56; /fa'd. (829), 153, n. 6; 154, n. 1; 7&id. (825), 189, n. 9; of Pavia (S50), 154, n. 1; 155, n. 6; 213, n. 7; of Pisa (1409), 355; 76i'd (1512), 3^5, n. 11; of Poitiers (1076), 185, n. 7; of Prague (1388), 429; of Ratisbon (792), 68; of Ravenna (1311), 257, n. 11; of Rheims (624), 56; Ibid. (991), 149, n. 8; Ibid. (1148), 311, n."6; of Rome (595), 50, n. 5; Ibid. (601), 46, n. 4; Ibid. (649), 74 ; Ibid. (680), 75 ; Ibid. (731), 80, n. 1; Ibid. (745), 23; Ibid. (769), 81, n. 5; Ibid. (799), 69, n. 9; Ibid. (826), 162, n. 2; 206, n. 5 ; Ibid. (853), 162/ n. 2 ; 7&tc2. (863), 197; Ibid. (869), 198, n. 3; Ibid. (iojo), 1S3; Ibid. (1059), 257, n. 8; 76id. (1075), 262; Ibid. (1079), 185 ; of Savonieres (859), 178, and n. 2; 205, n. 8 ; 207, n. 8 ; of Seligenstadt (1022), 214, n. 2; of Sens (1140), 281; of Seville (618), 46, n. 4; of Soissons (744), 23; Ibid. (1092), 279; Ibid. (1121), 281 ; of Spalatro (1069), 208, n. 4; of Tarragona (1234), 321, n. 6 ; of Toledo (633), 50, n. 1, 4 ; 52, n. 2 ; 61, n. 4; Ibid. (653), 50, n. 4 ; 51, n. 10; Ibid. (675), 50, n. 6; Ibid. (681), 57; of Toulouse (1119), 311; Ibid. (1229), 311, 321; of Tours (813), 96, n. 5; Ibid. (1163), 3 it, n. 6; of Trosle (909), 159, n. 11; 166, n. 2 ; 207, n. 6 ; in Trullo (691), 41, n. 8; 51; of Valence (855), 163, n. 6; 167, n. 7; 177; 206, n. 3; 207, n. 8; of kF/m'% (664), 14; of Win chester (1076), 260; of Worms (1076), 263, n. 9 ; of York (11 95), 330, n. 1. Courland, temporary conversion of, 230. Courtenay (bp. of London), Wycliffe's antagonist, 406, 412. Cracovia (Matthaeus de), reforming work, 355, n. 4. Croats (Chrobatians), conversion of, 135- Cross, reverenced even by Iconoclasts, 79, n. 12 ; 87, n. 6; festival in honour of, 102, n. 1; 'adoration' of, 170, u. 2 ; abhorred by the Bogomiles, 306, n. 5. Crusades (eastern), 235, 236; 265; 297, 298. Crusades (Albigensian), 252. Culdees, a Scotch order of canons, 256, n. 5. Cunibert (bp. of Turin), 157, n. 9. Cup in the Eucharist, withdrawal of, 213, n. 8; 325, 326, and n. 2. Cusanus (Nicholas), his writings, 360, and n. 5. Cuthbert (archbp. of Canterbury), 22, u. 8 ; 39, n. 5. Cyril (a Greek missionary), 121 ; trans lates the Scriptures, 121, n. 10; evan gelizes the Chazars, 134. Cyrus (patriarch of Alexandria), a Monothelete heretic, 71. D'Ailly (De Alliaco), reforming car dinal, 356, n. 4; 358, and n. 2; his theological writings, 380, n. 4. D'Allemand, reforming cardinal, 362, and n. 5 ; 367, n. 6. Damascus (John of), 62 ; his theologi cal system, 77, 78 ; vehement defender of images, 78. n. 3 ; 79, 80. Damiani (Pet.), the ally of Hilde brand, 157, n. 10. Dancers, sect of, 401, n. 14. Danes (see Northmen). Daniel (bp. of Winchester), 20; 25, n. 7. Dante, 274, n. 2; 347, n. 8. Deans (rural), 49, n. 10. Decretals (Pseudo-Isidore), 44, n. 5 ; origin of, 145, and n. 1 ; their influ ence in extending the papal power, x45> H6; 164; quoted with this ob ject, 147, n. 11 ; 148, n. 1 ; 196, n. 6: Denmark, mission to, no; 113, 114; 117; mythology of, 19, n. 7; 113, n. 10 ; conflicts with the Germans in propagating the Gospel, 230. Deutz (Bupert of), 282, n. 6. Devil-worshippers, 202, n. 3. Didaous (bp. of Osma), co-founder of the Dominicans, 251. Dinant, a heterodox philosopher, 285, n- 3; 321, n. 5. Dinoot (British abbot), 6, n. 4 ; 8, n. 6. Dionysius (Pseudo-), influence of his writings, 70, n. 3; 172, n. 4. INDEX. 471 Dionysius (Bar-Salibi), a Jacobite au thor, 295. Diuma (bp. in Mercia), 1 3. Dobrin, Knights-brethren of, 232. Dola (Stephen of), anti-Hussite writer, 431, n- 8. Dolcino, 317. Dominicans (see also Mendicants), rise and progress of, 251. Drdthmar (Christian), work of, 171 ; views on the Eucharist, 181. Dunstan (archbp. of Canterbury), the nature of his policy, 158; 165; 214, n. 2. Durand (de S. Pourcain), the Nomi- nalistic schoolman, 378 ; some of his peculiarities, 378, n. 2 ; on indul gences, 462, n. 2. Duranti (Durandus), the liturgical writer, 291, n. 7. Eadbald, 9. Eadwine, 12. Easter, modes of reckoning, 7, n. 8; 13, n. 10; 14, n. 3; 15, n. 10. Ebbo (archbp. pf Bheims), 109; 112, n. 2. Ebed-Jesu, Nestorian writer, 295. Ebland, 383, n. 12. Ebn-Nassal, work of, 294, n. 3. Ecgberht (archbp. of York), his pa tronage of letters, 65, 66 ; writings, 66, n. 2. Ecgprith (king of Northumbria), his conduct towards Wilfrith, »i6, n. 1. Eckhart, a Neo-Platonist, 382, u. 3. Eddius, 64, n. 6. Elfeg (archbp.) : see jfflfheah. Eligius (Eloy), missionary bishop, 19, n. 8. Elipandus (archbp. of Toledo), his part in the Adoptionist controversy, 67, 69. Elmham, Latin poet, 422, n. 5. Emmeran (missionary bishop), 18. England, growth of the Church in, 6 — 16 ; its comparative civilization before the incursions of the North men, 93, 94. English missionaries to the Continent, 19 — 26; 115, ni 10; 116, 117; 118, ii. 2; 1 19, and n. 7 ; 222, n. 2. Erasmus, his opposition to the school men, 380, n. 6 ; his edition of the GreekTestament, 388, n. 4. Eric IX. (of Sweden), labours to ex tend the Church, 222. Erigena (see Scotus). Erimbert (northern missionary), 113. Essex, conversion of, 10. Esthland, conversion of, 230. Etherius (bp. of Othma), 68, n. 4. Eucharistic controversy, 178 — 186. Euchites, sect of, 202, 303. Eulogius (patriarch of Alexandria) writes against the Bogomiles, 304, n. 1. Eustacius (missionary), 18, n. 4. Eustathius (archbp. of Thessalonica), writings of, 295. Eutychius (patriarch of Alexandria), 194. Excommunication, 217. Faroe Islands, conversion of, 119, 120. Fasts, annual, iod, n. 2. Felix (bishop of Dunwich), 12. Felix (bishop of Urgel), leader in the Adoptionist controversy, 67 — 70. Ferrara, council of, 393 ; presence of the Greeks, 393 ; transferred to Florence, 394- Ferrer (Vincente), 343, n. 12 ; 459, n. 7. Festivals, 100, 101, 192, 218; 322, n. 1; 327; 456, n. 2. Ficino (Marsilio), a Christian Platonist, 381, and n. 7. Filioque (clause so called), 62, n. 1 ; 199, n- 7; 299> 3°°; 393, and n. 8; 394. Finan (Irish missionary), 10, 13. Finns, conversion of, 222, 223. Fitz-ralph (Bichard, archbp. of Ar magh), defends the clergy against the Mendicants, 371, n. 8, n. Flagellants, 216, and n. 1; 329, n. 9; sect of, 401 ; their number and ex travagancies, 401, n. 14; 459. Fleming (bp. of Lincoln), 424. Florence, council of, 394 — 398 ; trans lated to Lateran, 398. Florus (deacon of Lyons), engages in the Predestinarian controversy, 176; views on the Eucharist, 181. FRANCiS'(of Assisi), 236, 249. Franciscans (see also Mendicants), their rise and progress, 249, 250 ; third estate of, 250 ; growth of an extreme and anti-papal party, 250, 251 ; 372; their extravagant notions respecting purgatory, 458, u. 1. Fratricelli, 251, 401. Fredegis, 171. 472 INDEX. Frederic I„ Barbarossa, bis struggle with the popes, 268, 270. Frederic II. (emperor), continues the struggle, 270, 271; appeals to a ge neral council, 273, n. 0; his personal character, 271, n. 12. Friars (see Mendicants). Friars-regular, 373. Friesland, conversion of, 19 sq. Fulbert (bp. of Chartres), 188. Fursey (Irish monk), 12; 103, n. 7. Gallus (Irish missionary), 18. Gaunt (John of), his connexion with Wycliffe, 407, 412. Gegnsesius, a Paulician leader, 89. George (of Trebizond), writings of, 389. Gerald (count of Aurilly), 210, n. 3. Gerbert (see Sylvester II.). Gerhard, a 'Manichaean' leader, 204, ix. 7. Gerhoh (of Beichersberg), 259, n. n. Germanus (patriarch of Constantinople), deposed for advocating image-worship, 79; his theory of 'relative' worship, 79: n- 9- Germany, conversion of, i6sq. ; its hea then mythology, 19, n. 7. Gerson (John), chancellor of Paris, his reforming efforts, 355, n. 7 ; 358, and n. 3; his theological writings, 384, 387 ; his theory of development, 400, n. 1. Gezo (abbot of Tortona), on the Eucha rist, 182, n. 2. Ghibellines, conflict with the popes, 267 sq. Gislemar (missionary to Denmark), no. Goslar (chapter of), stronghold of the German imperialists, 263, n. 9. Gottschalk (king of the Wends), his martyrdom, 128, 129. Gottskalk (monk of Fulda), revives the Predestinarian controversy, 173 — 175 ; his firmness and violence, 174, n. 4 ; defended by Bemigius of Lyons and others, 176; his controversy re specting the phrase Trina Deitas, 178, n. 3- Gower (English poet), 375, n. 6. Gratian, his 'Decretum,' 242, n. 3. Gregory VII. (pope), his 'reforming' tendencies, 151; 154, n. 3; 156, n. 2; endeavours to restrain the marriage of the clergy, 157; attacks 'lay-in- vestitures,' 163, 164; symbolizes with Berengarius on the Eucharist, 183, and n. n ; 184; 185, n. n ; his lead ing principles as pope, 240, 241; 262 ;¦ exasperates the people against the clergy, 241, and n. 7; his struggle with Henry IV. of Germany, 262 — 264; his sober views on penance, 330, n. 2. Gregory (of Utrecht), missionary abbot, 24. Gregory the Great (pope), 6; con troversy with John the Faster, 42 ; enlarges the dominion of the papacy, 42, and 11. 5, 6 ; 43 ; his writings on theology, 62 — 64. Gregory (of Tours), 98, n. 1 ; 100. Greenland, the Gospel in, 119; sup pression of it by the Esquimaux, 119, n. 8 ; reintroduced by Moravian mis sionaries, ibid. Groot (Gerhard), founder of the ' Com mon-life Brothers,' 374, and n. 1. Grosseteste (bp. of Lincoln), opposes the pope, 244, n. 4; warns him of his tendency to produce a schism, 246, and n. 4 ; his conduct with regard to the Mendicants, 252, n. 8; his complaint of the corruptions of the clergy, 259, n. n; his commentary on Aristotle, 285, n. 4 ; influences Wycliffe, 402, n. 1 ; and Huss, 429. Gualbert, founder of the Coenobites of Vallombrosa, 161. Guazbert (or Simon), missionary in Sweden, m ; 113, n. 8. < Guelphs, allies of the pope against the emperor, 267. Guibert (abbot of Nogent), on relics, 329, n. 7. Guinea, coast of, partly christianized, 34°- Guiscard (Bobert), 264, and n. 4. Guitmund (archbp.), on the Eucharist, 183, n. 11. Guthlac (hermit), 98, n. 3. Hacon (Hagen) introduces Christianity into Norway, 116, 117. Hadrian I. (pope), his activity in fa vour of images, 82, 84. Haimo (bp. of Halberstadt), writings of, 171 ; views on the Eucharist, 182, n. 1. Hales (Alexander of), life and writins-s. 2S5. s INDEX. 473 Halitgar (bishop of Cambray), 105, n. 7; 109. Hallam (Bobert), bp. of Salisbury, at the council of Pisa, 355, n. 5. Hamburg (archbishopric of), 108, 11 1; 112, n. 4. Hampole (Bichard Bolle of), his writings, 375, u. 6; 383, n. 12. Hartwig (archbp. of Bremen), 227, 229. Heathenism, remnants of, 49, n. 8; 95, n. 6. Henry IV. (German emperor), his struggle with Gregory VII., 262— 264. Henry (of Upsala), an English mis sionary, 222. Henry (the Cluniac monk), propagates the Petrobrusian tenets, 312; is con demned, 312, 313. Hemming (archbp. of Upsala), 338. Heraclius, eastern emperor, drives back the Persians, 31 ; favours the Monothelete heresy, 71; his Ecthesis, 72. Hereford (Nicholas), partisan of Wy cliffe, 413. Herigar (abbot of Lobes), on the Eu charist, 182, n. 2. Hermann (of Cologne), a converted Jew, 238. Hesse (Henry of), 352, n. 6 ; 354, n. 2. Hessia, conversion of, 2 1 sq. Hesychastic controversy, 389, 390. Hieronymites, order of, 370, n. 