HISTORY

OP THE

CHRISTIAN CHURCH,
FROM
THE ASCENSION OF JESUS CHRIST,
TO THE
CONVERSION OF CONSTANTINE.

REV. EDWARD BURTON, D. D.
REGIUS PROFESSOR OF DIVINITY IN THE UNIVERSITY II I^JJJjilgJJIJ

FIRST AMERICAN EDITION
WITH A MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR,
OCCASIONAL NOTES, AND
QUESTIONS ADAPTING IT TO THE USE OF SCHOOLS AND COLLEGES, BV
THE RT. REV. G. W. DOANE, D. D.
BISHOP OF THE DIOCESE OF NEW -JERSEY, AND PRINCIPAL OF ST. MARY'S HALL.

NEW-YORK :
PUBLISHED BY WILEY & PUTNAM,
No. 161 Broadway.
1839.

Entered according to an Act of Congress, in the year 1839, by
Jameb P. Weight,
In the Clerk's office ofthe District Court ofthe Southern District of New-York.

New-York :
Printed by J. P. Wright.
18 New Street.

ADVERTISEMENT
TO THE FIRST AMERICAN EDITION.

Dr. Burton's History is one of the excellent works
recently " published under the direction of the Com
mittee of General Literature and Education, appointed
by the Society for promoting Christian Knowledge."
Its able and lamented author, among the last acts of
his life, had furnished the entire manuscript for the
press ; and it was within a few weeks only of publica
tion, when it pleased God to call him from his various
and successful labours to his rest. The brief Memoir,
which precedes the History, and which is taken from
the collected edition of his works, beautifully sketches
the outline of his industrious and honourable life.
The Editor fervently hopes that the example which it
presents, of entire devotion to the glory of God and to
the best interests of man, may not be lost, especially
upon his younger brethren of the Clergy. Among the
motives which led to the re-publication of this work, is
the want, so often and so earnestly expressed, of some

IV ADVERTISEMENT.
accessible and authentic notice of the first three centu
ries of the Christian Church, as well for parochial in
struction, as for the use of seminaries of education.
To render it the more available for these purposes,
Questions, very carefully prepared, have been appended
to it. At the same time, it will be found well adapted
for the use of the theological student and of the general
reader. " It is not St. Augustine's nor St. Ambrose's
works," says Lord Bacon, " that will make so wise a
divine as ecclesiastical history, thoroughly read and
observed." " There is, in good truth," says one of the
best men and ablest divines that have recently defended
the Church of England with their pens, and adorned it
with their lives, the late admirable Hugh James Rose —
like Burton, taken home too soon for us, — " there is, in
good truth, no way so certain to lead us to truth, no
way so certain to lead us to fixed, calm, and Christian
views in divinity, as the study of it by the way of his
tory." That such, with very many, may be the effect,
as is most certainly the tendency, of this re-publication,
the American Editor most devoutly prays.
G. W. D.
Riverside, Festival of St. Philip
and St. James, 1839.

CONTENTS.

Page
Memoir of the Author.  ix
Introduction  33
CHAPTER I.
Conduct and Preaching ofthe Apostles to the time ofthe death of
Stephen ; with the causes which operated to promote the
spreading ofthe Gospel.  48
•
CHAPTER II.
First Persecution of the Christians  Conversion of Saul. — Intro-
duction of the Gospel into Samaria ; with an account of Simon
Magus and the Gnostics  68
CHAPTER III.
Paul's First Journey. — Dissensions at Antioch about the Gentile
Converts. — Council at Jerusalem. — Disagreement between
Paul and Peter  90
CHAPTER IV.
Paul's Second Journey through Macedonia, to Athens and Corinth :
he visits Jerusalem, and resides three years at Ephesus. —
Disorders in the Church of Corinth. — Paul again at Corinth.
— He returns through Macedonia to Jerusalem. — Sent as a
Prisoner to Caesarea. — Laboure of other Apostles. — Luke
writes his Gospel  , .^ , 98

VI CONTENTS.
CHAPTER V.
Paul is sent to Rome, where he stays two years. — He preaches in
many countries after bis release. — Deaths of James the bishop
of Jerusalem, and of Mark the Evangelist. — Persecution by
Nero. — Deaths of Peter and Paul. . p. 125
CHAPTER VI.
Lives ofthe Apostles. — Destruction of Jerusalem. — Flight ofthe
Christians to Pella. — Rise of the Nazarenes and Ebionites. —
Effect of the Dispersion of the Jews. — Gnostic Notions con
cerning Christ. . . . 143
CHAPTER VII.
Sees, of Jerusalem, Antioch, Rome, and Alexandria. — Epistle
of Clement. — Spurious Writings. — Domitian persecutes. —
Causes of Persecution. — Banishment and Death of John. —
Exiles recalled by Nerva. — Canon of Scripture. . . 160
CHAPTER VIII.
Church Government. — Successors of the Apostles. — Continuance
of Miraculous Powers. — Death of Symeon, bishop of Jerusa
lem. — Death of Ignatius, bishop of Antioch .—Letter of Pliny
to Trajan. — Persecution in Bithynia. — Revolt ofthe Jews. —
Death of Trajan. . ... 177
CHAPTER IX.
Travels of Hadrian. — Visits Alexandria. — Basilides, Saturninus,
and the Gnostics. — Writings of Christians. — Church of
Athens. — Letter of Hadrian, protecting the Christians.— Se
cond Jewish War. — Gentile Church at Jerusalem. — Death of
Hadrian. — Causes of Persecution. , X91
CHAPTER X.
Accession of Antoninus Pius. — Valentinus, Cerdon, and Marcion,
go to Rome. — Shepherd of Hermas, and other Spurious
Works.— Justin Martyr.— Causes of Persecution. — Pasehal
Controversy. — Polycarp visits Rome. — Hegesippus. . . 202

CONTENTS. Vll
CHAPTER XI.
Accession of M. Aurelius. — Persecution. — Death of Justin Martyr.
— Tatian the Assyrian. — Seot ofthe Encratites. — Church of
Athens. — Apology of Athenagoras. — Charity of the Chris
tians. — Martyrdom of Papias. — Belief in a Millennium. —
Martyrdom of Polycarp. — Learning ofthe Christians. — Mon-
tanism.— Miraculous Shower of Rain. — Persecution at Lyons.
— Irenaeus. — Death of M. Aurelius. . . p. 212
CHAPTER XII.
Commodus. — Flourishing State of the Church. — Christianity in
Britain — in Alexandria. — Panttenus. — Clement of Alexan
dria. — Successors of Commodus. — Theodotus and his Heresy.
— Payment ofthe Clergy. — Dispute about Easter. — Councils.
— Praxeas. — TertuUian. — Progress of Christianity. 238
CHAPTER XIII.
Septimius Severus. — Persecution in the Provinces and the Capital.
— Caracalla. — Tranquillity of the Church. — Origen. — Ela-
gabalus. . . . ... 269
CHAPTER XIV.
Alexander Severus. — Erection of Churches. — The later Platonists,
at Alexandria. — Origen ; his Ordination, and Residence at
Cassarea ; his Works. — Montanists. — Council of Iconium. —
Persecution under Maximinus. — Councils. — Opinions con
cerning the Soul. — Reign of Philip. . . . 284
CHAPTER XV.
Tranquillity of the Church, and Corruption of Morals. — Persecu
tion under Decius. — Origin ofthe Monastic System. — Case of
the Lapsed. — Schisms at Carthage and Rome. — Unanimity
of different Churches. — Valerian favours the Christians. —
Mutual Relations and Intercourse of Churches. — Questions
concerning validity of Heretical Baptisms. . 305
CHAPTER XVI.
Persecution under Valerian. — Sabellius. — Gallienus restores Tran-

Vili CONTENTS.
quillity to the Church. — Dionysius of Alexandria. — Contro
versy concerning the Millennium. — Affairs in the East. — Paul
of Samosata; his depositions. — Reign of Aurelian. — Progress
of Christianity. — Manicheism. — Probus, and his immediate
Successors.  P- 328
CHAPTER XVII.
Accession of Diocletian.— Gradual Cessation of Miracles. — Her-
culeus joint Emperor. — Galerius and Constantius Csesars. —
Persecution of Christians begun. — Continued Severities. —
Galerius and Constantius Emperors. — Tranquillity partially
restored. — Death of Constantius. — Accession of Constantine,
who favours and protects Christianity. — Ecclesiastical En
dowments. — The Catholic Church. . . 345,

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.

Dr. Edward Burton, whose loss will long be re
gretted by the University of Oxford, and all those to
whom the interests of religion and learning are dear,
was the eldest son of Edward Burton, Esq., third son
of Robert Burton, Esq., of Longnor, in the county of
Salop, at which place his ancestors had resided for
many years. Mr. E. Burton early became possessed
of an estate at Llandery, in Radnorshire, by devise of
his relative and namesake, Edward Burton, Esq., of
that place, and for some years held the commission of
Major in the Shropshire militia. He married Dorothy
Elizabeth, daughter of Joshua Blakeway, Esq., of Lyth-
wood, near Shrewsbury, in which town he became a
resident soon after his marriage.
Their son Edward, the subject of this memoir, was
born at Shrewsbury on the 13th of February, in the
year 1794, and received his first instruction in the ru
diments of classical learning at Stockton, near Shiffnal,
in Shropshire, at a private school kept by the Rev.
Richard Montford. On the breaking up of this estab
lishment he was subsequently removed to Brewood, in
Staffordshire, under the care of the Rev. Hamlet Harri-
1

X MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
son, and remained there till the year 1808, when he
entered Westminster school ; which was then in high
repute under the conduct of Dr. Carey, the present
Bishop of St. Asaph.
Here his early career was marked by the same suc
cess which subsequently attended him throughout the
course of his exemplary life. While his application,
docility, and talents conciliated the regard and esteem
of his instructors, his excellent disposition and amiable
qualities rendered him a general favourite with his
companions. With many of these he formed friend
ships strengthened by further intercourse, and conge
nial pursuits and tastes at a more advanced period of
life. After remaining at Westminster nearly five years,
he quitted that school for Oxford, where he was admit
ted by Dr. Hall, then Dean of Christ Church, as a com
moner of that society in the spring of 18 L2; having
matriculated on the 15th of May in that year.
Here a wider field was opened to his emulation, and
a greater scope offered for the display of those abilities
and excellent qualities for "which he had been already
distinguished at Westminster. It became evident, from
his first entrance at college, that he had marked out for
himself a fixed and determined plan of study and gene
ral conduct, which, while it promised to secure for him
those academical distinctions which are justly consi
dered as the most laudable objects of a young man's
ambition, allowed him nevertheless full leisure for in
dulging in rational recreations, and enjoying the society
and conversation of his intimate friends. The conduct
of Edward Burton, during the whole of his under
graduate residence, was indeed such as every instructor

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. Xl
of youth would desire to see exemplified in those com
mitted to his care, and every anxious parent in the son
whom he seeks to train in the path of rectitude and
virtue. His distinguished merit and superior attain
ments soon procured for him the approbation and re
gard of the authorities of Christ Church ; and in proof
of the high estimation in which his character was held,
he was in the year 1813 made Student by one of the
Canons, who thus meritoriously disposed of his patron
age at the recommendation of the Dean and the Col
lege officers. He had already gained a College prize ;
and the manner in which he always acquitted himself
in the College lectures and examinations, afforded good
grounds for expecting that his persevering endeavours
would be finally rewarded in the Public Schools with
the highest University honours. Though not natu
rally fond of the study of mathematics, his sound judg
ment led him to appreciate the utility of the knowledge
to be acquired in the pursuit, and his perseverance en
abled him to conquer, with comparative facility, what
ever difficulties presented themselves in the cultivation
of that branch of science. In this department he was
assisted by Mr. Charles Lloyd, then Mathematical Lec
turer and Tutor at Christ Church, and afterwards Regius
Professor of Divinity, and Bishop of Oxford. Mr. Lloyd,
who. besides being a distinguished mathematician, was
also a superior classical scholar, and very quick-sighted
in discriminating the genius and powers of young men's
minds, had formed a high estimate of Edward Burton's
character and abilities ; and, in proof of his regard, fur
ther assisted him in the study of Aristotle's Ethics.
The intimacy which was thus formed at this early

X11 MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
stage of young Burton's career, was not only beneficial
to him at the time, but it had, as we shall hereafter see,
a decided influence over his prospects at a more ad
vanced period of his life.
It was in the Easter Term of 1815 that he presented
himself for examination in the Public Schools ; and he
then received, in both branches of knowledge, the high
est testimony which can be awarded to first-rate talent
and persevering application.
Others might display more brilliant and showy quali
ties, but no one ever possessed more soundness of learn
ing and greater accuracy in the several subjects which
he had brought up for examination.
But though he had thus secured the object for which
he had laboured with so much assiduity, and had re
alized the expectations of his friends, he did not at all
relax from his studies ; since it was not mere ambition
which actuated his Avell-regulated mind ; but knowledge
itself and its intrinsic utility were the real objects which
he always had in view. As a Bachelor, he continued
to reside at Christ Church ; and, at the request of the
Dean, he undertook the charge of a small number of
private pupils, reserving to himself, however, sufficient
time for the prosecution of his own studies ; which, as
he had resolved on taking orders, were now principally
directed towards Theology.
In the summer of 1816 he visited the continent for
the first time, with his maternal uncle, Mr. Blakeway,
a gentleman well versed in antiquarian researches, and
fond of general literature, and much attached to his
nephew. They were also joined by Mr. T. V. Short,
Student of Christ Church.

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. Xlll
They travelled through a great part of Holland and
Belgium, and afterwards proceeded to Paris, where they
saw every thing that was calculated to interest men of
active and inquisitive minds, and whose tastes and pur
suits were congenial. Italy, however, was likely to
afford to one so imbued with the love of antiquity and
classical literature as Edward Burton, a much more
extensive, as well as attractive field of inquiry. He
had often indeed wished for an opportunity of visiting
that most interesting country; and in order that he
might devote to the various objects of antiquity and
art which it was sure to present to his notice, a greater
portion of time than is commonly bestowed upon them
by ordinary tourists, he determined, after taking his
•M. A. degree in the spring of 1818, to give up his resi
dence in Oxford. He set out in company with Mr.
John Peel, a younger brother of Sir Robert Peel, who
remained with him during the summer of that year, at
the end of which it became necessary for him to return
to Oxford.
After visiting Switzerland, and the north of Italy,
they reached Florence, a city which possesses so many
attractions for the man of taste, and the lover of ancient
literature. Here Mr. Burton had the pleasure of meet
ing that most eminent and accomplished scholar, Mr.
Peter Elmsley; who was then engaged in collating
MSS. in the Medicean Library for an edition of Sopho
cles. The writer of these pages has often heard hia
lamented friend dwell with unfeigned gratification on
the delight and instruction he had derived from the
society and conversation of this most amiable man and
finished scholar. After the classical labours of the day

XIV M-EM0TR OF THE AUTHOR.
were over, they were in the habit of meeting at a trat
toria, where they enjoyed a social meal together, and
spent the evening in discussing subjects connected with
ancient literature, or the civil and ecclesiastical history
of Tuscany. The extraordinary extent and variety of
information possessed by the great scholar with whom
Edward Burton became thus accidentally associated,
made a deep and lasting impression on his mind ; and
we are doubtless indebted to these Noctes Attica? for
the interesting sketch he has left us of Dr. Elmsley's
life and character.* On quitting Florence, Mr. Burton
proceeded to Rome, and devoted several months to a
diligent examination of the numerous remains of anti
quity which that capital of a former world contains ;
and also of the works of modern art for which it is so
justly celebrated. Though by no means disposed to
overrata his own powers of judgment, or to disparage
the labours of others, in investigating the antiquities of
Rome, he determined to trace out every thing by him
self, with the assistance of those original authors whom
he had at hand, and with whose writings he was so
conversant. The result of his researches in ancient and
modern Rome he gave to the world soon after his re
turn to England, in a volume published at Oxford un
der the title of "A Description ofthe Antiquities and
other Curiosities of Rome, from personal observation
during a visit to Italy in the years 1818-19, with illus
trations from ancient and modern writers, by Edward
Burton, M. A., Student of Christ Church." This work,
* In the Review of the- Scholia on Sophocles in the British Critic,
April, 1827,

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XV
which has since been reprinted in two duodecimo vol
umes by Messrs. Rivington, London, 1828, became de
servedly popular from its first appearance, as exhibiting
the researches of a most correct and faithful observer,
the impressions of a sensible and judicious man, and the
illustrations of a learned and accurate scholar. Modest
and unpretending in its title, it is yet one of the most
useful guides which can be selected by the traveller to
direct his steps within and aroitnd the walls of Rome.*
After visiting Naples and its environs, he next pro
ceeded to Sicily, and spent some time in exploring the
many interesting vestiges of antiquity which are yet
remaining in that celebrated island. The ruins of Sy
racuse, Agrigentum, Selinus, and other cities, rendered
famous by the narratives of Thucydides, Diodorus,
and Polybius, particularly attracted his attention ; and
though he did not publish the result of his researches,
it was well known to his friends and fellow-travellers
that he had accurately investigated the principal locali
ties of the island associated with historical and classical
recollections. Gladly would he have extended his tour
into Greece, Asia Minor, and Palestine ; but he was
compelled, by severe indisposition, to abandon the pro
secution of this plan. He now therefore turned his steps
homeward through Ancona, Venice, the Tyrol, Vienna,
Dresden, and Holland. Soon after his arrival in Eng
land, he once more took up his abode in Oxford, in
order to superintend the publication of his work on
Rome, which was printed in 1821. It was in that year

» There has been another edition of this work printed at Florence;
and it has been translated into German.

XVI MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
also that he was ordained by the Bishop of Oxford, and
immediately after, he entered on the curacy of Tetten-
hall, in Staffordshire, of which parish the Rev. Charles
Wrottesley was the incumbent. This gentleman held
likewise a living' in Wiltshire, which Mr. Burton un
dertook to serve also when Mr. Wrottesley was de
sirous of taking up his residence at the former place.
Tettenhall is a large and populous parish in the vicinity
of Wolverhampton ; it afforded therefore to a young
curate a ready opportunity for exercising himself fully
in the business of his profession, and displaying those
qualities which are most commendable in a minister.
Mr. Burton was particularly distinguished as a parish
priest for the fervent zeal, tempered with the utmost
gentleness and discretion, with which he discharged
the functions of his sacred office. By these qualities
he endeared himself to his parishioners ; whilst his so
ciety was duly appreciated by the neighbouring fami
lies, both on account of his worth as a clergyman, the
extent and variety of his information, and the pleasing
and unaffected simplicity of his manners.
Without being led by the world, he mixed with the
world — like one who knows that tlie spirit of our
church not only sanctions in its ministers such a social
intercourse with their neighbours, but even recom
mends it, as tending to cement those ties of mutual be
nevolence which ought to subsist between the mem
bers of every community.
But whilst devoting himself with exemplary zeal and
activity to his professional dutiesr and at the same time
pajtaking of the rational recreations afforded by society,
he still found leisure for pursuing his favourite studies

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XV11
in theology. These he carried on indeed with so much
perseverance and application, that in a few years he had
acquired in this department a fund of knowledge very
rarely to be met with in so young a divine. With that
systematic wisdom which had directed him from the
first in all his studies, he had determined at once to
proceed to the original authorities, from which, next to
the Scriptures themselves, the most valuable informa
tion is supplied — the Fathers of the church, and the
ecclesiastical historians. He saw that however labori
ous this branch of study would prove, it was calculated
not only to advance him in his profession, but, what
was of still higher value in his eyes, to promote the
great interests of Christianity. His solid judgment led
him to perceive the great advantage which an intimate
acquaintance with these primitive writers must afford
to the divine in all controversial questions, and in all
discussions where it becomes necessary to appeal to the
opinions maintained by the Church in its early state ;
to trace, as it were, the stream of religious knowledge
up to its source, before the troubled waters of heresy
had sought to mingle with its purer current. And he
was also well aware, that in proportion as the Ortho
dox Church neglected to make use of these most effi
cient weapons against her assailants, the more daring
would the sectarian become in his attacks, the more
unrestrained in the boldness of his assertions. This he
felt to be particularly the case with the Unitarian Here
sy ; and he was ever most sensibly alive to the perni
cious tendency of its doctrines, as being adverse to the
scheme of redemption, and repugnant to the revealed
word of God. Whilst it appeared to him, at the same

XVU1 MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
time, that its partisans were most zealous and active in
propagating their opinions, and most unscrupulous also
in their method of handling the sacred text and inter
preting its meaning.
Having procured the best editions of the Fathers,
especially those of the three first centuries, as being of
greater authority and more intrinsically valuable, he
read their works with the greatest diligence and care ;
noting down such passages as were deserving of a
second perusal and a more attentive consideration ; ob
serving parallel thoughts and arguments, and illustra
ting the matter asvwell as the style of one writer by a
frequent reference to the contents of another : thus ar
ranging and combining, as it were, the early Fathers
into a well digested system, and rendering it available
for any special object to which he might hereafter
direct his attention.
His Oxford friends, meanwhile, aware of the perse
vering application with which he was pursuing his
studies in the country, and of the important accession
that might be made through his means to the stores of
theology already possessed by the church, naturally
felt desirous that a more enlarged field of action than a
country curacy could afford, should be found for the
display of his great abilities and extensive acquire
ments. Among these, Dr. Lloyd, then Regius Profes
sor of Divinity, whose early friendship for Edward Bur
ton has already been noticed, and to whom the talents
and powers he possessed were best known, took the
most lively interest in his prospects, and exercised also
the greatest influence over his mind. By his recom
mendation and advice, he accepted the office of select

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XIX
preacher to the University during the years 1824-25.
And the impression he made was so favourable, from
the admirable clearness of his arrangement, the simpli
city of his manner, and the extent of information con
tained in his sermons, that Dr. Lloyd strongly urged
him to resign his curacy and take up his residence in
Oxford, where he would have such favourable oppor
tunities for adding to his reputation as a preacher and
divine; for prosecuting his studies more efficiently,
from the great resources which would be afforded to
him by the ample stores of the Bodleian library ; and
still further, for imparting to the world, by means of the
University Press, the fruits of his valuable labours up
to that time. Moved by these important considerations,
as well as the grateful recollections of the scene of his
early success, and of the many friends who were yet
resident in the University, he determined to follow the
advice of Dr. Lloyd, and take a house in Oxford.
In the summer of 1825 he married Helen, second
daughter of Archdeacon Corbett, of Longnor, in Shrop
shire ; and in the autumn of the same year he removed
to Oxford, and fixed his residence in that city.
Being once more established in the University, Mr.
Burton entered with all the energy of his character
upon that course of laborious and useful exertion in
the cause of religion which terminated only with his
life. His first publication, undertaken by the Dele
gates of the University Press, was his Testimonies of
the Ante-Nicene Fathers to the Divinity of Christ,
which appeared in 182G in 1 vol. 8vo. This impor
tant work, to the merits of which the University and
the Church in general have borne ample testimony,

XX MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
gave proofs of the uncommon extent of his acquaint
ance with the Fathers, as well as of his singular accu
racy, fidelity, and candour. It established at once his
theological reputation, and made him looked upon as
deserving to be ranked with Bull and Waterland
amongst the most orthodox and learned defenders of
the Christian faith.
In 1827 the University derived the benefit of his
assistance in the schools as public examiner ; and he
discharged the arduous duties of that office with the
same zeal and fidelity which he displayed in all his
undertakings. Nor was he less respected by the un
dergraduate members of the University for the extent
and accuracy of his scholarship, than for the uniform
kindness and courtesy of his manner towards them.
In the same year Dr. Lloyd, having been raised to
the Bishopric of Oxford on the death of Dr. Legge, had
an opportunity of testifying his sense of Mr. Burton's
merits by appointing him to the situation of his ex
amining chaplain. And the judicious selection made
by the Bishop on that occasion gave satisfaction to all
the friends of the Church, since Mr. Burton's name
and influence were eminently calculated to raise the
standard of theological acquirements, and to stimulate
candidates for holy orders to prepare themselves with
greater diligence and accuracy.
These increasing demands upon his time and atten
tion did not, however, prevent him from prosecuting
his own laborious studies, and adding to his reputation
as a divine and scholar. The Delegates of the Uni
versity Press having determined on publishing a new
edition of the works of Bishop Bull, naturally fixed

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XXt
upon him as an editor who would do the fullest jus
tice to the undertaking. He readily acquiesced in
their proposal, and immediately entered upon his task
with all that spirit and energy peculiar to his charac
ter. He collected not only all the works of that learned
prelate hitherto published, but several others also
which had not yet appeared, and he revised the whole
with the greatest care and attention. The labour be
stowed on this edition was indeed scarcely inferior to
that which an original composition would have re
quired ; for he verified every one of the numerous
quotations made by Bishop Bull with the most scru
pulous accuracy ; and as they were often drawn from
imperfect and incorrect editions of the Fathers, he was
enabled in a great many instances to improve this por
tion of his works, and to correct many wrong refe
rences and numerous typographical errors.
At the request of the Delegates of the Press, he also
consented to prepare a new edition of the Heraclidas
and Medea of Euripides from the papers left by Dr.
Elmsley at his death. He was induced doubtless to
undertake this task from the great esteem and regard
he had felt for that eminent scholar during his lifetime.
If we add to these important works the occasional ser
mons he was called upon to preach before the Univer
sity, several articles which appeared from his pen in
the Theological Quarterly Review, and the constant
accessions he was making to his own stores of know
ledge, we shall find that few scholars ever laboured
more unremittingly and perseveringly in the course of
sound learning. Rising early, he devoted the whole
morning, with scarcely any interruption, to close study.
2

XX11 MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
In the afternoon he took a short walk, and then re
turned to his books till dinner-time : when that meal
was concluded, he resumed his studies, with little in
termission, for the remainder of the evening ; nor did
he generally retire to rest before midnight. This con
stant state of application and mental exertion was,
however, too great for a constitution neither originally
robust nor strengthened by air and exercise. Towards
the beginning of the spring of 1828, he experienced
some unpleasant sensations of fulness in the head, at
tended with symptoms of weakness and lassitude,
which alarmed his friends, and he was in consequence
obliged to discontinue his studies for a time, and even
to resign his office of public examiner. By judicious
medical treatment, however, and the opportunities of
rest and change of scene which the long vacation
afforded, he soon recovered his usual health and
strength, and was enabled to resume his accustomed
duties and occupations in the ensuing Michaelmas
term. The whole of that winter and the next spring were
devoted to the composition of the Bampton Lectures,
which he had been appointed to preach before the
University. He selected for his subject the Heresies
of the Apostolic Age, which afforded him an opportu
nity not only of manifesting the great extent and va
riety of his learning, but also of displaying the streno-th
and "clearness of his mental powers in investio-attno-
abstruse and complicated questions, and placing the
result of his researches before his hearers with as
much perspicuity as the subject would admit of. The
inquiry into the Gnostic heresy, its connexion with
Platonism, and the question relative to the term

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XXui
Ac'yor, are in themselves elaborate and masterly per
formances, and would alone suffice to establish his
reputation as a first-rate theologian ; whilst the great
simplicity and candour of his mind are rendered less
apparent throughout. These Lectures were very fully
attended, notwithstanding the abstruse and mystical
disquisitions which were necessarily introduced in
several of them. In proof of the high estimation in
which Mr. Burton's character and talents were held,
it may be proper to mention here, that he received
about this time the offer of being appointed to the
bishopric of Calcutta, rendered vacant by the demise
of Bishop Heber. To have been selected as worthy
to succeed to one so gifted and so universally beloved
and regretted, was a circumstance which could not but
be highly gratifying to his mind ; but considerations
of health probably, and his attachment for Oxford, de
termined him to forego an office, which, however flat
tering to his ambition, would have removed him so
far from his friends and his country, to an unhealthy
climate and a station of the greatest labour and re
sponsibility. In the early part of the summer of the same year
(1829) the University and the Church experienced a
heavy loss by the death of Bishop Lloyd, after a short
but severe illness. This distinguished Prelate had al
most from the first commencement of his residence in
the University as an undergraduate, to the close of his
valuable life, been engaged in the work of personal in
struction. And whether we look to his great talents
and acquirements, his zeal for the public good, his ex
cellent heart and kind disposition, we shall find no one
who was so deservedly and universally popular, and

XX1V MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
exercised a more beneficial influence over the minds
of those whom he laboured to instruct. By no oue
was his loss more deeply felt and regretted than by
Mr. Burton, not merely as a patron, but as the kindest
and warmest of friends ; as one who had evinced his
regard at a time when he was yet unknown in the
University, and who had shown by his subsequent
conduct that this regard had been increased and
strengthened rather than diminished by the lapse of
years. Mr. Burton's reputation as a Divine was now so
well established both in the University and out of its
precincts, that all eyes were naturally turned towards
him as a probable successor to Dr. Lloyd in the theo
logical chair. Nor was this expectation unfounded, as
not many days elapsed before the appointment was
signified to him in very handsome terms by the Duke
of Wellington, then prime minister ; who had received
the highest testimonies of Mr. Burton's great qualifica
tions and merits from those who were best informed on
the subject, and who could not fail of being consulted
by his Grace, where the interests of the University and
the Church were so deeply concerned.
The nomination of Mr. Burton to this most impor
tant professorship gave universal satisfaction, both on
account of the high character he had acquired in the
University, and his connection with his lamented pre
decessor, since all felt assured that the same admirable
method of theological instruction, both public and pri
vate, which Dr. Lloyd had carried on so beneficially
for several years, would be prosecuted with no less
zeal, learning, and efficiency, by the new professor.
Dr. Lloyd had been the first to establish a course of

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XXV
private instruction in divinity, in addition to the ordi
nary course of lectures publicly delivered to candi
dates for ordination. Admission to the private lectures
was eagerly sought by the most distinguished and
talented young men in the University, and a degree of
spirit and emulation was thereby infused into the theo
logical studies of the place, which has been attended
with the most beneficial results.
The new professor of divinity took his doctor's de
gree on the 26th of June, 1829. The whole of that
summer he devoted to the preparation of his lectures
for the ensuing term. At the end of the same year he
commenced his permanent residence at Ewelme, the
parish annexed to his professorship, and to the care
and superintendence of which he applied himself in a
manner which was truly exemplary. He began by
establishing schools for the children of both sexes ;
and these he attended every day, and devoted a con
siderable portion of his time in instructing and cate
chizing the scholars. Nor was he less assiduous in
visiting the sick and infirm, and ministering to the
wants, both spiritual and bodily, of all who stood in
need of his advice and assistance. It has been truly
said of him, that whilst residing in his parish, its care
seemed to absorb his whole time and attention, but
that when established at Christ Church, and engaged
in his professional duties, he appeared to be entirely
devoted to the instruction of the students in his de
partment, and to the acquisition and diffusion of theo
logical knowledge. Adhering to the judicious plan
adopted by his predecessor, he distributed his pupils
into classes, according to their attainments and differ-
2*

XXV1 MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
ent degrees of proficiency. To one class he explained
the Epistles of St. Paul ; with another, he read some
portion of the Fathers ; with a third, he entered on a
course of ecclesiastical history : and whether he was
called upon to communicate instruction or to give ad
vice, he rendered himself accessible to every one at all
times with invariable kindness and courtesy, and that
unassuming modesty and simplicity which peculiarly
adorned his character.
As a Delegate of the Press, he was not only constant
in his attendance at the board, but he was always ready
to impart to it the benefit of his advice, in recommend
ing useful works for publication, and affording en
couragement to young writers of talent and promise.
Nor did he himself relax at all from his accustomed
zeal and energy as an author and editor of theological
wprks, notwithstanding the various important duties
which devolved upon him with scarcely any intermis
sion, whether in Oxford or at his living of Ewelme.
In 1830 he printed a small but valuable tract, the re
sult of much reading and research, on the apostolical
history. It was entitled, "An Attempt to ascertain the
Chronology ofthe Acts of the Apostles and of St. Paul's
Epistles." This was followed by an edition of the
Greek Testament, with English notes, in two volumes
8vo ; which had been originally undertaken at the re
quest of Mr. Parker, the bookseller, and had been for
some years iu a course of preparation. In 1831 he
published an important addition to his very valuable
work of the Testimonies of the Ante-Nicene Fathers
on the Divinity of Christ, being a collection of proofs
from the same Fathers on the doctrine of the Trinity
and the Divinity of the Holy Ghost.

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XXV11
It was to be expected that one who took so deep an
interest in all matters connected with the Church and
its discipline and government, should enter warmly
into those questions which at this period began to be
generally discussed throughout the kingdom. Ac
cordingly we find him examining the principal points
connected with this subject, in a pamphlet which ap
peared in the same year under the title of i: Thoughts
on the demand for Church Reform." In this he him
self threw out some suggestions for remedying such
defects as were most apparent in our ecclesiastical
system; and this led to a correspondeuce'between him
and Lord Henley, who had previously propounded a
plan for extensive reforms in the church. Free from
all party prejudice, and actuated by the purest motives,
Dr. Burton was anxious doubtless to see the church
cleared from every defect which could impair its lustre
or diminish its usefulness ; but he was on the other
hand_ as resolute in opposing any insensate cry for
change, raised for mere factious purposes alone, and
fraught with danger to our best and most venerated
institutions. These and other pamphlets and tracts,
which he wrote from time to time,* were looked upon
by him rather as relaxations from his more important
and laborious employments ; and they were generally
composed in the vacations, when he resided at Ew
elme. Still they added to that incessant fatigue and ex
citement of the mind, which by a slow but constant

» Such as Remarks upon a Sermon preached at St. Mary's, Feb.
6, 1S31 : Advice for the Proper Observance of the Sunday, London,
1831 : Thoughts on the Separation of Church and State, London,
1834.

XXV111 MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
process was preying upon his health ; and it was a
matter of serious regret to his friends, that he did not
allow himself greater respite from his exertions, and
was not otherwise more careful of a life so truly valu
able. As is not unfrequently the case, he fancied him
self strong, whereas in reality his constitution was
weak ; and he was too much absorbed by his constant
employments and duties to perceive the gradual inroad
which disease was making on his frame, though the
mind continued as firm and vigorous as ever. In 1831
he published his first private course of lectures on the
Ecclesiastical History of the first Century. The early
history of Christianity was a subject indeed on which
he had bestowed very great attention; having not only
read carefully all that had been written upon it by the
learned of every country, but he had investigated it
deeply and critically, and he was therefore qualified to
lecture upon it, not as one merely who conveys popu
lar information, but as one who was perfectly master
of his subject in all its parts, and was able to throw
much valuable light upon such points as seemed espe
cially to require elucidation. The sequel of these in
teresting lectures, comprising the history of the second
and third centuries, was published in 1833, and the
whole collected and printed in 2 vols. 8vo.T Oxford,
1833, under the title of " Lectures on the Ecclesiasti
cal History of the three First Centuries, from the Cru
cifixion of Jesus Christ to the year 313 ," and a useful
abridgment was subsequently made at the request of
the committee of the Society for Promoting Christian
Knowledge, and published by them in 1 vol. 12mo.
In 1833 he also prepared for the Clarendon Press a
new edition of Bishop Pearson's excellent work on the

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XXIX
Creed. It was printed under his superintendence, and
revised by him throughout wilh his usual care and
scrupulous accuracy.
The only relaxation afforded him from these con
tinued editorial labours, was the retirement of his
parish .during the vacations. But even there he was
always actively employed in visiting his schools and
catechizing the children, and in the assiduous dis
charge of his other parochial duties. He proved also
a great benefactor to the church of Ewelme ; having
made considerable alterations and improvements in
the internal arrangements and decorations of the build
ing. This church, originally of great antiquity, was
rebuilt in the fifteenth century by William duke of
Suffolk and Alice his wife. It consists pf a chancel, a
nave, two side aisles, and a chapel at the end of the
south aisle ; and it is remarkable, not only for the ele
gance of its architecture, but also for the beauty ofthe
monuments with which it is adorned. These are prin
cipally the tomb of the duchess of Suffolk, and that of
Sir Thomas Chaucer and his wife, besides others of
minor interest. But the appearance ofthe church was
much impaired by being crowded with pews of un
equal size and height, and it required besides to be
repaired and cleaned in many parts.
By the influence of Dr. Burton the parishioners were
induced to give up their pews for open seats through
out ; and with his liberal assistance, the proposed alter
ations and improvements were executed in a manner
which reflects the highest credit on his taste and judg
ment and public spirit ; and the church of Ewelnie now
deservedly ranks amongst the most beautiful and con
venient places of worship in the kingdom. Dr. Burton

XXX MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
further evinced his liberality by expending a considera
ble sum on the improvement of the house allotted to the
divinity professor in Ch. Ch. ; and he also decorated it
with as many portraits as he could procure of his pre
decessors in that chair. We have stated that his health
had now been declining for some time, so as to cause
much regret and uneasiness to his friends. On his re
turn to his residence at Ch. Ch., after the Christmas
vacation, in the beginning of 1835, he was seized with
a severe inflammatory attack on the chest ; and though
the complaint was subdued by medical aid and skill, it
was evident that his constitution was giving way, and
that a repetition of an attack of the same nature would
probably prove fatal. Nothing however, short of phy
sical incapability, could abate his ardour, or cause him
to desist from his exertions. As soon therefore as he
had recovered in some measure his strength, he resumed
his lectures and other employments. He had now been
engaged for some time in preparing a new edition of
the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius, a work which
he justly considered of the highest value, and which he
conceived had never been published in a manner ade
quate to its importance, or in accordance with the best
MSS. existing in the different libraries. Having ob
tained the concurrence ofthe Delegates ofthe Press, he
had procured collations of several valuable manuscript
copies deposited in the libraries of Florence and Venice,
Paris, the British Museum, and the Bodleian, which he
had digested with incredible pains and care, and had in
serted their various readings in the edition of Heinichen,
the last which has been printed of this author. And
though death arrested his hand, and prevented the com
pletion of this great work, it must be yet gratifying to

MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR. XXXI
his friends, and to those who are the advocates of sound
learning, to know, that the valuable materials he had
collected and prepared with so much labour will not be
lost to the public ; since the Delegates ofthe Press have
determined to print them, in the exact state in which
they were left by him, at the expense of the University.
The summer of 1835 was spent at Ewelme with the
same unwearied application to the duties of the parish
which he always bestowed upon it, and apparently
without any immediate apprehension as to the state of
his health. But the winter brought with it again that
tendency to inflammatory action of the chest and
trachea, to which he was now constantly liable in se
vere weather. Nor did he take those precautions
which the delicate state of his health especially required
at such a season. His zeal and sense of duty led him
to expose himself to wet and cold in visiting his parish
ioners, and unless positively incapacitated from attend
ing to his duties, no minor consideration could ever
induce him to put off what appeared to him urgent and
imperative. Thus, though evidently suffering from
the effects of a severe cold on the chest, he appeared in
the pulpit on Sunday the 10th of January, 1836. His
congregation were then little aware that this would be
the last occasion on which he would ever address
them ; but they saw wilh concern thai he was evidently
labouring under a painful and serious disorder, and
that the effort was too great for his physical state.
On the following day he visited Oxford, to transact
some chapter business ; but it was remarked by his
friends in Christ Church that he appeared very unwell,
and ought not to have left his room.
On his return to Ewelme, the disease under which

XXXI1 MEMOIR OF THE AUTHOR.
he was suffering assumed a still more formidable char
acter, and when his friend Dr. Kidd, who had always
attended him in every illness,, arrived from Oxford, he
found him in a very alarming state of fever ; aud though
every remedy was used which his skill and kindness
could suggest, the disorder was not to be abated, and it
was evident that he could not survive the attack.
Though in a state of great suffering, his patience and
resignation throughout were admirable. Aware that
his end was at hand, he made every necessary arrange
ment in his affairs ; then, strong in faith, and full of
hope, he prepared to resign his soul into the hands of his
Maker, cleansed by the sacrifice and atoning merits of
a dying Saviour. He expired in the afternoon of
Tuesday the 19th of January, and was interred, accord
ing to his own desire, in the churchyard at Ewelme.
In conformity with his wishes, the fnneial was strictly
private, being attended by the Rev. R. Lingen Burton,
his brother, and nearest surviving relative, as chief
mourner ; three of Mrs. Burton's brothers ; the dean of
Ch. Ch., and the other resident members ofthe chapter.
A plain tombstone in Ewelme churchyard marks the
spot in which his remains were deposited, and which he
himself had selected. But his numerous friends and
pupils have resolved to erect a monument to his mem
ory in the cathedral of Ch. Ch., by the hand of Sir F.
Chantry, in order to testify their admiration for his
many virtues, and to record them for the benefit of
posterity.

HISTORY

OF THE

CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

INTRODUCTION.
The reader of history may be compared to a traveller,
who leaves his own country, to visit others which are far
off, and very different from that in which he has been
living. The manners and customs of the nations which
he is going to see, are either wholly new to him, or he is
already in some measure acquainted with them, by the
information and researches of others. So it is with the
reader of history. He is cither beginning a study, to
which he was altogether a stranger, and meets, for the
first time, with facts and circumstances of which he had
never heard before, or he is partly retracing his own steps,
aud filling up the details of a plan which had been exhib
ited to him previously in outline. It is, perhaps, difficult
to say in which of the two cases his gratification and
amusement will be greatest ; and the minds of different
readers will be differently affected, according to the degree
of knowledge already possessed upon the subject which
they are reading.
It must not, however, be forgotten, that gratification
and amusement are not the only results which the history
3

34 INTRODUCTION.
of past events produces on the mind. Many persona, it
is true, are fond of history, and study it with avidity,
without its enabling them to confer any direct practical
benefit on mankind. Others, also, as is the case with
children, are set to read the histories of different coun
tries, though it is not expected that much moral improve
ment should be derived from such lessons. But, even in
these cases, the study of history has its own peculiar
bsnefits. The mere recollection of facts and dates is
found to b3 of great service to the mind, as soil is im
proved by b3ing frequently turned over with the spade,
though it is not constantly bearing a fresh crop. History
is thus an indispensable instrument in the culture ofthe
memory ; and, though few persons retain, in after-life, the
minute details of history or chronology which they learned
in their childhood, it might be difficult to point out any
one of their mental faculties which had not been ren
dered more acute, and more fit for its peculiar applica
tion, bv this early exercise of the memory.
Nor can history be said to be without its use, though
it does not enable all its readers to confer any direct
practical benefit on mankind. To measure the advantage
of all knowledge by its practical utility, would be as absurd
as to require all persons to be of the same height, or to
expect every production ofthe animal and vegetable king.
doms to be useful for the same purpose. The great dis.
tinction between man in a savage and in a civilized state,
is, that the savage seeks for nothing but what is useful,
whereas, the civilized member of society seeks for moral
and intellectual enjoyment. The reader of history is
therefore benefitted, and is able to extend the benefit to
others, if his reading supplies him with the means of
making himself and others better and happier than they
were. That the study of history will enable him to do

INTRODUCTION, 36
this, requires no demonstration : and it would not be diffi
cult to show, that tho great end and object of this study
is to improve the moral condition, and to increase the
happiness, of mankind.
There is, undoubtedly, a nearer and more apparent util
ity, which results from an acquaintance with the events
of former ages. If History has been correctly described
to be " Philosophy teaching by example,"* it becomes at
once the necessary study of all those who are concerned
in the government of states. To disregard the examples
of past times is imprudent in all persons, but in those who
are engaged in governing others, it is positively culpable ;
and for a statesman to be ignorant of history, which sup
plies him wilh practical experience in tho department
which he has chosen to follow, must be attended with the
same consequences to himself and others, as if a trades
man or a mechanic should undertake to serve his employ.
ers without a knowledge of his goods or of his tools.
But, though the past history of his own, or other coun-
tries, may supply the statesman with many useful lessons,
and he may thus be batter able to carry on the govern
ment, he has gained but a small portion of experience,
if he has merely treasured up a certain number of facts
which may serve as a guide to his own conduct under
similar circumstances. The lesson which he is to read
in the page of history, is the art of making men happy,
by making them good. He must observe, in the events
of past ages, how righteousness exalteth a nation, but sin is
a reproach to any people : and he who reads history, with-
out constantly remembering that the persons of whom he
has been reading will ba judged hereafter for those very
actions which he has been admiring or condemning, ia

* [Dionysius of Halicarnassus.]

36 INTRODUCTION.
likely to mislead both himself and others, when he comes
to apply his historical experience to practice.
If these remarks are true with respect to all history,
they must bs more especially so when applied to the
study of the History of the Church. Every history is
more or less employed in detailing the different forms
which religion has assumed, and the conduct of persons
acting under religious impressions ; and every reader may
derive instruction from the facts of this nature which are
contained in the records of past ages: but the History of
the Church is the history of truth ; it describes to us the
progress of a religion which, undoubtedly, came from
heavan, and which is, undoubtedly, the only religion by
which we can hops to go to hsaven. This at once gives
to ths History of th:; Church an interest and importance
abDve every other study. It represents to us human
beings, actuated by human motives and passions, and in.
dulging freely in the speculations of their own reason;
but their actions are recorded as connected with the
belief of certain doctrines, which God himself has com
manded us to receive as true. Though mixing with the
world, and taking part in the common occurrences of life,
they are exhibited by the ecclesiastical historian under
one aspect only, — that of believers in Christianity : what
ever other part they may have played in the great drama
of events which have marked the last eighteen centuries,
we are not concerned in noticing it, except so far as their
conduct produced an effect upon the interests of religion.
Whatever has advanced the cause of the Gospel, and
whatever has retarded it, comes naturally within the pro
vince ofthe ecclesiastical historian; and, being properly
concerned with spiritual, rather than temporal, matters, —
with things relating to the soul rather than to the body, —
it might be thought that he would be spared the contem-

INTRODUCTION. 37
plation of those painful scenes, which have almost re
duced the business of an historian to a record of misery
and crime.
Unfortunately, the annals of the Church, like those of
civil and political transactions, remind us too plainly of
what was remarked above, that the actors have been hu
man beings. If any thing could deter a believer in reve.
lation from composing a History ofthe Christian Church,
it would be his unwillingness to disclose to the world the
succession of miseries which, in one sense, may be traced
to religion, as their cause. He would wish to throw a
veil over those dismal periods when ignorance and super.
stition combined to make men slaves to error, or when all
the worst passions of the heart appeared to be let loose
in polemical warfare. But we have no reason to think
that the Almighty Disposer of events, who allowed these
impurities to defile his Church, intended the record of
them to be lost. That He had wise reasons for allowing
them to take place, cannot be doubted ; but even our lim
ited faculties can see, that a faithful description of such
misfortunes may serve as a merciful warning to those
who are to come after. It is, therefore, particularly
wished that the reader should be prepared, beforehand,
for meeting with narrations of this kind. He will find,
that Christians have not only been hypocrites and fana-
tics, — deceivers and deceived, — supporters of false doc
trines, and haters of those who differed from themselves, —
but that they have carried their mischievous and perverted
principles into practice ; have appealed to the sword, as
the arbiter of religious differences ; and have caused
torrents of blood to be shed in supporting, as they would
say, the cause of the Gospel of peace.
All this, and evils even worse than these, will be found
in the pages of Ecclesiastical History. It has been
3*

38 INTRODUCTION.
thought right, even in the outset of the present work,
openly to state the fact. It can only surprise those who
forget that the world is still filled with nominal Chris
tians, with men who profess to believe the Gospel, but
who live in the violation of almost all its precepts. These
are the persons who, when they chance to act a public
and conspicuous part, are brought prominently forward
by the ecclesiastical historian ; while the thousands are
past over in silent obscurity, who have adorned the doc
trine of their Saviour in their lives, and have gone to
their graves, enjoying in therrfselves and diffusing to
others the fruits of happiness and peace.
It is the misfortune of history, that it cannot find a
place for characters such as these. The biographer has
the more pleasing task of selecting his subjects : he may
go into the retirement of private life, and bring forward
the humble and peaceful virtues of those who never court
ed notice, and who were most remarkable for shunning
the world and all its allurements. But the historian has
no such choice. It is his duty to describe the bad as well
as the good, to represent the Church in its darker, as well
as in its brighter colours : — he must draw his portraits
from the life ; and it may be well for him to remember,
that the cause of the Gospel cannot be advanced by any
attempt to suppress the truth, or to palliate crime.
That the History ofthe Church, notwithstanding these
melancholy disclosures, is peculiarly attended with those
benefits to the reader which have been claimed for history
in general, is an assertion which may easily be main
tained. There is, perhaps, a difficulty in steering
between the opposite extremes of attributing too much
or too little value to ecclesiastical antiquity. It is easy
to say, on the one hand, that a stream is purest at no
great distance from its source ; and, on the other, that

INTRODUCTION. 39
the world is much more enlightened now than it was
eighteen centuries ago. The latter statement, however,
may bs fully acknowledged to be true, and yet may prove
nothing as to the weight which ought to be given to the
authority of the earlier ages.
We do not appeal to the primitive Christians for their
knowledge or their opinions of matters upon which the
world is now more enlightened ; but a question arises,
whether the world is really more enlightened upon those
points with which the primitive Christians were specially
concerned. Those points arc the doctrines which are
essential to be believed as contained in the Gospel, and
the method which is most likely to be successful for
spreading them through the world. Whether these two
points were imperfectly understood by the early Chris.
tians, and whether they have received more light from
the discoveries of succeeding ages, are questions which
it is not difficult to answer, if wc rightly understand the
nature of the Christian revelation.
The one word Revelation seems not suited to lead us to
expect, that the matters which have been revealed would
require, or could even admit, successive illustrations and
improvements, from the powers of the human mind becom
ing more developed. If Christianity I ad been merely a
system of moral precepts, which human reason had ima
gined and arranged, the system might undoubtedly be ren
dered more and more perfect as the world continued to ad.
vance. But, if the scheme of Christian redemption was no
only revealed by God, but every part of it was effected
bv the agency of God, without man knowing anything
concerning it until it was thus effected and revealed, it
seems impossible that such a system could be modified or
improved by later and successive discoveries.
Now it will not be denied, that the apostles themselves

40 INTRODUCTION.
had the fullest and clearest understanding of the doctrines
which they preached. It might, perhaps, bs said, when
their inspiration is taken into the account, that no Chris
tians have had their minds equally enlightened by a
knowledge ofthe Gospel ; so that the Revelation was, in
its very commencement full and complete ; and to say,
that we are more enlightened now as to the truths of the
Gospel, would be the same as to say, that a ray of light
is purer and brighter when it has reached the surface of
the earth, than when it was first emitted from the sun.
We must also recollect, that the doctrine which the apos
tles preached, namely, Justification by Faith in the death
of Christ, could not be more or less complete at one pe
riod than another. It was complete when Christ died,
or rather when he rose again, and when God consented
that faith in his death and resurrection should justify a
sinner. The first person who embraced this offer of re
conciliation, at the preaching of the apostles, was as
fully justified, and as fully admitted into the Chris
tian covenant, as any person from that time to the pre
sent, or from now to the end of the world. The terms
of salvation are precisely the same now as they were in
the infancy of the Gospel. The only written record
which we have of this last Revelation, was composed by
the persons to whom it was made ; human reason has
added nothing to the letter or the spirit of it : and who
ever believes the doctrines which it contains, possesses
all the knowledge which can be possessed concerning the
salvation of his soul.
This being the case, it would seem to follow, that we
have nothing else to do but to ascertain exaotly what
the doctrine is which was revealed, and, having ascer-
tained it, to embrace it. This is, in fact, allowed by a
yast majority of those persons who call themselves Chris-

INTRODUCTION. 41
tians. The notion, that Christianity admits of being im.
proved as the world becomes more enlightened, can hard-
ly be said to be entertained by any persons who really
understand the Gospel; and though Christians are un
happily divided upon many fundamental points, they all
agree in referring to the Scriptures, as containing the
original Revelation ; and each sect or party professes to
believe its own interpretation of the Scriptures to be the
best. It becomes, therefore, of great importance to know
which of these conflicting interpretations was adopted by
the early Church ; and if it can bs proved that any doc-
trine was universally believed in the age immediately foi.
lowing that of the apostles, the persons who hold such a
doctrine now would naturally lay great weight upon this
confirmation of their opinions.
It cannot fairly be said, that, in making this appeal to
antiquity, we are attaching too much importance to human
authority, or that we are lessening that reverence which
ought to bs paid exclusively to the revealed Word of God.
It is because we wish to pay exclusive reverence to the
Scriptures, that we endeavour so anxiously to ascertain
their meaning ; and it is only where our interpretation
differs from that of others, that we make an appeal to some
third and impartial witness. We think that we find this
witness in the early Christians, in those who lived not
long after the time ofthe apostles ; and though we fully
allow, that they were fallible, like ourselves, and though,
in sound critical judgment, their age may have been infe.
rior to our own, yet there are many reasons why their
testimony should bs highly valued.
In the first place, they lived very near to the first pro-
mulgation of the Gospel. Even to a late period in the se-
cond century, there must have been many persons living
who had conversed with the apostles, or with companions

42 INTRODUCTION,
ofthe apostles. This would make it less likely that any
doubts would arise upon points of doctrine, and, at the
same time, more difficult for any corruption to be intro
duced. The simplicity ofthe Gospel was not in so much
danger from the pride of learning and the love of disputa
tion, when Christians were daily exposed to persecution
and death, and when the fiery trial purified the Church
from insincere or ambitious members. The language in
which the New Testament was written, made the early
Christians better judges of the meaning of any passage
than ourselves ; for Greek continued for many centuries
to be the language of the learned throughout the greater
part of the Roman empire, and the Fathers of the three
first centuries wrote much more in Greek than in Latin.
These are some ofthe reasons why an appeal is made to
the primitive Christians in matters of faith ; not that we
receive any doctrine merely because this or that Father
has delivered it in his writings, but because the persons
who lived in those days had the best means of knowing
whether any article of faith had been really delivered by
the apostles or no. And this testimony ofthe early Church
becomes so much the stronger, if we find, as the following
pages will show, that, for at least three centuries, there
was a perfect unanimity among all the different churches
upon essential points of doctrine,
A similar appeal may be made to the primitive Chris.
tians with respect to the form of church government, and
questions connected with discipline. It may be allowed,
as before, that we are not bound to follow the practice of
those times, as if they were invested with any authority
over ourselves : but it was much more easy to ascertain
in those days, whether any custom had been introduced
by the apostles ; and if we find any ecclesiastical regula.
tion universally prevalent in the second century, we may

INTRODUCTION. 43
fairly assume, that it had either been sanctioned by the
apostles, or was at least known to be not contrary to the
spirit of their writings and practice. It seems, indeed,
hardly possible, that disputes about particular forms of
church government can be decided at all, unless an appeal
be allowed to primitive times. It may be said, as in the
case of points of doctrine, that the Scriptures alone
should be our guide in these matters. But where the
Scriptures are silent upon the subject, or where both par
ties claim the authority of the New Testament on their
side, it seems natural that we should look to the customs
of those churches which were planted by apostles, or
which may be supposed to have copied from churches
possessing this advantage. If Ecclesiastical History
should show, that, in the age immediately following that
of the apostles, and while some persons were still alive
who had conversed with apostles, there was a remarkable
agreement upon this point between different churches,
and that one and the same form of church government
prevailed in all of them, it would be a very fair presump
tion that this was ths form which had been approved by
the apostles.
Enough has, perhaps, been said to show the importance
of Ecclesiastical History in enabling us to settle disputes
about points of doctrine or discipline. Persons may
still refuse to be guided by what they call mere human
authority ; but if they can find no support from antiquity
for their own opinions or practice, they must be prepared
to be charged themselves with setting up their own au
thority against the voice of the Church ; and, if the
prescription of centuries is allowed to have weight in
legal and secular matters, it seems equally reasonable
that it should be treated with the same respect in matters
which concern religion. At all events, it must be inter-

44 INTRODUCTION.
esting to inquire, whether history throws any light upon
the subject in dispute ; and if a person should meet with
writers of the second and third centuries, speaking ex.
actly his own sentiments, and with large bodies of Chris
tians acting as he has himself been taught to act, he
will hardly regret the time which he has bestowed upon
the records of the early Church.
It must not. be supposed from these remarks, that the
reader of Ecclesiastical History must be necessarily
acquainted with controversy, or that he will be led to
acquire a taste for it. That controversies have existed
upon questions of doctrine and church government, can
hardly be unknown to any person who undertakes to read
the History ofthe Church; and, if any thing would be likely
to give him a distaste for religious intolerance, it would
be the succession of painful and disgraceful events which
were brought about by one party of Christians persecut
ing anolher, because they differed in opinion. It will,
however, be impossible to avoid entering into some of the
causes which led to these unhappy quarrels. When two
parties are represented as dividing the Church upon points
which were considered of vital importance, it will be
necessary to acquaint the reader with the subjects under
dispute. Even the arguments which were advanced, on
either side, must sometimes be stated ; but they will be
introduced as a part of the history, not as a theological
discussion. The reader ought to know, as a matter of
fact, what were the opinions entertained by both par
ties : and it is from history that he must learn whether
this or that opinion has been supported by the majority.
It is unnecessary to add, that a partial or prejudiced state
ment may be of much more serious consequences, in this
department of history, than in any other.
I wish, however, distinctly to state, that there are some

INTRODUCTION. 45
points upon which the ecclesiastical historian may be al
lowed to have made up his mind, without being charged
with partiality. Thus, he is not required to speak of
Christianity as if it was merely one of the numerous forms
of religion which had appeared in the world. He is to
write as a Christian, addressing himself to Christians ;
and, as he is not called upon to prove Christianity to be
true, so he may assume that his readers are acquainted
with its doctrines. In speaking, therefore, of the first pro
pagation of the Gospel, I have said little concerning the
nature of those new opinions, which were then, for the first
time, delivered to the world. A contemporary heathen
historian would have thought it necessary to describe
them ; they would have formed an important feature in
the history of the times ; but a Christian historian does
not feel called upon to explain the principles of the doctrine
of Christ. He supposes his readers not only to know
these principles, but to believe them : and though the dif
ferences among Christians form a necessary part of the
History of the Church, it is sufficient to say of Chris
tianity itself, as first preached by the apostles, that it is
the religion contained in the Bible.
Some persons have begun the History of the Church by
relating the life of its Founder ; and it cannot be denied,
that the personal history of Jesus Christ is inseparably
connected with a right understanding of the Gospel.
But it has been already said, that the readers ofthe follow.
ing pages are supposed to know what is meant by the
Gospel ; and this knowledge implies all acquaintance
with the facts recorded in the New Testament, concern
ing the life and death of Jesus Christ. The reason is
given at the opening of the following history, why the
Church is said to date its beginning from the death of
Christ, rather than from his birth ; but, independent of
4

46

INTRODUCTION.

this Consideration, it was thought better to refer the read
er at once to the four Gospels, and to take up the histo-
ry where the narrative of the Evangelists ends, than to
attempt to express, in other language, what they have
said so briefly and simply.
If the other plan had bssn pursued, of making the His-
tory of the Church bsgin from the birth of Christ, it
would have been almost necessary to have made some
remarks upon the chronology of that event. To fix the
precise date of our Saviour's birth witb certainty, is per
haps hopeless ;* and a discussion upon this difficult ques.
tion is not necessary in a work like the present. The
only facts of this kind which we can state positively, on
the authority of the Gospels, are, that Jesus Christ was
about thirty years old when he began his ministry ; and
that he began it about the fifteenth year of the reign of
Tiberius. But even these expressions admit of different
interpretations ; and if the commencement of our Saviour's
ministry could be accurately fixed, there would still be
an uncertainty as to the time of his crucifixion. It seems
demonstrable, from the narrative of the Evangelists, that
he attended threa Passovers at Jerusalem, after bis bap-
tism ; and most persons have supposed that he attended
no more than three ; but this cannot be called a settled
point ; and consequently, the age of our blessed Lord, at
ihe time of his completing the scheme of our redemption
on the cross, cannot exactly be ascertained. Fortunately
there is no indispensable need for such accuracy in the
History of the Church. We know the order and suc-
« [Lest it Bhould be inferred from this remark, that a greater dif
ference exists on this subject than really does, it seems proper to state
that the greatest received variation as to the time of our Saviour's
birth scarcely exceeds four years.]

INTRODUCTION. 47
cession of events ; and we are able to trace effects to
their causes, from the time of our Lord's ascension into
heaven, though we cannot always assign each event to
its precise year. As the history advances, and as the
new religion is brought mote closely into contact with
the affairs of the world, we are able to speak with more
certainty of dates and periods ; and, when we come to the
history of the second century, the annals of the Church
may be arranged with nearly as much precision as those
ofthe Roman empire. It being convenient for the reader,
that some system of chronology should be followed, even
though it may not be correct, and that some date should
be placed in the margin, though, for some few years, it
may not be the true one, it has been assumed that the
crucifixion took place in the year 31.

48 EXPECTATIONS OF THE JEWS. [a. D. 31.

CHAPTER I.
Conduct and Preaching of the Apostles to the Time of the Death of
Stephen ; with the causes which operated to promote the spreading
of the Gospel.
The Kingdom of Christ, or the Church of Christ, may be
said to date its beginning from the time when the Head of
that Church and Kingdom rose in triumph from the grave.
The Son of God, as he himself informs us, had shared his
Father's glory before the world was ; and the scheme of
redemption had been laid in the counsels of God, from the
time of the promise being given, that the seed of the woman
should bruise the serpent's head : but this gracious and mer-
ciful scheme had not been fully developed to mankind, till
Jesus Christ appeared upon earth, and died upon the cross.
It had indeed pleased God, at sundry times and in divers
manners, to acquaint the Jews with the coming of their
Messiah ; but the revelation had been made obscurely and
partially : it was given to one nation only, out ofthe count
less millions who inhabit the earth ; and the Jews them
selves had entirely mistaken the nature of that kingdom
which their Messiah was to found. They overlooked or
forgot what their prophets had told them, that he was to
be despised and rejected of men ; and they thought only of
those glowing and glorious predictions, that kings were to
bow down before him, and all nations were to do him ser
vice. The prophecy of Daniel (though there might be
doubts as to the precise application of his words,) had
marked with sufficient plainness the period when Christ
was to appear ; and when Augustus was Emperor of Rome,
a general expectation was entertained, not only by the Jews,
but by other nations also that some great personage was

A. D. 31.] JOHN THE BAPTIST. 49
shortly to show himself in the world. The Jews had
strong reasons for cherishing such an expectation. If the
sceptre had not actually departed from Judah, it had not
been sufficient to preserve their independence, or to save
them from the disgrace of being a conquered people.
That this disgrace was shortly to be removed, and that
their fetters were soon to be burst asunder, was the firm be
lief of a large proportion of the Jewish nation ; and the
name of their Messiah was coupled with ardent aspira
tions after liberty and conquest.
It was at this period, when the minds of men were
more than usually excited, that the voice was heard of
one crying in the wilderness, Prepare ye the way of ihe
Lord. John the Baptist was the forerunner of the long-
promised Messiah ; but instead of announcing him to his
countrymen as a king and a conqueror, he opposed him
self at once to their strongest prejudices. They prided
themselves upon being God's chosen people ; and as chil
dren of Abraham, without thinking of any other quali
fication, they considered their salvation to be certain.
John the Baptist persuaded his followers to get rid of
these notions. He taught them to repent of their sins ;
and, instead of trusting to outward ceremonies, or to the
merits of their own works, to throw themselves upon the
mercy of God, and to rest their hopes of heaven in a Sa-
viour, who was shortly to appear. This was a great step
gained in the cause of spiritual and vital religion. The
disciples ofthe Baptist were brought to acknowledge that
they had offended God, and that they had no means in
themselves of obtaining reconciliation. It was thus that
they were prepared for receiving the Gospel. John the
Baptist made them feel the. want of that atonement, which
Jesus Christ not only announced, but which he actually
offered in his own person to God. And not only was
4*

50 PREACHING OF JOHN. [a. V. 31.
John the forerunner of Christ, during the short time that
he preceded him on earth, but even now the heart of every
one who is to receive the Gospel, must first be prepared by
the doctrines preached by John : he must repent of his sins,
and he must have faith in that One who was mightier than
John, who was then announced as about to appear, and
who shortly did appear, to reconcile us to his Father, by
dying on the cross.
John the Baptist proclaimed to the Jews, that the King
dom of Heaven was at hand ; and though it is not proba
ble that many of them understood the spiritual nature of
the Kingdom which was to be established, yet they would
all know that he spoke of the Messiah ; for the Kingdom
of God, or the Kingdom of Heaven, were expressions
which they had long been in the habit of using for the
coming of Christ. When the Christ was actually come, —
not, as the Jews expected, with the pomp and splendour of
an earthly king, but in an obscure and humble station, —
he began his preaching with the same words which had
been used by the Baptist, that the Kingdom of Heaven was
at hand. When he sent out his twelve disciples to preach
these glad tidings to the cities of Judaea, he told them to
use the same words. From which we gather that the
Kingdom of God, or of Christ, was not actually come
when Jesus was born into the world, nor even when he
began his ministry. It was still only at hand. Jesus
Christ did not come merely to deliver a moral law, nor to
teach us, by his own example, how to live and how to die.
These were indeed the great objects of his appearing
among us as a man ; and the miracles which he worked,
together with the spotless purity of his life, were intended
to show that he was more than man : but Jesus Christ
came into the world to atone for our sins, by dying on
the cross. This was the great end and object of his com.

A. B. 31.] KINGDOM OF CHRIST. 51
ing ; and Christ did not properly enter upon his kingdom
till the great sacrifice was offered, and he had risen again
from the dead. It was then that the Church of Christ
began to be built. The foundation of it was laid in Christ
crucified ; and the members* of it are all the believers in
Christ's death, of every country and age. It is this
Church, of which, with the blessing of God, we may at
tempt to trace the history.
Jesus Christ had a great number of followers while he
was upon earth. Many, perhaps, sincerely believed him
to be the Messiah ; but it is probable that very few under-
stood the spiritual nature of the deliverance which he had
purchased. The task of explaining this doctrine to the
world was committed by him to twelve men, or rather to
eleven ; for the traitor was gone to his own place : and
when Jesus Christ was ascended into heaven, we have the
spectacle before us of eleven Jews, without a leader, with-
out education, money, rank, or influence, going forth to
root out the religious opinions of all the nations of the
earth, and to preach a new and strange doctrine, which
was opposed to the prejudices and passions of mankind.
The doctrine itself may be explained in a few words.
They were to preach faith in Christ crucified. Men were
to be taught to repent of their sins, and to believe in Christ,
trusting to his merits alone for pardon and salvation ; and
those who embraced this doctrine were admitted into the
Christian covenant by baptism, as a token that they were
* [Membership of the Church of Christ is attained through the sa
crament of baptism. St. Peter's exhortation to the Jews (Acts ii, 38,)
was, " Repent, and be baptized, every One of you, in the name of
Jesus Christ, for the remission of sins ;" and " they that gladly re.
ceived his word were baptized (41) : and our Saviour himself says,
" He that believeth and is baptized, shall be saved" (St Mark xvi,
16.)]

52 DOCTRINE OF THE GOSPEL. [a. D. 31.
cleansed from their sins, by faith in the death of Christ :
upon which admission they received the gift of the Holy
Ghost,* enabling them to perform works well-pleasing to
God, which they could not have done by their own
strength. The commission to preach this doctrine, and
to admit believers into the Christian covenant by baptism,
was given by Christ, while he was upon earth, to the
eleven apostles only ; and one of their first acts, after his
ascension, was to complete their original number of
twelve, by the election of Matthias, who was known to
them as having accompanied Jesus from the beginning
of his ministry.
It is needless to observe, that this small band of men,
if we give them credit for the utmost unanimity and zeal,
was wholly unequal to the conversion of the world.
There is also reason to believe that, at this time, they had
very imperfect insight into the doctrines which they were
to preach ; but their Master had promised them assistance,
which would carry them through every difficulty, and fit
them for their superhuman labour. Accordingly, on the
day of Pentecost, which followed his ascension into hea
ven, he kept his promise by sending the Holy Ghost upon
them, in a visible form, and with an effect which was im
mediately connected with their commission to preach the
Gospel. The twelve apostles suddenly found themselves
enabled to speak several languages which they had never
* [Promised indeed in their baptism, " Repent and be baptized,
every one of you, in the name of Jesus Christ, for the remission of
sins, and ye shall receive the gift of the Holy Ghost" ; but actually
conveyed, as we learn from Acts viii and xix, by the laying on of the
hands of the Apostles. That this was to be a permanent ordinance,
we learn from Hebrews vi, 2 ; and that it was administered by
Bishops only, as successors of the Apostles, all ancient history bears
witness.]

A. D. 31.] DESCENT OF THE HOLT GHOST. 53
learned ; and the feast of Pentecost having caused the city
to be filled, at this time, with foreign Jews, from every
part of the world, there was an immediate opportunity for
the gift of tongues to be exercised by the apostles, and
observed by the strangers.
We have thus at the very outset of the Gospel, a con
vincing proof of its truth, and of its having come from
God ; for nothing but a miracle could enable men to con
verse in languages which they had never learned ; and if
the apostles, by means of the gift of tongues, propagated a
false doctrine, it must follow that God worked a miracle
to assist them in propagating a falsehood.
The effect of the miracle was such as might have been
expected. There must have been some hundreds of per
sons in Jerusalem, who had hot only witnessed the cruci
fixion of Jesus, but who were partly acquainted with his
life and doctrines. The foreign Jews were probably stran
gers to his history ; but they now heard it, for the first
time, from men who proved their inspiration by evidence
which could not be resisted. The apostles took advantage
of the impression which this miracle had caused. They
explained to the multitude the great doctrines of the Gos
pel ; and the result was, that on this, which was the first
day of their preaching, no fewer than three thousand per
sons were baptized, professing themselves to be believers
in Jesus Christ. These persons were not yet called Chris
tians, nor do we read of their being known at present by
any particular name ; but they were distinguished by a spi-
rit of brotherly love and charity, which might have been
sufficient of itself, to show that their religion came from
God. It may here be convenient to take a hasty sketch ofthe
political state of Judaea, at the time of our Saviour's cruci
fixion. It was, in every sense ofthe term, a conquered coun-

54 HEROD THE GREAT. [a. ». 31-
try, though the Jews were very unwilling to allow that
they were subject to any foreign dominion. Their inde
pendence, however, had been little more than nominal,
ever since the taking of Jerusalem by Pompey, in the year
63, before the birth of Christ. This was the first trans
action which brought them directly in contact with the
overwhelming power of Rome. Herod the Great, who
was not properly a Jew, but an Idumaean, though he
dazzled his subjects by the splendour and magnificence of
his reign, was little else than a vassal ofthe Empire ; and
he saw the policy of paying court to his masters, who, in
return, allowed him to reign over a greater extent of ter
ritory than had been held by any Jewish prince since the
time of Solomon. Still there was a large party in the
country which could not shut their eyes to the fact that
Herod was a foreigner, and that the influence of foreigners
kept him on his throne. To get rid of this influence by
an open insurrection was hopeless ; but Herod's connec
tion with Rome, and his introduction of Roman manners
among his subjects, kindled a flame which was smothered
for some years, or only broke out partially and at inter.
vals, but which ended in the final ruin of .that devoted
people. Upon the death of Herod the Great, which happened
not long after the birth of Christ, the Romans put in exe
cution the usual policy of conquerors, and made resistance
still more difficult on the part of the conquered, by dividing
their territory into parts. Judffia was given to one ofthe
sons of Herod, and Galilee to another ; but the still more
decisive step had already been taken, of including Judaea
in the general order which was issued by Augustus, that
the whole empire should pay a tax. The money was not
levied in Judaea till some years after the issuing of the
edict. The opportunity chosen for this unpopular mea*

A. X>. 31.] PONTIUS PILATE. 55
sure was on the deposition of Archelaus, who had held Ju
daea since the death of his father, and was removed from
his government, to the great satisfaction of his subjects,
about the year 8. The Romans now no longer disguised
their conquest. They did not allow the Jews to retain
even the shadow of national independence ; but Judaea was
either made an appendage to the presidentship of Syria,
or was governed, by an officer of its own, who bore the title
of Procurator. One of these procurators was Pontius Pi-
late, who was appointed in the year 26, and held the office
at the time of our Saviour's crucifixion. He continued to
hold it till the year 36, when he was banished to Vienne
in Gaul ; and there is a tradition that he died by his own
hand, but "we know nothing of his directing any measures
against the apostles during the remaining years of his
holding the government of Judaea.
It seems to have been the general policy ofthe Romans,
not to interfere with the religious customs and prejudices
of the Jews. The usual residence of the procurator was
at Caesarea, on the sea-coast, and he only went up to Je.
rusalem at the feast of the Passover, or on other extra.
ordinary occasions. With the exception of a Roman gar
rison, which occupied the tower of Antonia, and was
always ready to overawe the inhabitants in case of a tu
mult, Jerusalem had, perhaps, less the appearance of a con
quered city, when it was the capital of a Roman province,
than when it was the residence of Herod, who called him
self an independent sovereign. The high-priests still ex
ercised considerable power, though the Romans had seen
the expediency of taking the appointment to this office
into their own hands, and of not allowing the same indi
vidual to hold it for a long time. It might be thought
that this foreign interference, in a matter of such high and
sacred importance, would have been peculiarly vexatious

56 ROMAN INTERFERENCE. [a. D. 31.
to the Jews ; but the competitors for the office, who were
at this time numerous, were willing to be invested with
the rank and dignity ofthe priesthood, even at the sacrifice
of their national pride. The same feelings of ambition
and jealousy inclined the high-priest, for the time being,
¦ *° Pay great court to the Roman authorities ; and so long
as this good understanding was kept up between the two
parties, the influence of the procurator was as full and
complete as he could desire ; though, to outward appear
ance, the management of affairs was in the hands of the
high-priest. Such was the state of things when the apostles began
their commission of preaching a new religion in Jerusa
lem. The narrative of the Evangelists will inform us,
that the procurator had no wish to interfere in such ques-
tions, except at the instigation of the priests and the San
hedrim. Even then, he took it up more as a matter of
state policy, than of religion ; and it was necessary to
persuade him that Jesus was setting himself up as a rival
to the Emperor, before he would give any orders for his
execution. As soon as he returned to Cassarea, the field
was left open for the Sanhedrim to take what steps it
pleased for checking the apostles and their followers.
There was always, however, need of some caution in
any measures which were likely to excite a popular com
motion. The turbulent character of the Jews, as well as
their suppressed impatience under the yoke of conquest,
were well known to the Romans, though they pretended
not to be aware of it ; but the troops which garrisoned the
capital, had special orders to be on the watch against every
appearance of riot or tumult. It thus became necessary
for the bigh-priests to avoid, as much as possible, any
public disturbance in their plans against the apostles.
The Romans had no objection to their practising any

A, D. 31.] CONVERSIONS. 57
violence or cruelty against the followers of Jesus, so long
as they did it quietly ; and this will account, in some
measure, for the Gospel making such rapid progress in
Jerusalem, though the same persons continued in authori
ty who had put Jesus publicly to death. The miracles
worked by the apostles were evidences which could not
be called in question ; and the more general was the
sensation which they caused among the people who wit
nessed them, the les3 easy was it for the high-priests to
take any decisive steps.
It was not likely that the Gospel would be embraced at
first by the rich and powerful among the Jews. These
were the men who had excited the populace to demand
the crucifixion of Jesus ; and our Lord himself appears to
have foretold, that the poor would be most forward to
listen to the glad tidings of salvation. Such was undoubt
edly the case in the infancy of the church ; and the
apostles did not forget, while they were nourishing the
souls of their converts, to make provision also for sup.
plying their bodily wants. Those believers who possess.
ed any property, contributed part of it to form a common
fund, out of which the poorer members of the community
were relieved. It is a mistake to suppose that the first
believers gave up the right to their own property, and, in
the literal sense of the expression, maintained a commu
nity of goods. The Gospel taught them what no other reli
gion has taught so plainly and so powerfully, — that they
were to give an account to God ofthe use which they made
of their worldly possessions, and that they were to look
upon the poor as their brethren. They, therefore, aban
doned the notion, that God had given them the good things
of this life for their own selfish enjoyment. They felt
that they held them in trust for the benefit of others, as
well as of themselves ; and a part, at least, of their in.
5

58 CHARITY OF CHRISTIANS. [a. d. 31.
come was to be devoted to the relief of those who would
otherwise be in want.
Charity, in the fullest sense of the term, was the char
acteristic mark of the early Christians ; but the bond
which held them together, was faith in a common Saviour ;
and they immediately established the custom of meeting
in each other's houses, to join in prayer to God, and to
receive the bread and wine, in token of their belief in the
death and resurrection of Christ. There is abundant evi
dence that the Lord's Supper was celebrated frequently, if
not daily, by the early Christians. It, in fact, formed a
part of their ordinary meal ; and scarcely a day passed in
which the converts did not give this solemn and public
attestation of their resting all their hopes in the death of
their Redeemer.
Their numbers increased rapidly. The apostles worked
stupendous miracles. Many of the converts were them
selves endued with the same power of speaking new lan
guages, or of doing extraordinary works ; and, before
many weeks had elapsed, not only were some priests and
Levites numbered among the converts at Jerusalem, but
the new doctrines had begun to spread through the neigh
boring towns.
The attention of the Jewish authorities was soon
attracted to the apostles and their followers. Several
causes combined at this time to raise among the Jews an
opposition to the Gospel. The zealous patriots, whose
numbers were increasing, and who were becoming more
impatient of Roman domination, had indulged a hope that
Jesus would have raised the standard of the Messiah, and
headed an insurrection against the conquerors. Instead
of seconding their wishes, he always inculcated obedience
to the Government, and was put to a disgraceful death.
The followers, therefore, of such a man, if they were not

*• ». 31.] CAUSES OF OPPOSITION. 59
too despicable to obtain any notice, were looked upon as
enemies to the liberty of their country. All those per
sons who were immoral in their conduct, but, at the same
time, pretenders to sanctity, could not fail to be offended
at the severe reproofs which they received from Jesus and
his disciples. The notion, that righteousness was to be
gained by an outward observance of legal ceremonies, was
utterly destroyed by the preaching of the Gospel. The
kingdom of heaven was said, by the new teachers, to be
thrown open to all persons who Tepented of their sins,
and believed in Christ ; and hence every one who was <
self-righteous, every one who boasted of his privileges as
a descendant of Abraham, felt it to be a duty to persecute
the disciples of Jesus.
It was not, however, so easy a matter to suppress tho
new doctrines. The people looked on with amazement, and
even with terror, while the apostles were working their
miracles ; and when they preached in the Temple, there
was no want of multitudes who listened eagerly to their
words. Every day increased their popularity ; and the
authorities had not courage to act openly against them.
— If they succeeded in arresting one or more of them
privately, their prison-doors were miraculously thrown
open ; and, instead of being brought to answer their charge
to receive their sentence, they returned to disseminate
their doctrines more publicly and boldly than before. If
some false disciples insinuated themselves into their com
pany, the immediate detection of their hypocrisy exhi
bited still more plainly the superhuman power of the apos
tles. Thus Ananias and Sapphira pretended to bring the
whole of the sum which they had received for the sale of
some land, and offered it as their contribution to the com
mon fund. The apostles knew that the statement was
false ; and, while the falsehood was hanging on their lips,

6Q ANANIAS AND SAPPHIRA. [a. D. 31.
they both fell dead. The judgment may appear severe, but
we may be sure that it was necessary. The sufferers had,
in the first instance, been seeking for applause under the
mask of charity, and then thought to impose upon the very
persons whose miracles had been the cause of their own
conversion. The times did not allow of such cases being
multiplied, or escaping with impunity. Treachery from
within might have made it impossible to resist the attacks
which were threatening from without ; and the death of
Ananias and Sapphira must have had a powerful effect
upon wavering and worldly minds, which were already
half-convinced, but were still only half-resolved to lay
down their pleasures and their vices at the foot ofthe
cross. Dissensions among the rulers themselves contri
buted in some measure to save the apostles from moles
tation. The Pharisees and Sadducees looked upon each
other with feelings of jealousy and hatred. The Phari.
sees were most numerous, aud reckoned among their sect
the most learned expounders of the Law ; but many of the
rich and higher orders were Sadducees. Both parties
agreed in persecuting the followers of Jesus ; but the Sad.
ducees were still more opposed to them, for maintaining
so forcibly the doctrine of a Resurrection. The Pharisees
were equally willing to see the apostles imprisoned, or
even put to death ; but they would not consent that they
should suffer for preaching the Resurrection of the dead :
and thus the Gospel made more progress, because its
enemies could not agree among themselves as to the means
of suppressing it. The high-priest and his family hap.
pened at this time to be Sadducees ; but Gamaliel, who
was the most learned man of his day, and whose opinion
had most weight in the council, was a Pharisse.
Jesus Christ had not himself left any directions for
governing his Church ; none, at least, are recorded in

A. D. 31.] PHARISEES AND SADDUCEES. 61
the books of the New Testament.* During his abode on
earth, he chose out twelve men from among his followers,
to whom he gave a special commission to preach the
Gospel, not only in Judaea, but throughout the world. f
He also, on one occasion, sent out* seventy other disci
ples, to declare to their countrymen that the Kingdom
of Heaven was at hand. But they could only announce
it as at hand. It is plain, that when the kingdom was
begun, and believers were to be gathered into it, he intend.
ed the keys of this kingdom to be given to the apostles.
It was upon them that the Church was to be built.
The commission of preaching and baptizing was given
solemnly to them on the last occasion of their seeing their
Master upon earth. Their first recorded act, after his
ascension, was to supply the deficiency which had been
caused in their number by the treachery and death of
Judas. All which seems to point out the twelve apostles
as a distinct order from the rest of the believers, and to
show that the management of the new community was
intended, by their Master, to be committed to their hands.
Their first office, therefore, was to announce the offer
of salvation. When any persons accepted it, it was for
the apostles to admit them, by baptism, to the privileges

* [This seems hardly in accordance with what is said in Acts i, 3 ;
" being seen of them forty days, and speaking of the things pertain
ing to the kingdom of God," — and with the very particular directions
for the government of the Church which we find in St. Paul's epis.
ties to the Bishops Timothy and Titus.]
t [His final commission to them (St. Matthew xxviii, 19, 20) was,
" Go ye, and make disciples of all nations, baptizing them in the
name of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost, teaching
them to observe all things whatsoever I have commanded you." A
most pregnant clause, this last ; and evidently implying many in.
structions to the Apostles which are not recorded.]
5*

62 APOSTLES.  DEACONS. [*• ». 31.
ofthe new covenant; and if they had had nothing else
to do but baptize, their time would have been ful?y oeeir-
pied. They had also to attend the different places whera
prayer-meetings were held, and where the Sacrament of
the Lord's Supper was administered. When the fame of
their miracles had spread, they were constantly called
upon to exercise their preternatural power in healing the
sick ; and when we learn that the converts amounted to
many thousands, within a few days after the descent of
the Holy Ghost, it is scarcely possible to coneeive that
the apostles could have met these various demands upon
their time without calling in some assistance. The pub
lic fund which had been raised for the relief of the poor
required much time, as well as discretion, in the distri
bution of it ; and the apostles soon found themselves
obliged to commit this part of their office to other hands.
The business was sufficiently laborious to occupy seven
men, who were chosen, in the first instance, by the body
of believers, and were then ordained for their special min
istry, by having the hands ofthe apostles laid upon them.
They were called Deacons, from a Greek term, which im-
plies ministration, or service ; and their first duty was to
attend to the wants of the poor ; but they also assisted the
apostles in other ways, such as explaining the doctrines of
the Gospel, and baptizing the new converts. In one point,
however, there was a marked difference between them
and the apostles. When they had persuaded men to be
lieve, they could admit them into the Christian covenant
by baptism ; but they had not the power of imparting to
them those extraordinary* gifts of the Spirit, which it
• [" Extraordinary," in this place, is not to be limited to miracu.
lous. By "the laying on of hands," the sanctifying graces of the
Spirit were to, be conferred, as is well explained in the following ex.

