YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY THE OLD CATHOLIC CHURCH. PKI^'TED BY JIUIK & PATEESON, FOR T. & T. CLARK, EDINBURGH. London, . . . Hamilton, Adams & Co. Dublin, . John Robertson & Co. NewYiikk, Chaeles Sceibnee & Co. THE OLD CATHOLIC CHURCH THE HISTORY, DOCTRINE, WORSHIP, AND POLITY OF THE CHRISTIANS TBACED FKOM THE APOSTOLIC AGE TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OE THE : "" ¦ POPE AS A TEMPOEAL SOVEREIGN, a.d. 755 BY W. D. KILLEN, D.D. EDINBURGH T. & T. CLAEK, 38 GEOEGE STKEET 1871 PREFACE. TN the "Ancient Church" the author has endeavoured to illus- -•- trate the ecclesiastical history of the first three centuries. That volume — now several years before the public — has ob tained extensive circulation ; and though it gives a new view of some matters of importance pertaining to early Christianity, no writer at home or abroad has yet undertaken to set aside its conclusions. "The Old Catholic Church" supplies merely a brief sketch of the history of the Ante-Nicene period. The reader may find the controverted questions which relate to it investigated minutely in the preceding publication ; and, in the absence of aU attempts to overturn them, the writer feels him self at liberty to take for granted the soundness of his exposi tions relative to the Ignatian Epistles, the rise of the hierarchy, and the formation of the Catholic system. During the first three centuries the great struggle of Chris tianity was with paganism. Pagan philosophy tried to corrupt its creed, and pagan violence sought to accomplish its annihila tion. During the period between the age of Constantine and the age of Charlemagne, it passed through another phase of existence. Its theology relative to the Godhead, the Incarna tion, and the Fall, was defined by Councils and embodied in carefully prepared formularies ; but the Church itself -now basked in the sunshine of princely favour, and displayed the relaxing influence of the change. Its simple worship was dis figured by the meretricious adornments of the old pagan cere monial, and its free constitution was ruined by imperial and papal usurpations. At the close of this period the Western branch of the Catholic Church entered on a new course of de ft vi Preface. velopment, for then the Bishop of Eome became a temporal potentate. This -Work embraces about one-half of the interval between the birth of Christ and the Eeformation, and notices the leading ecclesiastical transactions which meanwhile occurred. Original authorities have been carefully consulted ; and some new light, it is believed, has been thrown on not a few points of consider able consequence. Special attention is invited to the chapters on the Donatists, the Organization of the Church, and the Ecclesiastical History of England, Scotland, and Ireland. The interpretation here given of Patrick's Confession removes some of the most perplexing difficulties hitherto connected with the career of the great Hibernian missionary. This work wiU, it is hoped, supply a want long felt by a con siderable portion of the public. Whilst overlooking no ecclesi astical movement of importance which took place during the first seven centuries and a half of the Christian era, and exhi biting the results of original investigation, its size presents no very formidable discouragement to any inquirer. Kindred sub jects have been linked together; and the author has studied to maintain a lucid order in his general arrangements. May the reader derive knowledge, comfort, and warning, from a more intimate acquaintance with " The Old Catholic Church !" October 1871. CONTEl^TS. PERIOD I. FROM THE BIETH OF CHEIST TO THE CONVERSION OF CONSTANTINE. A.D. 312. SECTION I. THE HISTOET OF THE CHUBCH. CHAPTER I. THE MINISTET OE CHEIST. TheTimeof Christ's Birth, .... The State of the "World, .... The Wonderful "Works of Jesus, "Why so little Notice of Him by Jewish and Pagan Writers, The Memoirs of Him by the Evangelists, The Scene of Christ's Ministry, His Crucifixion, ..... PAGE 1 1 2 233 CHAPTER II. THE APOSTLES, THE EVANGELISTS, AND THE PRIMITIVE PREACHERS. The Importance of Oral Instruction, Typical Significance of the Twelve and the Seventy, Labours and Sufferings of the Heralds of the Gospel, Thomas, Andrew, Paul, and Peter, The Evangelists, .... The Early Ministers, how supported. Miraculous Gifts of the Early Preachers, Different Effects of the Building of Babel and of the BuUding of the Church, CHAPTER III. THE EARLY FATHERS. To whom the title Fathers applied. Spurious "Writings, The Apostolic Fathers, Justin Martyr, Irenajus and Tertiillian, VlU Contents. Clemens Alexandriuus and Hippolytus, Origen, ...... Cyprian, ...... Minucius Felix, Gregory Thaumaturgus, and others. Imperfections of the Fathers, and Excellency of Scripture, PAGE 1010 n1213 CHAPTER IV. THE PBESECUTIONS OF THE CHURCH. The "Weapons of the Church not carnal, .... 14 Causes of the Early Persecutions, ..... 15 Persecution under Nero and Domitian, .... 15 Policy of Trajan in regard to the Christians, . . . . 16 Rescript of Hadrian, ...... 16 Cruel Policy of Marcus Aurelius, . . . . . 17 Commodus, Septimus Severus, Alexander Severus, Maximin, and Philip, 18 The Decian Persecution, ...... 18 Valerian, Gallienus, and Aurelian, . . . . . 19 The Diocletian Persecution, ..... 19 Honours rendered to the Martyrs, .... 20 Benefits arising from Persecution, ..... 20 CHAPTER V. THE GROWTH OF THE CHURCH, DOMESTIC AND SOCIAL LIFE OF THE CHEISTIAN. The Gospel soon spread throughout Palestine, ... 21 Introduced into Syria, Asia Minor, and Europe, ... 22 A Revival early in Second Century, ..... 23 Influence of the Church of Eome. The Catacombs, . . 23 Growth of the Church in Africa, ..... 23 Growth of the Church in Britain, France, Germany, among the Goths, and in Mesopotamia and India, . . .24 Places of Christian Worship, ..... 25 Success of Christianity not to be ascribed entirely to Miracles, . 25 Morality of the Early Christians, ..... 25 Their kindly Treatment of Slaves, .... 26 Their Conduct at Home. Family Worship, ... 26 Their Dress. Their Aversion to the Heathen Spectacles, . . 27 Their Consistency and Loyalty, ..... 27 Their General Benevolence, ..... 28 SECTIOIT II. THE DOCTRINE OP THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. DOCTEINB OF THE GEEAT BODY OF BELIEVERS. The Messiah Foretold, ..... Perplexity created by the mode of His Appearance Object of his Mission ; and His Dignity, 2929 30 Contents. IX Doctrine of the Church not at first exhibited in a fixed Confession of Faith, Introduction of Theological Expressions not found in Scripture, Supreme Authority of the Written Word, .... PAGE 31 31 32 CHAPTER II. BAELY HEEESIBS, OONTEOVEESIES, AND SUPEESTITIONS. Origin of Gnosticism, ...... Its Doctrines. The Docetae, ...... Simon Magus, Hermogenes, Carpocrates, Cerinthus, Saturninus, Valentine, and others, ....... Practical results of Gnosticism, ..... Montanus and his Peculiarities, ..... Theodotus, Artemon, Natalius, Noetus, Sabellius and Paul of Samosata, Mani and his Sect, ....... The Nazarenes. ....... The Sign of the Cross, ...... The Paschal Controversy, and the Controversy relative to the Baptism of Heretics, ....... The Novatian Schism, and the Schism of Felicissimus, Lessons to be derived from early Heresies and Divisions, 33 33 34 35 35363738 3940 40 SECTION III. WOESHIP AND CONSTITUTION OF THE CHUECH. CHAPTER I. WORSHIP OP THE CHURCH. The Fourth Commandment still binding. Psalmody and Prayer, ..... Reading of the Scriptures and Preaching, Baptism and the Lord's Supper, .... CHAPTER II. CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH. Extraordinary and Ordinary Office-bearers, The Churches of Jerusalem, Antioch, and Ephesus, Elders in every Church and Popular Election, Timothy, Titus, and the Angels of the Seven Churches, Presbyterial Government supplanted by Prelacy, CHAPTER III. THE RISE OF THE HIBEAEOHY AND THE CATHOLIC CHURCH. The Forerunners of Antichrist, Prelacy begins at Rome, Date of its Commencement, The Change at first not very striking, Presbyters for a time continued to ordain. Prelacy led to Poper}', The Catholic Church, The rise of Metropolitans, Danger of tampering with Divine arrangements, Babylon a Type of Papal Eome, 42 43 4345 464749 50 61 62 62 53 54 55 55 55 5657 57 X Contents. PERIOD II. FEOM THE CONVERSION OF CONSTANTINE TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE POPE AS A TEMPOEAL SOVEREIGN, A.D. 312 TO A.D. 755. SECTION I. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTER I. THE CONVERSION OF CONSTANTINE AND HIS IMPERIAL RECOGNITION OF CHRIS TIANITY. THE PROGRESS OF THE CHURCH BEYOND THE BOUNDARIES OF THE EMPIRE. Political state of the Empire in the beginning of the Fourth Century, 60 Constantius Chlorus and his son Constantine, ... 61 The story of the Cross in the sky, ..... 61 Constantine's Conversion to Christianity, ... 63 His equivocal Proceedings and cautious Legislation, . . 64 His final struggle with Licinius, ..... 66 His Conduct afterwards in supporting Christianity and discouraging Paganism, 67 Change produced by the Conversion of Constantine, . . 67 His motives in adhering to Christianity, .... 69 His Character in advanced Life, ..... 70 Evils connected with his support of the Gospel, ... 71 Spread of the Truth beyond the bounds of the Empire, . . 72 The Goths and Ulphilas, ...... 72 Christianity in Persia, ...... 72 The Conversion of the Armenians : Gregory the Illuminator and Miesrob, 72 Christianity in Iberia, Arabia, India, and Abyssinia, . . 73 CHAPTER ir. THE CHURCH UNDER THE SUCCESSORS OP CONSTANTINE, AND THE FALL OF PAGANISM. Two of the nephews of Constantine put to death, . 74 Misconduct of the sons of Constantine, Constantius left sole Emperor, Laws against Paganism, . . . _ Julian succeeds Constantius and supports Pa<'anism Discourages Christianity and attempts to rebuild the Jewish Temple, ' 77 Jovian succeeds Julian, . . . _ ' y„ Valentinian becomes Emperor, his brother Valens Emperor of the East 78 Gratian succeeds to the Empire, . . . _ ' Vq Theodosius the Great, .... 1^ Destruction of the Pagan Temples, ... The Empire divided between Arcadius and Honorius, Fall of the Western Empire, ... Contents. XI Social Influence of Christianity, Christian Churches become Sanctuaries, PAGE 81 82 CHAPTER III. THE ECCLESIASTICAL WEITEES. Literature of the Fourth Century, ..... 82 Lactantius and Eusebius, ...... 83 Rufinus, Socrates, Sozomen, Theodoret, and Evagrius, . . 83 Optatus, Epiphanius, Sulpitius Severus and Dionysius Exiguus, . 84 Gregory of Tours and Bede, ..... 84 The Correspondence of the Popes, and the Epistles of Boniface, . 85 Athanasius, ........ 85 Hilary of Poictiers and Cyril of Jerusalem, .... 86 Basil of Csesarea, Gregory of Nyssa, and Gregory Nazianzen, . 87 Chrysostom, . . . . . . . 88 Jerome, ........ 90 Ambrose, ........ 92 Augustine, ........ 95 Prosper, Marius Mercator, Fulgentius, Cassian, and Vincent of Lerins, 95 Cyril of Alexandria, and Isidore of Pelusium, ... 96 Gregory I., . . . . . . . . 96 Isidore of Seville, Theodore of Canterbury, and John of Damascus, . 97 Contradictions and Errors of the Fathers, .... 97 Inflaeuce of Monachism on Literature, ... 98 False principles of Scripture Interpretation, .... 99 General integrity of the Fathers, ..... 99 CHAPTER IV. MONACHISM. Monachism the Perversion of sound principles, . . . 101 Pagan and Jewish Monachism, . . . . . 102 Origin of Christian Monachism. Paulus and Antony, . . 103 Eremites and Coenobites. Pachomius, .... 103 Popularity of Monachism, ...... 104 Hilarion and Basil. The Rule of Basil, .... 105 Nunneries, ........ 106 Monachism in the West, .... . . 107 Patronized by Athanasius, Ambrose, Augustine, and Jerome, . 107 Martin of Tours and Cassian, ..... 107 Sarabaites, Euchites, Boskoi, and Stylites, . . . 108 Rule of Benedict of Nursia, . . . . . 109 Folly of the Monastic system, ..... Ill Its Infiuence on the Church, . ... 112 CHAPTER V. THE SCHISM OF THE DONATISTS. Importance of the Proceedings of the Donatists as connected with the De velopment of the Catholic Church, .... 113 Death of Mensmius of Carthage, and Election of Csecilian, . . 114 XII Contents. PAGE 115 The Election Opposed, and the Numidian Bishops ordain Majorinus, Felix of Aptunga and Donatus the Great, . . . • ^ Equivocal position of Csecilian and injudicious conduct of Constantine, 117 Case of the Donatists examined by Roman commissioners, . • ^^^ The Donatists dissatisfied, and their case submitted to the CouncU of Aries, 119 The Donatists when condemned appeal to Constantine, and are again con demned, ....... 120 Persecution and subsequent indulgence, .... 121 Prosperity of the Donatists. Their peculiar principles, . . 122 Persecution of the Donatists by Constantine. The Circumcelliones, . 122 Julian encourages the Donatists, ..... 123 Discouraged by Valentinian I. and Gratian, . . • 124 Causes of the Decline of the Donatists, .... 124 Augustine and the Conference of Carthage in A.D. 411, . . 125 Errors of Donatists and Catholics, ..... 126 Augustine and the Papacy, ..... 126 Persecuting principles of Augustine, .... 127 Good Fruits of the Donatist Schism, .... 127 The African Church long preserved the ancient Ecclesiastical Polity, 128 Its sound Theological creed, . . . . . 129 CHAPTER VI. MOHAMMEDANISM . Birth, Connexions, Personal Appearance, and early History of Mohammed, 129 Originally a fanatic rather than impostor, .... 132 Circumstances which led him to assume the character of an Apostle of God, 132 Islam and the earliest Converts, ..... 133 Circumstances which recommended Islam to Jews and Christians, . 135 Mohammed's Vacillations and the slow progress of Islam, . . 135 Mohammed is encouraged by strangers from Yathreb, . . 135 Progress of Islam at Yathreb, . . . . . 136 Mohammed's dangerous position at Mecca, and his night journey to Heaven, 137 The Hegira or Flight to Yathreb or Medina, ... 138 Position of Mohammed at Medina, . , . . 139 Deterioration in the Character and Doctrine of Mohammed, . 139 His Polygamy and the Doctrine of Abrogation, . . 140 Progress of his Power in Arabia, .... 140 His farewell Pilgrimage and Death, ..... 141 Extraordinary Career of Mohammed, . . . 142 Causes of his Success, . . . . 143 The Paradise and Hell of Mohammed, .... 143 Doctrines and Usages of Islam, ..... 144 The Koran, ........ 146 The Khalifs and the rapid extension of the Mohammedan Power, . 145 Circumstances which may account for the victorious progress of the Khalifs, 146 Their mode of treating the Conquered, .... 147 Prophecy and Mohammedanism, ..... 143 Mohammed a scourge to degenerate Christians, . . . 143 The success of a cause no sure test of its excellence, . . 149 Contents. Xlll SECTION II. THE DOCTEINB OF THE CHUECH. CHAPTER I. THE SCRIPTURES. PAGE Remarkable Characteristics of the Bible, . . . . 150 Jewish Canon of the Old Testament, .... 151 Apocryphal Books of the Old Testament. How received in the ancient Christian Church, . . . . . . 151 Canon of the New Testament, ..... 154 Wonderful care employed in preservation of the Scriptures, . 155 Scriptures contain their own Credentials, .... 157 No Canonical Books lost, .... . . 157 I'he Apostle John and the New Testament Canon, . . . 158 Relation of the Church to the Scriptures, . . . . 159 Plenary Inspiration of Scripture, ..... 160 Supreme Authority of Scripture, . . . . . 161 Tradition and Church Authority, . . . . . 161 .Vacillation and Inconsistency of the Fathers, . . . 163 Attention paid to Scripture an index of the State of the Church, . 164 Scripture, and especially the Psalms, largely introduced into ancient Lit urgies, ........ 165 CHAPTER II. THE AEIAN CONTROVERSY. Rise of the Arian Controversy, ..... 165 Alexander and Arius. Their respective Views, . . . 166 Arius, when excommunicated, applies to Eusebius of Nicomedia, . 167 The Council of Nice, and its Creed, .... 168 Character and History of Athanasius, . . . . 169 Refuses to admit Arius to Communion, .... 170 The Synod of Tyre and the Persecution of Athanasius, . . 170 Death of Arius, ....... 171 Constantine and Constans support the Nicene Creed, and Constantius opposes it . . . . . . . 1V2 Athanasius, deposed by a Synod at Antioch, repairs to Eome, . 172 The Homoousians and the Council of Sardica, . . . 173 Excitement in Alexandria, Assassination of Gregory, and return of Athanasius, 173 Councils of Aries, Milan, Seleucia, and Rimini, and perils of Athanasius, 1 74 The Heteroousians, Macedonians, and Apollinarians, . . 175 Tyranny of Constantius, ...... 175176176176177 Conduct of succeeding Emperors, Theodosius the Great suppresses Arianism, Ulphilas, the Apostle of the Goths, Results of the Arian Controversy, CHAPTER III. THE PELAGIAN CONTROVERSY. Pelagianism, a Western Heresy, and Augustine its Great Antagonist, The Doctrine of the FaU not yet fuUy Defined, 178 179 xiv Contents. PAGE Language of Scripture in harmony with the Doctrine of Predestination, 180 Pelagianism propagated by two monks, Pelagius and Coelestius, . 181 Commencement of the Controversy in Africa, . . ¦ l"! Character and History of Augustine. His Conversion, . • 182 Pelagius in Palestine, Orosius, Heros, and Lazarus, . • 183 Views of the Pelagians, ...... 185 The Theology of Augustine, . . . . . • 186 Infant Baptism, ....... 186 Innocent of Rome and the African Councils, . . . 188 Vacillation of Zosimus, and firmness of the Africans, . . 188 Condemnation of Pelagianism by the Emperor Honorius, and the Tractoria of Zosimus, ....... 189 Condemnation by the General Council of Ephesus, . . 190 Cassian and Semi-Pelagianism, ..... 190 Hilary, Prosper, and Vincentius of Lerins. The Council of Orange, 191 Death of Augustine. His Services to the Church, . . . 192 CHAPTER IV. THE NESTOEIAN CONTROVEESY. The Constitution of the Person of Christ, .... 193 Character and History of Nestorius, ..... 193 Refuses to call Mary the "Mother of God." .... 194 Excitement in Constantinople, and Oration of Proclus, . . 195 Jealousy of the Bishop of Alexandria towards the Bishop of Constantinople, 196 Character and History of Cyril. His conduct towards Nestorius, . 196 Jealousy of the Bishop of Rome. Cyril and Nestorius appeal to Celestine, 198 Conduct of Celestine, ....... 199 The discussion respecting the title " Mother of God" leads to a controversy respecting the union of Divinity and Humanity in Christ, . 200 Imperious conduct of Cyril towards Nestorius, . . . 201 The General Council of Ephesus, ..... 202 Meranon and John of Antioch, ..... 202 Diplomacy of Cyril. Mission of Dalmatius to the Emperor, . 203 Triumph of Cyril. Deposition and Death of Nestorius, . . 204 Subsequent History of the Nestorians, .... 204 Remarks on the Nestorian controversy, .... 205 CHAPTER V. THE EUTYCHIAN CONTROVEESY. Different Schools of Theology at Alexandria and Antioch, . . 206 Eutyches and his views. The Eunuch Chrysaphius, . . . 206 "Robber Synod" of Ephesus. Violence of Dioscorus and Barsumas, 207 Deposition and Death of Flavian, ..... 208 Leo the Great and his Tome. Treatment of his Legates at the Robber Synod, 209 Anatolius of Constantinople, ...... 210 General Council of Chalcedon, ..... 211 The Monophysites and the Henoticon, . . . _ 9j]^ Justinian, Theodora, and the Three Chapters, . . . 212 General Council of Constantinople in A .D. 553, . . . 213 Contents. XV Vigilius of Rome and the Judicatum, .... The Monothelites, the Ecthesis, the Type, and Martin I. of Rome, General Council of Constantinople in a.d. 680, and Agatho of Rome, Pope Honorius stigmatized as a heretic. Evils of the interference of the State with the Church, PAGE 213 214215 216217 SECTION III. "WORSHIP AND CONSTITUTION OF THE CHUECH. CHAPTER I. THE lord's day. Its name indicates its character, ..... 218 Superseded the Jewish Sabbath, ..... 218 Called Sunday by Christians when addressing heathens . . 219 Early observance of the Lord's Day, ..... 219 Called the Sabbath, ....... 221 Testimonies of Eusebius, Athanasius, Ambrose, and Augustine, . 221 Decisions of Councils, ...... 223 Laws of Constantine, Valentinian and Valens, and Theodosius the Great, 223 Second Council of Ma9on, Theodore of Canterbury, and English legislation, 224 Observance of the Lord's Day varied according to circumstances, . 225 Blessings connected with keeping the Lord's Day, . . . 225 The spirit of the Lord's Day not ascetic, .... 225 The Lord's Day is the Sabbath, ..... 226 CHAPTER II. THE WORSHIP OF THE CHURCH. Churches of increased splendour built after the Diocletian Persecution, 227 Structure of the Churches. The Chancel, the Nave, the Porch, and the Ambo, ........ 227 Service of the Catechumens, and service of the Faithful, . . 228 The Psalmody and the Cantors, ..... 229 Prayer and the Reading of Liturgies, ..... 230 The Roman Liturgy and Canon of the Mass, .... 231 Preaching in the East and West, . . . ... 232 Baptism, why deferred. Its ceremonies, .... 233 Unction or Confirmation, ...... 234 The Lord's Supper. Mode of its celebration, . . . 234 Mistakes respecting it, ...... 235 Prayers for the dead. Purgatory, ..... 236 Easter, Whitsuntide, and Christmas, ..... 237 Epiphany, Candlemas, Lady Day, and other Festivals, . . 237 Origin of Saints' Days, ...... 238 Heathen Rites introduced into the Church, .... 239 Images and pilgrimages. Worship of the Virgin, . . . 240 Great changes in the outward appearance of the Church, . . 241 XVI Contents. CHAPTER III. THE HIERARCHY. Gradual formation of the Episcopal system, . . . • Council of Nice established the rights of Metropolitans and the precedence of Rome, Alexandria, and Antioch, Vagueness of the decisions of the Council of Nice, Country Bishops. Their original dignity and gradual suppression. Arrangements of the African Chui'ch, .... Transition from parochial to diocesan Episcojjacy, illustrated by a par ticular case, ....... Bishops decreased as Christians multiplied. Establishment of Exarchs or Patriarchs, Case of the Bishop of Jerusalem, .... Case of Constantinople, ..... Contentions connected with the organization of the Hierarchy, The Hierarchy culminates in the Papacy, PAGE 242 243244 245246 247248249250250 251 252 CHAPTER IV. THE GENERAL COUNCILS. The Antiquity of Councils, Number of General Councils, . Early General Councils all Eastern, Summoned and supported by the Emperor, Numbers in attendance. Order of proceeding. Presidents, Remarkable individuals in the Council of Nice, Erastian interference of the Emperors, Subjects discussed in the early General Councils, Doubtful decisions of General Councils, Violent proceedings in General Councils, Literary attainments of the Members, Strange proceedings in the Sixth General Council, High pretensions of these Councils, Character of the Members, Infiuence of General Councils on the Emperors, Decline of freedom in General Councils, 252 253254 254254255 257 258 259259 260 262262263 264 265 265 SECTION rv. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF GREAT BEITAIN AND IRELAND. CHAPTER L ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF ENGLAND. England's early Ecclesiastical History obscure. King Lucius and Pope Eleutherius, Saint Alban and the Diocletian Persecution, British bishops in Councils of Aries, Sardica, and Rimini, Number of bishops in early British Church, 267 267 268 268 269 Contents. xvii Arianism and Pelagianism in England, Germanus and Lupus ; Dubritius and Iltutus, English Christianity nearly extinguished by the Saxons, Welsh Church in the Sixth Century. King Arthur, David, and Gildas, Pope Gregory plans a Mission to England, The monk Augustine and his Companions in England, Queen Bertha and King Ethelbert, Kingdom of Kent converted, .... Establishment of a Hierarchy in England, The old British Church and the Romish Missionaries, Female influence in the Conversion of England, Conversion of East Saxons, Northumbria, West Saxons, Mercia, East Anglia, and Sussex, Superficial conversions and pious frauds, Laurentius and King Eadbald, Great part of England converted by Missionaries from lona. Superiority of Scottish Missionaries, . Excellent character of Aidan, .... Disputes between Scottish and Romish Missionaries, . Synod of "Whitby, ..... Theodore, Archbishop of Canterbury. His zeal and learning. Christianity incorporated with the civil Constitution, Influence of the Conversion of England, Devotion of Englishmen to Rome, Division of England into parishes. Church Cess and Tithes, English Missionaries on the Continent, Willibrord and Boniface, .... Value of even an adulterated Gospel, . CHAPTER II. ECCLESIASTICAL HISTORY OF SCOTLAND. Christianity in Scotland in the days of Constantine the Great, Nynian the Apostle of the Southern Picts, Tlie mission of Columbkille. His lineage, Ireland called Scotland, ..... Columbkille the apostle of the Northern Picts, The Monastery of Hy. Its organization and educational excellence, Adamnan's Life of Columbkille, Bede's account of the Presbyter Abbot, Bishops ordained by him, Columbkille and the Munster Bishop, Columbkille, Findchan, and Aid, Columbkille ordains a King, Columbkille excommunicated, Columbkille and Robert Bruce, Kentigern of Glasgow, . Ancient Scottish Bishops, Decline of the Monastery of Hy. Fame of the island, The Culdees, ...... XVlll Contents. CHAPTER III. IRELAND; AND PATRICK ITS APOSTLE. The Mosaic Narrative, and the early Traditions relating to Ireland, Early colonization of the Country, Early Literature and Civilization, Christianity in Ireland in the fourth century, Ccelestius, ...... Palladius sent to Ireland by Pope Celestine, . His want of success, and death, Patrick in Ireland before Palladius, The Confession of Patrick, .... History of the Apostle of Ireland, ... His singular dream, ..... True chronology of his life, .... Difficulties removed by this explanation. Real cause of the Mission of Palladius, Character and great success of Patrick, Sen-Patrick different from Patrick the Apostle, Palladius has been confounded with Patrick, . Source of the difficulties connected with Patrick's History, Why misconceptions were promoted, . Ordinary Lives of Patrick fabulous. Evidence that Patrick was not sent to Ireland by the Pope, Silence of early writers explained. No evidence of early intercourse between Rome and Ireland, Peculiar usages introduced by Patrick, PAGE 302303304 304305305 305 306 307 308 309 311312 314314315 316316316317318 319320321 CHAPTER IV. DOCTRINE AND POLITY, LITERATURE AND PIETY, OF THE BAELY IRISH CHUECH. The Hymn of Patrick, ....... Patrick a Trinitarian ; held the sovereignty of Grace, and rejected Pur gatory, ........ Early Irish Church practised Communion in both kinds, and rejected Tran- substantiation, ....... Multitude of Bishops in early Irish Church, .... Synodical Government, ...... The Bishopric of Armagh. Its origin and progress, . Seminaries of the early Irish Church, ..... Irish Missionaries. Columbanus, Gallus, and Kilian, Free spirit of Irish Missionaries, ..... Columbanus and Pope Boniface IV., ..... Gradual encroachments of Romish principles, .... Catalogue of old Irish Saints, ...... 322 324 325 327 328330 330331 332333333 Contents. XIX SECTION y. PEOGEESS OF THE POPEDOM. CHAPTER I. PROGRESS OF THE POWEE OF THE BISHOPS OF ROME FROM THE CONVERSION OF CONSTANTINE TO THE DEATH OF THEODOSIUS THE GREAT IN A.D. 395. Great change produced in the condition of the Bishop of Rome by Con stantine's conversion, ...... 335 Nicene Canon relating to the Bishop of Rome, . . . 335 The suburbicarian Churches, ...... 336 The Arian controversy, and the Bishop of Rome, . . . 337 Canon of the Council of Sardica, ..... 337 Julius and Liberius, Bishops of Rome, .... 338 Damasus and Ursinus. Wealth of Roman Bishop, . . . 338 The Roman Clergy and the Ladies, ..... 339 Laws resembling our Statutes of Mortmain, .... 340 Rescript of Gratian and Valentinian 11.^ .... 340 Appointment of Apostolic Vicars, .... - 341 The Decretal Epistles — genuine and spurious, . . . 342 The Bishop of Rome and other metropolitans patronized by the Emperors, S44 Design and fruits of this policy, ..... 345 CHAPTER II. PROGRESS OF THE POWER OF THE BISHOPS OF EOME FEOM THE DEATH OF THEODOSIUS THE GEEAT TO THE FALL OF THE WESTEEN EMPIEE. — A.D. 396 TO A.D. 476. 346 347348349 360351363353 353354354356357 Innocent I. and the Apostle Peter, Eome and Constantinople, .... Pillage of Rome by Alaric and its effects. The Church of Africa and Peter's primacy, The Roman Bishops and the Pelagian controversy, The case of Apiarius, and the Sardican Canon, The Pope and the Gallic Bishops, The Edict of Valentinian IIL, Jealousies and contentions of Eastern Patriarchs, Pope Leo the Great, ..... The Bishop of Constantinople, and the Canon of Chalcedon, Attila, Genseric, and the Bishop of Rome, The Pope, and the fall of the Western Empire, CHAPTER III. PEOGEESS OF THE PAPACY FROM THE FALL OF THE WESTERN EMPIRE TO THE PONTIFICATE OF GREGORY THE GREAT, A.D. 476 to A.D. 590. The Pope and the Fall of the Western Empire, . . . 358 Odoacer and Theodoric, ...... 368 The Greek Emperors and the Pope, .... 359 The Pope and the Heresies, ..... 360 XX Contents. The Henoticon and the Schism between the Greek and Latin Churches, Ennodius and the Papal pretensions. Conversion of Clovis. Its History and Results,. The Conquests of Clovis, and the Spread of Papal Infiuence, . The Papal policy— especially in the case of Appeals to Rome, Case of the Bishops of Ambrun and Gap, Conversion of the Arian Kings promoted Papal influence. PAGE 360 361. 361363365365 866 CHAPTER IV. THE PONTIFICATE OF GREGORY THE GREAT, A.D. 690 to A.D. 604. The Early Life of Gregory and His Election to the Popedom, . 368 Superstition of the Age and veneration for Relics, . . . 369 The Fame of Rome promoted by Pilgrimages, . . . 369 Attainments and Writings of Gregory, . . . 370 Gregory's Spirit and Policy. He wants peace of conscience, . 371 Patronizes Purgatory, and introduces Masses for the Dead, . 372 Liturgies, the Gregorian Chant, and the Spread of the Romish Worship, 373 Monachism and the Papacy, ..... 374 The Conversion of England, and the giving of the Pall to Metropolitans, 375 Gregory's Controversy with John the Faster respecting the title of Universal Bishop, ....... 376 Base Conduct of Gregory in the case of Maurice and Phocas, . 377 Gregory's character injured by his Creed. His great influence, . 378 CHAPTER V. PROGRESS OF THE PAPACY FROM THE DEATH OF GREGORY THE GREAT TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE POPE AS A TEMPORAL SOVEREIGN, A.D. 604 to A.D. 755. Causes of increasing Ignorance, Wretched condition of the Clergy, State of the Laity. Disputes respecting Episcopal Papal power, .... The Popes and the Eastern Emperors, Sufferings of Pope Martin, English Missionaries on the Continent, Boniface and his Oath to the Pope, liabours of Boniface in Germany, Effect of revival of Synods, The Metropolitans and the Monasteries, Character of Boniface, The Image Controversy and the Pope, Revolt of Rome and the Exarchate, The Lombards attempt to seize the revolted Territory, Pepin and Pope Zachary, Pope Stephen III. becomes a temporal Prince, State of the Church at this Period, The Little Horn, .... The Eastern Church and the Saracens, Changes since the Second Century, Appendix. Letter of the late Rev. W. Oureton, D.D, Elections. Growth of 379380381382 382383384 384385386 387 388388389 390 391391392392393 397 PERIOD I. Jixom. the ISirth of CkriBt to the (EonbfrBion of (ExinstanttnE the ^rcat,— a.d. 312. SECTION I. THE HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTEE I. THE MINISTRY OF CHEIST. ABOUT a thousand years after the dedication of the Temple of Solomon the Lord of Glory was ushered on the stage of human existence. When Jesus Christ was born at Bethlehem — a village near Jerusalem — Augustus, the founder of a new dynasty, reigned over the Eoman Empire. Palestine formed part of his wide dominions; and a tributary sovereign — Herod, surnamed The Great — an able but cruel prince of Idumean extraction, was the ruler of the Jewish territory. It is stated in the New Testament that the Messiah appeared on earth " when the fulness of the time was come."^ The period of His Advent had been announced by Daniel;^ and the actual date of its occurrence at once illustrated and confirmed the prophetic intimation. Though the arts and sciences flourished, the aspect of ' society might have convinced any intelligent observer that the world required " a teacher sent from God." The superstitions of the heathen had become almost effete ; licentiousness was prevalent; vice was daUy becoming more unscrupulous ; and philosophy, after centuries of discussion, had failed to produce any moral reform. The Jews themselves were chiefly noted for their pride, hypocrisy, turbulence, and selfish ness; and, as they were widely scattered all over the East and 1 Gal. iv. 4. ' Dan. ix. 24-27. A 2 The Ministry of Christ. West, their ritual — intended for a people who could travel three times every year to Jerusalem — was no longer adapted to their condition. The Divine Being who now sojourned among men derived no factitious importance from wealth or social position. He was the reputed son of a poor mechanic ; He never studied in any great school of philosophy or literature; and the associates of His youth were all persons in humble circumstances. But real. greatness is revealed by the light of its own excellence. His holy character. His marvellous wisdom, and His mighty works, made Him known as the Kedeemer prefigured in so many ceremonies and described in so many prophecies. He quickly excited attention far beyond the boundaries of His native country. " His fame went throughout all Syria : and they brought unto Him all sick people that were taken with divers diseases and torments, and those which were possessed with devils, and those which were lunatic, and those that had the palsy, and He healed them."^ The miracles of Christ were distinguished alike by their num ber, their variety, their utility, and their splendour. He changed water into wine; He opened the eyes of the blind; He walked upon the waves of the sea ; and He raised the dead. His keenest assailants were to be met with in the synagogues ; and yet He there exhibited some of His most astonishing displays of diviae power,^ and thus submitted His credentials to the severest test of adverse criticism. In cases where vast multitudes were con gregated, each individual had positive evidence of the presence of supernatural agency. When five thousand men were fed on five barley loaves and two small fishes, every guest could testify to the bounty of which he had shared. Our Lord was crucified in the reign of the Emperor Tiberius ; and yet several Pagan and Jewish writers who flourished shortly afterwards take scarcely any notice of His career. Tacitus, the Eoman historian, makes but one allusion to Him,^ and that merely incidentally; a single passage respecting Him which appears in Josephus* has been suspected of interpolation; and PhUo the Jew, who was his contemporary, never even mentions His name in any of liis numerous works stiU extant. Nor is 1 Matt. iv. 24. 2 Matt. xii. 9, 10, 13 ; Mark i. 23-26 ' Annal. xv. 44. ^ Antiii. xviii. 3, § 3. The Ministry of Christ. 3 this silence extraordinary. Though Christ's ministry produced an immense sensation. He was known chiefly to the common people ; for few persons of rank or station cared to come within the circle of His personal influence. Jewish and Gentile writers were disposed to ignore His existence; as they knew that, if they recorded any of His acts, they would be adding to the reputation of a personage whose followers they despised and whose doctrines they pronounced foolishness. The four Evangelists, each of whom has supplied memorials of the life of Jesus, treat chiefly of His birth and death, of His discourses and miracles. They say nothing of His personal appearance, and little either of His youthful history or His earthly relatives. But their reports of His sermons and con versations are frequent and circumstantial His instructions shed a new and glorious light on the theology of the Old Testa ment ; whilst His manner of teaching was so dignified, so im pressive, and so masterly, as at once to secure the confidence and to excite the wonder of His hearers. "The people were astonished at His doctrine ; for He taught them as one having authority, and not as the scribes." 1 The public life of Christ extends over about three years. He itinerated meanwhile throughout nearly all Palestine; but the towns and cities of Galilee appear to have enjoyed the largest share of His ministrations. As His end approached He was often found in the neighbourhood of Jerusalem, where He was specially exposed to the malice of the chief priests and Pharisees. At length, by " the determinate counsel and foreknowledge of God," He fell into their hands ; and, after a hasty trial, was put to death on the Cross. The Evangelists enter with much minuteness into the details of the Crucifixion. How many predictions did it fulfil ! How many types did it illustrate ! The passion of Christ was a transaction of momentous import. On Him was laid "the iniquity of us all." Inanimate nature seemed to participate in the travail of the illustrious victim ; for, when Jesus hung on the accursed tree, the earth trembled and the sun hid its face. The scene at Calvary excited intense interest among the inhabitants of Heaven, as a new and stupendous display of the Divine per fections was there exhibited. The Apostle Paul speaks of the 1 Matt. vii. 28, 29. 4 The Apostles, the Evangelists, doctrine sealed by the death of the Great Sacrifice as the key-stone of the Gospel. " We preach," says he, " Christ crucified, unto the Jews a stumbling-block, and unto the Greeks foolishness ; but unto them which are called, both Jews and Greeks, Christ the power of God, and the wisdom of God." ^ CHAPTEE II. THE APOSTLES, THE EVANGELISTS, AND THE PRIMITIVE PREACHERS. "After that, in the wisdom of God, the world by wisdom knew not God, it pleased God by the foolishness of preaching to save them that believe."^ The Gospel is the instrument divinely appointed for the regeneration of the world ; and it can always be most efficiently promulgated by oral communication. At a time when printing was unknown, the human voice was the only available means of disseminating knowledge among the masses of society. Our Lord assiduously applied Himself to the ministry of the Word ; and we are told accordingly that, when He commenced His public career. He " went about all Galilee, teaching in their synagogues, and preaching the Gospel of the Kingdom." ' Fully aware of the importance of oral instruction, He set apart, first the Twelve, and afterwards the Seventy, to proclaim the great Salvation. The Founder of our religion was accustomed to teach by typical acts, as well as to speak in parables ; and various valuable moral lessons are inculcated by His appointment of the Twelve and the Seventy. The Twelve, in the first instance, were required to confine their labours to " the lost sheep of the house of Israel : " * the Seventy, who were subsequently chosen, were commanded to take a wider range, and to go before their JMaster " into every city and place whither He Himself would come." ^ Our Lord addressed Himself to Samaritans and Gentiles, as well as Jews ; and indicated, thus early, that the blessings He dispensed were not to be limited to those hitherto known as the chosen people. According to a tradition then current, and apparently sanctioned 1 1 Cor. i. 23, 24. = 1 Cor. i. 21. 3 Matt;_ ^^ gs ^ Matt. X. 6. 5 Luke x. 1. and the Primitive Preachers. 5 by certain statements in the Pentateuch,^ the inhabitants of the earth, after the dispersion at Babel, were divided into seventy nations speaking seventy languages ; and whilst the Twelve were the representatives of God's favour to the twelve tribes of Israel, the Seventy symbolized His regard to the whole human race. This arrangement likewise points significantly to the quarter where evangelical charity should first reveal itself As our Lord sent apostles to His own countrymen before He appointed mis sionaries to others. He has thus taught us that the condition of those to whom we are more nearly related has the prior claim on our attention and sympathy. Whilst the Seventy are mentioned only once in the New Testament, the Twelve are again and again presented to our notice. Though we know little of their individual history after their final departure from Jerusalem, it is evident that they must have pursued their labours with singular industry and success ; for, long before the fall of the holy city in a.d. 70, some seeds of evangelical truth had been scattered in almost every part of the Eoman Empire.^ But the heralds of mercy were not permitted to preach without disturbance. About a.d. 34 a storm of perse cution burst on the mother Church of Christendom : it commenced with the martyrdom of Stephen,' a zealous deacon ; and so intense was its violence that the disciples in the Jewish metropolis were obliged abruptly to withdraw from the scene of peril, and to disperse themselves all over Palestine. Ten years afterwards, the Apostle James, the brother of John, was put to death at Jerusalem : * and Peter, who was thrown into confinement, escaped only by the intervention of a miracle. Meanwhile a new and distinguished convert had joined the missionary band ; for Saul, who was also called Paul, a learned Jew, had entered on his labours as the apostle of the Gentiles. This devoted man continued for thirty years to exert himself with amazing energy in propagating the Gospel. Tradition reports that some of the apostles travelled far into the East ; and, according to a writer of the third century, Thomas laboured in Parthia, and Andrew in Scythia.^ After having 1 Gen. X. 31, 32. See Ancient Ohurch, period i. sec. i. ch. 3. May there not be an allusion to this in Deut, xxxii. 8 ? See Gen. xlvi. 27 ; Deut. x. 22 ; and Ex. i. 5. See also Hippolytus, Refutation of all Heresies, book x. chap, xxvi ^ Rom. i. 8 ; Col. i. 6. ^ Acts vii. 59. * Acts xii. 2. ° Origen in Genesim. 6 The Apostles, the Evangelists, planted Christian churches in Syria and Asia Minor, Paul passed over into Europe and visited the chief cities of Greece. He was subsequently sent a prisoner from Csesarea to Eome, where he recovered his liberty, probably about a.d. 63. On his release, he fulfilled his long-cherished intention of going into Spain ; but the Neronian persecution exposed him to fresh dangers; and, about A.D. 66, he suffered martyrdom in the imperial city. Peter was crucified, about A.D. 67, in the same capital Philip sur vived the overthrow of Jerusalem, and died at Hierapolis. John, who lived to extreme old age, finished his career at Ephesus about a.d. 100. The evangelists mentioned in the ISTew Testament ^ were ordained missionaries trained for the ministry by the apostles themselves, and then sent out by them to preach and organize churches. To this class belonged Timothy — who was requested by Paul on one occasion to oppose false teachers at Ephesus ; ^ and Titus — who was left for a time in Crete to make arrange ments for the erection of elderships in the cities of that island.' In all the Christian societies established by the founders of the Church a local ministry was instituted;* and the elders who laboured "in the word and doctrine" occupied the most influen tial and honourable position.^ The apostles, evangelists, and primitive preachers were sup ported either at their own expense or by the contributions of the faithful To provide the means of subsistence Paul wrought at the trade of a tent-maker; and that his motives, in a money- making' mart, might be above suspicion, he absolutely refused when on a mission to their city, to receive remimeration from' the rich Corinthians.^ Whilst the apostles declare that those who preach the gospel should live of the gospel,"^ they wiselv avoid entering into details as to the precise mode or standard of compensation. The early preachers were, no doubt, supported generaUy by those among whom they ministered; but they were sometimes sustained by the generosity of distant brethren, « and there were probably cases not a few in which they were content to labour gratuitously. The miraculous powers bestowed on the early Christian minis- ^^Act.«i^8;Eph.iv.ll;2Tim.iv.5. M Tim. i. 3. . B 1 n '• ",„ ^ Acts xiv. 23. s 1 Tim v 17 1 Cor. IX. 12 ; 2 Cor. xii. 13. 7 i Cor. ix. 14. s 2 Co^' ri 9 and the Primitive Preachers. 7 ters furnished corroborative proofs of their divine mission, and induced many to take a deep interest in their message. Who would not listen with eager curiosity to men able to heal the most inveterate maladies by their touch, and to confer super natural endowments by the imposition of their hands % Of the extraordinary gifts of the apostolic age that of " divers kinds of tongues " was not the least remarkable. One hundred languages were spoken in the Eoman world; and as, with very few excep tions, the first preachers were persons of but little education, the ease with which they could address natives of various regions in their vernacular dialects must have excited much astonishment. Under such auspices no wonder that the Gospel spread with amazing rapidity; and that Paul could assert, several years before his death, that it was, known throughout the vast terri tories subject to the Empire of the Csesars.^ The diversity of languages is one of the evils inherited by our fallen humanity. The stream of knowledge, instead of flowing freely over all the earth, is thus often interrupted ; and years must be employed in removing even a few of the barriers which stop the current. But, as the building of Babel led to the con fusion of tongues and the dispersion of mankind, the buHding of the Church promotes the intercourse of nations, and the establishment of a universal brotherhood. The supernatural endowments imparted to the disciples after the Ascension fore shadowed this consummation. The Scriptures, translated into all languages, shall yet form a bond of union for men of every kindred and nation ; and the apostles, in their writings, address ing themselves to the whole earth, shall renew the scenes of Pentecost, when " Parthians, and Modes, and Elamites, and the dwellers in Mesopotamia, and in Judea, and Cappadocia, in Pontus and Asia, Phrygia, and Pamphylia, in Egypt, and in the parts of Libya about Cyrene, and strangers of Eome, Jews and proselytes, Cretes, and Arabians," heard them speak in their tongues " the wonderful works of God." 1 Col. i. 6. 8 The Early Fathers. CHAPTEE III. THE EARLY FATHERS. The title " The Fathers " is applied, by way of distinction, to the authors of the ancient Church. Though used with considerable latitude, and given often to theologians of the middle ages, it is commonly appropriated by Protestants to the ecclesiastical writers of the first six centuries. ^ Among these are a con siderable number of individuals eminent for piety, talent, and erudition. Many of the works of the fathers of the first three centuries have been lost; and many extant writings attributed to the same period are of little value. The Apostolic Canons, the Apostolic Constitutions, the Ignatian Epistles,^ the Clementine Homilies, and various other documents ascribed to the apostles or their immediate successors, are apocryphal ; and though un questionably of high antiquity none of them appeared before the third century. The tract known as The Shepherd of Hermas — a fanciful composition, in one part of which the Church is presented under the similitude of a tower — was probably written about the middle of the century preceding : and the Epistle of Barnabas — a letter remarkable for its allegorical interpretations — may be dated a few years earlier. The most ancient patristic memorial in existence is an epistle from the Church of Eome to the Church of Corinth, drawn up about A.D. 96 by Clement, then senior pastor of the Christians of the Itahan metropohs. The Church of Corinth was at that time disturbed by unruly spirits who endeavoured to render their co-rehgionists disaflected towards certain members of the pres bytery : and the object of this communication was the restoration of peace to the distracted community. The author is one of the writers who are said to have been taught by the apostles, and 1 Roman CathoHc divines include among the Fathers those who lived down to the thirteenth century. They distinguish between Church Fathers and Church authors, mcludmg in the former class only the most eminent writers of undoubted orthodoxy. See Herzog's Encyclopedia, art. Church Fathers. Tiiat these epistles are entirely spurious, see The Aiuient Church, period ii. sect. 11 chaps, ii. ui. See also, in the Appendbc to this volume, a remarkable letter from the late Rev. Dr. Cureton. The Early Fathers. 9 who have in consequence been called Apostolic Fathers. To the same class belongs Polycarp, pastor of Smyrna, who, about the middle of the second century,^ wrote a letter to the Phdippians which is still preserved. This epistle, like that of Clement to the Corinthians, abounds with quotations from Scripture, and represents the churches as under presbyterial government. The Epistle to Diognetus, the production of some unknown author, and perhaps of nearly the same date as the Epistle of Polycarp, exhibits a very favourable specimen of the theology of the early Church. Justin Martyr is the most ancient father who has left behind him works of such extent as to make a volume. In his youth he was addicted to the study of the heathen philosophy ; but he found no satisfaction in its speculations ; and it was not until his attention had been turned to the sacred Scriptures that he attained the peace which he had been long endeavouring to secure. His extant publications are his two Apologies addressed to the Emperors, and his Dialogue with Trypho the Jew. In his Apologies he pleads the cause of the oppressed Christians against their heathen persecutors : in his Dialogue he upholds the claims of the Gospel in opposition to Judaism. Whilst his writings bear testimony to the sufferings of the early disciples, they also throw considerable light on the doctrine and worship of the Church of the former half of the second century. This good man earned the surname of Martyr in a.d. 165, when he was put to death at Eome for the profession of Christianity. Iren^us of Lyons wrote towards the close of the second cen tury; and his treatise Against Heresies, in five books, illustrates the mode of argumentation then employed when dealing with the sects of the Gnostics. But no author who had yet appeared could wield the pen with such ability as Tertullian of Carthage — who flourished about the beginning of the third century. He is said to have been originally a lawyer, and subsequently a presbyter of the Church of Eome. Taking umbrage at the treat ment he received from the clergy of the great capital, he returned to Africa, his native country — where he spent the greater part of his life. His works, which are numerous, treat of a variety of subjects doctrinal and practical; and display much acuteness, learning, and eloquence. But his spirit is ungenial ; and, when ' As to the date of this Epistle, see The Ancient Church, pp. 363, 498. 