4. Hildebert (archbp. of Tours), his works, 277, n. 6; 282, n. 7. Hildebrand (see Gregory VII.). Hildegard (abbess), prophecies of, 273, 274. Hincmar (archbp. of Eheims), opposed to the ultra-papal claims, 147, 148, 151, 152, n. 2 ; and also to encroach ments of the crown, 163, n. 6; his activity in the Predestinarian contro versy, 174 sq. Hincmar (bishop of Laon), 148, n. 1 ; 151, n. 8. Hirschau, monks of, 160, n. 7. Holcot (Bobert), 380, n. 4; 387, n. 8. Holy Places (at Jerusalem,) controversy respecting, 298, n. 2. Homiliarium, what, 96, n. 5. Honorius I. (pope), a Monothelete heretic, 70, and n. 3 ; 75, and n. 8. Hospitallers, Knigbts, their rise and fortunes, 255, 256. Howel the Good (of Wales), 187, n. 5. Humbert (cardinal), his fierce opposition to Berengarius, 184 ; his mission to Constantinople, 200 ; and his attack on the Eastern Church, 201, 11. 6. Humbert (de Eornanis), on preaching, 323. n. 7. Hungarians, antiquities of, 137, and n. 6 ; inroads into Europe, 114, 136 ; evangelized, 137 — 139 ; their union with the Western Church, 139 ; their bishops appointed by the crown, 161, n. n. Huss (John), life and writings of, 429 — 437 ; his early influence and repute, 429 ; studies the Wycliffite tracts, 430, and n. i ; bis general sympathy with Wycliffe, 430, 431, n. 5 ; his quarrel with the German students, 431, and n. 6; appeals to a pope 'better informed,' 432; his excom munication, 432 ; reconciled to arch bp. Sbynco, 433 ; condemns the papal indulgences, 433 ; his religious opi- 1 nions, 434 ; his reputed ' orthodoxy,' 435 > proceedings against him at Con stance, 435—437- Hussites, war of the, 437 — 439. Hutten (Ulrich von), chief contributor to the 'Epist. Obscurorum Virorum,' 380, n. 6; 388, n. 3. Iceland, conversion of, 118; remnants of heathenism, 1 19, n. 6. Iconoclastic controversy, 78 — 85 ; re vived, 189 — 193. Ignatius (patriarch of Constantinople), deposed, 196 ; controversy with Pho tius, 197 ; assisted by the pope, 197 ; 198, n. 3. Ildefonsus (of Toledo), 64, h. 4 ; 100, n. 1. Images (see also Iconoclastic Contro versy), how used in the time of Gre gory the Great, 78, n. 5 ; opposite decrees respecting, 81, and n. 7 ; 83 ; views of the English Church, 85, and n. 8 ; of the French, 85 ; 189, n. 9 ; worship of, established permanently in the east, 192 ; its extravagancies, 191, n. 9; prevailing theory, 212, and n. 2. India, early traces of Christianity, 29, 3°- Indulgences, 216, 332, 359, n. 6; 371, n. 8 ; condemned by Huss, 433, and 474 INDEX. n. 10; by Luther, 44T, 460; ultimate development of the doctrine, 460 — 463. Infidelity, rife in Italy before the Be formation, 378, n. 1 ;,38r. Innocent III. (pope), carries the papal power to a climax, 240, and n. 1 ; 242, 243 ; his immense influence in temporal matters, 270, 271 ; on read ing the Bible, 321, n. 5. Inquisition, origin of, 311 ; its early labours, 311, n. 11. Interdict, 217, and n. 7. Investiture, confused ideas respecting, 162 ; right of lay-investiture denied, 262, 263 ; how the controversy was settled in England, 265, n. 14; and . on the Continent, 266. lona, 7, n.'f ; 13 ; 15, n. 7 ; 142, n. 3. Ireland, conspicuous for its learning, 10, n. 7 ; 17, and nv 3 ; 19, u. n ; 64, n. 5. Irene (empress), an ardent image- worshipper, 82. Irish missionaries, 7, and n. 8; 9 — 13 ; man}' of them withdraw from England, 15 ; their orders disputed, 15, u. 10 ; fu ture traces of theh- influence, 95, n. 9 ; 152, 11. 4 ; some penetrate to Iceland, 118, n. 4 ; 119. Isidore (of Seville), his writings, 64 ; see also Decretals (Pseudo-Isidore). Ivo (Ives), bishop of Chartres, 156, n. 5- Jacob (bishop of Tagritum), a Jacobite author, 295. Jacobites (of Egypt), their missionary efforts, 30 ; patronized by the Mu hammedans, 34, n. 3 ; attempts to reabsorb them into the church, 296, n. 3. Jacobellus (of Misa\ contends for communion in both kinds, 438 ; ques tions some of the legends, 455, n. 8. Janow (Matth. of), a Bohemian 're former,' 428. Jaruman (bp.), 10, n. 5. Jerome (of Prague), 430, and u. 2 ; 433 ; his martyrdom, 437. Jews, forcible conversion of, 31, n. 9 ; 237 ; condemned by some, 237, n. 9 ; their copious literature, 237, and n. 8 ; 343, n. 9 ; their abhorrence of images, 79, and creature-worship, 237 ; occa sional conversions,' 238; 343, n. 12; 344; writings against, 237, n. 11; fresh persecutions, especially in Spain, 343, 344- Joachim (abbot), prophecies of, 274. Joan (the female pope), 147, n. 7. John the Faster, controversy with Gregory the Great, 42 ; his Pceniten- tial work, 64, n. 6. John the Chanter, introduces Boman psalmody, &c. into England, 95, n. 9. John the Grammarian (patriarch of Constantinople), opposes image-wor ship, 192. John (king of England), abject submis sion to the pope, 271, and n. 9. John (a Dominican of Paris) writes on the regal and papal power, 273, n. 7. John III. Vatatzes (emperor), endea vours to unite the Eastern and West ern Churches, 299. John V. Pal^ologus, submits to the pope, 391, and n. 12. John VII. Pal^ologus, negociates with the Western Church, 392. John IV. (pope), opposes Monothelet- ism, 72. John VIII. (pope), his policy in the ease of Photius, 199, and n. 8. John XXII. (pope), his contest with the German emperor, 347 — 350 ; tax ed with heresy, 350, and n. 5. John XXIII. (pope), appointed by the council of Pisa, 356 ; deposed at Con stance, 357. Jonas (bp. of Orleans), on images &c. 170, n. 2; on penitence, 215, n. 4. Joseph (patriarch of Constantinople), opposed to reunion, 301, 302. Jubilee, year of, 332, 460, and n. 1. Juliano (cardinal), 360, 362, u. 1 ; 393. Justus (bp. of Eochester), 9 ; 10, n. 3. Jutland, mission to, 109. Karbeas, a Paulician leader, 91. Kempis (Thomas a), 374, n. 1; a 'Com mon-life Brother,' 374; author of the 'De Imitatione Christi,.' 