A. D. 31.] JEWISH FESTIVALS. 63
was the privilege of the apostles only to confer, by laying
on their hands.
This division of labour, which was caused by the ap
pointment ofthe deacons, not only gave the apostles much
more time for preaching the Gospel, but their appoint
ment is itself a proof, that, at this time, the believers in
Christ were not much molested by the Jewish authorities.
The seasons most favourable for promoting a persecu
tion were when the great festivals came round, such as
the Passover, Pentecost, or the Feast of Tabernacles.
On these occasions Jerusalem was filled with thousands
of Jews from different parts ofthe world. Many of these
strangers had never heard of the name of Jesus before
their arrival in Judaea. So long a journey was likely to
be undertaken by those who were most zealously attached
to the law. Their previous notions of the Messiah would
lead them to expect a triumphant conqueror, and an earth
ly kingdom ; so that when they reached the land of their
fathers, with their minds already worked upon by reli
gious excitement, they would easily be persuaded to look
with horror upon men who preached against the law, and
against all the privileges which the Jews supposed to
belong to their Temple and nation. The apostles and
their followers were represented as preaching these doc
trines ; and though the charge was very far from being

tract from A Confession of Faith, adopted by the Baptist Associa.
tion : " We believe that laying on of hands, with prayer, upon bap.
tized believers, as such, is an ordinance of Christ, and ought to be sub
mitted unto by all such persons that are admitted to partake of the
Lord's Supper, and that the end of this ordinance is not for the extra
ordinary gifts of the Spirit, but for a farther reception of the Holy
Spirit of promise, or for the addition ofthe graces ofthe Spirit, and the
influences thereof; to confirm, strengthen, and comfort them in Chriit
Jesus."]

64 DEATH OF STEPHEN. [a. D. 31.
true, yet the foreign Jews would hear them maintaining
that Jesus was far greater than Moses, and that righ
teousness was not to be obtained by the law.
It was at one of these festivals, perhaps the Feast of
Tabernacles, which followed the Ascension, that Stephen,
who was one of the most active of the seven deacons,
was stoned to death. He was drawn into dispute by some
of the foreign Jews ; and when they found him superior
in argument, they raised against him the cry, that he had
blasphemed Moses and the law. Being dragged to trial
upon this hasty charge, his sentence was as speedily
passed, as it was executed. He has always bsen called the
first Christian martyr ; and, like his heavenly Master, to
whom he offered a prayer, as his soul was departing from
his body, his last and dying words were uttered in behalf
of his murderers.
This was the first open act of violence committed
against the Christians since the crucifixion of the Found
er of their religion ; but even this is to be looked upon
rather as an act of popular phrenzy and excitement, than
as a systematic attack authorized by the government.
There is no evidence of the Roman authorities having
been called upon, in any way, to interfere ; and so long
as there was no riot or public disturbance, they gave the
Sanhedrim full permission to decide and to act in all
cases which concerned religion. The affair of Stephen
was exclusively of this nature : and though we cannot
but view with abhorrence the monstrous iniquity of his
sentence, it may have been strictly legal, according to
the practice of the nation and of the times. The trial of
the martyr took place in the Temple : his death was by
stoning, as the law required in case of blasphemy ; and
the first stones were thrown by the witnesses. All which
eeems to show, that the forms of the law were closely

A. D. 31.] DEATH OF STEPHEN. 05
attended to, even in such a violent and hasty proceeding.
The hasto was perhaps necessary, that the whole might ba
over before the Romans could interfere, which they might
be likely to have done, if a disturbance had been raised
within the city : and it was probably from the same cause,
that the prisoner was hurried to his execution without
the walls : such a spot was fitter for the scene of cruelty
than the area of the Temple, or the streets, which were
now crowded in consequence of the festival ; and when
the work of death was complete, which need not have
required many minutes, there was nothing to excite the
suspicion or vigilance of the Romans. No opposition
seems to have been offered to the friends of the deceased
carrying off his body, which was committed to the grave
with the usual ' accompaniments of lamentation and
mourning. It has been doubted whether the Jews, at this period,
possessed the power of inflicting capital punishment ; but
the history of Stephen appears to prove that they did.
His execution, as has been observed, was precipitate,
but we cannot suppose that it was altogether illegal, or
that the Romans had taken away from the Jewish autho
rities the exercise of such a power. Offences against the
procurator, or which could be construed into acts of resis
tance to the law of the empire, would, of course, be tried
before Roman tribunals, or in courts where other laws
than those of Moses were recognised : but it is demon
strable, that the laws of Moses were still in force, in mat
ters not merely of a civil, but of a criminal nature ; and
the Romans were too politic to irritate a conquered peo-
pie, by depriving them at once of all their ancient usages.
No attempt had hitherto been made (or, at least, by no
regular act of the government,) to force the Jews to adopt
any religious rites of the heathen ; and questions of reli-

66 CAUSES OF THE [A. 0. 31.
gion were left entirely to the decision of Jewish tribunals.
If Stephen had been taken before a Roman officer, he
would have dismissed the case without even giving it an
hearing ; or, if he had listened to the complaint, he would
have pronounced it to be one which had no relation to
the laws of Rome, and in which he was not called upon
to interfere.
It can hardly be denied that this was a favourable cir
cumstance for the Gospel, at the time of its first promul
gation. Its earliest enemies were the Jews, whose bitter
ness and malevolence could hardly have been exceeded ;
but their power to injure was not equal to their will.
Had they shown their hatred to the Christians by a
public persecution of them on an extensive scale, the
Romans would probably have thought it necessary to
quell the disturbance : and thus the new religion made a
rapid progress in the city which was the head-quarters
of its deadliest enemies. But if the Romans had joined
in opposing it, the contest must have appeared hopeless.
Our faith may tell us, that even then the victory would
have been on the side of truth, and God himself would have
interposed to defeat the adversary ; but, humanly speak.
ing, the Gospel would have had much less chance of mak
ing its way, if the power of Rome had been arrayed
against it in its infancy. As we pursue the history, we
shall find the whole strength of the empire put forth to
crush the new religion ; but the tree had then taken deep
root, and though its leaves and branches were shaken
and scattered by the tempest, it stood firm amidst the
shock, and continued to take root downwards, and to bear
fruit upwards. The fire and sword did thsir work ; but
they began too late to do it to their uttermost. Had the
Gospel been preached while the sceptre of Judah was
still grasped by a firm and independent hand, it might

A. D. 31.] PROGRESS 07 THE GOSPEL. 67
have crushed the rising sect before it had attracted many
followers; or, had an edict from Rome prohibited the apos
tles from speaking in the name of Jesus, the mandate must
have been obeyed ; but Christ having appeared at this
particular time, when the Jews, as a nation, retained but
a remnant of power, and when their Roman conquerors
did not care to trouble themselves with a religion which
they affected to despise, the result was highly favourable
to the progress of the Gospel. The Christians were for
a long time considered by the heathen to be merely a
Jewish sect ; and the toleration, or the contempt, (for
either expression might be used,) which protected the
Jews in the exercise of their religion, afforded also the
same protection to the Christians. The Jews would have
exterminated Christianity, but had not the power : and the
Romans were in some measure the unintentional protec
tors of the very religion which they afterwards tried so
perseveringly, but so fruitlessly, to destroy. So true it is
that God hath chosen the foolish things ofthe world, to con
found the wise ; and ihe weak things of the world to confound
the things which are mighty.

68 PERSECUTION OF THE CHRISTIANS. [a. D. 31.

CHAPTER II.
First Persecution ofthe Christians. — Conversion of Saul. — Introduc-
tion of the Gospel into Samaria, with an Account of Simon
Magus and the Gnostics.
The death of Stephen was only the beginning of cruel.
ties. If the popularity of the apostles had before protected
them, the feeling ofthe people towards them had now great-
ly changed. It is possible that the calumny was generally
believed^ that the new doctrine was subversive of the
Temple and the law. It was at least believed by the
foreign Jews, who had filled every part ofthe city ; and
the original hatred of the chief priests and scribes would
burst out with more violence, from having been for a time
suppressed. The persecution which ensued called forth
the talents and activity of a young man, who now attracts
our attention for the first time, and who, if human causes
had been suffered to operate, might appear to have been
born for the extirpation of Christianity. This man was
Saul. He was a native of Tarsus, in Cilicia ; and his
father, who was a Pharisee, had given him a learned educa
tion. The schools of his native city, which were at this
time in great repute, would have instructed him in heath.
en literature ; but Saul was sent to Jerusalem, to finish
his studies under Gamaliel, who has already been men-
tioned as the most celebrated expounder of the Jewish
law. The young Pharisee united great talents with a
hasty disposition, and passions which could easily be
excited : but his sense of religion had taught him to res-
train them, except when he thought they could be devoted
to the service of God ; and, in an age which was peculiarly

A. ». 31.] PERSECUTION BV SAUL. 69
marked by wickedness and hypocrisy, his moral character
was unimpeached and unimpeachable.
To a mind constituted and trained like that of Saul, the
doctrines preached by the apostles would appear peculi
arly heretical. As a Pharisee, he would approve of their
asserting a future resurrection ; but when they proved it
by referring to a Man who had been crucified and come
to life again, he would put them down for enthusiasts or
impostors. When he heard that this same man was said
to be the Messiah ; that he and his followers denied that
righteousness could come by the law ; that circumcision,
and the whole service of the Temple, were denounced as
useless, without faith in an atonement which made all
other sacrifices superfluous ; — when the new doctrines
were thus represented, the zeal of Saul at once pointed
out to him that it was his duty to resist them with all his
might. He appears to have come to Jerusalem, with
some others of his countrymen, to attend the festival, and
to have taken an active part in the attack upon Stephen.
The dispute was at first carried on in words ; and the
foreign Jews (among whom we may recognise Saul and
the Cilicians,) undertook to refute the doctrines which
had made such progress among the native inhabitants of
Jerusalem. Saul was probably a man of much more
learning than Stephen ; but we may infer that the latter
had the advantage in argument, when we find his oppo.
nents having recourse to violence and outrage. The zeal
of Saul carried him still farther than this ; and the first
Christian blood which was shed by the hands of persecu-
tors is to be laid, in part, to the charge of Saul, who at
least encouraged the death of Stephen, if he did not him
self lift a stone against him, and was present when the
spirit of the martyr returned to God who gave it.
The high-priest and his council were too happy to
6

70 PERSECUTION BY SAUL. [a. d. 31-
avail themselves of such an instrument for destroying the
effect which had been caused by the miracles ofthe apos
tles. The death of Stephen was followed by similar out
rages against many other persons who were believers in
Jesus, and who were now imprisoned or killed, if they did
not save themselves by flying from the city. The apostles
maintained their ground ; but the deacons, and most of
their adherents, sought an asylum elsewhere. Saul was
among the most active instruments in this first persecution
of the Christian Church ; and when he was about to leave
Jerusalem, at the close of the festival, he made a proposal
to the high-priests for carrying on the same system of at
tack in other places.
His journeys from Tarsus to Jerusalem were likely to
make him acquainted with the large and populous city of
Damascus ; but whether he had lately visited it himself,
or whether he had his information from the Jews who at
tended the festival, he had heard that the new doctrines
were professed by some persons of both sexes in Damas
cus. This city was now in the military possession of
Aretas, a petty prince of Arabia, whose daughter had been
married to Herod Antipas, one of the sons of Herod the
Great ; but when Herod took his brother Philip's wife to
live with him, the daughter of Aretas resented the insult
by leaving him, and returning to her father. Aretas im-
mediately made war upon his son-in-law, whom he defeat.
ed in a pitched battle ; and the Romans neglecting at first
to take up the quarrel, he held possession for some years
of an extended territory, and, among other places, he put
a garrison into Damascus. His fear ofthe Romans would
make him likely to court the favor of the Jews, who were
very numerous in that city ; and Saul could hardly have
found a place where he was less likely to be checked in
his attacks upon the Christians.

«. D. 31.] DAMASCUS. 71
Damascus is at a distance of 150 miles from Jerusalem ;
and Saul's journey thither is the first intimation which
we have had of the Gospel having spread so far. There is,
however, great reason to believe, that, even at this early
period, it had been carried into several countries. Of the
three thousand who were baptized on the day of Pente
cost, some, if not many, had been foreign Jews ; and the
new doctrines would be carried by their means into dis
tant parts ofthe world within a few weeks after their first
promulgation. There is, therefore, nothing extraordinary
in Saul being aware that Christians were to be found at
Damascus ; and, having provided himself with letters
from the high-priest at Jerusalem, addressed to the Jewish
authorities, he set out, with the intention of speedily re.
turning with a train of Christian prisoners. God, how
ever, had decided otherwise. Saul, the persecutor, was to
become the chief preacher of the religion which he had
opposed ; and to Him who had decreed this change it was
equally easy to accomplish it.
There is no need to dwell upon the miraculous circum-
stances of the conversion of Saul. It is sufficient to
mention, that Jesus himself appeared to him by the way,
and revealed to him his future intentions concerning him.
It was even added, that he was to preach the religion of
Jesus to the Gentiles ; which would, perhaps, have been
more revolting to Saul's previous sentiments, than his own
adoption of the religion which he had persecuted. Noth
ing, however, short of a special miracle, would have been
likely to persuade any Jew that salvation was to be ex-
tended to the Gentiles ; and when this communication
was made to Saul, we may say with truth, that he was
more enlightened on this point at the first moment of his
conversion, than all the apostles, who had had so much
longer time for understanding the Gospel. Saul was

72 PLIGHT OF THE CHRISTIANS. [a. D. 31.
blinded by the vision, and did not recover his sight till he
had been three days in Damascus. He was then admitted
into the Christian covenant by baptism ; and, either on
account of the prejudice which still existed against him,
or with a view to receiving more full revelations concern
ing the doctrines which he was to preach, he retired for
the present into Arabia.
In the mean time the persecution had almost, if not en
tirely, ceased in Jerusalem. While the city was filled
with foreign Jews, who attended the festival, the high-
priests found no want of instruments for executing their
designs against the Christians. The houses in which
these persons met, for the purpose of prayer, were easily
known ; and many innocent victims were thus surprised
in the act of devotion, and sentenced to punishments,
more or less severe, on the charge of conspiring to sub
vert the laws of Moses. The crowded state of the city,
which on such occasions often led to riots in the streets,
would allow these aots of cruelty and injustice to pass
without any special notice from the Roman garrison ; and
while several Christians were put to death, many others
found it necessary to escape a similar fate by leaving Je
rusalem. The colleagues of Stephen in the office of dea
con were likely to be particular objects of hatred to the
persecuting party. They appear all to have sought safety
in flight ; and thus the very means which had been taken
to extirpate the Gospel, conveyed it into a country which
would have been least likely to receive it from Jewish
teachers. This was Samaria, whose inhabitants still
cherished their ancient hostility to the Jews ; and while
the persons who attended the festivals had carried Chris
tianity into countries far more distant, Samaria, which
was so near, was likely to hear nothing concerning it.
It will be remembered that Samaria had for many cen-

A- D. 31.] SAMARIA. 73
turies been inhabited by a mixed race of people, whose re
ligious worship was corrupted by Eastern superstitions,
but who still professed to acknowledge the one true God,
who was the God of Abraham, and who had revealed him
self by Moses. It is known that when the ten tribes were
carried captive to Assyria, the conquerors sent a nume
rous colony of strangers to occupy the country ; and these
men brought with them different forms of idolatry and su
perstition. There is, however, reason to think, that a
greater number of Israelites continued in the country than
has been generally supposed.
The inhabitants of Samaria continued to speak the same
language which had been spoken by all the twelve tribes
until the time of the Babylonish captivity ; which is the
more remarkable, because the Jews who returned to Je
rusalem from Babylon, had laid aside their original He
brew, and had learnt from their conquerors to speak
Chaldee. Very few of them could understand their Scrip
tures in the language in which they were written ; and
though copies of them were still multiplied for the use of
the synagogues, the Hebrew words were written in Chal
dee letters ; whereas the Samaritans still continued to use
the same letters which had always belonged to the He
brew alphabet.
The Bible informs us of the quarrel which arose be
tween the Samaritans and the Jews, when the latter be
gan to rebuild Jerusalem upon their return from captivity ;
and we know that the same national antipathy continued
in full force at the time of our Saviour appearing upon
earth. There was, however, little or no difference be
tween them as to the object of their worship. The God
ofthe Jews was worshipped in Samaria, though the Sa-
maritans denied that there was any local or peculiar
sanctity in the Temple at Jerusalem. They held that he
6*

74 SAMARITANS. [a. D. 31.
might be worshipped on Mount Gerizim as effectually as
on Mount Sion ; in which opinion they may be said to
have come near, though without being conscious of it, to
one part of that law of liberty which was established by the
Gospel. Another point in which they differed from the Jews,
was their rejection of all the books of the Scriptures ex
cept the five which were written by Moses ; but these
were regarded by the Samaritans with almost the same
reverence which was paid to them by the Jews. It must
have been principally from these books of Moses that they
learnt to entertain an expectation of the coming of the
Messiah ; but the fact is unquestionable, that the notion
which had for some time been so prevalent in Judaea, that
the promised Deliverer was about to make his appearance,
was also current in Samaria.
In some respects, therefore, we might say, that the
Samaritans were less indisposed than the Jews to receive
the Gospel. One of the great stumbling-blocks to the
Jews, was the admission of any people beside themselves
to the glories of the Messiah's kingdom ; and, according
to their own narrow views, it was impossible for tho
Samaritans to partake of these privileges as the Gentiles.
It was probably on account of this prejudice, that when
our Saviour, during the period of his own ministry, sent
out his disciples to preach the Gospel, he told them not
to enter into any city of the Samaritans. He knew that
the feelings of the two nations towards each other were
as yet too hostile to admit of this friendly intercourse ;
but when he was about to return to heaven, and was pre-
dieting to the twelve apostles the final success of their
labours, he told them plainly that they were to preach the
Gospel in Samaria. He added, that they were to carry
it also to the uttermost parts ofthe earth ; and it is prob-

»• D. 31.] SIMON MAGUS. 75
able that, at that time, the apostles were as much sur
prised with the one prediction as with the other. The
admission of Samaritans to the Messiah's kingdom must
have appeared strange even to the apostles ; and this first
step in the extension of the Gospel was owing to the
accidental circumstance of so many Christians flying
from Jerusalem after the death of Stephen.
Philip, one of the deacons, took refuge in Samaria, and
announced to the inhabitants, that the Messiah was already
come, in the person of Jesus. The working of miracles
was by no means confined to the apostles, but many of
those upon whom they laid their hands received and exer
cised the same power ; and we need not wonder that Philip
gained many converts in Samaria in a short time, when
we remember that his preaching was confirmed by the
evidence of miracles.
One of his hearers, was a person who holds a conspicu
ous place in Ecclesiastical History. His name was Simon,
and from the success with which he practised the popular
art of magical delusions, he acquired the surname of Magus,
or the Sorcerer. He is said, by many early writers, to
have been the founder of the Gnostics, a new sect of phi
losophers, who were now rising into notice, and who had
their name from laying claim to a more full and perfect
knowledge of God. These opinions seem to have been
most prevalent in Alexandria, and to have been a com
pound of heathen philosophy, the corrupted religion of the
Jews, and the Eastern notion of two principles, one of
good, the other of evil. They believed matter to have
existed from all eternity ; and they accounted for the
origin of evil, without making God the author of it, by
supposing it to reside in matter. They also imagined
that several generations of beings had proceeded, in regu.
lar succession, from God, and that one of the latest of

76 SIMON MAGUS. [a. u. 31.
them created the world, without the knowledge of God.
This explained why the world contained such a mass of
misery and evil ; and the Gnostics boasted that they were
able to escape from the evil, by their superior knowledge
of God. But when it is said that Simon Magus was the
founder of the Gnostics, it is meant that he was the first
person who introduced the name of Christ into this absurd
and irrational system. For as soon as Christianity be
came known by the preaching of the apostles, the Gnos
tics laid hold of as much of it as suited their purpose, by
giving out that Christ was one of the beings who had
proceeded from God, and who was sent into the world to
free it from the tyranny of evil ; thus confirming, though
under a heap of errors, the two great doctrines of the
Gospel, that Jesus Christ was the Son of God, and that
he came into the world to save us from our sins.
Simon Magus had an opportunity of hearing the doc
trines ofthe Gospel, when Philip the Deacon was preach
ing in Samaria, and being conscious that his own miracles
were mere tricks and delusions, he was likely to be greatly
impressed by the real miracles of Philip. He, accord
ingly, joined the rest of his countrymen who were bap
tized ; though we cannot tell how far he was, at that
time, sincere in professing his belief in Jesus Christ.
Being himself a native of Samaria, he must have shared
in the general expectation, that the Messiah was about to
appear ; and when he heard the history of Jesus, as re-
lated by Philip, he probably believed that the predictions
concerning the Messiah were fulfilled in Jesus ; but the
school of philosophy in which he had studied, taught him
to mix up several strange notions concerning the person
of the Messiah with those which he had collected from
the scriptural prophecies.
It is certain, however, that the conversions in Samaria

¦*• »• 31.]' SIMON MAGUS. 77
were extremely numerous ; and when the apostles heard
of it, who had continued all the time at Jerusalem, they
sent down Peter and John to finish the work which had
been so successfully begun by Philip. The latter had not
the power of giving to his converts the extraordinary gifts
of the Spirit, such as speaking foreign languages, or heal
ing diseases; but when the apostles came down, they
caused still greater astonishment, by laying their hands
on those who had been baptized by Philip, and enabling
them to exercise these miraculous gifts.* Simon now
showed how little his heart had been really touched by the
doctrines ofthe Gospel. He was still thinking of nothing but
how he could carry on his ancient imposture ; and he
even offered the apostles money, if they would sell him the
power of communicating these extraordinary gifts of the
Spirit. It is needless to say that his offer was rejected.
The history of Simon is, from this time, so mixed up with
fable, that we scarcely know what to believe concerning
him ; but there is reason to think that he visited many
places, and particularly Rome, dispersing, as he went, his
own peculiar philosophy, and perhaps carrying the name
of Christ into many countries which had not yet received
the Gospel from any of the apostles. His followers were
very numerous, and divided into several sects, from all of
whom no small injury was caused to the Christians, by
prejudicing the heathen against them, and by seducing

* [Miraculous gifts often accompanied the laying on of hands by
the apostles, as they sometimes accompanied and were preceded by bap
tism, as in the case ofthe Samaritans converted by Philip the deacon,
and of Cornelius and his family. But these were not the object of
the ordinance, nor its uniform accompaniment. That all did not
work miracles, the apostle Paul is himself our witness, 1 Corinthi-
ana xii, 29, 30.]

78 ETHIOPIAN EUNUCH.  JAMES. [a. d. 31.
many true believers to adopt the errors and impieties of
Gnosticism. The Gospel, however, had gained a footing at Samaria,
and thus far one of the Jewish prejudices was overcome ;
and since Philip was sent immediately after, by a special
revelation from heaven, to baptize an Ethiopian eunuch,
it is not improbable that this was also done to remove
another prejudice which was likely to prevail with the
Jews, who knew that eunuchs were forbidden to enter
into the congregation of the Lord, and who might there
fore think that they were excluded from the Christian
covenant. It was thus that the minds of the Jews were
gradually prepared for the final extension of the Gospel ;
but, for some time, it was preached only to the Jews, and
it appears to have spread rapidly through the whole of
Palestine, and to have met with little opposition for some
year3 after the conversion of Saul. This apostle (for we
may already call him by this name,) continued a long
time in Arabia ; and while he was preparing himself for
his future labours, the other apostles were engaged in
making circuits from Jerusalem, to visit the churches
which they had planted.
Being thus obliged to be frequently absent from Jerusa
lem, they left the Christians of that city to the permanent
care of one who was in every way suited to the office of
superintending them. This was James, who, in addition
to his other qualifications, was a relation of our Lord.
The Scriptures speak of him, as well as of Simon, Joses,
and Judas, as being brothers of Jesus Christ ; but few
persons, either in ancient or modern times, have taken
this expression in its fullest and most literal sense, and
supposed these four persons to have been sons of Joseph
and Mary. Some have conceived them to have been half.
brothers, the sons of Joseph by a former wife ; but per.

A. D. 31 — 33.] PRESBYTERS. 79
haps the most probable explanation is, that they were the
sons of another Mary, the sister of the Virgin, by a hus
band whose name was Cleopas ; and thus, though James
is called the brother of our Lord, he was, in fact, his
cousin. It seems most probable that he was not one of the
twelve apostles, and, consequently, that he was a differ
ent person from the James who is described as the son of
Alpheus. Such, at least, was the opinion of a majority
of the early writers ; all of whom are unanimous in speak-1
ing of James as the first bishop of Jerusalem. We are,
perhaps, not to infer from this that he bore the name of
bishop in his own lifetime ; and his diocese (if the use of
such a term may be anticipated) was confined within the
limits of a single town ; but the writers who applied to
him this title, looked rather to its primary meaning of an
inspector or overseer, than to the sense which it acquired
a few years later, when church-government was more
uniformly established ; and by calling James the first
bishop of Jerusalem, they meant that the Christians of
that city, who undoubtedly amounted to some thousands,
were confided to his care, when the apostles found them
selves so frequently called away. We have seen that the
Church of Jerusalem contained also subordinate officers,
named deacons, who were originally appointed to assist
the apostles, and would now render the same service to
James. A few years later we find mention of Presbyters
or Elders ; and though the date of their first appointment
is not recorded, it probably arose out of the same causes
which had led already to the ordaining of deacons, and
to the election of James ; which causes were the rapidly-
increasing numbers of the Christians, and the continued
absence of the apostles from Jerusalem. The title of
presbyter may have been borrowed from the Jewish

80 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. [a. D. 31 — 33.
Church ; or the persons who bore it may have been lite-
rally elders, and selected on that account from the dea
cons, to form a kind of council to James, in providing for
the spiritual and temporal wants of his flock.
Whenever the apostles founded a Church, the manage
ment of it was conducted on the same principle. At
first a single presbyter, or perhaps a single deacon, might
be sufficient, and the number of such ministers would
increase with the number of believers ; but while the
apostles confined themselves to making circuits through
Palestine, they were themselves the superintendents of
1 the churches which they planted.
It seems most correct to take this view of the office of
the apostles, and not to consider each or any of them as
locally attached to some particular town. It is true that
all of them planted several churches, and these churches
continually looked upon some particular apostle as their
first founder. There are cases in which the apostles are
spoken of as the first bishops of these churches ; but there
is no evidence that they bore this title in their own life
time, nor could the founder of several churches be called,
with propriety, the bishop of all of them, or of any one
in particular.
Their first care seems to have been to establish an
elder or elders, who were resident in the place ; but they
themselves travelled about from city to city, and from
village to village : first within the confines of Judaea, and
at no great distance from Jerusalem ; but afterwards in
more extensive circuits, from one end of the empire to
the other. There appear also, in addition to the presby-
ters and deacons, who may be called the resident minis
ters, to have been preachers of the Gospel who were not
attached to any particular church, but who travelled
about from place to place, discharging their spiritual

A. D. 31 — 33.] EVANGELISTS. 81
duties. These men were called, in a special manner,
Evangelists.* One of them was Philip, who, as we have
seen, had first been a deacon of the Church at Jerusalem ;
but after his flight from that city, he seems to have re
sided principally in Caesarea, and to have preached the
Gospel wherever he found occasion, without discharging
his former office of deacon in any particular church.
Such labours must have been peculiarly useful in the in.
fancy of the Church ; and we have the authority of Scrip
ture for saying, that a special distribution of spiritual
gifts was made to the evangelists, which qualified them
for their important work. Mark and Luke are, perhaps,
to be considered evangelists in this sense, as well as in
the more common one of having published written Gos.
pels. Both of them were preachers of the Gospel for
many years before they committed the substance of their
preaching to writing : and we may suppose that such
men were of great assistance to the apostles, by accom
panying them on their journeys, or by following up and
continuing the work which had been so successfully
begun. It was during one of these circuits of the apostles, that
another important step was made in the extension of the
Gospel, which had hitherto been preached only to the
Jews. It was natural that people of any other country,
who resided in Palestine, and became acquainted with
the religion of the Jews, should be led to see the absurd.
ity of their own superstitions, and to adopt a belief in
one God instead of worshipping many. Such appears
to have been the case in all the towns which contained
a Jewish synagogue ; and though the persons who were
thus far converted did not conform to Cne burdensome

[Exactly answering to our term Missionary.]
7

82 PR0SELVTES.— CORNELIUS. [A. D. 31—33.
parts of the Mosaic law, they attended the service of the
synagogue, and worshipped the one true God, who had
revealed himself in the Jewish Scriptures. Some persons
have called them " proselytes of the gate," to distinguish
them from " proselytes of righteousness," who adopted
circumcision, and became in every respect identified with
•the descendants of Abraham. A Greek or Roman, who
was in any degree a convert to Judaism, could hardly
live long in Palestine without hearing of the new reli
gion, which was spreading so rapidly by the preaching
of the apostles : but the apostles themselves did not at
first understand that they were to preach it to any per.
son who was not a true Israelite, or at least a circum
cised proselyte. It pleased God to make a special reve
lation to Peter upon this subject ; and the first Gentile
who was baptized was Cornelius, who was a centurion of
the Roman forces, quartered at Cassarea. Nothing could
be more convincing to the persons who were present at
his baptism, than that God approved of the admission of
this Gentile into the Christian covenant ; for he and his
companions received the visible and miraculous gifts of
the Holy Spirit: but though Peter, upon his return to
Jerusalem, related the whole transaction, and at the time
satisfied the persons who had been disposed to blame him,
we shall see that the question .of the admission of Gen
tiles to the Gospel was not yet fully and finally decided.
It is probable that Saul had from the first been more
enlightened upon this subject than the rest of the apos
tles ; for it was announced to him from Heaven, at the
time of his conversion, that he was to preach the Gospel
to the Gentiles. We left him in Arabia, and we do not
hear of his commencing his office of preacher till the
third year after his conversion, when he returned to Da
mascus. The Jews, as might be supposed, were exces-

A. D. 31 — 33.] SAUL IN DAMASCUS AND JERUSALEM. 83
sively enraged at the success which attended him ; for
his learning gave him great advantage in argument ; and
the circumstances attending his conversion were likely
to be known in Damascus. His enemies, however, pre
vailed upon Aretas, who still held command of the city,
to assist them in their designs against Saul ; and finding
himself in personal danger, if he stayed there any longer,
he thought it best to go elsewhere : but the gates were so
carefully watched, to prevent his escape, that his only
chance was to be let down the wall in a basket ; and, by
this contrivance, he eluded the vigilance of his enemies.
He then proceeded to Jerusalem. But with what dif
ferent feelings must he have entered it, from those with
which he had last quitted it, when he was breathing out
threatenings and slaughter against the Christians I He
was still zealous and fervent ; still seeking to do God
service ; but his heart had been humbled and disciplined
by the Gospel. The Christians at Jerusalem were at.
first afraid of him ; but he found a friend in Barnabas,
whose family was of Cyprus, and whose conversion was
the more remarkable, as he had held the office of a Levite.
There is a tradition that he had been a fellow-pupil with
Saul in the school of Gamaliel ; but whatever cause may
have made them acquainted, he was aware of the change
which had been worked in the mind of Saul ; and, upon
his recommendation, the former enemy of the Gospel was
cordially received by the Church at Jerusalem. None of
the apostles were now in the city, except Peter ; and this
was the first interview between him and Saul. If Peter
could have had any doubts remaining concerning the ad.
mission of Gentile converts, they were likely to be re-
moved by his conversations with Saul ; but the latter had
not yet entered upon the field which was afterwards
opened to him, in preaching to the Gentiles. His skill

84 PEACE OF THE CHURCH. [a. D. 31 — 37.
in disputation was exercised at present with the foreign
Jews who happened to be residing in Jerusalem ; for the
prejudices of these men were generally less deeply rooted
than those of the permanent inhabitants of Judaea. Saul,
howeveT, had made himself too notorious on his former
visit for his extraordinary change to pass unnoticed; and
finding the same scene likely to be acted against him
which had driven him from Damascus, he stayed in Jeru-
salem only fifteen days, and returned to his native city
of Tarsus. He continued there for some years ; but we
cannot suppose that he was inactive in discharging his
heavenly commission. He, perhaps, confined himself to
the limits of Cilicia; and there is reason to think that
his preaching was the cause of Christian churches being
established in that country.
The period of Saul's residence in Cilicia was one of
tranquility and prosperity to the Church at large. The
Jews at Jerusalem were not inclined to relax their hos
tility ; but, during the latter part of the reign of Tiberius,
the presence of Roman troops in Judaea would be likely to
act as a protection to the Christians, Pontius Pilate was
deposed from his government in the year 36, and Judaea
was then annexed to the presidentship of Syria. This
brought Vitellius, the president, with his forces, more
than once to Jerusalem ; and the presence of a Roman
army, which always operated as a restraint upon the
Jews, would so far procure a respite from molestation to
the Christians. Tiberius was succeeded, in 37, by Cali.
gula, who, at the beginning of his reign, bestowed a
small territory, with the title of king, upon Herod Agrip-
pa, grandson of Herod the Great. In the following year
he added Galilee to his dominions : but this liberality to
an individual was coupled with most insulting cruelty to
the Jewish nation. For the four years of his reign, ha

«. D. 31—37.] CHURCH OF ANTIOCH. 85
was engaged in a fruitless attempt to force the Jews to
erect his statue in their Temple. The opposition to this
outrage kept the whole of Judaea in a ferment ; and though
the president of Syria wanted either inclination or power
to enforce his master's command, and the Jews succeeded
in their resistance, they were so occupied in measures of
self-defence, that they had little time to think of the
Christians. This may account, in some measure, for the
peace which the, churches enjoyed for some years after
the conversion of Saul ; and the Gospel had now made
considerable progress in distant countries. It had been
carried as far as Phoenicia, and the island of Cyprus ; but
the place where it flourished most successfully next to
Jerusalem, was Antioch.
We have no account of the first establishment of Chris
tianity in Antioch, which was the principal city of Syria,
and the residence of the Roman president, except that
some of the believers who fled from Jerusalem during
Saul's persecution, are said to have travelled thither, be
ing probably Jews who. resided there, and who had gone
up to the festival. These persons may be considered the
founders of the Church of Antioch, which therefore de-
serves to be ranked the second in order of time, as it was
next in importance, to that at Jerusalem. It was too far
off to be visited at first, by any of the apostles : and the
number of Christians appears to have been considerable,
before the apostles heard anything concerning them. The
events which occurred at the end ofthe reign of Tiberius,
caused a more frequent intercourse between Jerusalem
and Antioch ; and it was about the period of Caligula's
death in 41, that the apostles thought fit to send Barnabas
to visit the Christians of Antioch. We have hitherto
anticipated the use of the term Christians ; but it was
about this period that it came to be applied to the believ-
7*

86 SAUL IN ANTIOCH. [a. d. 41—44.
ers in" Jesus. They were also called Nazarenes, because
Jesus had spent so many years of his life in Nazareth, and
was generally supposed to have been born there ; and the
Jews would have particular pleasure in applying this
name, which conveyed an idea of reproach, to Jesus and
his followers. The believers who resided in Antioch
were the first to assume the more pleasing and more ap-
propriate name of Christians, which came into general
use, both with friends and enemies, a few years after the
period of which we are now speaking.
Barnabas may have been selected for this mission on
account of his connexion with the island of Cyprus,
which is not very distant from Antioch : but he was well
suited for it, on account of his zeal. He soon saw that a
favourable field was opened for propagating the Gospel ;
but the Church of Antioch had sprung up of itself, and
there was probably a want of persons, not only to direct,
but to instruct the flock, whose numbers were daily in
creasing. Barnabas, therefore, took the important step of going
to Tarsus, and engaging the services of Saul, with whom,
as we have seen, he had more than an ordinary acquaint
ance. Saul had, probably, been engaged, for some years,
in preaching the Gospel in his native city, and its neigh
borhood ; and he now returned with Barnabas to carry on
the same work at Antioch. They continued there for
more than a year ; and there is nothing which leads us to
suspect that the Christians in that city met with any mo
lestation ; but everything indicates that the Gospel spread
rapidly, and not merely among people of the lowest ranks.
In the year 44, Saul and Barnabas went up to Jerusa
lem ; and the cause of their journey presents another
oleasing picture of the charity of the early Christians.
This year, which was the fourth of the reign of Claudius,

A. D. 44.] GIFT OF PROPHECY. 87
was memorable for a severe famine, which visited several
parts of the empire, and particularly Palestine, and lasted
several years. The famine had been foretold, some time
before, at Antioch, by a man named Agabus, who came
down from Jerusalem ; which fact is of importance, as fur
nishing an instance of those preternatural gifts of the
Spirit which were so plentifully diffused among believers
of every description, in the first century.
We might have been prepared to find the apostles en-
dued occasionally with the power of foretelling future
events ; as we also know that they were sometimes ena
bled to read the thoughts of men before they had been ut-
tered by the mouth : but there is reason to think that the
gift of prophecy was by no means uncommon among the
early Christians. It is well known to readers of the New
Testament, that this gift of prophecy is often spoken of
without reference to the knowledge of future events : and
that it means the power, which was possessed by many
believers, of understanding and interpreting the Scriptures.
This power, though it may be acquired to a considerable
extent by ordinary means, was imparted in a preternatu-
ral way to many of the first believers, who were known
by the name of prophets, and since no gift could be of
more essential service to the early Church, when so many
new converts were to be instructed in the faith, it is pro-
bable that the prophets in this sense of the term, were
much more numerous than those who were gifted to fore-
tell future events. It is, however, certain, that prophecy
in this latter sense, or prediction, was exercised occasion.
ally by the Christians of the apostolic age. Agabus, as
we have seen, possessed such a power, and foretold the
famine which was to happen in the reign of Claudius ;
and as soon as it was known that the Christians in Judaea
were suffering for want of food, their brethren at Antioch

88 DEATH OF JAMES. [a. D. 44.
raised a subscription, and sent the money to Jerusalem,
by Saul and Barnabas.
The Jews had now, once more, a king of their own ;
for Herod Agrippa, who had received but a small terri.
tory from Caligula, was presented by Claudius with the
valuable addition of Judaea and Samaria ; so that his
kingdom was nearly as large as that of his grandfather.
Though Agrippa was really a vassal of Rome, the Jews
had recovered a nominal independence ; and whenever
they were free from foreign oppression, they were sure to
think of schemes for harrassing the Christians. Agrippa,
also, would find it his policy to indulge them in these
measures ; and about the time that Saul and Barnabas
arrived from Antioch, he was carrying on a persecution.
Two, if not more, of the apostles happened to be now
at Jerusalem, and Agrippa was aware of the importance
of securing the leaders of the rising sect. The two
apostles were Peter and James, the latter being the brother
of John the Evangelist. Agrippa contrived to get both of
them into his power, which was soon followed by his
ordering James to be beheaded. He appears to have
been the first of the apostles who was put to death, and
nothing authentic is known of his history before this
period ; but it seems most probable that he had not yet
undertaken a journey into any distant country, though
he may have been actively employed in Judasa, and the
neighbouring districts.
Peter's execution was reserved for a more public occa
sion, when the feast ofthe Passover, which filled the city
with foreign Jews, would be finished : and these feasts,
as has been already stated, were generally the signal for
the persecution of the Christians. In this instance the
design was frustrated. Peter was delivered from prison
by a miracle, and effected his escape from Jerusalem ;

4. D. 44.] FAMINE IN .TUD.« A. 89
and the innocent blood which Agrippa had caused to be
shed was speedily avenged, by the king being suddenly
struck with a painful and loathsome disease, which soon
carried him off. In the mean while, Saul and Barnabas
had executed their commission, by delivering the money
which had been subscribed for the suffering Christians,
and then returned to Antioch.
But the famine is known to have continued some years
longer ; which may perhaps have operated favorably for
the Christians : for, not only had the Jewish rulers suffi.
cient occupation in providing remedies for the national
calamity, but some, at least, of those who had been op.
posed to the new religion, could hardly fail to observe
and admire the effect of its principles, in teaching men,
to love one another, and to give such proofs of their
charity in the present season of general distress. It is
certain, as we shall have occasion to see, that the liberali
ty of the Christians towards their suffering brethren con
tinued for some years ; and there are also indications of
the churches of Judaea being exposed to no particular
persecution for some time after the death of Agrippa.
His son, who was also called Agrippa, being only seven.
teen years of age at the time of his father's death, was
not allowed to succeed him in the government, and Judaea
was once more subject to a Roman procurator. The
first, who was Cuspius Fadus, and his successor, Tiberius
Alexander, were so unpopular with the Jews, and the
feeling of hostility to Rome was now becoming so gene.
ral throughout the country, that this may have been
another cause of the attention of the Jewish authorities
being drawn away from the Christians,

90 Paul's first journey. [a. r>. 45.

CHAPTER III.
Paul's first journey. — Dissensions at Antioch about the Gentile Con.
verts. — Council at Jerusalem. — Disagreement between Paul and
Peter. We are now arrived at a most interesting period, not
only in the personal history of Saul, but in the propaga
tion ofthe Gospel. Little is known concerning the evan
gelical labours of many of the apostles ; but it cannot be
doubted, that they fulfilled their Master's injunctions of
carrying his doctrines into distant countries ; and most,
if not all of them, appear to have commenced their mis.
sionary journeys about the period at which we are now
arrived. Hitherto, Samaria and Galilee had formed the
limits of their ministry ; but the churches of these coun.
tries were now regularly established, and Christianity
was spreading so fast in other parts of the world, that it
was become highly expedient for the apostles to extend
their travels. Had they delayed to do so, there was a
danger of the new converts receiving the Gospel with an
admixture of errors and corruptions ; particularly where
the Gnostic doctrines had gained a footing : and the
power of imparting the miraculous gifts of the Spirit was
confined to the apostles only.
It was at this eventful period that Saul, who was pe-
culiarly the apostle of the Gentiles, set out on his first
apostolic journey. The believers at Antioch were order
ed by a special revelation, to send forth Saul and Barna-
bas on this hazardous enterprise ; and they commenced it
by crossing over to the island of Cyprus. The Gospel
had been preached there some years before, which facili-

A. D. 43.] GENTILE CONVERTS. 91
tated the success ofthe two apostles : but the conversion
of Sergius Paulus, the proconsul and chief governor of
the island, was an event which could hardly have been
anticipated, and was owing to the miraculous powers
which the apostles exercised. Having traversed the whole
length of the island, they crossed over to the opposite con
tinent ; and, during the course of a rapid journey, they
planted several churches in Pisidia, Lycaonia, and Pam-
phylia. In almost every place they met with the same
reception, — of a ready hearing on the part of the Gen
tiles, and of obstinate resistance on the part of the Jews.
More than once their lives were in danger ; but a
timely retreat, or, if that was denied, a special miracle,
preserved them from their enemies ; and the opposition
of the Jews was so constant and incurable, that the two
apostles openly avowed their intention of devoting them
selves, in future, to the conversion of the Gentiles. It
was on this journey that Saul appears, for the first time,
to have used the name of Paul ; whether he had always
borne the two names, as was customary with many of his
countrymen, or whether he found it safer, when travelling
in heathen countries, to adopt a Roman name. We shall
therefore, cease, from this time, to call him Saul. It was
under that name that he had been known as a persecutor
of the Church ; but it was under the name of Paul that he
preached the doctrines of the Cross, and that he wrote the
Epistles, which have been cherished by believers of every
age as a ground-work of their faith and hope.
It was probably in the year 45, that this southern part
of Asia Minor received the Gospel, by the preaching of
Paul and Barnabas ; and, having completed their circuit,
by returning to Perga, at which place they had landed
from Cyprus, they again set sail, and found themselves
once more at Antioch. The discussion which was raised

02 GENTILE CONVERTS. [A. D. 46.
by the report of their operations, confirms the remark
made above, that the baptism of Cornelius was not con
sidered to have decided the question concerning Gentile
converts. The Church of Antioch, which was not, in
any sense, dependent upon that of Jerusalem,* may, from
the first, have admitted Gentiles within its pale ; and
Paul and Barnabas, on their late journey, had established
the principle, in its fullest extent, that no sort of prosely.
tism to the Mosaic law was necessary for a heathen, be
fore or after his conversion. This, however, was not the
doctrine of a large party belonging to the Church at Je.
rusalem ; and some of these men coming down, at this
time, to Antioch, caused great distress to the Gentile con.
verts, by saying that they not only ought to conform to
the customs of the Mosaic law, with respect to food and
other matters of that kind, but that, if they hoped to bo
saved, it was absolutely necessary for them to be circum
cised. Here was a direct subversion of the Gospel cove-
nant, which promised salvation by faith in Christ.
With a view to conciliate the Jews, or to avoid giving
them offence, the Gentile converts might have agreed to
observe some of the commandments and prohibitions en-
joined by Moses ; but when they were told that faith alone
would not justify them, unless they were circumcised, all
their former hopes seemed to be destroyed. It was im-
possible that such a doctrine could, for a moment, be ad
mitted by Paul, who had received a commission from
heaven to preach to the Gentiles justification by faith,

* [The subjection of one Church to another was unthought of in
the early ages of Christianity. It was reserved for the Church of
Rome, at an advanced stage of her corruption, to arrogate to herself
the unscriptural and unmeaning title of" Mother and Mistress of tho
Churches."]

*. D. 46.] COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. 93
and who had lately been imparting to a large number of
Gentile converts the same preternatural gifts which the
Jews had received. It was ofthe utmost importance that
the question should be finally settled, and with the gene
ral consent, as far as it could be obtained, of the whole
Christian Church. For this purpose it was essential to
ascertain the opinion of the apostles ; and the attention
ofthe Christians at Antioch would naturally be turned to
their brethren at Jerusalem. The apostles, however, had
ceased for some time to be resident in that city ; but it
was visited occasionally by some of them ; and Paul and
Barnabas, who had been the chief instruments of convert
ing the Gentiles, were commissioned to go to Jerusalem,
and to bring back a definitive sentence as to the contro
verted point.
The council which was held upon this subject, is one of
the most interesting events which happened during the
life-time of the apostles. Peter and John were at this
time at Jerusalem. Paul arid Barnabas were therefore
able to come to a full understanding with them ; and all
the firmness of Paul's character was necessary to carry
the point which he had so deeply at heart. Among the
persons who had gone up with Paul was Titus, who had
himself been converted from heathenism. Some of the
more bigoted Jews insisted upon his being circumcised ;
but Paul as resolutely opposed this being done, and Titus
continued uncircumcised. The question was then dis.
cussed in a full assembly of believers. Peter delivered
his opinion, as plainly as Paul could have done, in favour
of the Gentile converts ; and the whole council being
agreed upon the point, a decree was drawn up by James,
as head of the Church at Jerusalem, and delivered to Paul
and Barnabas. This decree set the question about cir-
cumcision entirely at rest. No Gentile was required to
8

94 COUNCIL OF JERUSALEM. [a. D. 4C
submit to it ; nor was any part of the Mosaic law im
posed upon the Gentiles as necessary to their salvation.
But, at the same time, a strong desire was expressed that
no offence should be given to the Jews.
There were certain customs which, in themselves, were
indifferent, but which few Jews, even after their conver
sion to Christianity, could be persuaded to lay aside. Of
this nature was their abhorrence of eating any animal
with the blood in it, or any meat which has been offered
in sacrifice to an idol. The Gentiles had no such scru
ples ; and the Jews, who were always unwilling to sit at
table with any but their own people, were likely to be se
riously annoyed by seeing the Gentile converts paying no
attention to a command so positively given by Moses.
Accordingly, the letter written from the council recom
mended strongly that the Jewish prejudices should be
consulted in these matters. The Gentile converts were
advised to abstain from eating any thing which would of
fend the Jews ; and the laxity of morals among the
heathen was so deplorable, that the council thought fit to
add a special injunction against the sin of fornication.
Such appears to be a correct account of the council
which was held at Jerusalem, and of the decree which
was then drawn up. Many fanciful reasons have been
assigned for the apostles laying these particular injunc
tions upon the Gentile converts ; but the simpler view
here taken of the transaction may serve to show that the
prohibitions were given, not as if the things prohibited
were absolutely wroDg in themselves, but because the
Jewish and Gentile converts had no chance of living
amicably together, unless the Gentiles made concessions
upon certain points. It was also a great concession on
the part of the Jews, when they released the Gentile
Christians from the obligation of being circumcised. But

A. D. 46.] JEWISH PREJUDICES. 95
here it was necessary for the apostles to stand firm. The
great doctrine of Justification was in danger, if circum
cision had been enforced ; but no evangelical principle
was affected by the Gentiles consulting the Jewish preju
dices at their meals ; on the contrary, the Gospel pointed
out the necessity of their not giving offence, even in the
smallest matters, to any of their brethren. The Jews
themselves were ' released from the ceremonial parts of
their law, as soon as they believed in Christ ; but there
is reason to think, that very few availed themselves of
this liberty. The apostles continued to live as Jews,
with respect to all legal observances, except when they
thought that they could advance the cause ofthe Gospel
by showing that it was really and truly a law of liberty.
Paul, the great apostle of the Gentiles, by no means laid
aside his Jewish habits ; and yet, when there was no fear
of offending the Jews, or when he saw his converts in
clined to give too much importance to outward ceremo
nies, he showed, by his own practice, as well as by his
precepts, that he was perfectly at liberty to live as a Gen-
tile. The spirit of charity, and the furtherance of the
Gospel, are the two principles which enable us to under
stand the conduct of Paul individually, and the celebrated
decree ofthe council.
With respect to the Gentile converts, the decree was at
first received by them as a great relief, because it freed
them from the necessity of circumcision ; and the other
part of it which related to articles of food, could hardly
be said to impose any hardship upon them. But in pro
cess of time, what was intended by the apostles as a
measure of peace and brotherly concord, became a burden
upon the conscience, and almost a superstition. The
order against eating any animal with the blood in it, was
intended merely as a precaution, when Jews and Gentiles

96 DISSENSION OF PAUL AND PETER. [a. D. 46.
were living in habits of social intercourse : but the prohi
bition was considered to be in force long after the cause
of it had ceased to exist : and there is evidence, that
Christians, for some centuries, refused to allow blood to
be mixed in any manner with their food.
Paul now took leave of Peter and John, with little pros
pect of their meeting each other soon, if at all, in this
world. They were going to engage more actively than
before in their respective ministries ; and it was well un.
derstood between them, that Paul had been specially
chosen to convert the Gentiles. Peter considered him
self to bs more peculiarly the apostle of his countrymen ;
but he fully recognized Paul as his brother and fellow-la
bourer. The bodily wants of the Christians in Judaea
were interesting alike to both of them. The famine,
which had begun two years before, was still severely felt ;
and Paul undertook, as he travelled in other countries, to
excite his converts to assist their brethren in Judaea, by
a pecuniary collection. With this charitable understand
ing they parted ; and it need not be added, that when
Paul and Barnabas returned to Antioch with the decree of
the council, the contents of it were highly gratifying to
the Gentile converts.
It does not appear that they were again molested on
the score of circumcision ; but the good sense and expe.
diency of the late decree were very apparent, when the
Jews and Gentiles came to meet together in familiar and
social intercourse. Notwithstanding the advice which
had been given, it would seem that the Gentiles some-
times shocked the Jews in the article of their food ; or
perhaps the Jews carried their scruples to an unwarrant-
able length. It was either now, or at a later period,
that Peter came to Antioch. Whenever it was, he once
more met with Paul ; and, though we may hope that the

a. D. 46.] DISSENSION OF PAUL AND PETER. 97
two apostles again parted on friendly terms, there was,
for a time, considerable altercation between them. Peter
thought fit to take part with those of his countrymen who
declined joining the Gentiles at their meals, though he
had before associated familiarly with them, and had
shown his conviction that the Jewish customs were un
necessary. He now appeared to attach a greater impor-
tance to them, and even Barnabas followed his example.
But Paul still stood firm. He saw, as before, that this
excessive attachment to unessential points might lead
weaker brethren to suppose that they were really essen
tial. He stated this publicly to Peter, and censured him
for what he was doing ; but, though the Church at Anti-
och, which contained many Gentiles, was not in much
danger of being led into error upon this point, we shall
have abundant proof, that there was still a large party at
Jerusalem whose views of Christian liberty were much
more confined than those of Paul.

98 Paul's second journey. [a. d. 46.

CHAPTER IV.
Paul's Second Journey through Macedonia, to Athens and Corinth ;
he visits Jerusalem, and resides three years at Ephesus. — Disorders
in the Church of Corinth. — Paul again at Corinth. — He returns
through Macedonia to Jerusalem. — Sent as a prisoner to Cresarea.
— Labours of other Apostles. — Luke writes his Gospel.
It was now time that the great apostle ofthe Gentiles
should undertake a second missionary journey. It was
his wish to have travelled, as before, in company with
Barnabas ; but they disagreed as to taking with them a
nephew of Barnabas, and set out in different directions.
We may truly say, in this instance, that God brought
good out of evil. It was evil, that the two apostles should
have any feelings of ill-will towards each other ; but the
division of their labours carried the Gospel more rapidly
over a greater extent of country. It was natural that
Barnabas should begin his journey by visiting Cyprus, tho
country with which he was connected by birth ; and it
was equally natural that Paul should take an interest in
the Cilician churches, which were among the first that
he had planted, but which he had not visited on his for.
mer journey. His present companion was Silas, or Sil-
vanus, who had come with him on his last return from
Jerusalem ; and, having passed through Cilicia, they visit
ed the countries of Pisidia and Lycaonia, which had re
ceived the Gospel from Paul and Barnabas about a year
before. They now carried with them the letter of the council,
which settled the Christian liberty of the Gentile con-
verts ; and this might at first make us still more surprised,

•»• D. 46.] CIRCUMCISION OF TIMOTHY. 99
to find Paul requiring one of his own converts to be cir
cumcised. This was Timothy, who was a Jew only on
his mother's side, and had not been circumcised before.
He had probably embraced the Gospel during St. Paul's
former visit to this country ; and the apostle perceived in
him so much zeal, together with such a knowledge of the
Jewish Scriptures, that he decided upon engaging him as
a companion and fellow-labourer. The policy of having
him circumcised was very apparent ; for no Jew would
have listened to his preaching, if this ceremony had been
known to be omitted. Nor was there any thing inconsis
tent in Paul circumcising Timothy, though he was bearer
of the decree which pronounced such an act unnecessary,
and though he had himself persisted in preventing the
circumcision of Titus. If he had consented in the case
of Titus, he would have countenanced the notion, that
faith in Christ was not sufficient for justification without
circumcision ; for that was then the question under dis
cussion. But Timothy had been baptized into all the
privileges of the Gospel, without being circumcised.
Hundreds, if not thousands, of converts had been admitted
in the same country, who were wholly independent of the
Law of Moses. It was only when Paul decided to take
Timothy with him on his journey, and when he wished to
make him serviceable in converting the Jews, that he used
the precaution of having him circumcised. To Timothy
himself, it was a mere outward ceremony ; but it might
make him the means of persuading others to embrace the
doctrines which he bore impressed upon his heart.
Paul and his companions now traversed a much larger
portion of the continent of Asia than he had visited on
his first journey. Churches were planted by them in
Pbrygia and Galatia ; and when they came to the sea-
coast at Troas, their company was further increased by

100 CHRISTIANITY UNCOMPROMISING. [a. D. 46.
Luke, who is supposed to have been a native of Antioch,
and a proselyte to the Law of Moses. He bad followed
the profession of a physician ; but, from this time, he de
voted himself to preaching the Gospel, and for several
years was either a fellow-traveller with Paul, or took the
charge of churches which the apostle had planted. It
was a bold measure for four Jews to introduce a new
religion into Greece, the country which might still be said
to take the lead in literature and science, though it had
yielded in arms to Rome. The Greeks and Romans had
long been acquainted with the Jews ; but they looked
upon their religion as a foolish superstition, and treated
their peculiar customs with contempt. This treatment
might be provoking to individual Jews, but it generally
ensured for them toleration as a people ; and hence they
were seldom prevented from establishing a residence in
any town within the Roman empire. The Jews repaid
this indulgence by taking little pains to make proselytes.
In their hearts they felt as much contempt for the super
stitions of the heathen, as the latter professed openly for
the Jews ; but they were content to be allowed to follow
their own occupations, and to worship the God of their
fathers without molestation. The Christians might have
enjoyed the same liberty, if their principles had allowed
it ; and for some time the heathen could not, or would
not, consider them as any thing else than a sect of the
Jews. But a Christian could not be sincere without
wishing to make proselytes. He could not see religious
worship paid to a false God, without trying to convince the
worshipper that he was following a delusion. The Divine
Founder of Christianity did not intend it to be tolerated,
but to triumph. It was to be the universal, the only reli-
gion ; and though the apostles, like the rest of their country.
men, could have borne with personal insults and contempt,

A. D. 46.] , PAUL ENTERS GREECE. 101
they had but one object in view, and that was, to plant the
cross of Christ upon the ruins of every other religion.
This could not fail, sooner or later, to expose the
preachers of the Gospel to persecution ; for every person
who was interested in keeping up the old religions, would
look upon the Christians as his personal enemies. Hith.
erto, however, we have seen the heathen take little notice
of the new doctrines. They had been first planted in
Palestine, where the heathen had, necessarily, little in-
fluence ; and those countries of Western Asia which
were the next to receive them, were some of the least
civilized in the Roman empire. Whenever the Gospel
had met with opposition, the Jews were the promoters of
it. They considered the Gospel as destructive of the
Law of Moses : and the notion of being saved by faith
in a crucified Redeemer was opposed by the bigoted Jews
with the most violent hostility.
The apostles were now entering upon a new field.
They were approaching the countries in which learning
and philqsopby had made the greatest progress ; and the
pride of learning, when ignorant or regardless of the
knowledge which comes from heaven, has always been
one of the most formidable enemies of the Gospel. The
Greeks and Romans were also intolerant of any new re
ligion. The Greeks were unwilling to listen to it, unless
it was connected with some system of philosophy. The
Romans had passed many laws to prevent the introduction
of new religions ; and though these laws were not always
enforced, it was in the power of any magistrate, who was
so disposed, to execute them with vexatious severity.
Paul and his companions had not been long in Mace
donia, before they were exposed to a persecution of this
kind. Pbilippi was the town in which they were first
arrested ; and Paul and Silas were thrown into prison,

102 IMPRISONED AT PHILIPPI. [a. D. 46.
after having been publicly scourged. It is not easy to
understand the precise nature of the charge which was
brought against them ; and the magistrates of a provin.
cial town may not have been particular in observing the
forms of justice towards two Jews. We know, however,
that they were accused of violating some of the laws of
Rome ; and they might have been said to do this, when
they denounced all the religious observances of the Ro
mans as wicked and abominable. Heathenism was the
established religion of the empire ; and the apostles, by
endeavouring to destroy it, might naturally be said to be
setting themselves against the Taws. Added to which,
the unbelieving Jews took pains to publish everywhere
that the Christians looked up to Jesus as their king ; by
which they meant to persuade the heathen authorities,
that the Christians were not loyal to the emperor : and it
appeal's to have been upon one or both of these charges,
that Paul and Silas were thrown into prison at Philippi.
Their imprisonment, however, did not last long. Their
chains were loosened by a miracle ; and the magistrates
were too happy to persuade them to leave the city, when
they found that both of them possessed the freedom of
Rome. It might, perhaps, excite our surprise, that Paul did not
plead his Roman citizenship before he was scourged and
imprisoned, and so have escaped these indignities ; but
we cannot tell what motives he may have had for sup.
pressing this fact, when he was first brought before the
magistrates. His miraculous release was the means of
converting the jailor and his family to believe in Christ ;
and the salvation of even one soul was a sufficient com
pensation to the apostle for any sufferings which he might
undergo. Had he pleaded his citizenship at first, though
he would not have been scourged, he might have been

A. J>. 46.] PAUL AT ATHENS. 103
imprisoned, or even put to death, on the charge of treason
against the laws ; so that, by taking such a course, he
might have delayed, or even destroyed, his efficiency as a
preacher ofthe Gospel : whereas by submitting to the in
dignity of being scourged, and by frightening the magis-
trate who had ordered the punishment without knowing
the condition of his prisoner, he obtained immediate re
lease, without even going through the form of a trial.
His imprisonment at Philippi did not last more than a
single day; and though it was found advisable for him-
self and Silas to leave the city, Luke appears to have
continued there ; and there is reason to think that the
Macedonian churches enjoyed the advantage of his pre
sence for some years.
Paul and his two other companions visited Amphipolis,
Apollonia, Thessalonica, and Beroea. In almost every
town they found the same scene acted over again, — of the
Jews exciting the populace against them, and endeavour.
ing to expel them by the interference of the magistrates.
They could not, however, prevent the Gospel making
great progress in Macedonia. The miracles which Paul
worked, and the spiritual gifts which he imparted to his
converts, made a much greater impression than the mis.
representations and calumnies of the Jews. The Chris-
tians of Thessalonica were held in particular esteem by
the apostle, and it was with great reluctance that he paid
them so short a visit, but his bigoted countrymen obliged
him to retire : and not satisfied with driving him from
Thessalonica, they followed him to Bercea, and forced
him once more to take his departure.
Silas and Timothy continued in Macedonia, but Paul
went on to Athens ; and, without any companion, ven
tured to preach the doctrines of the Cross in the most
philosophical and most superstitious city of Greece. His

104 CHURCH OF ATHENS. [a. D. 46.
success must have been quite as great as he expected,
when Dionysius, a member of the Court of Areopagus,
became one of his convicts ; and, leaving the Christians
at Athens under his charge, he arrived, before winter,
at Corinth.
The name of Dionysius the Areopagite became very
celebrated in after-ages ; but it was principally in con
sequence of some voluminous writings, which have been
quoted as written by him, but which are undoubtedly
spurious, and were perhaps composed as late as the fourth
century. Little or nothing is known authentically of
Dionysius, except the brief notice of him which is found
in the Acts of the Apostles ; but a bishop of Corinth, who
lived within a hundred years of this time, speaks of him
as having been the first bishop of Athens : from which
we may safely conclude that the Athenian Christians
were committed to his care. The Church of Athens con
tinued to flourish for a long time, and we know the names
of some of its bishops in the second century ; so that
there may have been good reasons for the memory of
Dionysius beiDg held in such esteem. Paul does not seem
to have resided long at Athens : but, while he was at
Corinth, he was at no great distance off; and the Athe-
nian converts may have had the benefit of his counsel, if
he did not occasionally visit them in person.
This was the extent of his travels in the south of
Greece ; and he must have thought Corinth an important
station for his missionary labours, when he stayed there
the long period of eighteen months. The Jews tried in
vain to excite the proconsul against him ; but Gallio,
who filled the office, happened to be a man who had no
taste for religious disputes ; and the fact of Paul having
succeeded in converting Crispus, the chief person in the
synagogue, must have been a great triumph to the cause

A. B. 46 — 48.] PAUL IN CORINTH. 105
of the Gospel. During his residence at Corinth, (from
which place he wrote his two Epistles to the Thessalo-
nians,) Paul was joined by Silas and Timothy, from Mace
donia ; and the result of their united efforts was the
founding of a flourishing church in one of the largest and
most learned cities of Greece.
The learning of the Greeks was a new evil which the
apostle had to contend with ; and one which was more
fatal to the souls of men than the sword of persecution.
Religious impressions are not often destroyed by opposi-
tion ; but persons who would walk fearlessly to the stake,
for the sake of the Gospel, may be seduced, by a show of
learning, to take a false view of the religion which they
profess. Paul's Corinthian converts were surrounded by.
dangers of this kind. His own education had made him
well suited to dispute with heathen philosophers ; and
the church which he founded at Corinth, was a proof that
his arguments were successful as well as powerful. The
Gnostic doctrines, which were spoken of above, in con
nexion with the history of Simon Magus, appear, at this
time, to have spread as far as Corinth ; and if heathen
superstition was likely to hinder men from embracing the
Gospel, the errors of the Gnostics were likely to pervert
and ruin those who had already embraced it : all which
may enable us to understand why Paul stayed such a long
time at Corinth.
Early in the year 48, he sailed from Greece, and hav
ing touched at Ephesus, proceeded to Jerusalem, where
he kept the feast of Pentecost. This unhappy country
had been suffering many calamities since his last visit to
it, two years before. After the death of Herod Agrippa,
it had again fallen under the government of Roman pro
curators ; and, as if these officers, who were proverbially
rapacious, were not sufficient to practise oppression,
9

106 JEWS DRIVEN FROM HOME. [a. D. 48.
when appointed singly, there were now two men, Cuma-
nus and Felix, who had the districts of Judaea, Samaria,
and Galilee, divided between them.
The reign of Claudius was, in other respects, unfavour-
able to the Jews. That emperor, for some reason or
other, which is not expressly told, ordered them all to
quit Rome; and we know that this edict must have
caused several thousand persons to look for a- home in
other countries. It can hardly be doubted, that many
Christians were sufferers at the same time ; for the hea
then had not yet learned to distinguish them from the
Jews. But this can hardly be called a persecution ; and
their banishment may not have been owing to any cause
connected with their religion. There is also reason to
think that the prohibition against their returning to Rome
did not last long ; but it was likely to have caused many
Jews to go back, for a time at least, to the land of their
fathers ; and their residence in Palestine would serve to
increase the feelings of hatred against the Romans, which
the rapacity and violence of the procurators had already
fomented. Paul's visit to Jerusalem, at this season of
misgovernment, was short ; and, going from thence to
Antioch, he found the Christians of that city continuing
in the flourishing condition in which he had left them.
Tradition is constant in naming Euodius as the first
bishop of Antioch ; and we may, perhaps, conclude that
he had already entered upon his office at the time of Paul
coming to the city, in the year 48.
After leaving Antioch, the apostle traversed, for the
second time, the whole extent of Asia Minor, and took up
his residence at Ephesus, which he had visited a few
months before, on his way from Corinth to Jerusalem.
Ephesus was the capital of a province, and the residence
of the Roman proconsul. If its fame for learning and

*• D- 48.] PAUL AT EPHESUS. 107
philosophy was not equal to that of Athens or Corinth, it
was prpbably the city of the greatest wealth and luxury
which Paul had as yet visited. Whatever was splendid
and costly had particular attractions for the inhabitants
of Ephesus. They had also been addicted, for a long
time, to the arts and delusions practised by the pretenders
to magic ; and, at the period of Paul coming to reside
among them, the Gnostic philosophy, of which magic
formed a prominent ingredient, was beginning to gain
ground in this part of Asia Minor. All this may account
for Paul choosing to make so long a residence in Ephe-
sus. It opened a new and wide field for his apostolical
labours ; and it was also a central spot from whence he
could easily visit in person, or at least receive accounts
from, the churches which he had planted in Greece.
There is no evidence of the Gospel having made much
progress in Ephesus itself before the arrival of Paul. It
had been visited by Apollos, a learned Jew of Alexandria,
who, after being converted to Christianity by some of
Paul's companions, passed on to Corinth, and Was of
great use to the Christians in that city, who were now
deprived of the presence of the apostle.
Paul's residence at Ephesus continued for great part
of three years, though it is not necessary to suppose that
he confined himself for the whole of that time to the walls
of the city, or even to its neighbourhood. He appears to
have paid visits to his converts in other parts of Asia
Minor ; and there is scarcely any period but this to which
we can ascribe those persecutions and misfortunes which
befell him in preaching the Gospel. He speaks of having
been imprisoned and scourged on several occasions : he
had also suffered shipwreck three times ; and there is
good reason to think that on one, at least, of these
voyages, he had visited the island of Crete. It is cer.