1 0 The Early Fathers. contending against heretics, he manifests something very like the acerbity of personal hatred.^ Strange to say, he at length turned Montanist, and thus became obnoxious to the denunciations which he has himself fulminated so frequently against the opponents of the Catholic faith. He is supposed to have died at an advanced age about a.d. 230. In ancient times the citizens of the Egyptian metropolis were noted for their intellectual cultivation; and, as persons of educa tion began to pass over to the Church when the Gospel was introduced among them, it was soon found necessary to establish an institute in which such candidates for baptism could be pre pared for the ordinance by some competent instructor. Clement OF Alexandria, who was at the head of this catechetical school in the beginning of the third century, is the author of several works which attest his literary accomplishments. Whilst his Pcedagogihc, his Stromata, and other publications, supply evidence as to the state of theology in his age, they also contain many incidental observations illustrative of the manners and customs- of the Christians about the same period. But his spiritual taste was sadly vitiated by his study of the heathen philosophy; and his tendency to indulge in allegorical interpretations renders him an unsafe guide as an expositor of the Scriptures. Hippolytus of Portus, near Eome, the contemporary of Clement, was a father of a difierent type. His recently discovered treatise. Against all Heresies, bears a remarkable resemblance to that of Irenaeus on the same subject, and displays his uncompromising zeal for orthodoxy. He arraigns even Zephyrinus and Callistus, two of the early bishops of Eome, as holding unsound views in refer ence to the Trinity. He maintained that those who had lapsed into gross sin should never agam be restored to ecclesiastical communion; and closed his career by a decisive proof of the depth of his convictions, for he died a martyr in the reign of the Emperor Maximin. By far the most voluminous of the fathers of the first three centuries is Origen. He was a native of Alexandria ; when very young he gave promise of extraordinary genius, and the high hopes 1 Thus when speaking of the Gnostic Marcion, who maintained that our Lord had no real body, he says-" You may, I assure you, more easUy find a man bom without a heart or without brains, like Marcion himself than without a body like Marcion s Christ." Against Marcion, book iv. chap. x. The Early Fathers. 1 1 entertained respecting him were in due time fuUy realized. His father, Leonides, suffered martyrdom when his son was only seventeen years of age ; the family property was confiscated ; and Origen, the eldest of seven children, was obliged to commence the struggles of life under circumstances of peculiar embarrass ment. But he was quite equEfl to the difficulties of 'his position, and his wonderful facility in acquiring and communicating knowledge speedily attracted the attention of all classes of his fellow-citizens. Though the greater number of his works are now lost, and -a large portion of those which remain exist only in a Latin version, his extant publications are more extensive than those of all the other fathers of .the first three centuries combined. On his Hexapla — an edition of the Old Testament containing the Hebrew original, with a selection of the Greek versions, including the Septuagint — he expended prodigious labour, and occupied much of his time for eight-and-twenty years ; but only a few fragments of this amazing monument of his industry and erudition are now preserved. His most valu able extant production is his treatise in reply to Celsus, a heathen philosopher who wrote against Christianity in the time of the Antonines. Origen was instructed by Clemens Alexan driuus, and the taste for allegorical exposition which distin guished the preceptor disfigures the writings of the illustrious pupil. His intercourse with Ammonius Saccas — an Alexandrian teacher who endeavoured to show that all systems of religion and philosophy contained the elements of truth — exercised a still more injurious influence on his mind ; and, in his attempts to reconcile the theology of Scripture with the doctrines of Plato, he involves himself in mysticism, and lapses into dangerous errors. The fame of Origen as a scholar attracted the notice of persons of the most elevated rank ; and when Julia Mammsea, the mother of the reigning sovereign Alexander Severus, invited him to visit her at Antioch, he was conducted to that city by an imperial escort. He practised extreme abstinence, and for many years was accustomed to walk barefoot. When far advanced in life he patiently submitted to torture rather than renounce the faith ; and at length, at the age of seventy, died at Tyre in a.d. 254. Wlien Origen was leaving the stage of public Efe, another father who has since acquired great celebrity was beginning to command attention. This was Cyprian of Carthage. As a pro- 1 2 The Early Fathers. fessor of rhetoric he had occupied a highly respectable position in the capital of the Proconsular Africa, and, when advanced con siderably beyond the meridian of life, he created a deep sensa tion by embracing Christianity. The new convert was hailed hy the Church as an important accession ; and about two years afterwards — on the occurrence of a vacancy in the bishop's chair — was raised by the enthusiastic suffrages of the people to the epis copal dignity. At this time heresy and sectarianism were rife, and the Catholic hierarchy, which had been gradually acquiring strength, was regarded as the grand bulwark against their encroachments. Cyprian carried its pretensions to a loftier pitch than that to which it had hitherto aspired : he spoke of it as a divine institute, and he denounced the adversaries of the bishop as the enemies of Christ. His aristocratic hauteur was evidently gratified by the despotic authority which it challenged ; and though he admitted that it had originated at Eome, he ima gined that our Lord, in His address to Peter,i had in some way endorsed its credentials. Cyprian kept up an extensive corres pondence ; and many of his productions, including a large number of his letters, are still extant. His style is forcible and eloquent, and he evidently felt powerfully the value of the Gospel ; but his theological training was exceedingly imperfect, and his views of divine truth are often jejune, unsatisfactory, or extravagant. After having filled the see of Carthage about ten years, he died a martyr in the Valerian persecution in a.d. 258. Some other fathers of the first three centuries might here be mentioned, such as Minucius Felix, Gregory Thaumaturgus, and Arnohius; but their contributions to ecclesiastical literature are not extensive, and they exerted comparatively little influence- Enough has been stated to give an idea of the general character ot the early writers, and to demonstrate the folly of recoanizin* them as arbiters of our faith or practice. Many of them were brought up m heathenism, and were not remarkable either for scholarship or grasp of intellect; whilst some who were distin- gmshed for mental culture were so addicted to the study of the pagan philosophy, that the truth, as presented by them, is miser ably adulterated. Almost aH the fathers of the first three cen turies were Ignorant of Hebrew ; and Origen himself admitted in his old age that he was indifi'erently acquainted with that Ian- ' Matt. xvi. 18. The Early Fathers. 1 3 guage.i The gross blunders committed by these writers seem to have been providentially designed to teach all open to conviction that they cannot be safely followed. They confound the Scrip tures, quoting one book for another,^ mistake the position of places and .the meaning of words, narrate fables for history,^ and pervert the sacred text by the most foolish and outlandish com mentaries. The author of the Epistle of Barnabas teUs us that the number 318 — the amount of Abraham's servants* — is a type of Christ, and proceeds, by a most whimsical process, to make good his interpretation. Tertullian maintains that the soul is corporeal ; and Origen teaches that the stars are animated beings. " I am aware," says the last-named writer, " that certain critics, in explaining the words used in the Gospel by the Saviour, ' My soul is sorrowful even unto death,' have interpreted them of the apostles, whom He termed His soid, as being better than the rest of His body."^ The learned Alexandrian apparently sanctions this extraordinary exposition. Surrounded by so many evidences of fallibility, it is consola tory to turn to the Bible, shining from generation to generation with a light of the purest radiance. All the experience of ages, and all the discoveries of science, only reveal more distinctly the wisdom of this wonderful volume. Here there is nothing weak, nothing puerile, nothing that is .not good to the use of edifying. As it is designed for the guidance of the whole human family, it is adapted to the -wants of men of every clime and of every age ; and whilst it instructs the peasant it exalts the spirit of the philosopher. The immense difference between the writings of the New Testament and the works of the early fathers must be apparent to the most cursory reader. " All Scripture is given by inspiration of God ; and is profitable for doctrine, for re- ^ See his Treatise against Oelsus, i. 25. ^ Justin Martyr, Apol. ii. and Dialogue with Trypho. 5 See, for example, the story of the phcenix in the Epistle of Clemens Romanus. * "For the Scripture says that Abraham circumcised 318 men of his house. But what, therefore, was the mystery that was made known to him ? Mark first the 18, and next the 300. For the numerical "letters of 10 and 8 are [the Greek capitals] IH. And these denote Jesus ('IrjffoOs). And because the cross was that by which we were to 'find grace, therefore he adds 300, the note of which is [the Greek capital] T [the figure of His cross]. Wherefore by two letters he signified Jesus, and by the third His cross." — §. 9. See Genesis xiv. 14 ; xvii. 23. 5 Origen, De Principiis, ii. 8. 14 The Persecutions of the Church. proof, for correction, for instruction in righteousness ; that the man of God may be perfect, thoroughly furnished unto aU good works." ^ CHAPTEE IV. THE PERSECUTIONS OF THE CHURCH. The ISTew Testament Church appeared among men under circum stances very different from those which marked the settlement of the Israelites in Canaan. The chosen people entered the land of promise sword in hand, destroyed the inhabitants, and took possession of the depopulated territory. They were the execu tioners of the Lord's vengeance against a race who had idled up the measure of their iniquities ; and, being themselves a typical nation, their very laws indicated truths beyond the range of their literal significance. As they were secured in the enjoy ment of their fair and fertile country should they continue to obey their divine code of regulations, aU violations, either of its ceremonial or its moral enactments, were visited with condign punishment. The Sabbath-breaker, the blasphemer, the adul terer, and the idolater, were all to be put to death. The precepts of Jehovah were the law of the land, and every transgressor was to be dealt with as a traitor who imperilled the weU-being of the commonwealth. But Christ came, not to invest His people with the possession of a temporal kingdom, but to provide for them an eternal inheritance ; and He employs for their subjugation, not the weapons of the warrior or the arm of secular authority, but " the word of the truth of the Gospel" This divine word is " mighty through God to the pulling down of strongholds, casting down imaginations, and every high thing that exalteth itself against the knowledge of God, and bringing into captivity every thought to the obedience of Christ." But though the Gospel seeks to make way simply by ap pealing to the understanding and the heart, and though its reception is emmently calculated to promote even the temporal happiness of men, it at once encountered the most bitter and severe opposition. Whilst it immediately endangered the emoluments of aU who derived a maintenance either directly i2Tim. iii. 16. The Persecutions of the Church. i5 or indirectly from the established superstitions, its ultimate suc cess impKed a change in the whole framework of society. The multitudes, who were enslaved to the grosser vices, were ofl'ended by its pure and spiritual requirements ; and the thinking few, who valued themselves on their philosophical knowledge, were provoked by its denunciation of the foUy of their speculations. Among its most implacable enemies were the unbelieving Jews, who could not brook the thought that their divinely-instituted ritual was ever to be abolished, or that the son of a carpenter was the Saviour of the world. Though their political power was now small, they exerted it to the utmost against the disciples of Christ ; and, when they could not succeed by the ordinary pro cesses of law, they had recourse to sedition and tumultuary violence. The intrepid Stephen, one of the seven deacons, soon fell a victim to their rage; and many other instances of their intense antipathy to the faithful are recorded in the Acts of the Apostles.^ The Eoman law looked with jealousy on everything Hke a new religion, for the rulers of the world apprehended that the sup porters of a novel sect either concealed treasonable designs, or might otherwise disturb the settled course of their government. As prudent politicians, they saw the expediency of permitting each nation under their dominion to adhere to its ancient wor ship ; but they had no correct views of the rights of conscience or of the equity of religious toleration. For a time the Chris tians were confounded with the Jews, and as such they escaped molestation from the Eoman authorities; but when their real position, as a distinct religious community, became generally known, they soon experienced a change of treatment. For up wards of thirty y^ars after the passion of our Lord, they were exposed to no imperial persecution. At length, in a.d. 64, they became obnoxious to the cruelty of Nero, who in a fit of reck lessness had set fire to Eome, and who sought to escape the odium of the transaction by imputing it to the Christians. The disciples were to be found in considerable numbers in the great metropolis, and the horrid torments inflicted on them by the monster who oppressed the Eoman world have been described in' the spirit of commiseration even by a heathen historian.^ They were put to death on the cross ; they were disguised in the skins of wild beasts, and then dogs were let loose upon them to tear ^ Acts xii. 2, 3 ; xvii. 5 ; xviii. 12. ^ Tacitus, Annal. xv. 44. 1 6 The Persecutions of the Church. them to pieces; when their bodies were smeared with pitch, or covered with other inflammable matter, a torch was apphed to them and thus, during the night, the imperial gardens were lighted up by the flames which issued from the expiring victims. This "fiery trial" of the capital was extended to the provinces; and during the closing years of the reign of Nero, the disciples, throughout all his territories, groaned under the pressure of .per secution. At his death they experienced a temporary respite ; but under Domitian, their sufferings were renewed ; and towards the' end of the reign of that suspicious and bloody sovereign, many of them endured martyrdom. The Apostle John was banished to Patmos,— a rocky island off the coast of Asia Minor,— and there, as he listened to the waves dashing m their might against the shore, he enjoyed sweet fellowship with Him whose voice is sublime and awful, " as the sound of many waters."^ After the demise of Domitian the Church again enjoyed peace, and in the beginning of the second century its members quickly increased. So rapid was the progress of the Gospel in Bithynia, that, as appears from the testimony of PKny, the victims to be offered to the gods found few purchasers, and the pagan temples were comparatively deserted.^ The votaries of superstition took the alarm ; the faithful were dragged before the tribunals of the magistrates, and compelled, under pain of death, to abjure their principles. Though, according to a law promulgated by the Emperor Trajan, they were not to be inquisitively sought after, and though the zeal of persecution was thus to some extent restrained, the profession of the truth was still illegal, and its adherents continued to suffer from the attacks of unfriendly governors. Parties interested in the support of the heathen worship some times stirred up the mob to acts of violence; and when the people were assembled in vast multitudes at the public games or spectacles, the cry of "The Christians to the Lions!" was fre quently the prelude to scenes of martyrdom. The Emperor Hadrian issued a rescript in which he strongly discountenanced these dangerous ebullitions of popular fanaticism ; and provincial rulers were in consequence obliged to resist the rude demands of excited crowds ; but, notwithstanding, the condition of the dis ciples was far from comfortable. Destitute of any legal protec- 1 Rev. i. 15. ^ Pliny to Trajan, Epist. x. 96. The Persecutions of the Church. 1 7 tion, they were liable to the numberless annoyances and perils which selfishness, malice, or bigotry could create. A debtor could escape payment if he required the Christian creditor to attest his claim by an appeal to the gods ; the husband could cast off his wife if she belonged to the Church ; the pagan priest convicted any citizen of a capital offence, if he proved him to be a professor of the faith ; and an enemy could gratify his thirst for revenge by supplying evidence that a neighbour, against whom he cherished a grudge, was connected with the hated brotherhood. Disciples were to be found everywhere; and whilst their proscription kept them in continual jeopardy, it also generated a feeling of distrust which pervaded almost the whole of the complicated network of society. Antoninus Pius treated the Christians with forbearance ; but his successor Marcus Aurelius, though otherwise an exemplary sovereign, has acquired an unenviable reputation as one of their early persecutors. This prince was a lover of literature, and a devoted student of the Stoic philosophy ; yet it never seems to have occurred to him that a Eoman emperor was not lord of the conscience, and that som.e of his poor subjects might under stand religion better than himself The unflinching courage with which the disciples persisted in their adherence to the Gospel only roused his indignation, for he ascribed it to blind and conceited obstinacy. The law of Trajan discouraged all attempts to hunt them down ; but Marcus Aurelius gave encour agement to spies and informers; and when the unoffending believers were entangled in his toils, he laboured with hellish ingenuity to force them to recantation. Formerly, when an individual appeared before a magistrate and acknowledged him self a Christian, he was at once condemned to death: now, torture was employed to induce him to withdraw his confession. Humanity shudders at the various modes of torment brought into requisition. Sometimes a delicate female was tossed and torn by a wild bull until ready to expire, and then offered life on the condition of apostasy: sometimes attempts were made to starve the resolute into conformity : and in other cases a prisoner was placed on a heated iron chair and threatened with being roasted alive should he not renounce the Gospel. A contem porary account of the persecution of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne in Gaul in a.d. 177 has survived the obKvion in which B 1 8 The Persecutions of the Church. many similar records have been buried ;i and this memorial, which supplies a specimen of the treatment of the faithful in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, contains some of the most revolting details of human suffering to be found in the annals of Christian martyrdom. Several of the Emperors who flourished towards the end of the second or beginning of the third century were not unfriendly to the Christians. Even the brutal Commodus was indulgent ; and though Septimius Severus became ultimately hostile, he evinced a not unfavourable disposition in the commencement of his reign. Alexander Severus admired some of the lessons of the Gospel, and among the statues in his private chapel had a representation of our Saviour ;2 but he thus acted merely in the spirit of an eclectic philosopher who was at liberty to regard Jesus as one of the hierarchy of heaven. Maximin the Thracian was a persecutor. His reign was however brief, and his severity fell chiefly on those brethren who had been distinguished \yj the favour of his imperial predecessor. Pliilip the Arabian gave the faithful such decided encouragement that he has been described, though erroneously, as one of themselves, and desig nated the first Christian Emperor. In the middle of the third century a persecution of unusual violence burst on the disciples. Decius was no sooner seated on the throne than he declared war against the Gospel; the officers of government throughout all the empire were instigated to severity; and the most sanguinary and systematic effort ever yet made by its enemies threatened the ruin of the Church; The pastors were specially marked out as victims: and many of them, including Fabian, bishop of Eome, Babylas, bishop of Antioch, and Alexander, bishop of Jerusalem, met a bloody death. Every one was required to sacrifice to the gods; and whoever refused was consigned to capital punishment, banish ment, or slavery. So great was the number of the lapsed, or the apostates, who, on the return of better days, sought readmission to communion, that it was found necessary to appoint a special functionary, called the Penitentiary, to examine their respective cases, and to deal with them individually according to the rules ' See Eusebius, v. 1. = This is the first image of Christ mentioned in ancient history. The early disciples altogether condemned the making of any such likeness. The Persecutions of the Church. 19 of ecclesiastical discipline. The reign of Decius was abruptly terminated by his defeat and death in the Gothic war ; but his successor GaUus continued to harass the Church; and though Valerian, who next assumed the purple, at first seemed disposed to act with leniency, he soon changed his course, and commenced a persecution. At length in A.D. 260, the Emperor GaUienus issued an edict of toleration, under the shelter of which the disciples long enjoyed repose. The Emperor Aurelian was resolved to revive the penal laws against the Christians ; and had actually prepared an edict for their oppression ; when, in a.d. 275, death relieved them from impending disasters. For many years of the reign of Diocletian they were undisturbed ; and had it not been for the evil influence of his son-in-law Galerius, he would have continued to pursue the policy of forbearance; but the importunity of that stern bigot in the end prevailed; and, in a.d. 303, he was induced to give his sanction to a general persecution. This visitation, which extended with occasional interruptions over ten years, was, in point of ferocity, duration, and loss of life, the most formidable of all the calamities ever yet inflicted on the disciples by the hand of imperial injustice. When it commenced, Diocletian was in Mcomedia ; and the prompt demolition of the great Christian church of that city announced the inauguration of the reign of terror. , The Scriptures, wherever found, were seized and destroyed ; the pastors were imprisoned ; the houses of worship were thrown down ; those who held government appointments and who refused to repudiate the Gospel were deprived of their places and emoluments ; and even slaves who remained Chris tians forfeited the privilege of manumission. In the Western part of the empire, under the government, first of Constantius Chlorus, and afterwards of his son Constantine, the edicts were not rigorously enforced; and the disciples in that quarter escaped comparatively unscathed : but in the East their suffer ings were extreme. When other expedients failed, the gates of the cities were closed; every individual was called on by name to sacrifice to the gods, and presented with the alternative of compliance or martyrdom. Death in its most appalling forms awaited those who continued faithful. Some, after enduring dreadful tortures, were left to pine away in Engering agony; some were thrown into the sea ; some were roasted alive ; some 20 The Persecutions of the Chttrch. were crucified; and some were torn to pieces by machinery. But all these inflictions did not break down the constancy of the disciples : the growing power of Constantine, and his increasing regard for them, gave them seasonable encouragement ; the per secutors themselves became weary of the work of butchery; and, in a.d. 313, an imperial edict placed all the Christians throughout the Eoman world under the shield of an authorized toleration. The persecutions of the early Church form one of the most prominent features in its history. Long before the reign of Constantine its members, in various parts of the empire, con stituted a body numerically formidable; and yet it does not appear that the cruel treatment they experienced from the state ever tempted them to waver in their allegiance. They never rose up in rebellion. They vanquished their oppressors literally by patience and prayer. As they were yet only a minority of the whole population, and without mihtary organization or equipments, every attempt to obtain a redress of their wrongs by insurrection must have signally failed ; and defeat would have prejudiced their cause and aggravated their sufferings.-^ The atrocities to which they were exposed were most discouraging; but the honours lavished on the martyrs by the Church animated the fortitude of many who might otherwise have recoiled from the fatal ordeal Tickets of recommendation from brethren doomed to die for their religion, when presented by the lapsed, at once secured readmission to communion; the anniversaries of the days on which the martyrs sufi'ered were devoutly cele brated ; and the faithful in the hour of agony were described as "washing away their own iniquities." ^ No wonder, under such circumstances, that some fanatically courted death by appearing spontaneously before the tribunals of the magistrates and avow ing their Christianity. By deterring many from entering the Church, persecution contributed to purify its fellowship. The insincere and the time-serving did not care to join a society with which they 1 They certainly did not hold the doctrine of passive obedience. Origen de clares that " it is not irrational to form associations in opposition to existing laws, if done for the sake of the trath." He adds that, "those persons do well who enter into a secret association to put to death a tyrant who has seized on the liberties of the state." Origen, Against Celsus, i. 1. ' Tertullian, De Pudicitia, u. 22. The Growth of the Church. 2 \ might be obliged to maintain their connection at the peril of their lives. But the sufferings of the early disciples made a deep impression on their contemporaries, and powerfully ad vanced the cause of the Gospel The heathen in general had no strong attachment to their superstitions, so that they readily passed from one form of idolatry to another; and they were overwhelmed with amazement as they saw the Christians dying for their faith, or heard them singing hymns of praise on the eve of martyrdom. Whilst every persecution drove away from the brotherhood multitudes of the timid and the temporizing, it enlisted new bands of earnest disciples. On the return of better days the lapsed sought restoration to the position they had for feited, and thus a time of trial was commonly the precursor of a season of abundant enlargement. Tertullian could boast that the blood of Christians was " their harvest seed." ^ The Diocletian persecution — the most frightful and protracted attack ever made on the Church — had scarcely passed away, when the tide of prosperity began to flow; and aU gazed with wonder as they saw a Christian sovereign seated on the throne of the empire. CHAPTEE V. THE GROWTH OF THE CHURCH. DOMESTIC AND SOCIAL LIFE OF THE CHRISTIANS. The followers of our Lord, immediately after the Ascension, were not confined to the one hundred and twenty assembled in the upper room at Jerusalem. During the preceding forty days of His sojourn on earth. He was " seen " — perhaps in Galilee — " of above five hundred brethren at once ; " ^ and it is not improbable that, even at this early period, little groups of His adherents were to be found all over Palestine. But the death of the Master terrified the disciples; and if, in the chief city of Israel, only one hundred and twenty were willing openly to espouse His cause, we may infer that the number of His avowed friends was not yet considerable. The outpouring of the Spirit on the day of Pentecost gave an immense impulse to the Church ; and the three thousand converts who were then gathered in were 1 Apol. 60. ^ 1 Cor. XV. 6. 2 2 The Growth of the Church. only the firstfruits of an abundant harvest. The disciples multiplied in Jerusalem greatly ; and Christian societies were soon organized throughout all Judea, Galilee, and Samaria. The increase of the brethren beyond the boundaries of the Holy Land began to excite Jewish jealousy even before the conversion of Saul ; for that zealot was sent to Damascus with authority from the chief priests to bind aU that caUed on the name of the Lord.^ At an early date a Christian Church was formed at Antioch, the capital of Syria ; soon afterwards the Gospel was proclaimed in the principal towns of Asia Minor ; and about a.d. 52, Paul crossed the .35gean Sea, and commenced his European ministry at Philippi. He subsequently preached at Thessalonica, Athens, Corinth, and " round about unto lUyricum." ^ Meanwhile, the truth had found its way to Eome ; ^ and, when the Apostle ar rived there as a prisoner in a.d. 61, he was permitted to expound it for two whole years in his own hired house to " all that came in unto him." * Long previously, others had travelled eastward from the holy city bearing the precious seed of the Word ; wlulst the evangelist Mark is said to have planted it successfully in the capital of Egypt. On the release of Paul from his first imprisonment at Eome, he was enabled to fulfil his intention of preaching the Gospel in Spain ; 5 but, in a short time, the Neronian persecution interposed, and arrested its advancement. In a few years the death of the tyrant put an end to his oppression ; and the fall of Jerusalem, soon afterwards, gave a fresh impetus to the Christian cause. The overthrow of the metropolis of the Israelites had been pre dicted by our Lord; he had announced it as to occur in that generation ; ^ the prophecy had been made known throughout the empire in the Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke ; '^ and the exact accomplishment of aU its details produced a deep and extensive impression. Towards the end of the first century the persecution of Domitian again cast a cloud over the Church; but, as this passed away, the disciples took courage, and proceeded with new zeal and energy to diffuse their principles. In the beginning of the second century their prospects were most hopeful ; something like what in modern times has been called a 1 Acts ix. 14. 2 Rom. xv. 19. 3 ^^.^ ^ 7^ §_ 4 ^^^^ ^^^..j^ gU_ " Rom. XV. 28. » Matt. xxiv. 34 ; Mark xiii. 30 ; Luke xxi. 32. ' The Gospel of John, written after the event, does not mention it. The Growth of the Church. 23 revival of rehgion was experienced; in particular districts the heathen temples were deserted ; and the priests trembled as they contemplated the threatened subversion of the established worship. Though persecutions ever and anon attempted to stop the vic torious movements of the faith, these terrors created only a temporary suspension of activity ; and when they were withdrawn, the Church, with recovered elasticity, moved forward in its triumphant career. Its onward course may be tracked even by the blood of the martyrs. We might have found it difficult to prove that it had numerous adherents in the south of France, in the reign of Marcus Aurelius, did we not possess the record of the sufferings of the Churches of Lyons and Vienne. The constant intercourse kept up between the imperial city and the provinces supplied facilities for the dissemination of the Gospel ; so that, when it had obtained a firm footing at Eome, it was sure soon to find its way from thence throughout the empire. There is clear evidence that the Church of the capital, shortly after the middle of the second century, was flourishing and opulent. It willingly employed a portion of its wealth in assist ing needy brethren abroad ; its advice was eagerly sohcited by surrounding communities ; and, about the close of the century, it was strengthened by a large accession of influential converts.^ Even in times of persecution this Church was not absolutely helpless ; for its members obtained shelter in the Catacombs — those vast subterranean labyrinths which still exist under the ecclesiastical metropolis of Italy. Their excavators— the sand- diggers or quarrymen — were, from a very early period, the friends of the disciples ; and the officers of government, bewildered amidst their endless mazes, could seldom hope to overtake a Christian fugitive who there sought an asylum. Even in the second century the Catacombs began to be the great cemetery of ) the Eoman Church ; and the inscriptions on their earlier tomb stones are among the most interesting memorials of antiquity. These inscriptions, still to be seen on their original slabs, and now arranged in the Lapidarian Gallery in the Vatican, ignore prayers \ for the dead, the worship of Mary, and the doctrine of purgatory. ' From Eome, Christianity was conveyed into the Proconsular Africa. Many churches are found there in the beginning of the third century ; and a contemporary writer, who was a native of > Euseb. V. 21. 24 The Growth of the CJmrch. the district, tells the imperial magistrate that its chief city would be decimated should the disciples be proscribed.^ Carthage was soon known as one of the great centres of Christian influence ; among the Churchmen of the west in the reign of Decius its presiding pastor was only second in importance to that of Eome ; and on a particular occasion eighty-seven bishops met in it for consiilt^tion.2 In a different quarter of the world, the Gospel had been long before propagated. It is not improbable that it had gained some adherents in England about the close of the apostolic age ; and there can be no doubt that it had made considerable progress in the island at the end of the second century. Tertidlian, writing a few years afterwards, asserts that " the places of Britain inaccessible to the Eomans were subject to Christ ; " ^ and though the statement is obviously an exagge ration, it supplies evidence that the new faith had already pene trated into Scotland. Irenaeus also speaks of its promulgation among barbarous nations * — apparently alluding to those on the outskirts of Eoman civihzation. In the middle of the third century seven eminent missionaries are said to have introduced it into seven of the principal towns of France ; " and about the same period it appears to have been preached with success in some parts of Germany. Soon afterwards, the Goths inhabiting Mcesia and Thrace were partially evangelized by ecclesiastics whom they had carried captive in one of their predatory incur sions into the Empire. In the East, as early as a.d. 170, a Christian prince reigned over a little state at Edessa in Mesopo tamia ; " and in the following century there were churches in Parthia, Armenia, India, and other oriental countries. ^ Tertullian, Ad Scapulam, 5. 2 Cyprian. Council of Carthage on the baptism of heretics. 3 Adversus Judmos, 7. * Adv. Hoires, lib. i. u. x. § 2. ^ Gregory of Tours, Sist. Ecc. Franc, i. 28. 6 This is proved by existing coins. See Assemanni Bill. Or. i. 423 ; Wichel- haus, de. N. T. ver. Syr. Antiq. LI. iv. 1850, p. 50. The "Ancient Syr'iac Docu ments relative to the earliest establishment of Christianity in Edessa and the neigh bouring countries," edited by the late Dr. Cureton (London, 1864), are little better than a mass of legends. Witnesses who describe the Edessians in the apostolic age as keeping "the festivals of the Church at tlieir proper seasons," and continu ing " every day in the vigils of the Church," and who represent Fabian, bishop of Rome, who flourished in the third century, as living in the reign of Tra/an clearly attest their own imposture. See these Documents, pp. 16, 63, 71. . The Orations of Mar Jacob are probably genuine. The Growth of the Church. 25 At first the Christians held their religious meetings in private dwellings ; and, for a considerable time, they had very few buildings exclusively devoted to social worship. When the profession of the faith was a capital crime, and when those interested in upholding the old superstitions were continually endeavouring to hunt down the disciples, it was not wonderful that they did not wish to obtrude their places of assembly on public observation. But necessity soon compelled them to make permanent provision for their ecclesiastical accommodation ; and, in some places, perhaps by purchasing the forbearance of the local magistrates, they at length ventured to erect edifices for the stated celebration of their religious ordinances. In the beginning of the third century these structures were well-known to the heathen; and, shortly afterwards, a decision of the Emperor Alexander Severus, conceding to them a plot of ground for the building of another meeting-house in Eome, must have greatly contributed to their encouragement. The publication of the edict of toleration by Gallienus, in a.d. 260, gave them a still more secure position ; and, during the forty years immediately suc ceeding, their numbers rapidly increased. In many of the great cities the old churches were now taken down, and their places supplied by others at once more elegant and more capacious. About the close of the third century, not a few of the highest officers of government were Christians ; the wife of Diocletian and his daughter Valeria are said to have professed the Gospel ; the tide even of fashion was almost beginning to turn in favour of the Cross ; and the vessels of silver and of gold, employed by some pastors at the administration of the Sacraments, betokened the wealth and prosperity of the faithful. The rapid spread of Christianity in the face of so many discouragements cannot be ascribed entirely to the miracles by which it was accompanied. These miracles served, no doubt, to awaken attention to the truth and to support its claims: but they gradually disappeared; and, after those on whom the Apostles conferred supernatural gifts had passed away, we have no satisfactory evidence that any one was to be found who could speak with tongues or raise the dead.i The exemplary lives of its professors contributed far more than their wonder-working powers to advance its interests. Among its adherents were 1 See Kaye's Tertullian, pp. 98 — 101. 26 The Growth of the Chtirch. always some who disgraced their creed ; but, as a body, they were elevated far above the rest of society as upright and useful citi zens. A system which was known to improve all the relations of life — which made kind husbands and chaste wives, sober parents and dutiful children, honest servants and faithful friends — could not fail to attract the notice of every serious observer. Nor was it difficult to obtain a knowledge of its principles ; for the Sacred Books, as well in various versions as in the originals, were soon extensively disseminated. Their doctrines, when candidly examined, exhibited their own credentials, and, hy manifestation of the truth, commended themselves to every man's conscience. Like the light of the sun, their excellence could be appreciated by all save those whose eyes were closed against the illumination. When Christianity appeared in the world, slaves constituted a large proportion of the population of the Empire. Many of these children of oppression were soon brought under the influence of the Gospel, and enrolled as members of the Church. Nor was it strange that they were attracted to a system which revealed to them a God who is " no respecter of persons," and proclaimed a Saviour who can sympathize with those who "labour and are heavy laden." A slave, when transferred to a Christian owner, must have felt his position wonderfully ameliorated. The pagans, no doubt, had their household deities ; and religious ceremonies were associated with almost all their domestic arrangements. But paganism produced no improvement on the temper or character ; it restrained no furious bursts of passion ; and, when any untoward incident disturbed the equanimity of a heathen master, he was ready to give vent to his ill-humour by flagellating alike his slaves and his idols. The Gospel exerted its vital power by renovating the inner man, and by completely changing the tone of social fellowship. The Christian home was the abode of peace, purity, and kindness ; the feelings of all the inmates were respected ; the servants were treated as heirs of immortality ; and the spirit of prayer hallowed the household atmosphere. In the morning, the father gathered his family around him, and com mended them to God ; the children were taught to pray apart, and to commit portions of the Holy Word to memory ; i a blessing was sought before meals, and a hymn was often suno- as the 1 See the case of Origen, Euseb. vi. 2. The Growth of the ChuT-ch. 27 repast proceeded ; 1 after dinner, a passage of Scripture was read, and sometimes made the theme of conversation ; ^ and family prayer closed, for the day, the intercourse of the domestic circle.^ The dress is frequently an index of the character. It reveals the habits of the wearer, whether slovenly or exact ; and guides to a knowledge of his ruling passion, whether vanity, parsimony, or ambition. The early Christians endeavoured to commend their religion by the modesty of their apparel. They did not make themselves singular by assuming any peculiar garb ; but they eschewed gaudy colours, sumptuous robes, and expensive ornaments. There were, indeed, among the wealthy members some who stiU continued to indulge a love of finery and dis play;* but these votaries of fashion were regarded with coldness and suspiciion by the more zealous and decided. The brother hood as a body kept aloof from the heathen spectacles. They could not approve either of the profane rehearsals of the theatre or the brutal fights - of the gladiators.^ Though their religion taught them cheerfulness, they could not laugh at what was sin ful : and they were denounced by the multitude as austere be cause they declined to take part in the popular amusements. Aware that any post of prominence added to their perils, the Christians of the first three centuries were deterred from court ing rank or power. Even the honours paid to the sovereign on the occasion of a victory savoured of idolatry : and as the dis ciples did not feel at liberty to join, in the usual manner, in the Cdlebration, they were stigmatized by their enemies as disloyal. But they avoided political intrigues, and approved themselves industrious and faithful subjects. In their religious assemblies they remembered their earthly rulers, praying that the emperor might have " a long life, a secure dominion, a safe home, valiant armies, a faithful senate, a righteous people, and a world at peace."" To all who marked the conduct of its professors, Christianity ^ See Kaye's Writings of Clement of Alexandria, p. 453. See also Cyprian to Donatus, § 14. 2 See Cave's Primitive Christianity, part i. chap 9 . See also Tertullian, Ad XJxorem, lib. ii. 6. 3 Clem. Alex. Pmdag. lib. ii. c. 4 ; Strom, lib. vii. c. 7. * Clem. Alex. Paid. lib. ii. 3, 8. ' Tertullian, Apol. xxxv. xxxviii. 6 Tertullian, Apol. xxx. 28 The Growth of the Church. must have appeared a religion of love. Though, for the first three centuries, comparatively few of the mighty, the noble, or the wealthy, belonged to its communion, it provided systemati cally for the wants of all its indigent adherents. In the middle of the third century, the Church of Eome alone supported fifteen hundred paupers, many of whom were widows.^ The newly- born children of pagans were left to perish in the open field, when the parents were unwilling to undertake the expense of their sustenance and education ; but the Christians took charge of these poor infants, and brought them up in the bosom of the Church. They sometimes expended large sums on the re demption of captives;^ they delighted in the liberation of slaves; and certain officials were appointed by them to look after the destitute sick, and to see that they were nursed with assiduity and tenderness.^ Nor were their charities confined to those who made a profession of the faith ; for, in times of pestilence, when the heathen deserted their dying co-religionists, the Christians stepped forward and ministered to their wants. Such works of mercy could not fail to bear good fruit ; and many who might otherwise have continued to listen with indiff'erence to the claims of the Gospel were won over by its large-hearted, unostentatious, and unremitting benevolence. 1 Euseb. vi. 43. 2 Basil, Epist. 220. 3 They are afterwards known in Church history as the Parabolani. See Bingham, bk. iii. 9, § 2. The Doctrine of the Great Body of Believers. 29 SECTION II. THE DOCTRINE OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTEE I. the DOCTRINE OF THE GREAT BODY OF BELIEVERS. IMMEDIATELY after the transgression of our first parents, the advent of a Saviour, the Seed of the woman,i was fore told. The sacrifices of the patriarchal economy and of the Mosaic ritual all announced His approach. The predictions relating to Him gradually became more copious and circum stantial, so that, as the time of His manifestation drew nigh, the students of prophecy could venture to declare not only the nation, the tribe and the family from which He was to spring, but also the place of His birth and the age in which He was to make His appearance. But, when He actually became incar nate, faith alone could recognize the Divine Deliverer ; and after His resurrection, the first point pressed by the apostles on the consideration of their countrymen was the fact that He was the promised Shiloh. " Let all the house of Israel," said they, " know assuredly that God hath made that same Jesus, whom ye have crucified, both Lord and Christ."^ At a time when many were expecting an extraordinary per sonage, the very announcement that the Christ, or the Messiah, had entered on His mission was sure to awaken curiosity; and yet few, if any, were prepared to form a correct estimate of the Saviour's character. Multitudes, who had heard with wonder of the miracles of Jesus, were filled with blank disappointment when they saw Him ; for they could not believe that an indivi dual in such lowly circumstances could be the great liberator of Israel. How, they were disposed to ask, can this son of a car penter be the King of Zion? How can one who has not where to lay his head be the Desire of all nations? To those who judged merely according to the outward appearance such ques tions were no doubt sufficiently perplexing, but more earnest iGen. iii. 15. ^ ^cts ii. 36. 30 The Doctrine of the Great Body of Believers. and accurate observers, who pondered the marks of the Messiah indicated in the Old Testament, and who compared them with the life and actions of the Son of Mary, could scarcely fail to discover the correspondence ; for Isaiah had described Him as " despised and rejected of men, a man of sorrows, and ac- ({uaiuted with grief ;"i and others of the prophets had mentioned additional tokens, aU. of which were reaUzed in the Prophet of Nazareth. As the whole system of New Testament theology rests on the fundamental fact that " Jesus is the Christ',' we are led at once to inquire. What is the teaching of Scripture respecting the Messiah, or the Lord's Anointed ?^ What was the object of His mission ? What is His rank ? What benefits may we expect from Him ? The writings of the apostles and evangelists enable us to answer all these questions, and thus to ascertain the doc trines of primitive Christianity. The object of the mission of the Son of God is clearly stated in the book of inspiration, where we are told that He came to "save His people from their sins."^ The Gospel contemplates man as a transgressor exposed to punishment, and sets forth Jesus Christ as a Eedeemer who has made atonement for iniquity. He saves us by restoring us to the divine favour and enlisting us in the divine service. When we were enemies, we -ivere reconciled to God by the death of His Son, who was sent to bless us in turning away every one of us from our iniquities.* The essential dignity of the Saviour befits the office He sus tains. He acts as Mediator for sinners with God ; and between parties thus estranged, and placed at an infinite distance, who is competent to interfere ? The Intercessor must be One who is " higher than the heavens," and yet " bone of our bone and flesh of our flesh." Such is Christ, as He is exhibited in the sacred volume. In Him "dweUeth all the fulness of the Godhead bodily." 