374, n. 3; 45^ ; his mystical tendency, 383, n. 12. Kent, conversion of, 8, 9. Kilian (Irish missionary), 18. Kumanians, conversion of, 338, 339 ; united with the Eastern Church, 339. Laity, their right to elect bishops denied 25<>, n. 5 ; their .influence in synods, 348, and n. 3. INDEX. 475 Lamaism, what, 234, 235. Lanfranc (archbp. of Canterbury), his controversy with Berengarius, 172, n. 1 ; 1S4, 185. Langenstein, Henry of (see .Hesse). Languages, variety of, 95. Lapps, partial conversion of, 338. Latins, effect of their empire at Con stantinople, 298, 299. Laurentius (of Canterbury), 9, and n. 10. Lebwin (missionary monk), 25, n. 8. Legates (papal), their vast influence, 243> 244 J peculiarly obnoxious to the English, 243, 11. 10; 366, n. .3. Legends (see Saints, Lives of). Leidrad (archbp. of Lyons), 69; 94, n. 3. Leo the Armenian (emperor), opposed to images, 190, 191; persecutes the Paulicians, 91. Leo the Isaurian (emperor), opens the image-controversy, 78 ; his advisers, 79, n. 7 ; patronizes the Paulicians, 89. Leo IV. Chazarus (emperor), opposed to images, 82. Leo X. (pope), 365, n. 6 ; on indul gences, 463, and n. 3. Libri Carolini, account of, 84. Lieflanders, conversion of, 228, 229. Lindisfarne (or Holy Island), 13, 14; 15, 11. 11. Lithuanians, nominal conversion of, 336 — 338; through a Polish channel, 337 ; dependence on Bome, 337, n. 12; traces of heathenism, 337, n. 11. Liudger (missionary), 26, 108. Lollards, English, followers of Wycliffe, 418 ; their number, 419, n. 7 ; their development of Wycliffe's principles, 418, 419; incur the hatred of the crown, 419, 420; their persecutions, 420 sq. ; attempt to reclaim them, 424 ; remains of, 425. Lollards, foreign, their origin and office, 373 ; meaning of the word, 373, n. 9 ; suspected of heresy, 373, n. 11. Lombard (Peter), his 'Book of Sen tences,' 283, 284. Louis of Bavaria, conflict with the popes, 349— 35 1; grants a divorce, 35i, n. 9. ,..**• Louis-le-Debonnaire, his interest in northern missions,' no, and n. 5. Louis IX. (of France), his unconscious limitation of the papal power, 272, and n. 3. Luciferians, sect of, 401. Lull (Baymond), life and labours, 236, 237; 284, a. 1. Lullards (see Lollards). Luther, on the decline of scholasti cism, 380, n. 6 ; recognizes many of his precursors, 383, n. 8, 12; 387, n. 6; his early career, 440 — 442; his original moderation, 463. Lyra (Nicholas of), biblical writings, 3§7- Macarius (patriarch of Antioch), ad heres to Monotheletism, 75, 76. Magna Charta, 271. Mahomet (see Muhammed). Mainots, conversion of, 135, 11. 8. Manichaeans, so called, 202 ; 203, n. 2 ; 204. Manuel II. (emperor), visit to the west, 392 ; his firm adherence to the Eastern Church, 392, n. 2. Mark (of Ephesus), defends the Eastern Church, 394, and n. 1 . Maronites, account of, 77 ; fresh at tempt to reabsorb them into the church, 398. Martial (St), controversy respecting, 212, n. 3. Martin I. (pope), his opposition to Monotheletism, 73, 74; his banish ment, 74. Marsilius (of Padua), 346, n. 1 ; his 'Defensor Pacis,' 348; associated with Wycliffe, 406, n. 2. Mary, St (see Virgin). Masses (for the dead), 103. Masses (private), 104 ; condemned, 104, n. 4. Massilians (see Bogomiles). Matilda (countess of Tuscany), 264. Maurbtania (Walter de), 281, n. 6; 283, n. 9, 13. Maurice (of Prague), on communion in one kind, 454, n. 3. Maximus (the Confessor), strenuous opponent of the Monotheletes, 73 ; his barbarous fate, 74 ; the character, of his theology, 73, 77; his works, 73, *>• 8. Meinhard (canon), missionary in Li vonia, 228, 229. Melchites, Egyptian catholics, 34, 71. Mellitus (bp. of London), 9 ; 10, n. 3. 476 INDEX. Melun (Bobert de), an English meta physical writer, 283, n. 11. Mendicants, mutual jealousies of, 252, n. 5; their amazing progress, 253; their conflicts with the university au thorities, 253; their zeal as preachers, 322, 323; Wycliffe's attack upon them, 403 ; 420, n. 1 ; their ultimate decline, 370, 371 ; Erasmus respect ing. 371, n. 12. Mercia, conversion of, 13. Merits, treasury of, 332, and n. 3, Methodius (a Greek missionary), 121, and n. 9 ; misunderstanding with Ger man missionaries, 122 ; vindicates himself at Bome, 122, 123; his in fluence inBohemia, 124; and perhaps in Bulgaria, 132, n. 3. Metropolitans (see Archbishops). Michael II. (emperor), tolerates the image party, 191. Michael Paljsologus (emperor), tries to unite the east and west, 300 — 303. Milicz, Bohemian ' reformer,' 426, 428 ; insists on very frequent communion, 429, n. 4. Minors (see Franciscans). Miracle-plays, 320, and n. I. Mirandola (Pico della), 381, u. 8; 386, n. 1. Missi, what, 58, 11. 