108 CORINTHIAN CHRISTIANS. [a. D. 48 — 52.
tain, from his own words, that he planted the Gospel
there, and that Titus, who accompanied him, was left by
him Jo take charge of the churches. This is the earliest
notice which we find of any regular plan of church
government. The island contained many distinct con
gregations, as might be expected from its numerous cities
and towns. Each of these congregations was governed
by its own presbyters; but the appointment of the pres
byters was specially committed by Paul to Titus, who
stayed behind in the island to arrange these matters ;
and while he continued there, he acted as the resident
head of all the Cretan churches.
The superintendence of so many Christian communi
ties was now becoming very burdensome to the apostle ;
and it gives us a melancholy idea of the inherent corrup
tion of thejiuman heart, when we find Paul's Corinthian
converts so soon forgetting the instruction which he had
given them, or, at least, listening to false and insidious
teachers. He had resided among them for the long
period of eighteen months, and the Church of Corinth
might be considered, at the time of his leaving it, to be
one of the most flourishing which he had hitherto planted.
He had, accordingly, bestowed upon its members a plen
tiful distribution of those preternatural gifts of the Spirit
which it was the privilege of the apostles alone to com
municate. It was hardly possible for men to lay aside
their belief in Christ, when they had such standing evi
dence of their religion coming from God ; but the very
abundance of these spiritual gifts was the cause of
jealousies and irregularities among the Corinthian Chris
tians. Forgetting that they had received these miracu
lous powers, as an evidence to themselves and others of
the truth of what they believed, they were fond of exer
cising them merely for ostentation, and to prove that

A. D. 48 — 52.] GIFT OF TONGUES. 109
they were themselves more highly favoured than the rest.
The gift of tongues was particularly calculated for this
idle display. The apostles, as we have seen, possessed it
to a wonderful extent ; and they must have found it of
the greatest service when they had to preach the Gospel
to men of different nations. But it was also a most con
vincing evidence to men who were not travelling into
foreign countries, and who had merely to converse with
their immediate friends and neighbours. If a native of
Corinth, who had hitherto been able to speak no language
but Greek, found himself, on a sudden, and without any
study on his part, able to converse with a Jew, or with
any other of the numerous foreigners who came to the
port of Corinth, he could hardly resist the conviction,
that the power was given him by God ; and when he
knew also that he received it in consequence of Paul
having laid his hands upon him, and that he did not re-
ceive it till his mind had fully assented to the doctrines
which Paul had preached, it seemed necessarily to follow,
that his assent to these doctrines was approved by God.
Thus far the gift of tongues operated as an evidence to
the believer himself, and was calculated to keep him in
the faith which was so preternaturally confirmed. But
it would also have thq effect of convincing others ; for if
a Corinthian, who was not yet converted, heard one of
his acquaintance speaking a foreign language, and if he
knew that the power of speaking it was acquired in a
moment, he would be inclined to argue, as the believer
himself had done, that a religion which was so power
fully confirmed must come from God. It was with this
double view, of keeping his own converts steadfast in their
faith, and of enabling them to win over the heathen to
join them, that Paul appears to have distributed these
gifts so abundantly in all the churches which he planted.
9*

110 INTERPRETATION OF TONGUES. [a. D. 48 — 52.
It was not the immediate object of preaching the Gospel
in foreign countries, which made the gift of tongues so
valuable at Corinth ; and we know that in their own re
ligious meetings, where there were perhaps no persons
present except Jews and Greeks, and consequently no
occasion existed for conversing in foreign languages, yet
the Christians who possessed such a gift were frequently
in the habit of exercising it.
It seems obvious to remark, that such an exhibition of
the gift of tongues would be of no service,, not even as an
evidence of preternatural power, unless the other persons
present in the congregation understood the language
wrhich was thus publicly spoken. If a native of Corinth
delivered a speech in Persian, or Celtic, it was necessary
that some of the persons present should know the words
to belong to those languages ; for, without this knowledge,.
there was no evidence of a miraculous gift, and the speak-
ers might have been merely uttering unintelligible sounds,
which differed, not only from the Greek, but from every
other language. Though the Corinthians abused the
power which had been given them, there is no reason to
think that their abuse of it showed itself in this way.
They were fond of speaking in unknown tongues ; but
they were merely unknown to the inhabitants of Corinth,
who had learned nothing but Greek : they were real lan
guages, which were known and spoken in other parts of
the world ; and if an inhabitant of one of these countries
had happened to be present at the meeting, he would
have recognized and understood the sounds of his own
language. The apostle, however, had provided that these unknown
tongues should become intelligible even to the Greeks of
Corinth. It was a most astonishing miracle that a man
should be suddenly able to express his ideas in a language

a. D. 48 — 52.] MIRACULOUS GIFTS. Ill
which he had never learnt. But the power of the Holy
Spirit was not confined to influencing the organs of
speech : it acted also upon the organs of hearing, or
rather upon the faculties of comprehension ; and some
persons found themselves able to understand languages
which they had never learnt. It is plain that all the
Christians at Corinth did not possess this power. Those
who exercised the gift of tongues in the congregation,
were, as has been already remarked, unintelligible to
nearly all their hearers ; but there were some who were
gifted to understand these foreign languages ; and when
one person had delivered the words which the Spirit put
into his mouth, another person translated them into
Greek, and so made them intelligible to all that heard
them. In this manner the gift of tongues had a practical
use, beyond the evidence which it furnished to the truth
of the Gospel ; and the Christians, who attended the
meetings without having themselves received either of
these gifts, had the advantage of receiving instruction from
persons who were manifestly under the influence of the
Holy Spirit.
But though the edification of the Church was the ulti
mate object of all these gifts, there were many of Paul's
converts at Corinth, who, after he had left them, forgot
the purpose for which they had received such invaluable
blessings. The gift of tongues was by no means the only
instance of preternatural power which was imparted to
believers. Miracles of various kinds were worked by
them ; of which the curing of diseases was, perhaps, the
most remarkable : but the possession of such extraordi
nary powers gave rise, in not a few instances, to jealousy
and self-conceit. This may partly be ascribed to the or
dinary and natural corruption of the human heart, which
was likely to show itself more openly when Paul was no

112 JUDAIZING TEACHERS. [a. D. 48— 52.
longer present to repress it ; but it was also fostered by
false and insidious teachers, who took advantage of the
apostle's absence, not only to make a party for them-
selves, but to disparage his personal character, and to
unsettle his converts as to their religious belief. The
usual fickleness of the Greeks, as well as the love of dis.
putation which marked their philosophy, and which caused
them to divide themselves into sects and schools, obtained
for these false teachers a too ready hearing among the
Christians at Corinth ; and though a large party in the
place continued attached to Paul, the attachment partook
more of a sectarian spirit than became brethren profess
ing the same faith ; and others of their body openly pro
fessed themselves followers of different leaders, who had
either been the means of converting them, or had put
themselves at the head of a. party.
There is evidence that Paul's apostolical labours were
impeded by false teachers in other places than Corinth ;
and the mischief can, in some instances, clearly be traced
to that mistaken zeal for the Law of Moses, which had
led the Christians of Jerusalem to insist upon the Gentile
converts being circumcised. It has been mentioned that
even the decree of the apostolical council did not satisfy
the bigots of this party ; and some of them appeared to
have followed Paul in his journeys, and to have taken a
pleasure in unsettling the minds of his converts concern.
ing the manner of justification. This was strikingly the
case with the imperfectly civilized inhabitants of Gala-
tia, who had lent themselves eagerly to some Judaieing
preacher, and had adopted the fatal error, that faith would
not justify them, unless they conformed to the Law of
Moses. The great mixture of Jews with the Gentile converts,
in every place where a church had been established, made

a. D. 48 — 52.] GNOSTIC ERRORS, 113
it extremely probable that an error of this kind would
meet with many persons to embrace it. The Christians
of Greece, if we may judge from those of Macedonia and
Achaia, do not appear to have been in so much danger
from this quarter; but the religion and the philosophy
of heathenism were themselves a sufficient snare to the
new converts ; and much of the trouble and anxiety which
were caused to Paul by the misconduct of the Corinthi
ans, may be traced to that spirit of pride and ostentation
which displayed itself in the Grecian schools.
There are also some traces of Gnosticism having found
its way into Corinth, though it flourished most luxuri
antly in Asia Minor, and particularly in Ephesus.
Wherever the Jews abounded, the extravagances of Gnos
ticism were also popular ; which may be accounted for,
not only by many Jews becoming Gnostics, but by these
philosophers having borrowed so largely from the religious
opinions of the Jews. It is possible that the name of
Christ may have been familiar to many persons, by the
discourses and writings of the Gnostics, before they had
met with an apostle, or a disciple of the apostles, to in
struct them in the truths of Christianity. Doubts about
the lawfulness of marriage, abstinence from certain kinds
of food, and the questions connected with ascetic mortifi
cation of the body and its appetites, may be traced in
whole, or in part, to the doctrines of the Gnostics. Paul
was often called upon to give his opinion upon such points
as these ; and we always find him drawing a broad line
of distinction between duties which are expressly defined
in Scripture, and those matters which, being in them
selves indifferent, become right or wrong according to
circumstances, or to the consequences which flow from
them. His leading principle was to impress upon his
converts, that nothing was essential but that which con-

114 PREACHING OP PAUL. [a. D. 48— 52.
cerned the salvation of their souls ; and that nothing
could promote their salvation which was not in some way
or other connected with faith in Christ. His own prac
tice was in illustration of this principle. If viewed at
different times, or in different places, and with reference
to some particular points of practice, his conduct might
have been counted inconsistent ; but he was uniformly
consistent in doing nothing and omitting nothing which
might lead men to think that outward works could jus
tify them. If a disciple abstained from any gratifica-
tion, from a principle of faith, he was allowed to follow
his own conscience ; but if the abstinence made him
uncharitable, or was viewed as being in itself merito
rious, he was told plainly that the Gospel is a law of
liberty. In all such questions, we can perceive the sound prac
tical sense and kindly feeling of the apostle, as well as
the instruction and illumination which he had received
from above. But in opposing the inroads of Gnosticism,
he had other points to consider than those which are in
themselves indifferent, and may be left to the conscience
of each believer. The name of Christ held a conspicu
ous place in the system of Gnostics ; but there were parts
of their creed which destroyed the very foundations of
the doctrine of the Gospel. Thus, while they believed
the body of Jesus to be a phantom, and denied the reality
of his crucifixion, they, in fact, denied their belief in the
death of Christ, and with it they gave up altogether the
doctrine of the atonement. They believed that Christ
had come from heaven to reveal the knowledge of God ;
but this was done by his appearing upon earth, and had
no connexion with his death. Christ, said they, pointed
out the way by which man might be reconciled to God ;
but it was not by offering himself as a sacrifice ; and the

A. D. 48— 52.] GNOSTIC ERRORS. 115
reconciliation was effected when a man was brought to
entertain the true knowledge of' God.
So also the doctrine of the resurrection was explained
away, and reduced to nothing, by the figurative language
of the Gnostics. The reunion of soul and body at the
general resurrection had always presented great difficul
ties to the heathen. The notions even of their wisest
philosophers had been so vague and Uncertain upon this
subject, that the apostles may be said to have introduced
a totally new doctrine, when they taught that all who
believe in Christ should rise again to an eternity of hap
piness. Some had believed the soul to be mortal as well
as the body ; others could not, or would not, understand
how the body, after being reduced to dust, could be re-
stored to life. But the Gnostics, while they professed to
agree with the language held by the apostles, gave to it
a figurative interpretation, and said that each person rose
again from the dead when he became a Gnostic. The
resurrection, therefore, was with themselves a thing al-
ready past ; and when they died, they believed that they
were removed immediately from earth to heaven.
It is to be feared that many persons fell a prey to these
false and insidious teachers ; and the apostles were natu
rally led to appoint some one person, as was the case
with Titus in Crete, to watch over the churches of a par.
ticular district. It was the same anxiety for the souls of
his flock which caused the apostle of the Gentiles to write
so many epistles, which, though filled with local and tern-
porary allusions, and often containing answers to specific
questions, were intended also to furnish instruction and
consolation to believers of every country and every age.
It seems probable that the Epistles to Titus and the Ga-
latians, as well as the first Epistles to the Corinthians
and to Timothy, were written during the apostle's resi-

il6 TUMULT AT EPHESUS. [A. n. 52.
dence at Ephesus, or shortly after. When he wrote to
the Corinthians, he had planned a journey which was to
take him through the continent of Greece to Corinth,
from whence he meant to proceed to Jerusalem ; and
though his departure from Ephesus happened sooner than
he expected, he was able to execute his design, of visiting
Greece. It is plain that the Gospel made great progress in that
part of Asia, while Paul was residing at Ephesus; nor is
there any evidence of the government having as yet in
terfered formally to oppose the success of his preaching.
The necessity for his leaving Ephesus was caused by a
sudden, and apparently unpremeditated, tumult, which was
excited by the workmen whose livelihood depended upon
the national worship being kept up. These men felt the
demand for images and shrines becoming daily less ; and
it was plain, that if Christianity continued to advance,
their own gains must speedily be destroyed. It was not
difficult, in a city like Ephesus, where the Temple ofthe
goddess Diana was one of the wonders of the world, for
these interested tradesmen to raise a-cry in defence of
the popular superstition. The people took up the cause,
as they vainly imagined, of the goddess Diana ; and if
the apostle had ventured among them during the heat of
their excitement, he would probably have been torn in
pieces. There are traditions which speak of his being con.
demned to fight with wild beasts in the Amphitheatre of
Ephesus ; and the notion may appear to be countenanced
by an expression of his own; but there is no certain evi-
dence of his having been exposed to such a punishment.
At a later period, and perhaps in the apostle's own days,
the Christians were made the victims of such barbarities ;
but if Paul had been treated in this manner, it must have

A. D. 52.] PAUL IN MACEDONIA AND CORINTH. 117
been with the consent and by the order of the civil magis.
trates ; whereas we know, that some at least of the per
sons who presided over the shows and games in the Am
phitheatre, were disposed to favour Paul. He might also
have pleaded his Roman citizenship, if his life had been
endangered by such a cruel sentence : all which makes
it most probable that he was not exposed to any special
persecution beyond what came upon all the Christians
during the continuance of the popular excitement.
But, though he thus escaped with his life, he felt it
advisable to quit the city ; and leaving Timothy with the
same authority over the Christians which he had com
mitted to Titus in Crete, he set out for Macedonia.
While he was traversing the latter country, he was met
by Titus, who was not only able to give him an account
of his own flock, but also brought him a favourable report
of the Corinthian converts. The Macedonian churches
were found in a flourishing condition, having had the ad.
vantage, for some years, of the personal superintendence
of Luke and other zealous teachers. They were now
called upon to give a proof of their principles, by contri
buting money for the relief of the Christians in Judaea ;
and the call was readily obeyed. When Paul left the
country, he carried with him a large sum which had been
subscribed for this purpose by the Macedonian churches ;
and having prepared the Corinthians for a visit, by a
second epistle written to them from Macedonia, he ar-
rived among them before winter, and stayed with them
three months.
The Corinthian converts, as already stated, had caused
considerable anxiety to the apostle since the time of his
first visit to their city. The spirit of party was showing
itself in an attachment to different preachers ofthe Gos-
pel ; and the laxity of morals, which had always been
10

118 EPISTLE TO THE ROMANS. [a. D. 52 — 53,
peculiar^ prevalent in Corinth, had led to many irregu
larities. In his first epistle, he had been obliged to use a
tone of authority and rebuke; but the effect of it was as
successful as it was seasonable. Though the false teach
ers had tried to alienate the Corinthian Christians from
their spiritual father, he found them not only penitent for
what had happened, but willing to obey all his directions
and commands. They followed the example of their
Macedonian brethren in subscribing for the Christians in
Palestine ; and though we know little beyond the mere
fact of Paul having passed the three winter months at
Corinth, we may safely pronounce this to have been one
of the periods in his eventful life which caused him the
greatest consolation and satisfaction.
His zeal in the cause of the Gospel was not confined
to watching over the churches which had been planted
by himself in Asia and Greece. He now extended his
views to the west of Europe, which, as far as we know,
had not hitherto been visited by any of the apostles. It
is, however, plain, that the Gospel was spreading itself in
that direction, as well as in the east. We have already
seen it carried into distant countries by the Jews who
returned from the festivals, or by those who had been
driven from Jerusalem by persecution. The first of these
causes was likely to make Christianity known in Rome
at a very early period. When converts were made un
der these circumstances, they were in danger of receiving
the truth with a certain admixture of error ; and such
may have been the case at Rome : but the favourable ac
count which Paul received at Corinth concerning the
state of the Roman Christians, was such as to make him
more than ever anxious to visit them in person. He was
still bent upon going to Jerusalem with the money which
he had collected : but when that mission was accom-

a. D. 53.] STATE OF JUDJ3A. 119
plished, he intended to go to Rome; and one ofthe most
interesting and valuable of his epistles was written to the
believers in that city, during his residence at Corinth.
As soon as the winter was passed, he set out for Jeru
salem ; but, instead- of going by sea, he retraced his steps
through Macedonia. He was joined at Philippi by Luke ;
and though he, was now attended by several companions,
they do not appear to have met with any molestation on
their way. The journey was performed principally by
sea ; and wherever they landed they appear to have found
some of the inhabitants already converted to the Gospel.
Five years had elapsed since Paul's last visit to Jerusa
lem ; and during that period his unhappy country had
been, exposed to sufferings of various kinds. Felix had
contrived to get rid of his partner in the office of procu
rator, and the Jews were in some respects gainers, by
having only one person to insult and pillage them ; but
robbers and murderers infested the country in such num
bers, that the government was scarcely strung enough to
suppress them; and impostors were now rising up in
every direction, who gave themselves out to be the Mes-
siah, and deluded many persons to follow them. It had
been the policy of the Romans to change and depose the
high. priests, as best suited their own purpose, which
opened a new and constant source of intrigue among the
candidates for that office ; and whoever was fortunate
enough to obtain it, did not scruple to employ force to
get rid of a rival. At the time of Paul's arrival at Jeru
salem, it was difficult to say who was the legitimate high-
priest. The station had been filled by Ananias ; but upon
his going to Rome to answer some complaint, a successor
was appointed in the person of Jonathan, who had been
high-priest once before. Felix found it convenient to
put Jonathan to death; and before a new appointment

1S9»> PREJUDICE AGAINST PAUL. [a. D. 53.
TRae regularly made, Ananias returned from Rome, and
resumed the office of high-priest. It was just at this pe
riod that Paul arrived in Judffia ; and though there were
many things in the aspect of his country which could not
fail to give him pain, it is probable that the Jews had
been drawn off from persecuting the Christians by being
themselves harassed with so many internal and external
evils. It is certain that the Jews who had embraced the Gos-
pel amounted at this time to many thousands ; but most,
if not all of them, still adhered rigidly to the Mosaic Law.
Whether there were many who so entirely misunderstood
the Gospel as to think that faith alone could not justify
them without compliance with the law, we are not able
to decide ; but there is reason to think that there were
very few Jews who did not feel bound, even after their
conversion, to observe the legal ceremonies. Many of
these persons could not, or would not, understand the
principles which were preached and practised by Paul ;
and when his enemies gave out that he taught the Jews,
as well as the Gentiles, to look upon the law as of no im
portance, the report was readily believed, and raised a
strong prejudice against him. He had contrived to reach
Jerusalem' by the feast of Pentecost, at which time the
city was always filled by a great influx of foreign Jews.
These men could not be ignorant of the progress which
the new opinions had made among their countrymen.
Paul would naturally be looked upon as the great leader
of this defection from the faith of their fathers ; and thus
the believing and unbelieving Jews united in viewing him
with feelings of suspicion, if not of hatred, which feel
ings were increased by its being known that he was now
travelling in company with Gentiles.
The conduct of Paul on this occasion enables us fully

*¦ D- 53.] ATTACK UPON PAUL. 121
to understand his views with respect to the obligation of
observing the Law of Moses. He had constantly told fft>
Gentiles that there was no necessity for their observing
any part of it ; and he had been equally explicit to the
JeWs, in telling them that the law was of no effect at all
in procuring their justification ; if they continued to ob-
serve its ceremonies, they were to look upon them merely
as ceremonies : arid accordingly, when he was living with
Gentiles, who cared nothing for the law, he felt no scru
ples in disregarding its precepts ; but when he was living
with Jews, whose consciences would have been hurt by
a neglect of the legal ceremonies, he observed all the cus
toms in which he had been brought up. His conduct on
the present occasion was exactly in conformity with this
principle. Having consulted with James, who still con
tinued at Jerusalem as the resident head of the Christian
Church, and who perfectly agreed with Paul in his notions
about the law, he took upon himself the vow of a Naza-
rite, and appeared publicly in the Temple, as a person
who submitted implicitly to the Law of Moses. This
conformity, though it might have satisfied the Judaizing
Christians, was not sufficient to remove the prejudices
which the unbelieving Jews had conceived against the
apostle. Seeing him upon one occasion in the Temple,
they got together a crowd of people, with the avowed in
tention of putting him to death. Nor would they have
failed in their purpose, if the commander of the Roman
garrison, who was always on the watch to prevent an in
surrection, had, not suddenly come upon them with his
troops, and rescued Paul out of their hands.
This interference of the military saved his life, but was
the cause of his sustaining a tedious imprisonment, first
at Cassarca, and afterwards at Rome. The Roman offi
cer who had rescued him from the fury of the people,
lb*

122 PAUL in prison. [a. d. 53 — 55
having ascertained that he was a Roman citizen, sent
him to Caesarea, where Felix, the procurator, usually re
sided. Paul was here kept a prisoner for two years,
though his friends had free permission to visit him, and
his confinement in other respects was not rigorous. Felix
himself admitted him more than once into bis presence,
and listened to him while he explained the doctrines of
the Gospel ; but no practical impression was produced
upon bis wicked heart. . He was well aware how unpopu
lar he had made himself to the Jews by his cruelty and
rapacity ; and though he was not base enough to deliver
up the apostle as a victim of their malice, he so far grati-
fied them as to keep him in prison during the two years
of his continuing in his government.
This was the first serious check which Paul had re
ceived in the course of his evangelical ministry. Twenty-
two years had now elapsed since bis conversion, eight of
which had been employed in spreading the religion of
Christ through different heathen countries. During this
period he had met with constant opposition from the pre-
judices of the Jews, and had occasionally suffered from
the irreligion or superstition of the heathen. But still
the Gospel gained ground : the Grecian philosophers were
too weak to stand against him in argument; and the
Roman government had not yet learned to treat Chris-
tianity as a crime. Even Felix, while he was unjustly
detaining Paul as a. prisoner, was the unintentional cause
of saving his life, and of reserving him for future labours
in the service of his heavenly Master. For a time, how
ever, the career of the great apostle was checked ; and it
is now that we feel particularly how much the history of
the early Church is confined to the personal history of
Paul. We should wish to know what progress the Gos
pel was making in other countries during the two years

a. d. 53 — 55.] luke's gospel. 123
that Paul was imprisoned at Cassaraa. The other apos
tles had now been engaged for SQtne years in fulfilling
their Master's command of spreading his religion through
out the earth ; but we know little of the scenes of their
respective preaching. The eastern parts of the world,
rather than the western, appear to have been traversed by
them. Asia Minor and Greece, as we have already seen,
received their knowledge of the Gospel from Paul ; to
whose name we may add those of Barnabas, Timothy,
Titus, Silvanus, and Luke, as the persons who were most
active in eyangelizing those countries.
Luke, as has been already stated, accompanied Paul to
Jerusalem ; but there is no evidence that any of the apos
tle's companions were made to share in his imprisonment.
It is moro probable, that they all preserved their liberty ;
and though Paul's personal exertions were for the present
restrained, he was under no restrictions as to receiving
visits from his friends ; and even distant churches might
still enjoy the benefit of his advice and superintendence.
It has always been asserted, that Luke composed his Gos.
pel, if not at the dictation, at least under the direction of
Paul ; and no more probable period can be assigned as the
date of its composition, than the two years which were
passed by Paul at Caesarea. There is good reason to think
that Luke was with him during the whole of this period..
He had first travelled in his company in the year 46, and
had only left him to take care ofthe Macedonian churches.
Like all the other persons employed in preaching the Gos~
pel, he received the miraculous assistance of the Holy
Spirit ; and as far as human instruction and example
could fit him for the work of an evangelist, he had the ad
vantage of hearing Paul explain those doctrines which
had been revealed to himself from heaven. When they
arrived in Palestine, they found, as might naturally be ex-

124 four gospels. [a. d. 53 — 55.
pected in that country, that several writings were in cir
culation which professed to give an account of the life
and actions of Jesus. Many of these histories would
probably be incorrect, even when written by friends ; but
the open enemies ofthe Gospel would be likely to spread
reports concerning its first Founder which would be full
of misrepresentations and falsehood. It would therefore
become necessary, for the sake of those who already be
lieved, as well as of those who were to be converted, that
some faithful narrative should be drawn up concerning the
birth of Jesus, his miracles, his doctrine, and his death.
It has been said by some writers, that this was done with
in a, few years after the ascension of our Lord, and an early
date has often been assigned to the Gospel of Matthew ;
but it is perhaps safer to conclude, that none of the four
Gospels were written till about the period at which we are
now arrived ; and the Gospel of Luke may be the first of
those which have come down to us as the works of inspired
Evangelists.

55.] FESTUS AND AGRIPPA. 125

CHAPTER V.
Paul is sent to Rome, where, he stays two years. — He preaches in
many countries after his release. — Death of James the Bishop of
Jerusalem, and of Mark the Evangelist. — Persecution by Nero.—
Deaths of Peter and Paul.
It was stated in the last chapter, that Paul continued
two years in prison at Cassarea. He, in fact, continued
there during the remainder of the government of Felix,
who was succeeded by Porcius Festus in 55, which was
the second year of the reign of Nero. On the first occa
sion of Festus visiting Jerusalem, the Jews endeavoured to
prejudice him against his prisoner, and the procurator
would have gratified them by sacrificing Paul to their mal
ice. Paul, however, was too prudent to trust himself at
Jerusalem ; and, instead of accepting the offer of having his
cause heard in that city, he exercised his privilege of
a Roman citizen, and demanded the right of having it
heard by the emperor in person, at Rome. Festus could
not refuse this appeal ; though if he had been left to him
self, he would at once have given the apostle his liberty.
The latter might also have met with a friend in Agrippa,
who had lately received a further accession of territory,
with the title of King. Being now on a visit to Festus,
he heard the story of Paul's miraculous conversion from
his own mouth ; and the apostle's impressive eloquence
made, for a short time, some impression upon him : but
Agrippa appears to have had but one object, that of keep.
ing on good terms with the Roman government ; and he
followed up this principle so successfully, that he retained
his dominions during the reigns of five successive emper-

126 PAUL AT OESAREA. [a. D. 55.
ors, from most of whom he continued to receive favours ;
and he survived the destruction of Jerusalem by several
years. We need not therefore be surprised, if the effect
produced upon him by Paul's preaching soon passed away ;
but, at the time, he bore the fullest testimony to his inno
cence, and would gladly have concurred with Festus in re
storing him to liberty. The apostle, however, had himself
precluded this by appealing to the emperor, which he per-
haps perceived to be now his only chance of visiting
Rome. Had he been released from prison, the Jews were
still actively on the watch to kill him, and it would have
been extremely difficult for him to have escaped from Pal
estine with his life. Once before they had laid a plot for
^destroying him upon a voyage by sea ; and it was to avoid
this conspiracy, that he had taken the circuitous course of
going back through Macedonia, when he made his last
journey to Jerusalem. This may bave been one ofthe rea-
sons which inclined him to put in his claim of being heard
in person by the emperor ; and the appeal having been
once made, Festus had no choice as to complying with his
demand. He accordingly sent him to Rome in the au
tumn of 55 ; but the vessel in which he sailed had a most
tempestuous passage, and wp.s at length wrecked on the is-
land of Malta. This obliged the crew to pass the winter
in that island, and Paul did not reach Rome till the begin.
ning of the following year. But his journey from Puteoli,
where he landed, enables us to conclude that the Gospel
had already made considerable progress in Italy. Ho
found some Christians among the inhabitants of Puteoli ;
and the believers at Rome, as soon as they heard that he
was coming, sent some of their body to meet him by the
way. We are now arrived at an interesting period in the
history of Paul and of the Gospel. He had for some time

*¦• O. 5G.] PAUL AT ROME. 127
been meditating a journey to Rome ; and though at first he
bad not anticipated that he should visit it in chains, he
had at length reached the capital of the world, and had
courted an interview with the emperor himself. We
know nothing ofthe result of this hazardous experiment,
except that he was allowed to preach his doctrines with
out any molestation ; but if he obtained this permission by
the personal indulgence of the emperor, it is difficult to
account for his being detained two years more as a pris
oner. It is true that his restraint was by no means se-
vere ; for he was allowed to hire his own residence, and
the only inconvenience was, that of having one of his arms
fastened by a chain to the arm of a soldier. This would
necessarily make his case known among the soldiers, who
relieved each other in guarding prisoners. The praetorian
guards were now under the command of Burrus, who had
been tutor to Nero, and still retained, some influence over
him. If this officer took, any interest in Paul more than
in the other prisoners committed to him, he may have been
the means of gaining him a hearing with the emperor;
and he may also have introduced him to the philosopher
Seneca, who was an intimate friend of his own, and is said
by some ancient writers to have formed an acquaintance
with Paul. This, however, is extremely uncertain ; and
we can hardly venture to say any thing more, than that
the apostle and the philosopher were in Rome at the same
time ; and that there are expressions in some works of
Seneca, which might support the notion of his having seen
the writings of Paul.
It would be more interesting to inquire what was the
effect produced by the apostle's presence upon the Jews
who resided in Rome. There is abundant evidence that
they lived there in great numbers. Such, at least, was
the case before the edict of Claudius, which banished

128 CONVERTS AT ROME. [A. D. 56  58.
them from the city ; and it has been stated that the edict
was revoked before the end of that emperor's reign. It
is also plain, from the apostle's own letter to the Roman
Christians, that their church was composed of Jews and
Gentiles ; and we might suppose the Jewish portion of it
to have been numerous, from the pains taken by the apos
tle to guard against the notion that the Law of Moses
could in any manner contribute to Justification. There
are, however, no signs of the Jews having excited any
prejudice or persecution against him, as they had done in
other cities. His being a prisoner was, probably, his
protection ; and a recollection of the edict which had so
lately sent them into banishment, would be likely to keep
the Jews from hazarding another disturbance. It seems
most probable that his principal converts at Rome were
Gentiles ; and it was this circumstance, so gratifying at
the time to the apostle, which, in a few years, brought the
Christians under the notice of the magistrates, who ex
posed them, for more than two centuries, to the cruelties
of implacable enemies.
We have the evidence of the apostle himself, that he
had some converts in the emperor's own household ; and
there can be no doubt that Christianity was now begin
ning to spread among people of rank and fortune. One
person may be mentioned, as being partly connected with
the history of our own country. This was Pomponia
Graecina, the wife of Plautius, the conqueror of Britain,
who was undoubtedly charged with being guilty of a
foreign superstition ; but when it is added, that she was
the first person who introduced Christianity into this
island, we must be careful not to confound a vague tradi
tion with authentic history. The same remark must be
applied to the story of Claudia, the daughter of Carac-
tacus, going back from Rome, and propagating the Gos-

A. D. 56 — 58.] CHURCH OF ROME. 129
pel in her father's territories. It is perfectly possible for
Paul to have assisted in the conversion of Britain, or any
other distant country, by the success of his own personal
preaching, while he was at Rome ; but it does not become
us to indulge conjecture where so little is really known.
It is Certain that, up to this time, no public or systematic
opposition had been made, in the capital, to the profession
of the Gospel ; and Paul was not only allowed to deliver
his doctrines openly to any of the inhabitants, but per-
sons who came to him from other countries, and brought
him accounts of the churches which he had planted, had
full liberty to visit him. Luke had accompanied him
from Palestine, and appears to have taken this opportu-
nity for writing the Acts of the Apostles. Timothy also
came to Rome during some part of these two years ; and
we are indebted to this imprisonment for the three Epis..
ties to the PhilippianS, Ephesians, and Colossians, as well
as for the short Epistle to Philemon, who lived at Colos.
sae, and had been converted by Paul.
The apostle did not recover his liberty till the year 58 ;
and at the time of his leaving Rome, we may consider the
churcb in that city to have been regularly established.
We have seen that there may have been Christians there
very soon after the ascension of our Lord ; but if (as ap
pears almdst certain,) it had not been visited by any apos
tle before the arrival of Paul, he must naturally be con.
sidered the founder of the Roman Church. This is, in
fact, the statement of many early writers, though they
generally mention the name of Peter, as his associate in
this important work. That the Church of Rome was
founded by Peter and Paul, (if we mean, by this expres
sion, its regular organization, and its form of ecclesias.
tical polity,) may be received for as well-attested an his-
torical fact, as any which has come down to us : but the
11

130 PAUL RELEASED. [a. d. 58.
date of Peter's first arrival in Rome is involved in such great
uncertainty, and the New Testament is so totally silent
concerning it, that we can hardly hope to settle anything
upon the subject. If Peter arrived in Rome before Paul
quitted it, that is, in the year 57 or 58, the ancient tradi-
tions about the Church of Rome being founded by both of
them jointly, would be most satisfactorily explained. It
is also probable that the two apostles would follow the
same plan with respect to this church, which had been
adopted in others, and would leave some one person to
manage its concerns. Here, again, tradition is almost
unanimous in asserting that the first bishop of Rome was
Linus : by which we are to understand that he was the
first person appointed over it after the two apostles had
left it ; and we may, perhaps, safely consider Linus to
have entered upon his office as early as the year 58.
Very little is known of the personal history of Paul
after his release from Rome. His life was prolonged for
eight or ten years, and we may be sure that he devoted
it, as before, to the cause of his heavenly Master. He
intended to visit Philippi, as well as the churches which
he had planted in Asia Minor ; and if he fulfilled his in
tention of travelling in those directions, he was probably
going on to Jerusalem, He Would be likely, indeed, to
have paid more than one visit to the land of his fathers ;
but that unhappy country could only be viewed with feel
ings of the deepest affliction by every true Israelite, par
ticularly by one who believed the predictions which Christ
had delivered concerning it. Paul would well know that
the storm was gathering over it, which, in a few years
would burst upon it to its destruction. There would, per
haps; be one comfort to him, in the midst of his sorrow for
his countrymen, which was, that civil disturbances drew
off the attention of the Jews from the Christians, and

*¦ u. 58.] TRAVELS OF PAUL. 131
gave to the latter more security in the propagation of their
doctrines. It would be necessary, however, to warn the
Christians in Judaea of the impending calamity ; and this
may have furnished the apostle with a motive for visiting
them. If he wrote his Epistle to the Hebrews at this time
(which is the opinion of most critics,) we may see in it
many prophetic warnings which he gave to the Christians,
concerning the Sufferings which they would undergo.
There is also some evidence that Matthew published his
Gospel about the same period. He dwells with particu-
lar minuteness on the horrors of the Jewish War ; and
the Christians of Judaea could not fail to notice the earnest
exhortations given to them by Christ himself, that they
would quit the city before the siege began. Matthew is
always said to have written his Gospel for the use of the
Jewish believers, and it was, perhaps, circulated princi-
pally in Palestine; whereas Luke intended his own com
position for the Gentile believers.
Though we may feel almost certain that Paul would
visit Jerusalem, after his release from Rome, we are still
at a loss to account for his proceedings during the remain.
der of his life ; and yet this period was perhaps as inter
esting as any part of the former years which he had devo
ted to the service of the Gospel. We have traced his pro
gress through the most civilized portions of the world, and
even to the capital of the Roman empire ; but he profess.
ed himself also under an obligation to preach the Gospel
to nations that were rude and barbarous. He had ample
time for fulfilling this sacred duty; and tradition has
pointed out the west of Europe as the scene of these later
actions of his life. Spain and Gaul, and even Britain,
have claimed the great apostle as the first founder of their
respective churches ; but the writer of history is obliged
to add, that though such journeys were perfectly possible,

132 TRAVELS OF PAUL. [a. u. 58.
and even probable, the actual evidence of their having
been undertaken is extremely small-. We have the apos
tle's own testimony for bis intending to visit Spain ; and
Clement, one of his own fellow. labourers, in an Epistle
which he wrote before the end of the century, speaks of
Paul having gone to the extremity of the west. This
may, perhaps, give some support to the notion of his visit
ing Spain : and if he "went to that country by land, he
must have passed through the south of France. But the
churches in France which claim the earliest origin, trace
their foundation rather to the companions of Paul than
to the apostle himself, and there is nothing unreasonable
in supposing that France, as well as Spain, contained
converts to Christianity before the end of the first cen
tury. The same may perhaps be said of our own island, though
we need not believe the traditions which have been al
ready mentioned, concerning its first conversion ; and it
is right to add, that the earliest writer who speaks of Bri-
tain as being visited by any of the apostles is Eusebius,
who wrote at the beginning ofthe fourth century ; and the
earliest writer who names St. Paul is Theodoret, who
lived a century later.
Traditions preserved by such writers as these, at least
deserve some attention ; but in later ages there was such
a taste for fabulous legends, and rival churches were so
anxious to trace their origin to an apostle, that we are
induced to reject almost all these stories, as entirely fie
titious. Still, however, it must appear singular that none
of the apostles should have travelled in a westerly direc
tion, and preached to the barbarous nations which had
submitted in part to the Roman arms. There might ap
pear no more reason against their going to Germany or
Britain, than to Persia or India ; and when we consider

*• *>• 621 death or james. 133
what was actually done by Paul, in the space of little
more than three years, we could easily conceive the whole
of the world to have been traversed in the same period, if
all the apostles were equally active. But the little which
we know concerning their individual labours will be con-
sidered more in detail presently. It is sufficient, for the
present, to repeat the observation concerning Paul, that
eight or ten years of his life remained after his liberation
from Rome, during which we may be certain that he was
constantly preaching the Gospel in different countries.
He undoubtedly visited Rome a second time, and re.
ceived there his crown of martyrdom : but before we pro
ceed to that event, (he order of time requires us to notice
the deaths of two other persons, who were of considera
ble note in the infant Church. These were James the
Bishop of Jerusalem, and the Evangelist Mark. \
We have seen the former appointed to preside over the
Christians at Jerusalem, in the second or third year after
the Ascension of our Lord. He held this perilous situa
tion (for his life must often have been in imminent dan
ger) for about thirty years ; and we are perhaps, in part,
to trace his own escape from persecution, as well as the
constantly increasing number of his flock, to the distur
bances and outrages which occupied the Jews and their
governors for some years before the breaking out of the
war. The Jews, however, were well aware of the im
portant service which James had rendered to the Chris
tians; and, in the year 62, they seized a favourable op
portunity for putting him to death. Festus, who had kept
them in subjection with a strong hand, and who would
quickly have suppressed any popular movement, though
merely of a religious nature, died in the eighth year of the
reign of Nero ; and before his successor Albinus arrived,
the high-priest, whose name at this time was Ananus, put
11*

134 DEATH OF HARE. [a. D. 62.
James to death. He knew so little of his victim, as to
think that he would assist in checking the growth of
those doctrines which were spreading so rapidly ; and,
with this view, he placed him on the top of the Temple,
that he might harangue the people, and dissuade them
from becoming Christians. He did harangue the people j
but, as might be expected, he exhorted them to embrace
the Gospel ; upon which he was immediately thrown
down, and either stoned to death or despatched by a
fuller's club.
Such was the tragical end of James the Just, who, in
addition to his other services, was author of the Epistle
which bears his name, and which is addressed to the con
verted Jews; but the exact date of it cannot be ascer
tained. His place, as Bishop of Jerusalem, was supplied
by his brother Simeon, of whose earlier history nothing
certain is known; but there is reason fo think that Jude,
another of the brothers, was one ofthe twelve apostles ;
and Joses probably devoted himself to the same occupa
tion of travelling about to preach the Gospel.
The same year, 62, is connected with the death of
another distinguished Christian, Mark the Evangelist ;
concerning whoso earlier history we shall say nothing,
except that he was probably not the same person with
John, surnamed Mark, who accompanied Paul on his first
apostolic journey. If he died in 62, as is stated by Euse-
bius, he could not be the same with this, John, who was
certainly alive at a later period, when Paul wrote his
Second Epistle to Timothy. Mark the Evangelist is
always, said to have been the companion of Peter; and
tradition also points him out as the first founder of the
Church of Alexandria. The date of his visit to that city
cannot be ascertained, but it was probably late in his
life ; and we might also conclude that he did not go there

A. D. 62.] CHURCH OF ALEXANDRIA. 135
in company with Peter, or the Alexandrian Church would
have claimed the apostle as its founder, rather than the
evangelist. Mark, however, may have been sent into
Egypt by Peter, and his name is thus connected with a
church which, for some centuries, was the most distin
guished for the learning. 6f its members. His written
Gospel appears to have been composed at Rome, to which
place he travelled in company with Peter, and he proba
bly continued there some time after the apostle left it ;
for the Roman Christians, who had heard the Gospel
preached by Peter, are said to have requested Mark to
commit the same to writing. If Peter visited Rome about
the year 58, as was before conjectured, we may approach
to the date of the -publication of Mark's Gospel : and the
writer of it would thus have been likely to see the earlier
work, which had been written by Luke ; but though the
latter Gospel was already in circulation among the Ro
man Christians, it was not unnatural that the Jewish
converts, who would listen with peculiar pleasure to the
preaching of Peter, should wish to have a Gospel of their
own, written by one of his companions. The stories of
Mark having suffered martyrdom at Alexandria are not
deserving of credit ; but he appears to have died there in
the eighth year of Nero, and to have been succeeded in
the government of that church by Annianus.
The early history of the Alexandrian Church would
be extremely interesting, if we had any authentic mate-
rials for collecting it ; but the fact of its being founded
by Mark, is almost the only one which is deserving, of
credit. It has bsen stated that Gnosticism, which was a
compound of Jewish and heathen philosophy, took its rise
in Alexandria ; and if men were willing to exchange their
former opinions for this absurd and extravagant system,
we might suppose that Christianity would not have been

136 ALEXANDRIAN CHRISTIANS. [a. d. 62.
rejected by them as altogether unworthy of their notice.
It appears, in fact, to have attracted the attention of the
learned at Alexandria sooner than in any other country.
It was a long time before the Grecian philosophers con
descended to notice the speculations of an obscure Jewish
sect. But the Jews themselves, who resided at Alexan
dria, were many of them men of learning, and were not
only well acquainted with the written works of the hea
then, but had frequent opportunities of conversing and
disputing with philosophers of various sects who came to
Alexandria. One consequence of this intercourse was,
that there was a greater toleration of different opinions
in that city than was generally allowed in Grecian
schools, where the adherents of one class of doctrines
professed to hold all others in contempt. And there is
reason to think that the Christians were for a long time
allowed a full liberty of discussion in Alexandria, till
their numbers began to be formidable to their heathen
opponents. This also led to the Alexandrian Christians
being more remarkable for their learning than those of
other countries ; and having to explain their doctrines to
Jews and Gentiles, who were well accustomed to dispu.
tation, they were obliged to take more pains in instruct.
ing their converts ; and thus the Christian schools were
established at an early period, which in the second and
third centuries produced so many learned and voluminous
writers. There was also another circumstance which, perhaps,
contributed to the diffusion of Christianity, not only in
Alexandria, but through the whole of Egypt. There was
a set of men living in the country, who in later times
might have been called monks or hermits, but who were
known in those days by the name of Therapeutae. In-
stead of frequenting the large towns, or taking part in

A. D. 62.] THERAPEUTAE AND ESSENES. 137
the ordinary affairs of life, they retired into the deserts,,
or less inhabited districts of the country, and passed their
time in a kind of mystical or religious contemplation.
Their religion appears to have been free from many of
the impurities and superstitions of the heathen, and a re.
semblance has been traced between some of their opinions
and practices and those of the Jews. It has been thought,
indeed, that the Egyptian Therapeutae were Jews ; and
the notion has derived support from the fact, that at the
same period there was a Jewish sect, living in Palestine,
known by the name of Essenes. The habits of these men
bore a close resemblance to those of the Therapeutas ; and
there may, perhaps, have been some connexion between
them, which would account for both of them adopting
such a singular mode of life. But there are strong rea.
sons for concluding that the Therapeutae were not Jews,
though some persons of that nation may have joined them
from Alexandria ; and their religious opinions, as was
before observed, contained some traces of a Jewish origin.
It can hardly be denied that the morality of these sects
came nearer to the standard of the Gospel than that of
any other men who were unenlightened by revelation.
In some respects they ran into the extreme of making
themselves entirely useless to their fellow-beings ; and
society could not be carried on if their habits were gene.
rally adopted. But if we compare them with what we
know of the heathen, or even of the Jews, at the time
when the Gospel was first preached, it must be allowed
that there was no place where the soil was better pre.
pared for receiving the heavenly seed, than among these
contemplative and ascetic recluses of Egypt. There are
traditions which speak of many of them having been con-
verted to the Gospel ; and such a result was certainly
not improbable. We shall also see, in the course of this

138 PERSECUTION BY NERO. [a. D. 64.
history, that the first Christians who adopted monastic
habits were resident in Egypt, which might be accounted
for by some of the Therapeutae retaining their ancient
mode of life after their conversion. It is to be regretted
that so little is known of the effect produced upon these
men by the first preaching of Christianity : but it was
thought right to give this short account of them, though
we can only say from conjecture, that some of them
received the word of life from the Evangelist Mark.
Though we know so little of the two great apostles,
Peter and Paul, during the later years of their lives, we
may assert with confidence that they both suffered mar-
tyrdom at Rome, which brings us to the first systematic
persecution of the Christians by the heathen. In the
year 64, a great fire happened at Rome, which burnt down
ten out of the fourteen regions into which the city was
divided. The emperor Nero was strongly suspected of
having caused the conflagration ; but he tried to silence
the report, by turning the fury of the citizens against the
Christians. The rapid growth of Christianity Was sure
by this time to have raised against it many enemies, who
were interested in suppressing it.
When Paul preached it for the first time at Rome, as a
prisoner, he met with no opposition ; but during the six
years which followed his departure, the grain of mustard-
seed had been growing into a tree, which threatened to
overtop the stateliest and most luxuriant plantations of
heathenism. This is the real cause of the different re
ception which the apostle met with on his first and second
visit. If the emperor had wished to raise a cry against the
Christians on the former occasion, he would not have
found many, in proportion to the population of the city,
who had even heard of their name. But before his second
visit, the new religion had gained so many followers, that

A. D. 64.] PERSECUTION BY NERO. 139
the persons interested in supporting the ancient supersti-
tions began to be seriously alarmed. The emperor him-
self would be likely to care little about religion; but he
would care still less for the sufferings of the Christians,
if he could make his people believe that they had set fire
to Rome. It is certain that many calumnies were now
beginning to be spread, which were likely to, raise preju
dices against the Christians. The heathen could not, or
would not, understand their abhorrence of a plurality of
gods, and set them down as atheists. They were even
represented as grossly immoral in their conduct, and as
practising horrid and inhuman rites at their religious
meetings. Such notions may have arisen, in part, from the
love-feasts and sacraments of the Christians ; but they
are also to be traced to the Gnostics, all of whom were
addicted to magic, and some of them did not scruple to
defend and to practise the most licentious and disgusting
immoralities. The Gnostics were for a long time con
founded with the Christians, by those who pretended to
despise all foreign superstitions ; and thus when the Chris-
tians were accused of having set fire to Rome, the popu
lace was easily excited to demand their blood.
The emperor's gardens were used as a circus for the
occasion ; and the remorseless tyrant disgraced himself
and human nature, by taking part in the games, while the
Christians were tortured by new and barbarous inven-
tions, to furnish amusement for the spectators. Humanity
shudders to hear of these innocent victims being enclosed
in tho skins of beasts, that they might be torn in pieces
by dogs ; or covered with pitch and other inflammable
materials, that they might serve as torches to dispel the
darkness of the night ! The number of persons who suf
fered in this way is not stated ; but the Romans appear
from this time to have acquired a taste for persecuting

140 PETER AND PAUL VISIT ROME. [a. D. 64.
the Christians, which continued, more or less, to the end
of Nero's reign. It was during this period that the two
apostles, Peter and Paul, came to Rome ; and it seems
probable that Paul arrived first. He approached the
capital from the east, and there is no reason to think that
he entered it as a prisoner ; but he appears to have lost
his liberty soon after his arrival ; and his imprisonment
was now much more close and severe than it had been
on the former occasion.
Under other circumstances, the apostle would have re-
joiced in having the company of Peter ; but they were
now fellow-sufferers, or rather fellow-victims; and it is
not certain whether they were even allowed to visit each
other as prisoners, though the place is still shown in
Rome in which they are said to have been confined. It
seems most probable that Peter wrote his two Epistles
before this last journey -to Rome; and if he had visited
the people to whom the first of them is addressed, we are
able to say that he had traversed nearly the whole of Asia
Minor. He had also gone much further to the east, if the
Babylon from which he wrote the Epistle was the cele-
brated city on the Euphrates. But it has been supposed
by some writers to be a figurative name, by which he
chose to speak of Rome ; and if this was the case, it is
most probable that he wrote the Epistle during some
former visit which he paid to the capital. The second
epistle was certainly written not long before his death;
but there is no evidence of his having written it during
his imprisonment. We may speak with more certainty
with respect to Paul, whose second Epistle to Timothy
was undoubtedly sent from Rome during the period of
which we are now speaking. Timothy was still taking
charge of the apostle's converts at Ephesus ; and the
Epistle pressed him to come to Rome before winter: but

A. D. 64.] DEATHS OF PAUL AND PETER. 141
whether the two friends met again in this world cannot
be ascertained.
The eventful lives of the two great apostles were now
drawing to a close. Paul appears to have been called
upon to make a public defence ; but the sequel shows, as
might have been expected, that all defence was useless.
He was ordered to be beheaded, that mode of punishment
having probably been selected out of regard for his being
a citizen of Rome ; and as early as in the third century,
a spot was shown, on the road leading to Ostia, in which
his body was said to have been buried. We are equally
in the dark as to the personal history of Peter during his
last visit to Rome. There are traditions which speak of
his once more encountering Simon, the Samaritan impos
tor, and celebrated founder of the Gnostics, during one
of his visits at Rome ; but whether such a meeting ever
actually took place, and whether it was at this last or a
previous visit, is entirely uncertain. We can only ven
ture to assert, that Peter was imprisoned for some time
before his death at Rome ; and it is generally stated that
both apostles suffered martyrdom on the same day. Peter,
not being a citizen of Rome, was ordered to be crucified,
which was a common punishment for criminals of the
lower orders. But the apostle showed his humility by
requesting to be fastened to the cross with his head down
wards, as if he felt himself unworthy to die in the same
manner with his heavenly Master. If the story may be
received which was current at the end of the second cen
tury, that Peter saw his wife led out to martyrdom, and
encouraged her to bear the trial, it is probably to be re
ferred to the period of his own suffering. The place of
his interment was also shown, like that of Paul's, as early
as in the third century, but not on the same spot ; for
Peter is said to have been buried on the hill of the Vati-
12

142 ROMAN CHURCH. [a. d. 64—68.
can, where the magnificent church now stands which
bears his name.
This persecution began, as was stated, in tbe year 64,
and the reign of Nero ended in the June of 68 ; but it is
uncertain whether the Christians were exposed to suffer.
ing during the whole of that period. The deaths of the
two apostles must be placed some time before the death
of the emperor ; perhaps in the year 67 ; which thus be.
comes a memorable and melancholy era in the History of
the Church. Some persons have supposed that the per
secution was felt by the Christians not only in the capital,
but throughout various provinces of the empire. This
point, however, has never been clearly proved. The
rapid progress of Christianity may have led to the same
results in different countries, and provincial magistrates
may have been encouraged in any acts of cruelty, by
knowing that the emperor allowed the Christians to be
tortured ; but there is no evidence that Nero published
any general edict which made Christianity a crime, or
which ordered the magistrates to suppress it. We may
hope that, even in the capital, the thirst for blood was
satisfied, when that of the two apostles had been shed.
The Roman Christians, as we have seen, had been com-
mitted some years before to the care of Linus ; and there
is reason to think that Linus also suffered martyrdom
during Nero's persecution. The Church was then com
mitted to the charge of Anencletus, whose name has
thus been preserved as that of the second bishop of
Rome.

D. 68.] THE APOSTLES. 14,3

CHAPTER VI.
Lives of the Apostles. — Destruction of Jerusalem. — Flight of tho
Christians to Pella. — Rise of the Nazarenes and Ebionites. —
Effect of the Dispersion of the Jews. — GnoBtic Notions concern
ing Christ.
Before we pursue the History of the Church in its
chronological order, we will pause to consider the pro
gress which had already been made by the Gospel. When
Paul wrote to the Colossians, during his first imprison
ment at Rome, he spoke of the Gospel having been then
preached to every creature which is under heaven. We are
not to press the literal interpretation of these words, any
more than those of our Saviour, who said, when speaking
of the destruction of Jerusalem, The Gospel must first bs
published among all nations. Nevertheless, it was literally
true, at the time when the Epistle to the Colossians was
written, that the Gospel had been preached in every coun
try of the then civilized world, as well as in many coun
tries which were still barbarous. Paul himself had visited
the whole of Palestine, with part of Syria, including the
capital ; the sea-coast of Asia Minor, on the south and
west, with great part of the interior, and the islands of
Cyprus and Crete ; Macedonia, in its widest significa
tion ; Attica, the Peloponnesus, and Rome. All this was
done by one man, in the space of twelve years ; after
which time the same apostle continued his missionary
labours for eight years more ; and during the whole of
both periods, there is every reason to believe that the
other apostles were performing similar journeys with
similar success.

144 APOSTLE THOMAS. [a. D. 68.
It has already been observed that we know very little
of the personal history of the twelve apostles ; but the
remark may be repeated here, that they probably did not
begin their distant travels till the time of Paul's first
journey in 45 ; and there is reason to think that very few
of them survived the destruction of Jerusalem. We have
already mentioned the little that is known concerning
Peter. James, the brother of John, was beheaded in the
year 44, before his apostolical labours could have begun,
though the fact of his death may serve to show that he
had been a zealous preacher to his countrymen at Jeru-
salem. John himself outlived all the other apostles, and
did not die till the end of the century ; so that we shall
have occasion to notice him hereafter.
Of the nine other apostles we have very little authen
tic information, though there are abundant traditions con
cerning their preaching in distant countries, and suffer
ing martyrdom. These accounts are not supported by
the earlier writers, except with relation to Andrew and
Thomas : the former of whom is said, by a writer of the
third century, to have preached in Scythia, and the lat
ter in Parthia. The term Scythia might be applied to
many countries ; but Andrew is said more precisely to
have visited the country about the Black Sea ; and, ulti
mately, to have died in the south of Greece. If it be true
that the apostle Thomas preached in Parthia, we are to
understand this expression of the Persian territories ; and
he is also said to have travelled as far as India. Some
persons have thought to find traces of his apostolical la-
bours in a settlement of Christians lately discovered on
the coast of Malabar, and we are told that these persons
lay claim to the apostle Thomas as their founder. But
though this interesting church may be of great antiquity,
there is good reason to doubt the truth of such a tradi-

a. D. 68.] BARTHOLOMEW.  MATTHEW. 145
tion ; and part of the country, which is now called Ara
bia, was often spoken of in ancient times as India. It is,
therefore, highly probable that Thomas preached the Gos
pel in the central parts of Asia ; and the church of Edes-
sa, a city on the east bank of the Euphrates, may have
been planted by this apostle. But the story of Abgarus,
the king of that people, having written a letter to our
Saviour, and being cured of a disorder by a person sent
to him from the apostle Thomas, is worthy of little credit,
except as it confirms the tradition of Thomas having
preached at Edessa. His remains were shown in that
city as early as in the fourth century ; and there is rea
son to think that he did not suffer martyrdom.
There is the same doubt concerning the proper mean
ing of the term India, in another tradition, concerning
the apostles Matthew and Bartholomew. It was reported,
at the end of the second century, that a Hebrew copy of
the Gospel composed by Matthew had been found in India,
which had been brought to that country by Bartholomew.
It is plain that a Hebrew translation of this Gospel could
only have been of use to Jews, who are known to have
been settled in great numbers in Arabia ; so that, if there
is any truth in this story, it probably applies to Arabia,
and we may conclude that one or both of these apostles
visited that country. Matthew is reported upon other,
but later, authority, to have preached in Ethiopia, which
was another name occasionally used for Arabia. He is
also said to have led a life of rigid abstemiousness, and
not to have met his end by martyrdom.
Concerning three of the apostles, Simon surnamed the
Zealot, Matthias, and James the son of Alphaeus, we know
absolutely nothing ; at least if we follow the opinion ex
pressed in this history, that the James now mentioned
was a different person from the bishop of Jerusalem,
12*

146 jude. — PHILIP. [a. r>. 68.
There was, however, a brother of the bishop, named Jude,
who was probably the same with the apostle of that
name ; and since Paul, in a letter which he wrote in the
year 52, speaks of the brethren of our Lord travelling about
with their wives, and preaching the Gospel, we can hard.
ly help referring the expression to Jude, who at that time
was pursuing his apostolical labours ; but the particular
countries in which he travelled are not known. We
learn, from other authorities, that he was married, and
left descendants. He was also the writer of the Epistle
which is still extant ; and there is reason to think that
he survived most of the other apostles. It has been stated
that none of them lived to the end of the century, except
John ; but it is probable that Philip died at an advanced
age; and his residence, in the latter part of his life, was
at Hierapolis, in Phrygia. He also was married, and had
daughters, which was perhaps the cause of his being
sometimes confounded with the other Philip, who was one
of the seven deacons, and lived at Caesarea, whose unmar-
ried daughters are mentioned in the Acts of the Apostles.
This brief sketch of the personal history ofthe apostles
will be unsatisfactory to those who would wish to be fur-
nished with anecdotes concerning the founders of our
faith. Such a wish is perfectly reasonable, if materials
could be found for gratifying it ; and the historian of tha
Church could not better discharge his duty, when engaged
upon the affairs of the first century, than in relating cir.
cumstances connected with the lives and deaths of the
apostles. Their history would be that of the first propa-
gation of the Gospel. But it has been already stated
more than once, that we know very little concerning them;
and upon this interesting subject, the Christians of the
third and fourth centuries appear to have been almost as
much in the dark as ourselves. Traditions must have

A. B. 68.] LIVES OF THE APOSTLES. 147
been extant in the second century, connected with the
history of the apostles, and collections of them are stated
to have been made by writers of that period ; but they
have not come down to our day, except, perhaps, amidst
a heap of extravagant fictions, which make it impossible
for us to ascertain whether any of the stories are genu
ine. The lives of all the apostles may be read in most
minute detail, not only in the compilations of modern
writers, but in works, or fragments of werks, which are
probably as old as the second century ; and we shall see,
when we come to that period, that literary forgeries be.
gan then to be common, which pretended to relate the
personal adventures of the companions of our Lord. The
only inspired work upon the subject, which is entitled the
Acts of the Apostles, might, with more propriety, be
termed the Acts of Paul, and they do not bring down his
history beyond the termination of his first imprisonment
at Rome. The account of his second imprisonment, and
of his death, might have been related much more minute
ly, if credit could be given to the statements of later wri
ters ; but it is impossible to do so, in the great majority
of instances, without laying aside every principle of
sound and rational criticism ; and the same remark will
apply to the voluminous legends which are still extant
concerning the rest of the apostles.
We may now pursue the history of the Church during
the period which followed the martyrdom of Peter and
Paul. There still remain more than thirty years before
we come to the end of the first century ; but of these
thirty years very little is known. We have been able to
trace the history of Paul with some minuteness ; but the
short and scanty account which has been given of the
other apostles, will show that very little is known of their
individual labours.

148 JEWISH WAR. [a. d. 72.
The three successors of Nero in the empire held their
disputed titles for only eighteen months ; and in the year
69, Vespasian was declared emperor. The event which
makes his reign so peculiarly interesting, is the destruc
tion of Jerusalem by his son Titus, who, without knowing
the counsels which he was called to fulfil, was employed
by God to execute his vengeance upon his infatuated and
rebellious people. The ecclesiastical historian may be
thankful that he is not called upon to describe the horrors
ofthe Jewish war. It is sufficient for our present purpose
to state, that the discontent, which had been showing itself
at intervals for several years, broke out into open hostil.
ities in the year 66, when the Jews were successful in
defeating a Roman army commanded by Cestius Gallus.
This was the signal for open war. Vespasian himself
took the field against them ; and the Jews soon found
that their only hope was in the power of Jerusalem
to stand a siege. The command of the besieging army
was then committed to Titus ; and though, according to
the notions of those days, he was not a blood-thirsty con-
queror, it is calculated that more than a million of Jews
perished in the siege. The city was taken in the year
72, and, from that time to the present, Jerusalem has been
trodden down by the Gentiles.
There can be no doubt that the Jews were partly exci
ted to this obstinate resistance by the expectation that a
mighty and victorious prince was soon to appear among
them. One impostor after another declared himself to be
the Messiah ; and the notion was so generally spread of
an universal empire being about to begin from Judaea, that
Vespasian thought it expedient to proclaim the fulfilment
of the expectation in his own person. The fact of his
first assuming the imperial title in Judaea snpported such
a notion ; but Vespasian, like other usurpers, was mis-

*•• »• 72.J VESPASIAN. 149
trustful of his own right, and could not altogether dismiss
his fears of a rival. We are told that when Jerusalem
was taken, he ordered an inquiry to be made after all the
descendants of David, that the Jews might not have any
person of the royal race remaining. If they had not been
too much occupied by their own misfortunes, they would
perhaps have gratified their hatred of the Christians by
denouncing them to the emperor, as persons who owned
for their king a descendant of the house of David. In
one sense this was true of the Christians ; but though
Vespasian might have been inclined to view the Chris.
tians with jealousy, there is good reason to think that,
oh the present occasion at least, they escaped his in*
quiries. His only object would have been to ascertain whether
any person of the royal line was likely to oppose him as
a competitor for the empire. The notion of a kingdom
which was not of this world would have given him no un.
easiness ; and there is no reason to suppose that Vespa-
sian paid any attention to the religion of the Christians,
unless we conclude that the miraculous cures which he
pretended to perform in Egypt were set up in rivalry to
that preternatural power which so many of the first con
verts had received from the hands of the apostles.
Our Saviour had predicted the siege and destruction of
Jerusalem, in the plainest' terms, to his disciples. With
equal plainness he had warned the Christians to quit the
city before the siege began. History informs us that
they profited by these merciful predictions ; and, if the
dates have been rightly assigned to the Gospels of Mat
thew and Luke, the publication of them at that period
would forcibly remind the Christians of the necessity
which there was of flying from the devoted spot.
It has even been said, that new and supernatural warn-

150 DISPERSION OF THE JEWS. [a. D. 72.
ings were given to them to retire from Jerusalem ; but it
is certain that, as early as the year 66, before the city
was at all surrounded by armies, many of the inhabitants
left it ; and a place named Pella, on the eastern side of
the river Jordan, is mentioned as providing a refuge for
the Christians. We may conclude that they were accom.
panied by Symeon, who, since the year 62, had presided
over the church at Jerusalem ; and the number of fugi.
fives must have been extremely great, if he was attended
by all his flock. But it is not improbable that several of
the Jewish believers quitted Palestine altogether, and set
tled in different parts of the empire. This would be the
case particularly with those who had already laid aside
their attachment to the Law of Moses. The destruction
of the city, and the dispersion of its inhabitants, would
confirm them in their belief, that God no longer intended
the Jews to be a peculiar people. They would thence-
forth cease to think of Judasa as their home ; and, so far
as they could lay aside their national character, they
would join themselves to the great body of Gentile Chris
tians, who were now beginning to be numerous in every
part of the world.
The effect of so many converted Jews being sud-
denly dispersed throughout the empire must have been
felt in various ways. In the first place, the mere acces.
sion of numbers to the Christians must have brought them
more under the notice ofthe hea-then ; and though this was
likely to be followed by persecution, it would also operate
in making the new religion more widely known, and
therefore more widely propagated. In the next place, it
would tend to confirm the notion already entertained by
the heathen, that the Christians were merely a Jewish
sect : and though the contempt which was felt for the Jews
might hitherto have served as a protection to the Chris.

¦»¦ O. 72.] JEWISH CHRISTIANS. 151
tians, this feeling was likely to be changed when the war
was brought to a conclusion. The Jews, who had before
been only distinguished for a peculiar religion, were now
known throughout the empire as an obstinate and turbu-
lent people, whose desperate courage had for a time defied
the whole strength of Rome, and who could only cease to
be formidable by being utterly wiped away from the cat-
alogue of nations. So long as the Christians were con
founded with the Jews, they would be likely to share in
these feelings of suspicion and ill-will ; and persons who
might not have cared for the increasing propagation of the
Christian doctrines, would view with dislike, if not with
actual alarm, the general diffusion of opinions which were
supposed to be peculiar to the Jews.
These were some of the effects which might have been
produced upon the minds of the heathen, by the dispersion
of so many converted Jews at the close of the war. But
it is probable that consequences of a different kind were
felt by the Christians themselves. It has been already
observed, that those countries which received the Gospel
before the arrival of any apostle, received it most proba
bly by the hands of Jews ; and hence there are traces of
even the Gentile converts becoming attached, in a greater
or less degree, to the Law of Moses, in every place where
a Christian community was formed. If this had been
so from the beginning, it was likely that the adoption of
Jewish customs would become still more general when so
many churches received an accession of Jewish members.
We, perhaps, see traces of this in the practice, which was
continued for some centuries, of the Christians observing
the Jewish Sabbath on the seventh day of the week, as
well as the Sunday, or first day. That the Sunday was
called the Lord's Day, and was kept holy in memory of
the Lord having risen from the dead on that day, can be

152 CHRISTIANS OF JERUSALEM. [a. I>. 7S.
proved from the practice of the apostles, as recorded in
the New Testament. But there is also evidence that
many Christians continued for a long time to attach a
religious sanctity to the Saturday, as being the Sabbath
of the Jews ; and such a custom may have derived sup.
port from the cause above-mentioned, when so many He
brew Christians were dispersed throughout the empire.
The same remark may be applied to what has been al
ready mentioned in a former chapter, that the prohibition
of eating things strangled, or any animal which was
killed with the blood in it, was considered of perpetual
obligation by all, or nearly all, Christians, for soma
centuries. The country in which Pella is^situated formed part of
the territories given by the Romans to Agrippa, who had
prudence and policy enough to keep on good terms with
the conquerors, without actually taking up arms against
his countrymen. The Christians, therefore, remained
unmolested in Pella and the neighbourhood ; and as soon
as it was possible for them to return to Jerusalem, many
of them did so, accompanied by their bishop, and set up
again a Christian church amidst thei-uins of their city.
Without attributing to the Jewish (Airistians any want
of patriotism, or any feeling of attachment to the Roman
government, it was natural for them to view the destruc-
tion of Jerusalem with very different emotions from those
of their unbelieving countrymen. They knew that this
event, disastrous and fatal as it was to their nation, had
been positively foretold by the Founder of their religion :
many of them had long acknowledged that the distinction
between Jew and Gentile was to exist no longer ; and
the total subversion of the Jewish polity would be likely
to make still more of them embrace this once unwelcome
truth : to which it may be added, that the expectation of

A. D. 72.] NAZARENES. 153
a temporal prince, descended from the family of David,
could hardly be entertained by the Christians, who al
ready acknowledged a spiritual completion of the pro.
phecies in Jesus, the Son of David. All this would in-
cline them to acquiesce much more patiently than the
rest of their nation in the awful judgments of God ; and
if their Roman masters allowed them to return to the
land of their fathers, they would accept the indulgence
with gratitude ; and though their walls were not to be
rebuilt, and one stone of the Temple was not left upon
another, they were too happy to return to their homes, as
a quiet, inoffensive people, and to continue to worship
the Father in spirit and in truth.
It might, perhaps, be too much to assert, that from this
period the only inhabitants of Jerusalem were Christians,
though it is not improbable that such was the case when
the settlers from Pella first took possession of the ruins.
That these men were sincere believers in Christ cannot
be doubted : but there is reason to think that they still
continued to observe some of the peculiarities of the Law
of Moses ; not that they considered any of these ceremo
nies as essential to salvation, but they had scruples as to
leaving them off altogether, and added them, as external
ordinances, to the more pure and vital doctrines of the
Gospel. This, however, was not the case with all the Jewish
Christians who had fled beyond the Jordan. Many of
them remained in that district ; and from them we are
to date the origin of two sects, whose religious opinions
have led to much discussion. These were the Nazarenes
and Ebionites, whose doctrines have been confounded by
later writers, and both of them have received the name of
heretics : but there is good reason to think that, at first,
there was an essential difference between them, and that
13

154 EBIONITES. [a. d. 72.
the Nazarenes had no peculiar tenets, except their con.
tinued and rigorous attachment to all the ceremonies of
the Mosaic Law.
We have seen that this attachment prevailed very
generally among the Jewish believers ; and it is probable
that it had been held by many of the persons who fled to
Pella. The destruction of Jerusalem, as has been al
ready remarked, would be likely to diminish the numbers
of these adherents of the law ; and from this time the
Judaizing Christians formed a distinct sect or party in
the Church, though from the nature of the case they
would be principally confined to Judaea ; and accordingly,
when we find mention of them as existing in the fourth
century, they were still living in the neighbourhood of
Pella. They then bore the name of Nazarenes, and were
considered to differ in some important points from the
orthodox Church : but there is no evidence that this name
was exclusively applied to them in the first century, or
for a long time after. At first it was a term of reproach
given by the Jews to all the believers in Christ ; and
though the term Christian, which was of Greek or Latin
origin, was more suited for general adoption than a name
which was taken from a Jewish town, it was not un-
natural that the Judaizing Christians should still continue
to be called Nazarenes. Even their believing brethren
might give them this appellation ; and if the sect after
wards came to adopt erroneous opinions, we can easily
account for a distinct heresy being mentioned as that of
the Nazarenes.
The Ebionites were, from the first, much more deci-
dedly heretical, though they also took their origin, at the
same period, from the neighbourhood of Pella. It must
be remembered that this part of the country had long lost
its former connexion with Judaea, though Herod the Great

a. D. 72.] GNOSTIC NOTIONS CONCERNING CHRIST. 155
had held it with his other possessions, and it now formed
part of the small dominions of Agrippa. Ever since the
captivity of the ten tribes, it had been inhabited, like Sa
maria, by a mixed race of people, who blended some parts
of the religion of the Jews with superstitions imported
principally from the East. When the Christian fugitives
came among them from Jerusalem, their doctrines would
naturally excite the attention of the natives, particularly
of such as had already in part adopted Judaism. Another
set of opinions had also been gaining ground for some
time in this part of the world, which has already been
mentioned under the name of Gnosticism. Simon Magus
had preached it with great success in his native country,
Samaria, from whence it could easily be carried across
the Jordan to the country where Pella was situated. The
leader of the Gnostics made great use of the name of
Christian in his new system of philosophy. He consi
dered Christ as one among many emanations from God,
who was sent into the world to free it from the tyranny
of evil. He received whatever he had heard of the per-
Bonal history of Jesus, and fully believed him to be the
divine emanation called Christ. But he would not be
lieve that Jesus had a real substantial body : he thought
that a divine and heavenly being would never unite him
self with what was earthly and material: and having
heard of Christ soon after his ascension, before any writ-
ten accounts of his birth and death were circulated, he
formed the absurd and fanciful notion that the body of
Jesus was a mere spirit, or phantom, which only appeared
to perform the functions of a man, and that it was not
really nailed to the cross. It has been already observed
that this impiety entirely destroyed the doctrine of the
atonement. Such was the notion entertained by Simon Magus con-

156 GNOSTICS. [a. b. 72.
cerning Jesus Christ; and his followers, the Gnostics,
were for some time called Docetae, from a Greek word
implying their belief that the body of Jesus was a phan.
torn. The notion, in fact, continued for some centuries,
and was perpetuated, after the declension of Gnosticism,
by the Manichees. But before the end of the first cen
tury, another division of Gnostics invented a new doc
trine, which was, perhaps, owing to the general circula
tion of the written Gospels. It was plainly stated in
these books, and persons living in Judasa could not be ig-
norant of the fact, that Jesus had, in every sense of the
term, a human body. The names of his mother, Mary,
and her husband, Joseph, were generally known ; and his
growth from childhood to manhood, as well as other cir
cumstances in his life, proved him to be subject to the
usual laws of human nature. All this could not be de.
nied by the Gnostics ; but still they would not bring them-
selves to believe that a being of heaven could so inti
mately unite itself with a being of earth as to be born of
a human parent ; and, to get rid of this difficulty, a new
doctrine was devised, for which they seemed to find some
support in the" written Gospels.
They had read the account of the baptism of Jesus, on
which occasion the Holy Spirit descended visibly from
heaven, and lighted upon him. The Gnostics interpreted
this to mean, that Jesus, up to the time of his baptism,
had been a mere human being, born in the ordinary way,
of two human parents ; but that, after that time, the man
Jesus was united to Christ, who was an emanation from
God ; and that the two beings continued so united till the
crucifixion of Jesus, when Christ left him and returned to
heaven. It was their belief in the divinity of Christ
which hindered them from believing that he was born of
a human mother; and hence they divided Jesus and

A. D. 72-1] CEEINTHIANS. 157
Christ into two distinct beings, — Jesus was a mere man,
but Christ was an emanation from God.
The name of the person who invented this doctrine has
not been ascertained ; but, before the end of the first cen.
tury, it was held by two persons who became eminent as
the heads of parties, — the one a Greek, named Carpo-
crates, and the other named Cerinthus, who, if he was
not a Jew, admitted much of the Jewish religion into his
scheme of Gnosticism. Both these persons were openly
and scandalously profligate in their moral cnoduct, which
enables us to point out another division among the Gnos
tics ; for, while some maintained that all actions were
lawful to one who possessed the true knowledge of God,
and accordingly indulged in every species of vice, others
considered it the duty of a Gnostic to mortify the body,
and to abstain even from the most innocent enjoyments.
Carpocrates and Cerinthus belonged to the former of these
divisions ; and Cerinthus, not content with encouraging
his followers in the grossest dissipation," held out to them
a millennium of enjoyment at the end of the world, when
Christ was again to appear upon earth, and his faithful
followers were to revel in a thousand' years of sensuab.
indulgence !
It is possible that Cerinthus did not rise into notice till
towards the end of the century ; but Gnosticism had un
doubtedly made great progress in the world before the
period at which we are now arrived ; and though its early
history is involved in some obscurity, it is plain that it
borrowed largely from the religion of the Jews, as might
be expected in asystem which was begun by anative of
Samaria. The Ebionites, whose origin led us into this
discussion, were a branch of the Gnostios,.and they are
said to have appeared at first like the Nazarenes, in the
neighbourhood of Pella. Their name signifies, in He.
13*

158 E3I0N1TES. [A. D. 72.
brew, poor ; but it has been doubted whether they werei
not called from an individual whose name was EbioD.>
They were represented by the ancients as Jews, and some
moderns have considered them to be Christians. But
though their tenets partook both of Christianity and Ju
daism, they cannot properly be classed with either party.
The first Ebionites may by birth have been Jews, and they
may have fancied that they were embracing the doctrines
of the Gospel ; but they chose to disfigure both forms of
religion, and they should properly be described as a branch
of Jewish Gnostics. If they were originally Jews, they
made a strong departure from the faith of their fathers,
for they did not acknowledge the whole of the Penta
teuch, and utterly rejected the writings of the prophets.
Notwithstanding this heterodoxy, they sided with the
most bigoted of the Jews in adhering to all the ceremo.
nies of the Mosaic law, although they professed to be be-
lievers in Jesus Christ. It was on the principle that they
paid no respect to Paul as an apostle ; and when his Epis
tles came into general circulation, they were rejected by
the Ebionites.
Their connexion with the Gnostics is proved by their
adopting the notion that Christ descended upon Jesus at
his baptism ; and their belief in Christ's divinity led them
to maintain that Jesus was born, in the ordinary way, of
two human parents. They would not admit any account
which spoke of Christ, the Son of God, being conceived
in the womb of the Virgin, or of his being united from the
moment of his birth with a human being. They had a
Gospel of their own, written in Hebrew, and made up in
part from that of Matthew, from which they had expunged
every thing relating to the miraculous conception, and to
the birth of Christ. It is stated, however, that the later
Ebionites became divided upon this point; and though

A. r>. 72.] CHURCH AT JERUSALEM. 153
all of them believed that Christ came down from heaven,
and united himself to Jesus, some of them maintained that
Jesus was conceived miraculously by the Virgin, while
others, as stated above, believed him in every sense to ba
an ordinary human being. It should be added in favour
of the Ebionites, that though their religious tenets were
erroneous and extravagant, their moral practice was par
ticularly strict, which perhaps forms the most prominent
contrast between themselves and the Cerinthians.
This account of the Ebionites has been introduced in
this place, because they are said to have arisen in the
neighbourhood of Pella, about the time of the Christians
resorting thither from Jerusalem. It will be remembered
that all these Christians were converted Jews, and all of
them had once conformed to the Law of Moses. Those
who continued to do so were known by the name of Na
zarenes : but though they adhered to the ceremonies of
the law, they were firm believers in Jesus Christ, and
looked for salvation only through him. Others of their
body, while they kept the same strict observance of the
law, adopted the Gnostic notions concerning Jesus Christ,
and were known by the name of Ebionites. They were
probably of the poorer sort, as was implied in their name ;
and it does not appear that they were numerous. But
there was always a danger among the Jewish converts,
lest their attachment to the law should incline them to
adopt the errors of the Ebionites and other Gnostics.
There is, however, reason to believe that the church at
Jerusalem continued pure. It had witnessed the most
awful calamity which had ever befallen the Jewish na
tion ; and its members could not forget, on returning
once more to Jerusalem, that a remnant only had been
saved, even they who believed in Jesus.

160 APOSTOLICAL SEES. [a. D. 73.

CHAPTER VII.
Sees of Jerusalem, Antioch, Rome, and Alexandria. — Epistle of Cle
ment. — Spurious Writings. — Domitian persecutes. — Causes of Per
secution.— Banishment and Death of John. — Exiles recalled by
Nerva. — Canon of Scripture.
The destruction of Jerusalem, though the details of it
cannot be read even now without horror, was not hkely
at the time to produce any effect upon the external cir
cumstances of the Gentile Church, which was now so
widely spread throughout the world. The reigns of Ves
pasian and Titus present no instance of the Christians be-
ing molested on account of their religion : and we cannot
doubt that the Gospel made great progress during that
period. Very little is known of the history of any partic
ular church ; but the four cities which afterwards became
most celebrated in the Christian world, and which took
precedence over all other sees, have preserved the names
of their bishops from the beginning. These cities were
Jerusalem, Antioch, Rome, and Alexandria, which are here
mentioned in the order of their foundation ; or if Mark
went to Alexandria before any apostle visited Rome, the
authority of Peter and Paul gave a priority to the latter
city over one which was founded merely by an evangelist.
The apostolical sees, as they were called, soon came to be
looked upon with particular respect ; not as having any
power or jurisdiction over the rest, but as being most like
ly to have preserved apostolical traditions, and to have
kept their faith uncorrupted.
There were many other churches besides the four lately
mentioned which were founded by apostles, some of which

A. D. 72.] PRINCIPAL CHURCHES.  BISHOPS. 161
might claim precedence in order of time : but Jerusalem
was, without dispute, the mother of all churches ; and
Rome, as the metropolis of the world, and Antioch and
Alexandria, as capitals of provinces, naturally acquired an
importance over inferior places. If we may judge from
the length of time during which the bishops of these four
cities held their sees in the first century, we have perhaps
another proof, that Christianity was not then exposed to
much opposition from the heathen. The appointment of
Symeon to the bishopric of Jerusalem has been already
mentioned ; and he held that station to the beginning of
the following century. It has also been stated, that
Euodius is named as the bishop of Antioch, though the
date of his appointment is not ascertained. He was suc
ceeded, and probably about the year 70, by Ignatius, whose
interesting history will occupy us hereafter ; but his con
tinuing bishop of that see for upwards of thirty years, may
be taken as a proof that the period which we are now con-
sidering was one of tranquillity to the Christians of An
tioch. The same may be said of Alexandria, where the
three first successors of Mark held the bishopric for almost
half a century.
The church which, on many accounts, would be most
interesting to us, if its early history had been preserved,
is that of Rome ; but the reader will have seen that we
know little concerning it, except the fact of its being
founded conjointly by Peter and Paul. The names ofthe
bishops of Rome have been handed down from the time of
these apostles, but with considerable confusion, in the first
century, both as to the order of their succession and the
time of their holding the bishopric. It seems, however,
most probable that the three first bishops of the imperial
city were Linus, Anencletus, and Clement. The name ot
the latter deserves a conspicuous place after that of the

163 EPISTLE OP CLEMENT. [*. D. 72.
apostles, whose companion and successor he was ; and it
is to be regretted that we cannot tell whether he lived to
the end of the century, or whether he died long before.
This difference of opinion would be of little importance,
if Clement had not left a writing behind him which is still
extant ; and so few events have been preserved in the his
tory of the Church, during the time that Clement was
bishop of Rome, that every incident in his life becomes of
value. The writing alluded to was a letter written by
Clement, in the name of the Christians at Rome, to their
brethren at Corinth ; and this interesting document has
been preserved almost entire to our own day. We may
gather from it that the Roman Christians had lately been
suffering some persecution, though the storm had then
passed away : which has led some persons to suppose the
letter to have been written soon after the end of the reign
of Nero, while others refer these expressions to a later
persecution, which will be mentioned presently, and which
happened in the reign of Domitian. The letter was caused
by some dissensions in the Church of Corinth, the exact
nature of which is not explained : but the Corinthians had
shown a fondness for dividing into parties very soon after
their first conversion ; and notwithstanding the expostula
tions and reproof addressed to them by Paul, the same un-
happy spirit prevailed amoDg them after his death. It ap
pears to have burst out still more violently on the occasion
which called forth the letter from Clement ; and it is pleas
ing to see one church taking this kind and charitable in-
terest in the affairs of another.
The letter is full of earnest exhortations to peace,
which, we may hope, were not thrown away upon the
Christians of Corinth, when we find that the letter was
carefully preserved in that city, and, to a late period, was
read publicly in the congregation. Nor was Corinth the.