5 The benefits to be derived from the mediation of the Son of God are sufficient to meet our spiritual wants and to satisfy our noblest aspirations ; for He gives to all who believe on Him a ' Isa. liii. 3. " It can scarcely be necessary to inform even the English reader that the Chrisi from the Greek and the Messiah from the Hebrew signify the Anointed. » Matt. i. 21. * Rom. v, 10; Acts iii. 26. s Col.' ii. 9. The Doctrine of the Great Body of Believers. 31 free pardon, a holy nature, and an eternal inheritance. " Being justified by faith," says the apostle, " we have peace with God through our Lord Jesus Christ ; by whom also we have access by faith into this grace wherein we stand, and rejoice in hope of the glory of God." ^ These doctrines and others which flow from them constituted the theology of the early Church, but for some time they were not embodied systematicaUy in any ecclesiastical symbol. AU adults who received baptism were previously made acquainted with its spiritual meaning, and when they submitted to the ordinance they openly professed their attachment to the Gospel;^ but originally no confession of faith was in existence to which they were required formally to declare their adherence. Even the first draft of the symbol known as The Apostle^ Creed was not drawn up until perhaps about a century after the demise of all the inspired teachers of Christianity.^ We have strong presumptive evidence of the soundness of a system of theology when we find that its great outlines can be appropriately described in Scripture language, and that it does not require us to explain away or ignore any of the phraseology of the sacred penmen. Such a system wUl treat " of the Father, and of the Son, and of the Holy Ghost,"* of " propitiation " ^ and " redemption,"" of "justification "'' and of " the gift of righte ousness,"^ and of " election " to salvation " through sanctification of the spirit and belief of the truth." ^ But a doctrine may be recognized in the word of God though the technical name by which it is now known was not in use in the days of the apostles. When heresies became rife it was sometimes found convenient to introduce a nomenclature in wliich a disputed question of theology was represented by a single vocable. Hence it was that, though the New Testament teaches the subsistence of three Persons in the Godhead, the word Trinity was not introduced into Church literature until the close of the second century, when the doctrine of which it is the index began to be considerably controverted. 1 Rom. V. 1, 2. ' =1 Pet. iii. 21. ^ Some of the articles found in it are of a still later date. See Goode's Divine Rule of Faith and Practice, i. 108, London, 1853. * Matt, xxviii. 19. = 1 John ii. 2. " Eph. i. 7. ' Rom. v. 16, 18. 8 Rom. v. 17. '1 Thess. i. 4 ; 2 Thess. ii. 13. 3 2 The Doctrine of the Great Body of Believers. In a case such as this the use of a term not found in Scrip ture served greatly to abbreviate discassion; but in other in stances the appearance of new modes of expression could not be viewed with the same approval. Whilst the teaching of the Gospel relative to the being, unity, and perfections of God com mended itself to the more intelligent heathen, and induced many of them to renounce their superstitions, it was often, as a whole, imperfectly understood; and, in particular, the place which it assigns to faith in the scheme of salvation was very indistinctly apprehended. This subject, which transcends the sphere of natural reason, can be studied to advantage only by those who enjoy the higher illumination of the Spirit of God : it was a stumbling-block to self-righteous Jews, and foolishness to conceited philosophers; it was foreign to aU the current modes of thought; and it was here that the first successful attempts were made to adulterate the pure theology of the apostles and evangeUsts. Salvation by faith was admitted in words, but salvation by works was substantially acknow ledged; and forms of expression, endorsed by ecclesiastical authority and compromising the truth of Scripture, soon became prevalent. As early as the third century Christian writers speak of " sins dcctnsed by repentance " ¦¦¦ and " expiiated by due satisfac tions and lamentations." ^ At the same time, repentance began to be confounded with penance, and the blood of Chi-ist to be superseded by the blood of martyrdom. But whilst error commenced so soon to poison the fountains of instruction, there was stUl an antidote at hand in the holy Scriptures; and, throughout the first three hundred years, the Church firmly maintained their supreme authority. With the exception of a few of the smaUer epistles, which do not seem to have been so early in general circulation, the whole of the New Testament was received as inspired at the close of the first century, and was publicly read, along with the sacred books handed down by the Jews, in aU the congregations of the faithful. Thus the whole body of the people had an opportunity of hearmg the great truths of God's law proclaimed, from week to week, in the words of the lively oracles. ' Tertullian, De Pcenitentia, c. 3. 2 Cyprian, Epist. 55, ed. Baluz, Venice, 1728. Early Heresies, Controversies, and Superstitions. 3 3 CHAPTEE II. EARLY HERESIES, CONTROVERSIES, AND SUPERSTITIONS. The visible Church suffers from the disturbing influences incident to other earthly associations. It may be annoyed by self-conceit, perplexed by ignorance, or agitated by faction. The Gospel, when first promulgated, was foolishness to the Greeks ; disputa tious speculators were confounded by the very simplicity of its announcements ; and those who spurned the grace of a crucified Eedeemer could not appreciate the grandeur of its salvation. JBut philosophy, purblind as it was, soon discovered traces of divinity in the doctrine of the cross; and some of its votaries .submitted to baptism in the hope of attaining a higher illumina tion by incorporating their favourite theories with the Christian theology. The incongruous mixture — attempted even in the first ¦century — was condemned by the tongue and pen of inspiration ; and the Apostles point to it when they denounce " philosophy and vain deceit," " the wisdom of this world," and " oppositions of science falsely so caUed."^ In the second century, this tendency to adulterate the 'truth was fuUy developed; and, as those who thus signalized themselves pretended to the possession of superior knowledge or inteUigence, they were distinguished by the designation of Gnostics. The creed of Gnosticism was a coat of many colours ; for almost every new teacher valued himself on some peculiarity of doctrine ; but, as a system, it was marked by the recognition of certain leading principles. The origin of evU was one of the difficult problems it attempted to solve ; and its abettors based their explanations on the philosophy of Plato — alleging, with the Athenian sage, that matter is eternal and essentiaUy corrupt. As the Gnostics maintained that the soul is contaminated by the body, they inferred that it cannot attain perfection whilst con nected with such a tabernacle. Hence, some of them denied the incarnation of Christ. According to their ideas, it is an imputa tion on His purity to suppose that He came "in the flesh." These transcendeiitaEsts, who were caUed Bocetce, affirmed that His visible frame was a mere phantom, and that, even on the 1 Col. ii. 8 ; 1 Cor. i. 20, 21 ; 1 Tim. vi. 20. C 34 Early Heresies, Controversies, and Superstitions. cross. He suffered only in appearance. The resurrection of the body contradicted their fundamental positions, and they rejected it altogether — contending that the restoration accomplished by their Gnosis is the great fact of spiritual existence, and- that "the resurrection is past already." ^ The Godhead furnished them with a field for boundless specrdation ; and, with fancy on the wing, they invented strange " fables and endless genealogies " ^ — teaching that many geons, or inferior deities, of gradually decreasing excellence emanated from the Fountain of Divinity. One of these seons, named the Demiurge or Achamoth, was represented by them as the Maker of the world ; for they refused to admit that the Supreme God could come in contact with this earth's debasing elements. The soul in its present state is, as they conceived, in bondage to materiaEsm ; and the iUumination of their doctrine was proclaimed as the grand panacea for spiritual maladies. Simon Magus, mentioned in the 8th chapter of the Acts of the Apostles, is commonly reputed the father of Christian Gnosticism. From the statements of Luke it is apparent that he was actuated by sinister motives in making a profession of the Gospel ; he was cunning, conceited, and selfish ; and he con tinued, throughout the whole of his career, to pursue a tortuous policy. Long after his baptism in Samaria, he traveUed to Eome, where he attracted considerable attention. Hjmaeneus, Phygellus, Hermogenes, and others named in the New Testament,^ have also been classed among the Gnostics ; and, towards the close of the first century, Carpocrates, Cerinthus, and Ebion are said to have propagated the system. There is a tradition that the Apostle John designs to bear special testimony against the errors of Cerinthus, when he declares in the beginning of his Gospel that "the Word was made flesh." But heresy gained few disciples during the Eves of the primitive heralds of the cross. Subse quently its advocates became much more formidable, as well from their numbers and zeal as from their ability and erudition; and, before the middle of the second century, the Church from east to west was excited by their discussions. Saturninus at Antioch, Basihdes at Alexandria, and Marcion, Cordon, Valentine, and Marcus at Eome, are stiU remembered as the chiefs of the errorists ; and the Christian literature of at least a century is, to 1 2 Tim. ii. 18. s 1 Tim. i. 4. ^2 Tim. i. 15 ; ii. 17. Early Heresies, Controversies, and Sztperstitions. 35 a great extent, occupied with the task of their refutation.^ Among the most accomplished of these heresiarchs was Valentine, who died at an advanced age va. the island of Cyprus, and who had many disciples in various countries. WhUst Gnosticism involved a denial of the Supreme Deity of Christ, representing Him as an ^on or Emanation of the Primal Essence ; it also discarded the atonement, exhibiting the Gospel rather as a revelation of light than as a revelation of mercy. Its supporters did not scruple to disown the authority of Scripture, when it directly contradicted their opinions. Many of them entirely rejected the Old Testament, and received only certaio portions of the writings of the Apostles and Evangelists. Some of them fabricated gospels, which they circulated with much assiduity. Their practical theology revealed the absurd and dangerous character of their system — some of its teachers insisting on the most severe abstinence, and others recommending the most shameless self-indulgence. According to the one party, the flesh is incorrigible, and it is useless to curb its inclinations; according to the other, it should be kept constantly mortified by the chastisement of ascetic discipline. Temperance is unquestionably favourable to the cultivation of all the virtues ; but many of the heathen philosophers held extreme views on the subject of the appetites, asserting that the highest type of spiritual exceUence can be attained only by a Efe of carnal austerities. The Eastern theology sanctioned the same principle ; and, long prior to the Christian dispensation, monas- ticism was extensively estabUshed among the disciples of Buddha. The leaven of this doctrine was soon introduced into the Church ; and before the end of the second century celibacy and protracted fasting were supposed by many to be essential to exalted piety. Such sentiments at length found a most energetic advocate in an individual connected with an obscure Phrygian village — a fanatic named Montanus — who made a vigorous attempt to secure their general adoption. This man, without erudition or extraordinary talent, created a wonderful impression ; for the amazing earnest ness with which he announced his convictions compeUed atten tion, and persons of a certain temperament were prepared to Esten approvingly to his pretensions. He imagined that he had a special mission from heaven, that he was the apostle of an age ^ See particularly IreniEus, Contra Eoereses, and the PAiZosopAMmema of Hippolytus. 36 Early Heresies, Controversies, and Superstitions. of purer spiritualism, and that he was empowered to supplement the defects of the system of Christianity. He delivered gloomy predictions, interdicted flight in times of persecution, imposed rigorous fasts, and condemned second marriages. Two females of distinction became his ardent partisans, and greatly contributed, by their wealth and personal influence, to assist him in the dis semination of his sentiments. But it was at length discovered that he was the dupe of his own folly ; the Councils of the Church condemned his extravagance ; ^ and the signal failure of some of his most remarkable predictions consigned him to contempt. The false principles he so senselessly exaggerated were not, however, brought into disrepute by his disgrace ; for, soon afterwards, they reappeared in the theology of the Church, where they exercised an extensive and most pernicious influence. Montanus did not deny any of the cardinal doctrines of the Gospel ; and his system had a " shew of wisdom" in " neglecting of the body;" but others, who disturbed the Christian com munity towards the close of the second century, advanced more boldly in the path of speculative innovation. Theodotus, a native of Byzantium, who about that time came to Eome and maintained the simple humanity of Christ, was excommunicated. Shortly afterwards, an individual, named Artemon, also taught that our Lord was a mere man ; and Natalius, another heresi- arch of the same class who settled in the great metropoEs, is said to have received a monthly salary for acting as pastor to what would now be called a Unitarian congregation.^ Noetus, a native of Smyrna, confounded the first and second persons of the Godhead; 5 and, as it apparently foUowed from his theory, that the Father suffered on the cross, those by whom it was supported were called Patripassians. Sabellius, an African ecclesiastic who confounded aU the distinctions of the Trinity, and taught that the terms Father, Son, and Holy Spirit, merely indicate different phases or manifestations of the same Divine Person, broached an hypothesis, which found some advocates, and which is stiU known under the designation of SabelEanism. But the most influential assailant of the commonly received doctrine of the Godhead was the celebrated Paul of Samosata,* ' Euseb. V. 16. 2 jj^-^^ .^_ 28. ^ Hippolytus, Philosophumena, lib. ix. •• So called because Samosata was his birthplace. Early Heresies, Controversies, and Siiperstitions. 3 7 Bishop of Antioch. He maintained that the Logos, or Word, is not a Divine Person, but the Eeason of God; and that Jesus was the greatest of the sons of men because the Logos dwelt in Him more abundantly than in any other of the children of Adam. Paul's high position in the Church, and his commanding talents, rendered him peculiarly formidable; but the dangerous char acter of his creed was quickly perceived even by those whom he was appointed to instruct ; and, though he dexterously endea voured to elude investigation, a council was specially convened in A.D. 269 at Antioch to sit in judgment on his heresy; and he was finaUy deposed and excommunicated. The decision, which was officiaUy announced by the assembled fathers to the chief pastors of Christendom,^ was received with general approbation. About the time that Paul of Samosata was cut off from cathoUc communion, another individual in the farther east began to attract notice as the founder of a new school of theology. This was Mani, or as he is sometimes caUed Manichseus. He was a Persian by birth, and a proficient in several arts and sciences ; for he exceUed as a painter and a physician, a mathematician and a mental philosopher. Entering on public Efe at a time when two rival forms of traditional faith were strugghng for ascendency in Persia, and when the progress of the Gospel was stimulating the activity of religious inquiry, it occurred to him that, by blending the creed of his ancestors with the creed of Christianity, he could concoct a system acceptable to his countrymen ; and, confident in the resources of a fertile genius, he attempted to overcome the difficulties of amalgamation. He adopted the Persian doctrine of two First Principles as the fundamental idea of his theory, teaching that a Good and an Evil Deity existed from eternity. Christ came to Eberate souls from the dominion of the Evil Deity, or the Power of Darkness ; and Mani was the Paraclete commissioned to proclaim His wUl. He rejected the greater portion of the canon of Scripture, and pubUshed a book, rich in Oriental imagery, as the Gospel which his followers were to acknowledge. His disciples were divided into two classes — the Elect, or the Sacred order ; and the Auditors, or the ordinary members. To each section he prescribed ascetic and dietary regulations — requiring the elect to abstain from marriage, as well as from wine, mUk, and flesh-meat. His system embodied 1 Euseb. vii. 30. 38 Early Heresies, Controversies, and Superstitions. several very popular elements; and though the sect which he organized was soon exposed to persecution, it was remarkable ahke for its longevity and its extensive diffusion. Missionaries in aE ages have admitted that it is often easier to secure the acknowledgment of theological truths than to destroy the influence of hereditary ceremonies. The history of Christianity suppEes countless illustrations of this position ; and the annals of the early centuries continuaUy remind us of its importance. The beUeving Jew could not readily give up his national usages; neither could the converted Gentile at once lay aside those habits in which he had been trained from, infancy. Thus it was that so many observances, unsanctioned by divine authority, found their way into the Church. Not a few of the posterity of Abraham who embraced the Gospel continued for a time to keep Saturday as a Sabbath; and, in the former haK of the second century, a portion of the members of the Church of Jerusalem, rather than give up the Mosaic ritual, withdrew from their brethren, and formed themselves into a distinct com munity — known by the title of the Nazarenes. Before the end of the second century a large portion of the Church became involved in a controversy relative to the proper mode of holding an annual festival corresponding to the Passover. Pagan rites also were soon copied by the Christians. Heathenism was a religion of images, of gestures, and of incantations ; and some of its little forms were so constantly in requisition that they were often performed almost unconsciously by its votaries. Among these the ton.ching of the forehead in a particular fashion was one of the most common; and, when idolaters in large numbers passed over to the Church, they speedily discovered that they could sanctify the ceremony by showing that it involved the making of a cross. The gesture was forthwith adopted as the sign manual of the professors of the Gospel ; and, in some places, before the close of the second century, when the Christian sat down to table, or went to bed — when he put on his shoes, or put out his candle — he did not neglect the sealing of his forehead.^ The cross was one of the emblems of pagan superstition;^ but ' Tertullian, De Corona, c. 3. = Socrates, Hist. v. 17. One of the symbols of San, or Sansi, the sun-god of the Chaldeans, was a circle with a cross inscribed. Rawlinson's Ancient Monarchies, i. 161. This very symbol © may be seen reproduced in the crosses on some of Early Heresies, Controversies, and Super stitiojts. 39 the disciples boldly appealed to this fact as a providential testi mony in support of their theology; and as the sacred figure was usuaUy seen in the hand of the statue of the goddess of victory, they interpreted the coincidence as a token of the prospects of their system, and as' a typical prediction of its ultimate success. Those who, when heathens, had believed that the touching of the forehead operated as a charm, could not be easily persuaded that it had less potency when executed by a Christian; and accordingly the making of the sign of the cross was supposed to be invested with extraordinary virtue; for it was understood to ]Drotect against the infection of disease, to affright daemons, and to propitiate the favour of the Almighty. Even the divine ordinances appointed in the New Testament were at length mis represented by superstition. Baptism — not faith — was extoUed as a shield wherewith we may quench aU the fiery darts of the wicked; and the Lord's Supper was described as if, irrespective •of the spiritual condition of the recipient, it was endowed with some magic efficacy. It has been already intimated that, before the close of the second century, the Church was agitated by a controversy rela tive to the mode of keeping a festival corresponding to the. Jewish Passover. The chief pastor of Eome and the chief pastor of Ephesus took the lead in the discussion ; and advocated respectively the sentiments of their co-religionists in Italy and Asia Minor. Fasting and feasting were conjoined inthe com memoration; and whilst the Easterns insisted on partaking of the Paschal Lamb at the same time as the Old Testament church, their Western brethren imagined that they would have com promised their Christianity by so far conforming to Judaism. They also disputed concerning the time of observing what was called the Festival of the Eesurrection, or the anniversary of the ¦day when our Lord issued from the grave. The questions con troverted were intrinsically unimportant ; but a spirit of contra diction was aroused; and the parties refused to agree to any terms of reconciliation. About sixty years afterwards the same churches came again into coUision on the subject of the baptism of heretics — the Asiatics, now aEied with the Africans, contend- the old Irish churches. See Petrie's Ecclesiastical Architecture of Ireland, p. 174, 403-4, Dublin, 1845. See a curious article on "The Pre-Christian Cross" in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, vol. viii. part v. p. 322, Dublin, 1863. 40 Early Heresies, Controversies, and Superstitions. ing that the ordinance when dispensed by sectaries was a nuUity, and the Italians asserting its vahdity. In both instances the Bishop of Eome threatened his antagonists with excommunica tion ; but he had as yet no power to carry out such a sentence,, so that he thus only gave note of warning of those high preten sions which he was afterwards to assert so successfuEy. Immediately before the commencement of the baptismal con troversy the Church of Eome was disturbed by the first of the many schisms which form such a conspicuous feature in its history. A party within it maintained that those who had fallen into gross sins should never again be admitted to ecclesi astical feUowship ; but as Cornelius, who was then at the head of the church of the capital, refused to act on this austere prin ciple, its supporters renounced his jurisdiction; and Novatian,, a presbyter of contracted spirit but blameless character, was ordained their bishop. The separatists were joined by others in various quarters of the Empire, and, under the designation of Novatians, long existed as a sect, noted alike for their orthodoxy and their over-scrupulous discipline. About the time of their secession, another division, promoted chiefly by FeUcissimus,. an influential deacon, occurred at Carthage. The dissentients' insisted that the recommendation of a martyr^ was a sufficient title to church-feUowship ; but Cyprian, the bishop, declined to acknowledge this test of qualification, and the schism thus. originated. Poets have sung of a golden age of the world when men Eved in peace, purity, and love; but history dissolves the pleasing illusion, as it tells that no such age has been registered in its records. Many are wEling to beUeve that in the early centuries there was also a golden age of the Church ; but facts attest that they thus indulge only a fond imagination. Christ found the earth a moral wilderness, and it would have been extraordinary had the fairest fruits of the Gospel been the earEest products of sacred culture. The truth, no doubt, at once revealed itseE as a light from heaven, and shed, aU around, its holy and genial radiance ; but dense clouds of prejudice and superstition strug gled against the influence of its penetrating beams. Scarcely had Christianity appeared, when Gnosticism sought to supersede 1 These certificates were sometimes written after the martyr's death by parties- who pleaded his authority. See Cyprian, Epist. 22, ed. Baluz. Early Heresies, Controversies, and Superstitions. 4 1 it by its " darkness visible:" subsequently, Montanism attempted to spread over it the shade of a gloomy fanaticism : and after wards, Manichseanism interposed the exhalations of its folly and extravagance. Meanwhile, Humanitarianism, Noetianism, and SabeUianism, tried to obscure its divine testimony. Even where there was no fundamental difference of creed, diversity of senti ment as to ceremonies and discipline led to ecclesiastical separa tion. The Nazarenes formed themselves into a distinct com munity when their brethren declined to continue the observance of the Mosaic law : the Novatians seceded because, as they con ceived, transgressors were not punished with due rigour : and the party of Felicissimus withdrew on the ground that weak disciples were not treated with becoming indulgence. The sectaries often gave unequivocal proofs of the depth of their convictions ; for the Montanists courted martjrrdom ; the Mani- chseans passed through many a bloody ordeal; and the Nova tians made unflinching constancy in persecution a condition of church membership. But all these separatists set up a standard of duty unknown in the Word of God; and error cannot be converted into truth, either by the dogged pertinacity with which it is asserted, or by the ingenuity of the arguments which may be urged in its vindication. The highest credentials of the Gospel are, not those derived from exhibitions of zeal or genius or determination, but those written on the hearts of beUevers. It achieves its noblest triumphs when it converts the soul, and clothes with the beauty of holiness. In early times evidences of its power were not wanting among those who dis carded some of its heavenly doctrines ; but, in aU ages, the purest type of godEness has been found in connection with the purest faith. As a remedy for the heaEng of the nations, the Gospel is stiU a§ efficacious as in the days of the apostles ; and, if we are to believe the sure word of prophecy, it is destined to produce in states and kingdoms even more glorious changes than it has ever yet accomplished. 42 The Worship of the Church. SECTION IIL WORSHIP AND CONSTITUTION OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTEE I. THE WORSHIP OF THE CHURCH. THE observance of one day in seven as a sacred rest dates from the beginning of the history of our species.^ 'WTiilst the arrangement tends to refresh the body and invigorate the mind, it provides likewise for the regular maintenance of pubEc religious ordinances. The division of time into weeks, mentioned in the book of Genesis,^ attests its existence from the earliest antiquity. When giving the law from Sinai, the Heavenly Legislator refers to it as a weU-known institute, saying significantly, "Remember the Sabbath day to keep it holy" 3 It cannot be shown that this law expired with the Jewish dispensation. The Sabbath did not originate with the Mosaic ritual ; its bodily as weU as its spiritual comforts are still required as urgently as ever by the human famUy ; and the fact that the fourth commandment occupies so prominent a position in the Decalogue attests at once its vast importance and its perpetual obEgation. But itS' Divine Author can substitute one seventh day for another ; and, as Christ was in the grave on the Jewish Sabbath, it was not fitting that a season associated with such melancholy recoEections should henceforth be a church festival. Jesus changed many other portions of the ritual, and, being " Lord of the Sabbath," He altered the time of its observance. His disciples commemorated His resurrection by meeting for worship on the first day of the week ; and this holy rest, desig nated in the New Testament "The Lord's Day,"* has ever since '- Gen. ii. 2, 3. 2 q^^_ j.^Jj._ 27^ 28. 5 "The word (Remember) always presupposes antecedent knowledge." See Scripture Account of the Sabbath, by Archbishop Stopford, p. 169, London, 1837. ^ Rev. i. 10. See also Acts xx. 7 ; 1 Cor. xvi. 1, 2. " In every case in which the first day of the week is mentioned in the Greek (of the New Testament) it The Worship of the Church. 43 been set apart to the stated performance of the pubEc services of the Christian religion. For several years after the death of our Saviour all the ad herents of the Gospel were converts from Judaism ; and, for a ¦considerable part of the first century, the Christians were con founded by many with the posterity of Abraham. Nor was it strange that the mistake was made, as the worship of the early Church closely resembled the worship of the synagogue. The service consisted of psalmody,^ prayer, reading the Scriptures and preaching. The Old Testament psalms were generaEy sung, but they were not exclusively employed. No instrumental music was heard in the congregation during the first three cen turies. The prayers, which were delivered in the vernacular tongue, and which in the infancy of the Church were distin guished by their evangelical fervour, had special reference to the spiritual wants, the peculiar temptations, or the prevailing sins of the petitioners ; and the phraseology varied according to the gifts of the individual who officiated. A portion of Scrip ture, either from the Old or the New Testament, was read ; and, as books were comparatively rare and the sacred manuscripts in the hands of very few, this public exercise was the chief opportunity enjoyed by multitudes for obtaining a knowledge of the written word ; and thus the attention of the auditory to the lesson fop the day was quickened and sustained. Exposi tion, or preaching, foEowed the reading of the Scriptures. The custom of discoursing from a text, or from a few words of Eoly writ, was not known during the first three centuries. The sermon — an address partly didactic and partly hortatory — had reference to the whole portion of Scripture read at the time to is called by the name of Sabbath The expression which in English is translated 'the first day of the week' occurs eight times in the New Testament. In Mark xvi. 9, in the Greek, it is irpJiTri a-a^^drov, literally ' first of the Sabbath. ' And also Matt, xxviii. 1 ; Mark xvi. 2 ; Luke xxiv. 1 ; John xx. 1, 19 ; Acts XX. 7 ; 1 Cor. xvi 2 ; in all of which the Greek is lua tu>v aa^^arav, literally, 'one of the Sabbaths.'" — Stopford, 228, note. See, inthe Septuagint, Gen. xxix. 27, and Dan. ix. 27. 1 As to the mode of singing in the synagogue, see Vitringa, de Synagoga Vetere, lib. iii. pars. 2, cap. 16, p. 1070, Franeq. 1696. The mode of singing in the pri mitive Church was probably the same. The testimony of Isidore of Seville, though not of the highest historical value, is remarkable. " Primitiva autem ecclesiaita psallebat, ut modioo flexu vocis faceret resonare psallentem, ita ut pronuneianti mcinior esset quam canenti." — De Ecclesiccst. Officiis, i. 5. 44 The Worship of the Church. the congregation. And the mode in which ministers of the Gospel proceeded to disseminate their views very soon arrested the attention of intelligent pagans. UnEke the heathen philo sophers — who were wont, in the first instance, to exact a pecu niary reward for their instructions, and who confined their prelections to the wealthy and the educated — the missionaries of the cross ignored the love of gain ; and, in their anxiety to leaven the whole community with their principles, addressed themselves indiscriminately to the rich man and the beggar, the young and the old, the learned and the ilEterate. In every country persons of humble rank constitute the bulk of the people ; and the early Christian teachers could urge. Eke their divine Master, as part of the credentials of their mission, that the poor had the Gospel preached to them. A Eoman citizen, when present for the first time at the worship of the Church, might have remarked how profoundly it differed from the ritual of paganism. The services in the great heathen temples were but an imposing scenic exhibition. The holy water for lustra tion, the statues of the gods with wax tapers burning before them, the officials robed in white surpEces, and the incense float ing in clouds and diffusing perfume aU around, could only regale the senses or light up the imagination. No stated time was de voted to instruct the assembly ; and the Eturgy — often in a dead language — as it was mumbled over by the priest, merely added to the superstition and the mysticism. But the worship of the' Church was, in the highest sense, a "reasonable service." It had no parade, no images, no fragrant odours; for the first hundred years it was commonly celebrated in private houses or the open fields ; and yet it addressed itself so impressively to the understanding and the heart that the congregations of the faithful frequently presented scenes incomparably more spEit-stirrmg and subEme than anything ever witnessed in the high places of Greek or Eoman idolatry. As the Christians prayed together they realized the presence of the Great King, and tears often flowed profusely as they rejoiced in the precious promises. Or, as the minister expatiated on the terrors of the law or on the love of the Eedeemer, the word was felt to be the voice of Omnipotence, and the whole auditory was intensely moved. Whilst the Christian preacher wielded the sword of the Spirit, the unbeliever felt himself subdued. " Thus," says Paul, " are The Worship of the Church. 45 the secrets of his heart made manifest ; and so, faUing down on his face, he wEl worship God, and report that God is in you of a truth."! As originally administered, baptism and the Lord's Supper — the two symboEc ordinances of the New Testament — were dis tinguished by their extreme simplicity. In baptism, the initiatory rite, water was appEed to the body either by affusion or immer sion;^ and when an adult convert had his children baptized along with him, he was thus pledged to " bring them up in the nurture and admonition of the Lord."^ In the Eucharist bread and wine were dispensed to the faithful seated around a table ; and, as they partook of these memorials, they celebrated their communion with Christ and with each other. The Lord's Supper was administered on the Lord's day ; and, though the point cannot be established by decisive evidence, the ordinance was perhaps generaEy observed weekly. In the New Testament the word sacrament is not employed to designate either baptism or the Eucharist, and about the end of the second century, when it was introduced into the ecclesiastical nomenclature, it was not applied exclusively to those two institutions.* No individual or Church court is warranted to tamper with ¦symbolic ordinances of divine appointment ; for, as they are the typical embodiment of great truths, any change essentially vitiates their testimony. But their early administrators, over looking this grave objection, soon ceased to respect the integrity of baptism and the Lord's Supper. In the third century a number of frivolous and superstitious ceremonies — such as exorcism, unction, the making of the sign of the cross on the forehead, and the kiss of peace^ — ^were already tacked to baptism ; so that the beautiful significance of the primitive observance could not be weU seen under these strange trappings. Before the middle of the second century the wine of the Eucharist was mixed with water ; fifty years afterwards the communicants par ticipated standing; and at length the elements themselves were treated with awful reverence. The more deeply to impress the 1 1 Cor. xiv. 25. ^ In cases where delicacy of health interfered, sprinkling was always considered sufficient. See Cyprian, Epist. 76, ed. Baluz. According to the decision of a Synod held in Africa about the middle of the third century, infants might be baptized before the eighth day after birth. 3 Eph. vi. 4. * Kaye's Tertullian, p. 367. 46 The Worship of the Church. imagination, baptism and the Eucharist began to be surrounded with the secrecy of the heathen mysteries, and none save those who had received the ordinances were suffered to be present at their dispensation. The ministers of the Church sadly compro mised their reEgion when they thus imitated the meretricious decorations of the pagan worship. As might have been expected, the symbols 1 so disfigured were misunderstood and misrepre sented. Baptism was caUed regeneration, and the Eucharist was designated a sacrifice. Thus a door was opened for the admission of a whole crowd of dangerous errors. CHAPTEE IL THE CONSTITUTION OF THE CHUBCH. When attempting to trace in the New Testament the constitu tion of the Church, some have been perplexed by confounding its ordinary and its extraordinary ministers. The apostles, prophets, and primitive evangeEsts, held a position which other heralds of the Gospel cannot occupy ; they were endowed with supernatural gifts ; and, as they were raised up for an emergency, they left behind them no successors. Authority which cannot be legiti mately exercised over an association when its organization is complete, must often, from the necessity of circumstances, he assumed by the founders of the institute. We form a most erroneous estimate of the constitution of the Lutheran Church if we think that its office-bearers may act as did the father of the German Eeformation ; and we sadly misrepresent the poEty of EngEsh Methodism, if we argue that any member of the Con ference possesses the power wielded by the venerable Wesley. The missionary who succeeds in coUecting congregations of Christian converts in a heathen country, feels at Uberty to give advice, and to guide by supervision in a way which, if ad ventured on by any other, would be resented as intrusive. We are to overlook neither this element of influence, nor theE gifts of miracles and inspiration, when judging of the relation in ^ It is however abundantly clear that the sacramental elements were stiU. con sidered as but symbols. Thus Tertullian says: "Having taken the bread and given it to his disciples. He (Christ) made it His own body by saying, ' This is my body,' that is, the figure of my body."— Against Marcion, book iv. chap. 40. The Constitution of the Chttrch. 47 which the original ambassadors of the Gospel stood to the primitive Churches. The apostles and evangelists were the founders of these societies ; by them the disciples were collected and organized ; from their Eps they first heard the glad tidings of mercy ; and by them were promulgated laws for the guidance of the chUdren of God in aU succeeding generations. They are therefore placed far above the ordinary functionaries of the Christian commonwealth. " God hath set in the Church, first, apostles; secowc^an^y, prophets ; 54 The Rise of ihe Hierarchy Valentine, and other Gnostic leaders, arrived in the imperial city, and created commotions which may still be traced in ecclesi astical history. Hyginus, who was at the head of the Eoman presbytery, endeavoured promptly to quell the dangerous excite ment. At a meeting specially convened to concert measures for guiding the brethren in this crisis of difficulty, it was resolved that " one elected from the presbyters should be set over the rest, that he should have the care of the whole Church," and that who ever refused to be amenable to his authority should be excluded from ecclesiastical fellowship. As Hyginus was mainly instru mental in procuring this enactment, an ancient document declares that he "arranged the clergy and distributed the gradations."! Where the Christians constituted but a siogle congregation, it often happened that only one of those entrusted with their spiritual oversight was competent to preach ; and in such cases this elder aEeady stood at the head of the community, inasmuch as, according to apostolic rule, the labourer in the word and doc trine was entitled to precedence. The disciples were stUl thinly scattered over the empire, and in few even of the great cities were they sufficiently numerous to form more than one worship ping association. The change now inaugurated was not therefore immediately productive of any very extensive results. It affected chiefly a comparatively smaE number of the towns, investing the president of the presbytery with a certaia amount of absolute authority. But owing to the place where it originated it was speciaEy influential. Before taking this decisive step, the minis ters of the metropolis appear to have obtained the sanction of those of some other large churches which had also been thrown into confusion by the heretics ; and thus it was that the system introduced at Eome M'as soon after adopted at Alexandria, Antioch, Ephesus, and elsewhere. The example of these leading communities was generaEy foEowed ; and, as Christians multi- pEed, the chief pastor of every mother church obtained jurisdic tion over the ministers of all the new congregations erected in his locality. At length in councils held, as E would seem, about the end of the second century, " it was decreed throughout the whole world " that " the plants of dissensions " should be rooted up by transferring " aE care to one."^ ' Diber Pontificalis. = " Ut dissensionum plantaria evellerentur, ad unum omnem solicitudinem esse delatam." — Jerome on the Epistle to Titus. and the Catholic Church. 55 Though the presbyters were thus subjected to the bishop, they were not at once stripped of their ancient prerogatives. At first he was expected to consult them as to aE matters of pubEc in terest ; they sat with him in councils, and joined with him in laying on hands in ordination. Until about A.D. 230 the pres byters of Alexandria, the second see in the empire, performed aE the ceremonies connected with the investiture of their ecclesi- .astical chiefs.! About that period even a bishop was ordained by the imposition of the hands of a bishop and a presbyter.^ But as prelacy advanced aE these marks of primitive equality were graduaUy obEterated. The principle of the new polity, when carried out to its legiti mate consequences, led to the estabEshment of a universal epis copate ; for, if it was necessary to set up a bishop to prevent a schism among the presbyters, it was also necessary to appoint a higher functionary to serve as a bond of union among the bishops. Hence a general confederation, comprehending what was caEed The Catholic Church, was formed by the new hierarchy ; and the ¦chief pastor of Eome was placed at the head of the association.^ The object of this league was to ascertain and unite the friends of orthodoxy, so that they could effectively employ their com bined influence for the suppression of sectarianism. Several ingenious reasons were soon discovered for assigning to the Eoman prelate the first place among his brethren. It was aEeged that Peter had once presided over the Church of the capital; that he is said to have been "first"* among the apostles ; and that the successors in his see should therefore be first among the bishops. AE now beEeved that such a centre of union was required; and the arguments brought forward in his favour were not very scrupulously canvassed, as every supporter of the CathoEc system was interested in exalting the honour of its most distinguished ecclesiastical representative. A text of Scripture was at length adduced which was supposed to settle his claims on an impregnable basis, for our Lord had said to 1 Jerome, Epist. 101, Ad Evangelum. ^ Origen, Commentaries on Matthew, Opera, iii. 635, Delarue's edition. See also Bunseu's Eippolytus, iii. 43. 2 The reader may find this point, and the whole question relative to the origin of the hierarchy, fully investigated in The Ancient Church. See especially period ii. sect. iii. chaps, v. vi. vii. viii. ix. x. * Matt. X. 2. 56 The Rise of the Hierarchy Simon Barjona, "Thou art Peter, and upon this rock I wUI buEd my Church."! it had been hitherto beEeved that the rock was no other than Christ Himself,^ and that Peter was a living stone buEt upon the sure foundation; but this interpreta tion was now ignored, and the Eock of Eome was substituted for- the Eock of Ages ! When the Church was prepared quietly to- Esten to such an exposition, surely intimations were not wanting that Antichrist was already preparing to erect his throne. Though the occupant o:^ the " See of Peter '' was acknowledged to be first among the bishops as early as the close of the second century, the doctrine of the parity of aE members of the epis copal order was still jealously maintained. The deference paid to the Eoman chief pastor was considered more compEmentary than otherwise, amounting merely to the honorary precedence requEed by a regard to order among so many peers. Any act of his which was understood to imply that he was disposed to- assume the position of an archbishop, or a " Bishop of Bishops," was treated as a piece of intolerable arrogance.^ But, about the middle of the tlErd century, another step was taken towards the organization of the hierarchy. The Church was then involved in new difficulties by the schisms of FeEcissimus and Novatian ;* the bishops took opposite sides in these dissensions; and the arguments which had previously been used for setting up chiefs among the presbyters were found to be equaEy potential for placing these chiefs themselves under -ecclesiastical supervision. This new arrangement of the hierarchy led to fresh Escord, as the more influential prelates of each province were forthwith engaged with each other in a struggle for pre-eminence ; and the Church history of the latter part of the third centmy is Ettle better than the record of a general war among the bishops.^ The controversy was not settled till the establishment of Chris tianity by Constantine, when the title Metropolitan first occurs- in ecclesiastical documents. Meanwhile the Catholic Church was graduaEy extended and consolidated. It was stiE a great voluntary association, held together by the mutual agreement of its members ; and the dread 1 Matt. xvi. 18. ^ "Petra hcec . . Filius Dei stsV - B.cr race Pastor, Hb. iii. sim. ix. 3 Tertullian, De Pudicitia, u. 1 ; Cyprian, Condi. Carthag. ^ See preceding chapter, p. 40. = Euseb. Hist. Ecc. viii. 1. and the Catholic Church. 5 7 of schism was the predominating principle which gave it vitality and strength. But, as time passed on, it grew into a compact body, guided by new principles and submitting to despotic dic tation. The word Catholic- was originally descriptive of an evangeEcal believer who cherished wide and generous sym pathies, and who abhorred the endless divisions of sectarianism : in a ttiousand years it had completely changed its significance, and had become the designation of a slave who dared not even thinh for himself, and who was prepared to destroy the very word of God at the bidding of an ecclesiastical superior. Under the Jewish dispensation the Almighty insisted on strict obedience to His wEl, and death was the penalty of a violation of merely ceremonial ordinances. Under the New Testament economy He is equaEy jealous of the honour of His law, and, in attempting to check the growth even of error, we are not at liberty to tamper with the integrity of any of His institutions. When the rulers of the spiritual commonwealth sought to put down heresy by endowing one of themselves with despotic power, they only increased the perplexities in which they were entangled ; and by making obeEence to the bishop a condition of church member ship, they prescribed a term of communion of which the Scrip tures know nothing. The Gnostic teachers were Antichrists,^ as they substituted their own vain phEosophy for the Saviour ; and weE ,may the Bishop of Eome be styled The Antichrist, for he broadly asserts that he is the vicar of the Son of God. He stands at the head of a system which presents a dead ritual instead of the living word, and which clothes a priest with the attributes of the Eedeemer. It is not strange that the Apostle John was dismayed when he saw a brood of false prophets spreading themselves over the Church, for he knew that they were the harbingers of "the last time" of Antichrist's dominion. The unwise means employed for their suppression issued in the estabEshment of that vast scheme of spiritual slavery. It is beEeved by not a few commentators on prophecy that papal Eome is the Babylon of the Apocalypse ; and, assuming the correctness of this interpretation, the preceding statements - i. e. General or Universal. It was introduced in the latter half of the second century. ' Hence we find Tertullian speaking of "the Antichrist Marcion." — Against Marcion, book iii. c. 8. 58 The Rise of the Hierarchy remind us of several interesting points of resemblance between the type and the antitype. Babylon commenced with the budd ing of Babel, a great tower, erected as a centre of union for the people of the plain of Shinar, lest they should be " scattered abroad upon the face of the whole earth."