3. Mongols, their invasion of Bussia, 233; attempts to convert them, 234, 235. Monks, importance and privileges of, 46 ; great varieties of in the East, 46, n. 6; order of St Benedict, 47, and n. 7 ; peculiarly ardent in defend ing images, 80, n. 2 ; degeneracy of, 159, 247; exemptions of, 46, 159, n. 10 ; 247, n. 7 ; the favourites of the pope, 247 ; how ill-adapted to the wants of the 13th century, 248, 249; state of the eastern monks, 293, and n. 6 ; 369, n. 7 ; further degeneracy of the western, 369; their supera bundant property, 369, n. 5; vain attempts to reform them, 370. Monotheletism (heresy), 70 — 78. Monte Corvino (John de), missionary in eastern Asia, 235. Montfort (Simon de), 311. Moors, attempts made to repel them from Spain and Africa, 236; success ful with regard to Spain, 342, 343; projects for converting them, 236. Moravia, conversion of, 120 — 123; by Greek influence, 121, 122; final as cendancy of the Germans, 123. Moravians (or United Brethren), their origin, 439. Muhammed, origin and character of his religion, 31 — 33; its rapid conquests, 34 ; curtails the eastern patriarchates, 35 ; and thus augments the papal power, 39, 40. Muhammedans, persecute the Spanish Christians, 143, 144; their literary labours, 35; 168, n. 2. Mystics, western school of, 382, 383. Nations, vote by, at the Council o£ Con stance, 357. Nerses (Armenian catholicos), writings of, 296. Nestorians (Chaldaeans), their vast mis sionary settlements, 28; 139; 233; 235 ; patronized by the Muhamme dans, 28; 34; and Mongols, 233, 234; their internal condition, 234, n. 3; attempts to reabsorb them into the church, 296, n. 3 ; fresh overtures made at Florence, 398. Netter (Thomas, of Walden) writes against the Lollards, 422, n. 3, 5. Nicaea, second council of, 82, 83 ; not oecumenical, 83, n. 3. Nicephorus (Callisti), historical work, 388, n. 5. Nicephorus (patriarch of Constantino ple), advocates image-worship, 190. Nicephorus (Blemmidas), a Latinizer, 300, and n. 1. Nicetas (Acominatus), writings of, 294, and n. 4. Nicetas (Studite monk), writes against the Latins, 200, n. 3. Nicetas (archbp. of.Nicomedia), 298. Nicholas I. (pope), quarrel with the Greek missionaries respecting Bul garia, 133, 134; his instructions to the natives, 133 ; commences a new epoch in the papacy, 147, 165 ; ap proves the ultra-predestinarian synod of Valence, 177, n. 10; conduct in the case of Photius, 196. Nicholas (Cabasilas), writings of, 390, and n. 8. Nicholas (bp. of Methone), writings of, 295, and n. 5. Niem (see Theodork). Nilus (Cabasilas), writes against the Latins, 391. INDEX. 477 Nilus, a Calabrian recluse, 161. Nilus (Damyla), an anti-Latin writer, 39', n. 9. Nisibis, Nestorian seat of learning, 29, n. 7. Nomin'alists, what, 278, 279. Norbert, founder of the Praemon- strants, 256. Northmen (Danes and Norwegians), ravages of, 112, 114, 115, 140 — 143. Northumbria, conversion of, 12. Norway, converted, 116 — 118; through English influence, 117; 118, n. 2. Notker (a monk of St Gall), 209, n. 6. Notting (bp. of Verona), engages in the Predestinarian controversy, 174, n. 1, 2. Nubia, partly christianized, 30. Occam (Wm. of), his anti-popery, 349, and n. 6 ; 351 ; his views on divorce, 351, n. 9 ; founds a school of theology, 379 ; how far approved by Luther, 379, n. 4 ; condemnation of Occamism, 379, and n. 6 ; but in vain, 380. (Ecumenius, his writings', 194, and n. 1. Off A (of Mercia), regulation respecting tithes, 51, n. 7. Officials, 258. Olaf (the Holy) demolishes Paganism in Norway, 118. Olaf Tryggvason, reintroduces Chris tianity into Norway, 117. Oldcastle, Sir John (see Cobham). Olga, Bussian princess, 130, and n. 3V Oliva (John Peter de), leader of the ' spiritualist ' Franciscans, 250, 11. 4 ; 372, n. 4. Ordeals, 167, and n. 7. Orders (religious), 247 sq. ; 369. Orders (military), 254 sq. .Orkney, conversion of, 119, 120. Ormulum, 319, n. 7 ; 449, n. 6 ; 452, n. 9. Oswald (bp. of Worcester), patron of the monks, 158, n. 4. Oswald (of Northumbria), 10, 13. Oswiu (of Northumbria), 10, 13; joins the Boman party, 15, and n. 9. Otho (bp. of Bamberg), missionary labours in Pomerania, 224, 225. Palamas (Gregorius), writings of, 390. Pallium, its nature, 40; worn by all eastern bishops, 40, n. 4; oath ex acted at the conferring of, 152. Pardons (see Indulgences). Paris, university of, 253; its indepen dence during the papal schism, 354, n- 2! 356, n- 4; 360; and generally, 364, and n. 2. Parishes, 48, n. 3. Paschalis II. (pope), his humiliation in the investiture controversy, 266. Passagieri, 307, n. 12; 310, u. 3. Patareni, or Paterini, who, 204, n. 6; 307, n. 11, Patriarchs, eastern, how affected by Islamism, 40, 41 ; those of the Nesto rians, 29 ; 40, n. 5 ; of the Jacobites, 30 ; 40, n. 5 ; original limits of the Boman, 41, n. 6; title (Ecumenical Patriarch, 42 ; mostly nominated by the emperor, 54. Patronage, right of, 49, and u. 6 ; how abused, 162, and n. 2. Paulicians, history and creed of, 85 — 92 ; their vitality, 201; 303, n. 9; 307, n. 10; 308. Paulinus (patriarch of Aquileia), writes on the Adoptionist heresy, 69, n. n. Paulinus (Boman missionary), 12; 13, 11. 6, 7. Pauperes Catholici, who, 315. Pecock (Beginald), opinions of, 424, ¦and n. 3, 4, 5; his troubles, 424. Pelagius (Alvarus), a Franciscan, 349, n. 7. Penance, doctrine of, 105; 215, 216; commutation of penances, 105, u. 8 ; 216; systematized completely, 330, 331; 457, sq. Penda, 13. Persia, Christianity of, 28; almost era dicated, 235, ii. 5. Peter (Comestor), his ' Scholastic His tory,' 319, n. 7. Peter (Patriarch of Antioch), mediates between the east and west, 201, 11. 8. Peter (the Venerable), 248, n. 5 ; 282, and n. 3. Peter (the Hermit), preaches the first crusade, 265. Peter (Cantor), treatise of, 259, n. 11. Peter-pence, 408, n. 2. Petit (John), condemned at Constance, 412, n. 2. Petrarch, 346, n. 1; 352, u. 4; 378, n. 1. Petrorbrusani, sect of, 312 ; opinions of the founder, 312, n. 1. Phtlip-le-Bel (of France), humbles 4V» INDEX. the papacy, 272, 273; appeals to a general council, 272, n. 4. Phocas, establishes the papal primacy, 42, n. 4. Photius (patriarch of Constantinople), his co-operation in missions to Bul garia, 132; his quarrel with pope Nicholas I., 133 ; his literary labours, 194; his controversy with Ignatius and the Western Church, 196 — 199. Picards ( = Beghards), 439, n. 10. Pictures (see Images). Pilgrims, 45, n. 7 ; 102, n. 4 ; sober views respecting, 103; to Bome, 2 14, and n. 2 ; to the Holy Sepulchre, 215, 218, n. 5; and elsewhere, 215, u. 3; 3^9! 