A. O. 72.] BARNABAS AND HERMA8. 163
only place in which it was treated with this respect.
Other churches had also the custom of having it read in
public ; and, whether we regard the apostolical character
of its author, or the early period at which it was composed,
it was well deserving of holding a place in the estimation
of all Christians next to the writings of the apostles them-
selves. The Epistle of Clement may be safely said to be the
only genuine work which has come down to us from the
first century, beside the canonical books of the New Tes-
tament ; and there is reason to think that it is older than
some, if not all, the writings of the last surviving apostle,
John. It is probable that Christianity, at this early period,
had produced many authors. The name of Barnabas, the
companion pf Paul, and that of Hennas, who is mentioned
in his Epistle to the Romans, are both of them prefixed to
works which are ascribed respectively' to these two per
sons. The writings which bear their names are still ex-
tant, and they demand some notice, as being as old as the
second century : but if the names of Barnabas and Hermas
were given to them that they might be received as works
of the first century, there must have been an intention to
deceive. It is known that several books were composed
at an early period, which were filled with stories concern
ing our Lord and his apostles. Many of them professed to
have been written by apostles ; but they were evidently
spurious, and some of them appear to have been written
by Gnostics. If they had come down to our day, we
should, perhaps, have found in them a few authentic tra
ditions concerning the first preachers ofthe Gospel : but
on the whole, their loss is not to be lamented ; and we can-
not but acknowledge the merciful superintendence of God,
who has allowed the genuine works of the apostles and
evangelists to be preserved, while He has protected his

164 DOMITIAN PERSECUTES. [a. D. 81 — 96.
Church from being imposed upon by others which were
once widely circulated.
The peace which the Christians enjoyed during the
reigns of Vespasian and Titus, does not appear to have
been disturbed during the earlier part of the reign of Do-
mitian. That tyrant exercised too much cruelty towards
his heathen subjects, to allow them much time for harass.
ing the Christians ; and when, at length, he began to
persecute the latter, it was, perhaps, rather to draw off
the public attention from his other barbarities, than from
any regard for the national religion. His persecution
probably began in the latter years of his reign ; and it was
felt, not only in the capital, but in various parts of the
empire. One cause of suffering to the Christians, which
has been mentioned already, arose from their being con
founded with the Jews ; a mistake which had been made
from the first by the heathen, who pretended to despise
all foreign religions, and would not take the pains to dis-
tinguish the Christians from the Jews.
When Jerusalem was destroyed by Titus, it was ordered
that every Jew should henceforward pay to the Capitol
at Rome the same piece of money which had before been
levied upon them for the maintenance of the Temple.
Domitian, who probably wanted the money for his own
purposes, exacted the payment with great severity ; and
it is mentioned by a heathen historian, that some persons
who professed the Jewish religion, but endeavoured to
conceal it, were compelled to pay the tax. There can be
little doubt that these persons were Christians, who as
serted with truth, that they were not Jews, but were not
believed by the officers of the government.
This measure ofthe emperor, though flagrantly unjust,
may have been attended with little personal suffering to
the Christians. But another heathen historian informs

A. D. 81 — 96.] DOMITIAN PERSECUTES. 168
us that several persons, about this period, had adopted
Jewish manners ; one of whom, Acilius Glabrio, was put
to death, in the fifteenth year of Domitian, on the charge
of atheism. Here we have positive proof of capital pun-
ishment being inflicted on account of religion, and atheism
was one of the charges frequently brought against the
Christians. It was well known that they refused to offer
worship to the numerous deities of paganism ; and the vo
taries of idolatry could not, or would not, understand that
their religious adoration was confined to one God. It
was also remarked that the Christians had no temples
nor images ; there was nothing in their forms of worship
which met the public eye ; and this contributed to give
strength to the report that they were, in religion, atheists.
It might, however, excite some surprise that this charge,
even if it was generally believed, should have given rise
to persecution : for, though the Romans, as has been al
ready observed, were by no means tolerant of other reli
gions, and several laws had been passed against the intro
duction of foreign superstitions, yet it cannot be denied
that persons had been known to maintain atheistical
principles without having been brought into any trouble
on account of their opinions. Philosophers had openly
argued against the existence of any First Cause, or any
superintending Providence ; and though there were some
who did not like to say, in plain terms, that there were
no gods, yet it was universally allowed and acknowledged
that their principles led, necessarily, to atheism.
The question now presents itself, why these philoso
phers were suffered to maintain their sentiments, and to
oppose the popular mythology, without having any notice
taken of them by the laws ; and yet the Christians, who
were falsely accused of doing the same thing, were per-
secuted and put to death 1 It might perhaps be said, that
14

166 CAUSE OF PERSECUTION. [a. D. 81 — 96.
the philosophers confined their reasoning to the schools,
and to a few of their scholars, who chose to employ them
selves upon such speculations ; whereas the Christians
preached their doctrines openly, and forced them upon
the notice of the public, if not of the government itself.
The remark is just, and may lead the way to an explana
tion of the question proposed ; but we must not forget to
add, that what was true with respect to the philosophers,
was a mere idle calumny when urged against the Chris
tians. Atheism was really taught in some schools of philoso-
phy ; and the wretched and irrational system made no
progress among the great bulk of mankind. The teachers
of it were therefore suffered to pursue their speculations
without encountering any public opposition. But the
Christians, who were accused of being atheists, were the
preachers of a doctrine which not merely amused the
ear or exercised the head, but forced an entrance to the
heart. Wherever it made its way, the national religion,
which recognised a plurality of gods, fled before it. The
heathen priests, and all who made their livelihood by the
maintenance of idolatry, began to feel that the struggle
was for their very existence : hence arose the many ca-
lumnies which were circulated against the Christians ;
and when Acilius Glabrio was put to death on the charge
of atheism, his real crime was that of refusing to worship
more gods than one.
Many persons were condemned on the same grounds ;
some of whom suffered death, and some had their property
confiscated. Among the former was a man of distin
guished rank, Flavius Clemens, who had not only been
consul in the preceding year, but was uncle to the empe
ror, and his sons had been destined to succeed to the em
pire. None of these distinctions could save him : he and

A. D. 81 — 96.] ACCUSED OF INDOLENCE. 167
his wife Domitilla were convicted of atheism, that is, of
being Christians, for which crime Clemens himself was
put to death, and his wife banished.
These anecdotes lead us to some of the causes which
exposed the Christians to persecution ; and we find an
other in what is said of the same Clemens, by a writer
who meant it as a reproach, that he was a man whose
indolence made him contemptible. This inattention to
public affairs was often objected to the Christians as a
fault ; and they could hardly help being open to it, when
their religion required them to abstain from many acts
which were connected with heathen superstitions. It
was not that the Gospel commanded them to withdraw
from public life, or that they felt less interest in the wel
fare of their country : but it was impossible for them to
hold any office, or to be present at any public ceremony,
without countenancing, in some degree, the worship of
the gods, or the still more irrational error of paying
divine honours to the emperor.
A Christian was therefore obliged to abstain from these
exhibitions, or to do violence to his conscience ; and it
was soon observed that such persons seemed to take no
interest in the public festivities and rejoicings, which re
curred so frequently for the amusement of the Roman
populace. To accuse them, on this account, of indolence
and apathy, was perhaps merely an expression of con.
tempt; but a tyrant like Domitian might easily be per-
suaded that a refusal to worship him as a god, implied
disaffection to his person and his government. The Chris
tians would thus become suspected of a want of loyalty ;
and though they prayed daily for the emperor and for the
stale, yet, because their prayers were offered in secret to
the one true God, they were accused of having no regard
for the welfare of their country. Domitian probably list.

168 JOHN THE APOSTLE. [a. D. 81 — 96-
ened to insinuations of this kind, when he consented to
the execution of his uncle, Clemens ; and persons who
were interested in suppressing Christianity, may easily
have persuaded him to look upon the Christians as ene-
mies to the state. In one instance he was certainly actu
ated by jealousy and fear of a rival. He bad heard of
the report which had been so prevalent at the beginning
of the reign of his father, that a great prince was expect
ed to appear in Judaea, and that he was to come from the
house of David. He accordingly ordered inquiry to be
made on the spot ; and some professors of Gnosticism
gave information that the children or grandchildren of
the apostle Jude were descended from David. These men
appear to have resided in Judasa, and were in a very hum
ble station ; they even worked with their own hands to
obtain a livelihood ; and when they were brought into the
emperor's presence, he was so struck with their simplici
ty, and so convinced that they had no thoughts of any
temporal kingdom, that he immediately ordered them to
be released.
We may hope that the Christians of Palestine were
thus protected from persecution ; but the same period
which was fatal to so many Christians in Rome, was felt
with equal severity by their brethren in Asia Minor. The
chief city in those parts, which was also the most distin.
guished for its Christian church, was Ephesus ; and, be-
fore the end of the century, it had the advantage of be-
coming the residence of the last surviving apostle.
We have scarcely had occasion to mention the name
of John since the year 46, when he was present at the
council held in that year at Jerusalem ; and we, in fact,
know nothing of his personal history, nor of the countries
in which he preached the Gospel, till the latter years of
his life, which appear to have heen spent in Ephesus or

A. D.81 — 9G.] NICOLAITANS. 169
the neighbourhood. His presence there was very neces.
sary to check the inroads which were then making upon
the true faith by the Gnostics. There is some evidence
that Cerinthus himself was living at Ephesus ; and there
was no country in which Gnosticism had made more
alarming progress. John has himself mentioned a Gnos.
tic sect, which bore the name of Nicolaitans. These men
laid claim to Nicolas, who had been one ofthe seven dea
cons, as their founder ; but it can never be believed that
he countenanced the gross impurities of which the Nico.
laitans are known to have been guilty. They also showed
the laxity of their principles, by consenting, in times of
persecution, to eat meats which had been offered to idols.
This was now become the test of a genuine Christian. If
he was brought before a magistrate on the ground of his
religion, and refused to pollute his mouth by tasting a
heathen sacrifice, he was immediately ordered to punish
ment. Many of the Gnostics were equally firm in ex-
pressing their abhorrence of heathenism ; but some of
them found it convenient to comply, among whom were
the Nicolaitans ; and it has been said that the example
had already been set them by Simon Magus, the original
father of Gnosticism.
The Nicolaitans had an opportunity of acting upon
this disgraceful principle at the end of the reign of Do-
mitian. John's own writings are sufficient evidence that
the Christians among whom he was then living had been
suffering from persecution. One of them, Antipas, who
belonged to Pergamos, has had the distinction of being
specially named by the apostle, though we know nothing
of the circumstances which attended his martyrdom. It
was not long before the apostle was himself called upon
to be an actor in the scenes which lis describes. If we
could believe a writer of the second century, John was
14*

ITO Nerva. [a. n.9G.
sent to Rome, and plunged into a vessel of boiling oil,
from which he came out unburt. The story is not now
generally received as true ; but we have his own evi-
dence that he was banished to the island of Patmos ; and
it was during his residence there that he saw the Reve
lation which he afterwards committed to writing.
Banishment to distant islands was at this time a com
mon punishment ; and it is probable that many Christians
were thus transported from their homes for no other
crime than that of worshipping Jesus, and that they con-
tinued in exile till the end of Domitian's reign. The ty
rant died in the September of 96, and was succeeded by
Nerva, whose first act was to recall all persons from
banishment, including those who were suffering on ac
count of religion. This would allow John to return once
more to Ephesus ; and we may hope that the few remain
ing years of his life were passed in a peaceful superin
tendence of the Asiatic churches. His chief cause of
anxiety was from the errors of the Gnostics, which were
now beginning to draw away many Christians from their
faith in Christ as it had been taught by the apostles. It
has been said that his Gospel was specially directed
against these erroneous doctrines ; and there are passages
in his Epistles which plainly allude to them. But the
date of all his writings is attended with uncertainty, ex
cept perhaps that of his Apocalypse, which must have
been written either in the island of Patmos, or soon after
his return to Ephesus. The most probable opinion seems
to be, that his Gospel and Epistles were also written in
the latter part of his life.
It has been said by some writers, that what is called
the canon of Scripture was settled by the apostle John
shortly before bis death. But there seems little founda
tion for such a statement, if it mean that all the books

a. D. 96.] WRITINGS OF JOHN. 171
which are now contained in the New Testament were
then collected into a volume, and received the authorita
tive sanction of the last of the apostles. That John had
read all the writings of the other apostles and evange
lists can hardly be doubted ; for they were composed and
published many years before his own death. We may
also be certain that he could not be deceived or mistaken
as to the real author of any of these writings ; so that in
this sense he may be said to have settled the canon of
Scripture ; but there is no evidence of his having left any
decision or command upon the subject. There are tradi
tions which speak of his having seen and approved of the
three other Gospels, and of his publishing his own as a
kind of supplement to them ; and if we adopt the opinion,
which seems much the most probable, that the Gospel of
John was written at the close of his life, be would hardly
have foiled to have had the works of his predecessors in
view when he was composing his own. That his Gos-
pel is very different from the other three, must have been
observed by every reader of the New Testament ; and the
close agreement, even as to words and sentences, between
Matthew, Mark, and Luke, has given rise to many con
jectures as to the probable cause of it. The agreement
is most striking in our Saviour's discourses and parables :
and if the writers intended to report his actual words,
there would be nothing extraordinary in this ; but we
may also remember that the evangelists had been engaged
in preaching the Gospel for many years before they comn
mitted it to writing ; and having to repeat the same para
ble, or the story of the same miracle, over and over again,
to different hearers, they would naturally adopt a set form
of words. The apostles had heard each other preach in
this way for perhaps twelve years before they left Jerusa
lem ; and Mark, who accompanied Peter, and Luke, who

172 FOUR GOSPELS. [a. D. 96.
accompanied Paul, would be likely to agree with each
other, and with Matthew, in style, and even in words,
when they came to commit to writing what they had been
so long in the habit of speaking.
It is also not improbable that the earliest of these three
Gospels may have been seen by the two other evangelists ;
and whichever of them wrote the last, may have seen
both the former ; which may account still more plainly
for there being so close an agreement between all the
three. But though they thus support each other in all
material points, and no contradictions have ever been
discovered in their narratives, so as to throw any suspi-
cion upon their honesty or veracity, it has often been re
marked that there is sufficient variety bet%veen them to
remove any suspicion of their having conspired together
to impose a falsehood upon the world.
If we could be certain that John intended his Gospel
as a supplement to the other three, we should want no
further proof of their credibility. They then come to us
under the sanction of an inspired apostle, who had not
only seen the same miracles, and heard the same dis
courses, which the three evangelists had recorded, but
who had the assistance of a divine and infallible guide to
preserve him from error and imposture. The Gospel,
however, of John, does not appear to be strictly and lit
erally a supplement to the other three. Nor need we
suppose that its author intended to make it so. It appears
to have been composed at Ephesus ; and part3 of it were
specially directed against the errors ofthe Gnostics. At
the same time, it is very probable that John purposely
omitted some circumstances in the history of Jesus, be
cause they were already well known from the works of
the other evangelists. Wherever he goes over the same
ground, he confirms their narrative ; but it was obviously

a. D. 96.] CANON OF SCRIPTURE. 173
his intention to devote a large portion of his work to the
discourses of our Saviour ; and in this respect he has
supplied a great deal which the others have omitted.
Though we may not admit the tradition that John set-
tied the canon of the New Testament by any formal and
authoritative act, yet he may be said to have finally closed
it by his own writings ; for it is certain that no work has
been admitted into the canon or list of the New Testa
ment, whose date is subsequent to the death of John.
There is no evidence that the canonical books were ever
more numerous than they are at present. None have
been lost or put out of the canon ; and when we think of
the vast number of Gospels and Acts which were circu-
lated in the second and third centuries, and which bore
the names of apostles and their companions, we may well
ascribe it to more than human carefulness that none of
these spurious compositions ever found a place among
the canonical Scriptures.
On the other hand, there is reason to think that a few
of the writings which now form part of the New Testa
ment, were not universally received in the first century,
and for some time later. The Epistle to the Hebrews, that
of Jude, the second Epistle of Peter, and the second and
third of John, were among this number ; and there were
some .churches which do not appear to have received them
so early as the rest. This, however, only shows the ex
treme caution which was used in settling questions of this
kind. It was very possible for a letter to be preserved and
read in Asia Minor, or Palestine, and yet for many years
to have elapsed before it became known in other parts of
the empire. As Christianity spread, and the intercourse
between the distant churches became more frequent, the
doubts which had been entertained as to the genuineness
of any writing were gradually removed ; and though some

174 DEATH OF JOHN. [a. D. 98.
churches were later than others in admitting the whole of
the New Testament, there is no evidence that any part of
it was composed later than the end of the first century ; so
that, though we may reject the tradition of the canon of
Scripture having been settled by John, we can hardly
doubt, as was before observed, that he had seen and read
the writings of all the other apostles before his death.
Anecdotes have been preserved which show the warm
and zealous affection felt by the aged apostle for the souls
of his flock. He knew that they were beset with enemies
from within and without. The heathen were impatient
for licence to renew their attacks, and the Gnostics were
spreading their poison with the subtility of serpents. The
presence of an apostle among them, as well as the circu
lation of his Gospel, could hardly fail to check the evil ;
and a story has been recorded, which we might wish to
believe, from its natural and affecting simplicity, that the
venerable apostle was at length so weakened by age, that
his disciples were obliged to carry him to the religious
meetings of the Christians ; and when even his voice
failed him, he continued to address them with what might
be called his dying words, — " My dear children, love one
another." There is reason to think that his life was pro-
longed till the beginning of the reign of Trajan, who sue.
ceeded Nerva in the January of 98 ; and thus the death of
the last surviving apostle coincides very nearly with the
close of the first century.
He has himself told us in his Gospel, that a notion had
been entertained that he was not to die ; and we know from
history, that reports were circulated in later times which
confirmed such an expectation. There is no need to ex
pose the erroneousness of such a belief. A writer ofthe
second century mentions his tomb as being then to be seen
at Ephesus : and there is every reason to think that he died

A. D. 98.] VIRGIN MARV. 175
in that city. It has been said that the Virgin Mary ac
companied him when he went to settle in that part of
Asia ; and it is very probable that such was the fact, if she
had not died at an earlier period : but unless her life was
protracted to an unusual length, she was released from her
earthly pilgrimage before the time when John is supposed
to have gone to Asia. It is, perhaps, singular, that no
authentic account has been preserved of the latter days of
one who had received the high privilege of being called
the Mother of our Lord ; but nothing whatever is known
of her from the New Testament, after the time that her
Son had ascended into heaven, and she was left with his
apostles and other followers in Jerusalem. The same spi-
rit of invention which gave rise to so many stories con.
cerning the apostles, has also supplied many marvellous
occurrences which befell the Virgin Mary ; but they can
only be read to be rejected, and claim no place in the au
thentic annals of the Church.
The reader will now have observed the truth of the re
mark which was made above, that we know very little con.
cerning the last thirty years of the first century ; and yet
it would be difficult to name any period which was of
greater interest to the Church. It was during those thirty
years that all the apostles, except John, who were not al
ready dead, were gradually removed from the world, and
committed their flocks to their successors. Many church
es, whose early history is unknown, but which were
flourishing at the beginning of the second century, must
have been planted at this period. There is every reason
to think that the progress of conversion was rapid ; and
what was only a rivulet at the time of the death of Paul,
and which is then almost lost sight of, suddenly meets us
again at the end of the century, as a wide and majestic
stream. But its waters were already mixed with blood ;

176 PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY. [a. D. 98.
and the heathen, who had learnt under Nero to find amuse
ment in persecution, had leisure during these thirty years
to reduce their cruel pastime to a system. The Gnostics
also were unceasingly active during the same period ; and
one reason why their history is involved in such obscurity,
may be traced to the fact of their rising into notice in that
part of the first century of which so little is known. The
apostles, before their deaths, had predicted the success of
these insidious teachers ; and when we come to the begin.
ning of the second century, we find their predictions
abundantly fulfilled ; so that this dark period was memora-
ble, not only for the commencement of persecution, but for
the spreading of an evil which was perhaps more fatal to
the Church, by seducing the souls of men, and turning
them from the truth of the Gospel to the ravings of the
Gnostics. One fact is, however, strikingly conspicuous in the midst
of the obscurity of this eventful period. Christianity was
beset on all sides by obstacles and impediments, and
scarcely a single circumstance, humanly speaking, could
be said to favour its propagation ; and yet we find it, at
the beginning of the second century, so widely diffused,
and so deeply rooted, that from this time it was able to
sustain a warfare against the whole force of the Roman
empire, and finally to win the victory. We know, there
fore, that for the last thirty years it must have been con
stantly gaining ground, though we have not the materials
for marking the details of its progress, and we can only
say, when we see so prodigious an effect arising from sa
small a beginning, This is the Loid's doing : it is marvel.
lous in our eyes.

100.] CHURCH GOVERNMENT. 177

CHAPTER VIII.
Church Government. — Successors ofthe Apostles. — Continuance of
Miraculous Powers. — Death of Symeon, Bishop of Jerusalem.—
Death of Ignatius, Bishop of Antioch. — Letter of Pliny to Trajan.
— Persecution in Bithynia. — Revolt of the Jews. — Death of Trajan.
It was a melancholy moment for the Church when she
was left to herself, without any of that "glorious compa-
ny of the apostles," "who had seen their Redeemer while
he was in the flesh, and had received from his own lips the
charge to feed his flock. He had committed the trust to
faithful hands. They were few in number, and weak in
worldly resources ; but, guided and strengthened from
above, they went forth into all lands, and planted the banner
of the Cross upon the ruins of heathenism. One by one
they were withdrawn from their earthly labours ; and it was
mercifully provided by God, that the Church did" not feel
at once the severity of her loss. The apostles had also
zealous companions, who assisted them in their ministry,
and who were placed by them over the churches in differ.
ent countries. We have seen the Ephesian converts com.
mitted by Paul to Timothy, and those in Crete to Titus.
Luke appears to have resided for some time at Philippi ;
and Mark was sent by Peter to watch over the flock at
Alexandria. These may serve as examples of what was
done in other churches. So long as the apostles who
founded the churches were alive, and able to visit them in
person, it was not necessary to have one fixed superin-
tendent in each city or town. The apostles themselves
continued to watch over their converts ; and Paul, though
15

178 CHURCH GOVERNMENT. [a. D. 100.
residing at Ephesus, was consulted, and gave directions,
as head of the Church of Corinth. Even in his life-time
he seems to have found the care of all his churches too
great for him ; and we can well understand the earnest
charge which he gave to Timothy not long before his
death, that he would commit the things which he had
heard to faithful men, who should be able to teach others
also. The state of the Asiatic churches when John was re.
siding at Ephesus, may explain the system which had now
been generally established for governing Christian com-
munities. The apostle, in his Apocalypse, mentions seven
churches in that part of the world, with which he seems
to have been intimately acquainted. Two of them, those
of Ephesus and Laodicea, are known to have been planted
some years before the death of Paul ; and the five others
were in countries which he frequently visited. Nearly
half a century may therefore have elapsed between their
first foundation and the notice they received from John.
At the latter period they were all of them under the same
form of church government. One person was put over
each of them, who is called by John, the Angel of his re
spective church ; but within a very few years the heads
of the same churches were spoken of as bishops, the mean
ing of which term, in Greek, is simply an overseer; and
this name, which had been applied by the apostles to pres
byters, as being persons appointed by themselves to over
look their flocks, came at length to be applied to the sue.
cessors of the apostles, who did not follow them in travel-
ling from country to country, but resided permanently in
some one city or town. In one sense, therefore, there
were several bishops or overseers in each church, for
every presbyter might have borne that name : but as soon
as the system became general which was established in

A. n. 100.] SUCCESSORS OF THE APOSTLES. 179
the seven Asiatic churches, and which we have seen to
have been adopted also at Antioch, and Rome, and Alex
andria, of selecting one man to superintend the church,
the term bishop was limited to this one superintendent of
the whole body. In most cases a bishop had only the
charge ofthe Christians in one single town.
The term diocese was not then known ; though there
may have been instances where the care of more than one
congregation was committed to a single bishop, of which
we have a very early example in all the Cretan churches
being entrusted by Paul to Titus. The name which was
generally applied to the flock of a single pastor, was one
from which our present word parish is derived, which sig
nified his superintendence over the ' inhabitants of a par-
ticular place ; and if we add to the two orders of bishops
and presbyters the one which was more ancient than
either of them, that of deacons^ we shall have the form of
church government which appears to have been generally
established at the beginning ofthe second century.
It is interesting to think that many of the persons who
were now presiding over churches, had been appointed
to their important stations by apostles, or at least had
seen the men who had been personally acquainted with
our Lord. They form the connecting bstween the first,
or apostolic age, and that which immediately succeeded
it. There is also one circumstance connected with their
history which must not' be forgotten, — that the apostles
were able, by laying on their hands, to convey those pre
ternatural gifts of the Spirit which enabled persons to
work miracles. There must have been many persons
living at the beginning of the second century, upon whom
some apostle had thus laid his hands. The Angels or
Bishops of the seven Asiatic churches may all have had
this advantage, and may all have been appointed to their

180 MIRACULOUS POWERS. [a. d. 100.
bishoprics by John. One of them, the bishop of Smyrna,
was probably Polycarp, who certainly held this station a
few years later, and is always said to have received his
appointment from an apostle, as well as to have been per.
sonally acquainted "with John. His interesting life will
occupy our attention later in the century ; and he is men.
tioned now, as showing that there must have been many
persons still alive, though the apostles were withdrawn,
who possessed some portion of miraculous power ; and
that miracles did not cease suddenly and abruptly with
the last of the apostles, but were still exurted Occasionally
for the benefit of the Church, till God thought fit to with-
draw them altogether.
This seems the most rational conclusion to which we
can come, concerning the duration of miraculous powers
in the Church ; and by adopting it, we steer between two
opposite opinions, both of which, must be considered erro
neous; one, which would strictly limit miracles to the
age of the apostles, and assert that there was no instance
of their being worked afterwards ; and another, which
maintains that the power of working them has never
ceased, hut is exercised to the present day, in the true
Church. This is not the place for refuting the latter
opinion; and it is sufficient to say, that the Protestant
churches do not profess to exercise any such power. But
the former opinion must also be pronounced untenable,
unless we say that all the persons who had woiked mira.
cles in the life-time of the apostles were dead before the
end of the century, or that they suddenly lost the power
at the moment when John, the last of the apostles, died.
The reader has already been reminded that spiritual
gifts were distributed in great abundnnce by Paul ; and
there is no reason to think that the other apostles were
mare sparing in communicating them. The gift of heat

A. 0. 100.] MIRACULOUS POWERS. 181
ing was undoubtedly exercised by many persons besides
the apostles ; and it is scarcely possible to suppose they
were all dead before the time which has been fixed for
the death of John. We must, however, conclude that
they were becoming, almost daily, less numerous ; and
although the Christian writers of the second century say
expressly that preternatural gifts of the Spirit were oc-
casionally witnessed in their own day, they fully confirm
the view which has been here taken of this subject, and
show that instances of this kind were much more uncom
mon than they had been formerly. As the numbers of be
lievers increased, and the churches became more settled,
there was less need of these miraculous interferences to
confirm the faith of believers, or to attract fresh con-
verts ; and we may now proceed to consider the state of
some of the principal churches at the beginning of the
second century.
The Christians of Jerusalem, as we have already seen,
had been committed, since the year 62, to th^ care of
Symeon, who had not only known our Lord while on
earth, but was one of his relations, being the brother of
James, who had preceded him in that qffice. The de-
scendants of Jude were placed over other churches in
Judasa, on the same ground of their being connected with
the family of Jesus. Such a relationship could hardly
fail to make them zealous pastors of Christ's flock, which
was now beginning to be a. prey to the grievous wolves,
who, according to the predictions of Paul, had broken in
upon the fold after the death of the apostles. These
were the teachers of Gnosticism, whose doctrines were
peculiarly dangerous to the Jewish Christians, from their
having borrowed so much from the Law of Moses. It
may be hoped that the Christians who returned to Jeru
salem with Symeon, after the siege, were safe from these
15*

182 DEATH OF SYMEON. [a. D. 100— 4.
delusive errors ; or, if they listened to their Ebionita
brethren, they would be kept in the true faith by the vigi
lance of their bishop. The enemies of the Gospel were,
therefore, the enemies of Symeon, and he at length fell a
sacrifice to the same fears and jealousies which, on two
former occasions, had caused inquiry to be made after the
descendants of David.
There is nothing which personally connects the Em
peror Trajan with this act of cruelty. After the year 101
he was engaged, for several campaigns, in conquering
Dacia, and probably heard or cared little about the Chris.
tians. In the year 104, Atticus wa3 governor of Syria,
and Symeon was brought before him, as being one of the
descendants of David. If the Jews had shown any incli-
nation to revolt, we could understand the jealousy which
led a Roman officer to hinder them from rallying round a
popular leader of the family of David. But we might
have thought that a harmless old man, who was living
amidst the ruins of Jerusalem, might have been suffered
to go down to his grave in peace. It was not the presi
dent of Syria who thirsted for his blood, though, like Pi
late, he had not firmness enough to protect a man whom
he believed to be innocent. The Gnostic heretics, who
justly regarded Symeon as their greatest enemy, de-
nounced him to Atticus as a dangerous person, on account
of his descent from David; and perhaps a Roman officer
might find it difficult to understand how several thousand
Jews could look up to a descendant of David as their
head, and yet not be objects of political suspicion. Symeon
was now a hundred and twenty years old ; and the firm-
ness with which he endured an examination by torture,
though it lasted several days, filled the spectators with
astonishment. His fate was, however, determined, and
his sufferings were at length closed by crucifixion. His

A. D. 107.] IGNATIUS. 183
successor in the see of Jerusalem was Justus; but a per-
son named Thebuthis, who had wished to gain the ap
pointment for himself, excited a schism in the Church,
and joined one of the numerous sects into which the
Gnostic philosophy was now divided.
It is stated upon good authority, that at this time the
people were excited in many different places to persecute
the Christians ; and one distinguished sufferer was Igna
tius, who may be truly called the apostolical bishop of
Antioch. He had been appointed to that see about the
year 70 ; and the spirit of persecution which had shown
itself in the reign of Domitian did not entirely pass him
over: but he escaped for that time ; and the beginning of
the second century saw the bishopric of Antioch still pos
sessed by one who, if tradition may be believed, had been
personally acquainted with at least three apostles, Peter,
Paul, and John. It seems to have been about the year
107 that Trajan came to Antioch on his way to make
war with Parthia. The emperor himself may still have
had no feeling of hostility against the Christians ; but he
found the people "of Antioch already in a slate of religious
excitement, and he consented that Ignatius should be sent
to Rome, to be exposed to wild beasts in the amphitheatre.
During his voyage to Italy he landed at different places
on the coasts of Asia and Greece, and was met by several
bishops, who came from their respective cities to see the
venerable martyr. At Smyrna he had the gratification
of meeting with Polycarp, who, like himself; had been
known to the last surviving apostle ; and it is not im
probable that some of the other persons who now visited
him had conversed with some of the apostles. Though
he was on his way to death, he found time to write let-
ters to different churches, seven of which are still extant;
and we may judge of the respect which was deservedly

184 DEATH OF IGNATIUS. [a. D. 107.
paid to his memory, when we find that Polycarp himself
collected copies of these letters, and sent them to the
Christians at Philippi. It is to be regretted that Poly-
carp's own letters, which appear to have been numerous,
have not been preserved. A portion of that which he
wrote to the Philippians has come down to us, and forms,
together with the letters of his friend Ignatius, and the
single letter of Clement to the Church of Corinth, that
most interesting and valuable collection which is known
by the name ofthe Works ofthe Apostolical Fathers.
The genuineness of Clement's Epistle, and of the frag-
ment of the Epistle of Polycarp, has scarcely ever been
called in question ; but the Epistles of Ignatius have led
to much controversy. There can be no doubt that they
were corrupted and interpolated at an early period ; and
copies of these counterfeit epistles, as well as others
which bear the name of Ignatius, have come down to us.
Fortunately, however, the seven epistles have also been
preserved in a much shorter form ; and it is now generally
agreed among the learned, that these are genuine, and
free from the interpolations which disfigure the larger
edition. Ignatius arrived at Rome in time to form part of the
spectacle in the public games which were exhibited at
the end of the year. On the 19th of D.-cemhsr, he was
exposed to wild beasts in the amphitheatre, and his death
appears to have been the work of a moment. The larger
and harder bones, which resisted the teeth of the animals,
were taken up by his friends, and, with an indulgence
which could hardly have been expected, were allowed to
be carried back to Antioch, where they were buried near
one ofthe gates, in the suburbs. The persecution ofthe
Christians had already ceased with the removal of the
bishop ; so that it was perhaps a temporary storm, which

A. D. 111.] PLINY IN B1THYNIA. J 85
spent itself and subsided. The successor of Ignatius in
the bishopric was Heros.
With respect to the people of Rome, we need not con-
elude that a persecution was also being carried on there
at the same time ; for so long as the spectators in the
amphitheatre were gratified with the sight of human vie
tims, they did not care who it was that afforded them
this amusement : and many persons, perhaps, did not
even know that Ignatius came from Antioch, much less
that he was a Christian bishop. Trajan may have sent
him to Rome for execution, as he would have sent any
common criminal ; and the fact of his bones being carried
away by his friends, would rather seem to show, that at
this time there was no particular excitement in the capi
tal on account of religion.
We are unable to connect the emperor personally with
the original instigation of any of these acta of cruelty.
His Parthian wars kept him in the East for some years,
and he did not return to Rome till 110 or 111. It was in
the latter year that he was called upon to give a positive
decision upon the legality of punishing Christianity as a
crime. The younger Pliny was sent as propraetor into
Bithynia in 110, and in the following year he presided at
a public festival held in honour of the emperor. On these
occasions., the Christians were often called upon to take
part in the sacrifices, and to perform some act in honour
of the gods or the emperor, which they felt to be forbid.
den by their religion. Their refusal to comply was
looked upon as impiety, or disaffection to the government;
and Pliny found himself obliged, as chief magistrate of
the province, to investigate the cases of this kind which
were brought before him. The progress of Christianity
in that part of the empire must have astonished and
alarmed him ; for Pliny was really religious according to

186 PLINY IN BITHYNIA. [a. D. 111.
the notions in which he had been brought up. The
heathen temples were almost deserted; the sellers of vie
tims for the sacrifices complained that they had no pur.
chasers ; persons of either sex, and of all ages and ranks,
even Roman citizens, had embraced the new opinions ;
and Pliny himself met with persons who had once been
converted, but had abjured Christianity, twenty years
before. This state of things might cause less surprise when we
remember that the Gospel had found its way into Bithy.
nia as early as the date of Peter's first Epistle, so that it
may have been making progress in that country for nearly
half a century. It is satisfactory that our accounts are,
in this instance, so authentic and unquestionable ; and
the scene which Pliny witnessed in Bithynia was proba.
bly exhibited at this period in various portions ofthe em.
pire. Heathenism appeared to be already hastening to
its decay ; but there were too many persons interested in
preserving it, to allow the triumph of Christianity to be
so soon completed. There is no reason to think that
Pliny was naturally cruel, or inclined to injustice. He
acknowledged that the Christians who were brought be.
fore him had committed no crime, and he even bore testi
mony to the purity of their principles and practice ; but
he suffered himself to be persuaded that their obstinate
adherence to their religion was itself criminal ; and if,
upon a third examination, they did not consent to re
nounce it, he even ordered them to execution.
There was at this time no precise and definite law
which sanctioned such cruelty ; but foreign superstitions,
as they were termed, had at various times been sup.
pressed ; and the present emperor, as well as hisprede.
cessors, had prohibited private meetings and associations.
It was not difficult to represent the Christians as guilty

A. D. 111.] PERSECUTION IN BITnVNIA. 187
on both these charges : but Pliny, though he allowed them
to be punished, did not feel satisfied without consulting
the emperor, who at this time was at Rome. His letter
to Trajan, as well as the answer which he received,
are both extant ; and though the emperor, perhaps, did not
intend to be severe, the opinion delivered by him on this
occasion became a precedent, which enabled provincial
magistrates to exercise as much cruelty as they pleased
against the Christians. He wrote to Pliny that he fully
approved of what he had done, and directed him not to
make any search after the Christians, and in no case to
listen to anonymous accusations. If the suspected party
cleared himself by worshipping the gods, he was to be
acquitted : but there was added to this apparent lenity,
that if any such persons were brought before the proprae
tor and convicted, or, in other words, if they adhered to
the religion which they believed to be true, they were to
be put to death.
There is too great reason to think that this iniquitous
counsel was the cause of many Christians losing their
lives. When Pliny wrote to the emperor, he told him
that no compulsion could make a Christian abjure his
faith. He had himself frequently tried to induce them
to join in a sacrifice, or in imprecations against Christ ;
but they preferred death to either of these impieties ; and
when Trajan's answer arrived, the work of persecution
was likely to proceed more actively than before. It is
painful to think that the first emperor who sanctioned
such cruelties by law was Trajan, and that the first magis
trate who put the law in force was Pliny ; both of these
persons, according to heathen notions of morality, being
considered amiable, and lovers of justice. But though
they had power to uphold for a season their unrighteous
cause, and to pour Christian blood upon the earth like

188 REVOLT OF THE JEWS. [a. ». 115.
water, their attempt to suppress Christianity totally
failed. We have the evidence of a heathen writer, who
lived in the middle of this same century, that there were
then many Christians in part of the country which was
subject to the government of the propraetor of Bithynia.
They were, in fact, very numerous through the whole of
Asia Minor ; and if a person had at this time gone over
the same ground which had been traversed by Paul, from
the eastern confines of Cilicia to the shores of the jEgean,
he would have found churches regularly established, not
only in the most flourishing and most civilized Grecian
colonies, but in parts of the country which had scarcely
yet been subdued by the arms of Rome.
The reign of Trajan continued for six years after the
date of his celebrated letter to Pliny ; but history has
preserved no further particulars which connect him per
sonally with the Christians. In the year 115 he sup
pressed a formidable revolt of the Jews in Africa and
Cyprus, and the restless character of that people led him
to treat them with great severity in the country about the
Euphrates. Palestine does not appear to have been in-
eluded in these acts of vengeance. The Jews had begun
to return to it in considerable numbers ; and we shall see
presently that they had lost neither their patriotism nor
their impatience of subjection to foreigners: but they
were not yet prepared to revolt ; and Judasa was at this
time under the government of an experienced and deter
mined officer. We should be most interested to know
whether the punishment inflicted upon the rebellious Jews
was felt in any measure by the Christians ; but history is
still silent upon the subject. If we might judge by the
rapid succession of the bishops of Jerusalem after the
death of Symeon, we might perhaps conclude that the
deaths of some of them were hastened by martyrdom.

a. D. 117.] REIGN OF TRAJAN. 189
The names of seven bishops have been preserved who held
that see from the year 107 to 125. But if the Christians
of Jerusalem were suffering during that period from the
unbelieving Jews, or from the heathen, we can only say
that we know nothing of the cause or manner of the per-
secution. The emperor himself was not likely to inter-
fere with them in any part of his dominions, during the
latter part of his reign. His brilliant career of victories
was now exchanged for a succession of defeats. One
conquered province after another revolted ; he was re-
pulsed in a personal attack upon the fortress of Atra ; and
before his death, which happened at Selinus in Cilicia in
117, nearly all' his conquests in the East were lost.
We are perhaps justified in concluding, from a general
review of the reign of Trajan, that the progress of Chris.
tianity was not impeded during that period by any syste
matic opposition of the government. The emperor's at.
tention was directed to the new religion by Pliny : but,
like many other subjects which were mentioned in letters
from the provinces, this perhaps did not dwell long upon
his mind ; and we may infer from the correspondence
itself, that neither Trajan nor Pliny had troubled them-
selves about the Christians before. It has been men
tioned, that the emperor's answer formed a precedent,
which was often acted upon with great cruelty in the
course of the present century ; but we do not meet with
any other instance in the course of the late reign. We
shall see reason to think that a season of peace was more
injurious to the Christians than one of war, as giving the
heathen more leisure and opportunity to notice their
proceedings ; and the late emperor was so constantly en-
gaged in military expeditions, that if such a circumstance
was favourable to the Christians, it may account in some
measure for their religion making such a rapid advance.
16

190 PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY. [a. D. 117.
That this was the case in the former part of the second
century, cannot be doubted. The martyrdoms of Symeon
and Ignatius arrest our attention, on account of the rank
and fortitude of the sufferers, and the iniquity of their
sentence. But we are not told, in either case, that they
had many companions in death ; and the perpetrators of
such cruelties are apt to forget, that a party does not be
come less attached to its opinions, or less zealous in sup
porting them, by seeing its leaders suffer martyrdom with
firmness. The death of Ignatius caused the loss of one
individual to the Christians : but their enemies were not
aware that by leading him in a kind of triumph from
Antioch to Rome, and allowing him to touch at several
intermediate places, they were doing the greatest service
to the cause which they were wishing to destroy.

A. D. 117.] TRAVELS OF HADRIAN. 191

CHAPTER IX.
Travels of Hadrian : visits Alexandria. — Basilides, Saturninus, and
the Gnostics. — Writings of Christians. — Church of Athens. — Let
ter of Hadrian, protecting the Christians. — Second Jewish War. —
Gentile Church at Jerusalem. — Death of Hadrian. — Causes of Per
secution. Hadrian, who had been adopted by Trajan a short
time before his death, succeeded him in the empire.
Though accustomed hitherto to military command, he
was not inattentive to literature and the arts. Being
fond of observing the peculiarities of different countries,
he passed several years of his reign in foreign travel. In
addition to this inquisitive and antiquarian spirit, he is
said to have paid particular attention to the religious
customs of the people whom he visited ; but his own pre
judices were strongly in favour of the religion in which
he had been educated. While he was upon his travels,
he could not fail to be struck with the progress which
Christianity was making among his subjects ; and he ap
pears to have looked with equal contempt upon the super-
stitions of the Egyptians, the Jews, and the Christians.
In more than one country which he visited, he would
witness the effects of the late insurrection of the Jews ;
and his dislike to that people was shown by his building
a temple to Jupiter on the spot where Solomon's temple
had formerly stood. This was on a visit which he paid
to Jerusalem soon after his accession ; and he seems to
have taken a pleasure in insulting the Jews, by giving to
the city which had lately been rising out of the ruins of
Jerusalem the appearance and character of a Roman

192 BASILIDES. [A. D. 119.
town. The inhabitants were unable at present to resist
the insult ; but their discontent was only smothered for
a time, till it broke out into open rebellion.
Alexandria, which he also visited on the same journey,
had been nearly destroyed by the quarrels between the
Jews and the other inhabitants. The emperor ordered it
to be re-built ; and his curiosity in prying into different
forms of religion would find a rich treat while he resided
in the capital of Egypt. We have a letter written by him
a few years later, in which he chose to confound the wor
shippers of Serapis, a popular idol of the Egyptians, with
the Christians. He also mentioned by name the Jews
and Samaritans, and treated them all as impostors and
mountebanks ; but there is no evidence of his having at
this time shown any ill-will towards the Christians. His
opinion of their religious tenets was very likely to be er-
roneous, by his confounding them with the Gnostics, who
had learnt many of their absurdities and impieties in the
schools of Alexandria. Simon Magus, the first founder
of Gnosticism, had studied in that city. His successor
was Menander, who lived at the end of the first century,
and the beginning of the second ; and the place in which
he attracted most followers was Antioch. Menander was
followed by Saturninus and Basilides, who became the
heads of two different sects or parties of Gnostics : and
Basilides, who spread his opinions in Alexandria, had
already obtained his celebrity when that city was visited
by Hadrian.
It is not improbable that Basilides quitted Alexandria
when the riots caused by the Jews had made it so unsafe
a place of residence ; and this may account for his pecu-
liar opinions becoming so notorious in the world at large.
His notion concerning Jesus Christ was the same with
that of the other Gnostics, who believed his body to be a

A. D. 119.] .DIVISION OF GNOSTICS. 193
phantom : but Basilides is charged with having invented
the new and extravagant doctrine, that Simon of Cyrene
was crucified instead of Jesus. He could not persuade
himself that a divine emanation, such as he believed Christ
to have been, could unite itself to a material and corrupti
ble body ; but at the same time, he could not resist the
evidence, which was now universally diffused by the four
Gospels, that a real and substantial body had been nailed
to the cross. He therefore had recourse to the extraor
dinary notion, that Simon of Cyrene was substituted for
Jesus ; which may remind the reader of what has been
already observed, that Gnosticism entirely destroyed the
doctrine of the atonement : that Jesus Christ suffered death
for the sins of the world, did not, and could not, form any
part of the religious tenets of Basilides. We are not,
therefore, to be surprised that the heads of the Church
took such pains to expose the errors of a system which,
though it appears at first unworthy of serious attention,
was fatally subversive of the very foundations of our
faith. The followers of Basilides were also addicted to magic,
which was the case in a greater or less degree with all
the Gnostics : but the Basilidians carried the practice of
this impiety to a greater length than their predecessors ;
and several amulets or charms have been preserved to the
present day, which show that they belonged to the vota*
ries of this unholy superstition. The same sect has also
been reproached for the grossest licentiousness of con
duct ; and though the Christian writers may be suspected
of some exaggeration in drawing the character of the
Gnostics, it cannot be doubted, as has been already ob.
served, that one division of them maintained, upon prin
ciple, that all actions were indifferent ; and that the
heathen, who chose to confound Christianity with Gnos.
16*

194 CHRISTIAN WRITERS. [A. D. 119.
ticism, were induced to consider it as inculcating maxims
of the most shameless depravity, lt should, however, be
added, that there is no sufficient evidence that Basilides
himself had countenanced such impurities. Saturninus is
known to have gone into the opposite extreme, and his
followers practised the most rigid austerities ; so that if
Hadrian, like many other of the heathen, confounded the
Christians with the Gnostics, it cannot be thought strange
that he spoke of their religion with contempt. There
was, perhaps, no city in which he was so likely to find
out his mistake, and to have formed correct notions of the
Christians, as Alexandria, where Christianity had been
taught, from a very early period, in regularly established
schools. Had he visited the city a few years earlier or
later, he might have gratified his curiosity by attending
the lectures of the professors of this new religion : but he
came there when many Christians were likely to have
left the city on account of the late disturbances ; and
Alexandria was always the receptacle of so many differ.
ent religions, that it is not very surprising if he looked
upon them all as equally erroneous.
The history of Basilides is interesting in another point
of view, as making us acquainted with works expressly
written by Christians in defence of their religion. The
epistles of Clement and Ignatius have been already men-
tioned, which were circulated and read with great avidity;
but they were interesting only to Christians, and were
not likely, as indeed they were not intended, to give the
heathen a knowledge of Christianity. The precise period
is not marked when the Christians first began to explain
or defend their doctrines in writing, nor have their earli-
est works come down to us ; but it is not probable that
anything of this kind appeared till after the beginning of
the second century. Basilides, the Gnostic, is known to

«. D. 119.] CHURCH OF ATHENS. 195
have been an author, and the name of at least one Chris
tian writer has been preserved who published against
him. This was Agrippa Castor, who appears to have
lived in the reign of Hadrian ; and it is much to be re
gretted that his writings have perished : for, though an
exposure of Gnosticism might now be considered easy, it
was no light task in those days for a Christian to enter
the lists against one who had attracted a numerous party
in the schools of Alexandria.
The travels of Hadrian led him to pay more than one
visit to Athens, where we know that he would find a consid.
erable body of Christians. The Gospel, as we have seen,
had been planted in that celebrated city by Paul himself,
in the year 46 ; and there is respectable evidence, that
Dionysius the Areopagite, who was certainly converted
by the apostle, was intrusted by him with the care ofthe
Athenian church. However this may have been, Chris.
tianity continued to flourish in Athens ; and Publius, the
bishop of this see, is known to have suffered martyrdom
in the course ofthe present century. His successor in the
bishopric was Quadratus ; and the same, or another per
son of that name, presented a written defence of Christi
anity to the emperor Hadrian, on the occasion of his visit.
ing Athens. Many of these Defences, or Apologies, as
they are sometimes called, were written in the second and
third centuries, with the view of explaining Christianity
to the heathen, and refuting the calumnies which were
spread against it. Some few of them are still extant,
though that of Quadratus is lost, which is also the case
with another Apology, presented to the same emperor by
Aristides, who, before his conversion, had been an Athen-
ian philosopher. We only know that Quadratus spoke of
persons being alive in his own day who had been miracu.
lously cured by our Saviour : and he is himself mentioned

196 LETTER OF HADRIAN. [a. d. 125.
as possessing some portion of those preternatural gifts
which were common in the apostolic age.
We have thus had abundant proof that the emperor's
attention was turned to the religion of the Christians ;
but he was called upon to interfere still more decidedly,
when Serenus Granius, the proconsul of Asia, who seems
to have been a humane and equitable magistrate, wrote
to him for instructions as to the mode of treating the
Christians. The emperor's reply was addressed to Minu-
cius Fundanus, the successor of Granius ; and he expressly
ordered that both parties, the accuser and the accused,
should be heard openly before the tribunal ; to which he
added, that some positive violation of the laws must be
proved, before a Christian could be condemned to punish
ment. The letter also contained some strong expressions
against wanton and malicious informers ; so that, if pro
vincial magistrates attended to the imperial edict, the
condition of the Christians was likely to be much im-
proved. But, though similar orders were sent into the
provinces, there is too good reason to fear that they were
generally disregarded.
The present decree was certainly more favourable to
the Christians than that which Trajan had sent in an
swer to the application of Pliny. Such at least appears
to have been its intention : but, although the emperor
prohibited punishment, except in cases where some posi
tive crime was alleged, it would not be difficult to construe
Christianity itself into a violation of the laws ; and
there is no doubt that many magistrates acted upon this
principle. The emperor's own conduct in the different countries
which he visited was calculated to support the national
religion, and consequently to excite the people against
the Christians. It at least showed that he was himself

a. D. 132 — 135.] JEWISH WAR. 197
attached to the superstitions of heathenism ; for wherever
he went, he allowed temples to be built in honour of him
self. At the same time he furnished the Christians with
powerful arguments against the religion which he pro-
fessed. On one occasion of his visiting Egypt, he had
the misfortune to lose his favourite, Antinous, who was
drowned in the Nile ; and, not content with building a
city which bore his name, and perpetuating his memory
in a variety of ways, he ordered divine honours to be paid
to him, and placed him among the number of the gods.
The Christians who wrote to defend their own religion,
or to attack that of their opponents, could not fail to
notice this irrational and disgusting impiety ; and the
cause of Christianity was advanced by the follies and
absurdities of those who attempted to suppress it.
We must now once more turn our attention to the
melancholy history of the Jews. Indignant at the in
sults which they had received from Hadrian, they took
advantage of his being no longer in their neighbourhood,
and, about the year 132, broke out into open insurrection.
Their leader was Bar-Cochab, which name implies the
son of a star. He was a man in every way suited to
command the energies of a desperate and fanatical people.
The expectation of the Messiah, which had never subsided
in Judaea, conspired with the hatred of the Romans, to
give to this impostor an extraordinary influence with his
countrymen. The contest, however, was hopeless, from
the beginning, though it was protracted for nearly four
years. Jerusalem was no longer the important fortress, and
was soon occupied by the Romans : but Bitthera, which
lay between Jerusalem and the sea, held out for three years
and a half against the forces of Severus, who was sent to
quell the insurrection. When the city was taken, the war
was in fact ended. It was calculated that 580,000 Jews

198 JEWISH WAR. [A. D. 135.
perished during the continuance of it ; and we should
naturally wish to inquire in what degree this awful visi
tation was felt by that part of the nation which had em-
braced Christianity.
There is reason to think that the blow fell much more
severely upon the unbelieving portion of the people. Not
that the Christians were less attached to the land of their
fathers, or more disposed to submit to the yoke of Rome :
but Bar-Cochab raised the standard of religion as well as
of liberty ; his followers were required to acknowledge
him as the expected deliverer, who was sent from heaven
to redeem them ; and it was impossible that any Chris.
tian could countenance such pretensions as these. The
impostor was impolitic enough to persecute all those who
opposed themselves to his wishes. We have it on the
authority of a man who was himself obliged to fly the
country, that the Christians were sentenced to horrid
punishments if they would not deny that Jesus was the
Christ, and utter blasphemy. There was therefore no
want of patriotism, if the Christian inhabitants of Judrea
looked upon the Romans as less objects of aversion and
dread than their unbelieving countrymen. Many of them
sought refuge elsewhere, and those who remained probably
continued neuter during the war. It is to be hoped that
the Romans learned from henceforth to distinguish more
accurately between Jews and Christians ; and this second
taking of Jerusalem produced an important effect upon
the church in that city.
The war was finished by the taking of Bitthera, in 135,
and from that time no Jew was allowed to pay even a
passing visit to Jerusalem. On one day only in the year,
was it lawful for them to approach their unhappy city.
This was the day of its being taken by Titus. On the
anniversary of that event, the Jews might take a view of

A. D. 138.] CHURCH OF JERUSALEM. 199
the walls for the space of one hour, but they might do no
more, unless they purchased the indulgence for a settled
sum. Though we know that this edict continued in force
for a long period, it is also certain that there was a Chris
tian Church at Jerusalem after the reign of Hadrian, as
well as before ; and it is impossible to suppose that some
members of it were not Jews by descent, though they had
cast off their adherence to the Law of Moses ; so that we
might almost conclude that the prohibition of entering
Jerusalem applied only to those Jews who had not em.
braced Christianity. It is said indeed, by Eusebius, that
the Church of Jerusalem (or rather of ^Elia, which was
the new name given to the city by Hadrian,) consisted
from this time entirely of Gentiles, and that a Gentile
bishop named Marcus was now appointed over them, the
former fifteen bishops having been all of Jewish extrac
tion. We may perhaps receive this statement concern.
ing Marcus as correct, and it may have been a measure
of prudence to elect a bishop who was not a Jew : but it
is difficult to conceive that an entirely new body of Chris
tians settled in the city after the war. What we know
for certain is, that the Church of jElia continued to hold
a conspicuous place among the Eastern churches, and its
bishop was equal in rank with the bishops of the greatest
sees, Antioch, Rome, and Alexandria.
The Emperor Hadrian survived the Jewish war by
three years, and died in 138. His reign, as we have seen,
was not unfavourable to the Christians ; and if his writ.
ten instructions were generally acted upon in the provin.
ces, it became less easy for their enemies to annoy them.
It is certain, however, that the heathen were now begin.
ning to persecute the Christians more systematically and
more cruelly than they had done in the first century. The
rapid progress of Christianity was the cause of its being

800 CAUSES OF PERSECUTION.  PHILOSOPHERS. [a. D. 138.
opposed thus violently ; and its bitterest opponents were
the persons whose livelihood depended upon the mainte
nance of heathen worship. The populace in every town
were attached to the pomp and splendour of the sacrifices
and public games, which seemed in danger of being
stopped, if the simple religion of the Christians was adopt
ed. The Romans had also introduced into every country
a taste for the barbarous and bloody spectacles which
were exhibited in the amphitheatre. Men were trained
to fight with wild beasts, or criminals were condemned to
be exposed to them as a punishment. It was easy to de.
cide that Christianity was itself a crime, and thus to en.
sure a constant supply of criminals, whose shrieks and
sufferings might amuse the spectators of the games. The
unpopular or rapacious governor of a province bad only
to condemn a constant succession of Christians to the
lions, and he ensured the attachment of the priests, as
well as the applause of the multitude. This may suffi.
ciently account for Christians being persecuted in various
parts of the empire, without our looking for general edicts
issued by the emperor, or for the emperor's personal in-
terference in the subject. The name of Hadrian has been
added, improperly, to the list of persecutors. The religion
of the Christians was viewed by him with contempt, and
the superstitions of paganism received his protection and
encouragement ; but it probably never struck him that
his own creed was in danger of being supplanted by
Christianity ; and he saw the gross injustice of punishing
men for their opinions, when they were guilty of no crime.
The philosophers, as they were called, were greater
enemies to the Gospel than any emperor or magistrate
who had hitherto noticed it. They directed against it
all the arguments which sophistry and sarcasm, combi.
ning with misrepresentation and ignorance, could invent.

A. D. 138.] APOLOGIES. 201
They took little trouble to learn what Christianity really
was, and it suited their purpose to confound it with the
absurdities and impieties of Gnosticism. The result was,
that men whose lives were innocent and irreproachable,
were tortured and put to death as guilty of the most atro
cious crimes. One ofthe most distinguished persons who
wrote against Christianity was Celsus, a Platonic philo
sopher, who lived in the days of Hadrian, and published
a work entitled The Word of Truth. The work itself has
long since perished, except a few fragments which have
been preserved by Origen, who wrote a reply to it
Christianity has never shrunk from the attacks of its op
ponents. The more its doctrines have been investigated,
the more plainly has their heavenly origin been demon
strated. The books which were written against it in the
earlier ages, may have hastened the deaths of many indi
vidual Christians, and heathenism, for a time, enjoyed its
triumph ; but as soon as Christianity was attacked in
writing, it not only defended itself, but turned upon its
assailants. The Apologies which were written in the
second century contain most powerful and open expo
sures of the follies of paganism. The rich and the learned
treated them with contempt, and the emperors appear to
have paid little attention to them ; but none ventured to
answer them. Many of them have been preserved to our
own day, and are well deserving of being read, as con
taining the sentiments of men who proved their belief in
ike Gospel by layiDg down their lives in its defence.

17

202 AGE OF THE ANTONINES. [a. D. 138.

CHAPTER X.
Accession of Antoninus Pius. — Valentinus, Cerdon, and Marcion, go
to Rome. — Shepherd of HermaB, and other spurious Works. —
Justin Martyr. — Causes of Persecution. — Paschal Controversy. —
Polycarp visits Rome. — Hegesippus.
We are now arrived at that period of history which
has been described as the Age of the Antonines ; a period
which, in many respects, was memorable in the fortunes
of the Roman Empire. Antoninus Pius, who had been
adopted by Hadrian not long before his death, succeeded
him as emperor in 138. His predecessor had passed so
many years in foreign travel, that whatever opinions he
had formed concerning Christianity, must have been taken
from his observations in distant countries. It is now time
that we should look to the state of religion in the capital,
the history of the Roman Church, during the second cen
tury, having occupied little of our attention. Our infor
mation on this point is extremely scanty. The names of
the bishops of Rome have been preserved from the begin
ning ; but the dates of their election and of their death
have led to much discussion. It has also been asserted
that many of them suffered martyrdom ; and this could
hardly have been the case, unless the Christians of Rome
had been exposed to frequent and violent persecutions.
There is, however, no authentic evidence of this ; and
there are strong grounds for concluding that none of the
early Roman bishops met a violent death before the time
of Telesphorus, who was martyred in the first year of
Antoninus Pius. Even with respect to this event we
have no authentic details ; but it is not improbable that

A. d. 138.] CHURCH OF ROME.  VALENTINUS. 203
the games and other solemnities which ushered in a new
reign, gave a license to those persons who cherished hos
tility to the Gospel.
One fact seems certain with respect to the Church of
Rome, and the remark may be extended to all the West
ern churches, that Gnosticism had produced much less
effect in this part of the world than it had done in the
East. Unfortunately this freedom from the contagion of
error was enjoyed no longer. It was during the first four
years of the present reign, while Hyginus was bishop of
Rome, that two of the most celebrated leaders of Gnostic
ism visited the capital. It may be 3tated generally, that
this extraordinary delusion reached its height about the
middle of the second century ; and it was natural that
persons who had met with such success in Asia and
Egypt should seek to extend their fame, and to make pro
selytes in the capital of the world. Accordingly, we are
told that Valentinus and Cerdon arrived at Rome during
the period mentioned above, or between the years 138
and 142. Valentinus had studied at Alexandria, and
must have been, at one time, really or professedly, a
Christian, if it be true that he had aspired to a bishopric.
His chief celebrity arose from the new and fanciful ar
rangement which he made of those spiritual beings, or
emanations, which were supposed to have proceeded from
God. He also adopted, in its most irrational form, that
early notion of the Gnostics, that the body of Jesus was
an illusive phantom : and though some of the Gnostics
may have been calumniated, as to the impurity of their
moral practice, there is no room for doubt, that the Valen-
tinians laid themselves open to this charge.
Cerdon, who came to Rome about the same period, had
previously been teaching in Syria, and was principally
distinguished for introducing the doctrine of two princi-

204 CERDON.  SPURIOUS WORKS. [a. d. 142.
pies, the one of good and the other of evil, which had
been held for many ages in Persia. He was not, how-
ever, the first Gnostic who accounted for the origin of
evil by some notion of this kind. It had already been
adopted by Basilides ; and the fame of Cerdon was so
eclipsed by that of Marcion, who came to Rome a few
years later, that it is not necessary to say anything more
concerning him.
When Marcion came to Rome, the bishopric was held
by Tius, whose brother, Hermas, is supposed to have been
the author of a work entitled The Shepherd, which some
have ascribed to the Hermas mentioned by St. Paul. It
is, however, much more probable that it was composed in
the middle of the second century, which makes it an inte
resting work, on account of its antiquity, and it also con
tains many sentiments of piety and devotion ; but it should
be added, that these are mixed up with so much of puer
ility and mysticism, as to detract considerably from its
value. It cannot now be ascertained, whether it was in.
tended at the time to pass for a work which was written
by a companion of Paul ; but it is certain that many spu
rious publications were circulated at this period, and later
in the century, which professed to have been written by
apostles, or companions of the apostles. These Gospels,
or Acts, or Travels, or Revelations, (for such were the
titles which they commonly bore,) may sometimes have
preserved authentic traditions concerning our Lord and
his disciples ; but they were, for the most part, filled with
improbable fictions : many of them were composed by
Gnostics, and the contrast is very striking between the
religious fidelity with which all the books of the New
Testament have been preserved, and the total oblivion
which has covered nearly all the spurious productions of
the second and third centuries.

*. n. r42,.J marcion. 205
Though Marcion came to Rome while Pius was bishop,
he rose to most celebrity there under his successor, Ani-
eetus, who was appointed in 156. Marcion was a native
of Pontus, and the son of a Christian bishop ; but having
been guilty of an act of gross immorality, he was ex
pelled from the Church by his own father, and eventually
obliged to leave Asia. He then went to Rome, still call-
ing himself a Christian, though it seems almost certain
that he had already been suspected of heresy ; and finding
the Roman Christians unwilling to admit him, he threw
himself at once into the party of Cerdon. From this time,
the name of Marcion became most distinguished among
the Gnostics ; and he adopted that form of their ereed
which considered matter to be the cause of evil, and to
form a second principle independent of God. He agreed
entirely with Valentinus, in not believing the body of
Jesus to have been real and substantial ; and both of them
retained to the last an attachment to the Gospel. Mar-
cion admitted some of the books of the New Testament,
but with alterations and mutilations; and though he is
said to have received the Gospel of Luke, it was more
properly a composition of his own, formed upon the basis
of that evangelist.
The most painful part of Marcion's history is his suc
cess in drawing away many of the Roman Christians to
embrace his opinions. It is possible that some of his con
verts may have been led to abandon their faith by the
terrors of persecution ; for there is evidence that attacks
of this kind were now becoming general in various parts
of the world. A Defence or Apology is still extant, which
was presented about the year 148 to the emperor, his two
adopted sons, the senate and people of Rome, by Justin
Martyr, in which the writer speaks of the Christians as
17*

206 JUSTIN MARTYR. [a. D. 148.
being everywhere the objects of contempt and outrage.
Justin was one of the most learned men who had hitherto
taken up his pen in defence of the Gospel. He was
a native of Samaria, and had made himself acquainted
with all the different schools of philosophy, but that
which gave him most satisfaction was the Platonic. His
conversion to Christianity was principally owing to the
constancy which he saw the Christians evince in the time
of persecution ; and he was himself obliged to leave his
country on account of the revolt of the Jews under Bar-
Cochab. He wrote several works beside the Apology
mentioned above, some of which have come down to us,
the most interesting being a second Apology, presented
nearly twenty years later, and a Dialogue or Disputation
with Trypho, a Jew.
It would be interesting to know whether Justin's pre-
sent appeal to the emperor produced any effect in obtain
ing justice for the Christians. We have already seen that
their sufferings were not caused by direct orders from the
government ; and it is certain that Antoninus issued no
edict against them. At some period of his reign he
openly interfered in their favour, and wrote letters to dif
ferent cities of Greece, commanding the persons in office
to abstain from molesting the Christians. There is also
a letter addressed to the cities of Asia Minor, in which
the same instructions are given as to the treatment of the
Christians ; but it is uncertain whether this letter was
written by the present emperor or by his successor. We
may at least assume that Antoninus was not a persecutor
in the common acceptation of that term, though he did
not trouble himself, as much as he was bound, to see that
common justice, as well as his own special edicts, were
executed by provincial magistrates. But if he went so
far as to take measures for protecting the Christians in

a. D. 148.] POPULARITY OF THE CHRISTIANS. 207
Greece and Asia, we might hope that he would not allow
any open cruelties to be practised against them in the
capital. One remark may be made in this place concerning the
altered state of public feeling towards the Christians at
the present period, if compared with what it was at the
first promulgation of tho Gospel. It is certain that tho
new religion made more progress, at first, among the low
er orders and the illiterate, than among the learned and
the powerful. Except during times of excitement, such
as was caused by a recurrence of the festivals, and
by a numerous arrival of foreign Jews, the apostles and
first preachers of Christianity were not unpopular with
the poorer classes at Jerusalem. On more than one oc
casion the Jewish authorities were prevented from grati-
fying their malice against the rising sect, because they
knew that the leaders of it were favourites with the peo
ple. This was natural, when miracles were worked every
day, and almost every hour, in the public streets, and
when the result of this miraculous power was especially
beneficial to the poor. Miracles were the credentials
offered by the apostles for the recommendation of their
doctrines ; and the effect of them was greater upon the
uneducated, who were not accustomed to deep and laboured
arguments, than upon men of learning, who complained
that the Christians had no arguments to offer. The false.
hood of this complaint became apparent as Christianity
began to spread, and when God was gradually withdraw.
ing from it that miraculous support which it had needed at
its first promulgation. The history of the second century
is a proof that Christianity had no occasion, as indeed it
had no intention, to shrink from argument. Though it
could make no resistance with the sword, it became the
assailant in the war of the pen ; and it could no longer

208 CAUSES OF PERSECUTION. [a. D. 148.
be said, as was the case a century before, that not many
wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble,
were called. It was now raising its head from the obscu
rity which had marked its earlier progress ; and the Age
of the Antonines called forth much more learning in de
fence of Christianity than against it.
There were, however, as we have seen, many persons
interested in the suppression of the new religion, who
employed, as they imagined, more effectual weapons than
those of learning and argument. The prison, the sword,
and the wild beasts of the amphitheatre, supplied them
with means of silencing the Christians. It was essential
for such persons that they should have the populace on
their side ; and this was easily effected by raising the cry,
that the national religion was in danger of being destroy
ed. It is true, that the rabble, in a Roman or Gre-
cian town, cared little for religion ; but they eared for the
pleasure and amusement, as well as the more substantial
enjoyment, which followed upon the exhibition of public
sacrifices and games. There was in this respect a differ.
ence between the lower orders in heathen countries and
in Judaea. The Jews were highly sensitive upon the
point of the Law of Moses : but the unity of God was
held by themselves as firmly as by the Christians, and
their own prophets had taught them to look forward to the
coming of Christ. The heathen, on the other hand, knew
nothing of this argument from prophecy ; and the unity
of God was the very point which threatened their favour.
ite superstitions with extinction. This will perhaps
account for Christianity being less popular with the lower
orders in heathen countries than it had been in Jerusalem.
The heathen priests made the people their instruments in
raising a cry against the Christians ; and the philosophers,
who were unable to defend their own impieties by argu-

A. D. 158.] PASCHAL CONTROVERSY. 209
ment, were glad to see their opponents silenced by any
means, and none was so effectual as a general persecution.
The miseries which the Christians suffered in the second
century are to be attributed to these causes, rather than
to any special acts of the government. The latter would
have taken effect in every part of the empire at the same
time ; whereas there are many instances of the Christians
of one province, or city, being made the victims of popu
lar fury, while their brethren in other countries were en
joying comparative tranquillity.
We have, perhaps, some proof of the Christians having
a temporary respite from their enemies in both quarters
of the world, when we find an Asiatic bishop undertaking
so long a journey as to come to Rome upon a question
purely of religion. This was the case with Polycarp,
whose name is already familiar to the reader, as bishop of
Smyrna, and as having been personally acquainted with
the apostle John. He came to Rome about the year 158,
when Anicetus was bishop of that see. The cause of
his coming was a dispute between the Eastern and West-
em churches, concerning the Paschal festival, which was
kept by some of the Asiatic churches on the fourteenth
day of the first mont < ; and on the third day from this
they kept the festival of the Resurrection, whether it fell
upon a Sunday or no. This was in fact a compliance
with the Jewish method of keeping the Passover. The
Western Christians, on the other hand, always kept the
anniversary ofthe Resurrection on a Sunday ; and on the
day preceding they observed the Paschal festival. Both
parties laid claim to apostolical authority. Tie Eastern
Christians asserted that John and Philip had sanctioned
the custom which was still preserved in Asia, while their
brethren at Rome defended tumselves by the authority of
Peter and Paul ; and the disputes which arose upon this

210 POLYCARP IN ROME. [a. D. 158.
question, which now appears of little importance, were
carried on for a long time with much animosity.
It was in the hope of putting an end to these divi
sions, that Polycarp undertook, at his advanced age, to
visit the capital of the empire, and to have a conference
with Anicetus upon the subject. Though neither of the
two bishops was able to convince the other, it is pleasing
to read that they maintained their separate opinions with
the most perfect amity and good-will. It also acquaints
us with the religious customs of the time, when we find
them receiving the sacrament of bread and wine together,
and the bishop of Rome, though it was in his own city,
and his own church, allowing the bishop of Smyrna to
consecrate the elements. We may well conceive that he
paid this respect to Polycarp in deference to his venera
ble age, and1 to his character of an apostolical bishop.
From the nature of the case, it is not likely that many
persons were then living, certainly not many bishops, who
had seen and conversed with an apostle ; and the presence
of Polycarp must have been considered as a blessing to
any church which he chanced to visit. The Roman
Christians were at this time in greater want of assist.
ance and direction in matters of faith than at any former
period. Gnosticism, as we have seen, had seduced many
from the truth ; and though there is no reason to think
that Anicetus was deficient in activity and zeal, it was
not perhaps to be expected that he could singly protect
his flock from such insidious and skilful assailants as Va
lentinus and Marcion. The arrival of Polycarp was
therefore very seasonable. His own city, Smyrna, had
been exposed to danger from the Gnostics, before the end
of the first century ; and the whole of his long life had
been past in endeavouring to protect his fold from these
grievous wolves. When he came to Rome, he found that.

A. D. 158.] HEGESIPPUS. 211
the enemy had preceded him ; and we have the best au.
thority for saying, that he succeeded in bringing back
many of the Roman Christians from their unfortunate
delusion. Another person who came to Rome while Anicetus was
bishop, was Hegesippus ; and, if his writings had come
down to us, we might have been led to say more concern
ing him, as the earliest ecclesiastical historian. But the
work which he wrote in five books is lost, and we only
know that he spoke with great satisfaction of the uni
formity of faith which he found in all the churches which
he visited on his way to Rome. He may perhaps have
arrived in the capital during the reign of M. Aurelius, for
Anicetus held the bishopric for twelve years, from 156 to
168; and Antoninus Pius died in 161. Hegesippus appears
to have continued in Rome for twenty years longer, and
made out a list of the bishops of that see, which shows
the interest already begun to be taken in all matters rela
ting to the History of the Church.

212 ACCESSION OF AURELIUS. [a. D. 162.

CHAPTER XI.
Accession of M. Aurelius. — Persecution. — Death of Justin Martyr. —
Tatian the Assyrian. — Sect of the Encratites. — Church of Athens.
— Apology of Athenagoras. — Charity ofthe Christians. — Martyrdom
of Papias. — Belief in a Millennium. — Martyrdom of Polycarp. —
Learning of the Christians. — Montanism. — Miraculous Shower of
Rain. — Persecution at Lyons. — Irenaeus. — Death of M. Aurelius.
The second of the Antonines, who is better known by
his other name of Marcus Aurelius, began his reign in 161.
Uniting the character of a Stoic philosopher to that of a
statesman and a soldier, he was more likely to notice
Christianity, and perhaps we should add, that he was
more likely to view it with contempt, if not with stronger
feelings. It is undoubtedly true that the condition ofthe
Christians became much worse in all parts of the empire
during the present reign than it had been before ; and it
is difficult to acquit the emperor of being in some measure
the cause of it. It has been stated that a letter was writ-
ten, either by his predecessor or himself, to the cities of
Asia Minor, which was decidedly favourable to the Chris
tians ; and if it is to be ascribed to M. Aurelius, it was
probably written at the very beginning of his reign, be-
fore he had imbibed any feelings of prejudice against
them. The cities of Asia Minor had applied to the em
peror for leave to punish the Christians ; and one of their
pleas was the alarming succession of earthquakes, by
which the gods were showing their dislike to the new re
ligion. It was argued that the extinction of Christianity
would appease the wrath of heaven ; but the emperor saw
through the cruelty and injustice of the petition : he re.