! g^t, as time roEed on, the tower became a monument of antiquity; a mighty m.etro- pohs surrounded it, and from that seat of empire an absolute sovereign issued laws to many kindreds, and tongues, and people. So it has been with the place whence " the sacerdotal unity took its rise." Hyginus of Eome built an ecclesiastical tower when he "arranged the clergy and distributed the gradations;" and in process of time his see became the capital of a spiritual empire whose ecclesiastical potentate could make kings hold his sthrup and tremble at his mandates. It has appeared extraordinary to many readers of the Old Testament that an undertaking so gigantic as the budding of Babel was attempted so soon after the flood ; for as the deluge stained the pride of aE human glory, its remembrance might have long continued to check the aspira tions of ambition. And to others it may seem quite as singular that a graduated hierarchy was commenced so soon after the days of the apostles. Christ taught that no " lordship," ^ such as that exercised by the princes of the Gentiles, should be acknowledged in His Church ; but, in less than a century after the close of the canon of Scripture, bishops were beginning to be entrusted with power which rendered them " lords over God's heritage," and who ever decEned their authority was cast out of the CathoEc Church. Another point of resemblance between Babylon and papal Eome was only partially Elustrated at the great Eeformation. As the capture of Babylon led to the liberation of the IsraeEtes and the rebuilding of the temple of God, the downfaE of papal Eome is connected with the emancipation of the Church. The overthrow of her tyranny shaE usher in the d ay of miEennial glory. Jeremiah thus predicted the fate of the Eastern metropolis : " As God over threw Sodom and Gomorrah, and the neighbour cities thereof, saith the Lord, so shaE no man abide there, neither shaE any son of man dwell therein.^ .... Babylon hath been a golden cup in the Lord's hand that made aU the earth drunken; the nations have drunken of her wine ; therefore the nations are mad.* .... Babylon shaE become heaps, a dwelEng-place for '¦ Gen. xi. 4. " Mark x. 42-45 ; 1 Pet. v. 3. ^ jgr. 1. 40. 4 je,.. h. 7. and the Catholic Church. 59 dragons, an astonishment, and an hissing, without an inhabitant.! How is the praise of the whole earth surprised ! How is Baby lon become an astonishment among the nations !"^ Such, too, shall be the fate of Eome, the mystical Babylon. " I saw," says John, " an angel come down from heaven, .... and he cried mightEy. with a strong voice, saying, Babylon the great is faEen, is faEen, and is become the habitation of devEs, and the hold of every foul spirit, and a cage of every unclean and hateful bird. For all nations have drunk of the wine of the wrath of her forni cation, and the kings of the earth have committed fornication with her, and the merchants of the earth are waxed rich through the abundance of her delicacies. . . . For her sins have reached unto heaven, and God hath remembered her iniquities."^ 1 Jer. Ii. 37. ^ jgr. H. 41. 3 jjev. xviii. 1, 2, 3, 5. PEEIOD II. Jftom the Conbet-sion: of Constantine to the (SstabltBh- m-cnt of the |3ope as ;t "temporal Sotiemgn.— a.d. 312 TO A.D. 755. SECTION I. GENERAL HISTORY OF THE CHURCH. CHAPTEE I. THE COXVERSION OF CONSTANTINE AND HIS IMPERIAL RECOGNITIOIf OF CHRISTIANITY. THE PROGRESS OF THE CHURCH BEYOND THE BOUNDARIES OF THE E3IPIRE. THE difficulty of governing the vast territories included within the bounds of the Eoman Empire led Diocletian to divide the sovereign power among four rulers. Two of these, under the designation of Augusti, possessed supreme and co- orEnatp authority ; and the two others, who were caUed Casars, occupied a somewhat lower position. Tune soon proved that the arrangement was impolitic. The support of so many regal establishments added to the burden of taxation, and aggravated popular discontent ; jealousies and distrust prevented the cordial co-operation of the Augusti and the Cajsars ; the unity of the imperial administration was destroyed ; and the executive power, no longer grasped by one vigorous hand, lost the influence it had hitherto commanded. In A.D. 305, Diocletian retired from pubEc life ; and, when the State ceased to be guided by so skilful and experienced a director, the evils of the system he had organized were speedily developed. Three years after his abdication, no less than six princes, ruling contemporaneously, claimed authority in the empire. A series of civE wars succeeded ; disease and violence graduaEy reduced The Progress of the Chtirch. 6 r the number of regal personages ; and, after many struggles and intrigues, Constantine, surnamed the Great, at length found himself in sole possession of the sovereignty. Constantius Chlorus, the father of Constantine, was one of the associates with whom Diocletian shared his government. The western provinces of Europe, including Britain, Spain, and Gaul, were allotted to his supervision ; he discharged the duties of his high trust with much abEity ; and his subjects awarded lEm the praise of a prudent and equitable ruler. He saw clearly the foEy of the pagan theology; and, though he did not embrace the Gospel, he was disposed to treat its professors with indulgence ; so that, when persecution raged throughout the rest of the Eoman world, the Christians under his authority escaped comparatively uninjured. In A.D. 306, he died at York in England ; and his soldiers immediately, and by acclamation, appointed his son Constantine Emperor. The other princes, though dissatisfied with the proceeding, found it expedient to acquiesce. The new Emperor, at the time of his election, had reached his thirty-second year ; and his mind had already been vigorously disciplined by a variety of trials. His personal appearance commended him to the admiration of the multitude, for he was tall, robust, dignified, and handsome ; the troops had ample confidence in his courage and capacity as a general ; and, during his reign, he evinced his political sagacity by many efforts of bold and successful states manship. In A.D. 312, he became involved in a war with Maxentius, one of his coEeagues who ruled over Italy and Africa ; and the hostile armies came to a decisive engagement at the Milvian bridge in the neighbourhood of Eome. On the eve of the battle Constantine was deeply anxious ; for he had to fight against superior numbers, and in the adverse ranks were the A'cteran Praetorian guards, who were deemed almost invincible. At this crisis he is said to have seen in the heavens a cross of light, bearing the inscription- — "By this Congtier!' As night drew on, according to the legend, Christ appeared to him in a dream, directed him to prepare a standard corresponding to the pattern exhibited in the sky, and assured him that, under the sacred banner, he should never sustain defeat. Constantine obeyed ; and a glorious victory immediately followed. This story, as handed down from the days of Eusebius,! is not ^ Life of Cortstantine, i. 28, 29. 62 The Progress of the Church. to be received with implicit confidence. The idea that Con stantine now witnessed a veritable miracle — that he actuaEy saw in the firmament the figure of a cross, with an inscription m gigantic letters describing it as the pledge of victory — and that he was instructed by Christ Himself to frame the celebrated standard caEed the Labarum — cannot for a moment be enter tained. The instrument of torture on which our Saviour suffered was aEeady regarded with undue reverence ; and it is not to he thought that the Prince of Peace at once prescribed it as a war- Eke banner, and sanctioned the superstition with which it was associated. But though the tale, as related by the imperial biographer, is self-contradictory and preposterous,! it is quite possible that it may rest on some substratum of truth. The Christians of that age could detect the figure of a cross in many objects which suggested no such comparison to other observers;^ and, not improbably, on the day before the battle of the MEviau bridge, the clouds presented an appearance bearing some re semblance to the venerated symbol And E either the sun itself or a solar halo^ surmounted the fleeting image, there were in dividuals in the army on the watch for supernatural intimations, who would point to the cross and the crown of light as a divine and auspicious omen. Whilst, therefore, the ordinary account of this transaction cannot be fuEy accredited, neither should it be rejected as utterly destitute of foundation. Admitting that selfishness or vanity may have tempted Constantine and others to embeEish or exaggerate, it is highly probable that something occurred* about the time of the decisive struggle which arrested the attention of the troops, and made a lasting impression on the mind of the Emperor. Constantine had never been much attached to the worship of 1 Eusebius himself ignores it io his Ecclesiastical History. Even in his Life of Constantine he records it with apparent hesitation ; stating that he would not have believed it had not the Emperor confirmed the recital of it by an oath— a somewhat suspicious certificate. 2 As in trees and flowers, fishes and fo-wls. See Justin Martyr, Dial, with Trypho, and Apol. ii. ; Tertullian, Adv. Judasos, c. ] 0, and the Octavius of Minucius Felix. 3 See a remarkable plate in Sir Edward Belcher's Arctic Voyages, i. pp. 168, 169, for a similar phenomenon — a paraselene. * For a similar portent in 1848, see Stanley's Eastern Church, p. 224. See also in the Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, iii. 18, an account of " a cross of light" seen in Dublin on the 27th June 1844. The Progress of the Church. 63 the gods ; . and, on his accession to power, he pursued the tolerant policy of his father. He thus conciliated the favour of the members of the Church ; and it may be presumed that a con siderable number of his solEers were Christians. The cross was regarded by them as the badge of their faith ; and whUst the announcement that they were to fight under its auspices must have stimulated their military enthusiasm, it served, at the same time, to inspEit their heathen comrades — as the cross was also a pagan emblem not unfrequently exhibited in the hand of the statue of Victory! ^^j^g Emperor, even when advanced in life, was greatly under the influence of superstition ; and if he now saw in the clouds some appearance resembEng the well known figure, it is not strange that he hailed it as a sign of success. Eecent events had prepared him for entertaining the idea of embracing the Gospel. He had marked the indomitable con stancy with which its adherents endured the Diocletian per secution ; and he had observed how his coEeague Galerius, the real author of that terrible scourge, had Eed in lingering agony of a most loathsome distemper. He could not weE divest him self of the feeEng that the sufferings of the unhappy prince were inflicted by the God of the Christians. If Jesus was mighty to destroy, he was also mighty to save ; and if, at a period of in tense excitement, when Constantine was looking aU around for help, he saw the sun shining forth in splendour, and an opening in the clouds forming something Eke a cross of light, he might recognize the spectacle as a celestial intimation, and interpret it as the token of an approaching triumph. And when, immediately afterwards, he vanquished a most powerful enemy, he would be stUl the more encouraged to cherish the conviction that Christ had interposed in his behalf and assured him of victory. Whatever may have been the origin of the- story which describes Constantine as receiving a revelation from heaven, it is certain that, about the date of the battle of the Milvian bridge, he was induced to become the patron of Christianity. It has, indeed, been aEeged that his conduct is to be entirely ^ As may be seen on coins and medals of pagan times. The military ensign of heathen Rome was a species of cross, or "a spear with a transverse piece on the top." Kennett's Antiquities of Rome, p. 207, Dublin, 1767. See also Tertullian, Apol. xvi. See a remarkable article on the "Pre-Christian Cross" in the Edin- burgh Review for January 1870, p. 222. 64 The Progress of the Church. attributed to state policy. He saw that the professors of the faith were a great and united body; that it was in vain to attempt extirpating them by persecution ; and that the time was come when a statesman must acknowledge their importance, and tolerate their religion. But we cannot in this way fairly account for his proceedings. It is exceedingly improbable that the Christians now constituted nearly one-half of the subjects of the empire; and they were comparatively un influential ; for the pagans were in possession of almost all the civE and mihtary offices. The Church, oppressed by a proscription of unprecedented length and severity, was in a state of extreme exhaustion. Had the Emperor simply desEed to conciKate the faithful, he could have done so effectuaEy by licensing theE worship, as he would thus have bound them to his throne by the double tie of self- interest and of gratitude. But, when he joined their ranks, he took a step of which no mere poEtician would have deUberately approved. Whilst he thus gained little support which he could not have otherwise secured, he provoked an opposition which might have overturned his government. The sovereign had hitherto been the high priest of heathenism ; and the immense array of individuals who derived their means of subsistence from its ritual, as well as the multitudes who were attached to it by education and by prejudice, must have been deeply mortified and provoked by the defection of the imperial pontEex. If, as is asserted, Constantine became a convert about the time of the battle of the IMEvian bridge, he did not, very distinctly and at once, proclaim his convictions. For several years after that event his public acts relating to matters of reEgion were equivocal and vacillating. He commemorated the defeat of jMaxentius by causing his own statue to be erected in the forum ¦ of Eome, with a cross in the right hand, and bearing the in scription, — " By this salutary sign, the true symbol of valour, I have delivered your city from the yoke of the tyrant;" but he did not thus offend the prejudices of any portion of his subjects; for the cross, as we have seen, was the index of the goddess of Victory, so that pagans and Christians would concur in recognizing the propriety of the imperial decoration. Even the famous edict of Milan, bearing date IMarch A.D. 313, in which he announced toleration to the Church, is the manifesto of a sovereign appar- enfly very undecided as to the truth of the Gospel. Accordmg The Progress of the Church. 65 to this enactment the sacred edifices and other ecclesiastical properties vn-ested from the disciples during the Diocletian per secution were to be forthwith restored ; and, that none might complain of spoliation, the legitimate claims of those thus de prived of possession were to be paid out of the public treasury ; but the Emperor significantly adds, — "We grant to the Christians, and to all, freedom to follow the mode of worship they prefer, that whatever divinity exists in heaven may be propitious to us and to all who live under our government."'^ Several other legislative acts of Constantine, intended to pro mote the interests of the Church, were so cautiously or ambigu ously expressed that even his pagan subjects could not well object to their propriety. Thus, in laws enjoining the obser vance of the first day of the week as a sacred rest, the festival is styled, not as designated in the New Testament, " The Lord's Day," but, as known to the heathen, " the day of the Sun," or Sunday, so that it is left doubtful whether it should be kept in honour of the Lord Christ or of the sun-god HeEos.^ On this day no business was to be transacted in the courts of judicature; and workshops were to be closed; but many of the labouring poor were not relieved by his enactment, as he permitted hus bandmen to pursue their agricultural operations without inter ruption.^ The knavery of the itinerant haruspices was notori ous ; and even princes, such as Tiberius and Diocletian, had dis countenanced their impostures. When Constantine ordained that a soothsayer who entered into a private house and practised his magical arts should be burned aEve, he did not therefore neces- sarEy come into collision with paganism ; for not a few of its adherents would applaud such legislation. Various pubEc pro- •' Euseb. X. 5. ^ Neander has remarked that we find the god of the Sun represented on coins as the patron god of Constantine. — Hist, of Christian Religion amd Church, iv. 514, Edinburgh, 1849. ^ See Jortin's RemarTcs on Ecclesiastical History, i. 425, London, 1846. The following is the brief edict of a.d. 321 — " On the venerable day of the sun let all the judges and people residing in cities rest, and let all workshops be shut. In the country, however, persons engaged in the work of husbandry may freely and lawfully continue their pursuits ; because it often happens that another day is not so suitable for grain-sowing or for vine-planting; lest by neglecting the proper moment for such operations the bounty of Heaven should be lost. Given the 7th day of March, Crispus and Constantine being Consuls, each of them for the second time." E 66 The Progress of the Church. ceedings bearing date long after the battle of the Milvian bridge attest that he stiE professed a very adulterated Christianity. So late as the year 317, if not later, the marks of the pagan state worship are displayed on his coins. After his aEeged con version he attended the sacred games, and observed some of the heathen ceremonies. One of the rescripts of the august proselyte encourages the people to frequent the temples, that they may there ascertain from the priests and diviners the secrets of futurity! j^g^y jjjore — should Eghtning strike his own palace, the Christian Emperor directed that the Deity should be propitiated according to the forms of the ancient superstition; and that the haruspices should be consulted as to the meaning of the portent! Some laws made by Constantine a few years after the defeat of Maxentius evince a growing disposition to foster Christianity; and yet he could vindicate his legislation by pleading that he wished to place aE his subjects on a footing of reEgious equahty. The fact that the heathen priests enjoyed various privileges, supplied an apology for the extension of simUar favours to the ministers of the Gospel. They were, therefore, released from the performance of burdensome municipal duties ; theE lands were, to a certain extent, freed from taxation ; and, whEst a testator was permitted to convey to the Church any amount of every kind of property, the bequest was not encumbered with the charges paid by the inheritor of an ordinary legacy. Under the tyranny of Maxentius, the Church of Africa suffered consider ably ; and when Constantine gave a large sum of money to assist in repairing or rebuilding the places of Christian worship in that country which were ruined or cElapidated, he could plead that the donation merely involved equitable restitution to an injured community. Constantine seems to have been led almost imperceptibly, hy the current of events, to assume a more decided position as a professor of the Gospel ; and his final confEct with his coEeague Licinius may be regarded as the second grand crisis in his religious history. As the patron of the Christians he already enjoyed their universal sympathy ; and his rival was prompted by pohcy, as weE as by prejuEce, to link himself closely with the abettors of the old worship. During the struggle aE felt that the two competitors represented the antagonist interests of Christianity 1 See Milman's History of Christianity, ii. 360. The Progress of the Church. 67 and Paganism. Each party sought to fortify itself by celestial aid. The Christian pastors offered up earnest and unceasing prayer for the success of Constantine; and, as he marched to battle, the Labarum, which displayed so conspicuously the sign of the cross, was guarded by fifty of his best soldiers. The heathen priests anxiously performed the various ceremonies of their ritual; and Licinius himself, having assembled his most distinguished officers in a consecrated grove and presented the accustomed sacrifices, thus addressed the company: "He who leads the troops now opposed to us has proved false to the religion of his forefathers, and adopted the sentiments of those who deny the existence of our Evinities. He is so infatuated as to honour some strange and unheard-of Deity, with whose contemptibly standard he disgraces his army. Confiding in this aid he has engaged in war, and is now advancing, not so much against us, as against those very gods he has despised. But the present occasion must prove who is mistaken, and decide between our divine guarEans and the Deity of our adversaries."! The result of the war was interpreted as the answer of an appeal to Heaven. From a.d. 324, when Constantine became sole emperor, he relinquished the comparatively neutral ground he had hitherto occupied, and bolEy adopted measures for the general spread of Christianity. In a.d. 325, the first General CouncE was convened, and the Eoman world looked on with astonishment as the pastors, who had so lately been proscribed, were conveyed on their way to Nice, the place of meeting, in carriages suppEed by government. Nor was this aE. The emperor took the ordinary ecclesiastical courts under his patron age. His biographer infoi'ms us that " he added the sanction of his authority to the decisions of bishops passed at then synods, and forbade the provincial governors to rescind any of their decrees."^ The pagans stiU constituted a large portion of the middle and upper classes of society, and sometimes the public interest imperatively required their services ; but, except under special circumstances, Constantine bestowed on his new co religionists the highest offices of trust, authority, and dignity. Nor did he otherwise neglect their interests. Connected with the imperial residences were BasEicse, or haEs of justice, weU 1 Euseb. Life of Constantine, ii. 5. ^ lUd. iv. 27. 68 The Progress of the Church. adapted for the accommodation of large assembEes ; and as many of these were seldom required for the service of the state, they were now devoted to the celebration of Christian worship. The sovereign invited distinguished pastors to his court; admitted them to his confidence ; and encouraged the buEEng of new and beautiful churches everywhere throughout his dominions. The ministers of the Gospel had hitherto subsisted chiefly on the voluntary oblations of the faithful ; and, in consequence of the improved social position of their flocks, many of them now enjoyed considerable emoluments, so that Constantine did not requEe to make any general provision for their maintenance. But he fre quently contributed largely to theE support, and in particular instances established something Eke missionary stations in the midst of a heathen population.! Whilst endeavouring to promote the growth of Christianity, the Emperor adopted measures for the discouragement or sup pression of heathenism. The civE magistrate, who had till this time acted as one of the ministers of the gods, was no longer permitted to add the weight of his official Egnity to the pagan worship ; for a law was now promulgated forbidding aE holding any pubEc appointment to engage in sacrifice. Had Constantine required the indiscriminate overthrow of the heathen temples, he would have found it impossible to secure obeEence to his orders ; and hence prudence suggested that many of them, at least for a time, should be suffered to remain uninjured. He contrived, however, to give an effective blow to the system which they represented, by puEing down a few of the high places of idolatry; and he exhibited no little tact in the selection of the buildings singled out for demolition. Two temples of Venus, at Aphaca and HeEopoEs in Phcenicia.^ had long outraged common decency by their abominable ceremonies ; and Constantine performed a service which aE the friends of social order could not but applaud when he issued orders for destroying these dens of licentiousness. A temple in CEicia dedicated to ^sculapius had been noted as the scene of extraordinary cures ; but, by razing it to the ground and exposing the tricks and jugglery of its priesthood, the credit of the old reEgion was vastly lowered.^ Images which popidar credulity had invested with supernatural powers were stripped 1 For an example of this see The, Life of Constantine, iii. 58. ' Euseb. Life of Constantine, iii. 55, 68. s Zbid. iii. 56 The Progress of the Church. 69 of their outward finery, and their rude materials displayed to the mocking multitude. Towards the end of his reign, Constantine commanded aE the heathen temples to be closed ; ! but there is good evidence that the order was not generally carried into execution. The government of this prince extended over a period of upwards of thirty years — more than thirteen of which he was sole emperor. Meanwhile the Eoman world was the theatre of a wonderful revolution. In a.d. 306, when the soldiers invited him to assume the purple, Christianity was struggling under the most sanguinary persecution it had ever encountered ; many of its churches lay in ruins ; its pastors were oppressed and dispirited ; and even its resolute adherents met in secret to cele brate its ordinances. In a.d. 337, when he died, it basked in the sunshine of imperial favour ; its professors had so multiplied that they probably formed a majority of the whole population ; its bishops were to be seen in the palace of the sovereign, mingling on equal terms with the most favoured of the courtiers ; and not a few of its religious edifices, in magnificence and ampEtude, rivaEed the splendid structures of heathenism. But, after aE, there is no very satisfactory evidence of the vital piety of the man who was instrumental in bringing about this momen tous transformation. The success of Constantine, when contend ing against Licinius and other enemies of the Church, was obviously regarded by him as the best proof of the Divine origin of the Gospel " To this truth," he exclaimed, " bear testimony the happy issue of aE my endeavours, my battles, and triumphs.^ . . . Everywhere preceded by Thy sign have I led on a victorious army. . . . For this cause I have consecrated to Thee my soul. ... I venerate Thy power which Thou hast revealed to me by so many proofs, and by which Thou hast confirmed my faith." ^ Had Constantine been less successful as a general, he would, probably, have been less zealous as a patron of Christianity. He professed its creed not, as it would appear, because he had experienced its renovating power, but because, as he believed, its Divine Author had been his Protector, and had fought for him against rival sovereigns. ]\Iany passages in the history of his Efe may weE suggest the painful conclusion that his reEgion was 1 Theodoret, Ecc. Hist. v. 21. = Cmistant. Oratio, 22. 2 Life of Constantine, ii. 55. yo The Progress of the Church. little better than a refined superstition. He was convinced of the foEy of polytheism ; he saw that the Christian system had many practical advantages ; he was led on, step by step, tiU he was completely committed to its recognition ; but the great reason why he supported it so steadfastly was because he feared that, were he ever to act otherwise, he would soon cease to be a victor and an emperor. From his constant intercourse with eminent pastors this prince must have acquired a considerable knowledge of the doctrines of the Gospel; and, under the advice of some of his Christian counseEors, he enacted several exceUent laws ; but we still lack decisive evidences of his own spEitual enEghtenment. His conduct in the Arian controversy ! was such as might have been expected from a prudent poEtician who cared Ettle for the question in dispute, and who was mainly anxious to promote the unity and strength of the party with which he was identified. In an address to the Council of Nice, deEvered immediately before its separation, he urged the propriety of seeking to attract converts to the Church by holding out to them the prospect of secular advantages. " Some," said he, " who hear are glad to secure the supply of their bodEy necessities ; others court the patronage of their superiors ; some fix their affection on those hy whom they are hospitably entertained; others, again, who are gratified by presents, love their benefactors in return ; but few reaEy desire instruction, and it is rare indeed to find a friend of the truth. Hence we must endeavour to meet every individual case, and try, physician -Eke, to administer to each what may tend to the health of the soul, that the saving doctrine may by aE be fuEy honoured." ^ A man who "had felt that "the law of the Lord is perfect, converting the soul " would have been slow to recommend so prominently to an assembly of Christian ministers such methods of conversion. It was not thus that the Gospel origtnaEy triumphed. The personal conduct of Constantine in advanced Efe did not exhibit Christianity as a religion fitted to effect a marked im provement in the spirit and character. In a.d. 326, he put to death his son Crispus, a youth of the highest promise, who had in some way disturbed his suspicious temper. His nephew Licinius and. his own wife Fausta shared the same fate. His 1 See Sect. II. Chap. II. of this Period. " Ufe of Cmistaniinc, iii. 21. The Progress of the Church. 7 1 growing passion for gaudy dress betrayed pitiable vanity in an old man of sixty ; and, towards the end of his reign, the general extravagance of his expenEture led to an increase of taxation of which his subjects complained. He desired to be a dictator of the Church, rather than a disciple ; and, with a view to share its privEeges without submitting to its discipEne, deferred his baptism untE the near approach of death. He then received the ordinance from the Arian bishop of Nicomedia. The defects in the reEgious character of Constantine greatly impaired his moral influence. Though he did much to promote the extension of the visible Church, his reign forms an era in the history of ecclesiastical corruption. His own Christianity was so loose and accommodating that it seemed to consist chiefly in the admiration of a new ritual ; and the courtiers who sur rounded him, and who complimented him by the adoption of his creed, seldom seemed to feel that it taught the necessity of per sonal reformation. AE at once the profession of the Gospel became fashionable: crowds of merely nominal converts pre sented themselves at the baptismal font ; and many entered even the clerical office who had no higher object in view than an honourable or a lucrative position. Ecclesiastical discipEne was relaxed ; and, that the heathen might be induced to conform to the religion of the Emperor, many of theE ceremonies were introduced into the worship of the Church. The manner in which Constantine intermeddled with ecclesiastical affairs was extremely objectionable. He undertook not only to preach but also to dictate to aged and learned ministers. Had any other individual who had never been baptized appeared in the Nicene synod, and ventured to give counsel to the assembled fathers, he would have been speedEy rebuked for his presumption ; but aE were so delighted to see a great prince among them, that there was a general unwUlingness to challenge his intrusion. He sometimes indeed declared that he left spEitual matters to Church courts; but his conduct demonstrated how little he observed such an arrangement. He convened synods by his own authority; took a personal share in then Escussions; required their members to appear before him, and submit their proceed ings to his review ; and infhcted on them civE penalties when their official acts did not meet his approval Had Constantine given his sanction and encouragement to the Church, and yet 72 The Progress of the Church. permitted her to pursue her noble mission in the fuE enjoyment of the right of self government, he might have contributed greatly to promote her safe and vigorous development ; but, by usurping the place of her chief ruler, and bearing down with the weight of the civE power on aE who refused to do his pleasure, he secularized her spEit, robbed her of her freedom, and converted her Evine framework into a piece of poEtical machinery. During the reign of Constantine Christianity made considera ble progress beyond the bounds of the EmpEe. The Goths, who had previously obtained some knowledge of its doctrines, now appear more prominently in Church history. Their chief pastor TheophEus was present at the Council of Nice ; but the converts were stUl comparatively few ; and Ulphilas, or Wolf, who flourished in the succeeding generation,! has been commonly designated their Apostle. His labours among them produced a great and permanent impression. He invented an alphabet for their use, and translated almost the whole of the Scriptures into theE language. WhEst the Gospel was spreading among these fierce warriors, other nations outside the Eoman frontier were beginning to enjoy its iEumination. It had aEeady extended into Persia, and a flourishing church existed in the capital of that country ; but poEtical jealousies interfered to impede its advancement. The government looked with extreme suspicion on the intercourse of the native believers with then brethren within the Eoman ter ritory, and the conversion of Constantine vastly increased this distrust. In the fourth and fifth centuries the disciples in Persia endured two persecutions of long continuance and of almost unparaEeled severity. At these trying seasons many Christians of high station chose to meet death in the most frightful form rather than relinquish their religion. Towards the commencement of the fourth century TEidates, King of Armenia, was converted by the instrumentality of Gregory, surnamed the Illuminator. The monarch immediately took steps to plant the Gospel throughout his dominions : no less than four hundred bishops were forthwith ordained: churches were buEt aE over the land : and Armenia is said to have em- ' Ulphilas died, aged 70, in a.d. 388. See Neander's General History, iv. 539, note. The Progress of the Church. 73 braced Christianity as the religion of the sovereign, the nobles, and the people, even before the new faith was publicly recognized by Constantine.! But the old pagan worship long Engered in many of its provinces, and in the beginning of the fifth century stEl retained no smaE number of adherents. About that time Miesrob, an eminently devoted missionary, supplied the Armen ians with an alphabet, translated the Scriptures into their language, and contributed greatly to weaken the influence of the ancient superstition. In the early part of the fourth century Christianity was intro duced into Iberia, a country bordering on Armenia. It was also successfuEy diffused in Arabia and India. About the same time it made rapid progress in Abyssinia, a portion of Africa in which it has never since been entirely extinguished. In a.d. 316, a Tyrian navigator, engaged in exploring the countries south of Egypt, was murdered with aE his ship's crew, except two, by the savage inhabitants. Frumentius and ^desius, youths of superior intelligence, who escaped the carnage, were taken to court and entrusted with the education of the heE to the throne. The young prince thus became a convert to the faith, and many of the Abyssinians speedEy foEowed his example. CHAPTEE IL THE CHURCH UNDER THE SUCCESSORS OF CONSTANTINE, AND THE FALL OF PAGANISM. Constantine the Great, whose reign terminated in A.D. 337, was succeeded by his three sons, Constantine, Constantius, and Con stans. Constantius, the last survivor, died in a.d. 361, so that the government of these princes continued about twenty-four years. Throughout the whole of this period the Church was visibly enlarging its boundaries ; but the example of the chEdren of the first Christian emperor contributed nothing to its real advancement. Though educated in the faith of the Gospel, they exhibited little of its spirit, and their history is a melancholy record of perfidy and discord. They had not yet entered on the cares of government when the troops protested against a portion 1 Milman, History of Christianity, ii. 318. 74 The Church under the Successors of Constantine, of their father's wEl — which dEected that their cousins DaEna- tius and HannibaEanus should be associated with them in the administration of the empire. This manifestation of discontent among the soldiers awakened the alarm of the two royal youths whose promotion was disputed ; and Constantius, the second son of Constantine, and the only one present to interfere, pledged his oath for their protection ; but he soon basely permitted both his relatives to faE victims to military violence. Within three years after their father's death, the eldest and the youngest of the sons of Constantine commenced a fratricidal war, in which Constantine the Second perished. MeanwhEe controversy con tinued to distract the Church ; and, whEst Constans in the West supported the Nicene Creed, Constantius, in the East, was the abettor of Arianism. The reign of Constans closed abruptly ia A.D. 350. His profession of the Nicene faith was dishonoured by his immoraEties ; his worthless character tempted Magnen- tius, an ambitious soldier, to aspEe to the imperial dignity, and the youngest son of the great Constantine was slain as he fled from the usurper. Constantius, now sole Emperor, was the dupe of unworthy favourites ; and, though he took no smaE creEt to himself as the patron of the Gospel, his reEgious zeal was ex pended chiefly in fruitless efforts to establish the ascendency of Arianism. AE these princes were desEous to strengthen the poEtical position of the Church, and endeavoured, in pursuance of their father's policy, to discourage or suppress paganism. A law pro mulgated by Constantius in a.d. 341 is couched in the foEowing peremptory language : " Let superstition cease ! let the foUy of sacrifices be aboEshed. Whoever, after the pubEcation of this law, continues to sacrifice shaE be punished in accordance -with his deserts."! Five years afterwards Constans and Constantius pub- Eshed stUl more stringent enactments. They dEected the temples to be everywhere closed, and sacrifices to cease on pain of death and confiscation of goods. In A.D. 356, Constantius issued another edict, in which sacrificing is again pronounced a capital offence. These laws did not enjoin the profession of Christianity under pains and penalties— and in so far they are somewhat less objec tionable than later acts of intolerance — but they aE overlooked the rights of conscience, and they were aE conceived in a spirit 1 Cod. Thcodos., 1. xvi. t. x. 2, ed. Gustavus Haenel, 1842, c. 1612. and the Fall of Paganism. 75 intensely persecuting. There were districts of the empire in which it would have been unsafe to attempt then enforcement, so that in some- quarters they operated only in the way of intimidation, and they were nowhere very rigorously executed, as large num bers, including not a few persons of high rank, continued long after then promulgation to adhere to paganism. But stiE, com bined with the influence of fashion and the poEcy pursued by the imperial court in the Estribution of its patronage, they pro duced a wonderful impression. Multitudes, who had no deep religious convictions and who were guided merely by secular considerations, submitted to baptism, and thus rapidly augmented the nominal amount of the Christian population. On the death of Constantius, in a.d. 361, the superficial char acter of much of the Christianity he patronized was soon pain- fuEy apparent. His cousin Julian, now sole monarch of the empne, accompUshed in a very short reign another great eccle siastical revolution. This prince, commonly known as The Apostate, though brought up within the pale of the Church — in which for a time he officiated as a lector, or reader of the Scrip tures — had secretly imbibed an inveterate prejudice against the Gospel, and at length became an avowed and ardent abettor of the pagan worship. It is not difficult to account for his back sliding. The Church, torn by the violence of disputation during the Trinitarian controversy, excited the derision of the pagans. In an age when an insincere profession of the Gospel was so common, Julian seldom, or perhaps never, enjoyed a very favour able opportunity of observing the consistent exceEence of a life of faith, the most effective argument of Christianity. The cruelty with which many members of his famEy were treated by their imperial relatives inspired him with a settled antipathy to the religion of the Court ; and his leanings to paganism were encour aged and confirmed by his intercourse with certain heathen philosophers attached to the ancient superstition. A large por tion of the Eterati stEl supported the worship of the gods. Adopting the system caEed New Platonism, they gave to the , legends of the heathen deities a mythical interpretation, and assigned to the various parts of the pagan ritual something Eke a spiritual significance. According to their views the gods were so many emanations from one Supreme Being ; each exerted a special influence, and each felt gratified by homage paid to his 76 .The Church under the Successors of Constantine, image or visible representative. Many of the old aristocracy of the empire, who adhered to heathenism under the impression that the glory of Eome was in some way bound up with the preservation of the ancient religious services, wiEingly adopted expositions of its worship which appeared to reEeve it of much of its grossness and absurEty And the phEosophers, thus left at liberty to invent as many theological allegories as they pleased, were delighted with the exercise of grafting then own' specula tions on the old stock of the pagan ceremonial. When Julian became emperor he at once re-estabEshed the religion of Jupiter and the gods. The faciEty with which he effected this ecclesiastical change suppEes satisfactory proof that Christianity had yet a very feeble hold on the mass of the population. The profession of the Gospel made by myriads ui the days of Constantine and his sons was dictated by purely secular motives; and under the auspices of the new emperor such parties were quite ready to return to idolatry. Julian exerted himself to the uttermost to increase the attractiveness of the old ritual. He renovated the dEapidated temples, restored their endowments, and, as the supreme pontiff of paganism, sacrificed with his own hand multitudes of victims. He ap pointed persons of the highest distinction to the priesthood, required the officiating ministers to wear sumptuous vestments, and embelEshed the service by the music of bands of choristers. He recommended the priests to imitate the Christians — or, as he contemptuously styled them, the Galileans — by attending to the wants of the poor and the afflicted ; exhorted them to study to advance their cause by the decency of their behaviour; and encouraged them to endeavour to gain possession of the puhhc mind by introducing into their worship something Eke preaching or popular instruction. Whilst Julian was diligently labouring to revive the pagan interest, he did not neglect to take measures for weakening the cause of Christianity. Though he professed to extend to E the privUege of toleration, he contrived to harass it by various petty modes of annoyance. Summoning before him the chiefs of the parties into which the disciples were divided, he invited them to discuss then principles in his presence, and, whilst Estening to them with affected candour, sought, by an artful distribution of praise and blame, to foment and perpetuate then dissensions. But and the Fall of Paganism. 7 7 he did not confine himself to this sly amusement. As the Chris tians were now fuEy equal to any other class of the community in Eterary culture, he attempted to degrade their chEdren by restricting them to an inferior course of education. He accord ingly prohibited the brethren from acting as teachers in the pubEc seminaries, and from cultivating the study of Homer and the other ancient classic authors. Some of his acts were of a stiE more hostEe character. In many cases where heathen temples had been destroyed in the preceding reigns. Christians were compelled to undertake the expense of their restoration. He also confiscated the wealth of the Church, withdrew the endowments of the clergy, and deprived them of immunities which they had enjoyed since the days of Constantine. JuEan was a prince of no mean capacity, of blameless morals, learned, and brave; but he was unequal to the task of the resuscitation of paganism. Though seconded in his efforts by a crowd of so-caEed phEosophers, and though multitudes, guided by self-interest or fashion, returned to the worship of the gods, the Gospel lost Ettle substantial influence. Professing to deride the reEgion of those whom he -nicknamed Galileans, the emperor borrowed from it almost aE the reforms he introduced into the pagan discipEne and ritual, so that by some of the wits of his generation he was styled "The Ape of Christianity." The faEure of his attempt to rebuEd the temple of Jerusalem made a deep impression on the pubEc mind. He imagined that, by erecting a new structure on the foundation of the old, he would in some way invaEdate the prophecies of our Saviour ; but balls of fire, bursting from various parts of Mount Moriah, terrified his workmen, and induced them eventuaEy to give up the under taking. The fact of these fiery eruptions is attested by heathen as weE as Christian evidence ;! and though we may now find it easy to account for them on scientific principles,^ they were at the time deemed miraculous, and regarded as indications of the wrath of God against those who sought to overturn the divine testimony. JuEan was sole emperor only about twenty months, and during his short reign he laboured with amazing diligence for the ad- ! Ammianus Maicellinus, xxiii. 1 ; Chrysostom, Adv. Jud. et Gent.: Gregory Nazianzen, Orat. iv. Adv. Julian; Ambrose, Epist. xl. ' See the life of this emperor in the B'ocyclop. Metropol. 78 The Church under the Successors of Constantine, vancement of his favourite designs ; but aE his efforts to revive paganism were as abortive as his attempt to build the Jewish temple. Though possessed of, various accomplishments, he had an ill-balanced mind; he was pedantic and vain, as weE as singularly deficient in discernment and common sense. His op position to the Gospel was obviously dictated rather by passion than by reason; and his creduEty as a devotee of the heathen superstition was as singular as his want of faith in everything ^ pertaining to Christianity. The old idolatry and the philosophy of New Platonism were incongruous elements, and the experi ment of their combination only hastened the disappearance of \ both. Paganism in the reign of Julian was Eke a dead body under the influence of galvanism : aE at once it Esplayed signs of life, it stood up, and it appeared as if prepared to enter on a new career of existence ; but, when the power of the imperial operator was withdrawn, it suddenly feE, and betrayed the secret of its artificial restoration. Jovian, who was caEed to occupy the throne left vacant hy the death of JuEan, made a profession of the Christian faith ; and though he deemed it prudent to tolerate the reEgion of his predecessor, the Church, during his short reign of Ettle more- than seven months, quietly recovered its ascendency. Under the government of his successor it continued to gain strength. Its position is inEcated by the fact that the adherents of the old idolatry began about this period to be designated Peasantry or Pagans. The name, as descriptive of the worshippers of the gods, occurs for the first time in one of the laws of Valentinian,!— a circumstance from which we may infer that heathenism now maintained its ground only in places far away from the great thoroughfares of men, and that Christianity was generaUy pro fessed throughout the cities and towns of the Empire.^ In the reign of Julian, Valentinian had signaEzed himself as a despiser of the ceremonies of the heathen ritual On one occasion, when entering a temple at Antioch in company with his sovereign, he struck a priest proceeding to sprhikle him with ^In A.D. 368. Cod. Theodos. 1. xvi. tit. ii. 18, ed. Haenel, c. 1491. = Neander has remarked that Paganism maintained itself 'so long "among the country people, partly in consequence of the indifference or selfishn°ess of Chris tian landholders, who were anxious to allow the pagan temples to stand for the sake of the income derived from the taxes on them. Neander, iv. 519. and the Fall of Paganism. 79 lustral water, and thus grievously offended his imperial master.! But, when he succeeded to the throne, he adopted the policy of toleration ; and even his heathen subjects acknowledged the impartiaEty of his government. His brother Valens, who ruled over the Eastern portion of the empire, was a feeble prince ; and, though a bitter advocate of Arianism,^ could be controlled by fraternal influence. During his reign paganism in the East was weE nigh crushed to death; but it suffered chiefly on account of its poEtical delinquencies; as a rebelEon^ which threatened to subvert the authority of Valens, and in which almost all the leaders of the heathen party were understood to be impEcated, provoked him to treat them with excessive severity. Though Christianity had, at this time, been professed by so many rulers of the Eoman world, Gratian, who succeeded his father Valentinian in a.d. 375, was the first emperor who refused to permit himseE to be arrayed in the official robes of the high priest of heathenism. This act of the young prince inEcated the policy he subsequently pursued. Guided by the advice of Ambrose, the celebrated bishop of MEan, he soon afterwards* re moved the altar of Victory from the Eoman senate-house ; con fiscated the property of the temples ; and withdrew the privEeges of the priesthood.^ Under the government of Theodosius the Great, who succeeded Valens in the East in a.d. 379, and who subsequently became sole monarch, the proscription of paganism continued with unabated severity. Crowds of monks traversed the country, and occupied themselves with the demoEtion of the idolatrous edifices. A rescript issued by Theodosius, in a.d. 391, commanded the destruction of the heathen temples of Alexandria; and in other places these structures were puEed down without the express sanction of any imperial enactment. Of aE the buEdings consigned to ruin no one has more attracted the notice of historians than the temple of Serapis in the capital of Egypt. This high-place of superstition was scarcely surpassed, as to extent and magnificence, by any other pEe of architecture in the Eoman Empire. It was of a quad- ' Sozomen, vi, 6; Theodoret, iii. 16. ° As an instance of liis cruelty, see Sozomen, vi. 14. ^ The rebellion of Procopius. See Milman's Hist, of Christianity, iii. 119. * A.D. 382. ^ Cod. Theodos. xvi. t. i. 20. 