459. and n- 8- Piligrin (of Passau), a missionary in Hungaiy, 138. Piphiles, 307, n. 10. Pirna (John of), founder of a Silesian sect, 401, and 11. 13. Pisa, council of, its history and effects, 355. 356. Pius II. (see Sylvius). Plato, favourite of the church, 284; revival of his philosophy, 378, n. 1; 381- Plurahsts, 154, n. 3; 259; 367, n. 8. Poenitentiaries (officers), 258, n. 4. « Poland, conversion of, 125, 126; final ascendancy of German influence, 126; reforming party in, 436, n. 1 ; 440. Pollen (Bobert), an Oxford preacher and writer, 283. Polo (Marco), Venetian traveller, 235. Pomeranians, conversion of, 223 — 225; gradually Germanized, 226. Poor-priests, followers of Wycliffe, 413, n. 5. Popelicani, 307, n. 10. Popes (see Rome), entire series of, 42 — 44; 146— 151; 240—243; 346—365. Porretanus (bp. of Poitiers), an er ratic schoolman, 282, and n. 4. Portuguese, effect of their discoveries, 339 ; their interference in the church of Abyssinia, 339, n. 14. Pragmatic Sanction, 272;* 360, n. 2; 3<54- Praemonstrants, order of, 2 56. Praemunire, statute of, 353, n. 9. Predestinarian controversy, 173 — 178. Prester John, who, 140, and n. 4; 233- Primates (see Archbishops). Printing, invention of, its effect on the Beformation, 446. Procession of the Holy Ghost, contro versy respecting, 195; 299; 391, n. 10; 393, 394- Provisions, papal, 346, n. 3 ; 366, n. 2 ; English statute respecting, 352, 11. 3; 353. n- 9- Prudentius (bp. of Troyes), engages in the Predestinarian controvesy, 175. Prussians, conversion of, 124, n. 6; 230 — 233; mythology of, 231, n. 9 ; gra dually Germanized, 232. Prymer (English), what, 450, n. 5. Psellus (Michael, the younger), writ ings of, 293. Pupper (John), a ' reformer,' 386, n. 5. Purgatory (doctrine of), 63, n. 9, 64, and n. 2; 103; 331; effects of a be lief in, 217, 218; how defined at Flo rence, 394, 395. Purvey (John), second leader of the Lollards, 414, n. 3.. Pyrrhus (patriarch of Constantinople), a Monothelete, 72, 73, 11. 7. Babanus Maurus (archbp. of May ence), his writings and influence, 169 ; takes part in the Predestinarian con troversy, 174, 176; opposes transub stantiation, 179, and n. 6, Badbert (Paschasius), 109 ; introduces the theory of transubstantiation, 179, 181, 182; maintains the miraculous delivery of the Virgin, 17^9, u. 5. Batherius (bp. of Verona), 149, n. 5; 156, n. 1; 157, u. 10; 187, n. 9; 211J n. 9. Batramnus (monk of Corbey), engages in the Predestinarian controversy, J75; opposes the theory of Pascha sius Badbert on transubstantiation, 180. Bealists, what, 279. Becluses, 46, n. 1 ; 214. Beformation-college, what, 358, n. 5. Beformation, general cry for, 398 sq. Belies, 101, and n. 9; traffic in, 212, and n. 3; other abuses, 212, 213. Bepington (Philip), 413. Beservations, papal, 346, n. 3 ; 367, n. 6 ; 405, n. 4. Beuchlin, restorer of Hebrew litera ture, 388, and n. 3. Bimbert, northern missionary, 114, INDEX. 479 Bobert, founder of the Cistercians, 248. Bolle (see Hampole). Bollo, 142, 143. Bome, church and bishop of, their as cendancy in England, 14, and n. 2 ; I5, 45 > occasionally checked, 16, and n. 1 ; rebuked by Columbanus, 17, and n. 7 ; their power extended to Germany, 20 sq., 39 ; Spain and France, 43 ; and augmented by the Saracenic conquests, 40; rivalry of the church of Constantinople, 41, and n. 8 ; rapid progress of the papacy under Gregory the Great, 42, 43 ; and Hadrian I., 44, n. 5 ; popes often Greeks and Syrians, 44, n. 1 ; their temporal possessions, 44, n. 4 ; how long dependent on the eastern em pire, 53 ; struggle with the emperor respecting Monotheletism, 74, 75, n. 4 ; temporary suspension of com munion between Bome and Constan tinople, 75, n. 5 ; the pope defies the imperial edict, 80, and n. 1 ; fresh quarrel between Bome and Constan tinople, 132. 133; extension of the papal power under Nicholas I., 147, 196, 197; resistance to it still of fered, 151, 152, n. 3, 4; the nomi nation of the pope wrested from the civil power, 163; his temporal en croachments, 164, 165; 262 — 272; permanent breach with the Eastern Churches, 197, 199, 201 ; culmination of the papal power, 239, 240 ; intro duction of the phrase ' court of Bome,' 244 ; last instance of the pope's 'con firmation' by the emperor, 262, n. 1 ; papal power augmented by the Cru sades, 265; commencement of reac tion, 271 sq.; negoeiations with the Eastern Church, 299—303; fruitless, 303; fresh negoeiations, 391 — 396; ultimately disappointed, 396 ; general growth of anti-papal feeling, 345, 346; struggles with the German em perors, 262—272 ; 347— 351 ; ?ffects of the residence at Avignon, 346 ; and of the forty years' schism, 353 ; re cognition of the papal power at Flo- rence, 395- Eomuald, founder of the Camaldulen- sians, 161. Boscellinus, author of the Nominal- istic philosophy, 278; abjures, 279, n. 4 ; opinions on clerical marriage, 260, n. 3. Boswitha, Latin poetess, 188, n. 4. Bubruquis (William de), missionary in Tatary, 234, n. 3. Biigen, isle of, stronghold of. Slavonic heathenism, 227, 228. Bupreoht (missionary bishop), 18. Bussia, conversion of, 129 — 131; by Greek influence, 130; intimate union with the church of Constantinople, 131, n. 5; incursion of the heathen