A. D. 165.] PERSECUTION.  JUSTIN MARTYR. 213
ferred in his answer to the edicts of his predecessors, which
required a Christian to be convicted of a criminal of
fence before he could be punished ; and he concluded his
letter by saying, that if any one proceeded against anoth-
er merely for being a Christian, the Christian should be
acquitted, even if he avowed his belief, and the accusing
party should be punished.
Notwithstanding this favourable edict, it is certain that
the Christians were exposed to severe persecution, even in
Rome, at the beginning of the present reign. A second
Apology was presented to the emperor by Justin Martyr,
between the years 161 and 165, from which we learn that
Urbicus, who commanded the praetorian guards, put seve
ral persons to death, merely because they were Christians ;
and others were victims to the malice of Crescens, a Cy
nic philosopher. Justin himself did not long survive this
second Defence. There was a law which made it a cap
ital crime for any one to refuse to take part in a sacrifice to
the gods, or to swear by the name of the emperor. It was,
of course, impossible for a Christian to comply with the for
mer, and the latter was considered a religious ceremony, to
which he had equal objections. This was henceforth found
the most convenient mode of harassing the Christians ;
and Justin, with many other companions, was first
scourged, and afterwards beheaded, about the year 165.
The name of Martyr has always been peculiarly ap
plied to this excellent and distinguished man ; and it
was about this time that it came to be restricted to those
who had actually suffered death for the sake of the Gospel.
Hitherto it had been applied to all persons who suffered for
their religion, though they were not called upon to lay down
their lives ; but as the work of persecution increased, a
distinction was made between those who bore testimony
unto death, and those who only suffered imprisonment
18

214 TATIAN.  ENCRATITES. [a. d. 165.
or tortures. The latter were called confessors, and those
only who died for the truth were spoken of as martyrs ;
and it was probably the high character which Justin bore
as a man of learning, as well as his firmness and intrepid
ity, which gained for him the permanent distinction of
bearing the surname of Martyr.
His long residence in Rome could not fail to be of great
service to the Christians in that city ; and he left behind
him a pupil who, like his master, was well able to defend
his opinions against the philosophers of the day. This
was Tatian, who was an Assyrian by birth, and was con
verted to Christianity by reading the books of the Old
Testament. Only one of his works has come down to us,
entitled An Oration against the Greeks, in which he openly
and unsparingly attacks the religion of the heathen. He
probably left Rome upon the death of Justin, having been
a sufferer in the same persecution ; and it is painful to
find him falling into heresy, when he lost the example
and guidance of his master. He adopted the Gnostic
errors of Valentinus and Marcion ; and, some years later,
he became the head of a party which, from following
rigid rules of continence and privation, obtained the
name of Encratites. It has been stated that one branch
of the Gnostics had been distinguished for practising
these austerities ; but Tatian, who took up his residence
in Antioch, appears to have carried them still further, and
to have reduced them more to a system.
The Encratites continued as a sect for a long period ;
but it would be incorrect to suppose that all persons
who practised self-privations and austerities were inclu
ded in the sect, or considered heretical. There appear to
have been always Christians, and particularly in Egypt,
who thought it right to mortify the body by abstinence
from certain kinds of food, and who discouraged, if they

A. D. 165.] TATIAN.  ENCRATITES. 215
did not actually prohibit, marriage. The Church had not
as yet given any decision upon these points, and persons
were allowed to follow their own inclinations without
interfering with each other ; but it was, perhaps, natural
that each party should proceed to censure the other, as if
it were in error, not upon a matter of indifference, but
upon a question of vital importance to religion. There
can be no doubt that the progress of Gnosticism had an
influence, in this respect, upon many persons who i.still
considered themselves members of the orthodox Church.
A Christian might have agreed with a Gnostic in his rules
of rigid mortification, though be may have kept himself
entirely free from errors of belief; and when Tatian and
his followers came to be classed among heretics, it was
perhaps owing to their adoption of the Gnostic doctrines,
rather than to the peculiar mode of life which they chose
to follow.
A person named Severus succeeded Tatian as head of
the Encratites, who became so decidedly heretical as to
reject the Acts of the Apostles, and the Epistles of Paul.
Tatian was also the author of a Harmony of the Four Gos
pels ; but, having adopted the Gnostic notion of Christ
not having really assumed a human body, he omitted those
parts which opposed this extravagant theory. Notwith
standing this omission, it is much to be regretted that Ta-
tian's Harmony has not come down to us, which would
have set the question at rest, whether the Four Gospels
were at this time generally received by the Church. The
mere fact of such a work having been composed, is suffi.
cient to decide this question in the affirmative ; nor can
there be any doubt upon the subject, to persons who will
study impartially the writings of the second century.
Justin Martyr expressly refers to the Four Gospels, and
quotes passages from them ; and they must have been in

216 CHURCH OF ATHENS. [a. d. 165.
general circulation at that period, or Tatian would not
have undertaken to arrange the different narratives in one
connected history. The chronology of the various events
recorded by the four evangelists would, perhaps, have been
less uncertain, if we could have seen the opinion of a
writer whose date is so little removed from the age of the
apostles. The same scenes of cruelty which had caused the
death of Justin, and hadjdriven Tatian from Rome, were
acted at this period in various parts of the empire. The
churches of Greece did not escape, and Publius, bishop of
Athens, suffered martyrdom. The persecution was so hot
in that city, that many Christians abandoned their faith ;
and we have a pleasing picture of the friendly intercourse
which took place between different churches, when we
find Dionysius, bishop of Corinth, writing to the Atheni
ans to encourage them in standing film. His exhorta
tion was not thrown away ; and when the vacancy
caused by the death of Publius was filled up by Quadratus,
(who was perhaps the same person who presented his
apology to Hadrian,) the faith and constancy of the Athe.
nian Christians revived. Athens was not the only city
which received proofs of the paternal solicitude of Diony.
sius. This excellent and learned bishop wrote letters to
several other churches, either exhorting them to unity, or
guarding them against Gnostic errors : but unhappily
none of them have been preserved, and we only know,
from the titles of them, that there were churches in
Sparta, Nicomedia, Pontus, and in more than one city of
Crete. It was either now, or about ten years later, that an
Athenian philosopher named Athenagoras addressed a
work to the emperor, which he called an Embassy in be
half of the Christians ; and at the time of his writing it,

A. D. 166.] CHARITY OF CHRISTIANS. 217
not only were the most horrid calumnies circulated
against them, but they were brought before the governors
of provinces in such numbers, that these officers were un.
equal to the task of hearing the cases. In the midst of
all this suffering, the charity ofthe Christians shone con.
spicuous, as in those early days when the believers were
of one heart and one soul. Even heathen writers were
struck with the remarkable fact of the Christians in one
country sending relief to their- brethren in others. For
this purpose it was usual, as in the time of the apostles,
for a public fund to be raised, the distribution of which
was at the disposal of the bishop ; and if Christians had
been shipwrecked, banished to the islands, condemned to
work in the mines, or thrown into prison, relief was af
forded to them from this common fund. The Roman
Church is particularly mentioned, as having kept up this
charitable custom from very early times ; and when Soter
was bishop of that see, which he held from 168 to 173,
the liberality of himself and his flock was acknowledged
in a letter from Dionysius, who still occupied the see of
Corinth. We also learn that a letter of Soter, to which
this was a reply, was read publicly in the Corinthian
churches on Sundays, which was still the case with the
letter written so many years before by Clement.
When we are considering the causes which led to the
rapid spread of Christianity in the second century, the
charity of the Christians is perhaps not to be omitted ;
nor can it be fairly argued that the increase in the num
ber of believers becomes less wonderful, even if some of
them were attracted to the Gospel by interested motives.
The new religion must have brought forth the fruits of
charity to a considerable extent, before it would have
engaged the attention of the heathen merely on that ac
count ; and though there may he nothing wonderful in
18*

218 CHARITY OF CHRISTIANS. [a. D. 168.
men professing to embrace a religion which held out to
them worldly advantages, yet the persons who gave up
their property for the relief of others could only have
been influenced by motives of religion ; and if we study
the human heart, or the history of all former religions,
(except that ofthe Jews, which also came from God,) we
must allow that a system of charity, like that which wras
established by the Christians, was in the highest degree
wonderful and unprecedented. It will at least be con.
ceded that the heathen, who embraced Christianity in the
hope of pecuniary profit, had observed greater instances
of liberality on the part of the Christians than of the
heathen ; and a comparison between the two religions
could not fail to lead to such a conclusion ; but there is
no occasion to suppose that many of those who were con
verted by observing the charity of the Christians, were
influenced by interested motives : this at least could only
have been the case with the poor ; those who were not in
want, and who had superfluous wealth of their own, could
have had no selfish motive in embracing a religion which
required them to part with this superfluity.
The charity of the Christians may have been the first
attraction which led these persons to become believers,
but it was because they could not help admiring and
loving a religion which produced such heavenly fruits.
Such motives for conversion were perfectly natural, and
wholly unconnected with selfishness. Heathenism had
failed to make men charitable, but Christianity, on its
very first appearance* produced this effect. We cannot
therefore wonder, if the system which was the most amia
ble, was also the most attractive ; and this, as was ob
served above, may have been one of the causes which led
to the wide and rapid propagation of the new religion.
But it was not merely by making a provision for their

A. D. 168.] PESTILENCE. 219
poorer members, that the Christians obtained commenda
tion even from their enemies. In times of public suffer
ing, such as a contagious sickness or plague, it was ob
served that Christians attended upon the sick and the
dying with the most affectionate and heroical constancy.
The fear of death appeared to be no restraint to them in
these acts of mutual kindness ; whereas every writer who
has described the ravages of any pestilential disease
among the ancients, has noticed among the melancholy
effects of such visitations, that they seemed to steel the
heart against the tenderest and most natural affections ;
and that men became more hard-hearted, and more re.
gardless of the future, by seeing death on every side, and
by expecting it to come shortly to themselves. The per
sons thus described were heathens ; and when a Christian
was seen to devote himself to a friend who was infected
with pestilence, and perhaps to fall a victim to his own
disinterested kindness, the spectacle was one which the
world had not hitherto witnessed.
The present reign afforded an opportunity for such in
stances to be frequently repeated ; for the soldiers who
returned from the Parthian campaign of the Emperor
Verus, brought back with them a pestilential disease of
great malignity, which continued for several years. The
celebrated physician, Galen, was living at this period;
and he has left some remarks upon the firmness or the
obstinacy with which the Christians submitted to any
suffering, rather than abandon their religion. It was
thus that the heathen chose to speak of the fortitude of
the Christians, which they could not help admiring,
though they professed to treat it with contempt ; and we
have seen that pestilence was only one among many
trials which at this period exercised the patient endur
ance of the Christians.

220

Papias. [a. d. 163.

If we now turn our eyes to the eastern part of the em
pire, we shall find still stronger indications of suffering,
particularly in Asia Minor; and the blow appears to
have been generally struck at the heads of the Church.
We shall see the venerable Polycarp receiving at length
his crown of martyrdom ; but his death was preceded by
that of another bishop, who had either been personally
acquainted with John, or had seen persons who had con-
versed with several of the apostles. This was Papias,
bishop of Hierapolis, in Phrygia. He was a man of ex-
tensive reading, but apparently not of strong judgment.
Notwithstanding this defect, a work which he wrote, con.
taining a collection of anecdotes and sayings connected
with our Lord and his apostles, would have been ex
tremely interesting if it had come down to us. He is
generally mentioned as the first Christian writer who
maintained the doctrine of a Millennium, or who held
that, previous to the final judgment, there would be a re.
surrection of the just, who would reign with Christ upon
earth for a thousand years. Such a belief was certainly
entertained by several writers of the second century,
though Justin, who himself adopted it, acknowledges that
there were many Christians of sound and religious minds
who differed from him on this point. It was, in fact,
never made an article of belief, and each person was at
liberty to follow his own opinion ; beside which, we must
carefully distinguish between the notion of a Millennium
entertained by Papias and the earlier writers, and that
which has been ascribed to Cerinthus and other Gnostics.
The Cerinthians have always been charged with having
very gross and sensual views concerning the happiness of
the saints during this reign of Christ upon earth ; but
Papias and his followers admitted no such impurities
into their creed : and we shall see that during the third

A. D. 163— 167.] DEATH OF POLYCARP. 221
century, this belief in a Millennium gradually died
away. Papias suffered martyrdom in 163, having been taken
from his own city to Pergamos for that purpose. It is
to be feared that the sufferings of his flock did not cease
with his death, for his successor, Abereius, presented an
Apology to the emperor, as did also Apollinarius, who
held the same bishopric in 168, if not earlier. Both these
compositions are lost, which is unfortunately the case
with all the other works of Apollinarius, who was an au-
thor of much celebrity, and entered into all the religious
controversies of his day.
Severe as were the sufferings of all these confessors
and martyrs, they sink comparatively into the shade while
we read of the aged and apostolical Polycarp being burnt
to death in the amphitheatre of Smyrna. This event pro
bably happened in the year 167. The proconsul Quadra
tus, affecting to have compassion upon his age, held out
the hopes of pardon if he would utter imprecations against
Christ ; to which the old man made no other reply than,
" Eighty and six years have I served him, and he has done
me no injury ; how, then, can I blaspheme my King and
my Saviour?" It was intended that he should be ex-
posed to wild beasts ; but it being too late in the day for
such a spectacle when he was dragged into the amphi
theatre, it was decided that he should be burnt. A fire
was soon -kindled, and the Jews were observed to assist
the heathen in this work of cruelty ; but when, from some
cause or other, the flames delayed to consume the body,
an executioner pierced it through with a sword, and put
an end to the martyr's sufferings. We have another proof
of the intercourse kept up between the different churches,
when we find a detailed account of Polycarp's death
drawn up by the Christians of Smyrna, and copies of it

222 PERSECUTION. [a. n. 167.
sent to the neighbouring places. The letter is still ex.
tant ; and it adds a remarkable instance of the persevering
hostility of the Jews, that, not satisfied with having as-
sisted in burning Polycarp, they advised the proconsul
not to let the Christians take the body, lest they should
proceed to give up Jesus, and worship Polycarp. The
Jews were therefore well aware that Jesus was an object
of religious worship to the Christians ; but the writers
of the letter add the remark, that the case anticipated by
the Jews was perfectly impossible : Jesus, they observe,
and Jesus only, could be the object of their worship ; to
him, as the Son of God, they offered adoration : but the
martyrs, as disciples and imitators of the Lord, were
merely objects of gratitude and love.
The proconsul allowed the bones of Polycarp to be car-
ried away by his friends ; and we learn from this letter,
that the custom already existed of meetings being held at
the graves of the martyrs ; and on the anniversary of
their death, which was called their birth. day, the Chris-
tians assembled to commemorate their history. The ser.
vice resembled that of the Sunday. The Lord's supper
was eaten ; collections were made for the poor ; and the
acts of the martyr, whose death was being commemorated,
were publicly read.
The death of Polycarp had the effect for a short time
of checking the persecution in Smyrna ; but it must have
revived shortly after, since Papirius, who succeeded to the
bishopric, suffered martyrdom ; and Thraceus, bishop of
Eumenia, met the same fate at Smyrna in this or the foi.
lowing reign. The neighbouring city of Laodicea saw
its bishop, Sagaris, publicly put to death ; and we may
close this melancholy account by noticing another Apol
ogy, addressed to M. Aurelius by Melito, bishop of Sardes.
He was a man of considerable learning, and author of

». D. 168.] LEARNING OF CHRISTIANS. 223
several works, all of which have perished : but we learn
from a fragment of his Apology, that he did not charge
the emperor himself with sanctioning such cruel proceed.
ings ; and it is also inferred from his expressions, that
persons were induced to accuse the Christians by having
their property adjudged to them in case of conviction.
The reader will long since have ceased to feel surprise
at finding Christians Spoken of as men of learning. The
works which have come down to us from Christian writers
of the second and third centuries, are far more numerous
than those ofthe heathen. The names of several Apolo
gists have already been mentioned, who did not fear to
address their petitions to emperors and magistrates, though
they exposed the superstitions of these very persons as
fabulous and absurd. Others defended their brethren from
the errors of Gnosticism ; and Theophilus, who became
bishop of Antioch in 168, would have been eminent as a
philosopher if he had not been converted to the Gospel.
One of his works, which he addressed to a' heathen friend,
named Autolycus, has come down to us ; and in another,
which he published against Hermogenes, he entered into
the question which had so long employed the heathen phi.
losophers, concerning the eternity of matter.
The Gnostics, as we have seen, contributed to keep up
the agitation of this perplexing subject ; and, whatever
other differences they may have had, they all agreed in
believing that the elements of matter had not been created
by God, but had existed, like God himself, from all eter.
nity. It is a remarkable fact, that no philosopher or
writer of any school, before the appearance of Christian.
ity, ever conceived the idea of God having made the world
out of nothing ; but wherever the Gospel was received, this
fundamental truth was also recognised, and the eternity ot
matter became, as it deserved to be, an exploded doctrine,

224 HERMOGENES.  MONTANUS. [a. D. 168.
which cannot consist with a sound and rational belief in
the omnipotence of God. We need not, however, be sur.
prised if some persons professing themselves Christians,
endeavoured to unite the ancient notion with this new
creed; and Hermogenes, who called himself a Stoic, ap.
pears to have been one of this class, though the name of
Christian can hardly be applied to him, except as the
leading points of Christianity entered, under some form
or other, into every scheme of Gnosticism. He did not
deny that matter could have been created out of nothing :
but he held that God would not have created it, because
it is the source of all evil. He also believed that the evil
spirits, and even the human soul, had their origin from
matter ; and his speculations probably made a considera-
ble sensation, and were considered dangerous to the
Christians, since a bishop of Antioch undertook to refute
them ; and TertuUian, later in the century, also exercised
his pen in exposing their mischievous tendency. The-
work of the latter writer is still extant, but that of Theo-
philus has not come down to us.
Though the Christians were suffering so severely from
persecution at this period, the bishops and men of learn.
ing among them were forced to direct their attention to
another subject, which was now becoming of some impor
tance. The heresy which bore the name of Montanism,
began about the middle ofthe second century, and had its
name from Montanus, who first made himself known in a
village of Mysia, not far from the borders of Phrvgia,
from whence the sect which he founded was frequently
called the Phrygian, or Cataphrygian. Montanus had
been recently converted to Christianity, and was per
haps not so much an impostor, as led away by a fanciful
and heated imagination. He appeared subject to trances
or ecstacies ; and two ladies of rank, Priscilla and Maxi-

A. D. 168.] MONTANISTS. 225
milla, were persuaded by him to leave their husbands, and
to follow him about as prophetesses. It was this pretence
to inspiration which formed the peculiar character of the
sect ; for the Montanists were not accused of being hereti-
cal upon any vital point of religion ; and though Mon
tanus has been charged with the blasphemy of calling him-
self the Paraclete, it seems certain that he only meant to
say, that the Holy Ghost, or Paraclete, had given to him
and his followers an extraordinary measure of spiritual
illumination. There can be no doubt that the Montanists laid claim
to this distinction ; and boasted, in virtue of their inspira
tion, not only to have a clearer insight into the mysteries
of Revelation, but to be specially gifted with the power
of looking into futurity. This may account, in some de
gree, for the strong measures which were taken by the
heads of the Church to repress these enthusiasts, and to
expel them from their communion ; for the Montanists
were not satisfied with assuming to themselves, in a
peculiar and exclusive sense, the title of spiritual, but
they spoke of all persons who denied their pretensions, as
if they were devoid of the Spirit, and were living in a
natural or unregenerate state. Offensive epithets of this
kind are always causes of irritation ; and they were
likely to be particularly so when used by the Montanists,
whose tenets were confessedly of a recent date, and who
were in a decided minority. Calumnies were spread
against them in later times, as if they practised some hor-
rid and mysterious cruelties in their religious meetings ;
but there is no reason to think that such stories had any
foundation in truth. The objections were much more just
which were brought against the Montanists, for their ex.
treme severity in punishing the heavier offences. A rigid
system of self-mortification seemed to harden them against
19

226 MONTANISTS. [a.D. 168,
all notions of forgiveness : to obtain safety by flight, in
the time of persecution, was pronounced by them unlaw.
ful ; and though we may acquit them of heresy in point
of doctrine, it is scarcely possible not to convict them of
enthusiasm. A belief in the extravagant pretensions of Montanus
spread rapidly in Asia Minor, particularly among the
lower orders ; and the bishops tried in vain to preserve
their flocks from the contagion. Several writers, in vari-
ous parts of the world, published treatises against it ; but
whatever advantage they may have had in argument,
they could not hinder the severe principles of Montanus
from being very generally adopted. The sect of the En
cratites, which has been already mentioned, agreed with
the Montanists in this particular ; and it was perhaps
natural, that persons who had witnessed, and even joined
in, the gross immoralities ofthe heathen, should go to the
extreme of abstinence and self-denial when they became
converted to the Gospel. There is no doubt that many
persons who were not called Montanists, and who held
high stations in the Church, imposed upon themselves a
more rigid discipline than was thought necessary by the
generality of Christians. The notion now began to be en
tertained that second marriages were not lawful. It was
strongly urged that Christians ought not to be present at
the games of the circus and amphitheatre ; not that such
amusements were considered in themselves to be sinful,
but a spectator of them could not fail to witness many
acts of pagan superstition, and in some measure to take a
part in them. The same feeling began now to operate in
making Christians have scruples as to serving in the
army ; not that they looked upon war as unlawful, but
almost every act of a soldier's life was closely interwoven
with the national religion : and we know from the Apolo-

A. n. 168.] CAUSES OF PERSECUTION. 227
gists of Christianity, that the legions had for some time
been filled with Christians. Their numbers had now in
creased so prodigiously, that it would have been difficult,
if not impossible, to carry on a campaign, if the army had
been manned exclusively by heathens ; and if many Chris.
tians had acted upon the principles ofthe Montanists, and
been led by scruples of religion to quit the service, their loss
would have been very seriously felt by the empire at
large. Notwithstanding the arguments which were urged
by the more rigid party, it seems, however, certain, that
Christians still continued to serve in the army ; and
though we cannot condemn the feeling which looked upon
all the religious rites of paganism with horror, there is
evidence that this new scruple was only a source of fresh
sufferings to the Christians. If they left the service, or
refused to take part in any public ceremony, it was easy
to represent them as disaffected to the emperor, or the
empire ; and every recurrence of a military spectacle,
which happened frequently both in the capital and the
provincial towns, was sure to be attended with insults, if
not more serious injuries, being offered to the Christians.
If we ask for any one cause which led the heathen in
every part of the world to persecute the Christians, we
need not look beyond the rapid increase of Christianity j
but there were circumstances of a local or temporary
nature, which frequently exposed them to insults and out-
rages. If any national calamity befell the country, it was
attributed to the anger of the gods, who were indignant
at the toleration of a new religion. An earthquake, a
famine, or a pestilence, could only be removed by the
shedding of Christian blood. If the Tiber happened to
overflow its banks, or if the Nile did not rise to its usual
height, in either case the Christians were considered the
guilty cause ; and the rabble of Rome or Alexandria were

228 CAUSES OF PERSECUTION. [a. D. 169.
accordingly amused with an exhibition of Christians and
wild beasts in the amphitheatre. The present reign
furnished instances of this kind. Lucius Verus, who was
associated with M. Aurelius in the empire, returned from
his Parthian campaigns in 165 ; and the soldiers, as has
been already observed, brought back a pestilential dis-
order of great malignity, which continued several years.
Notwithstanding this visitation, the two emperors cele
brated their triumphs for the victories of Verus in the fol
lowing year ; and such occasions always gave a license
for insults to the Christians. In 169, the two emperors
left Rome to make war with some German tribes, which
were becoming formidable by their invasions. The terror
which these barbarians excited, had caused the priests to
recommend some extraordinary means for obtaining the
favour of heaven ; and since this same year was marked
by an inundation of the Tiber, we may be sure that it
was a season of severe trial to the Christians of Rome.
All these religious precautions were ineffectual in be.
half of one of the emperors. Verus died before the cam.
paigra had begun ; and his colleague, who returned to
Rome in consequence, was again very active in restoring
the worship ofthe gods. At length, in 170, he resumed
the expedition, and did not revisit his capital for several
years ; so that if the Roman Christians were persecuted
during the interval, it can hardly be laid to the charge of
the emperor. It was during this German war, that he is
said to have issued an edict, that any person who was
brought to trial merely for being a Christian should be
acquitted, and his accuser should be burnt to death ; but
there are1 strong grounds for supposing that the letter
containing this order is a forgery. If we might believe
contemporary writers, he was moved to extend this pro
tection to the Christians, by having received the benefit

A. O. 170.] MIRACULOUS SHOWER OF RAIN. 229
of their prayers, when the army was suffering from thirst,
and the Christian soldiers, kneeling down, obtained a
shower of rain. That the army was unexpectedly re
lieved in this manner during a war with the Quadi, in
174, can hardly be doubted, for it is mentioned by heathen
authors, who ascribe the shower of rain either to a magi
cian, or to the prayers of the emperor : but if there were
any Christians in the army, it seems not only probable,
but certain, that they would pray to God in their distress ;
and when the rain came down, they could hardly fail to
feel grateful that their prayers had been heard.
This is, perhaps, the simple account of an event which,
in ancient and modern times, has been considered mirac
ulous : nor is there any superstition or credulity in sup
posing that the prayer of faith prevailed for the preserva
tion of the army ; but that these Christian soldiers be
longed to a legion which was henceforward called the
" thundering legion," or that the emperor acknowledged
their services in the letter mentioned above, are stories
which do not rest on any sufficient evidence.
If the emperor had issued such an edict, the Christians
would have met with very different treatment during the
remainder of his reign ; but it is plain that his mind con
tinued unchanged with respect to their religion. Had it
been otherwise, he would have found an additional reason
for favouring them, in the following year, when Avidius
Cassius headed an insurrection in Syria. The emperor
set out immediately to quell it ; and though his opponent
was defeated and killed before the imperial forces had
sailed from Italy, he still continued his design of going in
person to the scene ofthe late rebellion. It was remarked,
that no Christian had joined the party of Cassius, which
ought perhaps to have inclined the emperor to treat them
more kindly ; but we must not infer from this fact, that
19*

2S0> CHRISTIAN SOLDIERS". [a. D. 175.
the Christians, as a body, felt any personal attachment to
M. Aurelius. They had, from the first, been censured by
the heathen for indolence and indifference as to public
affairs ; and there were many reasons why they should
not interfere in political commotions. As far as their
lives and liberties were concerned, they had no more rea-
son to expect protection from one competitor for the
throne than from another ; but being already accused of
disaffection to the government, they had at least an in-
ducement to remain quiet. This will perhaps explain why
do Christian had joined the party of Cassius.
It has been already observed, that some of them may
have objected, on religious grounds, to conform to the
duties of a soldier ; but this was certainly not the case
universally : the armies were at this time filled with
Christians ; and religious scruples were not much felt on
this head, till the rigid doctrines of Montanus had spread
more widely at the end of the century. It may, however,
be received as a fact, whatever was the cause of it, that
no Christian was punished by order of the emperor, for
having taken part in the rebellion. The Christians them
selves would be aware of this circumstance ; but it does
not follow that any public notice was taken of it. Had
the fact been otherwise, their condition might have been
still worse ; but, as it was, their loyalty or their neutrality
gained for them no advantage.
It was observed, above, that the rapid growth of Chris
tianity was a principal cause of its being persecuted ; and
there never was a more signal instance of failure, than
when the heathen thought to impede its progress by mea
sures of violence. There is abundant evidence that dur
ing the whole of the second century it was advancing
rapidly. Justin Martyr spoke of the religion of Christ
having reached the remotest regions ;. and Bardesanes,

A. D. 175.] BARDESANES. 231
who wrote a few years later, and was himself a native
of Mesopotamia, mentioned by name the Persians, the
Medes, the Parthians, and the Bactrians, as having already
received the Gospel.
Mesopotamia contained the ancient and flourishing
church at Edessa, which has been supposed to have been
founded in the first century ; and more than one of its
sovereigns (all of whom appear to have borne the name of
Abgarus,) are mentioned as being converted to the Gos
pel. But its most distinguished member (at least in the
present century,) was Bardesanes, who has been lately
quoted as asserting the extensive progress of Christianity
in the East. His writings in defence of it became very
celebrated, and he attracted the notice of Apollonius, a
Stoic philosopher, whose reputation stood so high that M.
Aurelius attended his school even after he was emperor.
Apollonius is known to have accompanied L. Verus, when
he went into the East, in 161, and he may have met with
Bardesanes while he was in that country. The philoso
pher used every argument to make him give up Christian.
ity, but to no purpose ; Bardesanes showed great firmness
as well as courage in defending his religious belief; and
for some time he was equally zealous in refuting the here
sies which were then infecting his countrymen. Oneofhis
many publications was directed against Marcion ; but
unfortunately he did not always continue sound in his re
ligious opinions. He is generally classed among those
persons who held the Oriental doctrine of two principles ;
and he so far agreed with the Valentinian Gnostics as to
deny the resurrection of the body, and to believe Jesus to
have been an incorporeal phantom. In some points, how
ever, he differed materially from Valentinus ; and per
haps there was no time when he did not call himself a
Christian ; but his speculations upon the origin of matter,

232 WESTERN CHURCHES. [a. D. 177.
and of evil, led him into some peculiar notions, which
have caused him to be classed with the precursors of
Manicheeism. Some of his errors were abjured by him
before he died, though not the whole of them ; and he
does not appear to have been looked upon as so decidedly
heretical as many others of the Gnostic school.
The history of this man, as well as the passage quoted
from his writings, is a proof that Christianity had pene-
trated into the interior of Asia.
It had been conveyed to Egypt at a still earlier period ;
and though we cannot fix the date of the foundation of
the Church of Carthage, it certainly existed before the
end of the second century. If we turn to the west of
Europe, though it is uncertain whether Gaul and Spain
were visited by any of the apostles, there are traces of
churches being planted there in very early times. Even
the remote island of Britain contained many Christians
in the time of M. Aurelius. Germany is expressly men
tioned as being similarly circumstanced ; and the period
at which we are now arrived will present a melancholy
proof that Christianity was flourishing in the south of
France. There are many traces of a connexion having existed
between the Christians in that part of the world and those
of Asia Minor. It has been supposed that Polycarp sent
missionaries into Gaul ; but at whatever time this inter
course began, it is certain that churches were established
there before 177. It was in this year, that the two cities
of Lyons and Vienne witnessed a severe and bloody per
secution of the Christians, a detailed account of which
is still extant, in a letter addressed to their brethren of
Asia Minor. The storm- had been gathering for some
time, and at first the Christians were forbidden to frequent
the public baths, or even to show themselves. This was

A. D. 177.] PERSECUTION AT LYONS. 233
soon followed by imprisonments and deaths. As many as
confessed themselves to be Christians were ordered for
execution ; and the amphitheatre was soon surfeited with
victims. The venerable Pothinus, bishop of Lyons, who
was now upwards of ninety years of age, fell a sacrifice
to these barbarities. The number of prisoners became
so great, that the governor wrote to the emperor to know
how they were to be treated ; and if the answer was dic
tated by the emperor himself, we have too plain a proof
that his heart was steeled against the Christians. It
was ordered that all who confessed themselves to be of
that religion should be put to the torture ; and the work
of cruelty was resumed with more activity than before.
As many as were citizens of Rome had the distinction of
being beheaded ; the rest were exposed to wild beasts in
the amphitheatre, and their mangled remains were thrown
into the river, that they might not receive interment from
their friends !
While the governor was sending to Rome for his in
structions, the unhappy people whom he was tormenting
had the calmness totake the same opportunity of sending
some of their own body to the capital. But it was not
to supplicate the emperor for mercy. They had heard of
the dissensions which the opinions of Montanus had raised,
and they were anxious, if they could, to bring the parties
to agreement. A letter was also written to Eleutherus,
who at that time was bishop of Rome ; and it is said to
have contained an exhortation to peace, though the par-
ticular subject of it is not mentioned. It may have allu
ded to the doctrines of Montanus, or to the controversy
which was still carried on concerning the feast of Easter ;
but what a beautiful picture does this give us of the Gos
pel, when men, whose lives were hourly in danger, could

234 iren^us. [a. d. 177.
thus forget their own sufferings, and exhort their brethren
to maintain the bond of peace !
The letter to Eleutherus was carried by Irenasus, who
was at this time a presbyter in the Church of Lyons, and
had enjoyed the advantage, when very young, of receiving
instruction from Polycarp. His absence from Lyons at this
critical time perhaps saved his life ; and his visir/to Rome
enabled him to become better acquainted with the doc
trines of the Gnostics. It is uncertain whether he found
Valentinus and Marcion still residing at Rome. But,
Marcion, if not Valentinus also, lived till the time of Eleu-
therus ; and after what we have heard of their doctrines,
it will seem strange that both of them not only solicited
but obtained re-admission into the Church. Even after a
second expulsion, they were again received to commu-
nion ; and Marcion, upon one of these occasions, contri.
buted a large sum to the fund which was raised from cha.
rity. It was as honourable to Eleutherus as to the body
over whom he presided, that when it was again found ne-
cessary to expel Marcion from the Church, his money was
returned to him ; and if he was sincere in making still
another overture for re-admission, he was hindered by
death from proving his sincerity.
If these leaders of the Gnostics were dead when Ire
nasus arrived at Rome, there were still many persons resi.
ding there who had imbibed their tenets. One of them,
Florinus, had been known before to Irenaeus, when both
of them were hearers of Polycarp in Asia ; since which
time he had been ordained a presbyter in the Roman
Church, and had been ejected for heresy. On some points
his opinions were peculiar, and he differed from the Gnos.
tics in believing God to be the author of evil, but in others
he resembled them ; and Irenasus published a work against
him. It is even said that the still greater work which he

A. D. 177.] WRITINGS OF IRENJ3US. 235
composed a few years later, and in which the whole sys.
tern of Gnosticism was exposed and confuted, was under-
taken in consequence of the sorrow which he felt at see
ing his former friend betrayed into such a fatal error.
Irenaeus also wrote to another person whom he had met
at Rome, named Blastus, on the subject of schism ; but
these letters were probably written after he had quitted
Rome, and when he was advanced to a higher station in
the Church. When he returned to Lyons, he found the
church in that city deprived of its head by the martyrdom
of Pothinus ; and we may now understand why Irenasus
had been fixed upon to carry the letter which had been
addressed to the bishop of Rome. It is plain that he was
considered a leading member of his church ; and he had
no sooner returned from his mission than he was himself
elected to fill the vacant bishopric. His future conduct
amply justified the choice. On a future occasion we
shall see him once more in communication with the bishop
of Rome, recommending measures of peace ; and he left
behind him a monument of theological learning, which
has given him an eminent station among the fathers of
the Church. This was the work alluded to above, in
which he exposed the errors and impieties of that fanciful
school which had seduced his former friend, Florinus.
It was entitled, A Refutation of Knowledge, falsely so
called; and we may judge of the necessity which there
was for men of learning to publish works of this kind,
when we find Irenaeus complaining that the Gnostic
doctrines were embraced by some females even in the
distant country which was watered by the Rhone. It is
to be regretted that so valuable a work exists only in an
old Latin translation, the original having been composed
in Greek, which was the native language of Irenaeus be
fore he passed from Asia into Gaul.

236 DEATH OF M. AURELIUS. [a. d. 180.
We may hope that the fury of persecution was exhaust
ed before the Christians of Lyons were committed to the
care of Irenaeus, though there is evidence that it had by
no means subsided in other parts of the world. It is
hardly possible to acquit the emperor of permitting, or
even encouraging it, in the latter part of his reign ; but
the edict which he sent to Lyons must have been nearly
the last which he published on the subject. In the year
178, he set out with his son Commodus for a second war
with the Marcomanni, and in 180 he died in Pannonia. It is
probable that the religion of the Christians had attracted
the attention of this emperor more than of his predeces-
sors. This may have been partly owing to the rapid
increase of it during his long reign of nineteen years ;
but there were also reasons of a peculiar and personal
nature, which were likely to prejudice M. Aurelius against
the Christians. His mother, who was a religious woman
according to the notions of the day, had given early im
pressions to her son in favour of heathenism.' He was
brought up in the principles of the Stoic philosophy, and
professed himself attached to that school, of which he
has given a proof in his own writings. The celebrated
orator, Fronto, from whom he took lessons in eloquence,
published a work against the Christians ; which shows
that their opinions had already attracted the notice ofthe
learned. The emperor mentions another person, named
Diognetus, who had taught him to have no faith in incan
tations, the exorcising of evil spirits, or any pretended
wonders of that kind : and we can hardly doubt that this
caution was directed against the miracles which were
appealed to by the Christians.
But the person who had the principal charge of in
structing the young emperor was Apollonius, who has
been already mentioned as trying to turn Bardesanes from

A. D. 180.] CHRISTIANITY ILL UNDERSTOOD. 237
his belief in Christianity. Bardesanes is stated to have
written a work on the subject of fate, which was dedica
ted to Antoninus ; but it has been doubted whether this
meant the emperor, or a private friend of that name.
The arguments of Apollonius were likely to have much
more weight with the emperor than with Bardesanes ;
and we have seen, that the longer he continued to reign,
the more he showed his hostility to the Christians. He
could not help observing the patient fortitude with which
they endured tortures and death, and he mentions it in
one of his own writings ; but he attributed it to nothing
but obstinacy, which was also the opinion of other heathen
writers, who pretended to despise the Christians for the
very quality which proved the sincerity of their profes
sions. So little did the heathen understand the princi-
pies of that religion which they endeavoured to destroy !

20

238 commodus. [a. d. 180.

CHAPTER XII.
Commodus. — Flourishing State of the Church. — Christianity in Bri
tain — In Alexandria. — Pantainus. — Clement of Alexandria. — Sue.
cessors of Commodus. — Theodotus and his Heresy. — Payment of
the Clorgy. — Dispute about Easter. — Councils^ — Praxeas. — Ter
tuUian. — Progress of Christianity.
Having witnessed the cruel treatment of the Christians
under emperors who were called philosophical and hu-
mane, we might be surprised to find them enjoying a tern-
porary respite while the throne was filled by a man whose
character was a mixture of barbarity and profligacy.
Commodus was nineteen years* of age when he succeeded
his father, in the year 180 ; and it is certain that, during
a greater part of his reign, the Christians were not ex
posed to their former sufferings. The storm, as might
be expected, did not pass away immediately ; and we
have proofs that the enemies of Christianity were still
active during the beginning of the reign of Commodus.
Theophilus, bishop of Antioch, complained of them, in a
work which he published about this period ; and a Defence
of Christianity was published by a rhetorician named
Miltiades, who also wrote against Montanus.
Even in Rome itself, we find that Apollonius, a member
of the senate, was put to death on the charge of being a
Christian ; which shows that the new religion was em-
braced by men of rank, and that laws were still in force
which allowed them to be treated as criminals. Apollo
nius defended himself in a speech delivered in the senate,
which was afterwards published ; but his arguments were
not regarded, though there is no reason to accuse Com-

A. D. 183.] MARCIA. 239
modus of being himself a party to his execution. The
emperor treated all his subjects with equal cruelty, with
out regard to their religion ; and it was this personal
danger which hindered the heathen from molesting the
Christians. They had to look to themselves, and to
guard against the assaults of the common tyrant. Com
modus was also different from the emperors who had pre
ceded him, in having no regard for the religion of his
country. The temples of the gods were converted by
him into scenes of debauchery and bloodshed ; and even
his heathen subjects must have been disgusted with their
own forms of worship, when this monster of impiety re
quired divine honours to be paid to himself, under the
character of Hercules.
The Christians also found protection from another
quarter, which was much less likely to be expected.
Crispina, the wife of Commodus, was convicted of adul
tery, and banished, in 183 ; after which time his favour
ite mistress was Marcia, who, though she had previously
been leading a most abandoned life, had been once a
Christian. She exercised an extraordinary influence
over the emperor, and was so far mindful of her former
professions, that, whenever it was in her power, she
showed kindness to the Christians.
There is no evidence that this licentious and degraded
woman was considered to belong to the new religion,
while she was the mistress of Commodus. She may have
returned to the errors of heathenism, or she may have
cast off religion altogether : but even if she still professed
herself a Christian, this would furnish no ground of at
tack against Christianity in general ; nor should we be
warranted in entertaining suspicions of the moral conduct
of the Christians in the second century. The distinction
between real and nominal believers has existed from the

240 STATE OF MORALS. [A- D- 183'
beginning. There were hypocrites, whose practice was
at variance with their principles, in the time of the apos
tles ; and our own experience may tell us, that such cha
racters are still sadly common. If we argue that Chris
tians were immoral in the age of Commodus, because the
name, of Marcia has obtained a disgraceful celebrity, we
must draw a more painful, because a far more general,
conclusion, with respect to our own times, when cases of
depravity among persons professing themselves Christians
are of such frequent occurrence.
We are not, however, left to inference with respect to
the ^morality of the second century. It has been men
tioned that the most atrocious calumnies were cast against
the Christians, charging them with the commission of
every enormity : and the Christian Apologists triumph
antly refuted such absurd and inconsistent falsehoods.
The heathen, on the other hand, could make no defence
against the charges of vice and immorality retorted upon
themselves. Their own writers, instead of refuting or
denying such statements, acknowledged them to be cor
rect, by drawing the most frightful pictures of the wick
edness of the age. Even those persons who passed for
virtuous and humane were marked, as we have seen, by
intolerance and cruelty in matters which concerned reli-
gion. The Christians had perhaps little merit in avoid
ing' such odious examples, and placing their own conduct
in contrast with that of their persecutors. But we are
not attempting to prove that Christianity was a meritori
ous religion. It was a signal blessing, vouchsafed to tho
early Church by its Divine Founder, that outward cir.
cumstances hindered it from becoming corrupt. The
same heavenly aid which rescued the new religion from
destruction, also enabled its professors to conquer the
natural depravity of their own hearts; and the Gospel

A. u. 183.] STATE OF MORALS.  LUCIUS. 241
effected what no human system had hitherto been able to
effect, by teaching men not to trust to their own strength,
but to seek assistance from above.
It is probable that this practical triumph of Christianity
was more generally apparent in the second century than
at any subsequent period. The following century was
marked by severe persecutions, and these trials had the
effect of purifying the Church from her corruptions and
defilements : but this period also presented intervals of
tranquillity and repose, which were often productive of
fatal results to the moral and religious character of the
Christians. Other causes, as we shall see, also conspired
to introduce a secular spirit into the Church, especially
among those who ought to have set an example of prac
tical holiness. The heads of the Church appeared to
have had little temptation, as well as little means, to in
dulge their selfish or worldly feelings throughout the second
century. It was not a time when hypocrites were likely
to creep into the Church for the sake of any honours
which it might bestow; and- though some such were
found within it, and there were others, like Marcia, the
mistress of Commodus, whose lives were a disgrace to
any religion, there is reason to think that such cases were
extremely rare, and that even the heathen were beginning
to wonder at the principles displayed by Christians, and
sometimes, though perhaps unconsciously, to copy them.
From the several causes which have been mentioned,
the reign of Commodus may be considered, on the
whole, as favourable to the Gospel ; and we have some
evidence of this being the case, when we find persons
travelling into distant countries, and carrying the reli
gion of Christ into places which as yet had scarcely sub.
mitted to the Roman arms. There is a tradition of Lu
cius, a British king, having written to Eleutherus, who
20*

242 CHRISTIANITY IN BRITAIN. [a. D. 189.
held the bishopric of Rome from 173 to 189, with a re-
quest that he would send some persons to instruct his
people in the Gospel. There are, however, no sufficient
grounds for believing the story to be true ; and it is cer
tain, as already stated, that Christianity had been carried
into remote parts of the island before this period.
The story of Lucius has been reported by so many wri
ters, all of whom so nearly agree in placing him in the
latter part of the second century, and in connecting him
with Eleutherus, bishop of Rome, that it would not be
unreasonable to suppose that some intercourse of a reli
gious kind may have taken place between the two coun
tries about that period. It is also not improbable, that
some of the native or Romanized princes of Britain were
already converts to Christianity. That many of their
subjects had embraced the new religion is certain; and
there is every reason to think that the country was at
this period divided into bishoprics. It is, however, in
accordance with what we have observed in other coun
tries, and with the progress of the Gospel from its first
beginning, that the persons in authority should follow,
rather than take the lead, in embracing the religion of
Jesus. Lucius may therefore have been the first British
chieftain who professed himself a Christian; and it may
have been this circumstance which has given to his name
so prominent a place in ecclesiastical tradition. We
know little concerning the kingdoms or principalities
into which our island was divided in the second and third
centuries : but the Romans appear to have pursued their
usual policy of allowing the natives to preserve the sem
blance of power, while the substance of it was retained
by themselves, and while, by dividing the conquered coun-
try into many minute territories, they effectually secured
themselves against any combined attempt at opposition

A. D. 189.] INTERCOURSE WITH ROME. 243
or resistance. If there really was such a person as Lu
cius, he was probably one of those petty sovereigns or
chiefs who held his limited authority at the will of the
Romans. If he was sincere and zealous in professing
Christianity, he would naturally seek to extend it among
his subjects ; and this would be likely to bring him into
communication with foreign countries, which were more
civilized than his own. We know that learning had al
ready been cultivated with some success in Britain ; but
the professors of it were generally Romans, and the Latin
language was the vehicle of instruction and civilization
to the semi-barbarous natives. This would cause a con
stant intercourse to be kept up with the Continent, and
especially with Italy, for the purposes of literature and
education, as well as of policy ; and if Lucius was in
want of a fresh accession of instructors Sot his subjects,
he would be not unlikely to apply to the bishop of Rome.
At this time there was but one language spoken, among
all persons of education, through the western portion of
the empire : we know that there was also the same uni
formity as to doctrine and church government ; so that if
a British Christian went to Rome, or a Roman Christian
came to Britain, they would find a ready reception among
their brethren ; and communications of this kind could
not fail to be of service in promoting the spread of Chris
tianity in distant provinces.
The mission of Pantsenus into India rests upon much
better evidence than the correspondence of Lucius with
Eleutherus. He united the character of a philosopher
with that of a Christian teacher, and for some years pre
sided over the school which was established in Alexan-
dria for giving instructions in Christianity. The date of
the first establishment of this school is not ascertained ;
but the Christians of Alexandria had an advantage over

244 CHRISTIANITY IN ALEXANDRIA. [A. u. 190.
those of other places, in being able to attend lectures on
their own religion, as well as on various branches of sci
ence. The mode of instruction appears to have borne
some resemblance to that pursued in modern universities,
where public lectures are delivered by professors. Their
schools were numerously attended, not only by those who
were already converted to Christianity, but by those who
had still to choose their religion, or who were professedly
heathens. We shall see presently, that though this led
to a greater toleration of Christianity in Alexandria than
in most other countries, it also had the result of causing
some persons, incautiously, to engraft erroneous opinions
upon the simplicity of the Gospel. The Jews were also
very numerous in Alexandria ; and whatever was the re
ligious creed of an inhabitant of that city, he could hardly
fail, if he was in any degree addicted to study, to have
some acquaintance with Jewish and Christian writings,
as well as with those of the heathen.
This may account for the superior learning of the
Alexandrian Christians ; and at the time which we are
now considering, the principal teacher in the school was
Pantaenus, who, in addition to the powers of his own
mind, had the advantage of having been taught by per
sons who had seen the apostles. While Demetrius was
bishop of Alexandria, (which station he held from 188 to
232,) Pantaenus undertook a journey to India, the inhabi-
tants of that country having sent to ask for some person
to instruct them. It is uncertain whether he went to
the country properly called India, or to part of Arabia,
which sometimes bore that name ; but he is reported to
have found a copy of Matthew's Gospel, written in He
brew, which had been left there by the apostle Bar-
tholomew. It cannot be denied that the history of Pantasnus con-

A. n. 190.] PANT^JNUS.  ARABIAN CHRISTIANS. 245
tains some obscurity, and much room for discussion,
though the evidence on which it rests is extremely re
spectable, and such as to require us to attach to it some
degree of credit. The doubt respecting the country called
India, to which he is stated to have been sent, is most
probably to be solved by our concluding that he went to
Arabia, and not to that country in the east of Asia which
is properly known by the name of India. There is no
reason to suppose that Pantasnus travelled in that direc
tion ; but the southern part of Arabia, which is washed
by the waters of the Persian Gulf, had certainly churches
established in it at the beginning of the second century ;
and the conversion of the inhabitants may have been
principally caused by Pantaenus. It will, however, have
been observed that his visit to that country is connected
with the name of Bartholomew ; and if the tradition is to
be received, we may suppose that apostle to have planted
Christianity in Arabia. This is not at all improbable ;
and whether we suppose the new religion to have made
much progress, or to have received some sudden check,
in either case it was not unnatural that the Arabian
Christians should apply for assistance to Alexandria, as
we have supposed our countryman, Lucius, to have ap
plied to Rome. These two cities were the head-quarters
of literature and civilization to the eastern and western
portions ofthe empire. Their bishops were consequently
looked up to with great respect, and exercised authority
over larger dioceses than was generally the case in those
early times. It was also likely that the Arabian Chris
tians should hear much of. Alexandria, by reason of the
commercial intercourse which was kept up between that
city and the East. The fame of the Alexandrian schools
would reach them through the same channel ; and it must
give us a high idea of the importance attached to this

246 HEBREW GOSPEL. [a. D. 190.
mission, when we find the bishop of Alexandria selecting
the first teacher in the catechetical school to under-
take it.
The tradition about Pantaenus finding in the country a
Hebrew translation of Matthew's Gofpel, which had been
left there by the apostle Bartholomew, might lead to more
discussion. It has already been stated, that there is no
good evidence of Matthew having himself composed his
Gospel in Hebrew, though the fact is asserted by several
writers. It may, however, be considered certain, that
the Jewish converts to Christianity, who were not able
to read the Scriptures in Greek, would procure a transla-
tion of them into their own language. The notion of any
of these books being translated into Hebrew, implies the
presence of the Jews in the country where they were to
be read ; and it is known that the Jews existed in great
numbers in Arabia. It seems, therefore, most probable,
that Bartholomew, like the rest of the apostles, addressed
himself in the first instance to the conversion ofthe Jews ;
and for this purpose he might have carried with him a
copy of one of the Gospels translated into Hebrew or
Syriac ; but it may also be conjectured, and perhaps with
more probability, that the name of Bartholomew was con-
nected with this Hebrew copy, not because he had brought
it into the country, but because he was known to have
been the first person who preached Christianity there.
The book which Pantaenus met with was, perhaps, not a
genuine translation of the Gospel composed by Matthew ;
but a work which has often been confounded with it, and
which has been called the Gospel according to the He-
brews. It seems to have had the work of the evangelist
for its basis, but to have been intended rather to incul-
cate the doctrines of the Ebionites than those of genuine
Christianity.

». D. 190.] CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. 247
The age of Pantaenus makes it probable that he unler-
took this journey in the reign of Commodus ; and Cle
ment, the most learned of his pupils, supplied his place in
the catechetical school. He was in every way worthy
of succeeding to such a master. Many of his writings
have- come down to us, which prove him to have been a
man of most extensive reading, and equally versed in pro
fane literature as in the Scriptures. He was by far the
most learned man who had hitherto employed his pen in
defending or explaining the Gospel. Some of his works
were perhaps published as early as 190 ; and it was im
possible that such a man could be giving public lectures
in a school without producing a great impression upon
the heathen, as well as upon his Christian hearers. There
is, in fact, great reason to conclude that the Gospel made
a rapid progress in Alexandria during the latter part of
the second century : and the writings of Clement would
still be interesting as remnants of ancient literature, even
if we read them without any reference to religion and the
Gospel. They are, however, of great value, as showing
the opinions which were publicly avowed and taught in
the most learned city in the empire. They prove that
Clement was a man of extensive reading, and that he
was anxious to conciliate the heathen philosophers, by
persuading them that Christianity had many points of re
semblance to Platonism. The Platonic philosophy was
singled out from all the other heathen systems, because
its theology was more sublime, and less disfigured with
the gross and disgusting conceptions of the pagan my
thology. The absurdities of the latter system were ex
posed by Clement with the most unsparing and triumph
ant arguments ; and it is plain that, in this respect, he
was not in danger of giving much offence to the men of
learning in Alexandria. It required more delicacy and

248 CLEMENT OF ALEXANDRIA. [a. D. 190.
discretion to exhibit the unsoundness and insufficiency of
Plato's reasoning in matters of religion. It was neces-
sary for a Christian teacher to detach his hearers from
the errors of the Platonists ; but he knew, at the same
time, that they were the most plausible and the most
fashionable doctrines of the day. If he had openly as
serted their falsehood, and their contradiction to Chris
tianity, the result would have been that the teacher of
the new religion would have been silenced, if not perse
cuted and killed.
The attempt was therefore made to induce the Plato
nists, insensibly and unknowingly, to abandon their own
opinions, by persuading them that the writings of Plato
contained statements and assertions which it is certain
that Plato himself had never even imagined.
With this view, the leading doctrines of the Gospel
were said to be contained, obscurely and enigmatically,
in the writings of Plato ; which was accounted for by
the belief, which was currently received in Alexandria,
that Plato himself had borrowed largely from the writings
of Moses. This notion, though it would meet at present
with very few supporters, appears to have been enter.
tained by the learned Jews of those days, as well as by
the Platonic philosophers, and the Christian fathers. It
was asserted by Clement in several passages of his wri
tings ; and it is probable that, for some time, he was able
to diffuse the doctrines of Christianity more openly and
successfully, by thus persuading his hearers that the doc
trines were not altogether new. If the Christians had
consented to alter their own tenets, and to corrupt the
Gospel, with a view to making this resemblance appear
more striking, it is difficult to say what might have been
the effect of such a compromise. The enemies of Chris.
tianity would perhaps have remained quiet, and the bloody

A. D. 192.] SUCCESSORS or COMMODUS. 249
persecutions of the following Century might not have
taken place. But Jesus Christ is the same yesterday, to.
day, and for ever ; and so his doctrines have continued
unchanged. The heathen philosophers, who felt the superiority of
the Gospel, both as a code of morals and as a system of
theology, were not unwilling to alter the language of
Plato so as to accommodate it to Christianity ; but here
the attempt at conciliation stopped : the Christians could
not, and would not, alter their own doctrines to satisfy
the heathen ; and Clement himself, after having taught
them for several years with very little interruption or
molestation, was forced, as we shall see presently, to seek
safety in flight from the violence of his heathen ad.
versaries. The empire was freed from the monstrous impieties of
Commodus on the last day of the year 192, when he was
first poisoned, and afterwards strangled, by two of his
officers, assisted by the wretched Marcia. The throne
was then filled for a few months successively by Pertinax
and Julianus ; but three other competitors appeared in
different parts of the world, namely, Pescennius Niger in
Syria, CJodius Albinus in Britain, and L. Septimius
Severus in Pannonia. All of them maintained their pre
tensions by arms ; but the activity of Severus finally pre-
vailed. Having immediately secured the capital* he set
out for Syria ; and Niger was killed, after more than one
defeat, in 194. His cause being still supported by the
inhabitants of Byzantium^ Severus laid siege to that city,
which did hot surrender till two years after ; and in 197,
or 198, the indefatigable emperor defeated and killed his
remaining rival, Albinus, in a pitched battle-near Lyons.
Upon his return to Rome he acted with great severity to-
wards the supporters of his two opponents 5 and we are
21

250 severus. [a. d. 192.— 197.
again informed, as in the case of the insurrection of Cas
sius, that no Christian fell under the displeasure of the
emperor for having joined Albinus or Niger. If Severus
was aware of this fact, we may hope that it would incline
him to protect the Christians ; though, as was observed
before, their abstaining from taking arms in the support
of either of these emperors was perhaps more owing to
their peculiar scruples as to military service, than to any
systematic attachment to Severus. The same scruples
would have hindered them from supporting any competi
tor for the empire ; and Severus would not be likely to
feel much obliged to them for an assistance which was
merely negative. Added to- which, we may be sure that
the Christians would not take part in the military re-
joicings which accompanied the triumph of the conqueror ;
so that though it may be true that he had no cause to
punish any Christian for joining the party of his oppo-
nents, he may at the same time have taken a dislike to
them for their apparent indifference to his cause ; and we
may be sure that there would be no want of persons in
his army and in his court who would use their utmost en.
deavours to increase these feelings, and to prejudice him
still more strongly against the Christians.
The siege of Byzantium, which continued two years,
was productive of much annoyance to the Christians
within the city, as well as of serious and lasting effects to
the Church at large. The garrison was commanded by
Caecilius Capella, who, finding the Christians unwilling
to take part against the besieging army, encouraged the
inhabitants in torturing or killing them. One of them,
named Theodotus, who, though engaged in trade was a
man of considerable learning, had the cowardice, when
taken before the authorities, to deny his faith in Christ,
and thus escaped punishment. When the siege was over,

A. D. 197.] THEODOTUS. 251
the apostate was taunted by his brethren for the baseness
of his conduct ; and, finding it convenient to leave Byzan
tium, he went to Rome. The report of his having denied
his faith soon followed him ; and his defence, as is often
the case, plunged him still deeper in guilt. Without pre.
tending to have abjured Christianity, he justified what he
had done by the urgency of the case, and extenuated the
greatness of the offence by saying that he had not denied
God, but man ; evidently implying that he believed Christ
to be a mere man. The impiety was brought to the ears
of Victor, who had succeeded Eleutherus as bishop of
Rome in 189, and he immediately excluded Theodotus
from communion with his church.
Every bishop had the right to exercise this power, both
towards members of his own church and towards strangers.
If a Christian had occasion to pass from one city to anoth
er, he generally carried with him a letter from his own
bishop to the bishop of the church which he was visiting,
in which an assurance was made that the bearer was or-
thodox in his belief. Letters of this kind ensured an
admission to church-fellowship, and especially to^ a
participation in the holy eucharist : but if a person ap.
peared with no such credentials, he was liable to be
examined as to the soundness of his faith ; and if his an
swers did not appear satisfactory, he was not admitted to
communion. This was the case with Theodotus, who,
though he did not originally belong to the Roman church,
would naturally have wished to join its communion when
he happened to be living in Rome. He would have en
joyed, this privilege in common with any other stranger,
if he could have given proofs of his faith being sound :
but this was not the case ; he professed a belief which
was utterly at variance with that which had always
been held by the Roman Church, and the bishop would

252 ARTEMON.  NATALIUS. [a. D. 197.
not allow his flock to be contaminated by such an
example. If Theodotus had meant to say that he was no longer a
Christian, he would merely have used the expression of
any heathen or Jew, who believed Jesus Christ to be an
ordinary mortal. But this was not his meaning. He
still called himself a Christian, but his views concerning
Christ were peculiar to himself; and several ofthe early
writers have spoken of him as the father and founder of
the heresy which denied the divinity of Christ. This
statement is perfectly correct : no Christian had as yet
entertained sueh a notion. One branch of the Gnostics
had maintained that Jesus was a mere human being, born
in the ordinary way, who had a divine being called Christ
united to him at his baptism : but even the Gnostics had
never conceived the idea of Jesus Christ being a mere
man, without any portion of divinity. This impiety was
reserved for Theodotus, at the end of the second century ;
and the opinion of the Church upon this subject is very
clearly shown, when we find the bishop of Rome ex
cluding him from communion with his flock. It would
appear that even Theodotus could not resist the evi
dence of Jesus being more than a common man ; for,
though he denied his pre-existence and inherent divinity,
he believed in his miraculous conception, and taught that
he was born of a virgin by the Holy Ghost.
This heresy attracted many followers; and the name of
Artemon, or Artemas, who lived not long after Theodo
tus, became as celebrated as that of his master. It must
have been a great triumph to the party, when Natalius,
who had been a sufferer in some persecution, was per
suaded to adopt their tenets, and to take the office of a
bishop among them : and we learn something of the man-
ners ofthe times, when we read of his receiving a month-

A.. D, 137.] PAYMENT' OF THE' CLERGY. 253
ly salary of 120 denarii. This man lived to abjure his
errors, and was re-admitted to the communion of the
/ Church by the succeeding bishop, Zephyrinus ; nor do
the Theodosian heretics appear at any time to have formed
a large or influential body.
The fact of Natalius receiving a monthly payment for
his services^ may throw- some light upon the method which
was then established for the maintenance of the clergy :
for though Natalius, in consequence of his heresy, was
not at this time in communion with the Church, we may
suppose that his followers adopted the custom which was
then prevalent with the orthodox clergy. The principle
had been expressly asserted by St. Paul, as well as sup
ported by the analogy of the Jewish priesthood, and by
the reason of the case itself, that the ministers of Christ
should be maintained by their flocks. The apostles avail-
ed themselves of this privilege ; and all those who were or-
dained to the ministry by the apostles, received their main-
tenance from the congregation in which they ministered.
The common fund, which was collected by subscriptions
from the believers, supplied this maintenance ; and the
poorer members, such as widows, and those who were
destitute or afflicted, received relief from the same chari.
table source. We have no means of ascertaining the
proportions in which this common fund was divided be
tween the ministers of the word and the poor : and it
appears certain that the distribution must have varied in
different churches, according to the amount of sums con-
tributed, and the number of applications for relief.
One fact has been preserved, that the management of
the common fund was at the discretion of the bishop, who
appointed the presbyters and deacons to their offices, as
well as paid to them their stipends. The primitive and
apostolic custom was preserved ofthe money being actu.
21*

254 INCOME OF THE BISHOPS. [a. d. 197.
ally distributed to the poor by the hands of the deacons :
but'the sums allotted to the respective claimants were
settled by the bishop, who was probably assisted in this
work by the presbyters of his church. The bishop him-
self received his maintenance from this common fund ;
and .we know that in later times a fourth part of the
whole was considered to belong to him. But when this
fourfold division existed, one of the parts was appropri
ated to the repairs of the church ; an expense which was
not required, or in a very smalf degree, for at least the
two first centuries, when the Christians had not been per
mitted to erect churches, but were in the habit of meet
ing in private houses. A small sum must always.have been
necessary for the purposes of congregational worship,
even when thus simply and privately conducted : but we
may conclude that the remainder of the common stock,
after this moderate deduction, was divided between the
bishop, his clergy, and the poor : although it does not fol
low that the proportions were equal, or always invariable.
Natalius, as we have seen, a sectarian bishop, residing in
Rome, received 120 denarii for a month's salary ,- and
though we cannot suppose that the fund which was raised
by a single sect, and that apparently not a large one, was
equal to that which belonged to the Church, yet it is not
improbable that the supporters of Natalius would be
anxious to secure to him as good an income as that
which was enjoyed by the bishops ofthe Church. If this
was the case, it follows that the bishops, at the end of the
second eentury, received a payment which equalled £70
a-year : or if it be thought that this cannot be taken as
an average of the incomes of all bishops, which were
certain to vary in different churches, we may at least as-
sume that the income of the bishop of Rome was not less
than the amount which has now been mentioned.

A. n. 197.] INCOME OF THE PRESBYTERS. 255
It would be difficult, if not impossible, to ascertain the
sum allotted for the maintenance of a presbyter at the same
period. We have an account of there being forty-six
presbyters in the Roman Church, about fifty years after
the time which we are now considering ; and it has been
assumed, as in later times, that a third part of the whole
common stock was allotted to the clergy. But the pres
byters were not the only persons to share this third por
tion. There were, at the same period, seven deacons, as
many sub-deacons, and forty-two assistants; which seems
to show that the number seven had been retained out of
respect to apostolic precedent, though the persons who
actually officiated as deacons were as many as fifty-six.
There were other persons connected with the Church,
who bore the name of exorcists, readers, and door-keepers,
amounting in all to fifty-two ; so that if the forty-six pres
byters, as being superior in rank, received half of the third
portion set apart for the clergy, each of them would have
had an income of not so much as twenty shillings a-year,
which seems impossible to be true ; and we must conclude
that the threefold division did not exist at this early pe
riod ; or, which was perhaps the case, that though the
persons maintained but of the common fund might be
divided into three classes, the bishop, his clergy, and the
poor, the portions allotted to the maintenance of each
were by no means equal.
It must have been about the year 196, or 197, that
Theodotus was excommunicated by Victor ; and in the
following year the bishop gave a still greater proof of de
cision in a case which was much more doubtful. The
dispute about Easter had never been settled since the time
that Polycarp and Anicetus met at Rome in 158. The
controversy was now becoming still more serious. As
before, the bishops of Asia Minor adhered to the Jewish

256 DISPUTE ABOUT EASTER.  COUNCILS. [a. d. 198.
method of computing the Paschal festival, and Victor was
as tenacious in following the customs of his predecessors.
It cannot be denied that a large majority of the Christian
world agreed with the bishop of Rome. It was now be-
coming usual for the bishops and clergy of neighbouring
churches to meet together in councils ; which shows at
once that Christianity was more firmly settled, and that
at this period it was receiving less molestation from the
heathen. Councils had been convened a few years be
fore, in some parts of Asia, to discuss the pretensions pf
Montanus and his followers ; but the question about
Easter was the cause of their being held much more gene-
rally while Victor was bishop of Rome.
The person who took the lead on the opposite side was
Polycrates, bishop of Ephesus, who was now sixty years
old, and might therefore have been acquainted with Poly
carp, and other persons who had seen the apostles. Hav
ing corresponded with Victor and other bishops upon the
subject, he followed the suggestion of the bishop of Rome,
and called a meeting of the heads of those churches which
agreed with himself. The result of their deliberations
was sent in a letter to Rome ; and at the same time
councils were held in several other parts of the empire.
We learn from the history of these proceedings, that the
apostolic churches, as they were called, that is, those
which had been founded by the apostles, were looked up
to by the rest with particular respect. It is also plain
that a kind of metropolitan character was given to some
of the sees, either from this distinction of their foundation,
or from the size and political importance of the city.
Thus the bishops of Tyre and Ptolemais, as well as seve
ral others, attended the council which was held at Cassa-
rea, in Palestine. The churches of Pontus met in the city
of which Palmas was bishop ; this precedence being given

A. D. 198.] PEACE MAINTAINED. 257
him on account of his age. Corinth took the lead in the
Peloponnesus ; and the churches of Gaul were assembled
in a council under Irenaeus, bishop of Lyons.
The decision of all these councils was perfectly unani
mous. The three great sees of Jerusalem, Antioch, and
Alexandria, also agreed with Rome ; and Victor wished
to persuade all the churches, to join in excluding those of
Asia Minor from their communion. The uncharitable
proposal met with no support, and the bishop of Rome
stood alone in putting his advice into practice. He pro
hibited the churches which agreed in opinion with Poly.
crates, from holding communion with his own ; so that
any Christian who came from those parts to Rome, would
find himself excluded from partaking of the Lord's Supper
with the Roman Christians. Several bishops remonstrated
with Victor upon the violence of his conduct ; and among
the rest, Irenaeus wrote a letter, in which he rebuked him
with some sharpness. There is reason to believe that this
exhortation to peace produced a good effect ; and though
the question still continued to be agitated, the unity ofthe
Catholic Church was not broken. Each particular church
acted as it pleased in matters which were not essential :
and though the custom of observing a fast before Easter
was universal, there were great differences as to the num.
ber of days which it lasted, and the food which was not to
bo eaten. A bishop had power to enjoin a general fast to
be kept by his own church, on any particular occasion ;
and as early as the second century, Wednesdays and Fri.
days were considered days of abstinence. Sunday was
never kept as a fast, — this rule being observed even by the
Montanists: and the same was the case with the days
between Easter and Pentecost. But, with a few such ex-
oeptions, every church was at liberty to regulate these

258 MONTANISTS. [A. d. 198.
matters for itself; and individual members of the same
communion often fasted on different days.
It has been thought (though the suspicion is perhaps
uncharitable,) that the quarrel between Victor and the
Asiatic churches led him to show an inclination towards
favouring the Montanists. It is certain, that he was
once on the point of doing so ; and the Montanists, it will
be Temembered, were most numerous in Asia Minor.
Their opinions had, however, been gaining ground in
other parts of the world, though the bishops and men of
learning were almost always opposed to them. Several
works were published against them, and councils were
held from time to time which condemned their tenets.
Serapion, bishop of Antioch, not only presided at one of
these councils, but he wrote against the Montanists : and
we may form some idea of the progress of Christianity,
when we find bishops assembling in the remote country of
Thrace, and passing a similar sentence.
There is no evidence of Montanism having made much
progress in Rome. Soter, who preceded Eleutherus as
bishop, is said to have written against it : and, a few
years later, it was attacked in a special treatise by Caius,
who was a presbyter in that church, and who also
published against the heresy of Artemon. It is therefore
difficult to account for Victor having been once on the
point of admitting the Montanists to communion with his
church ; though we may remember, as was observed
above, that the Montanists were not considered heretical
in any articles of faith ; and it was rather a severe act of
discipline, that they were excluded by the orthodox party
from communion. This may, perhaps, have been owing to
their setting up congregations and ministers of their own,
which brought them under the character of schismatics,
though not of heretics ; and it might be thought an in.

». D. 200.] PRAXEAS. 259
stance of charitable lenity in Victor, if he had chosen to
pass over this irregularity, and to admit the Montanists
to hold communion with members of his own church.
This, however, is at variance with what we have seen
of his conduct in two other instances, when he passed a
sentence of exclusion against Theodotus and the Chris.
tians in the neighbourhood of Ephesus. We might argue
from these cases, that he was inclined to visit with seve
rity any variation from his own opinions ; and hence it
has been concluded that he relaxed in favour of the
Montanists, not from any predilection for their peculiar
opinions, but that he might mortify the bishops who ad
hered to Polycrates, and who had tried in vain to put a
stop to the progress of Montanism.
He had written letters, announcing this intention, but
a man named Praxeas, who came to Rome from Asia, and
had himself been formerly a Montanist, persuaded him to
take a contrary course. Praxeas became, shortly after,
the leader of a much worse heresy than that of Monta
nus. He denied that the Son and the Holy Ghost were
distinct persons, and taught that they were merely modes
or operations of the one Being called God. Thus, if God
was spoken of as having redeemed the world from sin,
He was said to be revealed in the Scriptures as Christ
the Son of God : or if He was spoken of as sanctifying
our hearts, He was said to be revealed under the charac
ter of the Holy Ghost.
This doctrine was not altogether new when it was
promulgated by Praxeas. Justin Martyr was aware that
some persons had thus confounded the three persons of the
Trinity together; and the Jews, who took any notice of
Christianity, were inclined to give this interpretation to
the expressions of Scripture : but Praxeas is the first
Christian whose name has been preserved as having held

280 TERTULLIAN. [a. u. 200.
such a notion. Not many years later, he found a power-
ful opponent in TertuUian, who was a presbyter in the
church of Carthage, and one of the most learned men, as
well as one of the most voluminous writers, at the end of
the second, and beginning ofthe third, century.
The most interesting event in his history is his embra
cing the opinions of Montanus, which he carried to their
utmost length of rigid and uncompromising severity.
This, however, is not considered to lessen the value of
his authority on the great points of doctrine which were
debated in his day. His works, together with that of
Irenaeus, afford the fullest information concerning the ab
surdities of the Gnostics : and his treatise against Prax
eas is a proof of the opinion which was then held by the
church at large concerning the three persons of the
Trinity. He exposes the unfairness of Praxeas, in claim.
ing for himself and his party the exclusive merit of wor
shipping one God ; and he shows that his doctrine, if
pushed to its consequences, must lead us to believe that
the Father himself was born of the Virgin Mary, that He
suffered on the cross, and was himself Jesus Christ.
Praxeas could easily have removed this objection to his
doctrine, if he had said that he believed Jesus Christ to
be a mere human being; but he maintained no such no
tion ; it was his full conviction of Jesus Christ being di
vine which led him to confound the Son of God with the
Father : and the controversy appears, at this time, to
have been confined principally to the second person of
the Trinity. Praxeas, perhaps, did not admit, in express
terms, that he believed God the Father to have suffered
on the cross ; but his party never refuted the arguments
of TertuUian on this point, and the name of Patripassians
has, consequently, been always applied to those who take
the same view ofthe Trinity with Praxeas.

a. i>. 200.] PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY. 261
The interesting events which we have been lately con.
sidering, can hardly fail to be taken as indications that
the church was now enjoying a season of repose. Such
appears to have been in some measure the case from the
accession of Commodus, in 180, to the end of the cen
tury. It was this which allowed the Christians to meet
so frequently, and openly to discuss their domestic con
cerns ; and though the temporary calm was in some places
interrupted partially by storms, there is no proof of Se
verus having hitherto interfered to cause them any moles
tation. It has been said by some persons that he was the
governor ofthe province who conducted the persecution at
Lyons, in 177 ; but' the fact is very uncertain. He un
doubtedly held that station a few years later, and his son,
Caracalla, was born at Lyons, in 188 ; but since he al
lowed the child to have a Christian for a nurse, and a
person of that religion, named Proculus, who had per
formed a cure upon himself, was retained in his house
hold till he died, we can hardly think that he could have
any strong prejudices against the sect, TertuUian says
expressly, that, in the former part of his reign, he had
been favourable to the Christians, and had saved many
of them from persecution ; and it was not till the year
202 that he adopted a contrary conduct.
We are thus arrived at the end ofthe second century;
and we might pause for a while to consider the progress
which Christianity had made, if. the events which have
been already related had not acquainted us incidentally
with the countries into which it had penetrated. From
Persia, and even India, on the east, — to Spain and Britain
on the west, — the Gospel had been steadily making its
way. The Church of Carthage, though founded later
than that of Alexandria, was now rising into importance
on the northern coast of Africa; and even in the interior
22

262 UNITY OF THE CHURCH. [a. D. 200.
of that continent, there were already communities of
Christians. Without repeating what has been said con
cerning Gaul and Germany, we may add to our list the
less civilized and unexplored countries of Dacia, Sarma-
¦tia, and Scythia; so that the remark of TertuUian was
strictly and literally true, that the Gospel had penetrated
into islands and distant regions which had not as yet
submitted to the Romans. v
The unity of the Church had not as yet been broken
by any open secession from the whole body of Christians.
This body, though consisting of many members, and dis.
persed throughout the world, was yet one and undivided,
if we view it with reference to doctrines, or to the form
of ecclesiastical government. Every church had its own
spiritual head or bishop, and Avas independent of every
other church, with respect to its own internal regulations
and laWs. There was, however, a connexion, more or
less intimate, between neighbouring churches, which was
a consequence, in some degree, of the geographical or
civil divisions of the empire. Thus the churches of one
province, such as Achaia, Egypt, Cappadocia, <fcc, formed
a kind of union, and the bishop of the capital, particularly
if his see happened to be of apostolic foundation, acquired
a precedence in rank and dignity over the rest. This
superiority was often increased by the bishop of the capi-
tal (who was called, in later times, the metropolitan,)
having actually planted the church in smaller and more
distant places ; so that the mother-church, as it might
literally be termed, continued to feel a natural and pa
rental regard for the churches planted by itself. These
churches, however, were wholly independent in matters
of internal jurisdiction; though it was likely that there
would be a resemblance, in points even of slight import
ance, between churches ofthe same province.

A. D. 200.] DIOCESES. 263
This resemblance became more constant when the cus-
torn arose, of which we have already seen instances in
the second century, of the churches of the same province
meeting together in council. The election of a bishop,
when any of the sees became vacant, gave occasion to
one of these meetings. The election was made by the
clergy of that particular church, who submitted the name
of one of their own body to the approbation of the lay
members ; and if their selection was approved by these
persons, as well as by the other bishops who were con
vened for the purpose, the bishop elected was appointed
to his office, by the assembled bishops laying their hands
upon him ; but, in most provinces, the bishop of the capi.
tal (who afterwards bore the name of primate,) exercised
the privilege of consecrating (as we should now term it,)
the new bishop : the election was therefore generally
made in his presence ; or, if he was absent, it received
subsequently his approval and confirmation. The pri
mates or metropolitans were themselves, in most cases,
consecrated by the bishop of some particular see, who
claimed this privilege ; as in the instance of the bishop
of Rome, who was consecrated, from very early times, by
the bishop of Ostia ; but when the bishopric of Ostia be-
came vacant, and a successor was appointed in the man
ner mentioned above, the bishop of Rome, as metropolitan
of the Roman diocese, confirmed the election ; and the
same custom prevailed in every other province.
The term diocese, as has been observed in a former
chapter, was of later introduction, and was borrowed by
the Church from the civil constitution of the empire. At
the period which we are noW considering, a bishop's dio
cese was more analogous to a modern parish, and such
was the name which it bore. Each parish had, therefore,
its own bishop, with a varying number of presbyters, or

264 THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. [a. D. 200.
priests and deacons : and the system already described
as prevailing in each province, was likely to ensure uni
formity between the churches within that district. But
early in the second century we find proofs of churches,
not only in neighbouring provinces, but in distant parts
of the world, taking pains to preserve the bond of unity,
and to show themselves members of one common head.
The term Catholic, or Universal, as applied to the
Church of Christ, may be traced almost to the time of
the apostles: and every person who believed in Christ
was a member of the Catholic Church, because he was a
member of some particular or national Church, which
was in communion with the whole body. We have al
ready seen instances of this communion being preserved
or interrupted between the members of different churches ;
and the anxiety of the early Christians upon this point is
shown by the custom of bishops, as soon as they were
elected, sending a notification of their appointment to
distant churches. When this official announcement had
been made, any person who was the bearer of a letter
from his bishop was admitted to communion with the
Church in any country which he visited : but these com
municatory letters, as they were called, were certain to be
denied him if any suspicion was entertained as to the
soundness of his faith.
It may be supposed that these precautions were very
effectual in preserving the unity of the Church, and in
preventing diversity of doctrine. The result was, as has
been already observed, that up to the end of the second
century no schism had taken place among the great body
of believers. There was no church in any country which
was not in communion with the Catholic, or Universal
Church ; and there was no church in any particular town
or province which was divided into sects and parties.

i. D. 200.]' CHRI3TIASNS VERY NUMEROUS. 265
The followers of Montanus were frequent in many of the
Asiatic churches ; but they do- not appear, for the present
at least, to have withdrawn from the communion of their
brethren. One exception should perhaps be made, which
was furnished by the Church of Rome, where the follow
ers of Theodotus and Artemon appear to have continued
for some years in a state of schismatic separation from
the rest of their brethren. But evei) these schismatics
adopted the same form of church government which had
existed in the Roman church from the beginning. There
was no community of Christians in any country which
presented a variation in this respect : the agreement in
fundamental and essential doctrines was equally uniform.
The only difference was in ecclesiastical customs, which
related chiefly to the times and modes of certain religious
observances. Every church was at liberty to regulate
these matters according to its own discretion ; and the
dispute about the Paschal festival would not have been
carried to such a height, but from the inconvenience
which was felt when Christians of one country visited
those of another, and found themselves celebrating this
groat national festival according to a different calculation
of time; so that the inhabitants of the place would be
feasting and rejoicing, while they themselves were fast-
ing. This led, as we have seen, to occasional interrup.
tions of good-will between different churches ; but it en
ables us to establish the fact, that each church exercised
the right of making laws for its own members, without
admitting the interference of other churches.
It is stated, on the authority of TertuUian, that the
army was filled with Christians; that they held offices
in provincial towns, transacted business in the forum,
had seats in the senate, and lived even in the palace of
22*

CALUMNIES AGAINST CHRISTIANS. [a. Oi 2C0.
the emperor. Their numbers were become so great that
the public business could not have been carried orj, if they
had not been admitted to such stations. Their writers
were not only equal, but, as far as we know, superior, in
number and talent to the heathen. There were, in fact,
very few of the philosophers who defended their religion
by argument : or if they ventured to attack Christianity,
it was by confounding it with Gnosticism. The persons
most interested in checking its progress were the priests,
and- all those persons who gained a livelihood by the ser
vice of the heathen temples ; but they would have failed
in raising a. popular cry against the Christians, if they
had merely had to depend upon the attachment of the
people to the national religion. There is good reason to
think that the sincere believers in the follies and fables of
paganism were extremely few. Many of the philosophers
openly laughed at the superstitions of Greece and Rome ;
and their hatred ofthe Christians was much more owing
to the exposure which was made of their own vicious and
profligate lives, than to any fear which they entertained
of one religion being supplanted by another.
It was a favourite scheme with some of the opponents
of Christianity, to set up certain fictitious and imaginary
characters, as rivals to our Saviour and his apostles, and
to invest their history with the same marvellous circum
stances which are recorded in the New Testament ofthe
first preachers of the Gospel. One of these fabulous
personages was Apollonius of Tyana, who was repre
sented as a contemporary of the apostles. It may be
doubted whether he had ever any real existence ; but if a
philosopher of that name was living in the first century,
it is unquestionable that a multiplicity of the. most in-
credible falsehoods was circulated concerning him. A
life of him is still extant, which was written by Philos.