8o The Church under the Successors of Constantine, rangular form, and placed on an artificial elevation ascended by one hundred steps. The outer buEdings, which were of vast dimensions, accommodated the priests and the devotees. Within was a spacious square surrounded with a range of gaUeries ; and in the middle stood the habitation of the idol, built of marble, and supported on pUlars of immense magnitude and beautEul symmetry. The idol itself was a human form of colossal pro portions made of gold, silver, Eon, and other metals, fused together, and inlaid with precious stones. It was asserted that the demoEtion of this statue would involve the ruin of the world, and that any one who attempted to do it injury would forthwith be swaEowed up by an earthquake. These statements had made such an impression even on the minds of the Christians that when the multitude came together to destroy the image, aE stood before it for a time silent and fearful. At length a solEer, urged on by the bishop TheophEus, ventured to strike it with a hatchet on the knee ; and the blow resounded through the temple without producing any visible catastrophe. The assailant, em boldened by the result of his fEst attack, cEmbed up to the head ; and, exerting aE his strength, succeeded in cleaving the jaw asunder. A swarm of mice rushed out of the aperture, and scampered off in aE dEections. The appearance of these unex pected colonists excited universal laughter ; and the mob, now reEeved from then fears, entered in right earnest on the work of destruction. Serapis was soon reduced to fragments, and the temple itseE converted into a heap of ruins.! A few of the more famous of the reEgious edifices of the heathen were preserved as noble specimens of architecture ; some became Christian churches; but many were levelled to the ground. Towards the end of his reign Theodosius prohibited the celebration of the heathen rites by the most stringent enact ments. Any landowner who tolerated their performance for feited the estate on which the offence was committed ; and any individual who sacrificed a victim was Eable to the punishment of death.2 Paganism was professed at Eome by an influential section of the old aristocracy ; but the emperor refused to permit the pubEc revenue to contribute to its maintenance ; and, though its votaries were stEl at liberty to visit its shrines, these were soon almost completely deserted. ! Theodoret, v. 22; Socrates, v. 16. = Cod. Theododani, lib. xvi. t. x. 12. and the Fall of Paganism. 8 1 The EmpEe had long been exhibiting unmistakeable indications of decay, and Theodosius was the last monarch under whom it remained united. At his death, in a.d. 395,! it was divided between his two sons Arcadius and Honorius; the barbarians from the North burst into some of its most fertile provinces; and, after a struggle of about eighty years' continuance, the line of Western sovereigns closed, in a.d. 476, with the deposition of the feeble AugustiEus. Odoacer, a barbarian chief, now assumed the designation of king of Italy; and, though acknowledging a species of nominal subjection to the Emperor of the East, occupied the position of an independent potentate. Tlnoughout the period we have just reviewed we see a new element exerting an increasing influence in the affairs of the Eoman Empire. Christianity was no sooner recognized by the State than it began to confront and to curb the imperial despotism. Asserting the great principle that aE men are equal in the sight of God, it taught the humblest member of the community to cherish a higher idea of his individual importance, and abated that overweaning regard for rank and official position so common in states destitute of a popular constitution. The Christian emperors soon found that the Church checked and embarrassed them in the exercise of tyrannical authority. It brought a discipEne to bear upon them by which even they were in timidated, and created a public opinion before which they were constrained to succumb. As the Church continued to gain strength, it ventured to assume a bolder attitude ; and, at length, fairly overstepping the limits of its proper province, exercised the oppression of a spiritual despotism. But for some time — though its proceedings were occasionally characterized by insolence or caprice— its in fluence, on the whole, was extremely salutary. As soon as it was incorporated with the State, its ministers were advanced to a high social position; and were, in consequence, not un frequently employed by persons in distress to act as intercessors with magistrates, with miEtary chiefs, and even with the em perors themselves. In this way their interference was often very seasonable and useful. The harsh governor or the enraged prince found it Efficult to resist the appeals of an eloquent and 1 According to some this is a gi'eat prophetic era. See Elliott's Horoe Apo- calyjjticce, i. 344. 8 2 The Ecclesiastical Writers. pious pastor, as he expatiated on the merciful spirit of Christ, and inculcated the duties of forbearance and forgiveness. In A.D. 387, when the people of Antioch had committed various acts of outrage and sedition, Theodosius determined to punish them in such a way as would at once vindicate his insulted authority and intimidate all the disaffected. The inhabitants heard of his intentions; and the whole city was a scene of mourning and dismay. But the aged bishop Flavian, who undertook the work of mediation, was able, on his return from court, to announce a free and universal pardon. In the days of paganism offenders fled for protection to its fanes ; and when Christianity became the estabEshed faith, its sacred edifices began to be regarded as places of refuge. By an enactment made in A.D. 431, tliis right of asylum was legaUy recognized.! Pastors often interposed Avith effect on behalf of those who sought shelter in then sanctuaries. And when the barbarians overran the Empire, the Church, degenerate as it was, stiE proved a blessing of singular excellence. Its ministers, permitted, in the first instance, to act as meEators between the victors and the vanquished, eventuaUy united both in the bonds of Christian brotherhood. CHAPTEE III. THE ECCLESIASTICAL WRITERS. Though Christianity was introduced into the world in an age noted for inteUectual activity and literary culture, it was at first embraced by but a very smaE number of scholars, phEosophers, or persons of distinction. " Not many wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble," were " caEed." ^ For several generations after the days of the apostles, the ecclesiastical memorials are scanty and meagre ; and the fathers of the first three centuries seldom ranked high among contemporaries as men of classic taste or superior erudition. The fourth century witnessed a wonderful revolution, as weE in Eterature as m reEgion. The pagan wrEers of that time are few and of inferior merE; whEst a whole multitude of Christian authors, some of ' Cod. Theodos. ix. t. xiv. 4, ed. Haenel, c. 966. 2 1 Cor. i. 26. The Ecclesiastical Writers. 83 them of much abEity and eloquence, adorn the literary firma ment. Early io the century, Lactantius, whose poEshed style has earned for him the title of the Christian Cicero, published his Divine Institutions. In this work, which is divided into seven books, he discusses the claims of heathenism and Christianity. Eusebius, in his Evangelical Preparation and Evangelical De- monstration, enters more largely into the same argument, and asserts in opposition to both pagans and Jews the di^dnity of th6 Gospel Both these writers moved in the highest circles of society. Lactantius was the tutor of Crispus,! son of Con stantine ; and Eusebius was one of the confidential advisers of the first Christian Emperor. Eusebius has been caEed the father of Church history ; and his work on the subject, in which he describes some of the ecclesiastical transactions of the first three centuries, is that by which he is best known. It is, however, a very unsatisfactory performance ; it suppEes no information respecting many of the most important occurrences of the period; but, as it is almost the only volume from which we can learn anything of the annals of the early Church, it has acquned a celebrity to which it has little intrinsic claim. Eufinus,^ a presbyter of AquEeia, has reproduced it in a loose Latin translation, and carried it down to the death of Theodosius the Great.^ Three Greek historians— Socrates and Sozomen, both of whom belonged to the legal pro fession, and Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, in Syria — take up the narrative in the reign of Constantine, and continue it through a portion of the fifth century ; and, as they aE Ulustrate nearly the same interval, we may, from their combined statements, form a tolerably correct idea of the transactions of the period. Theodoret brings his relation to a close somewhat earEer than either of his contemporaries, as he stops at a.d. 428. He was personaEy in volved in the discussions which agitated the Church during the next quarter of a century ; and, among all the assailants of the heresy of Eutychianism, he may be pronounced the most for- ^ His mother Minervina, a person of obscure birth, was the first ¦wife of the Emperor. Crispus was a prince of great promise. As to his death, see p. 70. 2 That Eufinus, not Euffinus, is the true orthography, see Migne, Patrol. Curs. xxi. 76. ' This Emperor died, as already stated, in a.d. 395. The history of Eusebius closes before the Council of Nice in a.d. 326. Eusebius has also left behind him a Life of Constantine, and other works. 84 The Ecclesiastical Writers. midable and accompEshed. He has written on a great variety of subjects ; and his expository works hold a high place among patristic commentaries. Evagrius, a lawyer who resided at Antioch, has left behind him a Church history extending from the CouncE of Ephesus, in a.d. 431, to nearly the end of the sixth century. Various other contemporary works throw Eght on the ecclesi astical movements of the period before us. Optatus, bishop of Milevi, in Numidia, has bequeathed to us a history of the Do natists ; and, though he writes in the spirit of a partisan, he is well acquainted with the transactions he describes, and has pre served much valuable information relative to the Church of Africa in the fourth century. Epiphanius, bishop of Salamis, ia Cyprus, in his treatise On Heresies, and elsewhere, has iUustrated the events of his age ; but his style is uncouth and his judgment imbecEe.! Sulpitius Severus, a GaUic presbyter who flourished about the beginning of the fifth century, shared in the admna- tion of asceticism characteristic of his generation ; and, in his Life of Martin of Tours, has detailed with wonderful simplicity the aEeged mnacles of that apostle of monachism. The style of this work, as weE as of his Sacred History, is excellent ; and hence he has acquned the name of the Christian Sallust. Dionysius Exiguus, who Eved in the reign of Justinian,^ rendered an im portant service to ecclesiastical literature by pubEshing a col lection of the Canons of the CouncEs. Gregory of Tours is the author of the Annals of the Francs ; and, though a barbarous writer, he assists us in tracing the history of Gallic Christianity during the second, third, fourth, fifth, and sixth centuries. A monk of Northumberland, the presbyter Bede, surnamed the Venerable, has given us an ecclesiastical history of England. This work comes down to a.d. 731 — the year before his death. Bede was one of the most learned men of his day; and his writings, which discuss a wide range of topics, contributed to sustain the lamp of Christian knowledge in Europe during the long night of the Middle Ages. A considerable part of the ecclesiastical literature of the time 1 Epiphanius is a rare example of a convert from Judaism among the Fathers. He was acquainted with five languages, Hebrew, Syriac, Egyptian, Greek, ar.d Latin. " A.D. 527 to A.D. 665. The Ecclesiastical Writers. 85 of Constantine, and of the four succeeding centuries, consists of the correspondence of churchmen and others. The bishops of Eome now stand out prominently among their contemporaries, and many of then letters are documents of much importance. Several epistles written by Damasus! are stUl extant; and SiRicius, his immediate successor, who occupied the papal chair from A.D. 384 to a.d. 398, commenced the Decretals, — or those episcopal cEculars in which the great ItaEan pontiff undertakes to propound ecclesiastical law to the other prelates of Christen dom. The letters of Innocent L, Leo I., Gregory L, Gregory IL, Gregory III., and Zachary, are of special historical value. A large portion of the correspondence of persons in an humbler position has also been preserved; and, among these remem brancers of the past, not the least interesting are the epistles of Boniface, the apostle of the Germans. The disputes relating to the Trinity, which convulsed the Church dm-ing the greater part of the fourth century, produced a large amount of theological literature. Athanasius, bishop of Alexandria, the champion of orthodoxy, was an indefatigable writer. As the inteEectual features of this Estinguished father wUl be exhibited in the history of the Arian controversy,^ a particular description of his character is at present unnecessary. His .works, especially his Apology against the Arians, his Apology addressed to the Emperor Constantius, his Epistle to Serapion concerning the death of Arius, and his Encyclical Epistle ad dressed to aE the bishops, as weE as others of his letters, throw much light on the progress of the struggle in which he was the chief athlete. Many of the productions ascribed to him, includ ing the creed which bears his name,^ are unquestionably spurious. He had profoundly studied the question of the Deity of Christ, so that he felt himseE strong in the trtith ; and, when required to enter into disputation, his tact, acuteness, and eloquence gave him an immense superiority over aE antagonists. He possessed other qualities which won for him the sympathy and the admira tion of the multitude. WhEst the Arians Esgraced themselves 1 A.D. 366 to A.D. 384. 2 Section IL Chap. II. of this Period. ^ See Cave's Lives of the Fathers, ii. 242, Oxford, 1840. According to some, this Creed was wi'itten by Vigilius, bishop of Tapsus in Africa, who flourished towards the close of the fifth century. See Hagenbach's fiistori/ o/iiociWraes, i. 267, Edinburgh, 1846. According to others, it is of French origin. See Sohaff's Hist, of the Christ. Cliurch, iii. 696. 86 The Ecclesiastical Writers. by shuffling and tergiversation, Athanasius always asserted his convictions, and always appeared bold as a lion But his sound logic was not always rendered palatable by the mEk of human kindness, and some of his vinEcations of the great doctrine of the Saviour's Godhead exhibit but Ettle of the meekness of wisdom. The evangelical reader wiE peruse many of his controversial treatises with a degree of disappointment ; for, whilst he displays wonderful argumentative abUity, his polemic bitterness is intense;! and he rarely dweEs on the practical appEcation of his glorious theme,' or points out the overflowing comfort which faith can draw from the doctrine of an Almighty and Eternal Saviom. Among the most resolute advocates of the Supreme Deity of Christ in the Western Church was Hilary of Poictiers.^ He has written commentaries on the Psalms and on the Gospel of Matthew. His work On the Trinity, divided into twelve books, is considered the most comprehensive and systematic treatise on the subject which antiquity has produced. But, as his style is involved and obscm-e, and his manner abrupt, he is by no means an attractive author. He is supposed to have died about a.d. 367 Another bishop, invested with the episcopal office about the same time as HEary, and also involved in the tommotions created by the Arian controversy, was Cyril of Jerusalem. When only a deacon he delivered those Catechetical Lectures, in which he expounds to us so fuEy his views respecting baptism. For six- and-thirty years he presided over the mother Church of Palestine ; and, during his episcopate, the Emperor JuEan made that attempt to rebuEd the Jewish temple which at the time proved 1 He describes his adversaries as " the Ariomaniacs " with "a whore's forehead," " equally unlearned and irreligious." Against the Arians, Oratio ii. 58; iii. 1. He does not scruple to denounce the Emperor himself as "the most impious Con stantius," as a being who "does not possess common understanding," and as the tool of persons who "have trampled his brains under the soles of their feet!" History of the Arians, 69, 70. Epistle concerning the Councils of Ariminum and Seleucia, 65. See also History of the Ariaiis, 38. These references may be found in Migne's edition of Athanasius, tom. ii. 270, 322 ; i. 775 • ii. 790 • i. 738. In his Apology addressed to the Emperor he had adopted quite a different tone, styling Constantius "your Piety" and "godly by descent," § 1. '^ Hilary the Deacon, sometimes called Ambrosiaster, and the reputed author of a commentary on the Epistles of Paul, was contemporary with Hilary of Poictiei-s. Pope Hilary, who has left behind him a few letters, flom-ished in the fifth centuiy. Hilary, bishop of Aries, who was a semi- Pelagian, and who has often been con founded with a layman of the same name who held different sentiments died in A.D. 449. The Ecclesiastical Writers. 8 7 so disastrous, and which has since led to so much discussion. CyrU witnessed its faUure with unmingled satisfaction. He has been charged with semi- Arianism ; and the imputation may not be unfounded ; but, towards the close of his career, he certainly professed the orthodox creed, for he was present in Constantinople at the second CEcumenical CouncE in a.d. 381, and there attested his belief in the Supreme Godhead of the Son and of the Spnit. Contemporary with CyrU, and connected also with the Eastern Church, were three remarkable men who have usuaEy been named together — Basil of C^sarea, Gregory of Nyssa, and Gregory Nazianzen. All the three were bishops, natives of Cappadocia, and persons of superior education. Basil was one of the patriarchs of monachism ; he had vast social influence ; and his numerous letters supply much information respectmg the ecclesiastical affairs of the fourth century. To Estinguish him from others of the same name! he has been called The Great; and so widespread was his reputation that Ephraem Syrus, a deacon of Edessa, who was himseE one of the best WTiters of his age,^ took a journey to Csesarea that he might see and hear a preacher so much extoEed by the voice of fame. Gregory of Nyssa, the younger brother of BasE, possessed a more vigorous and original mind ; he was a staunch defender of Trinitarianism ; and, of his various works, his treatise Against Eunomius, the Arian, may be pronounced the most valuable. Though a church leader, he was married ; ^ and when he entered on his episcopal office he did not, like some others, put away his wife ; he visited Jerusalem, but he discovered that the sight of a city so noted in sacred history added nothing to his sanctity ; and, in one of his letters,* he has denounced most energeticaEy the foEy of pUgri- mages to holy places. In the second General CouncE, where he acted a conspicuous part, he was honoured as one of the piEars ^ Such as Basil of Ancyra, who is said to have been a semi- Arian ; and Basil of Seleucia, a ¦writer of the fifth century, many of whose HomiUes are still extant. ^ Ephraem wrote in Syriac, and was a voluminous author. His works were so highly valued that they were publicly read in some churches. An English version of a portion of them has been supplied by the Eev. J, B. Morris, Oxford, 1847. Dr. Burgess has also translated some of his works. ^ See Cave's Xiv&s of Fathers, iii. 432, Oxford, 1840. See also Gregory's own testimony, De Virginitate, iii.. Opera, tom. iii. 326, ed. Migne. ^ Epist. iL De euntib, Hieros., Opera, iii. 1010, ed. Migne. 88 The Ecclesiastical Writers. of orthodoxy! Gregory Nazianzen, another member of this Synod, who, as bishop of Constantinople, presided for a time over its deEberations, was a celebrated pulpit orator. His discourses, many of which are extant, procured for him the title of the theologian. Like Basil, with whom he was on terms of intimacy, he loved retirement ; he sometimes writes in the spirit of a disappointed man ; and his temper iE-fitted him either to bear with equanimity the rough trials of lEe or to heal the wounds created by ecclesiastical Evisions. During the sittings of the second General CouncE he left the chair in a pet, and resigned the second bishopric in Christendom. He died about thnteen years afterwards. Gregory was succeeded in the see of Constantinople by Nectarius, an aged senator who owed his appointment to the partiality of the Emperor Theodosius. He was but a catechumen at the time of his advancement, so that he required to be bap tized before he could be invested with episcopal authority. He is the reputed author of a single tract of Ettle value ; and, though he occupied the bishopric for fifteen or sixteen years, he was miserably qualified for such a high position. But on his death, in A.D. 397, the most distinguished prelate ever connected with the capital of the Eastern Empire was elevated to the patriarchal office. This was John, a presbjd;er of Antioch, known to after ages as Chrysostom, or the Golden-mouthed. To his mother, the exceUent Anthusa, he was indebted for his youthful religious training. It soon appeared that the lessons of the Gospel had made a saving impression on his heart ; and, under the care of a skilful and accompEshed Eterary teacher, he gave early inEca- tions of that extraordinary genius which was yet to astonish and delight the Church. In personal piety, in Cluistian benevolence, and in pastoral efficiency, few of the fathers can be compared to this Ulustrious man. Among the preachers of antiquity he stands unrivaEed ; and so fascinating was his eloquence that, even on an ordinary week-day, the theatres and other places of pubhc amusement were deserted when he delivered a sermon. His voice, his countenance, his graceful elocution, his immense enthusiasm, aE added to Ms power as a speaker. Such was his popularity at Antioch, that it was feared his removal would lead ^ He is supposed, though erroneously, to have composed the Creed usually attributed to that Council. See Schaff's Histmy of tU Christian Church, iii. 906. The Ecclesiastical Writers. 89 to a civE commotion. He was accordingly summoned to meet an imperial officer in the suburbs of the city ; and the messenger, after informing him of his promotion, put him, on the spot, into a carriage and conveyed him directly to the scene of his future labours. He did not enjoy much comfort in his new situation. His abstemious mode of living was disEked by the voluptuous magnates ; his strict discipline provoked the clergy ; his unspar ing denunciations of vice offended the court, especiaEy the Empress Eudoxia; and his superior influence irritated Theo philus, the proud and unscrupulous bishop of Alexandria. Five years after he attained the primatial dignity his enemies pre ferred against him a series of frivolous or unfounded accusations, and he was condemned to exile. The attempt to execute the sentence threw aE Constantinople into an uproar ; an earthquake which shook the city was interpreted as a manifestation of the wrath of God evoked by the unrighteous treatment of the holy pastor ; and, terrified by the storm of public indignation, Eudoxia herself was constrained to beg the recaE of the banished patri arch. The day of his return was celebrated as a general jubilee ; the Bosphorus was covered with barges filled with his rejoicing friends ; and the bishop, amidst the acclamations of the multi tude, was conducted in triumph to his cathedral. But his enemies, though foEed for the time, were stiU bent on his ruin ; and the Empress, provoked afresh by the bold language of the preacher, at length succeeded in effecting his overthrow. He was once fnore driven from Constantinople ; another bishop was ordained ; and, after years of privation and anxiety, Chrysostom, at the age of sixty, died in Pontus in the autumn of a.d. 407. Chrysostom is the most voluminous of the Greek Fathers. As an interpreter of Scripture he holds a very high place among ancient expositors; for, instead of continually seeking, like many others, to find out aEegories in the word of God, he appEes himself to the investigation of the grammatical meaning. In some cases he apparently leans towards Pelagianism, but the controversy relative to the corruption of human nature com menced after his death; and, as his attention had never been turned particularly to the doctrine of the faE of man, he occa- sionaUy uses language which more mature consideration might have taught him to avoid. In his earlier years he was a great admner of monasticism ; but, as he advanced in Efe, he regarded 9o The Ecclesiastical Writers. it with less favour; and, when bishop of Constantinople, he induced many who had been long' immured in cloisters to engage in missionary labours. Jerome, Ambrose, and Augustine, three of the great Fathers of the Latin Church,! flourished in the time of Chrysostom. Though Jerome never attained any high official position, he possessed much influence, and was by far the most learned ecclesiastic of his generation. When he had received a good elementary training in his native town of Stridon, on the borders of Pannonia, he was sent to Eome to complete Ins education, and there, under the tuition of a very exceEent teacher, became a great proficient in classical Eterature. After travelling into France — where he cultivated an acquaintance with some eminent scholars and divines — he returned to the ItaEan capital, with the intention of devoting himseE to a life of retirement. But, as the great city did not afford him sufficient seclusion, he set out for the East, and took up his abode in a desert of Syria. In that dreary soEtude he submitted, without much benefit, to the rugged discipline of the cloister. StUl harassed by the law of sin in his members, he resolved to chasten himself by tasking his apphca- tion to the uttermost ; and, commencing the study of Hebrew, he hoped, by the drudgery of acquEing a difficiUt language, more effectively to mortify Iqs corruptions. At Antioch he received ordiaation as a presbyter, and passed from thence to Bethlehem, his favourite residence. At this time he did not remain long in that retreat, for we find him soon afterwards at Constantinople, where he enjoyed much pleasant and profitable intercourse with its eloquent bishop aEeady mentioned, the far-famed Gregory Nazianzen. He next repaned to Eome, where he was weU received by Pope Damasus, and where he spent about three years. Pieligious ladies, including some of the richest of the Eoman matrons, gathered round the learned presbyter, and were delighted, as weE with his expositions of Scripture as his lauda tions of monasticism. But he was by no means a favourite with the clergy of the metropoEs. The honours lavished on the erudite monk excited their jealousy ; their manner of Eving outraged his ideas of propriety ; their ignorance provoked his scorn ; he was 1 The four great Latin Fathers are Ambrose, Augustine, Jerome, and Gregory the Great. There are also four great Greek Fathers— Athanasius, Basil the Great, Gregory Nazianzen, and Chrysostom. The Ecclesiastical Writers. g i harsh, arrogant, and sarcastic; and the freedom with which he animadverted on their proceedings roused then indignation. On the death of Damasus, he left Eome in disgust, and returned to the East. In Cyprus he met with Epiphanius, the learned but credrdous bishop of the chief city of that island, whose works have been before noticed ; and in Egypt he spent some time very pleasantly in the society of Didymus — teacher, for more than half-a-century, of the catechetical school of Alexandria — a man who had been bEnd from early youth, and who was, notwith standing, one of the best informed and most profound theologians of antiquity. Jerome finaEy settled in his monastery at Beth lehem, where he died, accorEng to some accounts, about a.d. 420, at the age of fourscore-and-ten.! The works of Jerome are voluminous, including letters and tracts on various subjects, versions of Scripture, and commentaries. By translating the Old Testament from the original Hebrew into Latin, he rendered an invaluable service to the cause of Christian literature ; and yet the performance was not appreciated in his own time ; for, as ifr revealed numerous errors in the current text, many complained that it shook the confidence of the Church in the Word .of God. But, as its merits were better understood, it gradually supplanted other translations ; and it is, substantially, the version known as the Vulgate, and recognized by the CouncU of Trent in the sixteenth century as " authentic." ^ Though so ripe a scholar, so acute, and so ingenious, Jerome cannot be trusted as a sound and independent thinker. He had nothing of the spEit of an ecclesiastical reformer ; for, when Jovinian, an ItaEan monk, and VigUantius, a Gallic presbyter, attacked monasticism, the celibacy of the clergy, and other innovations, the recluse of Bethlehem repeUed then assaults with a pen dipped in gaU, and poured forth on them torrents of audacious ribaldry. Eufinus, the Latin interpreter ¦ of the ecclesiastical history of Eusebius, experienced from him quite as rough handling. The indefatigable monk had himself translated several of the works of Origen, and had spoken in commendation of the author ; but, when the divines of the West began to denounce the Alexandrian father as a heretic, Jerome changed his tone and concurred in ^ According to Prosper, in his Chronicon, he lived to the age of ninety-one ; Bede represents him as ninety-eight years of age ; but Baronius computes that he lived only to the age of seventy-eight. ^ Sessio. iv. 92 The Ecclesiastical Writers. the condemnation. Eufinus, who has left behind him a garbled version of the Treatise of Origen, De Principiis, exposed this exhibition of inconsistency ; and a Eterary warfare of long con tinuance and extreme acerbity commenced between these two scholars. After passing through various trials, Eufinus Eed in SicEy in A.D. 410; but Jerome did not cease to load him with opprobrious epithets, and to execrate his memory. " The scor pion," says he, " is buried under the soil of SicUy, with Enceladus and Porphyrion ; the many-headed hydra has at length ceased to hiss against us." ! When Jerome, in a convent, was pursiung his Eterary labours, another celebrated Doctor of the Latin Church was preaching to admiring auditories in one of the chief cities of Italy. In the days of the Emperor Theodosius the Great, Ambrose of MEan was by far the most distinguished prelate of the West. At the time of his birth, his father was Praetorian prefect, or principal magistrate, of Gaul, and thus it happened that the future bishop was nursed in a palace ; but, though he afterwards acquned such popularity as a pulpit orator, -he was not originaEy trained for the clerical profession. Entering public Efe as a lawyer, his superior talents were soon recognized ; and he was made governor of the district to which MEan belonged. The bishopric, mean- whUe, became vacant ; and the election of a prelate created such disturbance that Ambrose found it necessary to repair to the cathedral and address the contending factions. As he proceeded, in eloquent terms, to recommend peace, a chEd present, supposing that he was preaching, and knowing that such a duty then usuaUy devolved on the chief pastor, artlessly exclaimed — " Ambrose is bishop." The hint was at once caught up by the bystanders ; and the whole mrdtitude, forgetting then divisions, joined en thusiastically in the choice. Ambrose, though a professing Christian, had not yet received baptism; for many, like the Emperor Constantine, were incEned to postpone the ordinance under the superstitious idea that, as they might faE into mortal sin, it was well to keep what they deemed an infaUible antidote as long as possible in reserve. In vain the governor protested against the determination of the multitude; in vain he urged that, as a catechumen, he could not even be nominated a candi date for episcopal promotion. The citizens would sustain no ! Comment in Ezech. i. 1, Opera, v. 16, 17, ed. Migne, Paris, 1845. The Ecclesiastical Writers. 93 apology ; and at length Ambrose was reluctantly obEged to yield to then soEcitations. He was forthwith baptized, and, eight days afterwards, ordained bishop.! As he was whoEy unprepared for an office with which he was so unexpectedly invested, he was obliged to send to Eome for an able and erudite presbyter, named Simplician, by whom he was instructed in theology, and taught how to perform his episcopal duties. The new bishop appEed himseE with amazing industry to his professional studies, and soon attained such proficiency that he began to be consrdted as an oracle in matters of faith and discipline. The rhetorical ability of Ambrose had been aEeady exhib ited at the bar ; and in the pulpit he had a far nobler sphere for its exercise. He preached with great frequency, and crowds thronged to his sermons. Milan was at this time the residence of the imperial court; and, as the Empress Justina, the mother of the younger Valentinian, was a keen abettor of Arianism, it was no easy matter to counteract her intrigues and withstand her influence. But, supported by the popular feeUng, Ambrose succeeded in defeating all her machinations. Ac customed from chUdhood to move in the higher circles of society, he was distinguished by the grace and dignity of his deportment; his talents were weU known, and his character generaEy re spected ; and when the usurper Maximus disputed the possession of the Empire, the bishop of MUan was employed more than once to negotiate with that able diplomatist. His enforcement of discipEne in the case of Theodosius the Great is perhaps the most strUting and memorable incident in his history. On a festive occasion the mob of Thessalonica demanded the release of a favourite charioteer who had been thrown into prison for in famous conduct. When their importunities were resisted, they rose up in insurrection, and killed, not only the imperial lieuten ant who refused to Eberate the criminal, but also many solEers and others who came in then way. Thoiigh the outrage was so ag gravated, Ambrose obtained from Theodosius a promise of pardon for the insurgents. The imperial counseEors took a different view of the transaction — they argued that government must become contemptible if such wholesale butchery, including the murder ! Without passing through the inferior orders, he was at once invested with the episcopal dignity. Such cases of ordination were not uncommon even after the recognition of Christianity by Constantine. See 2d Canon of the Council of Nice. 94 The Ecclesiastical Writers. of a high state functionary, were not punished with severity; and they induced then master to give them a secret warrant for chastising the rioters. The vengeance was terrible. The people, invited to the circus to witness some pubEc sports, were attacked suddenly by the military ; for three hours the work of slaughter was continued; and seven thousand persons perished in the massacre. When Ambrose heard the sad inteEigence, he con sulted with a synod of his brethren then in session as to the course to be pursued; and determined, with then concurrence, to teach the Emperor that he must be amenable to discipEne. Theodosius was accordingly informed, by letter, that he could not now be admitted to communion. Soon afterwards the monarch presented himself at the door of the church ; but the bishop laid hold of his robe, and desired him to withdraw. The Emperor submitted; and, divested of his princely ornaments, remained for eight months in the condition of a penitent. When he again appeared among the worshippers to be restored to feEowship, he threw himself on the pavement, and with tears and sighs bewaUed the enormity of his transgression. To obviate the dangers of sudden passion, as weE as to testify his repentance, he agreed, at the suggestion of Ambrose, to make a law that no decrees, involving loss of life or forfeiture of property, should in future take effect for thirty days after their adoption ; so that time might be given for their reconsideration, and, if necessary, for then reversal! In this transaction Theodosius displayed the spirit of a true penitent. He confessed his crime, attested his sorrow, and pro vided against a repetition of the transgression. Ambrose also acted the part of a zealous and conscientious pastor; and, though his bearing throughout is not fuEy susceptible of vui- dication, it obviously commanded the respect of the imperial offender. A minister of the gospel, presuming on his position, should beware of acting towards his earthly superiors with any thing like arrogance ; and Ambrose had no right, either to insist on the free pardon of the rioters of Thessalonica, or to Ectate a law to guide the future course of his sovereign. But though his conduct has often since been quoted in support of the caprices of papal tyranny, it does not legitimately admE of any such appUcation. Ambrose was busy with his pen. His extant works comprise ! Theodoret, v. 17, 18. The Ecclesiastical Writers. 95 an ample collection of letters, hymns, commentaries, and other treatises. As an author, he does not possess much originality ; he has borrowed largely from his Greek contemporaries; he unduly extols the power of the priesthood ; and his admiration of monasticism is most extravagant. After a laborious epis copate of three-and-twenty years, he died, aged fifty-seven, in AD. 397. Among those who flocked to the sermons of Ambrose was a clever African who had settled at Milan as a teacher of rhetoric. This literary gentleman was a Manichaean; but the fame of the bishop as an orator attracted him to the cathedral. The preach ing of Ambrose gradually removed his objections to the CathoEc doctrine; and the foreigner, whose name was Augustine, sub mitted to baptism. Shortly afterwards he returned to his native country, where he eventuaEy became bishop of Hippo. When we proceed to discuss the history of the Pelagian con troversy,! Q^j, attention must be dEected to the Efe and character of Augustine, so that we need not at present particularly discuss his merits. In breadth of intellect, in metaphysical acuteness, and in holy skEl as a spiritual comforter, as weE as in the extent of his contributions to patristic theology, he is pre-eminent among the Fathers. In his pubEcations he treats of not a few philosophical questions, examines various points of doctrine, ex pounds many portions of Scripture, and investigates the claims of Manichseanism, Donatism, Pelagianism, and Semi-Pelagianism. His great work, "The City of God," occupied his leisure for thirteen years. On the taking of Eome by Alaric, in a.d. 410, the pagans alleged that the calamities of the Empire were to be ascribed to the spread of the Gospel ; and Augustine wrote this treatise to demonstrate the faEacy of the argument. It is by far the most valuable defence of Christianity wliich ancient ecclesiastical Eterature supplies. The Pelagian controversy, in which Augustine took so pro minent a part, employed many other writers. Among these, two laymen. Prosper of Aquitain and Marius Mercator, or Marius the merchant, ardently supported the doctrine of the bishop of Hippo. Fulgentius of Euspe, who flourished about a century after the time of the great African Father, was also a strenuous advocate of his theological principles. On the other side, ^ Section II. Chapter III. of this Period. 96 The Ecclesiastical Writers. Cassian of Marseilles and Vincent of Lerins pleaded the cause of Semi-Pelagianism. The Nestorian and Eutychian controversies! Eke wise caEed forth not a few authors. Among these one of the most noted is Cyril, the tyrannical bishop of Alexandria. His works, though voluminous, are now Ettle studied ; he was an acute disputant ; in synodical meetings his high station and forensic talent gave him preponderating influence;- but he is an indifferent writer, and his large contributions to theological Eterature are com paratively worthless. Isidore of Pelusium,^ another African Father, had the faithfulness to expostulate with the Alexandrian primate ; and to condemn, in very decided terms, the unchristian spirit in which he upheld what he professed to regard as the faith delivered to the saints. Very few of the ancient bishops of Eome were distinguished by then literary labours ; but, in the beginning of the seventh century, the chair of the great Western see was occupied by a prelate who pEed his pen with marveEous industry. Gregory I., or Gregory the Great, ranks among the most eminent of the Latin Fathers. In some respects he bears a remarkable re semblance to Ambrose of MUan. Like him he was an admned preacher and a prolific writer — of high birth, of great energy of character, and of much dexterity in the management of pohtical affairs. But he did nothing to arrest the flood of superstition which was overspreading the Church. His works rather con tributed to increase the intensity of spiritual ignorance. As we must however hereafter notice this extraordinary man,^ we shall" not dweU at present on the consideration of his writings. Contemporary with Gregory was Isidore, bishop of Seville. This prelate, who was the grandson of Theodoric, king of Italy, possessed much of the learning of his age. In his Ecclesiastical Offices he has illustrated the worship and constitution of the Church of Spain ; and in his Sentences he treats of the faith, the duties, and the temptations of a Christian. Thirty-three years after his death,* a Greek monk, and an accomplished ' scholar, arrived in England as archbishop of Canterbury.^ The stranger, 1 See Sect. 11. Chapters IV. V. of this Period. ^ At the mouth of the Nile, near Damietta or Damiat. 2 Sect. V. Chapter IV. of this Period. * Isidore died in a.d. 636. = See Sect. IV. Chapter I. of this Period. The Ecclesiastical Writers. 97 whose name was Theodore, was a zealous patron of Eterature in his adopted country; and his Penitential, or Directory on the subject of penance, — a work now existing only in an imperfect form — long enjoyed extensive celebrity. About half a century afterwards flourished the famous John Damascenus- — so caEed from Damascus, the place of his bnth. Because of his eloquence he was designated Chrysorrhoas, or the Golden Stream ; but his works, which are numerous, are deeply tinged with superstition ; and among the early advocates of image worship he was one of the most learned and influential. Even the brief sketches now given are enough to convince any candid mind that these ecclesiastical writers are not to be trusted as guides in matters of religion. How can men who differed from each other in doctrine be arbiters of our faith ? Eusebius was the theological antagonist of Athanasius ; Jerome denounced Eufinus as a heretic; Augustine condemned the views of Cassian; and CyrU of Alexandria was the persecutor of Theodoret. The fathers were far from regarding their own writings as above chaEenge ; for even Augustine, when advanced in Efe, published a work, entitled Retractations, in which he modified or disavowed not a few sentiments he had previously promulgated. Some of the most venerated of those ancient worthies inculcate prin ciples which few professing Christians of the present day of any denomination would acknowledge. HUary of Poictiers affirms that the soul is corporeal,! and that our Lord, when on the cross, had no sense of pain.^ Jerome teaches that the providence of God does not extend to all His creatures.^ Lactantius asserts that the souls of aE men after this Efe are immured in a common prison, where they are to remain tiU the final judgment;* and Ambrose maintains that the apostles themselves are to be proved by fire at the last day.* John Damascenus places the so-caEed Canons of the apostles among the books of the New Testament;" and even councils contradict each other in reference to the writ ings which we are bound to recognize as divine. The thnd ¦' Comment, in Mat. cap. v. Opera, i. 946, ed. Migne, Paris, 1844. ' De Synodis, Opera, ii. 516 ; De Trinitate, x. 23, Opera, ii. 362. 2 He thinks that gnats, flies, and such things are beneath the special notice of the Almighty. Comment in Abac. i. 1, Opera, vi. 1286. * Inst. Divim. vii. 21. 5 In Ps. cxviii. Serm. xx. 12, Opera, ii. 1487, ed. Migne. ° De Fide Orthodoxa, lib. iv. G 98 The Ecclesiastical Writers. CouncU of Carthage, held in a.d. 397, inserts The Maccabees, Ecclesiasticus, Wisdom, Tobit, and Judith among the Old Testa ment Scriptures : whUst the CouncE of LaoEcea, held about a.d. 360, rejects them as apocryphal! The monastic system, organized in the beginning of the fourth century, quickly displayed its influence in the department of ecclesiastical Eterature. The fathers of the period before us unanimously commend a single Efe ; Athanasius, Theodoret, and others published memoEs of the most remarkable of the ancient monks, in which they describe then proceedings with enthusiasm; and Jerome speaks of marriage in terms which imply that it is Ettle less than a mortal sin.^ These writers, in their absurd laudations of the artificial piety of the cloister, gravely relate legends of the most puerUe or extravagant character. They were prepared to believe that men who Eved like wEd beasts were the special favourites of heaven, and that these crazed sons of the desert could deliver prophecies, work miracles, and teach senators wisdom. Monasticism impaired the vigour of the mind, dis couraged that healthfiU exercise of the faculties so essential to intellectual progress, and fostered creduEty and mysticism. The works of some of the most famous of the fathers, and particularly those of Gregory the Great, are stuffed with " old wives' fables " of which even Eoman CathoEc writers are ashamed.^ It has often been asserted that those fathers who Eved nearest the times of the apostles must, therefore, be the best expositors of Scripture. It might with equal propriety be affirmed that the most ancient pliUosophers are the most enlightened inter preters of the works of creation. The age of a father can in ' Dupin has observed that, appended to the canon of the third Council of Car thage, is a "postil that is very remarkable: ' Let the Church beyond sea be con sulted before this canon be confirmed.'" — History of Ecclesiastical Writers, i. 17, Dublin, 1723. These African fathers evidently distrusted their own judgment. ' Adv. Jovin. i. 29, Opera, ii. 261, ed. Migne ; Epist. liv. 1. Ad Furiam, Opera, i. 650. 3 Thus Dupin says of his Dialogues : " This work does not appear worthy of the gra-vity and discretion of this holy Pope, it is so full of extraordinary miracles and histories almost incredible The histories related in it are many times grounded only on the relations of ignorant old men, or common reports. Miracles are so frequent, so extraordinary, and oftentimes for matters of so small conse quence, that it is very difllcult to believe them all I do not believe any man will warrant all these relations." — Ecclesiastical Writers, i. 680, ed. Dublin, 1723. The Ecclesiastical Writers. 