Mongols, 131 ; 233, and n. 11 ; po sition of the monks, 159, n. 10; re lation of the church to the state, 161, and n. 11; attempt of Hildebrand against, 297, n. 5 ; its independence, 297, n. 8 ; 302, n. 1 ; repudiates the council of Florence, 393, n. 5; more re cent attempts to win over to Bome, 396. Buysbroek (John), life and labours, 383, 384 ; opposed by Gerson, 383. Sacraments, lax usage of the word, 213, and n. 8 ; restricted to, seven rites, 323, 324 ; doctrine of, systematized, 289 ; 323 ; 453 ; eastern enumeration of, 323, n. 9 ; 454, n. 1 J introduc tion of the phrase ' ex opere operato,' 325, n. 6. Sadoleti (cardinal), 447, n. n. Sagarelli, 317. Saints (see also Virgin), exaggerated honour of, 99, and n. 7 ; 209, 210; 329; prevailing ideas, 211; 'apocry phal' saints, 210, and u. 4 ; 329 ; canonization, 212, and n. 1. Saints (' Lives of ') very numerous and influential, 98; their general charac ter, 98 ; attempts to suppress apocry phal stories, 98, n. 4 ; ' Golden Le gend,' 319, n. 6. Salisbury (John of), 282, n. 6. Samaites, conversion of, 338. Samson, Irish opponent of Boniface, 23, n. 12. Sancto Amore (William de), writes against the Mendicants, 253, n. 11. Sanctuary, right of, 59, and n. 6. Savonarola (Girol.uno), sketch of his life and writings, 385, 386. Sawtre (Wm.), his opinions and exe cution, 421. Saxons (continental), conversion of, 20, n. 4, 25, n. 8; coercive measures of Charlemagne respecting, 25, 26. 480 INDEX. Sbynco (archbp. of Prague), 429, 431, 433- Schism, Papal, origin of, 353 ; divides the Western Church into equal fac tions, 354, and n. 2. Schism of East and West, 195 sq. Schleswig, conversion of, 114 ; remnants of heathenism, 115, n. n. Schola Saxonum (English college at Borne), 45, u. 7. Scholasticism, 172, n. 1 ; its general drift, 277, 278; its chief luminaries, 277 — 291; 376 — 379; development of sceptical tendencies, 377, 378, and n. 1. Schools, 94, and n. 5 ; 168, n. 2 ; 205, n. 8 ; 206, n. 5 ; 207 ; 318, u. 2 ; 446. Scotists, 290. Scotland, conversion of, 6 ; 7, n. 5 ; 13, n. 9 ; 15, n. n; Norwegian influence in, 142. Scotus (John Erigena), the character of his theology, 171, 172 ; takes part in the Predestinarian controversy, 176; his writings condemned, 176, n. 4 ; views on the Eucharist, 181 ; his work confounded with that of Batramnus, 181, n. 6 ; 182, 11. 3. Scotus (Duns), life and writings, 290; some peculiarities of his school, 290, n. 3- Scotus (John), a monk at the court of king jElfred, 171, n. 8; 187, n. 8. Scripture (Holy), continued reverence for, 61 ; 208 ; 428, n. 3 ; vernacular translations, 97 ; 208, and n. 4 ; 209, n. 6; 319, andn. 7; scarcity of copies, ,208, n. 2, 3 ; decline in the study of, 209, and n. 7 ; 320 and n. 2 ; Boger Bacon's views respecting, 292, and n. 3 ; vernacular translations pro hibited, 321, and n. 6; but not uni versally, ibid.; 387, n. 7 ; 449, and n. 9 ; revival of Scriptural studies, 387, 388 ; 448 ; Wycliffite versions, 414. Semgallen, temporary conversion of, 230. Sends (? synods), 49, n. 8. Serfs, manumission of, 59. Sergius (patriarch of Constantinople), a Monothelete heretic, 7 1 . Sergius, second founder of Paulician ism, 90. Sermons in the vernacular, how fre quent, 95, 96, and n. 5 ; 206, and n. V 3 J 322 ; 3^3, "• 7 i 452, 453- Servatus Lupus (abbot of Ferrieres), engages in the Predestinarian con troversy, 175. Servians, conversion of, 135, 136; their ecclesiastical independence, 136, and n. 5. Severinus, a German missionary, 16, n. 2. Shetland, conversion of, 119, 120. Sigeberht (the Good), 10. Sigeberht (of East Anglia),, 12, and n. 2. Sigebert (of Gemblours), against the ultra-papal claims, 266, 11. 1. Silvester (see Sylvester). Simeon (monk of Thessalonica), writ ings of, 389, and n. 7. Simeon (Metaphrastes), his writings, 193, and n. 8; the influence of his 'Lives of Saints,' 209. Simony, crime of, 154, and n. 3; 156, n. 1 ; 162, n. 1. Sixtus IV. (pope), his political turn, 364, n. 3 ; his special patronage of the friars, 371, n. 6. Slave-trade (Negro), how commenced, 341, n. 7. Slavic races, 120; 135; 223sq.; anti quities of, [20, n. 5. Sophronius (patriarch of Jerusalem), « champion against the Monotheletes, 71. 72- Spain, persecutions in, 143, 144. Stedingers, sect of, 311, n. n. Stephen (king of Hungary), his zeal in propagating the Gospel, 138. Stephen (see Dola). Stercoranism, what, 181, n. 4. Stiekna, mistake respecting the name, 427, n. 10. Strabo (Walafrid), writings of, 171, and u.. 5 ; views on the Eucharist, 181. Strigolniks, Bussian sect, 389; 401, u. 13- Sturm (of Fulda), missionary abbot, 24, 26. Styria, conversion of, 27. Sunday, rigorous observance of, 96, 209, n. 10 ; 456, n. 2 ; how regarded by the Waldenses, 316, n. 2 ; and the Lollards, 421. Suso, a mystical writer, 383, n. 12. Sussex, conversion of, n. Sveno (or Svend), scourge of Christian ity, 115. INDEX. 