A. D. 200.] CALUMNIES AGAINST CHRISTIANS. 26T
tratus, at the request of Julia Severa, the wife ofthe pre-
sent emperor; It is scarcely possible to- read this work
without perceiving that the miracles of Jesus Christ
were intended to be imitated and surpassed. The writer
of it had evidently read the Gospel history, or was fa
miliar with the fact of miracles having been worked by
the Founder of Christianity. We have thus a strong
confirmation of one of the great evidences of our reli
gion. The rapidity of its progress admits of arr easy
explanation, if we believe it to have been- attended with
the working of miracles r and it is plain, that the reality
of them was not denied- at the end ofthe second century.
It was not asserted that Jesus had worked no' miracles ;
but it was attempted to be proved, that Apollonius had
worked greater. The name of 'this impostor was often-
employed in the two following centuries, with a view to
weaken the effect which was produced by the evidence
of miracles. On the same principle,, the lives of their
philosophers were filled with circumstances of a preter
natural character. Pythagoras was reported to have
worked the most stupendous miracles, and to have im
parted the same power to his disciples and successors ;
all which may be taken as a proof,- that the philosophers
found it hopeless to deny the truth of what was recorded1
in the New Testament. The fact of the reigning em-
press encouraging Philostratus to write the life of Apol
lonius, may perhaps lead us to think that the great suc
cess of Christianity had occupied her attention ; and if
we might draw the same inference as to the emperor, we
might account in some measure for his subsequent con
duct towards the Christians.
The priests and the philosophers combined in repre-
senting them as traitors to the emperor and the state,
and the cause of every national calamity. A degraded

268 PERSECUTION NOT ENDED. [a. D. 200.
and demoralized people eagerly seconded the cry which
was raised for the blood of the Christians ; and magis.
trates were too happy to gain credit to themselves for
avenging the honour of the gods, asserting the majesty
of the emperor, and gratifying the passions of the people.
Such was the warfare which the great enemy of mankind
had planned to carry on against the Gospel. He was
allowed for a time to exert his power. The history of
the last century has exhibited the Church under suffering :
in the latter part of it her enemies were less active, and
persecution for a time abated ; but the flames were only
smothered, and not extinguished. The same causes of
hatred still existed, and nothing but an opportunity was
wanted to renew in all their horrors those scenes of cru
elty and bloodshed, whieh had already given to thousands
of Christ's faithful servants their crown of martyrdom*

A. D. 198.] SEPTIMIUS SEVERUS. 269

CHAPTER XIII.
Septimius Severus. — Persecution in the Provinces and the Capital. —
Caracalla. — 'Tranquillity ofthe Church. — Origen.— -Elagabalus.
The first nine years of the reign of Septimius Severus
passed away without the Christians being exposed to any
general or systematic persecution. During the greater
part of that' period, the emperor was absent from Rome.
He had not freed himself from his last rival, Albinus,
till 197, or 198, and in the following year he set out, with
his two sons, to make war with the Parthians. In the
year 202 he returned into Syria, and visited Alexandria,
in which city he is said to have been particularly curious
in prying into the Egyptian mysteries. The latter fact
is mentioned as showing that Severus, though accustomed
so long to the active duties of a military life, paid some
attention to matters of religion : but still we are at a loss
to account for the motives which led him, in the present
year, to issue a decree more definite in its terms, and
more intolerant, than any which had hitherto appeared.
It is not improbable that this was owing, in some mea-;
sure, to the increasing unwillingness of the Christians to
serve in the army. Some of them, as we have seen, had
objections, on religious grounds, to all military service .-
and as they grew bolder by their numbers and the tempo
rary cessation of persecution, they would more openly
show their dislike to the religious ceremonies which sol
diers were required to attend. A warlike emperor, like
Severus, who owed his throne to military activity, and
who Was constantly engaged in wars, was likely to ~have-

270 persecution. — t-origen. [a. d. 200.
this conduct of the Christians pointed out to him, if he
did not feel the effects of it in the diminution of his
forces. The very weakness of the empire, which was
beginning to show its inability to resist barbarian incur
sions, -was likely to increase the prejudices against the
Christians. Not only were they represented as indiffer
ent to the glory, and even the safety, of their country,
but if the ravages of the barbarians on the borders were
taken as a sign of the anger and displeasure of the gods,
it was easy to propagate the notion that these deities
were displeased at seeing their worship supplanted by a
new religion. Thus the national pride, as well as the
national superstition, were interested in suppressing
Christianity ; and if such motives did not weigh with
Septimius personally, we may be sure that they were felt
by many of those about him, who excited him to issue
the present edict. He strictly prohibited all persons
from embracing the religion of the Jews or of the Chris
tians ; and though the actual letter of the edict has not
been preserved, it is plain that death was the penalty of
its being violated ; and we shall also meet with evidence,
that the property of the sufferers became confiscated to
tlie state.
From one end of the empire to the other, there was an
immediate readiness to execute this iniquitous law ; but
nowhere was more cruelty displayed than in Alexandria,
which had so lately been visited in person by the em-
peror. It is now that we first become acquainted with Origen,
who was by far the most learned man in the former half
of the third century. His father, Leonides, was one of
the first victims in the present persecution ; and while he
was in prison, his son wrote him a letter in these few ex
pressive words, "Beware that you do not change your

A. D. 203.] ORIGEN. 271
mind on our account." Origen was only in his seven
teenth year when he was thus left fatherless, with a
mother and six brothers ; and to add to their misfortunes,
the whole of their property was seized, as forfeited to the
emperor. Leonides had given his son the best possible
education. The whole range of literature and science
had been exhausted by him at this early age ; and, what
was of far higher importance, he had from the first been
deeply impressed with the doctrines of the Gospel, and
had the advantage of attending the school when Clement
was lecturing there. His ardour led him into great per
sonal danger when the persecution broke out ; and if it
had not been for his mother, he would probably have died.
The following year saw a new governor of Egypt, in
the person of Aquila, who equalled his predecessor,
Laetus, in tormenting the Christians. Clement was
forced to save his life by flight, at which time he appears
to haVe taken refuge in Cappadocia ; and the bishop, De-
metrius, committed the care of the Alexandrian School to
Origen. In the midst of the great personal dangers to
which he was exposed, he was still able to continue
giving instruction ; and that he might maintain himself
and his family without asking for assistance, he sold all
his books connected with heathen literature, and lived
upon the money which they produced, at the rate of four
oboli a day.
In the mean time, persecution was raging with equal
fury through the whole of Christian Africa. The history
of it acquaints us with the interesting fact, that the Gos
pel had reached even the remote country to the south of
ECTypt, called the Thebaid. But the principal Church of
Africa, next to that of Alexandria, was at Carthage.
The Roman governors of that part of the country had for
some years been indulgent to the Christians, and even

272 LAWFULNESS OF FLIGHT. [a. D. 205.
assisted them in evading the laws which were intended
for their annoyance ; but Satuminus, who now held the
office, began the custom of putting the Christians to death ;
and it was, perhaps, not unnatural, that a loss of sight,
which came upon him shortly after, should be considered
as a visitation from heaven. His successors in the pro
vince followed the iniquitous example ; and one of them,
named Scapula, was addressed in a special treatise by
TertuUian, which is still extant. We have also an
Apology from the same author, which was, perhaps, pub
lished in 205, which proves the sufferings of the Chris-
tians, at that period, to have been exceedingly severe.
If the advice of TertuUian, who was at this time a
Montanist, had been extensively followed, the Christians
would have materially contributed to the aggravation of
their own sufferings. It was laid down as a principle by
these rigid enthusiasts, that it was not lawful to seek
safety by flight. Though our Saviour had expressly told
his disciples, if they were persecuted in one city to flee to
another, the Montanists denounced such conduct as cow
ardly, and unworthy of a Christian. TertuUian even
wrote a special treatise upon the subject ; and we may
conclude that he did not shrink from personal danger dur
ing this trying time, though he escaped with his life, and
employed his pen in attempting to check the cruelty of
the heathen. It is plain that these severe notions of
Christian duty did not generally prevail. Clement, as
we have seen, set the example of seeking safety by flight :
and though Origen continued in Alexandria, and often
courted martyrdom, yet he has left his opinion in his
writings, that a Christian was not bound to expose him
self to the certainty of death. There is evidence that
some persons did not scruple to purchase their safety by
payment of a sum of money ; and even whole churches or

a. D. 203.] DOMNINUS.  CLAUDIUS HERMINIANUS. 273
communities of Christians appear to have submitted to a
kind of annual tribute, which obtained for them this ex
emption from persecution. The increasing numbers of
the Christians would make this a source of considerable
wealth to rapacious governors ; and it becomes a true
remark, that the lives of Christians were spared, and
that, consequently, their religion was continued, because
it was found more profitable to tax them than to destroy
them. The Christians of Antioch were still under the bishop.
ric of Serapion, who held it from 189 to 211. He ad-
dressed a work to Domninus, who, through fear of per
sonal danger, went over to the Jewish religion; which
seems to show, though Severus had forbidden both Jews
and Christians to make proselytes, that the Christians
were in the worse condition of the two. Asclepiades,
who ultimately succeeded Serapion, had himself been a
sufferer in these scenes of cruelty.
The remote province of Cappadocia also contained
many Christians. Alexander, bishop of Flavias, whose
name will occur frequently hereafter, was thrown into
prison ; and Claudius Herminianus, the governor, was
excited to still greater violence, by finding his own wife
a convert to the religion which he was persecuting. His
exertions were checked by his being seized with a loath.
some disorder, which he concealed for some time, that the
Christians might not look upon it as a demonstration from
heaven in their favour : but before he died, he had almost
himself adopted their religion.
Little is known of the events which took place, during
this period, at Rome. When the emperor issued his de-
cree, he sent an order to the capital, that persons attend.
ino- illegal meetings were to be brought before the prefect
of tha city. It was easy to apply this order to the meet.
23

274 ZEPHYRINUS.  PERSECUTION AT ROME. [a. D. 203-
ings of the Christians for religious worship ; and the em
peror returned to Rome, in 203, to see it put in execution.
The bishopric was at this time held by ZephyrinuS, who
had succeeded Victor in 201. He had, therefore, but a
short time for the peaceful government of his flock : and
we cannot tell whether it was at this or a later pe
riod, that he exerted himself to save the members of his
church from the contagion of heresy. He appears to
have been well aware of the importance of the unity of
faith. Praxeas, who had been in personal communication
with Victor on the subject ofthe Montanists, was put out
of communion with the church of Zephyrinus, for his own
erroneous tenets. He then recanted his errors, and wrote
a book expressive of his penitence : but subsequently he
returned to his former opinions ; and we shall see that he
obtained many followers. The heresy of Theodotus was
also warmly opposed by Zephyrinus, and he succeeded in
bringing back Natalius to the Church, who, as we have
seen, had accepted the office of bishop among the follow
ers of Theodotus.
We know nothing of the personal history of Zephyrinus
during the persecution : but the emperor's residence in
Rome gave rise to many public opportunities for the
Christians to be treated with severity. Upon his return,
in 203, he celebrated a triumph for his victory in the
East, and the unwillingness of the Christians to join in
such solemnities, always exposed them to insults and in
dignities. At the same time, he married his eldest son,
Caracalla, to the daughter of Plautianus ; and the latter
person has been charged with taking an active part in
harassing the Christians. In 204, the secular games
were exhibited, which ought to have come round only
once in a century ; but the emperor chose to celebrate
them before the proper time ; and we may be sure that

A. u. 203.] DECLINE OF THE EMPIRE. 275
Christian blood flowed freely in the amphitheatre on this
occasion. So terrible was the cruelty exercised at this time by the
heathen, that Christian writers began confidently to pre-
diet that the end ofthe world was at hand. The notion
had been lately gaining ground, that this event was to be
preceded by the coming of Antichrist : though the term
Antichrist seems rather to have been applied to all here.
tics and opposers of the truth, than to any particular in-
dividual. The Roman government was naturally looked
upon as Antichrist : and the Montanists, who had from
the first assumed the spirit of prophecy, indulged in many
predictions that the empire of Rome would shortly be dis-
solved. The notion appears to have been entertained by
persons whodid»not otherwise agree with Montanus : and
we are perhaps to add this to the other causes which pre
judiced the Roman gove'rnmant against the Christians.
The weak condition of the empire, with respect to its
defence against the barbarians, has already been men
tioned ; and predictions concerning its downfall were like.
ly to increase the alarm which was b3ginning to bs gen.
erally felt. It would ba easy to represent the Christians
as wishing the completion of the event which they pre
dicted ; and when the laws of the empire, as well as the
whole power of the state, were directed against Chris-
tianity, it was not surprising if some Christians ventured
to express a hope that the power of their oppressors was
shortly coming to an end. It was not, however, to be ex
pected that they would be allowed to circulate such opin-
ions with impunity ; and while the Christians brought
upon themselves, by such predictions, the indignation of
the heathen, we may conclude that the fullest measure of
their violence would fall upon the Monta nists.
The coming of Antichrist was expressly asserted by a

276 DEATH OF SEVERUS. [a. D. 211.
writer named Jude, who published a commentary upon
Daniel's prophecy of the seventy weeks. Other writers
also came forward, at this period, in defence of Christian
ity, though the mere profession of it was attended with
danger. A dialogue entitled Octavius is still extant,
which was written by Minucius Felix, a lawyer of emi
nence at Rome, which throws considerable light upon the
treatment of the Christians, and is, at the same time, a
powerful exposure ofthe absurdities of paganism.
If the emperor took an active part in exciting his sub-
jects to injustice and cruelty, he probably ceased to do so
after the year 208, when he set out, with his two sons, to
complete the conquest of Britain ; and the war detained
him in that island till the beginning of 211, when he died
at York.
We should wish to have some materials for tracing the
effect of the persecution in our own island, where Chris
tianity, as has been already stated, had made considera
ble progress, and even in remote parts of it ; but we
know nothing beyond the fact of the emperor being here
in person, when he would be able to see that the terms of
his edict were complied with. We may hope, however,
that he was satisfied with having watched the execution
of it for the last six years : and, in addition to the usual
anxiety of a military expedition in an imperfectly civil
ized country, we know that these last years of his life
were filled with continued uneasiness, occasioned by the
unnatural quarrels of his sons. There is no authentic
tradition of the Christians in Britain being exposed to
any peculiar trials during the reign of Severus. On the
contrary, all evidence points to the earliest martyrdom
having taken place at the end of the third century : and
if the British Church escaped at the present period, we

A. D. 211.] CARACALLA. 277
may hope that the storm was beginning to subside in
other parts ofthe world.
The painful and perplexing part in the history of this
emperor is, that he once protected the Christians, and
afterwards exposed them to the most savage barbarities :
and so long as his edict continued in force, it was in the
power of any magistrate to torture and destroy them.
It was perhaps fortunate for the Christians that Cara
calla and Geta, the two sons of Severus, were jealous of
each other, and that Caracalla, after murdering his
brother, that he might have the empire to himself, was a
tyrant to all his subjects. Such conduct, as was the
case in the reign of Commodus, drew off the. attention
of the heathen from harassing the Christians : and Cara-
calla was much too insensible to any feelings of religion, to
give them annoyance on that account. It has been men
tioned, that he had a Christian nurse in his childhood, so
that he may have known something of the manners and
opinions of the Christians : but all such impressions
were effaced long before he mounted the throne ; and it
must have been some motive of policy, rather than any
principle of justice or kindness, whieh caused him to be
gin his reign by allowing all exiles to return to their
homes, whatever may have been the nature of the accu-
sation against them. We may even suppose, when we
consider his conduct to his father during his latter years,
that the mere pleasure of counteracting his orders might
have led him to show favour to the Christians, or at least
to those persons who had been sent into banishment by
his father.
An edict like this, though not specially intended to re-
lieve the Christians, eould hardly fail to benefit some of
their body ; and there are several indications that other
S3*

27S eHRISTTANS ENJOY PEACE1.. [a. D. 211.
evils, beside those of exile, were beginning now to press
less heavily upon them. Alexander, the Cappadocian
bishop, who had been in prison- since the year 204, recov
ered his liberty ; and Clement of Alexandria, who had
taken refuge in that country, was able to pay a visit to
the Christians of Antioch. The state of things must
have been still more peaceful in 214, when Alexander
undertook a journey to Jerusalem, from no other motives
than those of devotion, and to survey the scenes of our
Saviour's sufferings. The visit turned out of much more
importance to himself than he had expected. The bishop
of Jerusalem, whose name was Narcissus, was now 116
years old, having been elected to the see in 196. His
life was one of particular strictness and severity ; but
this did not hinder him from being attacked by such
atrocious calumnies, the truth of which was most sol
emnly attested, that he thought it best to withdraw, and
was not heard of for some years. The falsehood of these
charges was afterwards fully established : and when the
vacant see had been filled successively by three bishops,
Narcissus suddenly re-appeared. He was again elected
to discharge his episcopal duties ; but his great age ren
dering him almost incapable, it was decided that a coad
jutor should be appointed.
It was just at this juncture that Alexander arrived
from Cappadocia : and though the translation of a bishop
from one see to another was as unprecedented as the case
of a bishop having an assistant, both these objections
were disregarded in the person, of Alexander. He was
persuaded not to leave Jerusalem : and Narcissus dying
shortly after, he continued tho sole bishop of that see,
which he filled till the middle of the century. In many
respects, he was one of the leading characters of his
time ; and the library which he founded at Jerusalem

a. D. 214.] ORIGEN.  HIPPOLYTUS. 27!>
was of great service to Eusebius, when he was writing
his history.
The continuation of Origen's history also shows, that
persecution had subsided at Alexandria. He is known
to have visited Rome while Zephyrinus was bishop, that
is, before the year 218 : and he took the journey merely
from the love of seeing a church of such great antiquity.
He probably went thither in 213 : and upon his return
home,, he found the number of his hearers so greatly
increased, that he was obliged to commit the younger
part of them to Heraclas, who had now attended him for
ten years ; his own time being devoted to the instruction
of those who were further advanced, and to studying the
Scriptures. Many of the heathen attended his lectures,
and were often drawn on insensibly to embrace the Gos
pel, while they thought that they were only acquiring
human wisdom. But the fame of Origen was not con
fined to Alexandria. An Arabian prince sent letters to
the bishop, and to the Roman governor of Egypt, request
ing that Origen might come and instruct him in Chris
tianity. The request was granted ; which seems to
prove demonstrably, that the government no longer mo
lested the Christians : and we cannot doubt that a teacher
like Origen produced a great impression in the country
which he visited ; but it is plain that Christianity was
not then introduced into Arabia for the first time, lt is
possible that this may have been the same country which
had been visited by Pantaenus more than twenty years
before : and in the course of the present century we
meet with several Arabian churches, with bishops at their
head. One of them, named Hippolytus, who Jived about
this period, was a man of great learning, and the author
of various works, a few only of which have come down
to our day.

280 CARACALLA AT ALEXANB-RIA. [a. u. 215.
There appear, however, to have been more than one
writer of this name, and their works may have been con
founded, or ascribed to the wrong person. One of them
is thought to have been bishop of the city named Portus,
at the mouth of the Tiber : and it has been conjectured
that the Arabian Hippolytus quitted his own country, and
settled in Italy. It is, however, more probable, that the
occupiers of the two sees were different persons, each of
them bearing the name of Hippolytus : and the works
which are extant have generally been ascribed to the one
who was bishop in Arabia, and who had the advantage
of conversing with Origen during his visit to that country,
If Origen returned to Alexandria before 215, he wras
driven from it in that year by the cruelty of Caracalla.
The Christians, however, were not at this time the special
objects of his vengeance. The inhabitants in general had
provoked him by reflecting upon his conduct, and par
ticularly by allusions to the murder of his brother. The
emperor went in person to Alexandria, and presided at
an extensive mrssacre of the citizens. If he singled out
all who had been most loud in denouncing him for his
crimes, the Christians could hardly have escaped ; but
religion had nothing to do with his atrocities : and wo
are informed that so little did he care about religious dis.
tinctions, that the temples of the gods were openly pil
laged ; so that the Christians, who at this time had pro
bably no public places of warship, but mot in each other's
houses, were, perhaps, more likely to escape than their
heathen neighbours. The pillage of the temples may
have been merely a measure of rapacity on the part of
the emperor, who wished to get possession of their trea
sures : and we may be sure that the Christians, who bad
had but a short respite from the recent confiscations, would
not be in danger of attracting much notice from- the em-

A. D. 217.] ORIGEN VISITS CJBSAREA. 281
peror, if bis object was plunder. We know, however,
that the Christians did not altogether escape : or at least
they thought it prudent to retire before the storm.
Origen, and perhaps many of his Christian hearers,
sought refuge in flight. He took the opportunity of visit.
ing Palestine ; and Theoctistus, bishop of Caesarea, was
so struck with his learning and his knowledge of the
Scriptures, that he allowed him to expound them publicly
in the church, though at present he was only a layman.
We may form some idea of the strictness of ecclesiastical
discipline in those days, when we find the bishop of Alex
andria remonstrating with his brother of Caesarea for his
irregularity in giving this permission. The Alexandrian
Church did not allow a layman to expound the Scriptures
to the congregation : but such restrictions were not uni
versal ; and in the present instance, Theoctistus quoted
several precedents which authorized him in engaging the
services of Origen. Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, took
the same view upon this question : and we may conclude
that such was the custom in the churches of Palestine ;
but Demetrius was not satisfied, and Origen having been
recalled by him to continue his lectures in the school,
returned to Alexandria about the year 217, or perhaps
later. It was either shortly after his return, or while he was
still residing at Caesarea, that he was sent for to Antioch,
upon rather an extraordinary occasion. The disgraceful
reign of Caracalla came to a close in 217: and Macri-
nus, his successor, who had caused him to be put to death,
met with a similar fate in the following year. The em
pire was then given to Elagabalus, who, before his ele-
vation, had been priest ofthe Sun, at Emessa, in Phceni-
cia. Notwithstanding this sacred office, he is represented
as a monster of vice and sensuality ; but his mother's sis-

282 origen's interview with mamima. [a. d. 218.
ter, Mammaea, bore a very different character. Though
she is described as being fond of money, both heathen and
Christian writers have joined in giving her credit for
being impressed with feelings of religion. Some have
even supposed her to have been a Christian ; but the sup
position does not rest on sufficient grounds. She may
perhaps have seen the absurdity of many of the heathen
superstitions, and her long residence in Syria was likely
to make her acquainted with some of the tenets of the
Christians. She had even heard of the fame of Origen ;
and on one occasion, while she was at Antioch, she sent
an escort of soldiers, requesting him to come and dis
course with her on matters of religion, lt seems most
probable that this took place in the first year of her
nephew's succession to the empire, when he is known
to have passed through Antioch, in company with his
mother and her sister.
Origen complied with the invitation, and met Mam*
masa at Antioch, but we know nothing of the result of the
interview. It certainly produced no effect upon the em
peror, who, upon his arrival at Rome, in 219, attempted
to establish the worship of the Sun, to the exclusion of
every other deity. All the most sacred symbols of super.
stition which the city possessed, were ordered to be re
moved to the temple of the Sun : and the heathen writer
who gives us this account states expressly that the Jew.
ish, Samaritan, and Christian religions were among the
number of those which were thus to be suppressed. Chris-
tianity, however, was not treated worse than the mime.
rous forms of heathenism. In some respects it was, per-
haps, benefitted by this mad attempt of Elagabalus. It
was no new thing for Christians to perform their acts of
worship in secret ; and one of the charges brought against
them was, that they had no temples nor altars. It was,

A. D. 219.] ELAGABALUS. 283
therefore, easy for them to evade the emperor's command
without being observed : but if the heathen wished to
worship any other deity beside the Sun, they could hardly
do so without some public act which exposed them to de
tection. If Elagabalus had continued longer on the
throne, he might, without intending it, materially have
aided the triumph of Christianity. Many objects of pa
gan devotion would have been forgotten, while Chris
tianity was still making its way in secret. But even the
degenerate Romans could not long endure the absurdities
and crimes of such an emperor; and after a reign of not
quite four years, he was murdered in 222, being then not
more than eighteen years old.

284 ALEXANDER SEVERUS. [a. D. 222.

CHAPTER XIV.
Alexander Severus.— Erection of Churches. — The later Platonists,
at Alexandria. — Origen ; his Ordination, and Residence at Caesa
rea; his Works. — Montanists. — Council of Iconium. — Persecution
under Maximums. — Councils. — Opinions concerning the Soul. —
Reign of Philip.
No prince had as yet been called to the empire under
fairer promises of happiness to himself and to his subjects,
than Alexander Severus, who succeeded his cousin, Ela
gabalus. His mother, Mammaea, whose regard for reli-
gion has been already mentioned, had taken great pains
with his education. It has been said of both of them, that
they were Christians ; but the remark made above, con
cerning the mother, must be extended also to the son.
He certainly was not a Christian, though his early im.
pressions had led him to think favourably of those who
professed that religion. When he mounted the throne, he
was only sixteen years of age ; so that we must not think
much of his having an image of Christ in his own cham
ber, and praying to it every morning. The fact is stated
by a heathen historian ; but it is added, that he offered
the same worship, not only to Abraham, but to Orpheus,
and the impostor Apollonius of Tyana. With a mind
apparently so open to feelings of religion, it is impossible
that he would have listened to any proposals for harassing
the Christians.
In some points, he even took their customs as a model
for himself. He had observed that they never filled up
any ecclesiastical appointment without publishing the
names of the candidates, and consulting the people as to

a. D. 222.] PLACES OF CHRISTIAN WORSHIP. 285
their fitness ; and accordingly, he ordered the same to be
done in appointing the governors of provinces, or any
public officer. He was also much pleased with the senti
ment, which was so common in the mouths of Christians,
Do not to another what you wish him not to do to you ; and
he ordered it to be inscribed upon several public build
ings. But his approbation of the Christians was carried
farther than this. He may be said to have expressly
tolerated their public worship : for when the keepers of a
tavern claimed a piece of ground that had been occupied
by the Christians, the emperor adjudged it to the latter,
adding the remark, that it was better for God to be wor
shipped there in any manner, than for the ground to be
used for a pot-house.
The last anecdote might lead to an interesting inquiry
into the period when the Christians first began to meet
in churches, or at least to have buildings set apart for
public worship. They probably acquired this liberty
earlier in some countries than in others : but we can
hardly doubt that some such buildings were possessed by
them in Rome during the reign of the present emperor.
We know that, for many years, they met in each other's
houses. Concealment, on such occasions, was absolutely
necessary ; and we may judge of the perils with which
they were beset, as well as ofthe firmness of their faith,
when we know that the excavations in the neighbourhood
of Rome, which were formed by the digging of stone, were
used for a long time by the Christians as places of reli-
gious meetings. In these dark and dismal catacombs,
which may still be seen, and which still bear traces of
their former occupants, the early martyrs and confessors
poured forth their prayers to God, and thanked their Re
deemer that they were counted worthy to suffer shame
for his name. Here also the remains of their dead were
24

286 BUILDING OF CHURCHES. [a. D. 222.
interred ; and it was long before the intolerance of their
enemies allowed the Christians to breathe a healthy air,
or enjoy the light of heaven, while they' were engaged in
their sacred duties. This indulgence appears to have
been gained at Rome during the period of comparative
peace, which began with the death of Septimius Severus :
but since Elagabalus prohibited every kind of public wor
ship, except that of the Sun, we may perhaps conclude
that few, if any, religious buildings had been possessed
by the Christians till the time when Alexander decided
the case in their favour.
At that time, they had a piece of ground belonging to
them; and it appears to have been the property, not of
some one individual who was a Christian, but ofthe whole
community. It was probably bought out of the common
fund, which has already been mentioned as belonging to
the Christians ; and the emperor's decision makes it plain,
that it had been used for the purposes of public worship.
It is not probable that the Christians met in the open
air. The spot must, therefore, have been occupied by
some building, which was either a private dwelling con-
verted to this sacred purpose after its purchase by the
Christians, or one which had been specially erected for
the occasion. The latter conclusion would be the most
interesting, as containing the earliest evidence of the
building of churches : though it might be thought that the
present edifice was rather of an inferior kind, since the
opposite party intended to turn it into a tavern. This is
not improbable : or rather, we may be certain that the first
churches erected by the Christians were of a poor and
humble character, that they might not provoke the jeal
ousy of the heathen. It was, perhaps, owing to the gene
ral toleration which was allowed by the present emperor,
that the Christians were able to appropriate any building.

A. D. 222.] THE ECLECTICS. 287
for their own religious ceremonies ; and it might be
thought that some law was still in force, which gave to in-
formers the power of seizing any property which they
could prove to belong to a Christian.
We have seen, at the beginning of the Century, that
confiscations of this kind were made by the government ;
and other instances will occur a few years later, when
persecution was revived : it was, perhaps, argued in the
present instance, that the piece of ground belonged of
right to the emperor, because it had been purchased by
Christians ; and application was made to him, that he
would exercise his power of seizing it, and grant the use
of it to the keepers of a tavern. If this were so, we might
almost say that the first Christian church was the gift of
a heathen emperor ; and there is reason to think, that
from this time the right of possessing places of worship
was generally exercised by the Christians.
It is a sirre indication of a period of peace to the church,
when the ecclesiastical historian meets with few inci
dents to relate. While persecution was raging, every
church had its own interesting, though painful, stories :
but the mere progress of Christianity among the heathen,
when unchecked by open and legalized violence, is traced
rather in its lasting effects than in the history of each
successive step.' The Alexandrian Church alone, or the
single life of Origen, if circumstantially detailed, would
be sufficient to prove the inroads that Christianity was
making upon heathenism. The philosophers in that city
were obliged to abandon their principles, and to form a
new system, which has been called the Eclectic, or the
school of the later Platonists. They could not shut their
eyes to the fact, that Christianity was gaining rapidly
upon them, and that, as a scheme of religion, it was far
purer and sublimer than their own. They therefore en-

288 MISUSE OF PLATO'S WRITINGS. [a.D.222.
deavoured to prove that the doctrines held by the Chris
tians concerning the nature of God, his Word or Son, and
the Spirit emanating from Him, were all to be found in
the philosophical system of Plato. In order to establish
this resemblance, they gave an entirely new interpreta
tion to the language of Plato, and ascribed to him opin
ions which he had never held. By this artifice they
thought to check the progress of Christianity, and to
show that, after all, it was merely a corruption of Pla-
tonism. It is greatly to be regretted, that Christians incautiously
lent their aid in tracing this fanciful resemblance. They
thought to do away the objection to the Gospel in the eyes
of the heathen, if they showed it to be like to the philoso
phy of Plato. They therefore asserted, that Plato had
borrowed many of his ideas from the writings of Moses ;
and the most mysterious doctrines of Christianity, even
that of a Trinity, were said to be found in the works of
the heathen philosopher. This compromise between the
two parties appears to have taken plaee at Alexandria,
about the beginning of the third century. Ammonius
Saccas, who bad onee been a Christian, was considered
as the head of these later Platonists ; and Origen, in his
younger days, had attended his lectures.
Origen, as well as the other Christian writers of Alex-
andria, have often been charged with borrowing largely
from Plato. But it was his language only which they
borrowed, not his philosophy. Plato never conceived the
ideas which were ascribed to him by the philosophers of
Alexandria ; and the latter pretended to find them in his
writings, merely that they might be able to check the
progress of Christianity. Origen, however, was extremely
incautious in some of the opinions which he expressed.
He was too fond of fanciful speculations into subjects

a. D. 222.] INTERPRETATION OF SCRIPTURE. 289
which human reason cannot fathom ; and he carried to
an unwarrantable length the system of allegorizing the
Scriptures. This fanciful method of interpretation was
not an invention of Origen, nor of the Christian fathers.
They found it already carried to a great length by the
Alexandrian Jews, who seem to have adopted it in order
to establish a resemblance between the writings of Moses
and those ofthe Greek philosophers. There was not a pas
sage in the Scriptures, even in the books which are purely
historical, which was not supposed to contain a hidden
or allegorical meaning. If we read the works of Philo
Judaeus, we might almost suppose that he did not receive
the words of Moses and the other sacred writers in their
literal sense at all ; he might be supposed to have under
stood them, as if the events recorded had not really taken
place, but as if some moral and religious truth was in
tended to be conveyed to the reader by the narrative. It
would probably be very unjust to Philo and his country.
men to charge them with such extravagance, though their
own words, and their fanciful method of interpretation,
have exposed them to it : but it was laid down as a prin
ciple with expositors of that school, that every passage of
Scripture contained at least three meanings :¦ one, which
was the literal or historical ; another, which conveyed
some moral lesson ; and a third, which was still more
sublime and mystical, and which, under the semblance of
something visible and earthly, was intended to reveal the
truths of the invisible and spiritual world.
It was not unnatural that the Alexandrian Christians
should adopt this method in their interpretation of Scrip
ture. They knew that it would be acceptable to the
Jews : and even the heathen had learnt to extract mean
ings from the works of their own writers, which were
very different from the plain and obvious sense. Clement
34*

29f> ORDINATroN OF ORIGEN. [a. D. 229.
of Alexandria belonged to this allegorical school, and his
pupil, Origen, carried its principles to still more unwar
rantable lengths. We know from his own words, that he
was accused of taking dangerous liberties with the Scrip
tures : and from the causes already assigned, or from
others which have not been explained, a disagreement
arose between him and his bishop, Demetrius. It is most
probable that this had something to do with his leaving
Alexandria in 229, when he paid a second visit to Caesa
rea, in Palestine. He took this opportunity of receiving
ordination from Theoctistus, the bishop of that see, who
was assisted by Alexander of Jerusalem, and other bish
ops. He was now forty-five years of age : and we might
wonder that he had put off his ordination so long, and
that he did not receive it in his own city, and from his
own bishop. Demetrius complained of the irregularity ;
but it is plain that Origen was extremely popular in Pal.
estine, and the bishop of Alexandria found few persons
who took his own view of the matter.
It is to be regretted that we have not more materials
for explaining the cause of the quarrel between Deme
trius and Origen. It might be thought that the bishop of
Alexandria complained of the bishops of Palestine con
ferring ordination upon a person not belonging to any of
their dioceses ; and it would have been held irregular in
those days, as well as imprudent at any period, to ordain
a stranger without a certificate of approbation from the
church to which he had belonged. It appears, however, that
Origen had been furnished with a letter from Demetrius,
which was probably the usual document by which a Chris
tian obtained admission to communion with the members
of a foreign church. Demetrius must, therefore, have
considered Origen's opinions to be sound upon fundamen
tal articles of faith : but it does not follow, that he looked

A. D. 231.] ORIGEN AT CESAKEA. 2B4S
upon him as a fit person to- receive ordination. It also
appears, that the teacher of the school received his ap
pointment from the bishop, and was under his authority
while he held that office : so that Demetrius may have
had reason to complain, on this ground, of Origen going
into a foreign country to receive ordination. It has been
thought, that the bishop had begun to be jealous of the
great fame of Origen ; and it is most probable, that many
causes combined to widen the breach between them : but
it seems almost certain, that Origen's own opinions were
partly instrumental in exciting the ill-will of the party
which opposed him.
Origen, after visiting Greece, returned once more to his
native city, but he was unable to continue there. Deme
trius . now found the Egyptian bishops and his own
elergy prepared to join in condemning him. Two
synods were held in Alexandria, the first of which prohib
ited him from teaching, and ordered him to leave the
city ; the second went still further, and degraded him
from his rank of priest. Origen had perhaps already
quitted the city ; but he left it finally in 231, and never
again returned to it. His place in the school was sup
plied by Heraclas, who had been a long time his pupil,
and latterly his assistant : but he did not hold this station
long ; for the bishopric becoming vacant in the follow.
ing year by the death of Demetrius, Heraelas was elected
to fill it. Another pupil of Origen, named Dionysius,
was appointed to the school.
Origen now took up his abode-" permanently at Cassa-
rea, and continued without interruption his laborious
commentaries on the Scriptures. The churches of Phoe
nicia, Arabia, and Achaia, as well as those of Palestine,
had declared decidedly in his favour : and though the
bishop of Alexandria had taken? pains to write to other

292 COUNCIL OF ICONIUM. [*. tr. 235.
churches, giving them an unfavourable account of Ori-
gen's tenets, it does not appear that he produced much,
impression. The bishop of Rome is said to have con
vened a synod upon the occasion ; but we are not ac
quainted with the result of its deliberations. Each
church being at this time entirely independent of any
other, and exercising authority only over its own mem
bers, Demetrius could only have written these letters to
caution other bishops against receiving Origen to their
communion, or any persons professing the opinions of
Origen : but it is probable, that these opinions had been
little heard of, except in Alexandria, and related to sub
jects which did not excite much attention, nor seem of
that importance which Demetrius attached to them.
There is no evidence that any sentence of exclusion was
at this time passed against Origen by any church or
synod, except in his own city of Alexandria. Some, as
has been already stated, openly supported him ; and such
was now the peaceable state of the Church, that persons
came from different parts of the world to Cassarea,
merely for the sake of listening to Origen. The names
of some of these visiters enable us to judge of the pro-.
gress which the Gospel had been making in countries
which were little known to the Greeks or Romans. Fir-
milianus came from Cappadocia, being now, or at a later
period, a bishop in that province. There were at this
time several churches in Cappadocia ; and so well regu-
lated were their affairs, that the bishops held annual meet
ings among themselves, to ensure uniformity in their
proceedings. Councils were occasionally held upon a more
extensive jscale, attended by deputies from different pro
vinces. One of them was convened about this period at
Iconium, at which Firmilianus was present, and fifty
bishops from Phrygia, Galatia, Cilicia,. and Cappadocia.

a. u. 233.] MONTANISM. 293
The heresy of Montanus was the cause of its being
assembled, which, as we have seen, was constantly gain
ing followers, and as constantly opposed by the heads of
the church. It was now debated, whether baptism admin.
istered by Montanists was valid ; and the council of Ico-
nium decided that it was not.
This was the strongest step which had as yet been
taken against those persons who professed themselves
Montanists. At first they scarcely deserved the name of
schismaties ; and the profession of Montanism did not ex-
elude a man from communion with the Church. It seems
to have been a want of charity on both sides, which made
the breach gradually wider : but it cannot be denied, that
the Church decided with an overwhelming majority of
voices against the Montanists. The question, as we
have seen, was discussed in several councils ; and the re-
suit was uniformly unfavourable to the new opinions.
This unanimity amoBg the spiritual rulers of the Church
seems to have produced little effect ; and the Montanists
cannot be acquitted of openly and knowingly opposing
themselves to the authority of the Church. We learn
from TertuUian, who was himself a Montanist, that they
used the most contemptuous and provoking language,
when speaking of those who denied their pretensions.
There is reason to think, that they refused, of their own
accord, to join in communion with other members of the
Church. They, in fact, excommunicated their opponents,
rather than were excommunicated by them ; and .though it
does not appear that any general sentence was pro-
nounced against them, they at length formed themselves
into separate communities, and regulated their own affairs
without holding any intercourse with the great body of
the Church. They did not, however, make any alteration,
in the outward form of ecclesiastical government, which

294 BAPTISM BY MONTANISTS. [a. I). 235.
had hot been established for two centuries. They had
bishops and clergy of their own ; they held synods for dis
cussing their common affairs ; and the sacrament of bap.
tism was used by them upon the admission of members
into the Church. It was this latter circumstance which
led to the most decisive steps which had hitherto been
taken against them. The council of Iconium pronounced
their baptisms invalid ; and if a person who had been
bred up a Montanist went over to the true Church, it was
decided that he ought to be baptized. This was, in fact,
to declare that he had not been baptized before, though
the ceremony had been performed by the Montanists ;
from whence it followed that the clergy of this sect were
not acknowledged to be properly and regularly ordained ;
for there is no reason to think that the Montanists did not
administer baptism according to the form of words pre-
scribed by our Saviour ; and the objection was, there.
fore, confined to the persons who undertook to adminis
ter it.
It had always been held that the power of admitting
members into the Church by baptism was confined to
those persons who were ordained by the successors of the
apostles ; and the Montanists had interrupted this succes.
sion by electing bishops of their own, without the concur.
rence of those who could trace their commission through
the successors of the apostles. The Montanists were
therefore considered to have founded a new Church, and
not to be a part of the one Catholic Church which had
existed from the beginning. This was the cause of their
baptisms being disallowed : such at least was the cus
tom among the Asiatic churches where the opinions of
Montanus had made most progress ; and there is reason
to think that the Church of Carthage adopted the same
principle. But in places where the Montanists were not

A. D. 235.] GREGORY THAUMATURGUS. 295
sufficiently numerous to form a separate church, the ques
tion concerning their baptisms did not come under dis
cussion ; and this will perhaps account for the difference
of opinion which prevailed upon this subject a few years
later, and which caused so much disagreement between
the Church of Rome and the Asiatic and African churches.
Two other persons who visited Origen at Cassarea,
were Athenodorus and Theodorus, brothers, and natives of
Pontus. The latter became better known by the name of
Gregory ; and they continued five years with Origen, re
ceiving instruction from him, not only in the Gospel, but
in the whole range of philosophy and literature.
The name of Gregory became still more conspicuous in
later times, by its receiving the addition of Thaumaturgus,
or Wonder-worker : and a life of him, which was written
in , the fourth century, is filled with an account of the
most astonishing miracles which he is said to have
worked. Earlier writers mention nothing of his extra
ordinary powers in this way ; and it is scarcely possible
not to come to the conclusion, that the stories were
invented at some later period. It has already been
stated as the most probable conclusion, that the power of
working miracles died away gradually and imperceptibly ;
and instances of them may therefore have occurred in
the second, and even in the third centuries ; but the mira-
cles ascribed to Gregory of Pontus are more stupendous than
those of our Lord and his apostles : his whole life is repre-
sented as one continued exertion of miraculous power ; and
there seems no alternative between admitting the whole
of his miraculous history as true, or rejecting the whole
of it as false ; it is at least hopeless, at this distance of
time, and with so few materials for guiding us, to decide
whether there was any foundation of truth under the heap
of fictitious exaggerations. That- Gregory was a bishop

396 DEATH OF SEVERUS.  MAXIMINUS. [a. ii. 235.
of great celebrity cannot be doubted ; and we may also
conclude that the Gospel .made extraordinary progress
among the heathen in his day, and in his own province ;
but whether it pleased God to make him more than an
ordinary instrument of spreading the kingdom of Christ
upon earth, we have no means of ascertaining.
The longer residence of the two brothers with Origen,
at Caesarea, was prevented by the death of the emperor,
who was murdered, in 235, at Mentz, when on his way
to make war with the Germans. His death was brought
about by a Thracian, named Maximinus, who was popular
with the army on account of his gigantic strength, but
most unsuited in his mental qualities to succeed to the
empire. In every sense of the term he was a barbarian ;
and one of his first acts, upon coming to the throne, was
to kill all the persons who were attached to his predeces
sor. Four thousand lives were sacrificed in this way ;
and among the number were several Christians, who had
held places in the imperial household.
This is a convincing proof, if any were wanting, that
the Christians were tolerated, and even favoured by Alex-
ander. On the other hand, it has been asserted that his
reign had been marked by several martyrdoms in the cap.
ital. This may have been the case, particularly when
the emperor was absent in the East, but there is certainly
no evidence of any systematic persecution. The celebra
ted lawyer, Ulpian, who was one of the emperor's advisers,
is said to have been instrumental in putting many Chris
tians to death, and if we may judge from some fragments
of his writings, he was certainly inclined to be intolerant
of any strange religion.
These local and temporary attacks, upon the Christians
were of slight importance when compared with the atro
cities inflicted upon them by Maximinus. It is impossi-

*. T>. 235.] WORKS OF ORIGEN. 297
ble to suppose that such a savage cared about religion ;
but he, or the persons about him, may have seen that the
Christians were attached to the late emperor, and that
they were not unlikely to attempt to avenge his death.
A persecution of them was, therefore, immediately de
creed, which would be felt more severely after the long
interval of security and repose. The blow was specially
aimed at the heads of churches ; and where the magis
trates were inclined to second the cruelty of the emperor,
the work of slaughter was revived in all its former activ
ity. This is known to have been the case in Cappadocia,
where the people were still more excited against the
Christians, in consequence of some tremendous earth
quakes, which had swallowed up whole cities ; and the
calamity, as usual, was viewed as a visitation from heaven,
on account of the progress of Christianity.
Great as was the suffering in Cappadocia, Origen found
it more safe to take refuge in that country than to remain
at Caesarea. His two friends, Athenodorus and Gregory,
also fled, and went to Alexandria ; from whence we may
perhaps infer, that the Christians in Egypt were not much
molested. Origen took the opportunity of visiting Iris
friend, Firmilianus, whose city in Cappadocia was also
called Caesarea ; and finding shelter in the house of a lady,
named Juliana, where he stayed two years, he was able to
carry on the greatest literary work which he had ever
undertaken. This was a new and corrected edition of the Greek
translation of the Old Testament, known by the name of
the Septuagint, which had been made about two centuries
before the birth of Christ, and was now full of variations
and mistakes. Other Greek translations of the Scriptures
had also been made ; the most celebrated of which were,
that of Aquila, who lived in the reign of Hadrian ; that
25

298 WORKS OF ORIGEN. [\. D. 235.
of Theodotian, which was published in the reign of Com-
modus ; and that of Symmachus, the date of which is
fixed at the year 202. A copy of this latter translation,
or rather what was said to be the original itself, was given
to him by Juliana. Two other anonymous versions
were also in Origen's possession : and he published all of
them in six parallel columns, with the text of the origi-
nal Hebrew. It has been said that twenty-eight years
were employed upon this prodigious undertaking, which
may give us some notion of the indefatigable exertions of
this extraordinary man. He was at the same time car-
rying on his commentary upon the Scriptures, which
already amounted to several volumes ; and though he did
not permit his homilies to be taken down and published
till late in his life, they are said to have amounted to a
thousand. If his edition of the Greek translation had come down
to us, it might be of some use in assisting us to settle the
text of the original Hebrew. The variations in the pre-
sent copies of the Septuagint are extremely numerous ;
and Origen took great pains to ascertain the true read-
ings. If he succeeded in this point, and if we could have
the Greek text as it came from the pen of the original
translators, we should be better able to judge of the He
brew text in those places where the modern copies differ
from each other. These translators lived more than two
thousand years ago : since which time many mistakes and
alterations may have been introduced into copies of the
Hebrew Bible, from which the older copies used by the
Greek translators were free. The same remark will apply
to the other translations used by Origen, which were later
by three or four centuries than the Septuagint, but which
were made from much older copies of the Hebrew Bible
than any which we now possess. The great work of

A. D. 238.] GORDIAN.  COUNCILS. 299
Origen is unfortunately lost. The Septuagint is the only
one of the Greek versions which has come down to us
entire ; and the text of it, as has been stated above, is
rendered very uncertain by numerous variations. Of the
other Greek translations we have only a few fragments
remaining, which serve to show that the translators dif
fered exceedingly from each other in many of their inter
pretations. Origen himself did not learn the Hebrew
language till a late period of his life ; but his love of
knowledge urged him to undertake this study, when his
literary occupations already seemed too overwhelming
for the mind of one man.
The death of Maximinus, which took place in 238,
allowed Origen and the other fugitives to return to their
homes. The reign of Gordian was one of tranquillity
to the Christians : and we have proof of this in their
being able to meet together in large bodies to settle their
own affairs. In all these cases we cannot fail to be struck
with the unity which prevailed upon all essential points
between the members of different churches. A man
named Privatus was condemned by a council of ninety
bishops, which met at Carthage, while Donatus was
bishop of that see. The particular heresy of Privatus is
not recorded ; but Fabianus, who was at this time bishop
of Rome, addressed a letter to Carthage, expressing his
entire concurrence in the sentence which was passed.
There seems to have been a close connexion between the
two churches of Rome and Carthage. Their situation
made the communication between them easy ; and among
the Western, or Latin churches, there was none which
could claim precedence over them.
The number of African bishops which met at this coun
cil cannot fail to strike us with the great progress which
Christianity must have made in that country ; and must

300 ORIGEN IN ARABIA. [a. D. 240.
also convince us, that though TertuUian is the earliest
African writer whose works have come down to us, yet
the Gospel must have been planted in his country at a
much earlier period. It has already been stated that
Carthage probably received its instruction in Christianity
from Rome ; and we shall see many instances of the
bishops of the two cities being anxious to agree with each
other, when they had to consult their clergy or the neigh.
bouring bishops.
A question of still greater importance led to a meeting
of Arabian bishops, about the year 240. Beryllus, bishop
of Bostra in that country, maintained that our Saviour
had no distinct personal existence before bis appearance
upon earth ; and that he had only the divinity, or a por
tion of the divinity, of the Father residing in himself.
This, as will be seen, nearly resembled the opinion of
Praxeas, which had been condemned at the end ofthe last
century. It had re-appeared from time to time under
different forms ; and Noetus, who was a native of Asia
Minor, had been confuted in a special treatise written by
Hippolytus, which is still extant. This seems to show,
that the heresy had for some time been attracting notice
in Arabia ; but Bostra was the metropolis of the country,
and the bishop of such a see becoming heretical was a
sufficient cause for a general meeting being held. Many
bishops had engaged him in disputation, but apparently
without success : and there cannot be a greater proof of
Origen's celebrity, than that he was invited to take part
in this intricate discussion. It will be remembered, that
this was not the first time of his visiting Arabia ; and his
presence, as on the former occasion, produced the best
effect. Beryllus was convinced by his reasoning, and
abjured his errors. But it is plain that the Christians of
Arabia were too fond of abstruse speculations ; and a

A. D. 240.]; OPINIONS CONCERNING THE SOUL. 301
few years later, Origen was once more called into that
country to check some erroneous opinions concerning
the soul. It was contended by a party there, that the
soul perishes with the body, and that both will be re.
stored to life at the general resurrection ; and it is satis.
factory to find that Origen was again successful in ex-
posing the error of such a notion.
It has, however, been generally supposed, that Origen
himself entertained some erroneous notions concerning
the soul, and there are passages in his own writings
which seem to show that he was too fond of indulging
bis fancy upon subjects of this kind. The Scripture has
told us very little concerning the state of the soul after
its separation from the body by death ; and the Church had
not as yet been called upon to give any decision upon the
point. It is therefore probable, that many Christians
entertained different notions on this subject, which did
not lead to any inconvenience until persons began to pub-
lish their speculations to the world. We are, however,
able to collect, both from the transaction in which Origen
was engaged in Arabia, and from the writings of TertuI-
lian and others, that Christians were at this time gene
rally agreed in supposing that the soul in its separate or
disembodied state enjoyed a kind of consciousness, and
was not insensible or asleep. They seem also to have
considered that the souls of good and bad men were in a
different state, or rather in a different place ; for we have
little means of judging of the opinion ofthe early Chris.
tians as to the actual condition of the souls of bad men :
but with respect to the souls of the righteous, they con
ceived them to be in a place by themselves, where they
enjoyed a kind of foretaste of the happiness which
awaited them hereafter.
It was also believed by a large portion of Christians,
25*

302: PRAYERS FOR THE DEAD. [a. D. 240-
that the resurrection of the righteous would take place
before the final resurrection of all mankind at the day of
judgment. This was the doctrine of the millennium, which
has been already mentioned as entertained by several Chris
tian writers of the second century. When they spoke of
the first resurrection, they meant that the righteous would
rise and reign with Christ upon the earth for a thousand
years, at the end of which period the general resurrection
would take place. It was natural for them to add to this
belief, that the souls of the righteous, while they were in
their separate abode, were anxiously looking forward to
the time of the first resurrection-, when they weald be
released from their confinement ; and their surviving
friends did not think it improper to make it a subject of
their own prayers to God, that He would be pleased to
hasten the period when those who had departed in His
faith and fear might enter into their heavenly kingdom.
This was the only sense in which prayers were offered
for the dead by the early Christians. They did not think
that their prayers could affect the present or future con
dition of those who were departed. They believed them
to be in a state of happiness immediately after death, and
to be certain of enjoying still greater happiness hereafter.
It was only the period of their entering upon this final
state which was supposed to be affected by the prayers of
the living ; and it afforded a melancholy satisfaction to
the latter to meet at the graves of their friends, or on the
anniversary of their death, and to remember them in their
prayers to God.
The notion had not as yet been entertained, that their
prayers were heard by the departed, or that -these could
in turn address themselves to God, and benefit the living
by their prayers. The first person who seems to have
introduced any new speculation upon this subject was

A. D. 244.] REIGN OF PHILIP. 303
Origen ; and it is difficult to form any correct notion of
the opinions which he intended to support. Perhaps he
had not come to any definite conclusion ; and it is to be
regretted that he entered at all upon a question which the
Scriptures have left in obscurity- His mind, however,
was peculiarly inquisitive upon these matters. He seems
to have imagined that the soul of every person had con-
tracted a certain stain of guilt which was necessary to
be effaced before it eould be fit for the happiness of Hea-
ven. This cleansing was to be performed by fire : and
every soul, even of the best of men, was to pass through
this fiery purification-. This, however,, was not to take
place immediately after death, but at the time of the re-
surrection ; so that Origen's notion was totally different
from that which was introduced in later times concerning
a purgatorial fire, though it may in some measure have
led the way to it : but it is probable that the generality
of Christians, at the period which we are now consider
ing, had heard nothing of the soul having to pass through
fire after its separation from the body.
The reign of Philip, who succeeded to the throne by
contriving the death of Gordian, in 244, would be more
interesting than any which preceded it, if it could be
proved, as some persons have asserted-, that he was a
Christian : but it seems certain that he was not. It was
scarcely possible for any person of education at this pe
riod to have been ignorant of Christianity ; and there
may have been traditions that Philip, at some time of his
life, was inclined to adopt it ; but whatever may have
been his own opinions, his public conduct, after he
mounted the throne, can only be explained on the princi
ple of his being attached to heathenism. The fact of
Origen having addressed a letter to him, and another to
his wife or mother, Severa, can. hardly be taken as a proof

304 REIGN OF PHILIP. [a. D. 248.
that the writer had brought him over to his own faith,
nor do we even know the subject of these letters. That
Philip showed no inclination to persecute the Christians,
and that on the whole their condition was prosperous
during his reign, may be taken as an undoubted fact : but
this had been the case ever since the death of Maximi-
nus, and proves very little as to the personal conduct of
the emperor.
The only exception to this tranquillity during the pre
sent reign was at Alexandria, where Dionysius was now
bishop, having succeeded Heraclas in 246, or 247. He
was a man of profound learning, and in every way suited
to his station, as will be seen by the religious controver
sies in which he was engaged, and by his conduct during
times of severe trial to the Church. His flock was ex-
posed to some danger in 248, when the heathen inhabi-
tants, from some cause which is not explained, began to
break Out into violent attacks upon the Christians. This
appears to have been a mere ebullition of popular feeling,
without any order from the government ; and the formida
ble progress which Christianity was making may fully
account for the heathen having recourse to such mea
sures ; but the cruelties which they practised upon the
Christians were excessive. Fortunately they did not last
long : they continued till the Easter of 249, when the
heathen began to quarrel among themselves for some po
litical differences, and thus a short respite was given to-
the Christians.

A. D. 249.] TRANQUILLITY OF THE CHURCH. 305

CHAPTER XV.
Tranquillity of the Church, and Corruption of Morals. — Persecution
under Decius. — Origin of the Monastic System.— -Case of the
Lapsed. — Schisms at Carthage and Rome. — Unanimity of different
Churches. — Valerian favours the Christians. — Mutual Relation
and Intercourse of Churches. — Questions concerning the validity
of Heretical Baptisms.
It was stated at the end 'of the last chapter that the
Alexandrian Christians enjoyed but a short respite. A
season of suffering was now coming on; which had not
been experienced since the issuing of the edict by Septi
mius Severus, in 202. Nearly forty years had elapsed
since the death of that emperor ; and, with the exception
of the short reign of Maximinus, the whole of the period
had been one of comparative tranquillity to the Chris
tians. Heathenism appeared to be hastening rapidly to
decay. Philosophers and men of learning did not attempt
to defend its inconsistencies and absurdities ; and the only
method they could devise for checking the progress of the
Gospel* was to invent a resemblance between its doctrines
and those of Plato ; a resemblance which couhl only be
maintained by an entire alteration and perversion of
Plato's own writings. Christianity, on the other hand,
numbered among its defenders and teachers the profound-
est scholars of the day. It had long ceased to be pro
fessed by the lower or middling classes only ; and since
the middle of the second century, it had been finding its
way into the camp, the courts of justice, the senate, and
even the palace of the emperor. It might perhaps be
doubted whether seasons of persecution or of peace were

306 TRANQUILLITY OF THE CHURCH. [a. D. 249.
most instrumental in producing converts to the Gospel.
The constancy of the Christians under suffering had a
powerful effect in convincing the heathen that they were
neither enthusiasts nor impostors ; and some of the best
and sincerest converts were perhaps brought into the
Church in this way. But forty years of peace must also
have had their effect in allowing the Christians to spread
their doctrines openly and without fear. The erection of
churches, which seems to have begun during this period,
was a public refutation of the ancient prejudices, that the
Christians were atheists. Though we need not ascribe
anything miraculous to the preservation of a church at
Neocassarea, in Pontus, while all the neighbouring build
ings were destroyed by an earthquake, such an incident
was sure to be noticed at the time ; and it could hardly
be contended, as before, that earthquakes were visitations
from heaven, and a proof of the gods being angry with
the Christians. It may be added, that the charitable fund
which every church possessed for the support of its poorer
members, might incline the heathen to admire a system
of religion which produced such unequivocal fruits ; and
if some persons became proselytes in the hope of par-
taking of this fund, we must remember that those who
distributed it were fully able to detect hypocrisy ; and
even where the convert had little evangelical piety, he
had given up a religion which had cost him no effort to
abandon, because it had never established any real hold
upon his heart.
Such was the state of things when Philip was put to
death by the contrivance of Decius, in the July of 249.
But though Christianity had been gaining ground for so
long a period, it had not, in every respect, the same pure
and heavenly aspect as in its earlier days, when the be
lievers were of one heart and one soul. It now numbered

A. D. 249.] CORRUPTION OP MORALS.  DECIUS. 307
in its ranks many wavering and timid disciples, who were
little prepared to stand the fiery trial, and to come out
unhurt. Prosperity and security were beginning to show
their usual effects. The difference between heathens
and Christians, as to the performance of their moral and
social duties, was no longer so strongly marked. Reli
gious speculations had more than disturbed the unity of
faith ; and a contemporary writer, himself a bishop and
martyr in the cause, informs us that the manners of the
Christians, and even of the clergy, had been becoming
gradually corrupt. He speaks of a secular ostentatious
spirit being very apparent. Marriages were formed with
heathens ; and even bishops were seen to neglect their
flocks, and employ themselves in the most ordinary occu
pations, with a view to getting money.
This honest recorder of his brethren's shame looked
upon the conduct of the new emperor, Decius, as a chas.
tisement from heaven, intended mercifully to correct the
increasing corruptibn. The motives which urged the em
peror himself have not been clearly ascertained ; but at
the end of 249, or early in 250, he issued an edict, by
which the Christians were to be compelled to sacrifice to
the gods. As was the case in 202, there seemed to be
nothing wanting but this licence from the head of the
government, to let loose all the most cruel and malignant
passions of the heart against the Christians. Every
quarter of the empire presents us with its anecdotes of
suffering and slaughter. Alexander, the venerable bishop
of Jerusalem, who had held the bishopric nearly forty
years, was thrown into prison, where he soon after died.
Origen was also imprisoned, and continued in that state
till the death of Decius. The same indignity befell
Babylas, bishop of Antioch ; but, like his brother of Jeru-
salem, he died before he was released. Origen's friend,

308 PERSECUTION.  RELIGIOUS SOLITUDE. [a. D. 249.
Gregory, who was become bishop of Neocaesarea, in Pon
tus, was obliged to conceal himself; but many of his flock
were imprisoned and put to death. The storm raged se
verely in Asia Minor ; and one bishop is mentioned, Eu-
daemon of Smyrna, who was frightened into a denial of
his faith ; but several other persons had the courage to
receive their crown of martyrdom.
Alexandria, and the whole of Egypt, became once more
the scene of cruelty and outrage. Sabinus, the Roman
governor, contrived to get Dionysius into his power, and
sent him prisoner to a place called Taposiris ; but the
bishop effected his escape, and, by continuing some time
in retirement, preserved his life for future trials. Egypt,
and the country adjoining it, afforded great facility for
concealment. Large tracts of- mountain and desert fur
nished protection to the unhappy Christians ; and several
persons who fled from persecution, never returned again
to their former habits of life. Monks and hermits owed
their earliest origin to this cause. One of the fugitives,
named Paul, has acquired the celebrity of being the first
hermit. He had received a learned education, and was
left by his parents at an early age with a considerable for
tune ; but, having retired into the desert during the De-
cian persecution, when he was twenty. two years of age,
he concealed himself in a cave, and continued to inhabit
it till the following century.
Other causes, however, had been in operation for a
considerable time, which made persons not disinclined to
a life of monastic retirement. One division ofthe Gnos
tics, and after them the Montanists, had recommended and
practised many severe rules of mortification and abstemi
ousness. The human mind is always too much inclined
to make religion consist in a scrupulous observance of
outward ceremonies ; and many customs which had their

A. D. 249.] ASCETICS. 309
origin in real and. humble piety, would come to be adopt
ed from principles of ostentation, or at best from habit
and prescription. It was thus that many of the early
Christians, either from observing the Gnostics and Mon-
tanists, or from their own inclinations and views of reli.
gious duty, persuaded themselves that many of the usual
enjoyments and occupations of life were displeasing to
God. Tjje Church had never been required to give a
decision upon the subject ; and such matters were wisely
and charitably left to the religious feeling and the dis-
cretion of each individual. A time of persecution was
perhaps most suited to encourage principles of this kind ;
and if the former part of the third century was likely to
make the professors of Christianity too much attached to
the pleasures of this world, the Decian persecution was
calculated to bring them back to stricter ideas of religion,
and to revive the notion, which had lately been becoming
fainter, that it was the duty of a Christian to abstract
himself from the world.
There is also evidence that persons who were called
Ascetics, that is, who imposed upon themselves severe
rules of discipline and abstemiousness, had existed in
Egypt from very early times. There were certainly
large numbers of persons in the neighbourhood of Alexan
dria in the beginning of the first century, and for some
time after, whose habits were so peculiar, and who with
drew themselves so entirely from intercourse with the
world, that some writers have pronounced them to have
been converts to Christianity. It has been already stated,
that such a notion is undoubtedly incorrect ; but there is
nothing unreasonable in supposing that their mode, of life
produced an effect upon the Christians, and induced some
of them to follow the example. Personal safety supplied
a still stronger argument for retirement in the time of
26

310 THE «HURCH OF ROME. [a. D. 249.
persecution ; and this, as has been observed, was the case
in Egypt at the period which we are now considering.
Many countries which were thickly peopled with Chris.
tians, such as Italy and Western Asia, would furnish no
facilities for solitary concealment, but the deserts of Egypt
were very extensive; and here we may trace the origin
of that monastic system which spread gradually over
Christendom, and still exercises its influence over a large
portion of mankind.
It will have been observed, at the renewal of the perse.
cution, that the blow was generally aimed at the heads of
the Church ; and a Christian bishop was now a much
more conspicuous object for attack than in the earlier
persecutions. This was strikingly the case in the two
leading churches of Rome and Carthage. DeciuS had
been heard to say, that he would rather endure a com
petitor in the empire, than a bishop of Rome; which
shows his personal hatred to Christianity, and his deter
mination to destroy it. The cause of such vindictive
feelings might seem difficult to'ascertain, when we con-
sider the extreme disparity between a Christian bishop
of those days and the sovereign of the Roman empire. It
might be thought that the emperor could not possibly have
looked upon the bishop with any feelings of jealousy or
fear ; and if he treated him with contempt, it need not
have seemed surprising. We must, however, remember
that the Christians were at this period very numerous in
Rome. They have been estimated to have amounted to
fifty thousand ; all of whom were submissively obedient
to one head, with a regularly organised System of govern
ment, and a large pecuniary fund, collected among them
selves. Associations of this kind have always been ob.
jects of suspicion to kings and rulers; and the fact of all
these people being bound together by a religion which

A. D. 249.] THE CHURCH OF ROME. 311
had repeatedly been pronounced unlawful, was likely to
increase the feeling of hostility which had been raised
against them. If any member ofthe Roman church was
examined before a magistrate, he would be found to pro
fess himself subject to the bishop. The personal influ
ence of this one man was probably much greater than
that of the emperor ; and if the latter was aware that his
authority was maintained by fear, he might naturally be
jealous of a man who was beloved as well as obeyed.
These considerations may furnish some explanation of
the saying which is ascribed to Decius : and the history
of this persecution shows that his inveterate hatred was
not confined to words.
Fabianus, who had filled the see of Rome since 238,
was put to death ; several of the clergy were thrown into-
prison ; and the storm raged with such fury, that a sue
cessor to the bishopric was not appointed for more than
a year. This confirms what was said above of the emperor's
rage being specially directed against the spiritual heads
of the Christians. There would, however, have been a
difficulty in electing a bishop of Rome at this period,
because the neighbouring bishops could hardly have at.
tended ; and We have seen that their presence was neces
sary to make the election valid. We may also be sure,
that if a bishop had been appointed, he would not long
have survived. The fact of his heing appointed would
have increased the violence of the persecution ; and
though no case had as yet occurred of a church being
left without a head, the existing circumstances of the
Roman church justified the exception. The presbyters
appear to have taken upon themselves the management
of affairs ; and we know that at this time the number of
presbyters in Rome was forty-six : each of whom may

312 CHURCH OF CARTHAGE. [a. p. 249.
have found abundant employment in rendering assistance
to the members of his own congregation. But when any.
thing extraordinary occurred, or a communication was
received. from a foreign city, the whole body of presbyters
appear to have assembled in council. So admirably or-
ganised were the affairs of the Christians at this early
period, and so little did the heathen know of the real
strength of the party which they were seeking to destroy.
The see of Carthage was now filled by Cyprian, who
had succeeded Donatus in 248, or 249. His election had
been opposed by Novatus and four other presbyters, whose
factious conduct was productive of much evil, not only to
the bishop, but to the church at large. As soon as the
imperial edict arrived at Carthage, Cyprian was obliged
to fly for his life, and was separated from his flock for
about sixteen months ; but we may form some notion of
bis pastoral zeal, when we find him writing several let
ters during that period to his clergy, giving them direc
tions upon many important subjects.
He might have returned sooner to Carthage, if Novatus
and his followers had not continued to set themselves
against him. The persecution had caused several Chris
tians to pay an outward obedience to the edict of Decius,
by assisting at a sacrifice. Others, who had not actually
sacrificed, had allowed their names to be added to the list
of those who had done so, and received a certificate from
a magistrate, which saved them from further molestation.
The number of persons who had lapsed, as it was termed,
or who had received this certificate, was far greater than
on any former occasion ; and considerable difficulty was
felt as to re-admitting them into the church. It had
been the custom for such persons to go through a pre.
scribed form of penitence, after which the bishop and the
clergy laid their hands upon them, and they were re-

A. D. 249.] CASE OF THE LAPSED. 318
stored to communion. It was also the privilege of con
fessors, . that is, of persons who had suffered torture, or
received sentence of death, to give to any of the lapsed a
written paper, termed a letter of peace, and the bearer
was entitled to a remission of some part of the ecclesias
tical discipline.
The absence of the bishop caused a difficulty in the
admission of these penitents, and many of them were in
great distress, lest they should die under the sentence of
excommunication. Novatus and his party were for act
ing without the bishop. They admitted several of the
lapsed to communion ; and even some confessors so far
seconded them, as to make a very indiscriminate use of
their letters of peace. News of all this irregularity was
conveyed to Cyprian, which added much to his troubles
and anxiety ; but the letters which he wrote to his clergy
conveyed the charitable direction, that if any person had
received a paper from a confessor, and was in danger of
dying, he might be admitted to communion without delay.
Dionysius, whose personal circumstances were similar to
those of Cyprian, had given the same instructions, during
his absence, to the clergy of Alexandria.
These bishops did not mean to countenance or en
courage what has been called a death-bed repentance.
Whether the dying penitent would have his pardon sealed
in heaven or no, was not for man to decide; but it was
not for man to prohibit him from testifying his faith by
receiving the symbols of Christ's body and blood. It was
charitably supposed that if he confessed his Saviour with
his last and dying words, he could not be unfit at the
same moment to partake of the Eucharist. While there
was a prospect of his life being preserved, and while the
church had the means of putting his sincerity to the test,
she prudently decreed that his participation in the sacra.
26*

314 ACTS OF THE MARTYRS. [a. D. 251.
ment should be postponed. This solemn rite was consid
ered the privilege, as it was the blessing and comfort, of
sincere believers only. The lapsed had shown, in the
time of trial, that their belief was not sincere ; and though
the Church did not for ever shut the door against the re.
admission of such persons, she would not receive them
among the faithful soldiers of Christ till she had exacted
from them some effectual tokens of repentance.
The unanimity of different churches upon this point
was very remarkable, as well as the pains which they took
to communicate with each other at this trying time.
The Christians of Rome and Carthage kept up a frequent
intercourse, and acted in perfect concert. Though the
Romans were stiff without a bishop, the decision of Cy.
prian met with the approbation of the Roman clergy,
who held a meeting among themselves, and agreed to
admit the lapsed to communion, if they were on the point
of death. The majority of Cyprian's clergy acted accord.
ing to his instructions ; and it is observable, that among
other directions he told them to note the days on which
any confessors had died in prison, that they might be kept
as festivals, when the persecution was over.
We have already seen instances of this custom being
observed. The Acts of the Martyr, that is, the circum.
stances preceding and attending his death, were gene
rally committed to writing, and it was usual to read them
on the anniversary of his martyrdom, either at the spot
where his remains were deposited, or at some other reli
gious meeting. Many of these Acts of the Martyrs have
come down to us, and some of them are undoubtedly as
old as the second century ; but it is to be regretted that,
as the number increased, so many marvellous circum.
stances have been introduced into these accounts, that it
is often difficult to separate truth from fiction. Volumes

A. B. 251.] SCHISM AT CARTHAGE. 315
of legends have been written, which are manifestly filled
with fables ; but this ought not to make us reject the
whole collection, any more than the superstitions of later
times should lead us to condemn the affectionate piety
which dictated the directions given by Cyprian to his
clergy. There can bo no doubt that, in those times of
trial, the zeal ofthe Christians was animated by a recol
lection of those who had continued faithful unto death ;
and when personal danger had subsided, it might still be
found useful to hold up the example of suffering to those
who were exposed to the still more fatal temptations of
security and ease.
In the beginning of 251, Cyprian might have returned
to Carthage, the violence ofthe heathen having somewhat
abated. But Novatus still continued his irregular pro
ceedings with the lapsed ; and a little before Easter, an
open schism was formed against the bishop's authority.
It was impossible to prevent such schisms, so long as the
government was in the hands of the heathen. Cyprian
and a whole council of bishops might have decided that
certain persons were not to be admitted to communion ;
but if any body of persons, however small, thought proper
to act in opposition to this decision, the majority had no
means of. punishing them. The only expedient was to
include these refractory members in the same sentence of
excommunication ; but nothing could hinder them from
communicating among themselves, and admitting other
persons, who were so disposed, to join them. Thus the
very attempt to preserve uniformity,, led the way to
schism; and Novatus took the most effectual means to
secure popularity for himself and his party, when he re
commended and practised greater indulgence to the
lapsed than what they were likely to obtain from the
bishop.