99 itself be no test of the excellence of his commentaries. Divines who flourished towards the end of the fourth or beginning of the fifth century are often much safer guides as expositors than any of their 'predecessors. EarEer writers, such as Origen or Clement of Alexandria, frequently expound the word of God in the way in which Neo-Platonists explained the pagan mythology — that is, they regard it as an aEegory from which they extract what ever meaning happens to be most agreeable to themselves; and too many continued to adopt the same system of interpretation. But among the fathers of the fourth century there were some who foEowed sounder principles of exegesis, and carefuEy investigated the literal sense of the holy oracles. StiE, comparatively few of the Christian writers even of this period are very valuable as biblical interpreters. These authors occasionally contradict themselves ; and, without acknowledgment, copy most slavishly from each other.! Jerome argues that the great duty of an expositor is, not so much to exhibit the mind of the Spirit, as to set before the reader the conflicting sentiments of interpreters. " What," says he, " is the business of a commentary ? .... It represents the several opinions of others, and says — Some ex pound the passage in this way, and others in that way. . . . The inteUigent reader, having a number of expositions before hmi, .... may judge which among them has the greatest amount of truth, and, like a wise banker, may refuse aE adulterated coin. Now I would ask whether he ought to be accounted guEty of diversity in his interpretations, or of contradictions in the senses given, who in one and the same commentary deEvers the exposi tions of divers expounders ? "^ But though we discover in these fathers so many traces of human infirmity, we must make aEowance for the times in which they Eved, and for the prejudices in which they were educated. Christianity passed through a terrible ordeal when it suddenly became the reEgion of the. Empire. Society was by no means prepared for so vast a change. Already the Gospel had suffered sadly from adulteration, and now it was more rapidly deteriorated. Many who were quite uninstructed became pastors of the Church ; pagan forms and ceremonies were incorporated 1 Thus the works of Ambrose contain many long passages taken from his con temporary, Basil the Great. "^ Apologia adv. Lib. Rufin. i. 16, Opera, ii. 409-10, ed. Migne. I OO Monachism. with its ritual ; pagan superstitions were recognised as principles of action ; and pagan phEosophy corrupted theological science. A dense cloud of errors soon overspread the whole spiritual fir mament. But though the light of truth was thus obscured, and though the fathers sometimes erred egregiously ; they often exhi bited, withal, noble specimens of meekness, integrity, seE-denial, and Christian earnestness. We may mourn over the foEy which prompted Athanasius to write an admiring biography of the hermit Antony, and yet we cannot but applaud the ecclesiastical hero who so frequently imperEled his Efe in the cause of Trini tarianism. We may weU wonder how it was that Ambrose was tempted to indulge in such laudations of monasticism; but assuredly the Bishop of MUan was no puling sentimentalist or fawning courtier ; and too seldom since his time have the rulers of the spiritual commonwealth imitated the lofty consistency with which he insisted on the observance of the discipline of the Church by the first personage of the Empire. We may see cause to distrust the wisdom of the fathers, and we may be satis fied that they were faEible as ourselves ; but in many instances we must recognize and honour the fideEty with which they acted up to their convictions. "We cannot doubt the honesty of men who, in obedience to what they beEeved to be the caE of duty, were prepared to submit to poverty or to martyrdom. CHAPTER IV. monachism. In the very commencement of the book of revelation, when the Divine Lawgiver declares — " It is not good that the man should be alone "! — He enunciates one of the great principles essential to human weU-being. Without society the tongue cannot exert its power of fascination : the health faUs : the spirits sink : the inteEect degenerates : and even the features lose then expression. God gave Adam a helpmate of a different sex : and, as in every country males and females exist in nearly equal proportions. He thus continues to indicate the arrangement by which He desires them to be united. The New Testament teaches that " marriage ^ Gen. ii. 18. Monachism. i o i is honourable in all;'"^- and the voice of Providence attests from age to age that this holy bond is specially conducive to individual comfort, to domestic peace, and to national prosperity. But general rules admit of Emitations and exceptions. There are times when soEtude is more profitable than society, and cases in which celibacy may be more expedient than marriage. As the religion of the heart is nourished by the perusal of the Scriptures, by meditation, and by secret prayer, occasional retne- ment is required for the cultivation of personal piety. Many have been ripened for glory by long confinement to a lonely chamber. And there are circumstances in which individuals may feel it to be their duty to lead a single Efe that, unentangled by domestic cares, they may either more efficiently occupy peculiar spheres of usefulness, or be better prepared for persecu tion. Paul lays down the normal principle for the regulation of society when he says — " Let every man have his own wife, and let every woman have her own husband;"^ and yet, in the prospect of a day of trial, he recommends some of the Corinthians to remain unmarried. But, as Satan can transform himself into an angel of Eght, almost every false system can be made to assume the appearance of something great and godlike. Monachism owes much of its influence to its exaggerated representations of the importance of solitude and abstinence ; and, for a certain class of minds, it possesses wonderful attractions. Though the monk in his ceE may be a cold misanthrope, nourishing spiritual pride by vigUs and fasting, he may imagine, and he may induce others to believe, that he is an eminent saint moving forward rapidly on the highway to perfection. There is, however, a wide difference between the tendency of a system and the character of some of its supporters; and there is no inconsistency in saying that, whilst asceticism is based on principles essentially anti-evan- geEcal, not a few of its abettors have laboured earnestly, and no doubt acceptably, to serve God in their generation. Monachism errs by changing the exception into the rule, and by making what may be occasionally expedient the standard of duty. The Christian in the world is a city set on a hill : the pious ascetic in his cloister is a candle under a bushel. By pushing the practice of devout retirement to an extreme, he makes himself 1 Heb. xiii. 4. ^ 1 Cor. vii. 2. I02 Monachism. useless to society, and converts the cheerful reEgion of the Son of God into a system of gloom and repulsiveness. Monachism is not the native growth of Christianity. The old Eomans showed their superstitious regard for ceEbacy by the estabEshment of the vestal vEgins: and monasteries existed among the Buddhists of the East hundreds of years before the birth of our Saviour. The Essenes and Therapeutse of the ancient Jews observed a species of monastic discipEne.! As early as the second century there were ascetics here and there among the Christians; but though these individuals practised abstinence, and in some cases refrained from marriage, they Eved in society, and assiduously endeavoured to promote the progress of the gospel. The infusion of the pagan phEosophy into the theology of the New Testament first infected the Church with a sickly pietism. Some of the heathen sages laid great stress on solitude, silence, and the maceration of the flesh ; and certain Christians who aspired after a higher exceUence soon began to signaEze themselves by their peculiar garb - and their bodUy austerities. In the early part of the thEd century the single clergy were by many esteemed more holy than their married brethren ; and this false sentiment quickly gained such currency that males and females who decEned to enter into wedlock, and who hved in comparative seclusion, were commended by their pastors as worthy of aE honour. When the Decian persecution obhged vast numbers to withdraw from places of public concourse, a new impulse was given to the spirit of asceticism ; and at least one individual, who then fled into the desert, has acquired a distinguished reputation among the fathers and founders of 1 See Prideaux's Connections, pt. ii. bk. v. In the sixteenth century, when the celebrated Jesuit missionary Francis Xavier visited Japan, an island then only recently known to Europeans, he was astonished to find many pagan monas teries in the country. The pagan monks of Japan were dressed in grey or black gowns, had their heads shaved, and recited prayers by the help of beads. Venn's Mi^ssionary Life and Labours of Francis Xavier, pp. 186, 187, London, 1862. ^ Some of them wore the dress of pagan philosophers. Their discipline was called philosophy. At a later period the monks assumed a symbolic costume. Thus Sozopen says— "The peculiar vestments of the Egyptian monks had refer ence to some secret connected with their philosophy. . . . They wore their tunics without sleeves to teach that the hands should not be ready to do evil. They wore a covering on their heads called a cowl, to show that they ought to live with the same innocence and purity (as infants) who are nourished with milk, and wear a covering of the same form." Ecc. Hist. iii. 14. See also Cassian, De Coinob. Institutis. lib. i. cap. iv. Monachism. 103 Christian monachism. This was Paul, or Paulus. He was a native of Thebes in Egypt, and only sixteen years of age when Decius proclaimed war against the Church. Eetiring to the wilderness, he eventuaUy took up his abode in a cave, where he spent the remainder of a Efe protracted to upwards of a century. Antony, another Egyptian and the hen of a considerable fortune, holds a stUl higher position in the history of monachism. When he had barely reached manhood he was so impressed by the account of the young ruler! who had great possessions, and some other statements in the Gospels, that he reEnquished all his property and devoted himseE to poverty and seclusion. He died about the middle of the foEowing century at the advanced age of one hundred and flve ; and meanwhile attracted great attention by the fame of his sanctity. His place of abode was in the depths of a trackless desert ; but he issued on two memor able occasions from his retreat, and presented himself to the astonished gaze of the people of Alexandria. When the Emperor Maximin, in A.D. 311, renewed his persecution of the Church of the Egyptian capital, Antony hastened to the city, and exhorted the prisoners to submit cheerfully to suffering. These days of terror only stimulated the zeal of the dauntless hermit: he boldly threw himself in the way of the officers of government : and yet, when he appeared in the company of the accused Christians even before the tribunals of the magistrates, so great was the awe inspired by his presence, that no one ventured to harm the unearthly visitor. Again, in a.d. 352, when Arianism was in the zenith of its power, the saint, now an hundred years of age, repaired to Alexandria, and earnestly pleaded for Trini tarianism. The appearance of Antony in the metropolis of Egypt during the persecution under Maximin led many to imitate the mode of Eving adopted by this poor visionary. The desert around him was soon peopled by soEtaries of a kindred spirit, and the old man found employment in instructing the members of the new brotherhood. Not a few of the early monks were Eremites^ or Hermits, who dwelt alone in the wUderness, seeking by fast ing, meditation, and prayer, to attain a more exalted spiritualism. Antony is said to have united the separate ceEs of these anchor- 1 Matt. xix. 16 ; Luke xviii. 18. ^ So called from Iptifios, a desert. I04 Monachism. itesi into batches, caEed Laurc&? Pachomius, who was also an Egyptian, and who flourished in the fourth century, was the father of the Ccendbitesf or of the brethren associated in monas teries. The system spread rapidly in Africa and the East ; and Pachomius himself, at the time of his death, is reported to have had several thousands of these ascetics under his jurisdiction. The cUmate of Egypt, Palestine, Syria, and various other adjacent countries, was peculiarly favourable to the indulgence of the monastic spnit ; for there the soEtary could support him seE on a very slender stock of food, and remain night and day in the open air under the shade of a rock, a bank, or a mountain. Seated by a running stream or a weE of pure water, he could Eve on a little grain and a few wUd fruits ; and gazing on the rugged scenery around him, or on the serene sky above him, could gratify abundantly his taste for contemplation. In a short time the monastic system acquired immense popularity, as it had charms for a great variety of characters, including the morose, the disappointed, the romantic, and the indolent. The monks aU at once commanded unwonted reverence, and crowds of the lower classes embraced the profession; for, whilst it scarcely interfered with any of their usual comforts, it greatly elevated then social position. In the monastery persons of the meanest grade mingled on equal terms with the rest of a com munity to which, in many instances, members of the most dis tinguished famiEes belonged. About the middle of the fourth century the mania for monachism in various oriental regions assumed something like the form of an epidemic ; and, so great was the disturbance it created, that the CouncE of Gangra,* held about A.D. 369, was obEged to interpose, and check its extrava gance. This councU denounced the foUy of those who, in their zeal for ceEbacy, refused to receive the Eucharist from the hands of married presbyters;^ and forbad husbands and wives, under pretence of piety, to separate from each other and desert their famEies. In a.d. 365, the Emperor Valens found it necessary ' So called from dcaxup^u, to retire. 2 A Laura consisted of many cells divided from each other— a Crenobium was but one habitation where the monks lived together. See Bingham, ii. 246, London, 1840. ^ From Koivhi /3fos, common life. « The metropolis of the Province of Paphlagonia in Asia Minor. ^ Canon iv. Monachism. 105 to discourage monachism by a law, requiring that aU who had betaken themselves to what was caUed a religious life through sloth or with a view to evade their social obligations, should be dragged from their seclusion.! Among those most celebrated in the fourth century in con nexion with the spread of monachism in the East are HUarion of Palestine and Basil of Neocsesarea. Hilarion founded a society of Coenobites near Gaza, and the branches of this estab Eshment were soon extended over all Syria. Basil is stiE more widely known as one of the patrons of the institute. This elo quent and accompEshed man had in early life visited Egypt, conversed with its soEtaries, and surveyed with admiration the arrangements of its monasteries. Some time afterwards he intro duced the system into Pontus, and provided his monks with a code of written regulations. Almost aE the monasteries of the East continue to the present day to observe the rule of BasU. The monks were originaEy laymen, and those of them who were hermits could not enjoy the privilege of social worship ; but the brethren coEected in monasteries were placed under the superintendence of an Abbot or Archimandrite, to whom they were expected to yield impEcit submission. It was arranged, at an early period in the history of the institute, that this abbot must be a presbyter, and of course authorized to administer the various ordinances of the Church.^ Each monastery was subject 1 Cod. Thpdos. lib. xii. tit. i. 63, Hsnel, c. 1224. ^ It is obvious, from the Rule of Benedict, that the abbot, though only a pres byter, had the power of ordiaation. "In iUis locis ubi ab eodem sacerdote, vcl ab eisdem abbatibus, giii abbatem ordinant, ab ipsis etiam et prsepositus ordinatur. " Reg. cap. Ixv. See also cap. Ixiv., where, through a corrupt text, the same fact still appears, as the neighbouring abbots are empowered to interfere when an abbot is to be ordained in an adjacent monastery. "Prohibeant pravorum prsevalere consensum, sed domui Dei dignum constituant dispensatorem." Migne's Latin Fathers, Ixvi. 881. Cassian represents a monk named Daniel as ordained, first a deacon, and then a presbyter, by the presbyter abbot Paphnutius. ' ' A beato Paph- nutio solitudinis ejusdem presbytero, et quidem cum multis junior esset setate, ad diaconii est prcelatus officium. In tantum enim beatus Paphnutius virtutibus ipsius adgaudebat, ut quem vitse meritis sibi et gratiam parem noverat, comquare sibi etiam saeerdotii ordine festinaret ; siquidem nequaque ferens in inferiore eum ministerio diutius immorari, optansque sibimet successorem dignissimum pro- videre, superstes eum presbyterii honore provexit." Cassian, Collatio iv. cap. i. Even abbesses at length asserted their right to consecrate and ordain, and councils were obliged to interfere and restrain them. See Dean Waddington's History of the Church, p. 400, London, 1833. An old ritual, in use before the time of Theo- io6 Monachism. to the jurisdiction of the bishop of the district. According to the rule of BasU, the monks could not lead a Efe of idleness. Some were employed ia agriculture, some in weaving, some in shoemaking, and some in other mechanical occupations. Their time was parceEed out into sections, each of which was ip some way appropriated, but a large portion of it was devoted to reh- aious exercises. The tenants of the cloister wore a unEorm dress, and at certain hours repeated psalms, offered up prayers, or Estened to the exposition of the Scriptures. One class of the Ccenobites — the Akoimetoi, or the sleepless — kept up reEgious exercises, without intermission, night and day — some of them retiring to rest when others were prepared to resume the service. The monasteries supplied refreshment to traveEers, served as asylums for orphans, and shed around them a few rays of spiritual instruction. BasU recommended that the monks should be bound by a vow to adhere to their profession ; and though this part of the system was not at first strictly enforced, yet from his tune any one who entered the order and subsequently deserted it was reputed scandalous. Nunneries are almost of as high antiquity as monasteries. Syncletica, a lady of Alexandria, and the contemporary of Pacho mius, is commemorated as their foundress. The ascetic Efe had not equaEy powerful attractions for females as for males, and hence in point of numbers the brethren generaEy far exceeded. the sisters. About the beginning of the fifth century, when the nuns of Egypt amounted to little more than 27,000, the monks of the same country were reckoned at from 70,000 to 80,000.! The rules by which the nunneries were regulated were much the same as those estabEshed in monasteries ; but, instead of the axe and the spade, the nuns pEed the needle and the distaff. Monasticism was brought into the West by the great Athan asius. The champion of Trinitarianism, when driven from his see, was more than once hospitably entertained by the bishop of dore of Canterbury, attests that abbots anciently ordained : " Congregatio debet sibi eligere abbatem, post mortem ejus, aut eo vivente, si ipse discesserit vel pec- caverit ; ipse non potest aliquem ordinare de suis propinquis, neque de alienis, nee alio abbati dare, si non voluerint fratres." Patrol. Curs. clvi. 1113, ed. Migue. Some such arrangement obviously existed among the monks of lona. See Sect. IV. Chap. IL of this Period. 1 Milman's Hist, of Christianity, iii. 306. Monachism. 107 Eome, and other pastors in the same quarter of the Empire ; and, during his stay among them, he dUated with his wonted en thusiasm on the advantages of the new discipline. His Life of Antony, the Egyptian hermit, was very soon translated into Latin;! ^nd its popularity contributed much to promote as ceticism in Italy and Gaul Other bishops who, as weE as Athanasius, were forced by the persecutions of the Arians to seek an asylum in the West, were equaEy zealous in proclaim ing the praises of fasting, ceEbacy, and retirement, Thus it was that establishments such as those founded in Egypt and Palestine by Pachomius and HEarion soon afterwards appeared in Europe. Ambrose, the famous bishop of Milan, recommended the monastic life with all the power of his fervid and persuasive eloquence. The celebrated Augustine, bishop of Hippo, was also among its patrons. He introduced a modification of the institute among the eccelesiastics over whom he presided ; for his clergy Eved in the same dweUing, partook of their meals at the same table, and assembled at stated hours for religious exercises. At these reunions Augustine occasionaEy expounded the Scriptures to his auditors ; and his house thus became a species of seminarj^ where candidates were educated for the higher functions of the ministry. Jerome, the brightest literary star in the Latin Church, was a most extravagant advocate of celibacy; and laboured assiduously, when at Eome in the time of Pope Damasus, to diffuse the ascetic spirit. So great was his influence that a number of the richest females in the city embraced his views ; and, when he withdrew to the East, some laEes foEowed him, and spent the rest of their Eves in the retnement of the nunnery. Many of the secluded districts of Italy, as weE as the Ettle islands along its coasts, were studded over with monasteries. Martin, bishop of Tours, in France, was a zealous propagator of the system; and such was its progress in his neighbourhood before his death, that two thousand monks were present at his fimeral. Cassian, a native of the East who settled at MarseUles in the early part of the fifth century, was another most success ful disseminator of monachism in Western Europe. In addition to the hermits, who lived each apart in a soEtary ceE, and the Coenobites, or brethren of the common Efe, who ! An English translation of the Life of Paulus by Jerome, and of the Life of Antony by Athanasius, may be found in the American Bibliotheca Sacra for 1844. io8 Monachism. resided in monasteries, there were various other classes of in dividuals who passed under the name of monks. Such were the Sarabaites^ a species of ascetics who wandered about from city to city, trading in relics, and often attempting by jugglery and impudence to impose on popular creduEty. The Euchites? or the Prayerful, who appeared in Mesopotamia about A.D. 360, exhibited perhaps more modesty, but certainly as little dis cretion. Eenouncing every species of labour as sinful, or of the earth, and professing to give themselves whoUy to devotion, they lived on alms and in idleness. The Boshoi? or Graziers, though more absurd fanatics, were not so burdensome to the community. In a state of almost complete nudity — sometimes creeping on ah fours and overgrown with hair — they wandered about in deserts or on mountains, feeding on such roots and herbs as grew spon taneously in the places they frequented. The Pillar Saints were another class of monks quite distinct from aE the rest of the fraternity. Of these by far the most famous was Simeon the StyEte,* an ascetic of the fifth century, who dwelt on a mountain of Syria in the neighbourhood of Antioch. Perched on the top a pillar at length elevated sixty feet high,^ he was visited by admiring multitudes. He is said to have been able to remain seven days at a time without food; and his body must have possessed extraordinary flexibility, for, when engaged in his devotions, he often bowed so profoundly that his head touched his toes. Strange to teE, this wretched visionary, who occupied his pUlar upwards of thirty years, was deemed one of the lights of his age ; and Eoman emperors were not ashamed on important occasions to solicit his counsel ! Though there were ascetics in Europe perhaps as fanatical as any of the Eastern StyEtes, the more rigid climate of the West restrained then foEy, so that the order of the PiEar Saints was conflned to Oriental regions. When a devotee, named Wulflaich, attempted, in the sixth century, to introduce this form of super stition into Germany, he met with nothing but Escouragement. The pastors of the district condemned his folly and pulled down his pElar. Had they not been sustained by pubEc opinion, they ' This word is said to have been of Egyptian origin, and various interpretations of it have been given. See Migne's Latin Fathers, Ixvi. 254. ^ From edx^, a prayer. 3 pi.,,^ pSirKw, to graze. * So called from crriXos, a pillar. 5 Evagrius, i. 13. Monachism. 109 would scarcely have acted with such decision. Common sense here prevailed over the dreams of mysticism ; and no one in the same part of the world ever afterwards ventured to repeat the foUy of Wulflaich. The monks of the West could not subsist on the slender diet sufficient to sustain their brethren in Palestine or Syria ; they always used more substantial fare; and, though they were partially guided by the rule of BasU, their discipline was some what lax and capricious. In the early part of the sixth century an individual, named Benedict, a native of Nursia in the diocese of Eome, greatly improved their organization. Benedict bound his monks by an irrevocable vow to persist in the perpetual observance of his regulations. This vow pledged the undertaker to poverty, celibacy, and obedience. To prevent rash engage ments, those who entered the order were obEged to pass through a lengthened noviciate. After remaining several days at the gate of the monastery supplicating admission, the candidate was received, first into the chamber of strangers, and then into that of novices. At the end of two months, the rule of the frater nity was read to him, at the end of six months it was read again, and once more at the end of the year. If he passed satisfactorEy through this ordeal, he was then formaEy admitted into the society. The Eule of Benedict is stUl extant;! and, though not want ing in strictness, is mUd when contrasted with the system of austerities practised by some of the Egyptian ascetics. His monks assembled twice every day at a common table — first at noon, and then in the evening. To each was aUowed daily a pound of bread and a smaE quantity of wine.^ The rest of their fare was very simple ; and, except to invalids, the use of flesh- meat was interdicted. In winter they were obliged to rise every morning about two o'clock for Vigils. At this time twelve psalms were sung or chanted, and certain lessons from the Scriptures were read or recited. The remainder of the morning till daybreak was spent in committing to memory portions of the psalms, in reading, and in meditation.^ At sunrise they assembled for Matins, or morning worship. Seven hours each , ^ It may be found in Migne's Latin Fathers, t. Ixvi. ^ Regula, cap. xl. ^ They were allowed to retire to rest for some time after noon. Reg. cap. xlviii. no Monachism. day were devoted to manual labour, and two to reading. Under the charge of 'an inspector they slept, without undressing, m common dormitories large enough to accommodate ten or twenty individuals.! When at table, some one read aloud ; and aE con versation was prohibited. The abbot, on certain occasions, was instructed to solicit the counsel of the monks ; but his authority was absolute,^ for he was not required to act according to their directions. Implicit obedience to his iajunctions was one of the first duties of a devout Benedictine. About A.D. 529, Benedict estabEshed at Monte Cassino, in Cam pania, the monastery which served as a model for the institutions of his order. He does not seem to have anticipated that his rule was so soon to become popular ; but, as it removed some of the most obvious defects of existing systems, it speedEy com mended itself to general acceptance. For many centuries its authority was acknowledged throughout almost aE the monas teries of Europe. Though the Benedictines took a vow of poverty, it so happened that many of their fraternities gradually acquired immense riches. Princes and persons of rank deemed it meritorious to give them large donations ; and as the resources thus placed at their disposal were not the property of any in dividual monk, the brethren professed to believe that, though waUowing in wealth, they were stUl adhering to then origiaal principles. But opulence generated a taste for luxury ; the rule of Benedict was silen.tly relaxed ; and, within two centuries after his death, the revenues of some of his establishments were miserably perverted. The needy favourites of princes were thrust on them as abbots ; and these minions of royalty, who had no higher object in view than the indulgence of their appetites, converted the cloisters into the haunts of dissipation and licentiousness. Something may be said in favour of almost any institution which foEy or fanaticism may contrive ; and even among Pro testant writers there have been admners and advocates of the monastic system. Monks, it has been m-ged, have cultivated ^ Regula, cap. xxii. ^ Regula, cap. iii. " Ut aliquid imperatum a majore fuerit, ac si divinitus in- peretur, moram pati nesciunt in faeiendo," cap. v. The same blind submission to the abbot was enjoined in the Egyptian monasteries. "Sic universa complere qusecunque fuerint ab eo prsecepta, tanquam si a Deo sint ccelitus edita, sine ullo, ; and so intense was then bigotry, that a baker of their communion would not supply bread to a Cathohc household.' Augustine was led to apply his vigorous mind to the consideration of the most effectual means of heaEng the schism; and, before the close of his life, he had the satisfaction of seeing his efforts crowned with woliderful success. Confident in the good ness of his cause, and in his own powers of forensic eloquence, he challenged them to engage in pubEc discussion, and in this way to test the merits of their respective principles. Dreading his argumentative skiE and his rhetorical superiority, they were exceedingly reluctant to grapple with him in debate; but at length, in a.d. 411, they consented to hold a conference at Carthage. At this meeting 565 bishops were present* of whom ' When Primian and Maximian disputed, a council of one hundred bishops supported the latter, and another council of three hundred and ten bishops maintained the cause of the former. Augustine, Contra Epist. Parmen. i 4. There were doubtless Donatist bishops who were not present at either of these meetings. '' Parmenian was the immediate successor of Donatus the Great, and was thas the third Donatist bishop of Carthage. He was the contemporary of Optatus, who wrote against him. After his death Augustine wrote a work in three books in reply to one of his publications. ^ Augustine, Contra Lit. Petiliani. ii. u. Ixxxiii § 184. * Though great exertions were unquestionably made to secure a large attend- The Schism of the Donatists. \ 25 286 were CathoEcs, and 279 were Donatists. The CathoEc bishops declared that if the Donatists lost their cause, and yet consented to joia the estabEshed Church, they should be recog nized in their episcopal character, and stand on the same level with themselves in the exercise of their functions.! Should this arrangement prove unsatisfactory to the people, it was proposed that both CathoEcs and Donatists should resign, and that the congregations should be permitted to choose new pastors. " Be brothers with us in the inheritance of the Lord," exclaimed Augustine. " Let us not, for the sake of preserving our own honours, hinder the peace of Christ."^ The Conference of Carthage was kept up for three successive days;' and MarcelEnus, a high officer of government under the Emperor Honorius, presided over the meeting. Seven bishops on each side conducted the discussion ; the history of the schism was canvassed; and the theological questions on which the parties were divided suppEed topics for keen debate. Marcel- linus, as might have been expected, pronounced in favour of the State Church ; but many of the Donatists remained unconvinced. Some of their leaders, who relinquished their principles of sepa ration, were recognized, in accordance with previous arrange ments, as Catholic bishops; and those who persisted in their views were subjected to a persecution of fearful violence. Slaves and peasants were beaten into conformity; persons of wealth were deprived of all their possessions ; the clergy were banished ; and the churches, with other ecclesiastical property, were con fiscated. During these days of trial, some of the sufferers, in their despair, were tempted to commit suicide. When the Vandals in vaded Africa, the Donatists experienced a relaxation of the perse- anee, it may be fairly questioned whether much more than one-half of the bishop ries were represented at the meeting. Distance, age, and other causes must have kept many away, and a considerable number of sees were vacant. At this time the entire population of this part of the empire amounted only to about nine mil lions (according to Merivale, in his History of fhe^ Romans under the Empire, iv. 451), or little more than the census of Ireland before the famine of 1847, and a large portion of this population was still pagan, as the writings of Augustine abundantly testify. ' Augustine, Epist. cxxviii. 2, 3. ^ Sermo. ccclviii. 4. ^ Augustine has given an account of it in his Ereoiculus Collationis cum Dona- tislis. 126 The Schism of the Donatists. cution, and, though in greatly reduced numbers, continued to exist tUl the seventh century. They then disappear from history. When reviewing the controversy between the Catholics and the Donatists, we must confess that both parties deserve con demnation ; but, if required to decide where the greater blame rested, we may find it impossible to pronounce an award. The ordination of a successor to Mensurius was rash and disorderly ; the conduct of Constantine in at once identifying himseE with Cfficilian was unwarrantable ; and yet the doctrine of the Donatists — that an ordinance of God becomes a nullity when dispensed by an unworthy pastor — is thoroughly untenable. Truth remains truth though uttered by unhallowed Eps ; and a divine institution is not necessarily invalid because celebrated by a minister who wants the spirit of his high calEng. The violence with which the Catholics persecuted the nonconformists is incapable of vindication; and yet the fury with which the Donatists avenged themselves is appalEng. The CathoEcs and the Donatists were equally wrong when they maintained respec tively that the true Church was only with themselves. The true Church rises out of God's Word ; his children are found wherever the Gospel is appreciated ; and any visible community is entitled to expect the blessing of Christ only in so far as it obeys the voice of its heavenly Monitor. The Catholics could not carry out consistently their theory of exclusiveness; and when, at the Conference of Carthage, they expressed then readi ness to recognize the ecclesiastical status of the Donatist bishops, if united to themselves, they broadly admitted a principle which they had all along professed to ignore. The Donatists had been in a state of secession for a century, and it was now acknow ledged that, if they would at length conform, their pastors were competent, without re-ordination or any further ceremony, to administer aE the ordinances of the Catholic Church. According to the current theology of the fourth century, the Catholic Church should be regarded as a great visible confedera tion, with the bishop of Eome as its centre of unity ; and as, in his disputes with the Donatists, Augustine -pressed this doctrine to its logical conclusions, he was led unduly to exalt the claims of the Italian pontiff. In the controversy relative to the rebap tizing of heretics, the African clergy of the third century scouted The Schism, of the Donatists. 127 the idea of the Eoman Pope's dictation ; and at the commencement of the Donatist schism the majority appealed, not to his arbitra tion, but to the judgment of the bishops of Gaul ; the minority, however, enjoyed his patronage, and were thus tempted to con nive at the advancement of pretensions which they would have otherwise opposed. Augustine fell into this mistake; and though when Zosimus, in the Pelagian controversy,! attempted to over bear the African fathers, the bishop of Hippo apparently modi fied his views,^ he seems never to have been fuEy aware of the dangerous tendency of papal assumptions. Nor was this the only error he committed in the affair of the Donatists. lie was originally indisposed to employ compulsion in matters of religion; •but observing that the obstinacy of the Separatists often gave way before the fiashing swords of the imperial soldiery, he adopted the notion that, in the cause of truth, force might be legitimately added to persuasion.' He is thus unhappily known among the fathers as one of the earliest apologists and advocates of religious persecution. Ecclesiastical divisions have produced much mischief: they have fostered prejudices and engendered sectarian bitterness ; but, in the wonderful providence of Him who can bring good out of evU, they have often contributed to check the progress of corruption. In this respect the Donatists were singularly useful; for it was owing to their influence that various parts of the structure of the ancient Church were so long preserved. Their schism commenced before the conversion of Constantine ; it arose from a dispute relative to a matter of discipline ; and when the ecclesiastical framework was elsewhere undergoing a silent trans formation, the Catholics of Africa dared not attempt any consider able departure from existing regulations. They knew that the Separatists were waiting for their halting, and ready to denounce innovation. In many districts the CathoEcs were the weaker ^ See Section III. Chap. II. of this Period. ^ As to the vacillation respecting the interpretation of Matt. xvi. 18, see Barrow on the Pope's Supremacy, by M'Crie, p. 78, Edinburgh, 1852. It is worthy of note that, in a sermon preached immediately before the Conference of Carthage, Augustine gives the Protestant interpretation. We may presume that the Donatists thus expounded the text. See Augustine, Serm. ccclviii. § 5. ^ " Cur ergo non cogeret Ecclesia perditos filios ut rederent ? . . . . Annon pertinet ad diligentiam pastoralem . . illas oves . . .si resistere voluerint, fla- geUorum terroribus, vel etiam doloribus revocare ? "— £i;is«. clxxxv. § 27. 128 The Schism of .the Donatists. party, and they could not afford to hazard a diminution of their strength by tampering with the ecclesiastical constitution. Hence the church polity of Africa at length differed widely from that of the rest of the Eoman Empire, as it remained much the same amidst surrounding changes. The title chorepiscopus was ' here unknown ;! for, though village pastors abounded, they exer cised all the functions of the episcopal office. The bishop, as to spiritual power, was simply the moderator of a small church judicatory. When he engaged in ordination his presbyters aU laid on hands along with him,^ and he could do nothing of importance without their special advice and concurrence.' The bishops of the Catholic Church in Africa amounted to at least 500,* and those of the Donatists were not less numerous. With one exception,^ the system of metropolitans, properly so called, had no existence in that part of Christendom. The senior bishop for the time being was president of the provincial synod; ^ and as he was generaUy far advanced in Efe when he attained the primacy, he seldom continued long to occupy his position. To defeat any attempt to break in on the proper order of suc cession, as well as to obviate aE disputes relative to seniority, two distinct registries, each specifying the name of every bishop in the province and the date of his ordination, were carefully preserved.'' The primate was often nothing more than a parish minister.* As his rank was humble, his power was limited; for he was not at liberty to act without the concurrence of his brethren ; and by a special law he was forbidden to assume any other name but that of " Bishop of the First See."^ The Church ' Leydecker, Hist. Ecc. Africance Dissert. Prcelim. § vii. ^ Fourth Council of Carthage, Canon 3. 3 Fourth Council of Carthage, Canons 22 and 23. * According to Victor Vitensis, a contemporary and himself a sufferer, 466 Catholic bishops appeared on one occasion before Hunneric, king of the Vandals, at Carthage in A.D. 484. " That of the Proconsular Africa, of which province Carthage was the capital. « This system continued for nearly two hundred years afterwards. See Epistles of Pope Gregory the Great, lib. i. 74. Opera, tom. iii. 629, Migne edit. ' Bingham, book ii. c. xvi. § 8. 8 The fact that nine hundred or a thousand bishops ministered to six or seven millions of Christians is itself a sufficient indication of the position of an African bishop. The diocesan system had commenced at Carthage, and now prevailed, perhaps, to a considerable extent in the Proconsular Africa ; but elsewhere almost all the bishops must have been parochial. ^ Third Council of Cartilage, Canon 26. Mohammedanism. 129 of Africa was noted for its sound creed no less than for Es ancient polity. When doctrinal error had made extensive pro gress in other parts of Christendom, this section of the Empne StUl remained pure. Pelagius and Coelestius passed without rebuke at Eome ; but, when they ventured across the Mediter ranean to propagate then errors, the African bishops at once took the alarm : the heresy was condemned ; and its authors were cut off by synodical authority from CathoEc communion. Thus Donatism, on the whole, seems to have exercised rather a health ful influence as weE on the doctrine as the polity of the African Church. CHAPTEE VL MOHAMMEDANISM. We cannot well narrate the history of the Christian Church without noticing the rise and progress of the system taught by the false prophet of Arabia. Mohammedanism! spread with amazing rapidity ; swept away the professors of the Gospel from whole regions; and, though a scheme of monstrous delusion, reasserted some great principles weE nigh suppressed by super stition. Nor can it be regarded as a temporary effervescence of fanaticism. After the lapse of twelve centuries it retains its ascendency over a large section of the family of man. Mohammed was born about a.d. 570.^ He was of the tribe of Koreish — a noble Arabian clan ; and his ancestors, for several ! The name of its founder has been variously written Mahomet, Mohammed, Mohammad, and Muhammed, as well as in some other forms. It signifies "Praised." Among the most recent and valuable contributions to the literature of this subject may be mentioned Dr. Sprenger's Life of Mohammad, Part I. of which was printed at Allahabad (India) in 1851. Dr. Sprenger has since under taken a larger work on the same subject in German — Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, — the first volume of which appeared in Berlin in 1861, and the second the following year. William Muir, Esq. , of the Bengal Civil Service, has also published a most important work in 4 vols. (London 1861) entitled The Life of Mahomet. ^ According to Sprenger, Mohammed was bom at Mecca in April a.d. 571. According to M. Caussin de Perceval and Muir, the date is August 20th a.d. 570. The event is said to have taken place on a Monday. Many of the most remarkable incidents of his life occurred, according to tradition, on that day. I 130 Mohammedanism. generations, had been entrusted, as well with the care of the Kaaba, or great temple of Mecca, as with the government of the city. His countrymen — some of whom occupied fixed habita tions, whilst others led a wandering life amid sandy deserts of vast expanse — were addicted to idolatry, and, to a great extent, unacquainted with the elements of literature. Deprived at a. very early age of both his parents, Mohammed was brought up under the care of his uncle Abu Talib, with whom he was a special favourite. When a chUd, he was subject to fits hke those of epilepsy;! and, as he advanced in Efe, he was thought ful, somewhat given to despondency, and constitutionaUy timid. He was afraid to sit down in the dark ; an unpleasant dream, or an omen, deemed unlucky, gave him much uneasiness;^ and he was of an inactive or languid temperament ; but, withal, he was shrewd and sagacious. He was rather above the middle size; though slightly stooped, his frame was weU knit together ; he had fine black eyes, an ample forehead, and an aspect at once benevolent and dignified. He was generaEy silent ; but, when he began to speak, his auditors were constrained to admire his melodious voice, his graceful elocution, and the outpourings of his native eloquence. In his twenty-fifth j^ear he was engaged as factor, or commercial agent, for a rich widow of Mecca. The wealthy matron soon bestowed on him her affections; though fifteen years his senior, she stiE retained much of the bloom of beauty ;' and, by his marriage with the prudent and inteUigent Khadija, he became one of the most opulent inhabitants of the city. This portion of the history of Mohammed is involved in no Ettle obscurity,* so that we have not the means of ascertaining what first suggested to him the idea of assumiag the character ^ The statement that he was subject to such fits, though denounced by Gibbon as "an absurd calumny of the Greeks, " is now supported by the highest authori ties. See Sprenger's Life of Mohammad, pt. i. 77, 78, and Muir, i. 23. 2 Muir, iv. 312. 3 She was now nearly thirty-nine solar years of age. She had six children by him. ¦• In addition to hints supplied in the Koran, there are still extant biographies of Mohammed written by Ibn Hisham, who di(id early in the ninth century, by Wackidi, who was a. Cazi of Baghdad about the same period, by Muhammad ibn Saad, the secretary of Wackidi, and by Tabari, who also flourished in the ninth century. See Muir, i. 89-103. Such works as Tlie Life of Mahomet by PrideaM, based chiefly on later authorities, are now nearly obsolete. Mohammedanism. 131 of a prophet. As pilgrims annually assembled from aE parts of the country to perform their devotions in the Kaaba, he had frequent opportunities of witnessing the grossest forms of Arabian superstition; and he probably soon discovered some of the absurdities of the current idolatry. He had twice visited Syria; first, when only twelve years of age, and afterwards, when in the service of Khadija; and, though these journeys were undertaken for mercantile purposes, they must have stimulated the intel lectual activity of a youth gifted with exceedingly quick powers of observation. At the great fairs, held in the neighbourhood of Mecca,! ]-^g -p^^^g ^^q gnppEed with much food for thought ; for he was there brought into contact with the professors of various creeds — including Jews and Catholics, Nestorians and Mono physites. It is not improbable that he derived from some of these strangers certain sound principles which he subsequently inculcated. A Jew could teach him the doctrine of the unity of God, as well as the folly of the worship of images ; whUst either a CathoEc or a sectary might convince him that the author of the Christian religion exhibited indubitable proofs of a divine commission. Nor was he, as we may presume, altogether in disposed to listen to statements from the Old Testament; for Abraham, the father of the faithful, was reputed the common ancestor of the Arabians and the IsraeKtes; and Mohamme'd might naturaEy feel interested in the scriptural history of liis great progenitor. Though he gloried in the title of the " IlEterate Prophet," he could read and perhaps write ;2 and, in the elabora tion of his doctrine, he could avaU himself of various accessible sources of information. But his system possessed very marked and peculiar features ; he was ambitious to distinguish himself as a reEgious reformer ; the conviction of the unity of God and of the absurdity of image worship seized on his' mind with a power which he mistook for inspnation ; and we can weE be lieve that, like Montanus or Manes, he proceeded in the earlier stages of his career very much under the promptings of fanati cism. The comparative purity of his life tiE he passed middle age ; the discouragements under which he prosecuted his mission for eight or ten years; and the deference with which he was 1 Such as at Ocatz, within three days' journey of Mecca, where Mohammed is said to have heard Coss, the bishop of Najran, preach. Muir, ii. 7. ^ Muir i. ix. • iv. 271 ; Sprenger, Das Leben und die Lehre, ii. 398. 132 Mohammedanism. treated when he appeared as a prophet by his most upright and intimate acquaintances^aE forbid the inference that he acted from the first the part of an impostor. He was naturally pensive and reserved ; he continued to suffer occasionally from the paroxysms of some strange disease;! and, as he approached his fortieth year, he became deeply meditative. Frequently re tiring to a cave at Mount Hira, about three mUes from Mecca, he spent much time in solitude, contemplation, and fasting. Shortly afterwards he entered on his mission — in obedience, as he aUeged, to a divine vision, in which he was assured that he was chosen as the apostle of God. Mohammed passed through many severe mental struggles be fore he ventured to claim the attention of his countrymen in the character of a prophet. The resolution to renounce the idol- worship of Arabia must have cost him many an anxious thought ; but, when had proceeded thus far, he could not be content with such an amount of reformation. He had grasped certain sound theological principles — he had attained a knowledge of the vanity of images and of the unity of God — and prompted, partly perhaps by the conscious possession of truth, and partly by the hope that he might thus elevate himseE to power, he was de sirous to impart his own convictions to his feEow-citizens. But, when at this stage of his career, he proceeded to promulgate his views, he at once encountered the objection that he had no Evine call, and that he had therefore no right to interfere with the estab lished faith. He was in consequence thrown into dreadful despondency, and sometimes even tempted to destroy himseE.^ There was a wonderful sympathy between his mind and his body ; and, as amid the soEtudes connected with Mount Hira, he brooded over his position, he seems at length to have been wrought up to such a pitch of excitement that one of the paroxysms of his nervous malady supervened. When in this state he imagined that the angel Gabriel appeared to him in the sky, and commanded him to speak in the name of the Lord. He regarded the communication as divine, and forthwith commenced ' By means of hysteria — a disease, as it appears, not confined exclusively to females — Sprenger endeavours to account for various physical as well as mental phenomena exhibited by Mohammed. Das Leben und die Lehre des Mohammad, i. 207. ^ Muir, ii. 84. Mohammedanism. 133 his mission. And often afterwards when he delivered Suras, or portions of his revelations, he was under the same nervous in fluence. -AE at once, and in the coldest day, large drops of perspiration would bedew his forehead, his countenance would express deep disquietude, and he would faU to the ground. If he happened at the time to be riding on his camel, even the poor brute would be affected and would be thrown into a state of wild excitement.! Some of his fits may have been brought on designedly to give greater impressiveness to his communications ; but his health suffered seriously from these convulsions ; and he is said to have ascribed the increasing number of his grey hairs to the influence of the " terrific Suras." ^ The religion of the prophet has been caEed Islam — a word which denotes the surrender of the soul to God ; and its professors are known as Musalmans, Mussulmans, or Moslems.' For a long time Mohammed made but slow progress. His wife Khadija was his first disciple. His young cousin AE, the son Abu Talib, like wise became a proselyte. Zeid, who had formerly been his slave, but who had been adopted by him as his son, was another of his earhest converts. Abu Bakr, one of the richest and most in fluential inhabitants of Mecca, also joined him ; and several respectable citizens soon followed the example. These men had probably been previously convinced of the folly of polythe ism, so that their adoption of Islam involved Ettle substantial change in their sentiments.