481 Sveno (Estritson), a zealous propagator of the Gospel, 115, n. n. Sweden (mission to), no — -113; imper fect conversion of, 115, n. 13; 222, n. 2; mythology of, 19, n. 7; 113, n. 10. Swinshead (Bobert), 380, n. 4. Swithbeeht, missionary, 20. Sword-brothers, military order, 229, 230. Sylvester II., a 'reforming' pope, 149, n. 7 ; on the Eucharist, 182, n. 2 ; 188. Sylvius (iEneas), his popedom, 364, n. 4; 365, and n. 9. Synods (diocesan), 50; regulations of the council of Basle respecting, 368. Synods (provincial), action of the Frank ish revived, 22 ; 38, n. 3 ; of England, 50, n. 1 ; of Spain, 50, n. 1 ; nature of their acts, 50 ; combined with civil courts, 54, 57, 58; by whom con vened, 57; to be held every year, 258, n. 7 ; 368, u. 2 ; in England ' called 'convocations,' 259; early traces of the representative principle, 259, n. 8. Synods (oecumenical), 62, n. 1 ; 258, n. 7 ; sixth of this class held at Con stantinople, 75, 76; declared superior to the pope, 357, n. 8; 358, n. 3; 360, 361. Taborites, a Bohemian party of reform ers, 439. Tajo (of Saragossa), 64, n. 4. Tarasius (patriarch of Constantinople), 82, and n. 2. Tatwin (archbp. of Canterbury), 44, n. 3. Tauler (John), life and labours, 382, 383. Templars (Knights), their rise and dis solution, 254, 255 ; charges brought against them, 255, n. 10. Teutonic knights, influence of in Prus sia, 232, 233. Theodora (empress), restores image- worship, 192 ; persecutes the Pauli cians, 91. Theodore (the Studite), an ardent ad vocate of images, 190, 191 ; other works, 190, n. 4; his repute as a theologian, 193. Theodore (archbp. of Canterbury), 15 ; his writings, 64, n. 6. M. A. Theodore (bp. of Pharan), author of the Monothelete heresy, 70, and n. 3. Theodorio (de Niem), 353, n. 9; 460, n. 1. Theopaschites, 206, n. 5. Theophanes (archbishop of Nicaea), writings of, 389. Theophilus (emperor), represses image- worship, 192. Theophylact, writings of, 294, and n. 1. Thomists, 287. Thontrakians (sect of), 201. Thuringia, conversion of, 21, 22. Timur (Tamerlane), 336, ix. 4, 392. Tithes, 52. Tostatus (of Avila), 387, n. 8. Transubstantiation, doctrine of, not held in the 7th century, 103, n. 8; established, i84sq.; 325; practical re sults of this belief, 325, 326; Wy cliffe's attack upon it, 409. Trevae, or Treugce Dei, what, 167. Trinitarians, order of, 247, n. 10. Trinity Sunday, festival of, 456, n. 2. Triumphus (Augustinus), defends the papacy, 349, 350. Troubadours, 261, u.. 7; 310, u. 4; 3i9- Trullan council (see also Councils), its importance, 93. Turlupines, sect of, 401. Tyler (Wat), 412. Ulfilas, 97. Ullerton (or Ulverstone), his ' reform ing' paper, 354, n. 1. Unction (extreme), gradual elevation of, 213. Universities, number and influence, 446, 447. Urban II. (pope), stimulates the first crusade, 265. Urban VI. (pope), his connexion with the forty years' schism, 354. Urolf (archbp. of Lorch), 1 20. Valla (Laurentius), 380, u. 6; 388, and n. 1. Vasillo, a Franciscan missionary in Lithuania, 337. Vaudois (see Waldenses). Vecous (see Beccus). Vicars-general, 258. Vicelin (bp. of Oldenburg), missionary labours among the Wends, 226, 227. I I 482 INDEX. Victorines, school of theologians, 282. • Vikings (northern pirates), 112. Virgilius, Irish opponent of Boniface, 23, n. 12. Virgin (the blessed), story of her As sumption, 100 ; festival in honour of it, ibid, and 101, n. 7 ; and of her birth, 100, 11. 4; other festivals, 328, n. 5; excessive veneration of, 210, 211; 328; 454, 455; Hours and 'Psalter' of the Virgin, 211, and n. 7 ; 328, n. 4 ; dispute respecting her immaculate conception, 252, n. 5 ; 290; 328, and n. 5 ; 455, n. 7. Vladimir, promotes the spread of Chris tianity in Bussia, 130, and n. 4. Waldenses, different from Albigenses, 313, and n. 5 ; founded by Peter Wal do, 3r3, "• 7j 3I4! fa'l to procure the papal sanction, 315 ; peculiar te nets, 315, and 11. 6; 316, n. 2 ; their rapid diffusion, 315; after-fortunes of the sect, 315, 316, and n. 1 ; 401, and n. 8. Waldensis (see Netter). Waldhausen (see Conrad). Wazon (bp. of Liege), opposed to per secution, 204, n. 3. Wends, conversion of, attempted, 127; but in vain, 129; new attempts, 226; more successful, 227. Wesalia (John de), a 'reformer,' 386, n. 5; on indulgences, 462. Wessel (John), life and writings, 386, and n. 5 ; 387. Wessex, conversion of, 10. Wigheard (archbp. elect of Canterbury), 15, n. 9. Wilfrith, 1 1, 15 ; his appeals to Bome, 16, n. I; foreign missionary labours, 19. Willehad (English missionary), 26; 108, n. 1. Willebrord, his missionary labours, 19, 20 ; sanctity, 101, n. 9. William (the Conqueror), his independ ent language to Hildebrand, 262, 11. 4. Willibald (English traveller and mis sionary), 24, n. 2. Williram (schoolmaster at Bamberg), 209, n. 6. Winfrith (see Bonifacius). Witiza, ' reforming ' king of Spain, 43, n. 9; 51, n. 10. Wolsey (cardinal), 366, n. 3 ; 367, n. 8 ; 368, n. 1. Woodford (Wm.), defends the friars against Wycliffe, 403, n. 8. Wulfram, missionary bishop, 20. Wulfstan (English bishop), 188. Wulfstan (monk), 188, n. 4. Wursing, missionary, 20. Wykeham (William of), 412, n. 4. Wycliffe (John), life and writings of, 402 — 418; his movement uncon nected with others, 402 ; his pro found respect for Grosseteste, 402, n. 1 ; his 'Last Age of the Church,' 403, and n. 6 ; assails the friars, 403, 404; diplomatic mission to Bruges, 405 ; summary of his earlier opinions, 406; especially on church-property, 405, n. 5 ; proceedings against him, 406, 407 ; his line of defence, 408 ; his 'Poor Priests,' 413, n. 5; assails the dogma of transubstantiation, 409, 410, and n. 1 ; his teaching con demned at Oxford, 411; 423, n. 6; and London, 412, 413; his version of the Bible, 414; his theological opi nions, 415 — 418 ; his death, 414 ; con demned afresh at Constance, 423; his bones burnt, 423, 424; Oxford testimonial respecting him, 423, n. 6; influence of his writings in Bohemia, 430; (see Lollards, English). Ximenes (cardinal), 342 ; his biblical studies, 388, and n. 2. York, regains its archiepiscopal rank, 13, n. 9. Zigabenus (Euthymius), wiitings of, 294, and n. 2, 3. Zwingli, early projects of reform, 442,^5. CAMBRIDGE: PRINTED AT THE UNIVERSITY PKESS. 3 9002