316 SCHISM AT ROME. [a. D. 251.
As soon as Easter was passed, Cyprian was able to re
turn ; and his first act was to publish a treatise concern
ing the case of the lapsed, and then to convene a council
of several bishops and clergy. They decided that those
who had actually sacrificed should submit for a time to a
prescribed course of discipline ; but that those who had
only accepted the certificate, if they were truly penitent,
should at once be restored to communion. The authors
ofthe late schism were excommunicated.
While this council was sitting at Carthage, news was
brought of Cornelius being elected to the bishopric of
Rome. The absence of Decius, who had marched to
check an invasion of the Goths, enabled the clergy to take
this step ; but the spirit of insubordination unfortunately
spread from Carthage to Rome. Novatus had gone to
the latter city, and found there a man who was in every
way ready to copy his schismatical proceedings. This
was a presbyter, named Novatian, who was charged with
having denied his faith, and had been put out of commu
nion by the clergy while the see was vacant.
The similarity of name in the two leaders of schisms
at Rome and Carthage, has been the cause of some confu
sion ; and it has been asserted that there was only one
individual, who was called indifferently Novatus, or
Novatian, and who opposed himself to the constituted
authorities ofthe Church in both cities. This, however,
seems undoubtedly a mistake ; and it is demonstrable from
the letters of Cyprian, which are still extant, that there
was a presbyter of Rome named Novatian, who was
equally factious with Novatus, and who acquired still
greater celebrity. He began by opposing the election of
Cornelius, and setting himself up as a rival bishop, hav.
ing persuaded three other bishops, who were simple, uned.
ucated men, to come from a remote part of Italy, and

A. D. 251.] CORNELIUS, BISHOP OF ROME. 317
assist in his consecration. That there should at one
time be two bishops of the same see, was a thing per.
fectly unprecedented ; the only exception having occurred
at the beginning of the century, when Alexander was
appointed as a coadjutor. to Narcissus in the bishopric of
Jerusalem. In this case, however, the great age of Nar
cissus made him incapable of discharging his duties ; and
there is every reason to suppose that he perfectly agreed
with the other members of his church, in wishing to have
an assistant appointed. The decision was novel, but it
was made unanimously, and to the great benefit of the
Church ; whereas, in the case of Cornelius and Novatian,
there was no doubt whatever that the former was pro-
perly elected,; and that the latter set himself up as a
rival, with the support of a small minority. It was, how
ever, very desirable that the schism should not spread ;
and Cornelius, as well as his clergy, were anxious that
his election should be made known at Carthage. Cyprian
also took pains to inquire into the case, and soon con.
vinced himself that Cornelius was the lawful bishop. The
next step of the bishop of Rome was to assemble a coun-
cil, which was attended by sixty bishops and a great num.
ber of presbyters. The proceedings of Novatian were
condemned, and the decision of the council of Carthage
concerning the lapsed was adopted, with the additional
provision, that bishops or clergymen, if they had lapsed,
should only ba re-admitted to communion as laymen, and
should no longer exercise their spiritual functions. Copies
of this decision were sent to distant churches ; and Cy
prian showed the same wish to produce uniformity by an-
nouncing the election of Cornelius to all the African
churches, and by publishing a treatise on the unity of the
Church. It was necessary that the heads of the Church should

318 NOVATIANISM. [a. d. 251.
act in concert with respect to the lapsed, since a spirit
was displaying itself in several places of treating these
unfortunate persons with the utmost severity. The Mon
tanists, it will be remembered, had held the most unfor
giving doctrines with respect to the heavier offences ; and
there were many who maintained that the Church had no
power to forgive its members who had lapsed. Novatian
embraced this principle in all its rigour ; in which he
seems to have been actuated merely by the love of oppos
ing Cornelius : for Novatus, whose example he had fol
lowed in beginning his schism, went into the opposite
extreme of over-indulgence, merely because Cyprian re
commended caution in re-admitting the lapsed. From
this time, Novatianism became the name of a distinct and
numerous party in the Church. All the more flagrant
sins, as well as that of lapsing in the time of persecution,
were held by this party to admit of no forgiveness : no
repentance on the part of the offender, nor any course of
discipline imposed by the Church, could entitle him to be
re-admitted to communion. The Novatians, however,
though at variance with the great majority of the Church
upon this point, and often spoken of as heretics, were not
heretical in any leading article of faith. Novatian him
self, who was a man of learning, published a treatise upon
the Trinity, which is still extant, and refutes the several
errors which had then been entertained upon that myste
rious subject. His followers also adopted the same form
of church government which they found already estab
lished. The members of their communion were schis-
matical, and the unanimity which had hitherto prevailed
was broken ; but they made no innovation in the outward
form of their establishment ; and we meet with Novatian
bishops at several later periods of history, who were oc.
casionally summoned to councils with the other heads of

A. D. 252.] UNANIMITY OF THE CHURCHES. 319
the Church, when measures of particular importance
were to be discussed.
Cornelius and Cyprian were not the only bishops who
took an active part in the question of the lapsed. Diony
sius, bishop of Alexandria, entirely concurred with them,
and wrote letters, not only to the churches nearer home,
but to Laodicea, and even to Armenia. The only bishop
of any note who is mentioned as being inclined to agree
with Novatian, was Fabius, bishop of Antiooh. Cornelius
had written to him soon after his own election, and Dio
nysius had done the same ; and early in 252 a council
was held at Vntioch to consider the question. Fabius
did not live to take part in it ; but the decision was pro
bably unfavourable to Novatian, since Demetrianus, who
succeeded to the see, is known to have agreed in senti-
ment with Dionysius. The unanimity of all the princi
pal churches was extraordinary. The names of Firmili-
anus, bishop of Cassarea, in Cappadocia, and of Theoctis
tus of Caesarea, in Palestine, are already familiar to us.
Mazabanes of Jerusalem, Marinus of Tyre, Heliodorus of
Laodicea, and Helenus of Tarsus, were also bishops of
great note : and we are told generally, that all the
churches in Syria, Arabia, Mesopotamia, Pontus, and
Bithynia, adopted the same course.
This frequent intercourse between such distant churches
took place in 251, when the persecution had considerably
abated. In the December of that year Decius was killed,
and the imperial title was given to Gallus and Hostilia-
nus. The latter soon fell a victim to a dreadful pestilence,
which continued for fifteen years, and was perhaps a great
cause of the Christians once more becoming the objects
of popular fury. Cyprian had called a council in the
May of 252, which prescribed the course of discipline
necessary for the lapsed : but when the penitents were

320 REVIVAL OF PERSECUTION.  VALERIAN. [a. D. 235.
again exposed to trial by a revival of the persecution, it
was agreed, at a second council in the same year, that
those who had shown from the first a sincere contrition
should immediately be admitted to communion. Gallus
renewed the edict of Decius, which had ordered the
Christians to sacrifice, and Cornelius was put to death in
September. Lucius, who succeeded him, was obliged to
leave Rome ; and though he returned at the end of the
year, it was only to encounter fresh sufferings; and in
the March of the following year, he was also added to the
list of martyrs.
Cyprian in the mean time had the affliction of seeing
many of his clergy dragged to. prison or to death, but
contrived to preserve his own lite without leaving the
city. The charity of the Christians at this season of
trial was very remarkable. An incursion of barbarians
had carried off a great number of prisoners from some
part of Numidia, and Cyprian immediately raised a sub-
scription for their ransom, which amounted to about
£3000. Fortunately for the bishop and his flock, this
second attack upon them was not of long duration. Gal
lus, after a short reign of seventeen months, was put to
death ; and Valerian was successful in defeating another
rival, and securing the empire for himself. He was now
seventy years of age, and had always shown himself favour
able to the Christians ; so that his accession was a signal
for their being once more freed from molestation. Their
only suffering was what they shared in common with the
heathen, from the continuance of the pestilence. Cy.
prian published a work upon the subject ; and the kind
ness of the Christians to each other under this heavy
visitation, could not fail to be contrasted with the reck-
less indifference or unnatural cruelty of the heathen.
There is reason to think that Origen's eventful life was

A. D. 253.] WORKS OF ORIGEN. 321
brought to a close at this period. He had continued in
prison till the death of Decius, after which he appears to
have resided at Tyre ; and since he died in his seventieth
year, the event must have happened about 253.
We have already seen symptoms of his opinions being
called in question, and of his meeting with some incon.
venience in consequence of these suspicions ; but it does
not appear that the prejudice against him existed to much
extent in his lifetime, nor for several years after his
death. He was looked upon as a man of profound learn.
ing, and held the foremost rank among the champions of
Christianity. This caused his name to be long held in
great respect ; and persons were not satisfied with study
ing and transcribing his works, but he was placed at the
head of a school which honoured him with almost a reli.
gious veneration. Towards the end ofthe present century
we read of an attack being made upon him by Methodius,
bishop of Tyre. He was afterwards considered decidedly
heretical upon several points, and his works have been
condemned by bishops and councils : but persons who
were able to read many more of his works than what
have come down to our own day, have taken a more
favourable view of his opinions ; and, like other questions
which have been treated with a spirit of party, it seems
most probable that this has given rise to much misrepre.
sentation on both sides ; and that, without attempting to
justify Origen for his bold and fanciful speculations, we
may still stop short of condemning him as heretical on
fundamental articles of faith.
The churches in the west of Europe were now suffi-
ciently numerous to take an interest in the questions
which were agitated, and to communicate with those of
other countries. There is reason to think that several
foreign missionaries from Rome, or elsewhere, visited
27

322 CHRISTIANITY IN GAUL. [a. D. 253.
Gaul about the reign of Decius, some of whom travelled
as far northward as Paris ; and thus Christianity received
a new impulse in that country.
The names of these missionaries have been preserved,
and some of them being the same which were borne by
companions of the apostles, or by persons mentioned in
the New Testament, great confusion has arisen in the
early accounts of the plantation of Christianity in Gaul.
Some churches in that country have claimed to have been
founded in the first century ; but it seems most probable
that they received the Gospel at the time, and in the man
ner, above-mentioned ; though it may also be true, as was
stated in a former part of this history, that the south of
Gaul was visited by some of the apostles, or their imme
diate followers.
We have seen that Christianity had been established
in that part of the country before the middle of the second
century ; and the Decian persecution had given rise to
the same questions about the lapsed which had been settled
so amicably at Rome and Carthage. Marcianus, bishop
of Aries, was rather inclined to adopt the severity of the
Novatians, which caused Faustinus, bishop of Lyons,
and other neighbouring prelates, to write to Stephen, who
now filled the see of Rome, and to Cyprian. It was natu
ral for them to consult the two principal Western
churches ; and Cyprian strongly urged Stephen to join
the Gallic bishops in excluding Marcianus from commu
nion, and to recognise the new bishop who should be ap
pointed in his room.
The churches of Rome and Carthage could have no.
thing to do with appointing a bishop in Gaul ; but it was
optional with them to recognise his appointment, or no :
and if they did not recognise it, any member of his flock
would be excluded from communion, if he visited Rome

A. D. 253.] MUTUAL RELATION OF CHURCHES. 323
or Carthage. This made it important that the Gallic
bishops should know whether they were likely to be sup.
ported in taking so strong a step as the deposition of one
of their colleagues. If the churches of Rome and Car
thage had continued to recognise the deposed bishop, a
schism must Unavoidably have ensued ; but if the two
most important cities in the west of Europe agreed to
hold no intercourse with Marcianus, there was little
chance of his being able to establish a party. We do not
know what was the opinion or conduct of Stephen upon
this occasion ; but it is most probable that he followed
the advice given him by Cyprian, and that their re-
spective churches complied with the request of the Gallic
bishops. An application of rather a different kind was made
about the same period to Cyprian, from Spain. Two
bishops of that country, Basilides and Martialis, had been
deposed for lapsing, and for other offences ; but though they
had confessed themselves guilty, they went afterwards to
Rome, and by making out a false statement to Stephen,
they persuaded him to give them a favourable reception ;
upon which the two bishops who had been elected in their
room, went in person to Carthage, and laid their case be
fore Cyprian. He immediately summoned a council of
thirty-seven bishops, and the case appeared so plain, that
a letter was written to the Spanish bishops in the name
of the African council, advising them to adhere to what
they had done. Cyprian apologized for the imprudence
of the-bishop of Rome, by observing that he was a long
way off, and had been deceived by a false account ; but
he added very plainly, that if any person held communion
with the lapsed and degraded bishops, he became a part
ner in their guilt.
These two cases serve to show in what sense the bishop

324 BAPTISM OF HERETICS. [a. d. 253.
of one church could excommunicate the members of
another. Such a power was exercised by every church,
not in virtue of any authority which it had over other
churches, but as a measure of safety and protection
to its own members. The power appears to have been
lodged with the bishop ; but he generally acted with the
advice of his clergy ; and, where there was an opportu
nity of consulting other bishops^ the matter was frequently
discussed in a council, as was the case at Carthage on the
present occasion.
Stephen appears to have been of a hasty disposition,
and to have entertained high notions of the dignity of his
see. Cyprian, though equally firm, and conscious of the
independence of his own church, was more conciliating,
and did not dispute precedence in point of rank with the
bishop of Rome. If both had been equally warm, their
churches would have come to an open rupture upon
another question which was now rising into importance.
It had been the custom in the Eastern and African
churches to baptize those persons who came over to the
orthodox faith from heresy, although they had already
gone through some form of baptism. It has been men
tioned, that a council held at Iconium, in 231, had decided
against the validity of baptisms administered by heretics.
But there were older decisions on the same side, and one
of a council which had been held at Carthage in 215
while Agrippinus was bishop. If a person had been bap.
tized in the Catholic Church, and afterwards fell into
heresy, he might be re-admitted into the Church by the
simple imposition of hands from the bishop ; but in the
other case he was not considered to be re-baptized, his
former baptism being looked upon as null and void. The
practice in the Church of Rome had been different ; and

A. D. 253.] BAPTISM OF HERETICS. 325
if any person came over to it from heresy, he was admitted
to communion without being baptized.
The reason of this difference between Rome and the
other churches is perhaps to be traced to the fact which
has been already noticed, that the Roman church (and the
remark may be extended to all the Italian churches,) had
been less infected by heresies than any other. The
Gnostics and Montanists had spread their opinions in
Rome, but not till after they had taken deep root in the
East ; and the reception which they met with in Europe
had never been so favourable as that which had attended
them from the first in Asia. Every heresy had as yet
taken its origin in the East ; and the Roman church
would comparatively have seen much fewer cases of per.
sons coming over to the true faith after having been bap.
tized by heretics. It had not, therefore, been necessary
at Rome to make any regulation upon the subject. Al
most every religious party administered baptism with the
same form of words which had been prescribed by our
Saviour, and which was used in the Catholic Church.
The bishop and clergy of Rome had been satisfied with
this ; but Montanism had made such successful progress
in Asia and Africa, that the bishops found it necessary to
check the evil by pronouncing all baptisms to be invalid,
except when administered within the Catholic Church.
This decision could not fail to have the effect of throwing
a discredit upon Montanism and the other sects ; and we
are, perhaps, doing injustice to the Asiatic and African
churches, if we suppose them to have felt so warmly upon
the mere question of baptism ; whereas their real object
was to preserve the unity of faith, and to guard their flocks
from the eontagion of heresy.
From some cause which has not been explained, the
bishop of Rome, about the year 254, had a controversy
27*

326 CLAIMS OF BISHOP OF ROME. [a. D.256.
with some Asiatic bishops upon this point. It is not im
probable that some member of the Roman church, who had
been originally baptized in an heretical communion, had
happened to travel into Asia, and been refused admission
into the church on the ground of the invalidity of his bap
tism. When he returned to Rome, he would mention the
transaction to his bishop ; and Stephen was not unlikely
to remonstrate strongly with the parties who had offered
what appeared such an insult to a member of his own
church. Firmilianus of Caesarea, and Helenus of Tarsus, were
two of the parties engaged in this dispute. Some others,
from the same part of the world, went in person to Rome;
but Stephen would not even give them an audience, and
threatened to hold no communion with the churches of
Asia Minor. Matters had gone thus far, when the same
question was referred to Cyprian by eighteen African
bishops. Cyprian never acted without consulting some
members of his church ; and a council of thirty-one
bishops happened at this time to be assembled at Carthage.
Early in the following year (256) another council of
seventy bishops was held in the same city ; and the deci.
sion of both councils was against the validity of heretical
baptisms. Cyprian communicated these decisions to
Stephen, in a letter which was mild and conciliatory,
though he asserted strongly the right of every church to
make rules for itself. Stephen replied in a very different
tone. His opponents were termed pervertersof the truth,
and traitors to ecclesiastical unity ; and the threat was
renewed of excluding them from communion with the
Church of Rome. This intemperate conduct did not deter
Cyprian from adhering to his own opinion, though he
made no direct reply to the letter of Stephen. Writing
upon the subject shortly after, he said of his threat of ex-

A. D. 256.] THESE CLAIMS DISALLOWED. 327
communication, that the person who uttered it was a
friend of heretics, and an enemy to Christians. He also
sent copies of his letters to Firmilianus ; and so anxious
was he for the preservation of unity, that he convened
another council in the autumn, of eighty-seven bishops,
and a large number of clergy and. laity. The decision
was again the same as before ; and the bishop had the
satisfaction, shortly after, of receiving a reply from Fir.
milianus, fully approving of the conduct of the African
churches. The Cappadocian bishop had much less re
spect for the dignity of the Roman see than Cyprian was
willing to pay to it ; and it is to be regretted, that while
he differed so totally from Stephen in his view of the
question, he copied him so closely in the intemperance of
his language. He spoke of him as a schismatic, and
worse than all heretics. He even went so far as to say
that hjs just indignation was excited by the plain and
palpable folly of Stephen, who boasted of his episcopal
rank, and of his being the successor of Peter ; and as to
the latter pretension, there were many things done at
Rome which were contrary to apostolical authority !
Circumstances soon occurred, which hindered one of these
parties from continuing this unhappy controversy,

328 PERSECUTION UNDER VALERIAN. [a« d. 257.

CHAPTER XVI.
Persecution under Valerian. — Sabellius. — Gallienus restores Tran
quillity to the Church. — Dionysius of Alexandria. — Controversy
concerning tho Millennium. — Affairs in the East. — Paul of Sa-
mosata ; his Depositions. — Reign of Aurelian. — Progress of Chris
tianity. — Manicheism. — Probus, and his immediate successors.
If the conduct of Stephen has hitherto caused us to
view him in no amiable light, his violence may be forgot
ten in the firmness and intrepidity of his faith. Though
the emperor Valerian had shown more indulgence to the
Christians than any of his predecessors, and his own
household had been filled with them, he was persuaded,
in 257, to adopt a very different conduct. The author of
the advice was Macrianus, who paid great attention to
magicians and astrologers ; and these men, who had prom.
ised him the empire, were particularly indignant against
the Christians for exposing their magical delusions. The
result was, tha.t the aged emperor allowed an edict to be
issued, that all persons should adopt the religious cere-
monies of Rome. Bishops and presbyters were specially
mentioned in this edict ; and the punishment of exile was
appointed for those who disobeyed. It was also added,
that private meetings should not be held, and that no per
son should enter the cemeteries; these being the excava.
tions already alluded to, which were used by the Chris.
tians for their religious meetings, and as hiding-places.
The punishment of death was not expressly contained in
this decree ; but while Macrianus was at Rome, there
would be no difficulty in giving that interpretation to it,
and one of the first victims was Stephen, who suffered

A. D. 257.] SABELLIUS. 329
martyrdom in August. His successor in the bishopric
was Xystus.
By the end ofthe same month, a copy of this edict was
delivered to Paternus, proconsul of Africa, who imme-
diately prepared to execute it. Not only bishops and
presbyters, but multitudes of the common people, even
women and children, were brought to trial for their reli-
gion. Some of them were beaten, others were imprisoned,
or sent to the mines in distant parts of Africa, this being
now a common punishment to which the Christians were
condemned. Cyprian himself was brought before the
proconsul, and banished to Cumbis, about fifty miles from
Carthage ; but his confinement was not severe, and he
was not only allowed to send letters and money to the
Christians who were working in the mines, but even to
address large congregations of persons who flocked to
hear him.
The persecution does not appear to have begun so early
in the diocese of Alexandria. Dionysius had time to write
letters to Xystus, and others of the Roman clergy, upon
the question of heretical baptisms, his own opinion having
been already expressed in agreement with the African
councils ; and there is reason to think that Xystus was
much more disposed than his predecessor to let the con.
troversy drop. Dionysius also mentioned to the bishop
of Rome that he had been lately called upon to suppress
a new heresy, which had been propagated in his diocese
by Sabellius.
The opinions of this heretic resembled those already
described as being held by Praxeas and Beryllus ; or if
there was any difference, it consisted in this, that the
former heretics supposed the whole divinity of the Father
to dwell in Jesus Christ; whereas Sabellius supposed it
to be only a part which was put forth for a time, like an

330 SANGUINARY EDICT,. [a. D. 258.
emanation, and was again absorbed in the Deity. All of
them, however, agreed in denying the Son and the Holy
Ghost to be distinct persons; and Dionysius, after writing
some letters upon the subject, and having it discussed in
his presence, delivered his own opinion more fully in
writing. So anxious was he for unity upon a point of
such vital importance, that in his letter to the bishop of
Rome he mentioned what he had done, and subjoined
copies of his own letters.
This probably took place at the end of 257, or early in
258 ; for in the course of the latter year, Dionysius was
himself brought before ^Emilianus, the prefect of Egypt,
and banished to Cephron, on the edge ofthe desert. The
form of proceeding against him was exactly the same as
in the case of Cyprian ; and, like that bishop, Dionysius
was able to make many converts in the place of his exile.
He was then removed to Colluthion, nearer to Alexandria,
where he appears to have stayed a considerable time.
Valerian had left Rome early in 258, to make war with
Persia. He had previously given the title of Augustus
to his son, Gallienus, and the names of both of them ap.
peared at the head of public edicts ; but Macrianus, who
attended the emperor to the East, had the real manage
ment of all public affairs, and the persecution of the
Christians may be ascribed entirely to himself. In the
course of the present year, he persuaded the emperor to
send to the senate a much more sanguinary order than
had yet been issued. It enacted that bishops, presbyters,
and deacons, should be punished immediately with death;
but that senators, and men of rank, and knights, who
were Christians, should be degraded and lose their pro-
perty, and if they still persisted in their religion, they were
to suffer capitally ; women were to lose their property,
and be sent into banishment. If any perso s connected

A. B. 258.] DEATH OF CYPRIAN, AND OF VALERIAN. 331
with the imperial household had confessed before, or
should confess now, that they were Christians, they were
to have their property confiscated, and to be sent abroad
as prisoners. This iniquitous edict (copies of which were
sent to all the governors of provinces,) arrived at Rome
about the middle of summer; and on the 6th of August,
Xystus, the bishop, was put to death in one of the ceme
teries, thus making the fifth bishop of Rome, in succes
sion, who had suffered martyrdom in the space of eight
years. The venerable Cyprian was soon called to follow him.
He had continued in confinement at Cumbis since the
August of the preceding year, and soon after he had re
ceived the account of the death of Xystus, he was taken
before Galerius, the proconsul, who ordered him to be be
headed, and the sentence was executed on the 14th of
September. His works, which have come down to us,
are perhaps the most interesting of any which had been
written up to that period. His letters, which are nume
rous, throw great light, not only on his personal history,
but on that of the times in which he lived, particularly
on the controversies in which he was' engaged ; and the
system of church-government, as pursued at that period,
as well as the habits of intercourse between different
churches, are all remarkably illustrated by the writings
of Cyprian.
Dionysius still continued separated from his flock, many
of whom suffered death in various ways. The same cru
elties were also practised in other countries ; hut they
were suddenly checked, in 259, by the emperor Valerian
bein<T taken prisoner by the Persians, in which state he
continued for ten years, — till his death. His son, Gallie.
nus, who succeeded to the empire, immediately issued an
edict for releasing the Christians from persecution ; the

332 TRANQUILLITY UNDER GALLIENUS. [a. d. 259.
first effect of which was, that the see of Rome, which had
continued vacant for nearly a year, was filled up by the
election of Dionysius, who, like his namesake of Alexan-
dria, was a man of considerable learning. Gallienus,
however, was not recognised through the whole of the
empire. The army in the East gave the imperial title to
Macrianus, whose authority was likewise acknowledged
in Egypt : the consequence of which was, that in that
country, and in Africa, the Christians were still exposed
to severe trials. Fortunately, however, Macrianus and
his two sons were put to death in 261, and Gallienus
wrote himself to the Alexandrian Dionysius, giving him
full permission to return to his diocese, and restoring any
places which had been used for religious worship.
From the accession of Gallienus we may date the com.
mencement of another period of peace to the Church ; but
, it was marked, as before, by the growth of religious dis-
sensions among the Christians themselves. The late per
secution had by no means had the effect of checking the
opinions of Sabellius; and the bishop of Alexandria, even
during his banishment, had employed himself in repress
ing them. Soon after his return, a charge was brought
against him, that, in some of the letters which he had
published against Sabellius, he had spoken of the Son of
God as a created being, and had not considered him to be
of one substance with the Father. The expressions which
he had used soon reached the ears of the bishop of Rome,
who felt so keenly upon the subject, that without waiting
to see an exculpatory letter of the bishop of Alexandria,
he convened a synod of his own clergy, and wrote in their
name to Dionysius.
Alexandria, in the mean time, had again become the
theatre of tumult and bloodshed ; but it was no longer a
quarrel between the Christians and the heathen. ^Emilia-

A. D. 262.] DIONYSIUS OF ALEXANDRIA. 333
nus, the governor of Egypt, finding the whole of the
country inclined to support him, assumed the imperial
title, towards the end of 261. Alexandria alone was di-
vided ; and the two parties of Gallienus and jEmilianus
filled the city with slaughter, and reduced great part of it
to a desert. Dionysius was in the habit of delivering a
charge to his clergy at Easter; but at that season in
262, he could only address them by letter. He also wrote
an answer to his namesake of Rome, and asked to be fur-
nished with a copy of the charges brought against him
self; but before the end of the year jEmilianus was taken
prisoner ; and peace being now restored at Alexandria,
the bishop was able to enter more fully into the question,
and published a work in four books, entitled Refutation
and Defence. Though the work itself has not come down
to us, we learn from a few fragments of it that the writer
had been entirely misrepresented as to his opinions about
the Son of God. In his zeal to refute Sabellius, he had,
perhaps, used some incautious expressions as to the human
nature of Christ, and had appeared to speak of him as a
creature: but nothing can be more explicit than his de
nial of holding such a notion ; and the fact of his being
charged with it is so far satisfactory, that it shows the
opinion of the Catholic Church in the middle of the third
century to be equally opposed to Sabellianism, and to the
notion of the Son being a creature. Dionysius of Rome
also wrote against Sabellius, but the work has shared the
fate of that of his namesake.
The controversy which employed the pen of these two
bishops is of great importance in enabling us to under-
stand the sentiments of the Church at large upon the doc-
trine of the Trinity. It has been the fashion, in ancient
and modern times, to put forward the name of the Alex.
andrian Dionysius as a man who held a low opinion con-
28

334 THE TRINITY.  THE MILLENNIUM. [a. D. 262.
cerning the divinity of Christ. We have seen that the
truth of this statement was expressly denied by Dionysius
himself: but even if it had been proved, it would only
Show more strongly that the sentiments which are as-
cribed to Dionysius were not entertained at that time by
the Church at large. If Dionysius lowered the doctrine
of Christ's divinity, and was called to account by the
Church for so doing, it follows necessarily that the Church
did not itself maintain the belief which it censured in
Dionysius : so that if the opposers of Christ's divinity
imagine that they gain an advantage by claiming this
distinguished bishop on their side, they must at the same
time admit that they would have been considered hereti-
cal by the great body of Christians. If Dionysius be
lieved the Son to be of one substance with the Father, he
agreed with the Catholic Church upon that point ; but if
he did not hold this doctrine, he differed from the Church.
The bishop of Alexandria had no sooner contended
against one error, than he had to encounter another. The
belief in a millennium, which had been held by several
writers of distinction in the second century, had been
rather on the decline since the beginning of the third.
This was perhaps owing in some measure to its having
been embraced by the Montanists, whose tenets had al
ways been opposed by the heads of the Church ; and the
allegorical interpretation of Scripture, which had been
carried so far by Origen and his school, may also have
contributed to remove the notion of a millennium. After
wards, an Egyptian bishop, named Nepos, published a
work entitled A Confutation of Hie Allegorists, in which
he defended the literal interpretation of Scripture, and
deduced from it the doctrine of a millennium. Nepos
was himself dead, but his work produced a great sensa
tion, and gained him so many followers in Egypt, that

A. D. 262.] AFFAIRS IN THE EAST. 335
Dionysius called together several of the clergy who took
an interest in the question, and the discussion lasted
three days. At length Coracion, who was leader of
the millenarians, acknowledged himself convinced, and
pledged himself never to preach such doctrines again.
Dionysius delivered his opinion more publicly in a work
in two books upon the Promises ; and from this time for-
ward we find few writers of any note who defended the
doctrine. While the Alexandrian diocese was thus giving birth
to religious speculations, the eastern part of the empire
was suffering from an evil of a different kind. The
Goths and other barbarous tribes overran a large part of
Asia Minor, and not only destroyed many of the inhabi
tants, but carried off great numbers as prisoners. Chris.
tians and heathens suffered alike from these savage in-
vaders ; but wherever they settled in the country, it was
observed that a bad effect was produced upon the Chris
tian part of the population. Conversion had been going
on so rapidly in Asia, that there would necessarily be
many imperfect and insincere believers in the Gospel :
apd some of these persons rather copied the licentious
manners of their invaders, than endeavoured to bring
them over to a purer ereed. The evil was in some
measure compensated by the prisoners who were carried
away. Several of the clergy had been thus forced from
their homes, and found themselves strangers in a foreign
land. The GOspel was thus carried into countries which
it had not hitherto reached. There is evidence that
these Christian prisoners had great success in converting
the natives ; and it seems to have been about this period
that the nations on the banks of the Danube, and the
Gallic or German tribes which lived at the mouths of the
Rhine, received for the first time a knowledge of Chris-

336

PLATONISTS. [a. d. 265.

tianity. The charity of the Christians was also very
strikingly displayed at the time of these invasions. One
motive of these barbarians in carrying off their prisoners
was to extort a sum of money for their ransom ; and
Dionysius, bishop of Rome, raised a subscription among
his flock to assist in procuring the liberty of some Cap
padocian Christians. The letter which he wrote upon the
subject to the church of Cassarea was read publicly in the
congregations as late as the fourth century.
We have hitherto observed that cessation of persecution
was generally followed by the introduction of heresy, or
some strange speculations in religion ; but the reign of
Gallienus presents us with the phenomenon of a bishop of
one of the oldest and most important churches becoming
heretical in a fundamental article of faith. In the year
265 a council was held at Antioch to consider the opin
ions of Paul, a native of Samosata, who had been elected
to the bishopric of Antioch in 260. The Christian world
had never yet seen so numerous a meeting of its spiritual
rulers. The bishops of all the principal Asiatic sees,
from Pontus to Arabia, were assembled on this occa
sion. The Western, or European churches, were too far
off to send deputies to the council ; but Dionysius of
Alexandria was invited, and was hindered only by his
great age from attending. He, in fact, died while
the council was sitting, having first delivered his opinion
in writing, which contained the strongest condemnation
of the tenets of Paul.
The bishop of Antioch is represented as arrogant and
ostentatious in his conduct, and even corrupt in his morals ;
but the council was engaged in examining his religious
sentiments. He appears to have blended the mystical
philosophy of Plato with the doctrines of the Gospel ; and
we know that Longinus, one of the most celebrated phi-

A. D. 265.] PAUL OP SAMOSATA. 337
losophers of his day, was at this time residing at Antioch.
It may be mentioned that the new Platonic school, with
respect to the celebrity of its teachers, was now at its
height. Porphyry, who had studied under Longinus,
went to Rome in 262, where he found Plotinus already
established, and attended by many pupils. The books of
the New Testament, and all the writings ofthe Christians,
were read by these philosophers, who laboured, as has
been already stated, to prove that their doctrines were
borrowed from Plato. Porphyry was one of the bitter.
est enemies that the Gospel encountered, and wrote a
work against it in twenty-one books ; but it was a great
gain to the Christians when their opponents attacked
them with the pen instead of the sword. The work of
Porphyry was answered by Methodius, bishop of Tyre ;
but neither the attack nor the defence have come down
to us.
The bishop of Antioch had no intention of injuring
Christianity when he allowed himself to borrow the no
tions of the Platonic philosophers. He still intended to
continue a sincere believer, but his heretical tenets brought
upon him the condemnation of all the Eastern churches.
His opinion of Jesus Christ agreed in some respects with
those of Theodotus and Artemas. Like those heretics, he
denied the pre-existence of Christ, though he believed in
his miraculous conception. He taught that Jesus was by
nature, and at the time of his birth, a mere man ; but that
after his birth some portion of the divinity resided in him,
so that he might truly be called God. He taught that it
was the Mind or Reason of God which was said by Paul
to have united itself to the man Jesus; and thus his doc
trines have been said, not without foundation, to resemble
those of the Ebionites and of the Sabellians. They were
sufficiently subtle and heretical to alarm the heads of all
28*

%& COUNCILS AT ANTIOCH. [a. D. 265—269.
tfte Eastern churches, who now flocked in crowds to An
tioch, and the question was discussed with the deepest
attention. Paul was accused afterwards of having man
aged his defence with an intention to deceive his oppo
nents. He even promised to alter his opinions ; and Fir
milianus of Cassarea, whose age and character gave him a
prominent place in the council, advised his colleagues to
preserve, if possible, the unity of the Church, and not to
make any formal decision. His advice was followed,
and Paul was allowed to continue bishop of Antioch ;
but we shall see presently that lenient measures were of
no avail.
Antioch was at this time subject to the government of
Odenatus, who, from a private citizen of Palmyra, had
raised himself by his victories over the Persians, to re
ceive from Gallienus the title of emperor, and the actual
sovereignty of the eastern portion of the empire. He
held his honours only for three years, being put to death
in 267 ; upon which his wife, Zenobia, a woman of mas
culine and enterprising spirit, assumed the imperial title,
and for some years maintained her independence against
all the power of Rome. When the empire was divided,
Antioch had naturally fallen to the share of her husband,
and the bishop appears to have seen the policy of paying
his court to Zenobia. Her preceptor in Grecian litera
ture had been Longinus, which may have inclined her, if
she took any part in religious controversy, to favour the
opinions of Paul. It is certain that the bishop continued
to propagate his heretical doctrines ; and in 269 it be
came necessary for the heads of the Church to interfere a
second time, by holding a council at Antioch.
Some accounts represent the persons assembled to have
been as many as one hundred and eighty. One of their
first acts was to address a letter to Paul, which is still

A. D. 269.] DEPOSITION OF PAUL. 339
extant, and in which they laid down what was the belief-
of the Catholic Church concerning the point in question.
They maintained the essential d vinity of Christ ; his
eternal pre-existence ; his creation of the world ; his re
lation to God as a Son, not as a creature ; and his mirac
ulous incarnation ; and, having supported these doctrines
by copious references to Scripture, they asserted that
this belief had been preserved in the Catholic Church
from the time of the apostles. The discussion in the
council was conducted principally by a presbyter, named
Malchion, who was the chief teacher in a school of phi-
losophy at Antioch. The questions put by him to Paul
were taken down by short-hand writers, and afterwards
published : and the council finally decided that Paul was
to be deposed from his bishopric, and to be excluded from
the communion of the whole Catholic Church. His place
was filled up by Domnus, the son of his immediate prede-
cessor Denietrianus. ; and since the Eastern churches had
alone taken part in the discussion, a circular letter was
addressed to the bishop and clergy of every church, par
ticularly of those in the West, acquainting them with the
deposition of Paul, and the election of Domnus. The
letter sent to Rome was addressed to Dionysius ; but he
probably did not live to receive it, having died at the end
of the same year, when he was succeeded by Felix.
Another copy had been addressed to Maximus, who was
now bishop of Alexandria ; and it is satisfactory to find,
from the fragment of a letter addressed to the latter by
Felix, that the Western churches were entirely in ac
cordance with the Eastern in their belief in the divinity
of Christ.
Though the council of Antioch had deposed Paul, and a
successor had been elected in his room, the ejected bishop
still kept possession of the building in which he had been

340 ZENOBIA. [a. d. 272.
accustomed to perform divine service. It is probable that
Zenobia supported him in this opposition to the council ;
and neither his own clergy, nor the assembled bishops,
having power to enforce their own unanimous sentence,
he continued to set them at defiance, so long as Zenobia
retained possession of Antioch. Her empire was, how
ever, drawing to a close. The feeble Gallienus was put
to death in 268, when Claudius succeeded, who has been
said, but upon no sufficient authority, to have persecuted
the Christians at Rome. If he did so, their sufferings did
not last long ; for Claudius himself died in 270, and the
empire was shortly after given to Aurelian. The five
years of his reign were almost incessantly employed in
repelling invasions of barbarians, or in recovering the
empire of the East from the intrepid Zenobia. By with
drawing the Roman troops from Dacia, he tacitly allowed
the Goths and Vandals to occupy that great province ;
and since the country on both banks of the Danube thus
became more settled and less liable to hostile invasion,
we may perhaps date from this period the introduction of
Christianity into Wallachia. In 272 Aurelian marched
against Zenobia. Antioch surrendered to him ; and the
unhappy queen, after being defeated in a pitched battle,
and losing her capital, Palmyra, was taken prisoner to
grace the emperor's triumph at Rome. While the em
peror was at Antioch he was appealed to by the Chris
tians to put them in possession ofthe building which was
unlawfully retained by Paul. It was not likely that
Aurelian would know any thing of the rights and preten
sions of the two 'rival bishops ; but his decision was a
very impartial one : instead of consulting the clergy of
the place, who might be supposed to be interested, he de
cided that he should be the lawful bishop with whom the
Italian bishops, and particularly the bishop of Rome, held

A. D. 272.] PROGRESS OF CHRISTIANITY. 341
communion. The council had already written to Rome,
as also to other churches, announcing the fact of Domnus
being bishop of Antioch, so that the emperor's decision
was immediately followed by Domnus being put in pos-
session of all his rights ; and thus the singular spectacle
was exhibited of the Church being unable to enforce its
own decrees, and calling in the aid of the civil power,
though at this time it was exercised by a heathen.
It is almost needless to remark, that the Christians of
Antioch were no longer afraid of avowing their religion.
The late decision of the emperor was, in fact, a legal re
cognition of them. Their proceedings were now carried
on openly ; and neither in the capital nor in the provinces
was there any occasion for concealment. Still, however,
their personal safety depended, in a great degree, upon tbe
will or caprice of the reigning emperor : and though no
measures of the government could have hindered Chris-
tianity from finally supplanting heathenism, it was in the
power of the sovereign at any moment to let loose against
it the passions of its implacable enemies. It is certain
that Aurelian at the time of his death was meditating
some measure of this kind, though we do not know the
exact motives by which he was actuated. He is repre.
sented as not only cruel, but superstitious ; and, like Ela-
gabalus, he singled out the sun as a particular object of
worship. His mother had been priestess of that deity,
and Aurelian had shown himself extravagantly profuse in
ornamenting his temples ; all which may incline us to
conclude, that it was merely the superstition of an old
man, acted upon by the persuasions of interested advisers,
which led Aurelian to alter his opinion and his conduct
with respect to the Christians. The persecution had
perhaps begun in Rome, and in the places where he was
personally present ; but his orders had not reached the

342 DEATH OF AURELIAN. [a. D. 276.
distant provinces when he died, apparently by treachery,
in the March of 275, in the neighbourhood of Byzantium.
Tacitus, who succeeded him, revoked the edicts which
had been issued against the Christians, but he lived only
a few months after his accession ; and his brother Flori-
anus, who assumed the imperial title at Rome, did not
long survive him. Probus then established himself on
the throne, and his reign of six years appears to have
been one of tranquillity to the Christians : but it was dur-
ing this period, that the doctrines which are known by
the name of Manichean began to spread themselves in
Europe. They were first disseminated in Persia, by
Manes, a native of that country, who called himself a
Christian, but took great liberties with the Gospel, by
mixing with it some of his national superstitions. The
Persians had from a very remote period believed in the
existence of two principles, one of good, and the other of
evil ; and Manes taught that Jesus Christ was sent into the
world to free it from the effects ofthe evil principle. He
also adopted the same notion which had been held by the
Gnostics, that the body of Jesus was a mere phantom.
Manicheism found many followers. It seemed to account
for the origin of evil without ascribing it to God as its
cause : but it also led men away from considering the
natural corruption of their own hearts, and entirely
destroyed the doctrine ofthe atonement.
The fundamental absurdity of Manicheism was its be
lieving in the existence of two eternal beings. This, how
ever, was an error which it shared in common with every
system of heathenism. There was no heathen philoso
pher who did not believe the elements of matter to have
existed from all eternity ; that they were not originally
called into being by God, and that he had no power to
annihilate them : it was sometimes conceived that the

a. d. 276.) manicheism. 343
universe itself was an animated being. But the philoso
phy of Manicheism was different from any system which
had been taught in Grecian or Roman schools : though
some professors of Gnosticism appear to have held notions
which bore a resemblance to those of Manes. The
second principle or god ofthe Manichees was not matter,
nor the material universe, but a being equally spiritual,
intelligent, and incorporeal with the other. Everything
that was good proceeded from one of these principles ;
everything that was evil proceeded from the other. It
seems, however, to have been forgotten, that though this
system represented God as exclusively the author of good,
it subjected him to evil, though he was not the cause of
it ; for he was perpetually exposed to see his own works
suffering from evils which he could not prevent : which
must itself have been the greatest of evils to1 a being of
perfect benevolence. And to this we must add, that such
a notion entirely destroys the omnipotence of God ; inas
much as it supposes that there is something in existence,
which he wishes not to exist, and yet which he cannot
destroy. It has been said that the evil principle of the Manichees
bears a resemblance to the spirit of evil, or the devil,
whose existence is so expressly asserted in the Jewish
and Christian Scriptures. But there is this essential
difference between them : The devil was a fallen angel,
and all the angels were created by God ; whereas the evil
principle of the Manichees was co-eternal with God.
The agency of wicked spirits is allowed for wise reasons
by God, who could at any moment take from them their
power of inflicting evil, or even of existing ; but the good
principle does not possess this power over the evil prin.
ciple, according to the creed ofthe Manichees.
Manes is supposed to have been put to death in 277,

344 PROBUS AND ms SUCCESSORS. [a. d. 282—284.
which has caused the origin of Manicheism to be placed
in the reign of Probus ; but the personal history of that
emperor has no connexion with the progress of Chris.
tianity, which went on rapidly at this period without any
interference on the part of the government to hasten or
retard it. The emperor was generally engaged in distant
war3, and was put to death in 282. Carus, who suc
ceeded him, gave the title of Caasar to his two sons, Cari-
nus and Numerianus, the latter of whom has acquired the
character of a persecutor. If Eutychianus, bishop of
Rome, who died in 283, suffered martyrdom, there was
probably some attack upon the Christians in the capital ;
but Numerianus could hardly have been the author of it.
He accompanied his father into Persia, who died at Cte-
siphon in the summer of 284 ; and he was himself put to
death in Thrace, in the September of the same year.
The title of his brother Carinus to the empire was
acknowledged in the west of Europe ; but as soon as the
death of Numerianus was known, another emperor was
put forward by the army, the memory of whose reign is
one of the most painful in the annals of the Church.

284.] ACCESSION OF DIOCLETIAN. 345

CHAPTER XVII.
Accession of Diocletian. — Gradual Cessation of Miracles.— Herculeus
Joint Emperor ; Galerius and Constantiu3 Cassars  Persecution of
Christians begun. — Continued Severities. — Galerius and Constan
tius Emperors.— Tranquillity partially restored.— Death of Con.
stantius. — Accession of Constantine, who favours and protects
Christianity. — Ecclesiastical Endowments. — The Catholic Church.
The reign of Diocletian, who was raised from an hum
ble station to the empire in 284, was longer than that of
any of his predecessors since the time of Hadrian. It
carries us into the beginning of the fourth century ; it
presents us with the longest and bloodiest persecution
which the Church had yet encountered ; but it is also the
introduction to that brighter and happier period when the
religion of Christ achieved its final triumph, and mount.
ed the throne of the Caesars amidst the wreck and ruins
of heathenism.
The reader has already been asked to pause more than
once, that he might survey the state of Christianity, and
trace its progress through successive periods of its his-
tory. At the beginning of the third century he found it
exposed to persecution ; but from the year 211 to the
middle of the century it enjoyed comparative tranquillity,
and obtained respectful notice even from emperors on the
throne. The Decian persecution was then a fiery trial,
which purified the Church from some of those corruptions
which peace and security are too apt to bring forth ;
after which another quarter of a century passed away,
¦with little of external violence, to stop the progress ofthe
Gospel. It had now become evident that to stop it by
29

346 GRADUAL CESSATION OF MIRACLES. [a. d. 284.
any means was impossible. We have few materials for
estimating the numerical proportion of Christians to
heathens at the beginning of the reign of Diocletian.
The question could only be raised with respect to those
parts of the world which might be called civilized, and
which were immediately subject to the dominion of
Rome. It can- hardly be doubted that the heathen still
counted a large majority. The lower orders of people,
particularly in the large towns, were still easily excited
against the Christians ; and the slow progress of their
conversion may be accounted for by their total want of
education, and their habitual depravity. It is with such
men that miracles are almost necessary to produce any
sudden and extensive impression ; and at the beginning
of the Gospel, when the foolish things of the world were
to confound the wise, it pleased God to furnish abundant.
ly the evidence of miracles. The consequence was, that
the Gospel was then embraced eagerly by the poor ;
while the rich were restrained by their love of pleasure,
and the wise by the pride of reason, from listening to a
religion which required the moral and intellectual facul.
ties to be submitted to its control.
The mere fact of the existence of miracles, as well as
our knowledge of the depravity of the human heart and
will, might lead us to conclude that Christianity would
not have made its way at the beginning without miracu
lous agency. But if we may argue at all from probabili
ties, when speaking of the counsels of the Almighty, we
might expect that He would not have continued this sup.
port to the Gospel, when it had provided itself with the
ordinary human means for persuading men to embrace it.
Such appears to have been the fact. There is reason to
believe, that miracles were by no means so common at
the end of the first century, as they had been when all

A. U. 284.] 8TATE OF CHRISTIANITY. 347
the apostles were alive ; and though the persons who had
received the gifts of the Spirit by the laying-on of the
apostles' hands, continued to exercise these gifts as long
as they lived, and miracles would thus be witnessed oc
casionally in the second century, they undoubtedly be-
came much less frequent, as the writers of that period
expressly testify. Whether they existed at all in the
third century, has long been a matter of dispute ; but God
had now raised up other agents, and supplied them with
other evidence for spreading the religion of his Son. If
we cast our eyes from the time of the first preaching of
the apostles to the end of the third century, the difference
is not so much in the number of converts, ( for the day of
Pentecost, which produced 3000 at once, is perhaps still
the greatest phenomenon in the history of conversions,)
as in the rank and learning of the persons who professed
the religion of Christ. It was this which made it no
longer possible for the powers of this world to extin-
guish Christianity and re-establish heathenism : and when
Diocletian was raised to the empire, the question merely
was, whether the time was to be long or short, before
the mass of the people adopted the religion of their
superiors. We shall have reason to see that Christianity had
made no impression upon the heart of Diocletian him-
self; though, like most persons of his day, he did not view
it with those feelings of prejudice and contempt which it
excited a century before. It had in fact obtained for it-
self toleration and respect by the mere course of events,
and by its coming so frequently into notice in all the cir
cumstances of public and private life. The emperor's
own household was filled with Christians, and it was no
uncommon thing for not only the servants, but the wives
and children of men of rank to profess Christianity,

348 THE EMPIRE DIVIDED, [a. d. 286.
though the head of the family still continued in heathen.
ism. What is still more remarkable, Christians were
appointed to the government of provinces, with an ex
press exception in their favour that they should not be
required to join in sacrifices. It was well known that
they assembled in large numbers for the purpose of
prayer; and the buildings in which they met began to as-
sume an appearance of architectural splendour. This
picture of Christianity, as it was at the accession of
Diocletian, Would be much more pleasing if the manners
of the clergy and of their flocks had corresponded with
the purity of their doctrines. The unity of the Church
in matters of faith was still preserved entire ; and it
might boast of members who, for piety and learning, have
never been surpassed : but five-and-twenty years of peaee
had produced the same effect which was seen before the
Decian persecution. Pride, indolence, jealousies, and
dissensions, are named among the poisonous fruits of this
long season of repose ; and if Christianity had forced its
way into all the transactions of civil and social life, it
furnished a fatal warning to those who think that they
may mix with the world, and yet that their souls are in
no danger.
Few ofthe Christians were perhaps aware ofthe storm
which was gathering over their heads ; and Diocletian
might still have continued to give them toleration and
protection, if he had found himself equal, by his own un
assisted strength, to direct the vast machine of which he
was the mover. There were, however, so many enemies
to contend with, either rivals for the throne, or barbarous
nations on the frontiers, that in 286 he admitted a. partner
in the empire, by giving the title of Augustus to Maxi-
mianus Herculeus ; and in 292 the two emperors strength
ened themselves still more by giving the title of Caasar to

A. u. 292.J INTOLERANCE OF DIOCLETIAN. 349
Galerius and Constantius. In the original partition, the
government of Europe and Africa was committed to Her-
culeus, while the eastern part of the empire, including
Egypt, was retained by Diocletian, who fixed his resi
dence almost entirely at Nicomedia, in Bithynia. When
the two Caesars were created, Galerius took the command
of Illyria, and Constantius in Spain and Britain ; Italy
and Africa still remaining subject to Herculeus. The
Christian inhabitants of these countries soon found the
difference of their respective governors.
Diocletian, who had retained the largest portion of the
empire, was now advancing in age, and becoming less
fond of active enterprise. His last military exploit of
any moment was the reduction of Egypt, where a rival
emperor had maintained himself for some years. While
he was at Alexandria, he wrote an answer to a letter
which he had received from Julianus, the proconsul of
Africa ; and it enables us to form some idea of his views
upon matters of religion. The proconsul had been
alarmed by the rapid spread of the Manichean doctrines
in Africa, and consulted the emperor upon the subject.
It was perhaps the Persian origin of these doctrines
which led Diocletian to take such a prejudice against
them ; and his letter is conceived in the bitterest spirit of
religious intolerance. After speaking very strongly of
the old religion being supplanted by a new one, and of
the criminality of suffering established usages to go into
decay, he ordered that persons professing Manicheism
should suffer capitally, that their books should be burnt,
and their property confiscated ; but if any of them hap
pened to be high in rank or station, their property
should be seized, and themselves sent to work in the
mines. The terms of this letter have been mentioned
more in detail, because it seems to show that the mind
29*

350 HIEKACITJE.— A NEW PERSECUTION. [a. d. 292.
which could dictate such an order was not far removed
from conceiving hostility to the Christians. It is by no
means impossible, that the proconsul of Africa, either
from ignorance or from design, may have confounded the
Christians with the Manichees.
It must have been about the same time that a new
heresy appeared in Egypt, which was founded by a man
named Hieracas or Hierax. He professed himself a
Christian ; but his Egyptian education had led him to
study astrology and magic, to which he added an acquaint
ance with the literature and philosophy of Greece. The
Manichean doctrines, which were now becoming popular,
soon attracted his notice. He prohibited marriage, and
the use of animal food ; in which he followed the more
rigorous of the Manichees ; though there is reason to
think that Manes did not impose this abstinence upon all
his followers. Hierax appears to have borrowed largely
from the Gnostics ; and with respect to the nature of the
Son of God, he had a notion peculiarly his own, which
tended to a denial of the eternal existence of the Son.
His followers were called after him, Hieracitas ; and they
were likely to bs numerous, when we find Manicheism so
widely spread as to attract the notice ofthe government ;
and when we remember that many persons in Egypt had,
from a long period, been following an ascetic or monastic
life. It does not however follow, that Hierax adopted
the doctrinal as well as the practical principles of the
Manichees. They seem to have been considered as a
Christian sect, and may have had their share in bringing
Christianity into disrepute, when persecution was begin
ning to revive at the end of the century.
The emperor had an adviser at hand, who was not
likely to let his religious, bigotry cool. Galerius, who
was also his son-in-law, was of a savage, unfeeling dispo.

-v. D. 297—303.] EDICTS AGAINST CHRISTIANS. 351
sition ; and his ambition was gratified, in 297, by bein<*
sent on an expedition against Persia, from which he re
turned victorious. He did not conceal from Diocletian
that he hated the Christians ; but for some time he was
not able to move him to any act of violence against them.
Superstition at length came to his aid; and by urging
that the Christians impeded the effect of their sacrifices
to the gods, he persuaded the emperor to issue an order
in 298, that all persons holding office about court or in
the army, should be obliged to be present at sacrifices.
Galerius could not at least prevail so far as to make the
punishment capital ; but a Christian was now obliged to
choose between giving up his situation or denying his
faith. The countries which were immediately Under the com
mand of Diocletian and Galerius were likely to feel the
effect of this edict. Herculeus, whose name was also af
fixed to it, was still more anxious than his colleague to
promote its execution ; and there is some evidence, that,
both in Africa and at Rome, the Christians were treated
With more severity than the letter of the edict warranted.
Constantius alone refused to enforce it. He probably
did not make any open resistance to what the emperors
had ordered, but he took no pains to gratify them in their
injustice ; and the Christians of Gaul and Britain, who
were committed to his authority, were exposed to much
less inconvenience than those in any other part of the
empire. Galerius was as yet by no means satisfied with the
success of his measures for harassing the Christians ; but
having met Diocletian, at Nicomedia, in the winter of
302, he persuaded him in the following spring to issue a
more decisive edict. The terms of it were, that the
churches of the Christians should be pulled down, and

352 CONTINUED SEVERITIES. [a. d. 303.
their books burnt ; and if any persons refused to give up
their books, they were liable to be punished capitally.
The order was executed at Nicomedia on the day of its
being first published ; and the church, which stood on a
high spot of ground, was demolished in a few hours by
the soldiers. On the following day another edict was is
sued, that all Christians who held any public stations
should be removed ; that inferior persons should be sub-
ject to torture and imprisonment; and that no Christian
should be allowed to be plaintiff in any cause. Their
meetings were also strictly prohibited ; and the houses in
which they were held were liable to be seized for the use
of the state. Copies of these orders were immediately
sent to all the provinces, and in some places they arrived
in time for the heathen to have the special gratification
of destroying the churches on Good Friday.
The former order was also still in force, that Christians
in office should attend the sacrifices ; and the example
was set in Nicomedia of punishing capitally those who
refused to comply. Diocletian himself was now roused
to more vigour by being persuaded that the palace at Ni
comedia was twice set on fire by Christians. The first
objects of his tyranny were his own wife, Prisca, and
(which is still more extraordinary) her daughter Valeria,
the wife of Galerius, both of whom had embraced Christ
ianity ; and both of them were compelled to join in a
sacrifice. It might have been thought that the two emperors were
now satisfied with the orders which they had issued ; and'
if the zeal of the people was deficient in molesting the
Christians, it was excited by the publication of violent
attacks upon their religion and its authors. Diocletian,
however, had by this time fully adopted the views of his
son-in-law \ and symptoms of rebellion having shown

A. D. 303.] CONTINUED SEVERITIES. 353
themselves in Armenia and at Antioch, he chose to vent
his indignation by still greater severities against the
Christians. A new order was issued, that the heads of
the churches in every place should first be put into pri
son, and then that every means should be used to compel
them to sacrifice. Christian blood bad already been
made to flow, but from this time all doubt was removed
as to the real meaning of the late decrees. Anthinius,
bishop of Nicomedia, was beheaded, and great numbers of
his clergy shared the same fate. Some were burnt to
death, others were drowned ; and the prisons were so full
of these unhappy victims, that there was no room for or.
dinary criminals.
The same scenes were acted in various parts of the
empire ; and we may judge of the extent to which the
cruelty was carried, when we read of persons who had
their lives spared, because, when they were senseless
from pain, or their hands powerless from the rack, they
were made to go through some act of sacrificing, which
satisfied the magistrates. Constantius alone refused to
countenance such iniquitous proceedings ; and if any
churches were pulled down in the countries under his au-
thority, it was not by his direction, and he gave the
Christians all the protection in his power.
Before the end of the year, Diocletian and his son-in-
law left Nicomedia, having first put forth another general
order, that all persons whatever, not merely the clergy,
should be compelled to sacrifice. The twentieth anniver
sary of Diocletian's accession to the empire furnished a
good opportunity for putting this cruelty into practice :
and the solemnity was kept by Galerius at Antioch, and
by the emperor himself at Rome. In both places the
Christians were exposed to much suffering : but, from
some cause or other, Diocletian was so much displeased

354 TRANQUILLITY PARTIALLY RESTORED. [a. D. 305.
with his Roman subjects, that though it was the depth of
winter, and his health was very unfit for travelling, he
suddenly left the city, and in the summer of 304 found
himself once more in Nicomedia. Notwithstanding his
departure, the Christians of Rome were likely to have lit.
tie respite, while that division of the empire was under
Herculeus : and Marcellinus, the bishop, who died in the
month of October, is said by some writers to have suffered
martyrdom. The see continued vacant for three years,
which might also seem to indicate more than an ordi
nary persecution. This was certainly the case in Africa
and Egypt, which were likewise under the. government
of Herculeus. Several of the bishops and clergy were
put to death by Anulinus, proconsul of Africa ; and par-
ticular pains seem to have been taken, in that country, to
foTce the Christians to give up their books. It was
thought that many persons showed too great a willingness
to surrender them ; and the name of traditores, which they
continued to bear ever after, carried with it no small
disgrace. In the mean time, Diocletian's health was becoming
rapidly worse ; and in 305, Galerius was able to accom
plish his favourite design, of persuading him to abdicate
the empire. He even succeeded in prevailing upon Her-
culeus to do the same : upon which the title of emperor
was assumed by himself and Constantius, and that of
Caesar was given to Severus and Maximinus. This was
followed by a new partition of the empire : Galerius re
tained Illyria, Greece, Egypt, and all the East, while
Africa and the West of Europe fell to the share of Con
stantius. This was a fortunate change for the Christians of Af
rica and Europe, who had before been suffering under
Herculeus. Persecution was now almost at an end in

A. D. 305.] PROVINCIAL CUSTOMS. 355
those countries ; and the case of the lapsed occupied the
attention of the bishops, as it had done after the reign of
Decius. Though Egypt was still under Galerius, Peter,
who was now bishop of Alexandria, and who was old
enough to have experienced the sufferings of the former
period, published a set of rules for all the different cases
of the lapsed, in which he followed generally the mild and
indulgent measures of his predecessor Dionysius, and of
Cyprian. A council was held about the same period at
Illiberis, or Elvira, in Spain ; the decisions of which, with
regard to the lapsed, partook much more of the severity
of the Novatians ; and we may perhaps trace the same
principles in another canon of this council, which ordered
that bishops and clergymen, if they happened to be mar
ried, should live separate from their wives. Paintings in
churches were likewise forbidden, as was the use of wax
candles in the cemeteries, because they were used at
heathen festivals.
We must remember that this was not a general council,
and that its decisions were binding only upon those
churches which sent bishops to attend it. It had long
been the custom for such councils to be assembled ; and
the division of the empire into provinces suggested an ar
rangement which was found convenient for the church.
Provincial councils appear to have been held every year,
or sometimes oftener ; and it happened, as might have
been expected, that the decisions of one council were, in
some instances, opposed to those of another. This, how
ever, was not the case in matters which were considered
essential. Upon these great points the whole Catholic
Church had hitherto been unanimous ; but where the ques-
tion was of less importance, affecting merely a point of
discipline or of ceremony, not only every provincial coun-

356 PERSECUTION IN ME EAST. [A. u. 305.
cil, but every separate church, wa3 at liberty to make its
own regulations.
Mensurius, bishop1 of Carthage, was consulted upon
another question which arose out of the late persecution.
It has been mentioned that it was the custom to keep up
the memory of martyrs by an annual celebration ; but
their names had now become so numerous, that it was
necessary to have some selection of them, which was gen
erally left to the bishop : and Mensurius was consulted
as being the chief bishop of the province. He wrote in
reply, that those ought not to be placed on the list of
martyrs who had courted death voluntarily, or who had
surrendered their books before any inquiry was made. It
even appears that some persons had been anxious to be
put into prison, either for the sake of the support which
they received there from the charity of the Christians, or
that the credit which they gained as confessors might
cause their former irregularities to be forgotten.
While the Christians in the West had leisure to pay
this attention to their spiritual concerns, their brethren
in the East had occasion bitterly to lament the elevation
of Maximinus, who was in every way suited to second
the cruelty of Galerius. Syria and Egypt were commit
ted specially to his government : but we read of great bar-
barities being occasionally practised in Mesopotamia,
Arabia, Cilicia, Cappadocia, and Pontus. Orders were
sent into all the provinces that the heathen temples
should be restored. Men, women, and children, were to
be compelled to attend the sacrifices, and to taste the
meat which had been offered to some idol. Bv a refine.
ment of cruelty, it was also ordered that whatever was
offered for sale in the market should first have been made
to touch a portion of the sacrifice ; and the managers of
the public baths were to let no persons wash themselves

A. ». 305.] THE MELETIAN SCHISM. 357
clean from these pollutions. It was a common sight to
see crowds of Christians, even aged bishops and clergy.
men, transported from their homes to work at hard la
bour in the mines. Others had one of their eyes put out,
or the joints of their feet dislocated. Peter, bishop of
Alexandria, was obliged to save his life by flight ; and, as
if the Church had not suffered sufficiently from the vio-
lence of its enemies, internal dissension was now added
to its misfortunes. Meletius, bishop of Lycopolis, taking
advantage of the absence of Peter from Alexandria,
undertook to make regulations which none but Peter
himself had power to make. It was in vain that other
Egyptian bishops remonstrated with him upon his con-
duct : he found a party willing to support him ; and the
Meletian schism continued for some years to distract the
Alexandrian Church.
It might be thought that the bishop of Lycopolis was
guilty of no irregularity in making rules for his own
flock, but that he was only exercising a right which was
possessed by the independent head of every church.
This, however, was not the nature of the transaction in
which he was engaged. The early history of the juris.
diction of bishops is involved in some obscurity, and it is
probable that different customs prevailed in different
countries : but we have sufficient authority for saying
that the bishop of Alexandria exerted a kind of supre-
macy over several other churches. His diocese, in the
modern sense of the expression, was very extensive,
though it resembled rather what is now called the pro
vince of an archbishop. The churches, not only of
Egypt and the Thebaid, but of Pentapolis, and other dis
tricts of Africa, acknowledged him as their primate.
Alexandria was the ecclesiastical, as well as the civil,
metropolis of that portion of the empire ; and the bishop
30

358 DEATH OF CONSTANTIUS. [a. D. 306.
of Alexandria, as a metropolitan bishop, had rights and
privileges which were not enjoyed by the other bishops
of his province. It would be difficult to define exactly
the nature of these privileges. Some of them were
rather matters of dignity and precedence than of any ac
tual authority ; but there were several affairs to be trans
acted in a province which required the sanction, if not
the presence, of the metropolitan. The bishops of Rome
and Carthage were primates, or metropolitans, in the
same manner with the bishop . of Alexandria ; and in
course of time the same system prevailed in every pro
vince ; but we know that it was introduced into these
churches, and some others, as early as the third century,
if not before.
We may now understand why the conduct of Meletius
was so irregular, and brought upon him such universal
condemnation. Instead of respecting the rights of Peter,
as his metropolitan bishop, he acted in defiance of them,
and even exercised them himself. The time which he
chose for this flagrant breach of discipline was an aggra
vation of the offence. When his primate was in con
cealment, and the whole Egyptian church in the greatest
distress, he tried to introduce the additional evils of in
subordination and discord ; and the sequel of his history
will show that he was much too successful in accom
plishing this object.
Maximinus continued his cruelties for several years,
particularly in Egypt and Palestine ; but political changes
took place, which materially affected the condition of
the Christians in other parts of the world. In 306, Con
stantius died at York ; and his son Constantine, who was
now in his thirty-second year, and had been residing
with Galerius at Nicomedia, contrived to elude the em-
peror's vigilance, and to arrive in Britain just before his

a, D. 306.] CONSTANTINE FAVOURS CHRISTIANS. 359
father expired. The soldiers would immediately have
given him the title of emperor, but he was satisfied with
that of Caesar, which was conferred upon him by Gale
rius ; and he continued to show to the Christians the
same indulgence and protection which they had received
from his father. There is no evidence that Constantius
was converted to the Gospel, but he seems to have dis
carded the errors of polytheism, and to have brought up
his son Constantine in the same notions with respect to
religion. Neither of them, perhaps, had any fixed creed ;
but they could not be ignorant that the principles of
Christianity were purer than those of any heathen sys.
tern ; and that Christians, though they might be mista
ken in the object of their worship, were at least sincere
in offering it. The effects of this conviction upon the
mind of Constantine were immediately visible in suppress.
ing all attempts at persecution in Gaul and Britain.
It has been asserted that the mother of Constantine
was the daughter of a British prince ; but it has been
proved that the story rests upon no good foundation ; and
our island has no claim to any peculiar connexion with
Constantine, except that the title of Cassar was given to
him in Britain, and that it was for some time subject to
his government, as it had been to that of his father. It
is pleasing to think, that during the whole of this long
and violent persecution, the British Christians were ex-
posed to very little suffering. Their first martyr is al
ways said to have been Albanus ; but he probably died
about the year 286, before the great persecution began,
and while Herculeus was commanding in the west of
Europe. Italy, which had been under the government of Con
stantius, was, for some time after his death, the theatre
of contending parties.. In October of the same year, the

S60 COMPETITORS FOR THE EMPIRE. [a. D. 307,
Romans gave the imperial title to Maxentius, who was
son of Herculeus, and son-in-law of Galerius. His first
act was to prevail upon his father to resume the rank
which he had abdicated; and finding it politic to ingra-
tiate himself with all his subjects, he issued an order that
no person should molest the Christians. He probably
meant nothing by this pretended kindness. He promised
at the same time to restore to the Christians the places
of worship which had been taken from them : but when
Melchiades was elected bishop, in 310, he found the ful.
filment of the promise no nearer than it had been four
years before. He sent some of his deacons to claim pos
session of the buildings, and we are not informed whether
the application succeeded : but the transaction seems to
show, that the Christians of Rome were at least not ex.
posed to any personal suffering at this period. It is plain
that their numbers were now sufficiently great to make
their support an object of importance to competitors for
power. In the case of Maxentius, it gained them a tem
porary cessation from annoyance ; but such favours were
not likely on the whole to be beneficial to the cause. In
the first place, if one party paid court to the Christians,
the other would look upon them with dislike : but the
worst consequence was, that the Christians would be in-
duced to take part in political dissensions, from which, as
we have seen on former occasions, they had contrived to
keep themselves free.
It was not likely that Galerius would allow Maxentius
thus to set his authority at defiance. Upon the death of
Constantius, he had given the title of emperor to Seve
rus, and, in the Spring of 307, he sent him at the head of
an army to march to Rome. The expedition ended in
the flight and death of Severus ; and Galerius, who foi-
lowed in person at the head of another army, was obliged

A. D. 311.] CRUELTIES OF MAXI3|IINUB. 361
to retreat with equal disgrace into Illyria. Maxentius
being now at liberty to act as he pleased, proceeded to
extend his authority into Africa ; but Alexander, who
commanded in that country, assumed the imperial title
himself, and maintained it for three years. He was per
haps aware that Maxentius had favoured the Christians,
which may account for his pursuing an opposite conduct ;
and the persecution which for two years had nearly sub
sided in that country, was now revived. Mensurius, bishop
of Carthage, was a personal sufferer, and died during the
usurpation of Alexander, or shortly after ; for though
Maxentius succeeded in putting his rival to death in 311,
the African Christians did not return to a state of se
curity till the end of the following year, when Maxen
tius sent an order into Africa, that they should not be
molested. Maximinus, in the mean time, had been carrying on
his cruelties still more actively than before. He had
expected Galerius to have given him the title of emperor
upon the death of Constantius ; and when he found it
conferred first upon Severus, and afterwards upon Lici-
nius, he assumed it himself, without waiting for permis
sion from Galerius, at the end of the year 307. Palestine
and Egypt were again the scenes of his wanton and in-
human barbarity. The martyrdom of Pamphilus at Csb-
sarea, in 309, attracted particular commiseration. He
was a man of great learning, and had written out nearly
all the works of Origen with his own hand. Being
thrown into prison, in 307, he employed himself in wri-
ting a defence of Origen, whose opinions were now be
ginning to be ealled in question. He was assisted in the
work by Eusebius, who was now about forty years of age,
and who was such a devoted admirer of Pamphilus, hav
ing been his pupil for many years at Caesarea, that he is
30*

362

GALERIUS FAVOURS CHRISTIANS. [a. u. 311.

frequently called Eusebius Pamphili. After lying in
prison two years, Pamphilus was beheaded, with twelve
of his companions ; and their bodies were exposed for
four days, by order of the governor, that the birds and
beasts might eat them.
In the midst of these dismal scenes, a gleam of light
burst upon the Christians, from a quarter in which it was
least expected. At the end of 309, Galerius had been
taken extremely ill. He continued in a wretched state
of suffering through the whole of the following year ;
and, in the Spring of 311, when his death was evidently
approaching, his conscience began to smite him for his
treatment of the Christians. A few days before he
breathed his last, he issued an edict, which bore the names
of Licinius and Constantine, as well as his own, in which
the Christians were allowed to have buildings for the ex.
ercise of their worship. It was, in fact, an order for the
cessation of persecution, and was immediately followed
by hundreds of unhappy victims returning to their homes
from prison or the mines. Among the rest, Peter was
able to re-visit Alexandria, after having been in conceal
ment five years ; and one of his first acts was to convene
a synod of bishops, which pronounced a sentence of de-
position against Meletius ; but unfortunately his schism
continued for some years to disturb the Alexandrian
Church. Maximinus was a very unwilling spectator of the return.
ing happiness of the Christians. Immediately upon the
death of Galerius, he marched against Licinius, and the
two emperors were on the point of coming to an engage
ment ; but they made a fresh arrangement of their terri-
tories without a battle, and Maximinus, thinking it not
safe at present to oppose his colleagues in the empire,
gave verbal orders to his ministers, that the persecution

A. D. 311.] MAXIMINUS PERSECUTES. 363
of the Christians should cease. He never intended this
temporary calm to continue. Before the end of the year
he was again at Nicomedia, and measures were taken for
renewing the attack upon the Christians, in all the coun.
tries subject to his authority. Petitions were got up in
several cities, which requested, him not to allow the
Christians to live there : and, under pretence of comply
ing with the wishes of his subjects, he began to practise
the same system of torture and mutilation which had been
used before. He also made the fruitless attempt to re-es
tablish heathenism, by having priests appointed in every
town, and a high. priest, selected from persons of the high-
est rank, for every province, which confirms the statement
made above, that th6 custom of having metropolitan
bishops was now becoming general in every province.
Egypt was now under the government of Hierocles, who-
not only seconded his master by the cruelty of his pun-
ishments, but also published a work against Christianity,
which called forth an answer from Eusebius.
The heathen appear at this time to have made a more
vigorous effort than usual to injure Christianity with the
pen. Thay had found that force was useless, and their only
hope lay in the effect which might be produced by the pub-
lication of written attacks. For this purpose, the calum
nies were revived which had been circulated in the first
and second centuries against the Christians. A work
was forged, under the name of the Acts of Pilate, which
gave a false and disgraceful account of the life of Jesus ;
and pains were taken that, children at school should learn
their lessons from such books as this. The Christians
were well prepared to meet their opponents in the field of
literary discussion. They had now been explaining and
defending their religion for nearly two centuries, and few
writers of note had ventured to appear against them.

364 LITERARY DISCUSSION. [a. D. 311.
The Church was well supplied with men of learning and
genius at this critical period. The names of Lactantius
and Arnobius are particularly recorded, because their
works have come down to our own day. Both of them
were natives of Africa, and both of them teachers of
rhetoric. Their defence of Christianity will therefore
be read with interest, as showing what was thought by
-laymen, who were mixing with the world, and who had
no interested motives in the maintenance of Christian
worship. Their works, as might be expected, bear marks
of superficial information, and of inaccuracy upon doctri
nal points. They are not to be consulted as standards
of Christian faith, like many of those venerable produc
tions which came from the earlier fathers; but they
show, to a certain extent, the popular notions concerning
Christianity, and their powerful exposure of the follies
and impieties of paganism has never been surpassed.
Perhaps the most learned man who was now in existence
was Eusebius, but his history rather belongs to that part
of the fourth century which followed the persecution ;
and we must return to a consideration of the cruelties
perpetrated by order of Maximinus. •
Peter, bishop of Alexandria, who had returned so lately
to the city, was martyred in November; and his clergy
suffered so severely from these renewed hostilities, that
they were unable for a twelvemonth to fill up the bishop
ric. A whole village in Phrygia is stated to have been
burnt, all the inhabitants having declared themselves to
be Christians. Maximinus marched in person into Ar
menia, where the Gospel had made great progress, and.
two kings in succession are reported to have been Chris
tians. The invasion, which took place early in 312,
ended in the repulse of Maximinus ; and he soon had to

A. D. 312.] VICTORY OF CONSTANTINE.  THE CROSS. 365
act upon the defensive against much more formidable
opponents. He had for some time been corresponding with Maxen
tius, in the hopes that they might both join their forces
against Constantine ; but in the October of 312, Maxen.
tius had to contend with Constantine for his empire and
his life, under the walls of Rome. Historians have re
lated, that shortly before the battle, the appearance of a
cross was seen in the heavens by Constantine and his
army ; and there has been much discussion, whether the
whole story was a fiction, or whether the figure of a cross
was actually seen in the sky, either as the effect of a
miracle, or as an optical illusion, which has sometimes
been witnessed. However the case may have been, the
army of Constantine gained a signal victory. Maxentius
was drowned in the river ; and when the conqueror en-
tered the city, he caused the emblem of the cross to be
treated with particular respect.
We must certainly infer from this part of Constantine's
history, that the number of Christians had been exceed
ingly on the increase of late in Rome. It is true that
much may be attributed to the effects of a recent victory,
and to the example set by the conqueror, who was him
self at the head of the empire. But the change is too
great and too sudden to be accounted for merely on these
grounds. We might almost say, that the capital of the
World was on one day in the darkness of heathenism, and
pn the day following it was enlightened by the Gospel.
There is at least no trace of any opposition being made
to the orders of the emperor, when the cross of Christ
was seen for the first time to be raised in public triumph,
and to command respectful adoration from those who had
so lately treated it with contumely and scorn. It can
hardly be said that the rapid conversion was owing to

366

HONOURS PAID TO CHRISTIANITY. [a. d. 313.

that principle of obsequious flattery which causes sub
jects to follow the caprice of their rulers ; for Constan-
tine's own opinions appear to have been very unsettled up
to the time of his entering Rome ; and doubts have been
entertained as to the sincerity of his conversion even
after this period. But these observations were made with
special reference to the inhabitants of Rome ; and if the
populace of that city had felt towards the Christians as
they had done at the beginning of the last century, no ex
ample or authority of the emperor would have inclined
them to acquiesce in the honours paid to Christianity. It
was little more than half a century since five bishops of
Rome had been martyred in succession ; but now there
was no officer in the empire who was higher in favour
with the emperor, or treated with more deference and
respect, than the bishop of Rome. The victory over
Maxentius was merely a sequel to another victory, which
had been won silently and insensibly by the Christians
over their heathen enemies : and Constantine rather fol
lowed than led the way in raising Christianity upon the
ruins of heathenism.
From this victory we may date the cessation of the
persecution, which had now lasted, with occasional inter.
missions, for ten years. Constantine stayed in Rome three
months ; and being joined by Licinius at Milan early in
the following year, he issued an edict in both their names,
which allowed to every person and sect the free exercise
of their own religion. No peculiar preference was shown
to the Christians, except that they were allowed to hold
meetings and erect churches ; but the edict was, in
every sense of the term, one of entire toleration. Copies
of it were sent to Maximinus, who immediately began the
same system of dissimulation which he had practised two
years before. He gave orders for releasing the Christians

A. D. 313.] EDICTS OF RESTITUTION. 867
from any molestation on account of their religion ; but
before he had time to show again the insincerity of his in
tentions, he was obliged to give battle to Licinius in the
neighbourhood of Adrianople, and was totally defeated.
He was closely pursued by Licinius, and halting for
a while at Nicomedia, he published a still more favourable
edict for the Christians than that which had been issued
at Milan. The latter had contained some conditions
which were now removed ; and instead of merely allow.
ing the Christians to hold meetings and erect churches, it
expressly provided, that if any person had bought, or re
ceived as a gift, any land or building which had belonged
to the, Christians, he should restore it to them, and re-
ceive an indemnification from the government.
It is plain, from the terms of this edict, that the Chris
tians had for some time been in possession of property.
It speaks of houses and lands which did not belong to in.
dividuals, but to the whole body. Their possession of
such property could hardly have escaped the notice of
the government ; but it seems to have been held in direct
violation of a law of Diocletian, which prohibited corpo
rate bodies, or associations which were not legally re
cognised, from acquiring property. The Christians were
certainly not a body recognised by law at the beginning
of the reign of Diocletian ; and it might almost be
thought that this enactment was specially directed
against them. But, like other laws which are founded
upon tyranny, and are at variance with the first princi
ples of justice, it is probable that this law about corpo-
rate property was evaded. We must suppose that the
Christians had purchased lands and houses before the law
was passed ; and their disregard of the prohibition may
be taken as another proof that their religion had now
gained so firm a footing, that the executors of the laws

368 CHURCH ENDOWMENTS. [a. D. 313.
were obliged to connive at their being broken by so nu
merous a body.
It would, perhaps, be idle to speculate upon the nature
of the property which was in the possession of Christian
communities at the end of the third century. Some of
the buildings may be presumed to have been those which
were used for the purpose of their congregational wor
ship. But the edicts of restitution, which were now
published by the emperors, spoke of lands as well as
buildings ; and these could only have been purchased for
the sake of the income which they produced.
Here, then, we have indications of Christian commu
nities having a common fund or stock, part of which
they invested in land, and received the rent. That they
had such a common fund at a very early period, has al
ready been observed ; when it was stated to have arisen
entirely from voluntary contributions among the faithful,
and to have been expended in maintaining the clergy
and the poorer brethren. The purposes of religious wor
ship also required a certain expenditure, even when it
was a service of personal danger to the Christians to
meet together, and their devotions were offered in the
cemeteries or other places of concealment. In the
course of the third century, when their religious edifices
began to be accommodated to the wants of their increas
ing numbers, it would be necessary to devote a larger
share of the public property to this purpose. It might
also be found expedient for the bishops and their clergy
to have a more settled income than that which accrued
from the voluntary contributions of their flocks. Some
portion of the public money was therefore devoted to
what may be called the permanent endowments of the
Church. The custom of voluntary offerings still contin
ued, and part of this si'm was distributed in charity to the

A. t>. 313.] CHRISTIANITY PROTECTED. 369
poorer members ; but part of it was occasionally applied
to the purchase of houses and lands : and it was this pub.
lie property of the Church which had been confiscated
during the persecution, and was now restored to the
Christians by the recent edicts.
Maximinus in the mean time continued his flight ; and
having discovered, when it was too late, his fatal error,
he published an edict which gave to the Christians
complete toleration. It was, in fact, a copy, in all its
provisions, of that which the two emperors had lately put
forth ; but he gained nothing by this tardy recantation :
having retreated as far as Tarsus, he met his death in that
city by poison. His ministers and confidential friends
were put to the sword, and even his wife and children
were not permitted to live.
Constantine had published in Europe the same favour*
able edicts which had been circulated by Licinius in
Asia. From this period we can hardly avoid considering
him a convert to Christianity, though he was not baptized
till several years later. In the midst of his civil and mil
itary occupations, he paid the most minute attentions to
the affairs of the Christians, and entered even into their
private disputes with all the zeal of one who had been
long converted* He seemed to step at ence, and without
an effort, into his new station of protector of religion.
He wrote to the proconsul of Africa, pressing upon him
the execution of the recent edicts, and ordering also that
the clergy of that country should be paid a sum of money
from the public treasury ; and sent another letter to Cae-
cilianus, bishop of Carthage, authorizing him to receive
and distribute the money. At the same time he relieved
all persons engaged in the sacred ministry from the bur
den of holding any public office i but the" emperor was not
aware, that this measure of intended kindness involved
€1

370 THE DONATISTS. [a.D. 313.
him in a dispute upon a question of great importance to
the African church.
The election of Caecilianus to the bishopric of Carthage
had been opposed by a party, of which Donatus was the
leader, and which was called from this circumstance the
party of the Donatists. When Constantine sent the
order concerning the immunities of the clergy, the Dona
tists applied to the proconsul for their own clergy to be
admitted to the benefit of it ; and, at the same time, they
made some serious charges against Cascilianus. The
whole matter was referred to Constantine, who happened
at that time to be in Gaul ; and he ordered Caecilianus,
with ten bishops of his own party and ten of the opposite
party, to go to Rome, where a council was to meet and
decide upon the question. The emperor wrote himself to
Melchiades, who now filled the see of Rome, and also to
three bishops in Gaul, as well as to some in Italy, re
questing them to attend the council : and the decision to
which they came entirely acquitted Caecilianus from the
charges brought against him, and pronounced a sentence
of excommunication against Donatus.
The reader will have observed, that these acts of Con-
stantine were not considered as an undue interference on
his part in the affairs of the Church. As soon as he was
converted, he became himself a member of the Church.
It was his duty to feel an interest in its concerns : and
when any question was referred to him as the head of the
empire, it was his duty to provide for its being amicably
settled. In matters of a temporal nature, when the Chris
tians were viewed merely as one portion of his subjects,
he made what regulations he pleased concerning them,
according to the power which was vested in him as head
of the state : but when he saw them disputing among
themselves upon points of doctrine or discipline, in which

A. D. 313.] ECCLESIASTICAL UNITY. 371
the rest of his subjects had no concern, he took the best
measures which he could for leading them to settle their
differences. For this purpose he always directed a meet
ing of bishops and clergy ; which, as we have seen, had
been the custom among the Christians themselves before
the government took any interest in their proceedings:
and the unanimity which prevailed in these meetings upon
all subjects of importance, is one of the most striking
features in the history of the early Church.
We may also form a favourable idea of the good sense
and right feeling of Constantine, when we find him so
anxious to keep up this ecclesiastical unity. In his let.
ter to Caecilianus, which was written not many months
after his victory over Maxentius, he shows an interest in
church-questions, and an acquaintance with existing par.
ties, which could hardly have been expected in one so
recently converted. He speaks of the Catholic Church,
as if it was an expression with which he had been long
familiar ; and whenever the unity of the Church was dis
turbed, though he did not himself pretend to decide which
party was right, he had the sense to perceive that truth
could rest with one party only, and that it was his duty
to side with those whose opinions were in agreement with
the universal Church.
The term Catholic was applied to the Church, as com -
prising the whole body of believers throughout the world,
as early as the middle of the second century, and perhaps
much earlier ; and the preceding history has shown us
how anxious the heads of the churches felt, in every coun
try, that their members should hold communion with each
other, and that this communion should not be extended to
any who held sentiments at variance with those of the
whole body. During the three first centuries, if a Chris.
tian went from any one part of the world to another, from

372 THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. [a. n. 313.
Persia to Spain, or from Pontus to Carthage, he was cer
tain to find his brethren holding exactly the same opin
ions with himself upon all points which they both consid
ered essential to salvation ; and wherever he travelled he
was sure of being admitted to> communion : but, on the
other hand, if the Christians of bis own country had put
him out of communion for any errors of belief or eonduet,
he found himself exposed to the same exclusion wherever
he went ; and so careful were the churches upon this
point, that they gave letters or certificates to any of their
members, which ensured them an admission to communion
with their brethren in other countries.
The first dispute of any moment was that concerning
the Paschal festival : but churches which differed upon
this point continued to hold communion with each other ;
and the bishop of Rome was thought decidedly wrong
when he made this difference a cause of refusing commu
nion. So strong a measure was only considered neces
sary, when the difference involved an essential point of
doctrine. The Montanists were not erroneous in doc
trine ; and there is no evidence that every Montanist was
put out of communion by his own ehurch. In countries
like Asia Minor, where the party was so numerous, it
would have been hardly possible to do this ; but churches
which were not yet infected sometimes thought fit to ex
clude the Montanists ,- and at the end of the second cen
tury, the breach was rather formed by the Montanists
separating from the Church, than by the Church issuing
any decree against them. This, however, appears to have
been done at the beginning of the third century ; and
when Montanism began to decline, which it did shortly
after, the bishops proceeded so far as to treat its support
ers as hereti6s.
When a matter of faith was at issue,, there was no room

A. D. 313.] THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. 373
for doubt or difficulty. If a man did not bold the articles
of faith which were taught by the Church, and which he
had himself recited at his baptism, he. could not receive
the bread and wine which were taken as a proof of his
holding this faith. Thus Theodotus, who did not believe
the divinity of Christ, was excluded from communion
when he went to Rome. The same church excluded
Praxeas for denying the personality of the Son and Holy
Ghost ; and when a doctrine somewhat similar began to
spread in the Alexandrian diocese, the bishop who op
posed it was so desirous to know that he ivas acting in
agreement with other churches, that he sent copies of his
own letters to Rome. The reader will recollect that the
bishop of Rome was not satisfied with his brother of Alex
andria, on account of some expressions in these letters,
which seemed to imply that he believed the Son to be a
created being : such a notion was known to be at vari
ance with the doctrine of the universal Church ; and the
bishop of Alexandria proved, to" the satisfaction of the
Church, that his opinions were perfectly sound. The
case of Paul, bishop of Antioch, was still more remarka.
ble. The council which deposed him might be called a
general council of the Eastern church ; and steps were
taken by the parties assembled there to inform the West-
ern churches of their reasons for deposing the heretical
bishop. It is in this way that we are able to ascertain, at differ.
ent periods of history, the sentiments entertained by the
Church on various points of doctrine. We have also the
works of the early Christian writers, which show that
the Church maintained the same doctrines during the
whole ofthe period which we have been considering. If
we take any particular opinion, Sabellianism for instance,
we know for certain that it was not the doctrine of the
31*

3T4 THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. [a. d. 313.
Catholic Church. Whenever it was brought forward by
Praxeas, Noetus, Beryllus, or Sabellius himself, it was
uniformly condemned, and that not merely by one writer,
or by one church, but by the consentient voice of all the
Eastern and Western churches. If we wish to know
whether the divinity of Christ was an article of belief at
the period which we have been considering, we find no
instance of its being denied till the end of the second
century, when Theodotus was put out of communion by
the Roman Church for denying his belief in it. A few
years later, Dionysius of Alexandria was obliged to- defend
himself from the charge of not believing it ; and all the
Eastern churches put forth their declaration from An-
tipch, that not only did they all maintain this article of
belief themselves, but that it had been maintained by the
Catholic Church from the beginning.
Creeds and confessions of faith were, during this period;
and especially the former part of it, short and simple.
While there were no heretics, there was no need to
guard against heresy. Antidotes are only given to per-
sons who have taken poison, or who are likely to take it :
neither do we use precautions against contagion, when no
disease is to be caught. The case, however, is altered,
when the air has become infected, and thousands are dy
ing all around us. It is then necessary to eall in the phy
sician, and guard against danger. The case was the
same with the Church, when she saw her children in
peril from new and erroneous doctrines. When a mem-
ber wished to be admitted, it was her duty to examine
whether he was infected or no. The former tests were
no longer sufficient. Words and phrases, which had
hitherto, borne but one meaning, were now found to admit
of several ; and the bishops and clergy were too honest to
allow a man to say one thing with his tongue, while in his

a. D. 313.] THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. 375
heart he meant another. It was thus that creeds became
lengthened, and clauses were added to meet the presump
tuous speculations of human reason. But the fault ( if
fault it can be called) was with the heretics, not with the
Church. Her great object from the beginning had been
unity. Even when the bond of peace was broken by
schisms in different churches, there was still an unity of
faith. The churches of Rome, Alexandria, and Carthage,
did not expel the Novatians, the Meletians, and the Do-
natists, from their respective communions, till the schis
matics had themselves dissolved the bond of unity, and
had formed, as they termed it, a separate church. But,
schismatieal as they were, they still looked upon them-
selves as members of Christ's holy Catholic Church. The
Church which admitted Constantine into its pale was
one and undivided as to articles of faith ; but the seeds
were already sown which were to bring forth, ere long, an
abundant crop of heresy, division, and corruption.