* Mohammed now began to preach more publicly — announcing that he was sent to deEver his countrymen from their errors, and to propagate the true faith. He professed not to teach any new religion, but merely to re store to its original purity the theology professed by Abraham. The primitive creed of the Arabians, he affirmed, was sound ; for Ishmael, their ancestor, had been instructed by his father " the ^ Muir, ii. 87. 2 lUd. 88. ^ " Islam is the verbal noun, or infinitive, and Moslim, which has been cor rupted into Musalman, is the participle of the causative form of salm, which signifies immunity, peace. The signification of Islam is, therefore, to make peace, or to obtain immunity, either by compact, or by doing homage to the stronger, and acknowledging his superiority, and surrendering to him the object of the dispute. It also means simply to surrender. In the Koran it signifies in most instances to do homage to God, to acknowledge him as our absolute Lord to the exclusion of idols." Sprenger's Life of Mohammad, p. 168-9. ^ Sprenger's Life of Mohammad, pt. i. p. 174. 134 Mohammedanism. friend of God;" but, in process of time, corruptions had mul tiplied, and thus the ancient reUgion of the country had miserably deteriorated. Neither did Mohammed ignore either the Old or New Testament.! jjg seems, indeed, to have known almost nothing of the Christian Scriptures. He_i£2i5ffid-the Gnostic fa,ble that Jpsna was takpn up into heaven without havino- suffered a.nvrpal p.rnrjfiT^iop,- anri ntbprwisp 'sn.a.di.iJtfaiakirl the testimony of the Evangelists n," ^•¦" -warrant, t.bp. pnTip1iTii<^Ti that he mu.st have nb'-ii^"^°'^ Trmnb "f hi.s informnti^^ ¦poioti-.rQ fp our Lord through very corrupt f,hn,nnels- - But though he ad mitted that both Moses and Jesus were divine messengers, he intimated that they merely prepared the way for his own dis pensation, and that he was invested with a higher commission than either the Jewish or Christian lawgiver. Whilst he wished the Israelites to believe that he was the Great Prophet whose coming they had expected for so many generations, he sought to persuade the Christians that his appearance was indicated in the New Testament and in some way identified with the Second Advent of their Messiah.' It is easy to see that such views, promulgated at a time of great reEgious degeneracy by a man of rank, abiEty and eloquence, were calculated to make an im pression. Instead of wounding the prejudices of his countrymeit by proposing to overthrow their ancient traditions, he rather flattered their pride by representing himself as the restorer of the faith of their fathers; and by asserting that he was merely appointed to inaugurate another economy, he was the more likely ^ The statements so often made, that he condemned the current copies of the Jewish and Christian Scriptures as corrupt, cannot be sustained. See Muir, i ixx. The Mohammedans, at a later period, found it convenient to fabricate the tra dition. The prophet was too ignorant to be a Biblical critic, and he unquestion ably admitted the genuineness of both the Jewish and Christian Scriptures. ^ Koran, Sura iv., " They kOled Him not, neither did they crucify Him, but He was simulated unto them. . . . But God raised Him up unto Himself" ^ Muir, ii. 313. We read in the Koran — "And when Jesus, the Son of Mary, said, 0 children of Israel, verily I am the apostle of God sent unto you, . . bringing good tidings of an apostle who shall come after me, and whose name shall be Ahmad," Sura bri. " The passage to which this verse of the Koran alludes is St. John xvi. 7, where Christ said, I go to my Father, and the Paraclete shall come. It appears from Ibn Ishaq, . . . that the Syriac translator read Periclyte, the illustrious or praised, instead of Paraclete ; and that the word was rendered in the Arabic version, which was made from the Syi-iac, by Ahmad, i.e. praised. The meaning of Mohammed is the same." Sprenger's Life of Mohammad, pt. i. 97, note. Mohammedanism. 135 to obtain the support of "the People of the Book,"— the designa tion by which he was wont to distinguish the Jews and the Christians. Notwithstanding the zeal with which Mohammed promulgated his creed, his converts, towards the close of the fourth year of his ¦ public career, barely amounted to forty individuals. His preach ing offended many of his countrymen ; his attacks on the national idolatry were heard with indignation; and, as he wrought no miracles in confirmation of his claims, his position became daily more uncomfortable. At this crisis he betrayed signs of vacUla- tion— recognized the intercessory power of the false gods of Arabia,! — ^.^^ prepared the way for a reconciliation with his alienated feEow-citizens. But he soon withdrew this concession, and thus added to the irritation he had already created. In spite of aE his efforts to advance Islam, his adherents increased slowly; and had not the state of matters in another city of ¦Arabia opened up a new prospect, and led him to adopt new measures, he might have sunk into obscurity, and, in a few generations, been forgotten. A casual meeting with some pE- grims at Mecca formed a turning-point in his history. Crowds of worshippers from aE parts of Arabia annuaUy re paired to the Kaaba to go through their religious ceremonies ; and at these great gatherings Mohammed had been long ac customed to urge his claims on the devotees. In a.d. 620, when the visitors were about to set out homewards, the prophet entered into conversation with a group of six or seven individuals linger ing in the suburbs of the- city. These strangers were from Yathreb — distant, northwards, between two and three hundred mUes from Mecca, and on the route by which caravans often traveUed on then way to Syria. Though the mass of the popula tion of this city practised the superstitions of Arabia, there were Jews in the district who had diffused some vague hopes of a Messiah; but the place had been sadly distracted by party spirit, and a recent civil war had rather exasperated than aUayed the hatred of opposing factions. Worn out by discord apparently mterminable, the people of Yathreb were fully prepared to ' entertain any proposition likely to promote peace ; they had already heard of the proceedings of Mohammed; he was the near kinsman of one of their most influential famUies;^ and ^ Muir, ii. 150. Sprenger's i)7« of MahommoA, pt. i. 184-5. ' Muir, ii. 213. 136 Mohammedanism. some of them were not indisposed to cherish the idea that such a Prophet or Messiah would put an end to their divisions. Th& little company of pilgrims now listened attentively to his state ments ; and, before the close of the interview, embraced the faith of Islam. In consequence of his growing insecurity at Mecca he felt that he must soon withdraw from it ; and he anxiously asked his new proselytes whether, in the event of his removal to Yathreb, they would be accountable for his protection? For the present, they declined the responsibiEty. Determined, however, to do their utmost to propagate the religion of the prophet among their townsmen, they promised to return, at the next annual pilgrimage, and report the result of their exertions. The labours of these converts soon produced fruit. The simple and sublime doctrine of the unity of God cannot weE be rejected when fairly presented to the mind ; the intercourse of the men of Yathreb with Jews and Christians had long since led some of them to doubt the propriety of their idol-worship ; there were a few among them looking out for the appearance of a Great One who would extinguish then bloody feuds ; and when Mohammed was proclaimed as the apostle of God, a goodly number were ready to Esten with favour to his pretensions. Next year, when the time of pilgrimage came round, twelve men, from the two great poEtical factions hitherto at such enmity in Yathreb, met Mohammed at Mecca, and pledged themselves to support Islam. From this date the new reEgion made rapid progress in Yath reb. Islam was the topic of general conversation, its merits were discussed in every house, and its adherents soon formed a large section of the inhabitants. At the request of the pro selytes a more advanced beEever was sent from Mecca to superintend their religious instruction ; and under the care of this teacher they met for prayer and the reading of the revela tions of Mohammed. The creed of the prophet became popular ; the Jews looked on with astonishment as the pagans demohshed their images and professed their belief in the unity of God ; men who had long been deadly foes Vere now seen holding peaceful feEowship ; and a great change was visible in the general aspect of society. MeanwhEe the prospects of Islam at Mecca were anything but encouraging. The adherents of Mohammed constituted a mere fraction of the citizens; his own Efe was in perU; for Mohammedanism. 137 years he had gained scarcely a single convert ; and he had almost ceased to attempt proselytism. But the news of what was pass ing in Yathreb soon reached him, and led him to revert to the idea of repairing to that place as a safer and more promising field for missionary operations. When ruminating on this project he had a dream which forms one of the most remarkable episodes in his history. He imagined that a white steed was brought to him,- and that, mounted on this mysterious animal, which was conducted by the angel Gabriel, he was carried, in the twinkling of an eye, past Yathreb to Jerasalem. From thence, stiE accom panied by Gabriel, he ascended a ladder of Eght which led to the upper world, where he traversed the seven heavens, each distant from the other, according to the ordinary rate of traveUing on earth, no less than a five hundred years' journey. On his way through these celestial regions he saw Adam, Moses, Abraham, Jesus, and others, whose salutations he acknowledged. On all the gates of the seven heavens were inscribed the words " There is no God but God — Mohammed is the Prophet of God." As he approached within two bowshots of the Eternal Presence, he saw the Most High sitting on His throne. When he drew nearer, the divine hand was laid on him, and immediately an intense chiE ran through his body. The Lord then talked to him famUiarly, revealed to him many mysteries, and made him acquainted with the whole of His law. At first he was required to pray fifty times a day; but, after repeated remonstrances, the burden was relaxed, and the Creator agreed to be satisfied with five daily acts of devotion. Mohammed now descended to Jerusalem, mounted again his fleet steed, and was forthwith transported to Mecca. In its original form this story of the night journey to heaven contained few details, but it has been wonderfully embellished by oriental fancy, and furnished with a strange variety of inci dents which the Moslems delight to recapitulate. Though the most ancient traditions describe it as a vision,! many Mahomme- dan authorities set it forth as a real transaction ; and the fol lowers of the prophet have often appealed to it as an Ulustration of the regard paid to him by the Sovereign of the universe. Though noticed,^ it is not narrated in the Koran ; but it is given ^ Muir, ij. 221, 222. ^ Koran, Sura, xvii. at the beginning. 138 Mohammedanism. in the Sonnah, or books of traditions,! volumes revered by the Mohammedans as the depositaries of the sayings and doings of the founder of Islam. When the apostle himself first repeated the story, it was received with incredulity, and for a time it exposed him to scorn ; but when the trusty Abu Bakr affirmed his faith in it, others ceased to persist in their scepticism. Shortly after the promulgation of this account of the night journey, Mohammed was enabled to make arrangements for a real removal from his native city. At the next annual pUgrim- age seventy-three men_ from Yathreb, the representatives of a still larger number, met him privately in the vicinity of Mecca, undertook to be accountable for his protection, and pledged themselves by oath to defend him at the hazard of their lives and properties. The labours of from ten to twelve years had collected around him about 150 adherents, including men, women, and children ;2 and in a few weeks these Esciples were sent forward to the place of his intended residence. He and Abu Bakr soon followed. The prophet and his friend were obliged to conceal themselves for several days in a cave, and then to escape by night to elude their pursuers ; and hence the Mahommedan Era, which dates from this period, has been caEed the Hegira, that is. Flight or Emigration? The announcement of the approach of the fugitives to Yathreb created general joy: multitudes went out to meet them ; and, on Friday, the 2d of July, A.D. 622,* Mohammed, mounted on his camel, entered the city in the midst of an immense concourse of spectators, and sur rounded by a goodly array of Arabian warriors in glittering armour. Friday has ever since been observed by the Moslems as the day on which they meet for worship. The settlement of Mohammed at Yathreb — ^henceforth known as The Town of the Prophet, or Medina ^ — immensely improved 1 See Prideaux, 53, London, 1723. ^ Muir, ii. 247. Mecca at this time contained 12,000 inhabitants. Sprenger's Life of Mohammad, part i. 44. 3 The Hegira was instituted by Omar, the second of the Caliphs. Accordmg to the common computatiou, it dates from July 16th, A.D. 622. The Mohammedan year consists of 364 days and a few hours. ¦¦ This is the calculation of some of the highest authorities, such as M. Caussm de Perceval. See Muir, ii. 261, iii 6. s " Yathreb was' called Medinato '1 Nabi, the town of the prophet, and at last Medina, the town, by way of eminence. "—Ockley's Histm-y of the Saracens, p. 31, London, 1848. Mohammedanism. 139 his position. At first only a portion of the inhabitants professed his creed ; but his appearance in the place put an end to the factions by which it had so long been distracted ; few ventured openly to chaEenge his claims as the apostle of God, and in some years the whole population was gained over to his religion. He thus became master of the second city in Arabia ; for he exercised the kingly as well as the prophetic office, and his authority was absolute. Shortly after his arrival he buEt a mosque — the first edifice ever erected for the celebration of the rites of Islam. In this rude temple— which was in form a square, each side being about 150 feet in length — he officiated as the presiding minister, the service consisting chiefly of prayer and preaching. Often did the congregation here hang on the lips of Mohammed, as he poured forth streams of fiery eloquence; as, with awful solemnity, he professed to speak in the name of the Eternal, and as he descanted on the miseries of hell and the joys of paradise. But the mosque was often used for other purposes. When the prophet entered on his career of conquest, it was the news-room to which the citizens resorted for inteEigence ; and when chiefs and princes began to send representatives to Medina, it was the hall of auEence in which their ambassadors were received. A decided change for the worse appears in the character of Mohammed after his removal to his new residence. When in Mecca he had submitted with wonderful forbearance to the indignities heaped on him, and had sought to solace himself by prayer ; but the bitter remembrance rankled in his heart, and, as soon as circumstances permitted, he determined on revenge. He now taught that his reEgion must be propagated by the sword ; and this terrible method of conversion was first tried on his kinsmen and former fellow-citizens. " Kill the iiinlitnrs whar- eY.er ve find them.".savs the Koran — the Bible of the Moslems — " take them prisoners and besiege them, and lay wait for them in every convenient place Go forth to battle, both light and heavy,! and employ your substance and your persons for the advancement of God's reUgion 0 Prophet ! wage war against the unbelievers and the hypocrites, and be severe to them 0 true believers ! wage war against such of the infidels as are near you."^ ' That is, "light and heavy armed. "—EodweU. = Koran, Sura ix. Sale's version. 140 Mohammedanism. Though the earlier pubEc movements of this singular person age may be attributed to a fanatical abhorrence of idolatry, mingled with a delusive conviction that he was the apostle of God, it is clear that when success began to crown his efforts he yielded to less spiritual and to baser impulses. Man is an awful self-deceiver : Mohammed wanted the sterling honesty which would have prompted him to recoU from a pious fraud, and, on more than one occasion, he stands convicted of treachery and imposture. When this false prophet, in advanced Efe, gave almost unbridled license to his lusts and acted the part of a leader of banditti, he stiE maintained that he was acting under the guidance of the Almighty. He was not originaEy a poly- gamist, and during the lEe of Khadija, his only partner until he was nearly fifty years of age,! ¦\^^ appears to have given no cause for scandal ; but afterwards he threw off aE restraint, and before his death he had at one time no less than ten wives and two con cubines.^ In justification of his Ecentiousness, he published reve lations said to have been made by the angel Gabriel; nor was he ashamed to confess that his highest enjoyment consisted in sexual indulgence. As the tide of prosperity continued to flow in upon hini his views continued to change, so that the inconsis tencies to be found in the Koran are too palpable to admit of denial. The Mohammedan expositors endeavour to account for them by the rather awkward doctrine of abrogation, alleging that what was taught at one time was revoked by a new revelation.' During the last ten years of his lEe, Mohammed was almost perpetually engaged in mUitary enterprises. His position for a time was very much tliat of the captain of a gang of freebooters. After his settlement in Medina, he commenced his aggressive movements by attacking the passing caravans ; but, as his power increased, he entered on a course of more systematic and exten sive conquest. The political cncumstances of Arabia pecidiarly favoured his designs, as its government was divided among a multitude of petty chiefs, who were soon either compeEed or per suaded to receive his creed and submit to his authority. Within little more than seven years after the Hegira, he -became master of his native town, Mecca, the civU and ecclesiastical metropohs of the country. He had already ordained that his disciples should turn towards the Kaaba when they engaged in then de- 1 She died Dec. a.d. 619, aged 66. ''¦ Muir, iv. 89. » Ockley, 65. Mohammedanism. 141 votions,! and he now accomplished the purification of this cele brated temple by .the destruction of aE the images either in it or around it. Mecca has ever since been the holy city of his foEowers. , The subjugation of Arabia was not sufficient to satisfy his ambition. By his letters or ambassadors he invited the neigh bouring potentates to embrace Islam ; and the murder of one of his envoys gave him an apology for invading the Greek Empire ; but, before his death, the Mohammedan power had made Ettle impression beyond the territories of the tribes of the desert. In the tenth year of the Hegira the prophet proceeded from Medina to Mecca, accompanied by aE his wives and an immense train of devotees. On this occasion, known as his " Farewell Pilgrimage," he observed all those ceremonies which every good Mussulman is expected to perform once during his life. After kissing the black stone 2 fixed in a corner of the Kaaba, and reputed one of the stones of' Paradise which fell down with Adam from heaven, he passed seven times round the sacred edifice, and drank of the water of the adjacent spring Zemzem — accorEng to Arabian tradition, the very weE discovered by Hagar when she wandered in the wEderness of Beersheba.' He also shaved his head, pared his naUs, and slew with his own hand many camels which he had brought with him for sacrifice. During this visit to his native city he was impressed with the conviction that he was closely approaching the end of his apostleship ; and he was not mistaken, for in the foU owing year he was attacked by a bilious fever, which terminated fataEy. When he expired, his friends could not believe that the vital spark was extinct. "Mohammed, the prophet of God, is not dead, as the infidels declare," exclaimed one of his most distinguished disciples, " he is gone to his Lord, Hke Moses, the son of Amram, who was absent from his people ^ This arrangement was made about sixteen months after his arrival in Medina. Prior to this his adherents had been taught to pray towards Jerusalem. Muir, iii. 43. ^ " This mysterious stone is semicircular, and measures about 6 inches in height and 8 in breadth ; it is of a reddish-black colour, and bears marks in its undulat ing surface, notwithstanding the polish imparted by a myriad kisses, of volcanic origin. — Muir, ii. 35. ° Ockley, 3, 4, 59, 60 ; Gen. xxi. 19. In point of fact this well was sunk by 'Abd-al-Motalib, who died when Mohammed was eight years of age, Sprenger, Life of Mahommad, part i. 31. 1^2 Mohammedanism. forty days, and then returned to them again." AE, however, were soon constrained to admit that he had reaEy tasted death. His remains, wrapped in perfumes, were laid in a grave prepared in the apartment where he expned. He died on Monday,! the 8th of June a.d. 632, in the eleventh year of the Hegira. The prophet of Arabia must have been no ordinary man. The firm hold he retained to the last over his proselytes, and the reverence with which he continued to .be treated by the friends of his youth, attest the possession of attractive and remarkable endowments. Even when success had clothed him with extensive authority he cultivated the simpler habits of earlier Efe ; and the chief who ruled with despotic sway over his countrymen might have been seen assisting his wives in the performance of then- household duties, sweeping the floor, tying up his goats, mending his garment, or cobbUng his sandals. But, whilst maint-aining none of the more pretentious forms of regal state, he contrived to surround himself with associations which chaEenged far higher consideration ; and he did not neglect to insist on the observance of certain outward tokens of respect inEcating a recognition of his exalted character. Mi who adE-essed him were requned to speak in a subdued tone ; and no one was permitted to venture on anything like an approach to familiarity. The prophet of God was a sacred personage. The faithful attached pecuhar value even to his spittle, and to the water used by him in his lustrations.^ A deputy from Mecca, who visited the victorious apostle in IMedina, was heard to exclaim — "I have seen the Chosroes of Persia, and the Ctesar of Eome, but never did I behold a king among his subjects Eke Mohammed among his companions." ' KhaEja, his first wife, was a person of exceEent understanding; after their marriage she stUl retained in her own hands the management of her property ; and, while she Eved, he was very much guided by her advice. But, soon after her death, the more odious features of his character were rapidly developed. The man who had heretofore appeared so mEd began to display the spirit of a fiend incarnate. With sanctimonious words on his lips, the Apostle of God became a monster of cruelty and licen- ^ The reader may remember that Monday has been considered a remarkable day in the history of Mahommed. 2 Gibbon, oh. 60. = Ibid. Mohammedanism,. 143 tiousness ; the ambEion of empire took fuU possession of his soul ; perfidy and maEgnEy marked his career; and the progress of Islam was indicated by fields of carnage, by the cries of orphans, and the waUing of widows. The success of Mohammed has frequently excited wonder ; but, when aE the details are maturely weighed, the rapid extension of his power is not so very extraordinary. In the world's history we have other instances of petty adventurers becoming mighty kings, and of delusions spreading Eke wUd-fire. The husband of Khadija had great force of character, as weU as various eminently popular quaEties ; and a fortunate concurrence of circumstances enabled him to establish and to maintain his position. Neither was the system he propounded destitute of plausibUity By professing to honour Adam, Abraham, Moses, and Jesus, he contrived to gain the attention of several classes of religionists ; and the ignorance of the age was exceedingly favourable to his pretensions. It is not strange that, in a series of years, a few proselytes were secured by a man of noble birth and dignified appearance — respected for his devotional habits and the generous distribution of his charities — who possessed superior genius as weE as much rhetorical abUity — and who promtdgated certain great principles which neither Jews nor Christians could venture to gainsay. And when success began to dawn upon him, it stimulated his fanaticism, and confirmed the faith of his followers. When he adopted the policy of propagating his religion by the sword, the progress of his cause was suddenly accelerated. The day of death, he affirmed, was so fixed that no precaution on the part of any individual could add one moment to existence ; and -this doctrine of fate, which was cordiaEy beEeved by his foEowers, rendered them reckless of danger. The courage of a naturaEy brave people was raised to the highest pitch of fanaticism, and they rushed into battle determined to conquer or die. Every one who died fighting for the faith, according to Mohammed, was sure of a place in paradise. And the joys which he promised to his warriors in the world to come were such as their gross minds could best appreciate ; for his heaven is a scene, not of spiritual, but of sensual enjoyment.! The Prophet tells ^ " These delights of paradise were certainly at first understood literaUy, how ever Mohammedan divines may have since allegorized them into a spiritual sense." Ockley, p. 69. T44 Mohammedanism. his disciples that they shall enter into pleasant gardens, where rivers of milk, rivers of wine, and rivers of clarified honey flow ; ! that they shaU recline on couches adorned with gold and precious stones, under the shade of trees yielding aE manner of dehcious fruit ; that fair damsels, " refraining then eyes from any but their own spouses,'' shaE be given to them ; ^ and that they shaE drink most luscious wines, administered by handsome boys, in cups of gold and glasses adorned with diamonds.' In paradise the ear shaE be regaled, not only with the sweetest songs of the angel Israfil — who has the most melodious voice of aE the creatures of God — but even the trees themselves shaE give forth enchanting harmony ; whilst the beUs, hanging on the trees, and put in motion by the wind proceeding from the throne of God, shall swell the chorus, as often as the blessed wish for music* And the hell of Mohammed corresponds to his heaven ; for its torments are aE corporeal. He declares that such as refuse to believe ia him shaE drink nothing but boUing and fetid water ; that they shaU dwell amidst burning winds ; that they shaU be suiTounded with a black, hot, and salt smoke, as with a coverlet ; and that they shall eat nothing but briers and thorns, and the fruits of a tree inflicting intolerable anguish.^ Mohammed was, in the strictest sense, a Unitarian; for he rejected even the doctrine of the Trinity.^ According to his teaching, images or pictures are not to be employed in worship ; a fast is to be observed during the whole month Eamadan ; " at this season no food is to be eaten from daj^break to sunset — hut at night it is lawful to partake of refreshment ; prayer, preceded by ablution, is to be offered up at appointed hours five times daily ; and alms, amounting in some cases to a tenth of the personal property ,8 are to be distributed. The Moslems practise polygamy, abstain from wine, observe the rite of cEcumcision, divide the year into weeks of seven days each, and meet on 1 Koran, Sura xlvii. 2 Koran, Sura Iv. - Koran, Suras Ixxvi. Ixxvii. * Sale, Preliminary Discourse, § iv. 5 Koran Suras Iv. Ivi. 8 He apparently refers to this in Sura iv. The passage is thus translated by EodweU : "Say not ' Three,' (there is a Trinity). Forbear— it will be better for you." ' This fast took place originally in winter, when the days were comparatively short ; but the lunar year of the Moslems graduaUy shifted its position. ^ Mills, History of Mohammedanism, p. 314, London, 1818. Mohammedanism. 145 Friday for religious exercises.! The Koran is made up of aEeged revelations deEvered from time to time by Mohammed, and com mitted to memory by his disciples. These announcements were written down on the leaves of the palm-tree or the skins of animals ; and the manuscripts, under the care of one of his wives, are said to have been deposited in a receptacle caEed " The chest of the apostleship." The prophet asserted that he received the Koran from the angel Gabriel— that the original was laid up in the archives of heaven — and that his celestial visitant suppUed him with chapter after chapter as occasion required. Part of it was published by him at Mecca, and part at Medina. Shortly after his death, the whole was put together in a volume ; but the copies in circulation soon exhibited such startling discrejDancies that one of his early successors deemed it necessary to collect and destroy them all, and supplied a new text sanctioned by his own authority. In the Koran there is nothing Eke classification of topics, or chronological arrangement; and, though the first revelations made by Mohammed were distinguished by their brevity, the longest chapters, or Suras, are placed towards the commencement of the volume, and the shortest towards the close. This dislocation of subjects, connected by the order of time or otherwise, has greatly perplexed the Mohammedan doctors, as it increases the difficulty of passages otherwise sufficiently obscure.^ On the death of Mohammed, Abu Bakr, his constant friend and the father of his favourite wife Ayesha, became Khalif, or Successor.^ This first heir of his royal and pontifical authority had a triumphant career. Shortly after his accession, he sent an army into Syria ; and, on the day of his death — Friday, the 23d of August, A.D. 634 — the city of Damascus was taken by Kaled, his distinguished general. Within eighty years after the death of the prophet, the Khalifs were masters of a more extensive dominion than Eome had been able to acquire in eight centuries. Syria was subdued ; Jerusalem was captmed ; Persia was attacked and reduced to obedience ; and Constantinople itself was endan- ^ The Moslems also transact business on this day, so that it does not exactly occupy the position of the Lord's day of Christianity. ^ Mr. EodweU, in his recently published translation of the Koran, with the Suras arranged in chronological order, has endeavoured to diminish this difficulty, " Khalif, or Khalifah, signifies successor or vicar. The Khalif claims to be "Vicar of God ;" the Pope, to be " Vicar of Christ." See Ockley's Hist, of the Saracens, Bohn's edition, note, p. 79. K 1 46 Mohammedajiism. gered. Egypt was invaded about sIk years after Mohammed's death; a siege of fourteen- months secured the surrender of Alexandria,! and the whole province was soon in the hands of the Saracens. Pursuing their course along the northern shore of Africa, the victors, before the end of the century, were in possession of Carthage. StUl continuing to advance west wards, their authority was estabEshed, in a.d. 709, over the whole country from Egypt to the Atlantic Ocean. The vicinity of Spain and the factious dissensions of its nobiEty invited them to attempt its subjugation. Accompanied by a force of 7000 men. Tarik, an intrepid soldier, crossed the strait, and formed his first camp on Mount Calpe, one of the PiEars of Hercules. The spot was hence caUed Gebel-Tarik, or the mount of Tarik ;'^ and, after the lapse of upwards of eleven hundred years, the name, in the altered form of Gibraltar, stiE preserves the memory of the first Saracen invader. The Mohammedans then crossed the Pyrenees, and overran, with little opposition, the south-western provinces of France ; but .when they marched forward into the heart of the kingdom, they were encountered, between Tours and Poictiers, by the famous Charles Martel, and defeated in a decisive engage- , ment. This battle — which lasted for seven successive days, and issued in the expulsion of the Saracens from the Gallic terri tories — was fought in a.d. 732, exactly a century after the death of Mohammed. A few of the early KhaEfs were chosen by election; and, in this manner, some of the most distinguished companions of the prophet were appointed his successors. But the elective system was soon abandoned; and the Khalifate became hereEtary in the family of the Ommiades. It afterwards passed into the famUy of the Abassides,' where it remained tiE the end of the empire of the Saracens.* The victories of the early Khalifs were perhaps quite as extraordinary as those of Mohammed himself Some have thought it strange that the uncivdized tribes of Arabia so quickly subdued such immense tracts of 1 At this time the famous Alexandrian library is said to have been consumed by command of the Khalif Omar. As to the truth of this story, see Ockley, Bohn's edition, p. 26.4, note. ¦¦^ MiU's History of Mohammedanisvi, p. Ill, Calpe, according to Sir William Bethani (Gael aixd Cymbri, p. 103), is from the Celtic word calb, signifying lali head. 3 About A.D. 749. i In A.D. 1258. Mohammedanism. 147 Asia, Africa, and Europe ; but the state of the world at the time accounts for the triumphs of Islam. Long before the seventh century, the strength and glory of the Ctesars had departed. In the West, the Empire had been overwhelmed by hordes of bar barians ; and, in the East, it exhibited symptoms of feebleness and decay. The braive and hardy veterans who had extended the terror of the Eoman name to the ends of the earth were now no more ; and luxury had introduced sloth, pusUlanimity, and lax discipline. At the death of Mohammed, the Persian empire also was exhausted by wars foreign and domestic. There was thus no powerful antagonist to make head against the Khalifs; and hence it was that success so long continued to crown their miEtary enterprises. The Arabians were fuE of energy, fierce, and courageous ; they had always been a nation of soldiers ; they were well fltted to endure the privations of a camp and the fatigues of a campaign; and now that their strength was concentrated under one leader, and roused to its utmost exertion by the excitements of a warlike creed, they were aE but invincible. The success of the Saracens was very much promoted by the divisions of the Christians. Multitudes, scattered by persecu tion throughout Asia and oppressed as heretics — rather tho.n remain under the yoke of sovereigns whose injustice they daily experienced — were prepared to submit to the dominion of a foreign master who gave them liberty of conscience. In Egypt the mass of the native population suffered from a sentence of ecclesiastical proscription; and these followers of Eutyches rejoiced in the victories of the Moslems ; for, from them, they expected indulgences which Catholic potentates denied. Though the Saracens avowedly propagated their reEgion by the sword, and at first offered to the idolatrous heathen nothing but the alternative of death or the reception of Mohammedanism, they granted toleration to " the people of the book," that is, to those Jews and Christians who could not be tempted to aposta tize. If they consented to pay a certain tax for their noncon formity, they were permitted to remain unmolested. The Chris tians of the time of Mohammed, as has already been intimated, were a very degenerate race ; and many of them fell an easy prey to the delusions of the Arabian impostor. Within a cen tury after his appearance, the boundaries of the visible church 1 48 Mohammedanism. were sadly curtaEed; and along the whole Northern coast of Africa, where Cyprian, Optatus, and Augustine had once preached to overflowing audiences, the Christian name was almost completely extinguished. Many of our most eminent commentators on prophecy main tain that the appearance of the Mohammedan power is foretold in the ninth chapter of the Apocalypse. According to the views of these expositors, the warlike foEowers of the Arabian apostle are there described as "locusts;" and, in the picture drawn by the inspired seer, the Saracens are apparently delineated with wonderful accuracy. " The shapes of the locusts," says John, " were Eke unto horses prepared unto battle ; and on their heads were, as it were, crowns Eke gold, and their faces were as the faces of men. And they had ban as the hair of women."! The military strength of the Mohammedans consisted mainly in their cavalry, or then " horses prepared unto battle : " these warriors had on then heads turbans, or " as it were crowns like gold :"^ they wore long beards, so that " their faces were as the faces of men;" and they had " hair as the ban of women," for it was flowing and plaited. Nor is it strange that the followers of the false prophet are thus presented to our notice in the prophetic history of the Church : for, in the triumphs of the Saracens, we may recognize the visitations of a retributive providence. Chris tians had already become paganized ; idolatry in almost every form was patronized by them ; images of saints and of the Vngin suppEed the places of the images of the gods ; the doctrine of the Trinity, instead of being contemplated with holy reverence, was dissected and Estorted by a spirit of curious speculation; its advocates exposed themselves to the scorn of the heathen hy their interminable factions and divisions ; and they received a tremendous rebuke from the founder of Islam. How humUiat- ing to think that a false apostle was commissioned to chastise them for then idol- worship ; and that, on the very spot where the temple of the Lord once stood, and where the great Teacher in the days of His flesh exhibited His wisdom, a mosque was erected a few years after the death of Mohammed ! 1 Eev. ix. 7, 8. ^ It is remarkable that Ezekiel (xxiii. 42) thus describes the turbans of the Arabs, when he speaks of " Sabeaus from the wilderness which put beautiful crowns upon their heads." Mohammedanism. 1 49 The history of the prophet of Mecca demonstrates that the success of a cause is no decisive test of its exceEence ; for per haps no form of religion ever spread with such rapidity as Mohammedanism. But the means employed for its propagation explain its extraordinary progress. It was indebted for its suc cess partly to the amount of truth which it contained, partly to the degeneracy of the times, but still more to the terrible valour of its armed missionaries. The annals of the Saracens show how much, even in matters of faith, men may be influenced by mere fear ; for, at the point of the sword, the soldiers of the so-caEed apostle of God imposed their creed on myriads of the human famUy. It is the glory of the Christian religion that it can make its way without the aid of any carnal weapons of war fare — that it never shines with so bright a lustre as in the time of severest trial — that when other systems, such as Moham medanism, are ready to vanish away, it is stUl as vigorous as in the days of its youth^ — and that, after a struggle of eighteen centuries, it is warranted more confldently than ever to expect the fulfilment of the promise, " I shall give thee the heathen for thine inheritance, and the uttermost parts of the earth for thy possession." 150 The Scriptures. SECTION IL THE DOCTEINE OF THE CHUECH. CHAPTEE L THE SCEIPTUEES. THE Bible is, beyond comparison, the most wonderfiE book in existence. Some parts of it are in one language, and some in another ; its writers occupied various positions in society — some were peasants, some kings, some courtiers, and some fishermen; it consists of histories, biographies, letters, poems, and prophecies, exhibiting great diversity in length, style, and subject-matter; upwards of fifteen hundred years passed away from its commencement to its completion, and meanwhde the greatest potentates of the earth, as weE as the nations most remarkable for their phUosophical attainments, were ignorant of the true God ; and yet every part of it teaches a pure and sublime theology which commends itself by the light of its own evidence, and, as a whole, it is distingnished by unity of doctrine and unity of design. The sacred widters could not have pro ceeded according to any preconcerted plan, for they were sepa rated from each other by hundreds of years; some of them possessed a very smaE share of education ; and yet they display a knowledge of divine things incomparably superior to the wisdom of Plato or of Aristotle ; and they concur in promul gating a scheme of salvation remarkable for its grace and con sistency, simpEcity and grandeur. The book of revelation pre sents much the same features as the book of creation and providence ; some parts of it are more interesting or more inteUi- gible than others, and some are more mysterious ; but it addresses itself to the wants of aE men — it is emphaticaEy " reaEng for the people," and its serious perusal is eminently calculated to invigorate the understanEng and to improve the heart. Thus the Scriptures attest that they have all emanated from the High and the Holy One, even from " the Father of Lights, with whom is no variableness neither shadow of turning." The Scriptures. 1 5 1 The Word of God is made up of two grand divisions — the Old Testament and the New. The books found in the Bible are said to be canonical, because they are constituent elements of the canon, or ride of faith, recognized as of divine authority. At the time of our Lord's appearance the Jewish Church reckoned only two and twenty books in the canon of the Old Testament.! These two and twenty books are the same that are stUl found in the Hebrew Bible and in our authorized English version ; but some of the smaEer works, now counted separately, were for merly grouped together. The Twelve Minor Prophets consti tuted -only one book, as did also Ezra and Nehemiah, First and Second Samuel, First and Second Kings, and First and Second Chronicles, respectively. Euth formed part of Judges, and the Lamentations were appended to Jeremiah. It thus appears that the ancient Church of Israel did not acknowledge any of the books now known among Protestants as apocryphal;^ and whilst, in the New Testament so many charges are preferred against the Jews by our Lord and His apostles, they are never accused of any neglect or dishonesty in regard to the care of the sacred records. Though, as we are told, they had the high privilege of keeping the oracles of God,' it is never hinted that they in any way abused their trust ; and though they were commanded to " search the Scriptures,"* they were never upbraided for ignoring any por tion of the divine testimony. We are thus warranted to infer that the writings admitted into the canon of the Old Testament by the Jews in the days of our Saviour are the only writings entitled to occupy such a position. The books usually termed apocryphal, and appended to some copies of the Old Testament, are of obscure origin. One of these works, the Book of Wisdom, has by some been ascribed to PhUo Judseus;^ towards the close of the Second Book of Maccabees the unknown writer claims the indulgence of his readers f and ' Josephus, Against Apion, i. 8. - It is noteworthy that the Church of Rome acknowledges as canonical only a portion of those apocryphal writings approved in the 6th article of the Church of England to be ',' read for example of life and instruction of manners." Eomanists reject 'as apocryphal the third and fourth books of Esdras (sometimes called the first and second) and the prayer of Manasses. " Eom. in. 2. * John v. 39. ^ As by Basil in Epist. 406, to Amphilochius. See also Jerome, Prcef. in Lib. Salom. « 2 Mace. XV. 38, 39. 152 The SctHptures. Ecclesiasticus, the most respectable of the apocryphal produc tions, contains various unmistakable evidences of its want of inspiration.! Though not in the Hebrew Bible, these writings at length found their way into the Greek translation of the Seventy; and thus, though condemned as uncanonical by the most eminent of the early fathers, they gradually obtained consideration. Melito of Sardis, a Christian writer who flour ished towards the close of the second century, and who travelled extensively to obtain exact information respecting the Old Testa ment ca-non, has left behind him a catalogue of the sacred books ^ from which the Apocrypha is excluded. This witness is corro borated by Origen, the most learned Christian of the first three centuries. " We shoiUd not be ignorant," says he, " that the canonical books are the same which the Hebrews deEvered to us, and are twenty-two in number, according to the number of the letters of the Hebrew alphabet.' Athanasius,* Hilary of Poictiers,^ Cyril of Jerusalem,^ Gregory Nazianzen,^ and Chrysos tom ^ bear substantially the same testimony. Jerome, the most learned of the fathers — who published a new Latin version of the Scriptures under the auspices of Pope Damasus — also denies the divine authority of these writings. He teEs us that the book of Daniel " among the Hebrews has neither the history of Susanna, nor the Song of the Three ChUdren, nor the fables of Bel and the Dragon;"^ that " the Book of Baruch, the scribe of Jeremiah, is not read in Hebrew, nor esteemed canonical;"!" and that " as the Church reads the Books of Judith, Tobit, and the Maccabees, but does not receive them among the canonical Scriptures, so also she may read Wisdom and Ecclesiasticus for the edification of the common people, but not as authority to confirm any of her doctrines."!! What is more, the CouncU of 1 See, for example, the Prologue. ' Euseb. Ecc. Hist. iv. 26. ^ Quoted by Eusebius, Ecc. Hist. vi. 26. * In his Paschal Epistle. See Lardner, iv. 164. ^ Prolog, in Lib. Psalm. § 15. « Cat. Lect. iv. § 33. ' Carm. 33. * Synopsis Scriptures. The genuineness of this document has been disputed, but Lardner has proved that its testimony is sustained by the undoubted works of Chrysostom. Credibility of the Gospel History, ch. cxviii. ^ " Apud Hebrajos nee Susannse habet historiam, nee hymnum trium puerorum, ' nee Belis Draconisque fabulas. " — Prcef. in Dan. " Prol. in Jerem. " Proef. in Lib. Salom. The Scriptures. 153 Laodicea, held about a.d. 360, rejects all these books,! and its canons are adopted by the fathers of Chalcedon, assembled in A.D. 451 in the fourth CEcumenical Council.^ Several parts of the Apocrypha tend to nourish superstition, whUst others, of a fabulous character, are well adapted to the taste of a credulous age ; and probably for such reasons, when the Church began to decline in spirituality, these writings became increasingly popular. They are quoted even by some of the apostolic fathers,' and, though not acknowledged as canonical, they were, as Jerome and others inform us, read occasionaEy in the pubEc congregations for the instruction or entertainment of the multitude. But Augustiae is the first Christian writer of distinguished reputation who classes them among the books of the Old Testament* Though a profound thinker, this father was an inEfferent critic ; he knew nothing of Hebrew and Ettle of Greek ; and, as he found the apocr5rphal writings mixed up with the Latin version of the Bible used in Africa, he was thus induced to permit them to pass unchaEenged. His testimony respecting them is, however, far from consistent or conclusive. Though he sometimes speaks of them as a portion of the Old Testament, he elsewhere objects to their authority, and teEs us that, when used in the Church, they were not read from the same desk as the canonical Scriptures.^ In his day their' authority was acknow ledged by several African councUs ; and the TruUan Synod, held at Constantinople in A.D. 692, adopted the African canons.'' But meanwhUe they were only very partiaUy recognized. Even Pope Gregory the Great, when quoting from Maccabees, apologizes for referring to "a book which is not canonical;"^ and John of Damascus, the ablest Greek writer -of the eighth century, adheres to the Hebrew canon of two and twenty books.' He makes no mention of Maccabees, Judith, or Tobit ; and speaks of wisdom and Ecclesiasticus as elegant and virtuous writings, yet not to be numbered among the canonical books of Scripture, having never been laid up in the ark of the covenant.^ 1 Canon 60. ^ Canon 1. ' Clemens Eomanus, Epistle to the Corinthians, § 65 ; Epistle of Barnabas, § 19. * De Doctrind Christiand, ii. 8. ^ De Proedest. Sanet. xiv. See Cosin's Scholastieal History of the- Canon, 160. ^ In Canon 2d this Synod recognizes the Canons of Carthage ; but it also acknowledges those of Laodicea, so that its testimony is inconclusive. ' Moralia, book xix. ^ De Fide Orthodoxd, iv. 17. ' Ibid. 154 The Scriptures. Though many apocryphal writings appeared in the early Chris tian Church, there never was any great - diversity of sentiment as to the canon of the New Testament. Some doubts existed for a time respecting the Epistle to the Hebrews, the Epistle of James, the Second and Third Epistles of John, and the Epistle of Jude. The contents of the Epistle to the Hebrews were, in the first instance, offensive to Judaizing brethren, and afterwards to those disposed to assert the priestly character of Christian ministers. The very brevity of the other epistles perhaps pre vented them from at once attracting the attention which they could rightfully claim; and when they obtained more general circulation, it was not strange that they were regarded with sus picion by churches to which they had been previously unknown. But aE these documents gradually estabEshed a title to universal confidence. When the Apocalypse was written it was imme diately placed among the sacred books ; when, however, the Montanists, towards the end of the second century, began to appeal in support of their doctrine of a miEennium to certain obscure passages it contains, some who opposed the errors of these fanatics were tempted rashly to question its genuineness. With these exceptions, the canon of the New Testament, as at present owned both by Eomanists and Protestants, was at once universaEy accepted. No doubts were ever entertained hy what was called the Catholic Church respecting the four Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, thirteen of the Epistles of Paul, the First Epistle of Peter, and the First Epistle of John. And the canonicity of the various parts of our present New Testament, including the Apocalypse and aE the CathoEc epistles, is attested by the most able and erudite of the fathers. Origen has given us a catalogue of the books belonging to it, in which he men tions the four Gospels, the Acts of the Apostles, fourteen Epistles of Paul, two of Peter, three of John, and the book of Eevelation.! He here passes over the Epistles of James and Jude, but the omission is perhaps to be attributed to a lapse of memory, as he elsewhere acknowledges the claims of these letters.