37©
CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE
OF THE
PRINCIPAL EVENTS OF THE ECCLESIASTICAL HIS
TORY OF THE FIRST THREE CENTURIES.

A. D.
31 "Crucifixion and Ascension of Jesus Christ.
Appointment of the Seven Deacons. Death of Stephen ; and
Conversion of Saul.
32 Saul in Arabia. James appointed bishop of Jerusalem. Con.
version of Cornelius.
33 Saul returns to Damascus, goes to Jerusalem,:and' thence to
Tarsus.
42 Barnabas brings Saui from Tarsus to Antioch.
44 Saul and Barnabas go to Jerusalem. Death of James, the brother
of John.
45 Paul and Barnabas take their first journey, and return to
Antioch.
46 Council at Jerusalem.
Paul sets out on his second journey with Silas.
47 Paul at Corinth.
48 Paul goes to Ephesus.
52 Paul leaves Ephesus, and goes through Macedonia to Corinth.
53 Paul goes to Jerusalem, and is imprisoned at Cassarea.
54 Luke writes his Gospel.
55 Paul sails for Rome, and winters at Malta.
56 Paul arrives at Rome.
58 Luke writes the Acts ofthe Apostles. Paul leaves Rome.
62, Death of James, bishop of Jerusalem, and of Mark, bishop of
Alexandria.
64 Burning of Rome. Christians persecuted by Nero.
66 Jewish war breaks out. Christians retire to Pella.
68 Peter and Paul martyred at Rome.
72 Destruction of Jerusalem by Titus.
Rise of tho Ebionites and Nazarenes.
93 Christians persecuted by Domitian. John, banished to Patmos,
writes his Revelations.
Clement writes his Epistle to the Corinthians.
97 Nerva recalls the exiles. John returns to Ephesus, and writes
his Gospel and Epistles.

378 CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE.
A. D.
104 Death of Symeon, bishop of Jerusalem.
107 Martyrdom of Ignatius at Rome.
Ill Pliny writes to the Emperor Trajan, and persecutes the Chris
tians.
114 Insurrection of the Jews in Egypt and Cyrene.
Basilides, a leader of the Gnostics at Alexandria, and Saturninus
at Antioch.
119 iElia Capitolina built on the site of Jerusalem.
122 Hadrian visits Athens. Apologies presented to him by Quadra
tus and Aristides.
125 Hadrian writes to Minucius Fundanus, proconsul of Asia, con
cerning the Christians.
132 Revolt ofthe Jews under Bar-Cochab.
Justin Martyr leaves Palestine.
1 35 End of the Jewish war.
138 Martyrdom of Telesphorus, bishop of Rome. Shortly after, Val
entinus and Cerdon, leaders of the Gnostics, come to Rome.
142 Marcion comes to Rome.
148 Justin Martyr presents his first Apology to Antoninus.
158 Polycarp visits Anicetus, bishop of Rome.
Hegesippus flourishes.
163 Death of Papias.
165 Death of Justin Martyr.
166 Tatian founds the sect ofthe Encratites.
Bardesanes flourished.
167 Martyrdom of Polycarp.
168 Montanus begins his heresy.
174 Reported miracle of rain, in the campaign of M. Aurelius.
177 Persecution at Lyons. Irenaeus succeeds Fothinus, as bishop.
183 Marcia, the mistress of Commodus, favours the Christians.
184 Apollonius, senator of Rome, martyred.
188 Pantcenus goes to India : succeeded in the school "by Clement.
193 L. Septimus Severus, emperor.
197 Theodotus flourished. Artemon.
198 Paschal Controversy between Victor and Asiatic Churches.
200 Praxeas flourished. Tertullian.
202 Severus begins a persecution ofthe Christians.
204 Origen, head of the Alexandrian School.
211 Severus dies at York. His successor, Caracalla, favours the
Christians.
217 Macrinus, emperor.
218 Elagabalus, emperor. Interview of Origen with Mammaaa.
222 Alexander Severus, emperor, tolerates Christianity.
228 Ordination of Origen.
235 Progress of Montanism. Council of Iconium.
Maximinus, emperor, persecutes the Christians.
238 Gordian, emperor. Tranquillity of the Church.
240 Beryllus flourished. Noelus.
244 Philip, emperor. Tranquillity continues. Corruption of morals
among Christians.

CHRONOLOGICAL TABLE. 379
A. D.
248 Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria. Cyprian, bishop of Carthage.
249 Decius, emperor. Severe persecution of Christians. Origin of
Monastic system.
251 Schism of Novatus, at Carthage ; and of Novatian, at Rome ;
arising out of controversy concerning the case of the lapsed.
Gallus, emperor, continues the persecution.
253 Valerian, emperor. Favours the Christians. Death of Origen.
254 Question concerning validity of baptism by heretics.
257 Valerian begins a persecution. Martyrdom of Stephen, bishop
of Rome. Sabellius flourished.
258 Martyrdom of Cyprian.
260 Gallienus, emperor. Tranquillity of the Church.
265, 269, Councils at Antioch, in which the heresy of Paul of Samo-
sata was condemned.
268 Qlaudius, emperor.
270 Aurelian, emperor. Christianity introduced into Wallachia.
275 Tacitus, emperor.
276 Probus, emperor. Tranquillity of the Church continues.
277 Death of Manes. Origin of Manicheeism.
282 Carus, emperor.
284 Diocletian begins his reign.
286 MaximianusHerculeusjoint emperor with Diocletian. Galerius
and Constantius Chlorus, Cassars.
292 Hieracita? in Egypt.
298 A new persecution of tho Christians begun.
302 Continued and increasing severities against Christians.
305 Diocletian and Herculeus abdicate the empire. Galerius and
Constantius, emperors : Severus and Maximinus, Caesars.
Constantius favours the Christians in the West. Council of
Illiberis. Meletian Schism.
306 Death of Constantius, at York. His son, Constantine, pro
claimed Csesar. Competition for the empire.
312 Victory of Constantine near Rome. Cessation of persecution.
Edict of toleration and restitution in favour of the Christians.

QUESTIONS

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH.

A WORD TO TEACHERS.
It. is not supposed that any Teacher will conflne himself to these Questions in
the instruction of his Scholars. They are only designed to suggest the leading
topics. Many others will grow directly from the text ; and slill more will be sug
gested for the purpose of familiar explanation. Attention will of course "be called
to the Scriptural authority in every case to which it reaches.

St. Maev's Hall, St. Michael and all AngelSj 1839.

G. W. D.

INTRODUCTION.
(Page 33.) 1. To what may the reader of history be compared ? —
2. What will occasion different degrees of enjoyment in different
readers ?
(P. 34.) 3. What is the earliest use of history ? — 4. What is the
great distinction between savage and civilized life ?
(P. 35.) 5. What has Dionysius of Halicarnassus called history ? —
6. For whom is the study of history peculiarly important ? — 7. What
lesson should the statesman learn from it ? — 8. What should always
be remembered in reading history ?
(P. 36.) 9. What is the history of the Church ?— 10. What does
it describe? — 11. Whom does it represent? — 12. How does it record
their actions ? — 13. Under what aspect does it chiefly present them ?
— 14. What comes naturally within the province of the ecclesiastical
historian ?
(P. 37.) 15. Of what are we constantly reminded in reading the
annals ofthe Church ? — 16. What are Christians found to have been ?
(P. 38.) 17. Is this a fair picture of the Christian character? —
18. What is the disadvantage of history ? — 19. What advantages has
the biographer ? — 20. What is the historian's duty ? — 2 1 . Is the his
tory of the Church still beneficial to the reader ? — 22. What are the
two opposite difficulties by which the subject is beset ?
(P. 39.) 23. In what respect is the testimony of early Christians
important ?

882 QUESTIONS ON THE
(P. 40.) 24. What peculiar advantage did the apostles possess ? — ¦
$5. Was the revelation ofthe will of God complete from the first? —
26. What is its leading doctrine ? — ¦>!. Have the terms of salvation
varied ?— 28. What is left for us to do ?
(P. 41.) 29. Is Christianity susceptible of improvement 7 — 30. In
what do all agree who call themselves Christians ? — 31. What does
every portion of them believe as to its own interpretation of the
Scriptures ? — 32. What becomes of great importance. ? — 33. Is the
appeal to antiquity disrespectful to the word of God? — 34. Why are
we so anxious to ascertain its meaning ? — 35 When is it that we call
in testimony ? — 36. Where do we look for it ? — 37. Is it infallible ? —
38. What gives the testimony ofthe early Christians especial value?
(P. 42.) 39. What was there in their condition to confirm this 7
— 40. Was there any advantage enjoyed by them growing out ofthe
language in which the Scriptures were written ? — 41. On what
ground do we appeal to the first Christians in matters of faith ? — 42.
How long did they remain agreed as to essentiils of doctrine? —
43. On what other subject may a similar appeal be made to them?
— 44. On what ground is this reference made ? — 45. What is the fair
Inference in regard to any ecclesiastical regulation prevalent in the
second century ?
(P. 43.) 46. Is there any other way in which those points can be
decided? — 47. What may be considered a fair presumption ?— 48. Is
not precedent allowed to have weight in similar matters ? — 49. Why
should it not in those which concern religion ?
(P 44.) 50. Is it necessary that the reader of ecclesiastical histo
ry should b&seme a controversialist 7 — 51. What ought the reader to
know in regard to all controversies 7
(P. 45.) 52. What may the Christian writer of ecclesiastical his
tory properly take for granted 7 — 53. What are the readers of the
following history supposed to be acquainted with 7
(P. 40.) 54. Where does it commence 7 — 55. Can the precise date
ofthe birth of Christ be accurately fixed 7 — 56. Is it important that it
should 7 — 57. What is the greatest received variation ? — 58. At what
age did Jesus Christ begin his ministry? — 59. Who was then em
peror of Rome ? — 60. About what year of his reign ?
(P. 47.) 61. Can we attain to sufficient accuracy in the chronolo
gy of Christian history? — 62. At what date is the crucifixion sup
posed to have taken place by the author of this book 7

CHAPTER I.
(P. 48.) 1. From what ovent may the beginning ofthe kingdom
of Christ be dated ? — 2. When was it first promised 1 — 3. In what
respects was the revelation to the Jews defective > — 4. What was
their error as to the kingdom of the Messiah 1 — 5. What prophet

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 383
had fixed tho time of his coming 7 — 6. When did a general expecta.
tion of him prevail 7 — 7. Was it confined to the Jews \
(P. 49.) 8. What strong reasons had the Jews for cherishing it ?
— 9. With what did they connect the name of the Messiih ! — 10.
What wis heard at this period ! — 11. What was John the Baptist 7 —
12. Did he encourage the Jewish prejudice as lo the nature of the
Messith's kingdom? — 13. On what did the Jews pride themselves'! —
14. What did he teach them 7 — 15. What was the effect of this
teaching 7
(P. 50.) 16. Is the same preparation still necessary for all who
would receive tho Gospel ! — 17. What must pvery such person do ? —
18. What else ! — 19. What did John the Baptist proclaim to the
Jews' — 20. Were the expressions Kingdom of God, and Kingdom of
Heaven, familiar to them 1 — 21. How did Jesus Christ begin his
preaching 7 — 22. What was his first message by the twelve disciples 7
— 23. What may we infer from this? — 24. For what did Jesus Christ
como into the world 7
(P. 5 1 .) 25. When did he properly enter upon his kingdom 7 — 26.
In what was laid the foundation of the Church 7 — 27. Who are-
members of it 7 — 28. How do they become such ' — 29. To whom
did Jesus Christ entrust the explanation of his doctrine 7 — 30. What
was their character and circumstances? — 31. What did they under
take 7 — 32. What were they to preach ? — 33. What were men to be
taught to do 7 — 34. In what were they to be taught to trust 7 — 35.
What was lo be done to those who embraced this doctrine 7 — 36. Of
what was it a token !
(P. 52.) 37. To what gift did it entitle them ? — 38. How was this
gift to be conveyed ! — 39. By whom ? — 40. What was its effect to
be? — 41. What is the laying on of hands here alluded to, now
called 7 — 42. Was it designed to be a permanent ordinance? — 43.
Who were to administer it after the apostles? — 44. How does this
appear! — 45. To whom alone was the commission to preach and
baptize o-iven by Christ ! — 46. What was one of their first acts ? —
47. Were these men of themselves equ il to their task 7 — 48. Were
they personally well qualified for it 7— 49. How were they fitted for
it ?  50. On what day ? — 51. What was the immediate visible
result 7
(P. 53.) 52. What was the peculiar fitness of this season 7 — 53.
Could this have occurred in the ordinary course of nature ? —
54. What was it then 7 — 55. What would follow if the Gospel
were not true 7 — 56. What was the effect of this miracle ? —
57. Whit use did the apostles make of this impression 7 — 58. What
was the result 7 — 59. Were the first converts to the Gospel called
Christians ?—60. By what were they distinguished? — 61. What
would this show ?
(P. 54.) 62. What was the political condition of Judaea at this
t;me ? — 63 Were the Jews willing to allow this ? — 64. From what
time had their independence been but nominal ? — 65. Of what nation
was Herod the Great?— 66. What was his position? — 67. What was

384 QUESTIONS ON THE
his policy ?— 68. What was the extent of his territory 7 — 69. Was
there any party opposed to him 7 — 70. What did ths Romans do with
the country after his death ? — 71. What other act of sovereignty was
exercised by Augustus 7 — 72. When was the tax levied 7
(P. 55.) 73, What was Judaea made after the deposition of Arche-
laus 7 — 74. What was Pontius Pilate ? — 75. When was he appointed?
— 76. How long did he hold office ? — 77. What then became of him 7
— 78. What was the Roman policy as to tho religion ofthe Jews? —
79. Where did the Procurator usually reside ? — 80. When did he go
to Jerusalem ? — 81. How was the order ofthe city secured? — 82. Did
the high priests retain any power 7 — 83. Who appointed them ?^—
84. What was their term of office ?
(P. 56.) 85. Was it an office much sought?— 86. How did the
incumbents seek its continuance ? — 87. When the procurator inter
fered in matters of religion, on what ground was it?— 88. Under
what pretext did he order the crucifixion of Jesus?
(P. 57.) 89. How may we account for the rapid progress ofthe
Gospel in Jerusalem after the death of Jesus 7 — 90. What class of
persons were the first to embrace the Gospel 7 — 91. Was provision
made for their support? — 92. How? — 93. Did they constitute an
actual community of goods? — 94. What is the lesson of the Gospel
on this subject ? — 95. Did the first believers obey it ?•
(P. 58.) 96. What was the characteristic of the early Chris.
tians? — 97. What was their bond of union? — 98. What custom
did they establish? — 99. How often was the Lord's Supper adminis
tered among them 7 — 100. What was the increase of believers ? —
101. What signs attended the preaching of the Gospel ? — 102. Was
tho Gospel received by any ofthe Jewish priests? — 103, Was it con
fined to Jerusalem ? — 104. What circumstances tended to excito
opposition to the apostles 7
(P. 59.) 105. What was the disposition of the people?
(P. 60.) 106. Why may the signal judgment on Ananias and
Sapphira have been deemed necessary? — 107. What effect would it
have on the minds of men ? — 108. How would the divisions between
the Pharisees and Sadducees further the Gospel? — 109. Which of
the two were most opposed to it? — 110. Why was this? — 111. Of
what school was the high priest? — 112. Of what school was the
most learned and influential man ? — 113. Is there any express record
in tho Gospel of directions from Jesus Christ as to the governrnent
of his Church?
(P. 61.) 114. How do we know that he gave any such directions ?
— il5. To whom did he givo them ? — 116. Where are any of them re
corded 7 — 117. How extensive was the commission to the twelve? —
118. How long was it to continue' — 119. Who were sent out by
Christ besides the twelve? — 120. What were these authorized to an
nounce? — 12.1. Upon whom was the Church to be built? — 122. To
whom were the keys of tho kingdom to be given ? — 123. Under what
circumstances was the commission to preach and to baptize given to
the apostles ? — 124. What was their first recorded act ? — 125. What

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 385
is justly inferred from these things 7—126. What was the first office
of the apostles ?— 127. To what were those who received the Gospel
admitted ?— 128. How?— 129. By whom 7
(P. 62.) 130. What else had they to do?— 131. Were they ade
quate to so much duty?— 132. What part of their charge did they
desire to entrust to others?— 133. How many were chosen for this
work ? — 134. By whom ? — 135. From whom did they receive autho
rity?— 136. What were they called ?— 137. Why?— 138. What was
their first duty ?— 139. What else did they do 7—140. What had they
not the power to do ? — 141. Is the word extraordinary in this place
the same as miraculous ?
(P. 63.) 142. Who had tho authority to confer the gifts of the
Spirit by the laying on of hands ? — 143. What is the end of this or
dinance, as stated in the note 7 — 144. What benefit resulted from the
appointment of the deacons? — 145. What did it show? — 146. What
were the three great Jewish festivals? — 147. Who came to Jerusalem
then 7 — 148. With what dispositions would they come ?
(P. 64.) 149. Who was the first martyr for Christ?— 150. What
was his office in the Church ? — 151. How did he suffer 7 — 152. On
what charge 7 — 153. What were the circumstances of his death? —
154. Was' it the act of tho government, or of the populace ? — 155.
What did the government allow to the Sanhedrim 7
(P. 65.) 156. Did the Romans allow the exercise of their religion
to the Jews 7
(P. 66.) 157. In what respects was the political state of Judaea
favourable to the progress of Christianity 7
(P. 67.) 158. How were the Christians for a long time regarded
by the Romans? — 159. How does this illustrate the overruling provk
dence of God 7

CHAPTER II.
(P. 68.) 1. What followed the death of Stephen 7— 2. What
new person did it bring into, notice 7 — 3. Where was he born 7 —
4. Of what school was his father? — 5. Where was he sent for
his education 7 — 6. Who was his teacher ? — 7. What was his
character ?
(P. 69.) 8. Was he engaged in the persecution of Stephen?
(P. 70.) 9. Did the apostles remain in Jerusalem ? — 10. Was
the Church dispersed? — ll. Did Saul continue his persecution or
the Church 7 — 12. To what city did he direct his attention 7 — 13.
Who had possession of it ? — 14. What circumstances favoured the
persecution ofthe Christians?
(P. 71.) 15. How far is Damascus from Jerusalem 7 — 16. What
circumstance had tended to the diffusion ofthe Gospel?
32*

386 QUESTIONS ON THE
(P. 72.) 17. How long did Saul continue blind?— 18. What
took place immediately after the recovery of his sight 7 — 19. Whith
er did he go from Damascus ? — 20. What became of the col
leagues of Stephen * — 21. How does this illustrate the overruling
providence of God 7 — 22. Into what country was Christianity first
carried from Judaea ? — 23. Why was this less likely than many
others to receive the Gospel 7
(P. 73.) 24. By whom had Samaria been long inhabited? — 25.
What was the language ofthe inhabitants 7 — 26. What was the lan
guage of the Jews after their return from Babylon ? — 27. In what
letters were their Scriptures written after that time ? — 28. What let
ters did the Samaritans use ? — 29. What quarrel does the Bible re
cord between them and the Jews? — 30. Did this antipathy continue
till the time of Christ ? — 31. Did the Samaritans worship the true
God ? — 32. Did idolatry exist in Samaria ? — 33. How did the Sa.
maritans regard the temple tit Jerusalem 7
(P. 74.) 31. How did the Samaritans differ from the Jews as to
tho books of Scripture 7 — 35. Was the expectation of a Saviour cur
rent in Samaria 7 — 36. In what respect were the Samaritans better
disposed to receive the Gospel than the Jews 7 — 37. Did he expressly
direct that the Gospel should be preached there 7 — 38. How far did
he direct it to be earned 7
(P. 75.) 39. Which ofthe deacons went to Samaria? — 40. By
what was his preaching confirmed ? — 41. How was it received ?
42. Who was among his hearers ? — 43. Of what sect has he been
supposed to be the founder 7 — 44. Of what were their opinions com
pounded 7 — 45. Where did they prevail ? — 46. What were their
leading doctrines ?
(P. 76.) 47. What is meant by saying that Simon Magus was
the founder of the Gnostics 7 — 48. What would dispose him to be
impressed by the miracles of Philip ?
(P. 77.) 49. Who were sent down to Samaria by the apostles 7 —
50. Why were they sent? — 51. What did the believing Samaritans
receivo at their hands ? — 52. What accompanied this gift ? — 53.
Were they always its accompaniment 7 — 54. What did Simon ask
for 7 — 55. What did his conduct prove 7 — 56. What is subsequent
ly known of Simon Magus 7
(P. 78.) 57. What distinguished Gentile did Philip baptize ?—
58. What prejudice would this remove ? — 59. To what country
was the preaching of the Gospel still chiefly confined ? — 60. Did
the apostles go out from Jerusalem? — 61. To whose superinten
dence were the Christians in that city entrusted 7 — 62. Who was he 7
(P. 79.) 63. Is it certain that he was an apostle or not? — 64.
What do all the early writers agree in calling him 7 — 65. What did
they mean by this 7 — 66. What other order of ministers was in the
Church at Jerusalem? — 67. For what were they appointed? — 68.
What third order of ministers was at Jerusalem 7 — 69, Whence is
their title derived 7

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 387
(P. 80.) 70. What was the course pursued by the apostles in
founding a ' church 7 — 71. What office did they themselves dis
charge? — 72. Who were the resident ministers ofthe churches? — •
73. What were tho Evangelists ?
(P. 81.) 74. Who is the first of whom mention is made by name ? —
75. In what other sense was the term used ? — 76. In what sense
does it apply to St. Mark and St. Luke? — 77. Was the Gospel
preached before it was committed to writing ? — 78. To whom was
the Gospel first preached?— 79. What class of persons were next
admitted to its privileges ?
(P. 82.) 80. Who are meant by "proselytes of the gate" 7— 81.
Who are meant by "proselytes of righteousness" 7 — 82. Who was
the first Gentile that received Christian baptism ? — 83. AVhat did
this prove 7 — 84. To whom was Saul informed that he should
preach the Gospel? — 85. Where was he immediately after his con
version ? — 86. How long after his conversion did he begin to preach 7
(P. 83.) 87. To what danger was he exposed in Damascus ? —
88. How did ho escape 7— 89. Whither did he go?— 90. How
was he received1 — .91. Who espoused his cause 7 — 92. What had
he been 7 — 93. What tradition is there in regard to them? — 94.
Which of the apostles was then in Jerusalem 7
(P. 84.) 95. How long did Saul remain in Jerusalem ? — 96.
What was the condition of the Church at this time 7 — 97. In what
year was Pontius Pilate deposed ! — 98. Under what government
was Judaea then placed 7 — 99. Who exercised this office ? — 100.
When did Tiberius cease to reign ?- — 101. Who succeeded him? —
102. Who was Herod Agrippa? — 103. What territory was bestowed
on him 7
(P. 85.) 104. What design had Caligula on the temple ! — 105.
Did he succeed ? — 106. How were the Christians gainers by this ? —
107. What progress had the Gospel made ? — 108. In what great city
was tho Church founded next after Jerusalem ?— 109. Who was sent
to visit them 7
(P. 86.) 110. What had the followers of Jesus been called 7—
111. What name did they take at Antioch ?— 112. Whom did Barna.
has take with him there 7—113. How long were they there ?— 114.
Whither did they then go?— 115. In what year?— 116. Who was
then the Roman emperor 7
(P. 87.) 117. What occurred in the fourth year of his reign? —
118. By whom had it been foretold 7—119. In what two senses is tho
word prophecy used in Scripture ?— 120., Was the knowledge of fu
ture events possessed by Christians generally ?— 12.1. For what pur
pose did Saul and Barnabas go to Jerusalem ?
(P. 88.) 122. Who was now king of Judaea ? — 123. What was his
disposition to the Church ?— 124. Whom did he put to death?— 125..
What was his design in regard to Peter 7—126. How did he escape ?
(P. 89.) 127. What became of Herod? — 128. What favourable
effect had the famine on the Church 7—129. Who succeeded Herod '

388 QUESTIONS ON TnE
— 130. Who succeeded him ? — 131. How were they regarded by the
Jews 7—132. What effect had this on tho Church 7

CHAPTER III.
(P. 90.) 1. How far had the Gospel been preached at this time
by the apostles ? — 2. What did they now do 7 — 3. To what place did
Saul and Barnabas first go? — 4. Had the Gospel been preached there
before ?
(P. 91.) 5. Who was converted by their preaching? — 6. In what
other countries did they plant the Church 7 — 7. How were they re
ceived by the Gentiles 7—8. How by the Jews 7 — 9. What intention
did they avow 7 — 10. What name did Saul now take 7—11. About
what year is this 7 — 12. Whither did the apostles then go 7
(P. 92.) 13. To what discussion did their conduct give rise? —
14. Was the church at Antioch dependent on that at Jerusalem 7 —
15. Was the subjection of one church to another known in old times?
— 16. What was the doctrine of the Judaizing teachers as to Gentile
converts to Christianity? — 17. Did Paul allow it?
(P. 93.) 18. How was it important that the question should be
settled 7 — 19. Whose opinion was essential 7 — 20. Who were sent ta
obtain it 7 — 21. Whither were they sent ? — 22. Which of the apos
tles were then in Jerusalem 7 — 23. Who went up with Paul 7 — 24.
From what was he converted 7 — 25. Had he been circumcised 7 —
26. What was held for the decision of the question 7 — 27. What was
Peter's opinion ? — 28. How did the council decide ? — 29. Who pro
nounced the sentence ? — 30. Why did he do it? — 31. What was the
effect of this decree 7
(P. 94.) 32. What was done for the Gentiles 7—33. What was
done for the Jews 7 — 34. What scruples had the Jews about eating ? —
35. What effect would the practice ofthe Gentiles have on them 7 —
36. What was the recommendation ofthe council 7 — 37. Upon what
principle were the prohibitions as to meats founded 7
(P. 95.) 38. What groat doctrine was in danger?— 39. Did the
Jews, when converted, excuse themselves from the ceremonial law 7
— 40. How did the apostles continue to live ? — 41. What did Paul
show by his practice ? — 42. What two principles explain his conduct ?
. — 43. How did the Gentile converts receive the decree ? — 44. What
did it afterwards become 7
(P. 96.) 45. How long did the prohibition of blood continue to. be
regarded? — 46. How did Paul and Peter divide their labour? — 47.
What distress was there in Judssa 7 — 48. What did Paul undertake
for its relief? — 49. How was the decree received at Antioch? — 50.
What occurred between Paul and Peter when they met again ?
(P. 97.) 51. What was the ground of it?— 52. With whom did
Barnabas agree 7 — 53. What course did Paul take with Peter 7

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 389
CHAPTER IV.
(P. 98.) 1. What did Paul now undertake ?— 2. Whom did he
wish to take with him 7—3. Why did he not ? — 4. What did Paul and
Barnabas do? — 5. Was their conduct right? — 6. How was it over
ruled for good? — 7. To what place did Barnabas first repair? — 8.
Which churches did Paul first visit ? — 9. Who was his companion ?
—10. To what countries did they next go 7
(P. 93.) 11. Who was Timothy?— 12. Why did Paul have him
examined ?¦ — 13. Was Paul's conduct inconsistent with the decree of
which he was the bearer I — 14. Why did he refuse to have Titus cir
cumcised ? — 15, Where were churches now planted by Paul and
Silas ?
(P. 100.) 16. Who joined them at Troas?— 17. What had he
been 7 — 18. What did he become ? — 19. How was the religion of the
Jews regarded by the Greeks and Romans ? — 20. What did this pro
cure them ? — 21. What was their course'among the heathen? — 22.
How were the Christians regarded by the heathens? — 23. What must
every sincere Christian desire to make? — 24. Why?; — 25. What was
Christ's intention as to his religion ?
(P. 101.) 26. What was the great object ofthe apostles ?— 27. To
what did this expose them ?— 28. Why ?— 29. Why had the heathen,
hitherto taken but little notice of Christianity ? — 30. Who were al
ways its first opposers? — 31. Why? — 32. Upon what new field were
the apostles now to enter ? — 33. How were the Greeks and Romans
disposed towards any new religion? — 34. What did Paul meet with in
Macedonia ?
(P. 102.) 35. Of what was he accused ?— 36. How far was it just ?
— 37. What prejudice was excited by the Jews? — 38. How were they
released ? — 39. What was the result of these circumstances on tho
jailer ? — 40. Why did not Paul plead his citizenship earlier ?
(P. 103.) 41. How long was he in prison ? — 42. Did he and Silas
remain in Philippi ?— 43. Who did?— 44. Whither did Paul go?—
45. What did they meet with everywhere? — 46. Did the Gospel
spread in Macedonia ? — 47. What compelled him to leave it? — 48.
Who remained? — 49. Whither did Paul go ?— 50. What was its
character ?
(P. 104.) 51. What distinguished person was convicted there ? —
52. Whither did Paul go next ? — 53. What did Dionysius become ?—
54. Are the writings ascribed to him authentic 7—55. How long did
Paul remain in Corinth ?— 56. How did the Jews behave towards
him?  57. What was the character ofthe proconsul? — 58. What
distingnished Jew w-as converted ?
(P. 105.) 59. What Epistles did he write from Corinth ? — 60.
Who joined him there? — 61. What was the result of their joint la
bours ? — &%. What difficulty had the apostle to contend with ? — 63.
How did he meet it ? — 64. What errors in doctrine had reached Co
rinth ?— 65. Whither did Paul go next ?— 66. Under whose govern
ment was Judaea then ?

390 QUESTIONS ON THE
(P. 106.) 67. What was the conduct of Claudius to the Jews?—
68. Did the Christians suffer with them ?— 69. To what city did Paul
go next? — 70. What was the condition of the Church then? — 71.
Who was its first bishop? — 72. Through what country did he travel
next ?— 73. To what city ?
(P. 107.) 74. For what was it distinguished ?— 75. What was the
character of its inhabitants ? — 76. To what were they addicted ? —
77. What rendered it a convenient residence for Paul? — 78. Who
had visited it before? — 79. How long did Paul remain there? — 80.
What occurred to him during this period ?
(P. 108 ) 81. In what island did he plant the Gospel ?— 82. To
.what office was Titus appointed there? — 83. What was entrusted to
him ? — 84. What cause for anxiety had Paul in the Corinthian
Church ?
(P. 109.) 85. What made the gift, of tongues of very great im.
portance ? — 86. What two uses did it serve ?
(P. 110.) 87. In what case would it be of no service ?
(P. 111.) 88. Was the gift of understanding tongues given also ?
— 89. Did all the Corinthian converts enjoy these gifts ? — 90. What
other miraculous powers had been imparted ? — 91. To what abuses
did they give rise ? — 92. To what is thislo be ascribed ?
(P. 112.) 93. Who fostered it ?— 94. What was the consequence ?
— 95. By what were Paul's labours impeded? — 96. To what may the
mischief be traced ? — 97. Where was their influence especially seen ?
— 98, What great error was adopted there ?
(P. 113.) 99. Where did Gnosticism spread most ? — 100. Why
was it popular with the Jews ? — 101. What class of doubts may be
traced to this source ? — 102. What was Paul's leading principle in
correcting these errors ?
(P. 114.) 103. What distinction did he draw in cases of absti
nence ?— 1Q4. What did the Gnostics teach concerning Christ ?
(P. 115.) 105. What did they teach as to the resurrection ?— 106.
Did these doctrines spread ? — 107. What did this lead the apostles
to do? — 108. What else did it occasion ? — 109. What epistles were
probably written from Ephesus ?
(P. 116.) 110. What occasioned Paul to leave Ephesus?— 111.
What is related of his sufferings there ? — 112. Is it certain ?
(P. 117.) 113. What makes it less probable ?— 114. Whom did
Paul leave at Ephesus ? — 115. With what authority ? — 116. In what
office?— 117. Whither did Paul go ?— 118. Whom did he meet?—
119. What was the condition ofthe churches there ? — 120. To what
test of their sincerity were they called ? — 121. How did they bear it?
—122. What epistle did Paul writo here?— 123. Whither did he next
go ? — 124. How long did he stay there ? — 125, What was the condi
tion of the Church ?
(P. 118.) 126. What had been the effect of his first epistle?—
127. What proof did they give of Christian love ?— 128. To what

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 391
regions did Paul now turn his attention ? — 129. How was the know
ledge ofthe Gospel spread ? — 130. Had it reached Rome ?
(P. 119.) 131. From what place did Paul write his Epistle to the
Romans?— 132. Whither did he next go?— 133. Through what
country? — 134. Who joined him ? — 135. How long since Paul's last
visit ? — 136. What was the state of Judaea? — 137. What course had
the Romans pursued as to the Jewish high.priests ? — 138. What had
occurred just before Paul's visit >
(P. 120.) 139. What was the slate of things at the time as to the
high-priesthood? — 140. What number of Jews had embraced the Gos
pel ? — 141. What was, their general practice as to the legal ceremo
nies ? — 142. What prejudice was raised against Paul ?
(P. 121 ) 143. What had he constantly taught on this subject? —
144. With whom did he consult at Jerusalem ? — 145. Why with him?
— 146. What course did Paul take to remove the prejudice? — 147.
Did it succeed ? — 148. What was designed against him ? — 149. How
was he rescued ?
(P. 122.) 150. Whither was he sent? — 151. How long was he
here? — 152. What distinguished hearer had he in this place? — 153.
With what effect? — 154. How long had Paul been a Christian? —
155. With what success had he met ?
(P. 123.) 156. Where did the other apostles chiefly labour ?— 157.
Who were among the most active preachers? — 158. When did Luke
probably compose his Gospel ? — 159. What advantages had he for
that work ?
(P. 124.) 160. Were any spurious writings in circulation? — 161.
What did this make necessary ?

CHAPTER V.
(P. 125.) 1. Who succeeded Felix? — 2. What would he have done
with Paul ? — 3. What course did Paul take ? — 4. What distinguished
person heard Paul ? — 5. With what effect ?
(P. 126.) 6. What were tho opinions of Festus and Agrippa as to
Paul's innocence? — 7. Why was it not best that Paul should be set
free ?  8. In what year did he go to Rome ? — 9. Where did he win
ter ? — 10. By whom was he conducted into the city ?
(P. 127.) 11. In what condition did he continue at Rome? — 12.
Was ho allowed to preach the Gospel ? — 13. What access had he to
the Court ? — 14. What distinguished philosopher was there ?
(P. l'>8.) 15. Were Paul's converts chiefly from the Jews or Gen
tiles?  16. Were any ofthe Court converted?
(P. 129.) 17. Who was with him ? — 18. What did he probably
write there J  19. Who else came to Rome ? — 20. What epistles did

392 QUESTIONS ON THE
Paul write from Rome? — 21. When was he set at liberty? — 22. By
whom was the Church founded at Rome ?
(P. 130.) 23. Who was the first bishop appointed by them ? — 24;
What is known of Paul after his release ? — 25. How long after it did
he live ?
(P. 131 .) 26. What led to his writing the Epistle to the Hebrews ?
— 27. What Gospel was written about this time ? — 28. For whose use
is it thought to have been written more immediately ? — 29. For
whose use did Luke write ?
(P. 132.) 30. What is the presumption as to his visiting Spain,
France, and Britain ? — 31. On what testimony is it founded ?
(P. 133.) 32. When was James appointed Bishop of Jerusalem ? —
33. How long did he hold his office ? — 34. What were the circum
stances of his death ?
(P. 134.) 35. What is ho commonly called?— 36. What did he
write ? — 37. Who succeeded him as Bishop of Jerusalem ? — 38. Who
- else died in the same year ? — 39. Whose companion was he ? — 40.
What Church did he found ?
(P. 135.) 41. Where was his Gospel probably written ? — 42. In
what year ? — 43. Where did Gnosticism take its rise ?
(P. 136.) 44. For what were the Alexandrian Christians noted ?
— 45. What were established at Alexandria ? — 46. What were the
Therapeutae ?
(P. 137.) 47. What were the Essenes ? — 48. Into what extreme
did both run ?
(P. 138.) 49. Where did Paul and Peter suffer martyrdom? — 50.
What did Nero make the occasion of persecution ? — 51. What had
been the progress ofthe Church at Jerusalem between Paul's first and
second visit ?
(P. 139.) 52. What calumnies were raised against the Christians?
— 53. With whom were they sometimes confounded? — 54. What
peculiar cruelties did Nero practise ?
(P. 140.) 55. What did Peter probably write at Ronle ?— 56. What
did Paul write at this time ? — 57. Where was Timothy ?
(P. 141.) 58. What were the circumstances of the martyrdom of
Paul?— 59. What of Peter's ?
(P. 142.) 60. In what year did it occur? — 61. Was Nero's perse
cution extensive ? — 62. What was the fate of Linus ? — 63. Who
succeeded him ?

CHAPTER VI.
(P. 143.) 1. How far had the Gospel been preached when Paul
wrote to the Colossians 7 — 2. What countries had Paul visited ? — 3. In
how many years 7

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 393
(P. 144.) 4. Where is Andrew said to have preached 7 — 5. Where)
did Thomas probably labour 7
(P. 145.) 6. What valuo is to be attached to the story of King
Abgarus? — 7. Where are Matthew and Bartholomew said to have
preached ?
(P. 146.) 8. What is known of the apostle Jude ? — 9. Where did
Philip reside? — 10. With whom is he sometimes confounded? 
11. Are the traces ofthe apostolic history which remain, numerous ?
(P. 147.) 12. What is the only inspired work on the subject ?
(P. 148.) 13. When was Vespasian declared emperor ? — 14. What
event distinguishes his reign ? — 15. Whose counsels did it fulfil ? 
16. Was he conscious of it ? — 17. When did open war commence?
— 18. Who commanded the besieging army ? — 19. In what year was
the city taken ? — 20. What has been its condition from that time ? —
21. How many Jews perished in the siege ? — 22. What expectation
excited them to resistance ? — 23. What notion was generally spread ?
— 24. Who appropriated it to himself? — 25. Was he confident in his
own right ?
(P. 149.) 26. What inquiry did he make when Jerusalem was
taken ?— 27. What was his object ?— 28. What did he pretend to do
in Egypt ? — 29. What had our Saviour predicted ? — 30. What warn
ing had he given ? — 31. Did the Christians profit thereby ?
(P. 150.) 32. To what place did they go ?— 33. Who probably
went at their head ?— 34. Did they all go to Pella ?— 35. What would
be the effect of this dispersion ?
(P. 151.) 36. What did the Christians suffer from being confound
ed with the Jews ? — 37. What was the consequence ofthe extension
of the Gospel through those who had been Jews ? — 38. Which day
ofthe week did the apostles keep holy ? — 39. By what name ? — 40.
On what account ?
(P. 152.) 41. Was the Jewish Sabbath also observed by some
Christians for a time ? — 42. How was it with other regulations origi
nally designed for Jews ? — 43. Did the Christians of Pella return to
Jerusalem ?
(P. 153.) 44. How did they regard the destruction of Jerusalem ?
 45. What two sects sprang from the Jewish Christians who re
mained beyond Jordan ?
(P. 154.) 46. What were the Nazarenes ? — 47. What were the
Ebionites ?
(P. 155.) 48. What were the doctrines of the Gnostics ?— 49.
What effect had they on the doctrine of the atonement ?
(P. 156.) 50. What were the followers of Simon Magus called ?
 51. How was this error perpetuated ? — 52. What error was circu
lated by another division of tho Gnostics ?
(P. 157.) 53. How did they divide between Jesus and Christ ? —
54. What two eminent persons held this doctrine ? — 55. What was
their moral character ? — 56. What division was there among the
33

394 QUESTIONS ON THE
Gnostics on this subject ? — 57. How did Cerinthus encourage his fol
lowers in vice ?
(P. 158.) 58. From what did the Ebionites take their name ? —
59. How did they regard the writings of St. Paul ? — 60. How is their
connexion with the Gnostics proved ? — 61. What Gospel had they?
(P. 159.) 62. How were they divided ?— 63. What was their
moral character ?

CHAPTER VII.
(P. 160.) 1. What were the four most celebrated Christian cities 1
— 2. What was the order in which the Church was founded in them 7
— 3. How far back can we trace the line of their bishops?— 4. What
were these four cities called ? — 5. Had they any jurisdiction over
other Churches ? — 6. Why were they held in especial respect?
(P. 161.) 7. What might Jerusalem claim to be ?— 8. What
gave importance to Rome, Antioch and Alexandria? — 9. When did
Ignatius become bishop of Antioch? — 10. How long did he continue
in that office ? — 11. Who were the first three bishops of Rome, after
the Apostles ?
(P. 162.) 12. Whose companion was Clement ? — 13. What wri
ting has he left ? — 14. By what was it caused? — 15. What does it
contain ? — 16. How was it used ?
(P. 163.) 17. Did other Churches pay the same respect to it? —
18. How does it deserve to rank ? — 19. Is it still preserved ? — 20.
What is its age? — 21. What other Christian writers were ofthe
same age? — 22. Were spurious writings numerous? — 23. Is their
loss to be lamented ?
(P. 164.) 24. Did Domitian persecute the Christians at first ? — 25.
What was required ofthe Jews by Titus ? — 26. Was this exacted of
the Christians ?
(P. 165.) 27. On what charge was Acilius Glabrio put to death?
— 28. On what grounds was this charge brought against the Chris
tians ? — 29. Were the Romans consistent in their punishment of
Atheism ?
(P. 166.) 30. Why was the prejudice against the Christians ? — 31.
What was the real ground of the charge against Glabrio ? — 32. What
other distinguished persons suffered in the same way ?
(P. 167.) 33. What was often objected to the Christians as a
fault ? — 34. What ground was there for this ?
(P. 168.) 35. Where did the Apostle John spend the last year of
his life ?
(P. 169.) 36. What made his presence there necessary? — 37.
What great heretic was there at the same time ? — 38. Who were the
Nicolaitans ?

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 395
P. 170.) 39. To what punishment was John exposed? — 40. Who
succeeded Domitian?— 41. In what year? — 12. What was the first
act of his reign ?— 44. How was John benefitted by this ?— 45. What
was the chief cause of his anxiety ?— 46. How did he oppose them ?
(P. 171.) 47. Was his Gospel written after all the others?
(P. 172.) 48. Where was John's Gospel probably written?
(P. 173.) 49. In what respect does it differ from the others ? — 50.
Is there any canonical writing later than John's?— 51. Were all tho
present canonical writings universally received at first? — 52. Which
were questioned ?— 53. What does this show ?
(P. 174.) 54. What anecdote of John's last days is preserved ? —
55. When did he probably die ?— 56. Where ?
(P. 175.) 57. What is known of the Virgin Mary, after the as
cension of Jesus ? — 58. In what respect are the last thirty years of the
first century very important ?
(P. 176.) 59. What fact is strikingly conspicuous ?

CHAPTER VIII.
(P. 177.) 1. To whom did Paul entrust the Church at Ephesus?
— 2. Who was left in charge with the Church in Crete ? — 3. Who
resided at Philippi ? — 4. Who was sent to Alexandria ?
(P. 178.) 5. How long had the seven Churches of Asia been
planted when St. John wrote his epistles to them 7 — 6. By what
name does he call the chief officer of each 7 — 7. By what name were
they afterwards called? — 8. What does it signify ? — 9. Who had for
merly borne it ?
(P. 179.) 10. When was the name appropriated to the chief over
seer 7 — 11. What was a bishop's usual charge at first? — 12. What
early example have we of many congregations entrusted to onebish,
op 7 — 13. Was the term diocese then used 7 — 14. What was the flock
of a single pastor called 7 — 15. Of how many orders do we find the
Christian ministry at the beginning of the second century ? — 16. Who
were at first placed over the Churches ? — 17. What do they form 7
(P. 180.) 18. By whom were the angels of the seven Churches of
Asia probably appointed? — 19. What is supposed to be the name of
the bishop of Smyrna at that time 7 — 20. Did miracles cease with tho
apostles? — 21. Were they suddenly withdrawn 7 — 22. When were
they discontinued?
(P. 181.) 23. Were miraculous powers possessed by others than the
apostles ? — 24. When did they become less necessary 7 — 25. Who
succeeded James as bishop of Jerusalem 7
(P. 182.) 26. What became of him 7—27. Who was Governor of
Syria at that time 7 — 28. Who was Emperor of Rome 7 — 29. Who
were his persecutors? — 30. What was his age? — 31. How did he
suffer?— 32. In what year 7

396 QUESTIONS ON THE
(P. 383.) 33. Who succeeded him?— 34. Who caused a schism 7
— 35. Who was bishop of Antioch at this time ? — 36. When was he
appointed? — 37. In what year was he sent to Rome ?— 38. What
bishop did he see at Smyrna 7 — 39. What did he write on his jour
ney ? — 40. How many are preserved?
(P. 184.) 41. Who collected them 7 — 42. Have any of his own
letters been preserved ? — 43. What other early epistle from an apos
tolic bishop still remains 7 — 44. What is the collection called !— 45.
What is the agreement of the learned as to their genuineness ? — 46.
How did Ignatius suffer death ? — 47. Where were his remains car
ried 1
(P. 185.) 48. Who was his successor ? — 49. Is Trajan personally
connected with this cruelty ? — 50. When was the younger Pliny
Governor of Bithynia? — 51. What was commonly required ofthe
Christians at the public festivals 7 — 52. How was their refusal regard
ed? — 53. What had been the progress of Christianity in Bithynia?
(P. 186.) 54. What were the evidences of this? — 55. How long
had the Gospel been known then ? — 56. What did Pliny acknow*
ledge? — 57. What was his practice? — 58. Was there express law
for it 7
(P. 187.) 59. What course did he take for satisfaction ?— 60. Is
his letter preserved 7 — 61. What did Trajan write to him 7 — 62. What
was the effect of these instructions ! — 63. What was ihe practice of
the Christians? — 64. What was the general character both of Trajan
and of Pliny ?
(P. 188.) 65. What was the effect of this persecution? — 66. How
long did Trajan reign after his letter to Pliny ? — 67. How did he
treat the Jews about the Euphrates? — 68. Did those in Palestine suf
fer? — 69. Is it known whether Christians were involved in it?
(P. 189.) 70. How many bishops were in Jerusalem between the
years 107 and 125 7 — 71. What was the character ofthe latter years
of Trajan's reign 7 — 72. When did he die ? — 73. Was Christianity
impeded by his policy 7 — 74. Was peace or war more detrimental ta
it? (P. 190.) 75. What benefit did the sufferings of Ignatius cause to.
the Church ?

CHAPTER IX.
(P. 191.) 1. Who succeeded Trajan? — 2. What was his charac
ter ? — 3. How did he show his dislike for the Jews ?
(P. 192.) 4. What was the error of Basilides as to Jesus Christ ?
(P. 193.) 5. To what were the Gnostics commonly addicted ?
(P. 194.) 6. How had Christianity been taught in Alexandria ?
(P. 195.) 7. Who wrote in reply to Basilides?— 8. When was the
Gospel planted in Athens ? — 9. With whom did St. Paul have the

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 397
care ofthe Church ? — 10. What bishop suffered martyrdom there in
the second century? — 11. Who succeeded him? — 12. What is he
supposed to have written ? — 13. What was the 'object of this class of
writings ? — 14. Is the Apology of Quadratus preserved ? — 15. What
Athenian presented another Apology to Hadrian ?
(P. 196.) 16. Who desired instruction from Hadrian as to his
treatment ofthe Christians? — 17. What was his reply? — 18. How
might the magistrates avoid its provisions? — 19. What was the bear
ing ofthe emperor's conduct upon the Christians ?
(P. 197.) 20. Of what impieties was he guilty?— 21. What oc
curred among the Jews in 132 ? — 22. Who was their leader ? — 23.
What gave him influence ? — 24. How long did the contest last ?
(P. 198.) 25. How many Jews perished in it?— 26. What severe
regulation was enacted ?
(P. 199.) 27. Was there a Church still there ?— 28. What new
name did Hadrian give to Jerusalem ? — 29. What does Eusebius say
ofthe Church there ?— 30. How did the bishop of that Church rank ?
— 31. When did Hadrian die ? — 32. What was now the character of
heathen persecution ?
(P. 200.) 33. What was the cause of this ?— 34. What strong
hold had heathenism upon the people ? — 35. To what cruel purpose
were Christians devoted ? — 36. Can Hadrian properly be called a
persecutor ? — 37. How were the philosophers injurious to the Gospel ?
(P. 201.) 38. Who was Celsus ?— 39. What did ho write ?^0.
Who replied to it? — 41. What is the character of the Apologies of
this age ? — 42. What circumstance gives value to them ?

CHAPTER X.
(P. 202.) 1. Who succeeded Hadrian ?— 2. In what year ?— 3.
Who was the first Roman bishop known as a martyr?
(P. 203.) 4. Had Gnosticism prevailed in the West as much as in
the East ? — 5. What celebrated leaders of it visited Rome ? — 6. In
what year? — 7. What were the notions of Valentinus? — 8. What
was the character of his followers ? — 9. What were tho doctrines of
Cerdon ?
(P. 204.) 10. Was he their first teacher ? — 11. Who eclipsed him 7
— 12. Who was bishop when Marcion came to Rome ? — 13. Of what
was his brother Hermas thought to be the author ? — 14. What is
more probable in regard to it ? — 15. Were there many spurious books
at this time? — 16. What has become of them ?
(P. 205.) 17. Who succeeded Pius as bishop of Rome? — 18. In
what year ? — 19. Who was Marcion ? — 20. What obliged him to
leave Asia?— 21. What did he call himself?— 22. What was his
creed?— 23. What effect had it ?— 24. What Apology was presented
at this time ? 33*

398 QUESTIONS ON THE
(P. 206.) 25. What was the character of its author ?— 26. Tc-
what philosophy was he attached ? — 27. What led to his conversion ?
— 28. Did he write other books ? — 29. Which of his writings are
preserved? — 30. What course did Antoninus pursue towards the
Christians ?
(P. 207.) 31. With what class of persons did the Gospel find
most favour at first ? — 32. By what evidence were the doctrines of
the apostles confirmed ? — 33. After miracles were withdrawn, how
was the Gospel sustained ?
(P. 208.) 34. Was the learning of the age of the Antonines
against or for Christianity ? — 35. Why was Christianity less popular
with the Gentiles than with the Jews ?
(P. 209.) 36. What Asiatic bishop visited Rome in 158 ?— 37.
With what apostle had he been familiar ? — 38. Who was then bishop
of Rome ? — 39. What was the occasion of his coming ? — 40. On
what day did the Eastern Christians keep Easter? — 41. On what
day did the Western ?
(P. 210.) 42. Was either ofthe two bishops convinced? — 43. How
were their views maintained? — 44. Which ofthe two consecrated the
elements at the administration of the Holy Communion ? — 45. Why
was this respect probably paid to him ? — 46. What was the condition
of the Roman Church ?— 47. In what respect was Polycarp's visit
seasonable ?
(P. 211.) 48. What success attended it 7 — 49. Who else visited
Rome during the episcopate of Anicetus 7 — 50. What was he ? — 51.
Are his works preserved? — 52. What did he say of the churches
which he visited ? — 53. How long was Anicetus bishop 7 — 54. What
list did Hegesippus make out ?

CHAPTER XI.
(P. 212.) 1. Who was the second ofthe Antonines? — 2. When
did he begin to reign ? — 3. What was he ? — 4. What was the condi
tion of Christianity in his reign ? — 5. Under what pretext did the
cities of Asia Minor ask leave to punish the Christians ?
(P. 213.) 6. What was the emperor's answer? — 7. Were the
Christians, however, persecuted ? — 8. Who presented an Apology ? —
9, How did Justin Martyr suffer? — 10. In what year? — 11. What
restriction in the use of the word martyr was now introduced ? — 12.
How had it been used before ?
(P. 214.) 13. Who were called confessors? — 14. What distin
guished pupil did Justin leave ? — 15. How was he converted ? — 16.
What work of his has reached us ? — 17. Into what errors did he fall
after Justin's death ? — 18. Of what sect did he become the head ?
(P. 215.) 19. Who succeeded him as their head ?— 20. What
other book did Tatian write 7 — 21. What question does this settle ?

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 399
(P. 216.) 22. In what other portions of the Church did persecu.
tion rage? — 23. What bishop suffered martyrdom 7 — 24. What bishop
wrote to encourage the Athenians ? — 25. Did he write letters to
other churches? — 26. To what places, among others? — 27. What did
Athenagoras write at this time ? — 28. What was he ?
(P. 217.) 29. For what were the Christians illustrious in their
trials ? — 30. What was their practice towards their brethren in dis
tress? — 31. At whose distribution did they place their alms? — 32.
In what Church was this kept up from the apostles ? — 33. When
was Soter bishop of Rome ? — 34. By what other bishop was the li-
berality of his flock acknowledged ? — 35. What use was made of
Soter's reply ? — 36. What other letter was still used in the same
way? — 37. What was the effect of Christian charity among the
heathen ?
(P. 218.) 38. Is there reason to suppose that many were influ
enced by motives of interest ?
(P. 219.) 39. What was the Christian practice in times of pesti
lence ? — 40. What was the effect of such seasons on the heathen ? —
41. What opportunity was afforded for the exercise of this virtue? —
42. What celebrated physician speaks of the Christians ? — 43. What
does he call their fortitude ?
(P. 220.) 44. What bishop suffered martyrdom at this time ? —
45. What was his character? — 46. What doctrine is he supposed to
have taught first ?
(P. 221.) 47. In what year did Papias suffer ? — 48. Who was his
successor ? — 49. Of what was he the author? — 50. What other bishop
of Hierapolis did the same ? — 51. Did he write other works ? — 52. Are
any of them preserved ? — 53. When did Polycarp suffer martyrdom?
54. How ? — 55. Where ? — 56. What proposal did the proconsul make
to him 7 — 57. What was his answer ? — 58. Who drew up an account
of his death ?
(P. 222.) 59. Is it still extant ? — 60. What was the custom of
Christians at this time in commemoration ofthe martyrs ? — 61. What
services were held ? — 62. Who succeeded Polycarp ? — 63. What was
his end ? — 64. What other bishop suffered martyrdom at Smyrna ?
65. What bishop was martyred at Laodicea ? — 66. Who presented
an Apology to the emperor ? — 67. What was his character ?
(P. 223.) 68. What has been preserved of his writings ? — 69. How
do the writings of the Christians in the second and third centuries
compare in number with those of the heathen ? — 70. What writings
of Theophilus have come to us? — 71. Of what was he bishop ? — 72.
In what did the Gnostics all agree ? — 73. What remarkable fact is
mentioned here ?
(P. 224.) 74. What was the notion of Hermogenes ? — 75. What
two Christian writers replied to him ? — 76. What heresy sprang up
at the middle of the second century ? — 77. Who was its author ? —
78. Who associated themselves with him ?
(P. 225.) 79. What formed the peculiar character of the sect 1 —

400 QUESTIONS ON THE
80. What did Montanus mean by calling himself the Paraclete ? —
81. How did the Montanists speak of all others?
(P. 226.) 82. What were some of their extravagances ? — 83. Did
their notions spread ? — 84. What other sect agreed with them ? — 85.
What stricter notions began to prevail among Christians ?
(P. 227.) 86. Were there many Christians in the army? — 87.
What excuses for persecution were common among the heathen ?
(P. 228.) 88. What instances occurred in this reign ?
(P. 229.) 89. What is the legend of " the thundering legion?"
(P. 230.) 90. What was the progress of Christianity during the
second century ?
(P. 231.) 91. What nations are mentioned as having received the
Gospel 7 — 92. Who was Bardesanes? — 93. Did he continue sound in
the faith ?
(P. 232.) 94. Had Christianity reached Egypt 7—95. When was
the Church founded in Carthage ?— 96. What Western nations had
the Gospel? — 97. Who is supposed to have sent missionaries to
Franco ? — 98. How early were Churches established there ? — 99.
What two cities suffered persecution in 177 ?
(P. 233.) 100. Who was the bishop of Lyons 7—101. How were
they destroyed ? — 102. What message did they send to Rome in the
midst of their sufferings?
(P. 234.) 103. To whom was it addressed ?— 104. By whom was
it carried ? — 105. What was he ? — 106. Whose scholar had he been ?
— 107. What is the history of Valentinus and Marcion ? — 108. What
fellow-student did Irenaeus find at Rome ? — 109. What heresy had he
embraced ?
(P. 235.) 110. To what other work did this lead ?— 111. To whom
else did Irenaeus write? — 112. On what subject? — 113. What took
place on his return to Lyons? — 114. What work did he leave? —
115. Have we tho original ? — 116. In what translation ?
(P. 236.) 117. When did Aurelius die 7—118. Of what philosophy
was ho the follower ?

CHAPTER XII.
(P. 238.) 1. Who succeeded Aurelius?— 2. In what year?  3.
What was his character ?
(P. 239.) 4. How did Commodus regard the religion of his coun
try ? — 5. Who extended protection to tho Christians ? — 6. Was her
character any ground of censure against Christianity ?
(P. 240.) 7. Were the charges of immorality against Christians
sustained by evidence ? — 8. What was the character of heathenism
in this respect ?

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 401
(P. 241.) 9. On what does the Gospel teach men to rely ? —
10. What was the bearing ofthe reign of Commodus on the Gospel ?
(P. 242.) 11. Was Christianity introduced into Britain before this
time? (P. 243.) 12. What was probably the nature of the intercourse
between Lucius and Eleutherus ? — 13. Who. was Pantaenus ? — 14.
Where did he reside 7
(P. 244.) 15. What was the mode of instruction in the school at
Alexandria? — 16. Who, was bishop of Alexandria at that time? —
17. Why did Pantaenus go to India ?
(P. 245.) 18. What country was probably meant?— 19. Who is
supposed to have planted the Gospel there ? — 20. What were the
sources of intelligence respectively to the eastern and western por.
tions ofthe empire? — 21. Should the Christians of Arabia hear much
of Alexandria ?
(P. 246.) 22. What is the probable explanation ofthe tradition of
a Hebrew translation of St. Matthew's Gospel found there 7
(P. 247.) 23. Who supplied the place of Pantaenus in the cate
chetical school ? — 24. What do his writings show ? — 25. How early
were his first publications ? — 26. Why did he most favour the Pla
tonic philosophy ?
(P. 248.) 27. What agreement did he attempt to show between
Christianity and Platonism?
(P. 249.) 28. How far did the attempt to reconcile the two pro
ceed ? — 29. In what year did Commodus die ? — 30. Who succeeded
him?— 31. Who next ?— 32. What three competitors arose ?— 33.
Which prevailed ? — 34. What became of his rivals ?
(P. 250.) 35. How long did the siege of Byzantium continue ? —
36. How was the Church affected by it? — 37. What was the conduct
of Theodotus ?
(P. 251.) 38. Who succeeded Eleutherus as bishop of Rome? —
39. How did he deal with Theodotus ?— -40. To whom did this power
belong ? — 41. How far did it extend ? — 42. What was the practice
of Christians who travelled 7 — 43. What were its benefits ? — 44.
What were those liable to who had no such credentials ?
(P. 252.) 45. Of what heresy was Theodotus the founder ? —
46. What did he believe as to the birth of Jesus Christ ? — 47. What
scholar of his became very celebrated? — 48. Who became a bishop in
that sect ?
(P. 253.) 49. Did he continue in their error ? — 50. By whom
were the bishops and clergy supported? — 51. Out of what fund ? —
52. Who else received relief from it? — 53. By whom was it man.
aged ? — 54. Who appointed presbyters and deacons to their office ?
(P. 254.) 55. By whose hands were the alms to the poor distribu
ted ? — 56. What proportion of the common fund went to the bishop ?
— 57. To what was another part appropriated ?
(P. 256.) 58. How did the bishops and clergy meet together ?—

402 QUESTIONS ON THE
59. What made them more frequent while Victor was bishop of
Rome ? — 60. Which practice of observing Easter did he maintain ? —
61. Who took the lead on the opposite side ? — 62. What were called
Apostolic Churches ? — 63. How were they regarded by the others ? —
64. What character was given to some ofthe sees ?
(P. 257.) 65. What was the decision of the sees of Jerusalem,
Antioch, and Alexandria.? — 66. What did Victor propose ? — 67. How
was it received ? — 68. What did he do ? — 69. Who remonstrated with
him ?— 70. What effect did it have ? — 71. How did particular
Churches act in matters not essential ? — 72. What custom in regard
to Easter was universal ? — 73. How did it vary? — 74. What was the
bishop's power as to fasts ? — 75. How early were Wednesdays and
Fridays observed as days of abstinenco ? — 76. What was universal as
to Sunday?
(P. 258.) 77. What was Victor's inclination towards the Monta
nists ? — 78. Did Montanism spread at Rome 7
(P. 259.) 79. Who was Praxeas ?— 80. What did he teach?— 81.
Had such notions been received before ?
(P. 260.) 82. By whom was Praxeas ably opposed ?— 83. What
opinions did he afterwards embrace ? — 84. Does this lessen his value
on disputed points of doctrine 7 — 85. What did TertuUian charge on
Praxeas, as a consequence from his doctrine ? — 86. What name was
hence given to his followers 7
(P. 261.) 87. What was the condition ofthe Church at this time ?
— 88. How long did it continue ? — 89. What was the disposition of
Severus 7 — 90. In what countries was the Church now established ?
(P. 262.) 91. Had the unity of the Church been broken by any
open secession ? — 92. In what respects was it one 7 — 93. What had
every Church ? — 94. In what respect was it independent ? — 95.
What connexion existed between Churches ? — 96. Who commonly
had precedence among the Churches of a province ? — 97. What often
increased this claim 7
(P. 263.) 98. How were bishops elected? — 99. By whom were
they consecrated? — 100. Who commonly claimed this privilege? —
101. By whom were the primates or metropolitans consecrated? —
102. By whom was the bishop of Rome consecrated ? — 103. What
was the nature of a bishop's jurisdiction at first ?
(P. 264.) 104. To what date may the term Catholic as applied to
the Churoh be traced ? — 105. What were the communicatory letters 7
— 106. Had any schism in the Church occurred at the end ofthe se
cond century ?
(P. 265 ) 107. What does TertuUian state as to the extension of
Christianity 7
(P. 266.) 108. What is known of Apollonius of Tyana 7
(P. 267.) 109. Who wrote his life 7—110. With what design ?—
llL What does this prove ?

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 403
CHAPTER XIII.
(P. 269.) -1. How many years ofthe reign of Severus passed
away without persecution ?
(P. 270.) 2. What edict did he issue against them? — 3. What
was the character of Origen 7
(P. 271.) 4. What occurred to his father?— 5. Of what school
was he put in charge? — 6. What was the second Church in Africa?
(P. 272.) 7. In what year did Tertullian's apology appear?
(P. 274.) 8. Who succeeded Victor as bishop of Rome 7
(P. 276.) 9. What work of Minucius Felix was written at this
time? — 10. When did Severus set out for the conquest of Britain?
(P. 278.) 11. What Church did Clement of Alexandria visit ?—
12. What bishop visited Jerusalem? — 13. Who was their bishop then?
— 14. Who succeeded him? — 15. What was remarkable in it? — 16.
What important institution did he find?
(P. 279.) 17. When did Origen visit Rome?— 18. For what pur.
pose 7 — 19. What occurred on his return home ? — 20. Who sent for
him ? — 2 1 . What distinguished Arabian bishop lived at this time ?
(P. 280.) 22. What was Caracalla's conduct at Alexandria?
(P. 281.) 23. Where did Origen go ?— 24. What distinction was
shown him ? — 25. What course did the bishop of Alexandria pur
sue ? — 26. Who succeeded Caracalla? — 27. Who succeeded him 7
(P. 282.) 28. Whom did Origen visit at Antioch 7— 29. What
course did Elagabalus pursue? — 30. How did it affect Christianity?
(P. 283.) 31. In what year was Elagabalus murdered ?

CHAPTER XIV.
(P. 284.) 1. Who succeeded Elagabalus ? — 2. What was his reli
gious character ? — 3. How did he conduct himself towards the
Christians ?
(P. 285.) 4. What decision did he make in their favour ? — 5. How
did the Christians at first meet for worship ? — 6. What places were
used for that purpose at Rome ?
(P. 287.) 7. What was the effect of Christianity at Alexandria ?
(P. 288.) 8. What artifioe was employed to check its growth ? —
9. How was it encouraged by tho Christians ? — 10. What did Origen
and others borrow from Plato ?
(P. 289.) 11. In what respect was his interpretation of the Scrip
tures faulty ? — 12. Was he the first to do so ? — 13. Who had prac
tised it before ? — 14. What was a principle with Philo Judaeus, and
others ?

404 QUESTIONS ON THE
(P. 290.) 15. When was Origen ordained ?—l6. Where ?— 17.
Was this regular ?
(P. 291.) 18. How was he treated in Alexandria 7— 19. Whither
did he retire ?
(P. 292.) 20. What council was held at Iconium ?
(P. 294.) 21. What was decided as to the baptism of the Monta
nists ?— 22. On what ground ? — 23. What had always been held as
to the authority to baptize 7 — 24. How had the Montanists departed
from this rule ? — 25. What had they founded? — 26. Were the Mon-
tanist baptisms allowed ?
(P. 295.) 27. By whom was Origen visited at Caesarea 7 — 28. How
was Gregory distinguished ?
(P. 296.) 29. Who succeeded to the empire in 235 7—30. What
was his conduct 7
(P. 297.) 31. Whither did Origen betake himself?— 32. What
was his greatest work ? — 33. What Greek translations of the Scrip
tures had been made ?
(P. 298.) 34. How many years did Origen devote to his edition of
the Scriptures ?
(P. 299.) 35. Is Origen's great work preserved 7 — 36. Who suc
ceeded Maximinus 7 — 37. How were the Christians treated in his
reign ? — 38. Which of the western churches ranked with Rome in
importance ? — 39. Who was its bishop 7 — 40. How many African
bishops were at the council of Carthage ?
(P. 300.) 41. What were the errors of Beryllus? — 42. What
council was held? — 43. What distinguished men attended it 7 — 44.
What was the result ?
(P. 301.) 45. What was currently believed as to the souls of the
departed ?
(P. 302.) 46. In what sense did the early Christians pray for the
dead? (P. 303.) 47. What peculiar view did Origen entertain 7 — 48. Was
it the same as the Romish doctrine of purgatory ? — 49. Who suc
ceeded Gordian ?
(P. 304.) 50. What was the condition of the Christians in this
reign ? — 51. What was the only exception 7

CHAPTER XV.
(P. 306.) 1. What had been the effect on the Church of forty
years of peace ? — 2. In what year was Philip put to death ? — 3. Who
succeeded him ?
(P. 307.) 4. What was the effect of prosperity 7—5. What edict
did Decius issue 7 — 6. What was the consequence oi it ?

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 405
(P. 308.) 7. What originated in this persecution 7 — 8. What other
causes had tended to this 7
(P. 309.) 9. Had the Church given any decision on this subject ?
— i0. Where had Ascetics been long known 7
(P. 310.) 11. Who were first aimed at in a persecution? — 12.
What had Decius said ofthe bishop of Rome 7 — 13. What is supposed
to have been the number of Christians there at that time 7
(P. 311.) 14. Who was bishop of Rome at this time 7—15. How
many presbyters were there ?
(P. 312.) 16. Who was bishop of Carthage?— 17. To whom had
he succeeded? — 18. Who had opposed his election? — 19. Did the
persecution reach him 7 — 20. How long was he absent fi-om his dio
cese 7 — 21. How was he occupied ?¦ — 22. How had the Christians of
Carthage borne the persecution ? — 23. Who were called the lapsed ?
• — 24. How were they restored to the Church ?
(P. 313.) 25. What privilege had confessors 7—26. What did the
absence of the bishop cause? — 27. What did Novatus propose? — 28.
What was Cyprian's direction ?
(P. 314.) 29. How was it regarded at Rome ?— 30. What were
the Acts of the Martyrs 7
(P. 315.) 31. What course did Novatus pursue?
(P. 316.) 32. What did Cyprian do as soon as he returned? — 33.
Who was elected bishop of Rome 7 — 34. What insubordinate presby
ter was there ? — 35. What did he do ?
(P. 317.) 36. Had this ever occurred before?— 37. What difference
in the two cases ? — 38. What course did Cornelius pursue?
(P. 318.) 39. What were the errors of Novatianism 7
(P. 319.) 40. What other bishops took part in the question ofthe
lapsed ? — 41. Who succeeded Decius 7 — 42. In what year ?
(P. 320.) 43. What was the conduct of Gallus toward the Church?
 44. Who succeeded Cornelius? — 45. In what were the Christians
exemplary ? — 46. Who succeeded Gallus ?
(P. 321.) 47. At what age did Origen die ? — 48. How was he re,
garded ?
(P. 322.) 49. Who was now bishop of Rome ? — 50. What oc
curred in France ?
(P. 323.) 51. What occurred in Spain ?
(P. 324.) 52. What difference arose between Stephen and Cy,

pnan

(P. 325.) 53. What explains the course of Stephen ?
(P. 326.) 54. With what other bishops had Stephen a dispute? — ¦
55. By whom was the question referred to Cyprian ? — 56. Whom did
he consult ? — 57. What was the decision ? — 58. How did Stephen
receive it ?
(P. 327.) 59. What did Cyprian do farther ?
34

406 QUESTIONS ON THE
CHAPTER XVI.
(P. 328.) 1. What was the course of Valerian towards the
Church ? — 2. Who advised him to a different course 7 — 3. What was
the consequence?
(P. 329.) 4. Who succeeded Stephen?— 5. What was done to
Cyprian 7 — 6. What were the notions of Sabellius ?
(P. 330.) 7. What more severe edict was now enacted ?
(P. 331.) 8. How many bishops of Rome suffered martyrdom in
eight years ? — 9. What was the end of Cyprian ? — 10. What is the
value of his writings ? — 11. Who succeeded Valerian ?
(P. 332.) 12. What was his course towards the Church?— 13.
What controversy had Dionysius, bishop of Alexandria ?
(P. 333.) 14. Of what importance is this controversy ?
(P. 334.) 15. What does it prove to have been the faith of the
Church as to the divinity of Christ ? — 16. In what other controversy
was Dionysius engaged ?
(P. 335.) 17. To what evil was the eastern portion ofthe em
pire now exposed ? — 18. What benefit accrued from it to the Gospel?
(P. 336.) 19. What was shown by it as to the charity of Chris
tians 7 — 20. What bishop became heretical ? — 21. What council was
held to consider his doctrines ? — 22. What was his personal charac.
ter? (P. 337.) 23. Who was Porphyry ?— 24. What were the errors of
Paul of Samosata ?
(P. 338.) 25. What did the council permit 7—26. Who was Ze
nobia ? — 27. When was the second council held on the errors of Paul
of Samosata 7
(P. 339.) 28. What letter did they write 7—29. What was their
decision as to Paul 7 — 30. Did he submit 7
(P. 340.) 31. By whom was he probably supported? — 32. Who
succeeded Gallienus ? — 33. By whom was he succeeded ? — 34. What
was the fate of Zenobia ? — 35. What appeal was made to Aurelian ?
— 36. How did he decide ?
(P. 341.) 37. What was the character of Aurelian?
(P. 342.) 38. Who succeeded him? — 39. By whom was he suc
ceeded ? — 40. And he by whom 7 — 41. What was the condition of
the Christians under Probus ? — 42. What errors now began to spread
in Europe ? — 43. With whom did their dissemination begin ? — 44.
What was its great error ?
(P. 343.) 45. How is it shown to be abused? — 46. How is it dis
tinguished from the Scriptural doctrine of evil spirits?
(P. 344.) 47. Who succeeded Probus ?— 48. By whom was he
succeeded I

HISTORY OF THE CHRISTIAN CHURCH. 407
CHAPTER XVII.
(P. 345.) 1. When did Diocletian become emperor? — 2. By what
is his reign distinguished ? — 3. To what did it lead ?
(P. 348.) 4. What was the state of Christianity ?— 5. Whom did
Diocletian associate with him ?
(P. 349.) 6. How was the empire distributed? — 7. What were
Diocletian's views of Christianity ?
(P. 350.) 8. What were the notions of the Hieracitae-7
(P. 351.) 9. How did Galerius feel towards the Christians? — 10.
What edict was issued ?
(P. 352.) 11. What further edicts were issued ?— 12. What mem-
bers of his family suffered from it ?
(P. 353.) 13. What further measures did Diocletian pursue ?
( P. 354.) 14. What new partition of the empire was made ?
(P. 355.) 15. What were some of the decisions of the council at
Illiberis ? — 16. Was it a general council ? — 17. How far were its de
crees binding ?
(P. 356.) 18. What was the condition of the Eastern Christians?
(P. 357.) 19. What was the Meletian schism ?
(P. 358.) 20. What jurisdiction had the bishops of Rome, Car
thage, and Alexandria ?— 21. What ensued on the death of Con
stantius ?
(P. 359.) 22. Who is said to have been the first British martyr?
(P. 364.) 23. What learned men adorned the Church at this time ?
(P. 365.) 24. In what year was Constantine victorious ? — 25.
What remarkable appearance did he see ? — 26. What was the conse
quence of his victory to the Christians ?
(P. 370.) 27. How did Constantine conduct after his conversion ?
(P. 371.) 28. How does he speak of the Catholic Church ?— 29.
How far was unity preserved in the Church ?
(P. 374.) 30. How were creeds and confessions at first ?
(P. 375.) 31. What became necessary afterwards? — 32. What
was the great object ofthe Church ? — 33. What was the state ofthe
Church at the accession of Constantine ?

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