^ Eusebius also, in a catalogue to be found in his Ecclesiastical Historyf ^ Euseb. vi. 25. = Horn. 7th, On Joshua ; Com. on John. See the remarks of Lardner, Works, ii. 497. 3 iii. 25. The Scriptures. 155 enumerates every book at present in our canon ; and though he admits that doubts existed as to the authority of the Apocalypse and a few of the epistles, he intimates that the objections were not sufficiently weighty to overbalance then claims. Athanasius, too, has left us a list of the books of the New Testament ! which exactly corresponds to that of our authorized English version. Jerome 2 and Augustine' adopt precisely the same catalogue. The list sanctioned by the CouncU of Laodicea* leaves out the Apocalypse, but is otherwise the same as our canon. The Council of Carthage, which met upwards of thnty years after wards, has endorsed a catalogue the same as our own, incluEng the book of Eevelation.^ It thus appears that the canon of the New Testament was quietly settled aU over the Church. The books reputed of autho rity were read in a fixed order in the religious assemblies of the faithful, and the omission of an epistle or other record from these Scripture lessons was tantamount to its rejection as not being part of holy Writ. The question of canonicity was at first kept con stantly before the whole ecclesiastical community ; the character of every book and letter claiming inspiration was submitted to the scrutiny of the pastor of every congregation ; and yet the utmost unanimity always prevailed with regard to the divine original of more than six-sevenths of our present New Testament. Even the refusal of some Christian societies to admit certain memo rials as a portion of the rule of faith affords proof, as weE of the scrupulosity which was exercised, as of the liberty aEowed to those who, through deficiency of information or otherwise, could not go so far as their brethren. The doubts entertained as to the claims of a few documents were gradually removed, and at length aU sections of the Church concurred in the recognition of the same New Testament canon. The wonderful care employed in the preservation of the Scrip tures may weE excite our admiration and gratitude. Though we have but few old manuscript copies of the works of many of the classic authors of antiquity,^ we do not doubt their ^ Fragment of Paschal Epistle, Athanasii Opera, tom. ii. 1178, Migne's edition. ^ Epist. ad Paulinum, 60. ^ De Doctrind Christiand, ii. 8. * Canon 60. * Third Council of Cartha'ge, Canon 47. * " About fifteen manuscripts of the history of Herodotus are known to critics, and of these several are not of higher antiquity than the middle of the fifteenth century This amount of copies may be taken as an average number of ancient 156 The Scriptures. genuineness ; neither have we any reason to believe that they have been extensively interpolated. The Orations of Demos thenes and the JSneid of VirgU speak for themselves ; they sup ply internal proof that they deserve the fame they have acquned ; and were it asserted that the originals have been lost, and that the works now attributed to the Athenian orator and the Man- tuan bard are nothing more than fabrications, who would be so siUy as to give credence to the tale, or to imagine that any mere impostor could have forged such masterpieces of genius ? But the care expended on the conservation of the Scriptures has been so continuous and so watchful, that we have immeasurably better security for their freedom from mutUation than for the integrity of any other writings whatever. Since the beginning of our era the Old Testament has still been in the keeping of the Jews as weU as of the disciples of the Saviour ; and could there be such a disaster as the destruction of aU the copies of it in the posses sion of the Christians, the want could be forthwith suppHed hy those in the hands of the posterity of Abraham. Meanwhile an attempt by either party to corrupt the text could be immeEately detected. Of the New Testament we have copies extant that can claim an antiquity of fourteen or fifteen hundred years ;! so that if aE the intermediate ages had conspired for its adulteration,- these ancient witnesses would be forthcoming to expose the fraud. But no variations of importance — none that may not be ascribed to the inadvertence or the ignorance of copyists — can be traced between manuscripts of the fourth or fifth century and those written a thousand years afterwards. And, in the early ages, how could the text of the sacred writings have been successfully falsified ? It existed in innumerable transcripts : at least one copy of it — to be read in the assembly — should have been found in every congregation f it was translated into various languages, and some of these versions — made very soon after the days of the apostles — have descended to our times ; it is quoted so largely manuscripts of the classic authors ; some few have many more, but many have fewer. " — Isaac Taylor's Hist, of the Transmission of Ancient Books, ch. vii. We have only one ancient MS. copy of the Epistle of Clemens Romanus, the earhest of the apostolic fathers ; and of not a few patristic productions we have only two or three codices. 1 As the Codex Vaticanus, the Codex Alexandrinus, and the Codex Sinaitieus. " It is probable, however, that many congregations were obliged to be content with a portion of the sacred canon. The Scriptures. 157 by the early fathers that, if lost, the major portion of it could be made up from their citations ; it was in possession of heretics of all classes, so that any deviation from it could have been at once discovered and proclaimed ; and its precious words were so graven on the memories of multitudes that, when it was rehearsed at social or public worship, even a change of phraseology would at once have attracted observation. The very discrepancies in the hun dreds of manuscripts transmitted to us assist us in determining the true readings; and, in regard to every verse of the New Testament, we can speak of the original text with an amount of confidence which we are scarcely warranted to assume when dealing with any uninspired document of antiquity. The Scriptures, handed down to us under such circumstances, possess internal tokens of divinity which should commend them to our acceptance. If the eloquence of Demosthenes is recog nized in his Orations, something higher than the wisdom of this world may be traced in holy writ. There is a spirituality and a power in the word of God by which it is essentially distin guished. The simplicity and gravity of its style, the harmony of its parts, the excellence of its moral instructions, the beauty and elevation of its views of the works and ways of God, the exceeding grace of its communications relative to man, and the holy and happy influence it invariably exerts over the hearts and hves of beEevers, aE avouch it to be a revelation from heaven. Those who reject a volume which presents such cre dentials may well be accused of wilful bEndness. " If our Gospel be hid," says the apostle, " it is hid to them that are lost ; in whom the God of this world hath blinded the minds of them which beEeve not, lest the light of the glorious Gospel of Christ, who is the image of God, should shine unto them."! There is no authority for the statement that writings which once formed part of the canon of revelation have been lost. The Hebrew Bible in our possession contains exactly the same documents found in it in the days of our Lord ; and the most ancient lists of the contents of the New Testament do not in clude any gospels, epistles, or other tracts, which are not yet forthcoming. In the Old Testament,^ as weE as in the New,' there are references to productions either not now in existence I 2 Cor. iv. 3, 4. '^ Numb, xxi 14; 1 Kings iv. 32. s 1 Cor. V. 9; Jude 14. 158 The Scriptures. or not deemed worthy of a place in the canon ; but a prophet or evangelist may quote a book, when it gives correct testimony, without thereby endorsing its inspiration. It is, too, quite possible that the apostles penned some letters which have perished;! their ordinary communications were very much like those of other men; they Ed not always speak — and they may not always have written — as they were moved by the Holy Ghost ;^ and if anything that they produced has passed into obEvion, we may presume that it never was intended to form part of the permanent rule of faith. Many things uttered hy our Lord Himself have not been recorded; and it was not necessary that every word spoken by the evangeEsts, or that every famUiar note which they dictated, should be transmitted to the latest generations. AE that was considered needful for the ends of redemption has been conserved — so that the Scrip tures, as we have them, are able to make "the man of God perfect, thoroughly furnished unto aE good works."' The apostles, no doubt, knew when they wrote under the guidance of inspiration; and were quite competent to declare whether any letter, or gospel, reaEy possessed Evine authority. The whole New Testament appeared before the termination of the apostolic age ; the latest documents belonging to it are from the pen of the beloved disciple ; and John, in the close of the Apocalypse, sternly warns against spurious additions. " If any man,'' says he, " shall add unto these things, God shall add unto him the plagues that are written in this book."* We find Paul quoting from the Gospel of Luke,^ and Peter classing the epistles of Paul with "the other scriptures."^ According to an early tradition^ the three narratives of the Efe of our Lord by Matthew, j\Iark, and Luke were in general cnculation before the destruc tion of Jerusalem ; and John wrote his supplementary gospel that the Church in future generations might be made duly acquainted with matters of importance not recorded by the other evangehsts. AVe have, indeed, reason to believe that aE the parts of our present New Testament were known to John, and that they all 1 What our Lord Himself wrote on the ground has not been preserved, John viii. 6. 2 See Gal. ii 14. s 2 Tim. iii. 17. * Eev. xxii. 18. = 1 Tim. V. 18 ; Luke x. 7. " 2 Peter iii 16. ' Euseb. iii. 24. See also Kouth, Reliq. Sac. i. 394. The Scriptures. 159 had the sanction of his approval And as many who had the gift of "discerning of spirits" lived toward the close of the first century, it is not improbable that the faith of the Church in the inspiration of the Scriptures of the new canon was confirmed by their attestations. In some respects the relation of the Church to the Scriptures is very much akin to that of the scholars of succeeding genera tions to the works of the great poets, philosophers, and historians of antiquity. Literary men have always taken a deep interest in the writings of their gifted predecessors; they have studied their remains with care ; endeavoured, by transcripts or other wise, to preserve them from oblivion ; commended them to public admiration; and illustrated their peculiar excellences. But nothing has been meanwhUe added to the essential value of the original pubUcations. Their descriptions, so true to nature — their reasonings, so subtle and so sagacious — their narratives, so lucid and so instructive — remain unchanged. And though the Church from age to age has preserved the Scriptures, and borne witness to their worth, and been quickened by their saving influ ence, it has added nothing to their divine authority. Its testi mony to their exceEence may commend them to its own chEdren as well as to those beyond, its pale, and may secure for them a degree of attention which they cotUd not otherwise obtain ; but it can impart nothing to their intrinsic weight as inspired re cords. And the vacillation of fathers and councUs in reference to the extent of holy writ demonstrates that they have only been falhble conservators of infallible oracles. The Apostle John hved to the close of the first century ; and there is every reason to beEeve that he gave his sanction to all the parts of our present New Testament ; but within one hundred years after his demise his own Apocalypse was challenged as a forgery ; and by many it was long excluded from the canon. Before the death of John the Church of Eome admitted the claims of the Epistle to the Hebrews;! and yet the same Church in the fourth century rejected the same epistle.^ The CouncE of Laodicea condemned the apocryphal books of Tobit, Judith, Ecclesiasticus, and the Maccabees ; but soon afterwards the CouncE of Carthage — con- ^ It is repeatedly quoted as Scripture by Clement in his epistle written in the name of the Church of Eome, § 36. ^ Euseb. vi. 20, iii. 3. Jerome, Epist. ad Dardanum. i6o The Scriptures. taining perhaps not one member competent to read the Hebrew letters, and very few acquainted with Greek — pronounced the same writings inspired. The CouncE of Laodicea refused to acknowledge the Apocalypse, and the General CouncU of Chalcedon subsequently endorsed the decision; and yet the most eminent fathers recognized its canonicity ; and it is now admitted into the sacred volume by both Eomanists and Pro testants. The claim of any book to a place in the Bible is to he determined by the appEcation of the principles of sound and enlightened criticism ; but it is apparent from the history of the Scriptures that, whilst they have remained unchanged, those who have been entrusted with their keeping, and who should have been able to determine then extent, have committed very gr^ve blunders. Whilst there was some difference of opinion among the ancient Christians as to the canonical authority of a few books or tracts, there was none whatever as to the amount of deference due to those which they acknowledged. The Scriptures themselves uniformly claim plenary inspnation ; it can be shown that one or two passages,! which have been supposed to suggest another conclusion, have been misunderstood; and unquestionably the early ecclesiastical writers utter no uncertain sound when advert ing to the subject. They describe the sacred books, not merely as containing the Word of God, but as the Word of God itself The variety of style presented in Holy Writ is no more an tagonistic to the principle of imity of inspnation, than is the variety of plants and animals around us incompatible with the doctrine of a common Creator ; and the fathers firmly beheved that one unerring Spirit moved and guided aE the sacred writers. " The holy and divinely inspned Scriptures," says Athanasius, " are sufficient to express the truth." ^ Chrysostom speaks of the Apostle Paul as " the temple of God, the mouth of Christ, the lyre of the Spirit."' " What avaUs it," says Theodoret, " to know whether aE the Psalms were written by David, it being plain 1 See Lee's Inspiration of Holy Scripture, 297-299, third ed. Dublin, 1864. In reference to 1 Cor. vii. 10, 12, 40, Dr. Lee remarks, — "St. Paul does not dis tinguish between his own commands and those received by an immediate revela tion from Christ ; but between his own commands and those which Christ had given when on earth, and which were now historical. " ^ Oratio contra Oentes, % 1, Opera, i. 3, Migne's ed. ' De Lazaro. Concio. vi. The Scriptures. i6i that aE were composed under the influence of the Divine Spirit?"! «j^ ^g needless to inquire who wrote the book of Job," says Gregory the Great in the same strain, " since we may honestly believe that the Holy Ghost was its author." 2 The ancient Church also asserted most distinctly the supreme authority of Scripture. The heretics, feeEng that they could not sustain their cause by the evidence of holy writ, commenced, as early as the second century, to appeal to tradition ; and aUeged that the apostles had privately communicated a higher wisdom to certain select disciples. The Catholics, such as Irenseus and TertuUian, met this argument by the counter testimony of the same witness, and maintained that the tradition of all the apostolic Churches was opposed to the teachings of the errorists ; but they did not thereby intend to abandon the principle that the Word of God is the only decisive arbiter. They merely meant to show that they could confront the subverters of the faith on then own territory, and beat them with their own weapons.' Nothing can be more evident than that, according to the views of the early Christians, the reports of tradition, and tha opinions of churchmen, however eminent, should not, for a moment, be brought into competition with the utterances of the Word of God. The faithful were, in various ways, kept constantly in recoUection of its paramount claims. It was read as often as they met for worship ; it was studied by them in their private dweUings;* it was committed to memory; and it was largely in corporated with the language of their prayers. When a bishop was ordained, a copy of the holy book was presented to him f when a synod was held, the volume was placed on an elevated seat in the midst of the convocation,^ that all might be kept in re membrance of the rule to which their proceedings should be conformed. When the first Qicumenical Council assembled at 1 Proth. in Psalmos. ^ Prcef. in Moralia in Lib. Job. ^ By Apostolical or Evangelical Tradition the fathers often mean the Gospel handed down in the New Testament. Hence their testimony has often been quoted in favour of tradition when it really refers to Scripture. See Goode's Divine Rule of Faith and Practice, i. 13, 68, 72, 73, iii. 6, London, 1853. * In one of his famous discourses Chrysostom presses on the laity the command to search the Scriptures, and exposes the excuses by which they sought to apologize for their neglect of the duty. Concio in Lazar. iii. See also Opera, iii. 86, ed. Paris, 1836. Many other fathers inculcate the same duty. = Palmer's Origines Liturgical, ii. 302. 6 Stanley's Eastern Church, 139, 140. L 1 62 The Scriptures. Nice, the Emperor himself, in an address to the members, emphatically called their attention to the divine standard. " We are," said he, " discussing sacred things, and have the teaching of the most Holy Spirit fully committed to writing. For the evangelical and apostolical books, and the oracles of the ancient prophets, clearly and fully teach us what should be our views respecting the Godhead. Let us therefore banish hostile con tention, and take the solution of the points in question from the words of divine inspiration."! The most distinguished fathers of the fourth and fifth centuries echo the same sentiments. " The doctrine of the Church," says Jerome, "may be found in the fulness of the divine books.^ . . . There is no argument so forcible as a passage from the Holy Scriptures."' "As an earthly father," says Optatus, " when he perceives himself to he near death — fearing lest, after death, the brothers should quarrel with one another and go to law — caEs witnesses, and transfers his wishes from his dying breast to the tablets that wUl endm-e; and, if a contention arises between the brothers, the grave is not applied to, but the wUl is sought ; and he who rests in the grave speaks in silence from the tablets, so it is with us. He whose ^viU we have is alive in heaven, therefore let His directions he sought in the Gospel as His will."* The testimony of Augustine is even still more .precise and ample. " We must not," said he, " allow even Catholic bishops, if at any time perchance they are in err^r, to hold any opinion contrary to the canonical Scriptures of God." ^ . . . "Who is ignorant that the holy canonical Scripture is limited to certain bounds, and is so far above all the, later n-rithigs of bishops that, of it, it cannot be doubted or dis puted, whether it is true or right, whatsoever shaE appear to be written in it; but that, as to the writings of bishops, which either have been written or are being written since the confirma tion of the canon, they may be found fault with, both by the wiser discourse of any one more skilful in the matter, and hy the weightier authority and more learned wisdom of other bishops and by councils ; and that local and provincial councils yield without any doubt to the authority of those plenary councils that are assembled together from the whole Christian world; and that, as to these very cecumenical councEs, the former are 1 Theodoret, Ecc. Hist. i. 7. ^ Epist. ad Paulum. 3 j,^ zach. c. 10. * De Schism. Donat. v. 3. = Epist. ad Cathol. vulg. De Unit. Eccles. The Scriptures. 163 often corrected by the latter."! The great African father here distinctly teaches that the decision of the Word of God is in comparably superior even to the deEverance of an cecumenical council. But it must be acknowledged that all the fathers do not speak consistently when referring to the sacred oracles; and, as we descend from apostoEc times, we may trace a gradual declension in the clearness and fidelity of their evidence. The writers of the second century express themselves very strongly when treat ing of the internal marks of divinity to be found in the Scrip tures. "I was brought to believe them," says one of these ancient witnesses, " on account of the simplicity of the style, and the freedom from artifice in the authors, and the plain account given of the creation of the universe, and their foreknowledge of things to come, and the superiority of their precepts, and the majesty of all that is written in them."^ But in the fifth century even Augustine is tempted to declare — "I would not believe the Gospel, if the authority of the Catholic Church did not move- me to do so."' This assertion, made in the excitement of con troversy, certainly does not quadrate with other statements of the same writer already quoted ; but its utterance by this cele brated African divine, under any circumstances, is a sign of the times, and betokens the growth of a spirit of servUe submission to ecclesiastical authority. Already traEtion had risen into a position of importance ; and, in matters not directly relating to the carEnal doctrines of the Church, it was deemed a safe and sufficient guide. It was adduced as affording a warrant for rites and ceremonies ignored in the written word — such as the use of the symbol of the cross, the turning to the East in prayer, and the anointing with oil in baptism.* It was also found to be a most convenient voucher for the observances of monkery. " The holy Apostles," says Epiphanius, "delivered some things by writing and some by tradition. . . . The holy Apostles of God delivered the precept to the holy Church of God that it was sinful for any one, after having vowed virginity, to betake him self to marriage."^ The claims of synods were sUently added ' De Bapt. cont. Donat. ii. 3. ^ Tatian, Cont. Grme. § 29. 3 Contra Epist. Man. quam voc. Fundam. c. 5. * See Basil's Treatise on the Holy Spirit addressed to Amphilochius, 27. ^ Hwr. Apos. 61, § 6. 164 The Scriptures. to those of tradition; and at length, in the beginning of the seventh century, we find Gregory the Great speaking of the four Gospels and the first four oecumenical councUs as of co-ordinate authority! The amount of attention bestowed on the Scriptures is an index of the spiritual condition of any community. How can we expect God to be truly honoured where His wiE is unknown or disregarded ? If the Bible is the Word of the Most High, it has a title to consideration possessed by no other volume. It is a revelation of truth and holiness pertaining to the most precious interests of man, and able to make him wise unto salvation through faith which is in Christ Jesus. Our Lord Himself, in the synagogue of Nazareth,^ acted as a reader of the Scriptures ; ¦and He has thus taught His ministers that they should deem themselves honoured when performing the same holy office. It was a sad token of defection when, towards the close of the second century,' the pastors of the Church delegated to subor dinates the performance of a duty so necessary for the instruc tion of the congregation. In the fourth century chEdren of seven or eight years of age were employed as lectors ;* and the people could expect comparatively Ettle benefit when they were obliged to depend, for a knowledge of the Scriptures, on persons incompetent to read intelligently and impressively. The reaEng of the divine records in the Church is one form in which the truth should always be proclaimed : it is part of the duty of the minister of the Word ; it is a service Avhich should not he handed over to inferior functionaries; and, when efficiently discharged, it is eminently fitted to interest and to improve the worshippers. In the times of the early Christians the Scriptures were read to the people in the vulgar tongue that they might be under stood by aE. The various versions then prepared tended much to a diffusion of a knowledge of divine things ; and several of these translations which remain, and which show how disputed passages were interpreted at the period of their execution, afford valuable assistance to the bibEcal expositor. And the amount 1 " Quatuor Synodos sanctas universalis ecclesise, sicut quatuor libros sanetl Evangelii recipimus." Epist. lib. iii.; Epist. x. ; Opera, tom. iii. 613, ed. Migne, 2 Luke iv. 16, 17. 3 ggg Ancient Church, 590. " Bingham, book iii. chap. v. § 5. The Arian Controversy. 165 of Scripture embodied in the ancient liturgical formularies con tributed greatly to keep alive a spirit of true godEness. Even when, because of the decay of the language, the ritual ceased to convey information to the multitude, it was understood by the clergy ; and thus its Bible lessons continued to send forth some rays of spiritual light into the dark places of ignorance and superstition. And the benefits conferred in this way on the Church universal by the Book of Psalms cannot weE be over estimated. From this hallowed repository the children of God for nearly three thousand years have been furnished with the noblest poetry, and the sweetest songs of praise. The Psalms have entered largely into the composition of aE Christian Etur- gies. They speak to the inner man in strains of- inimitable beauty, tenderness, and power. They are stiE as grateful to the devout spnit, whether penitent or thankful, bereaved or com forted, in days of darkness or in seasons of rejoicing, as when they were poured forth in aE their freshness from the Eps of the holy penman. They are more ancient than the age of Homer, and yet the saint can stUl say of them, " How sweet are thy words unto my taste, yea sweeter than honey to my mouth."! They iUustrate the substantial unity of feeEng and of faith which has characterised the true Church in all generations ; and as the rich 'utterances of a heart renewed and animated by the spirit of the living God, they shaE never cease to be relished by the heirs of salvation. CHAPTEE II. THE AEIAN CONTEOVEESY. During the first three centuries the relations of the Father, Son, and Holy Spirit had been the subject of various discussions ; but diversity of sentiment had not hitherto produced any con siderable schism, or even awakened any deep and general excite ment. In the early part of the fourth century these disputes assumed a more formidable aspect. AE at once they broke out in Alexandria with extraordinary violence ; the theological strife extended rapidly to the East and to the West ; and the whole of 1 Ps. cxix. 103. 1 66 The Arian Controversy . Christendom was soon involved in an earnest and bitter contro versy. The Church had never before been the scene of such intense intellectual agitation. About A.D. 318, as Alexander, the bishop of the Egyptian metropolis, was discoursing, in presence of some ecclesiastics, on the question of the Trinity, one of his auditors objected to the positions advanced by him, on the ground that they savoured of SabeUianism,! or that they confounded the persons of the God head. The individual who signalized himseE on this occasion, by chaEenging the teaching of the chief pastor, was a presbyter named Arius — a man somewhat advanced in life, and rather noted for his pugnacious and restless temperament. Nor was this the flrst instance in which he had come into collision with his ecclesiastical superior. MeEtius, an Egyptian bishop, Es- satisfled, as is aEeged, with what he considered the lax disciphne of the Church, had separated from his brethren; 2 and by his irregular proceeEngs had given some annoyance to the Alex andrian prelate. Arius had joined this schismatic; but after some time had repented of his foEy and had been restored to cathoEc communion. Undeterred by past experience, he now again prepared to pursue a divisive course ; and from this period tEl the end of his Efe, kept himself in a state of perpetual turmoil. The aged bishox^ of Alexandria taught that the first and second persons of the Godhead existed in the relation of Father and Son from aU eternity. Arius denied this proposition ; and main tained that, though the Son was generated before all worlds. He had a beginning of existence. Alexander held what is known as the doctrine of Eternal Generation? As the " Son of man " is one who has all the attributes of man ; so, according to .this view, the only-begotten Son of God is one who has all the attri butes of Deity. He is, therefore. Omnipotent, Omniscient, Eternal, and Self-existent. Arius was prepared to admit that the Son should -be caEed God, and that, in various respects, He ' Socrates, i. 5. ^ His views are said to have been akin to those of the Novatians. According to Socrates (i. 6), he lapsed in time of persecution, and for this, along with other reason.s, was excommunicated. 3 The English reader may find this question of theology well expounded in Treffry's Inquiry into the Doctrine of the Eternal Sonship, London, 1839. The Arian Controversy. 167 is the Father's representative;! but he denied His self-existence; he affirmed that He is not of the same substance or essence as the Father, and that He was created out of nothing. The position of the heresiarch, as a presbyter of the Church of Alexandria, gave him considerable influence. He had the charge of one of the nine Christian congregations already established in the Egyptian capital ; Mie was a popular city minister, and the versatUity of his talents suppEed him with special facilities for the dissemination of his sentiments. He composed heterodox songs adapted to the taste of the lower classes ; he was enthusi astically supported by seven hundred female devotees ; a section of the. clergy espoused his cause; and the venerable bishop Alexander was exceedingly perplexed by his energy, subtlety, and perseverance. Arius was a man of blameless morals ; his spare habit betokened that he was addicted to asceticism ; he was tall, though not erect ; and his pale and thoughtful counte nance, which was not without Eneainents of beauty, produced altogether a pleasing impression. His manner was ordinarily calm, but he broke out occasionally into wUd passion ; and he was distinguished more by acuteness than by breadth or vigour of inteUect. When engaged in disputation he had an odd habit of twisting his body ; and as he was deemed rather a slippery antagonist, his enemies tauntingly declared that he wriggled like a snake.' In A.D. 321, Arius was deposed from his office, and excom municated by a synod held at Alexandria.* He now addressed himself to Eusebius of Nicomedia, his former feUow-student^ — a prelate of great abiEty and influence, and an ardent abettor of his own principles. With the aid of this distinguished man, he secured the support of a large number of Eastern bishops. The affair thus assumed quite a new form; it was no longer a dispute between the Egyptian primate and one of his presbyters; a considerable portion of the Church was involved in the discus- 1 He says in a letter still extant that the Son "in will and purpose existed before all times and before all worlds, perfect God, the only Begotten, unchange able; and that before He was begotten, or created, or purposed, or established, He was not." See Dorner, div. i. vol. ii p. 237 ; and Theodoret, i. 5. 2 See Fleury's Ecclesiastical History, book x. 28. 3 Stanley's Eastern Church, p. 115, London, 1861. ^ Socrates, i. 6. ' Dorner's Doctrine of the Person of Christ, div. i. vol. ii. p. 231, Edinburgh, 1862. 1 68 The Aria7i Controversy. sion ; and society, throughout aE its gradations, was disturbed by the din of the theological warfare. Dealers in the market places and artisans in the workshops, as weE as ministers in the churches, entered keenly into the argnment. Constantine attempted to put an end to the contention by representing the question as of little consequence, and by exhorting the dis putants to peace ; but the advice of the imperial mediator pro duced Ettle impression. Finding that aE his endeavours to restore concord were abortive, he at length caEed a coimcU to examine and decide the controversy. This assembly, known as the FEst fficumenical or General Council, met at Nice in Bithynia in a.d. 325, and remained together about two months. It soon appeared that there were three parties in the synod — those who maintained the sound ness of the teaching of Alexander — those who were ready to defend the doctrine of Arius, E not to go farther — and those who were desirous to effect an adjustment by some species of compromise. To this third party belonged Eusebius, bishop of CcBsarea in Palestine, the ecclesiastical historian — a man who stood high in the favour of the Emperor, and whose prudence, volubUity, and erudition, gave him much weight among his contemporaries. He proposed, for the acceptance of the councU, a creed then long in use in the Church of Csesarea, and which he had himself been taught in chEdhood. In this formida, which is stUl extant, the Son is described as — " God of God, Light of Light, Life of Life, the only-begotten Son, the Fnst- born of every creature, begotten of the Father before aU worlds, by whom also all things were made"! — though no precise deliverance is pronounced by it as to the particular point in con troversy. This overture, therefore, proved unsatisfactory; but after much disputing, the compound Greek word Homoousios^ that is, Consubstantial, was adopted as providing a suitable test of orthodoxy. The Son was thus declared to be of the sam.e sub stance as the Father ; and the congregated legislators, with a few exceptions, signed a symbol in which this doctrine was pro claimed. Arius and some others, who persisted in objecting to the finding, were sent into exUe by the Emperor ; ' but the decree of banishment seems to have been soon reversed. The heresiarch was, however, forbidden to return to Alexandria. 1 Socrates, i. 8. ^ 'Oij.ooi Athanasius, Hist. Arian. 33, Opera, tom. i. 731, Migne's ed. ^ Cave's Lives of the Fathers, ii. 332. 176 The Arian Controversy. On the death of Constantius in a.d. 361, the banished pastors who supported the Nicene faith were permitted to return from exile. Athanasius now resumed possession of the bishopric of Alexandria, but, towards the end of the short reign of Julian, he was again obliged to retire. The death of the Apostate led to a new ecclesiastical revolution ; and the Trinitarian chief, after an absence of some months, appeared once more in the Egyptian metropolis. The remainder of his life was spent in comparative tranquillity, as, with the exception of a short interval during the reign of Valens, he experienced no farther disturbance. Valens was a zealous Arian ; his temporal power was employed to sup port his creed, and his orthodox subjects were in some cases treated with shameless inhumanity; but he was restrained by his brother Valentinian, emperor of the West; and the other princes, who ruled the Eoman world from JuEan to Theodo sius, either acted on the principle of toleration or promoted the cause of Trinitarianism. In a.d. 381, Theodosius convened at Constantinople a councU, commonly caUed the Second (Ecu menical or General Council, by which the Nicene creed was reaffirmed, and the Macedonian and ApoUinarian heresies re jected.! Arianism was already on the decline, and Theodosius nearly effected its extinction by refusing toleration to its pro fessors. "Throughout my dominions,'' said he to the Arians, " I wiE not permit any other religion than that which obliges us to worship the Son of God in unity of essence with the Father and Holy Ghost in the adorable Trinity. As I hold of Him the empire and the power which I have to command you. He like wise will give me strength, as He has given me the wUl,'to make myself obeyed in a point absolutely necessary to your salvation and to the peace of my subjects."^ Ulphilas, the apostle of the Goths, when on a visit at the court of the Emperor Valens, was induced to adopt the Arian theo logy ; and thus it was propagated among the barbarians Eving along the banks of the Ehine and the Danube. When these fierce warriors subsequently invaded Southern Europe and North 1 That which is commonly known as the Nicene Creed, and which is used in the Com'munion Service of the Church of England, is an expansion of the formula adopted at Nice . The chief additions were made by this Council of Constantinople. See Pusey on the Councils, p. 312, and Stanley's Eastern Church, 163, 164, 174. '^ Waddington, p. 99. See Cod. Theod. lib. xvi. tit. i. § 2, xvi tit. v. § 6. The Arian Controversy. 177 Africa, they carried their creed along with them, and Arianism for a time recovered its ascendency in several of the dismem bered provinces of the Eoman Empire. In Africa the CathoEcs were treated by these savages with horrid barbarity ; but in the course of a few centuries aE the descendants of the conquerors were induced to embrace the Nicene faith, and to submit to the authority of the bishop of Eome. The breaking out of the Arian controversy, so ¦ soon after the conversion of Constantine, was weE-fltted to discourage the Ulustrious proselyte. On many of the more intelligent pagans it produced a very unfavourable impression. The proceedings of the Council of Nice awakened general interest ; not a few so- caEed phEosophers resorted to the place of meeting ; and these sophists exulted exceedingly as they witnessed the violence with which the Christians disputed respecting the object of their worship. But the controversy was inevitable ; as the specula tions of those addicted to the study of Platonism had obscured the simplicity of divine truth; and the manner of speaking of the Persons of the Godhead was, in consequence, often loose and inaccurate. The controversy fixed the attention of the ablest men in the whole Church on the subject; led to a more careful examination of the testimony of the Word of God ; and resulted in more perspicuous views and a settled terminology. Arius UlogicaEy held that the Son possesses aE the divine attributes except one or two; but Athanasius demonstrates that such a position is untenable; and the foEowers of the heresiarch, in endeavouring to make out a more consistent system, deviated farther and farther from the truth, and were brought into more Erect antagonism with the evidence of Scripture. The decision of the CouncE of Nice attests that the Church, in the early part of the fourth century, adhered firmly to the doctrine of the supreme Deity of Christ. Before the meeting, Constantine did his utmost to quash the discussion ; and, at Nice, Eusebius of Csesarea, who had a leaning to Semi- Arianism,! -^as his con fidential counseEor; but so determined were the pastors who had borne the brunt of the Diocletian persecution to assert, in the most expEcit terms, the co-equaEty of the Father and the ^ He at length signed the Nicene Creed with an explanation. According to Dorner (div. i. vol. ii. p. 218), his doctrinal system is "a chameleon-hued thing, a mirror of the unsolved problems of the Church of that age. " M 1 78 The Pelagian Controversy. Son, that neither the intrigues of courtly prelates nor the per sonal influence of the Emperor could divert them from then purpose. At a subsequent period Arianism predominated in ecclesiastical courts ; but it was indebted mainly for its position to the props of princely favour, and it never seemed able to stand alone. When the support of the sovereign was withdrawn, it pined away and disappeared. In the day of its power it deported itself with aE the insolence of tyranny; but, when threatened with persecution, it betrayed a craven spirit, and could seldom be provoked to encounter the perUs of martyrdom. CHAPTEE III. THE PELAGIAN CONTEOVEESY. The Eastern Church soon developed its speculative tendencies, and most of the discussions which agitated the early Christian communities originated within its borders ; but, in the fifth cen tury, a controversy, commencing in the West, excited intense and general interest. Hitherto the doctrines of the Gospel chiefly disputed were those relating to the Godhead : now, the subject of Anthropology, or the state and prospects of man, began to attract much attention. Athanasius, a prelate of vast influence, a subtle logician, a powerful debater, and a tactician of wonder ful firmness and energy, was raised up to defend the Trinitarian cause ; Augustine, a bishop of less elevated rank,! i^^^ a more indefatigable writer and a more profound thinker, expounded and vindicated that system of theology with which his name has ever since been associated. After the lapse of fourteen cen turies he is quoted with respect ; and, from his own time till the Eeformation, the doctrines usually denominated .evangehcal found no more able and successful advocate. Church writers had not yet undertaken minutely to deter mine how far the eatEig of the forbidden fruit by Adam affected ^ He was Bishop of Hippo, a maritime city of Numidia — designated, by way of distinction, Regius, because formerly the residence of the Numidian kings. Augustine had several congregations under his care, and yet it does not follow that his jurisdiction extended over a district more extensive than some of our modern parishes. There were certainly other bishops in the region of Hippo. See the Select Works of David Clarkson, p. 88, London, 1846. The Pelagian Controversy. 179 himself and his posterity It was generaEy admitted that Christ appeared "to seek and to save that which was lost,"'^ and that " ly the offence of one judgment came upon aE men to condem nation ;"2' but the doctrine of the FaE had 'not been presented in a dogmatic form by any ecclesiastical councU. TertulEan had described original sin as the "vice of our origin;"' Cjrprian and others had expressed themselves in simUar language ;* and aE acknowledged that we are indebted to grace for our salva tion. But no church judicatory had promulgated any definite decisions either as to the extent of man's apostasy or as to the amount of his obEgations to the Saviour. The language of Scrip ture on these points is sufficiently precise, and no one had ven tured very broadly to deny its literal significance. As, however, the heathen phEosophers taught the doctrine of fate, and as the Gnostics and Manicheeans attributed our sinfulness to matter or an evU deity. Christian apologists, when insisting on human responsibility, had often spoken unguardedly, on the subject of the freedom of the wUl. When treating of this topic in some of his earEer disputations, Augustine himseE made use of phraseo logy which he was afterwards obliged to explain ;5 for, as he advanced in Efe, he acquired clearer views of several doctrines which he had not before so narrowly investigated. Controversy is in itself not to be desired ; and yet, if managed by advocates of abUity, its results may be ennnently advantageous. As con ducted by Augustine and his opponents it tended to the iEus- tration of truth, brushed away inaccurate or meaningless forms of speech, and imparted greater precision to the ecclesiastical terminology. Inquiries into the origin of evE, the mode of the Spirit's operation, and the compatibility of the perfect prescience of Him who declareth the end from the beginning with the accountabiEty of man, present questions of portentous difficulty ; and it is not strange if the more ancient fathers, when discours ing of such mysteries, occasionaEy employ terms either vague ! Luke xix. 10. ^ Rom. v. 18. ^ Originis vitium. De Anima, c. 41. " Cyprian, De Habitu Virginum, c. iv. ; see also a quotation from Ambrose in Augustine, Contra Julianum, ii 6, Opera, t. x. pars prior. 684. ' Some statements on the subject of free-wiU, made by him in the controversy with the Manichajans, were afterwards quoted against him by Pelagius. See Wigger's Historical Presentation of Augustinism and Pelagianism,, by Emerson, p. Ill, Andover, 1840. 1 80 The Pelagian Controversy . or exceptionable. When approaching these subjects we feel the weakness of our faculties ; and we may weE acknowledge that creatures such as we are can but feebly comprehend what maybe truly caEed the phEosophy of the infinite. In the formation of our theological views it becomes us to beware of seeking to be wise above what is written, to avoid vain theorizing, to attend to the simple facts of our religious experience, and to adhere closely to the testimony of the Book of God. The spirit of the true dis ciple is exhibited in the prayer, " Teach me, 0 Lord, the way of Thy statutes."! The general character of any system, whether of reEgion or phEosophy, may be inferred from the words and phrases most prominently employed by its expositors. Modern writers on astronomy are as silent respecting crystalEne spheres as are the ancients in reference to telescopic phenomena or the law of uni versal gravitation. If we apply this test to the theology of the sacred record, we cannot weE mistake its peculiar features. In the New Testament the words " grace," " chosen," " elect," " ordained," and " predestinated," are of frequent occurrence ; and it is not very easy to conceive how many passages of Scripture, such as our Lord's Prayer in the seventeenth chapter of the Gospel of John, or the Epistles to the Eomans and Ephesians, could have been dictated by any other than a Predestinarian. The Scrip tures represent the work of redemption as devised before the eOTth itself came into existence — as intended to exhibit God's abounding mercy — and as carried out, in aE its arrangements, according to his sovereign wUl. " He hath chosen us in Christ, iaefore the foundation of the world," says the apostle, " that we should be holy and without blame before Him in love, having predestinated us unto the adoption of chUdren by Jesus Christ to Himself according to the good pleasure of His wUl, to the praise of the glory of His grace." 2 The distinction between precepts and counsels — or those re quisitions obEgatory on aU, and those to be obeyed only by such as aspire after a higher piety — had been long recognized ; and its results were now presented ostentatiously in a practical form in the system of monachism. The pride of seE-righteousness was greatly encouraged by the new institute ; for, if the monks be lieved that their religion was of an essentiaEy superior type, ' Ps. cxix. 33. 2 Eph. i. 4-6. The Pelagian Controversy. i8i they were strongly tempted to boast of its peculiarities, and to plead a special claim to the favour of heaven.! Many of the inmates of the cloister have, indeed, been distinguished by their evangelical humiEty; but their discipline has an altogether different tendency ; and it is a memorable fact that Pelagius, a member of the monastic brotherhood, has given a name to that scheme of theology which most highly estimates man's abUity, and describes him as least indebted to the grace of God for his salvation. This noted heresiarch, who was advanced in Ufe when he began to attract public attention, was a British monk^ — probably a Welshman — and known among his own countrymen by the name of Morgan. He was not attached to any particular community ; for, in the beginning of the fifth century, the monks were not bound by very stringent regulations, and passed frequently from one monastery to another. The morals of Pelagius were pure ; he was of lofty stature, of dignified appear ance, and of bland address; in Eome, where he sojourned for several years, he was known as a man of superior erudition; and, in that ancient metropolis of the Empire, he promulgated his theological sentiments in commentaries on Paul's Epistles. He was intimately associated with an individual named Ccelestius, a tall and robust Irishman.' Ccelestius, originaUy an advocate or lawyer, had been induced by Pelagius to reliaquish his pro fession, and devote himself to a life of asceticism. He was much younger than the Welshman, of a more ardent temperament, and of a more sprightly genius. About a.d. 411 these two monks passed over into North Africa; and from thence Pelagius proceeded to Palestine. Ccelestius sought to be admitted as a presbyter of the Church of Carthage; but Paulinus, a deacon of MUan who happened to be in the country and who was acquainted with his peculiar views, opposed his advancement on the ground of his heterodoxy ; and, by an African synod, held in ! Isidore, one of the early ascetics, affirmed that "he had not been conscious of sin, even in thought, for forty years r Socrates, iv. 23. How different from the experience of the Apostles Paul and James ! Eom. vii 21-23 ; James iii. 2. ^ Prosper, a contemporary, has thus described Pelagius and his heresy: "Dogma quod antiqui sariatum telle draconis, Pestifero vomuit coluber sermone Britannus. " Carm. De Ingratis. pars prima. * Ccelestius is described by Vicent of Lerins as "prodigious." Commonitorium., i. 24. See some observations bearing on this subject by the present writer in the British and Foreign Evangelical Review for Oct. 1864, p. 669. 1 82 The Pelagian Controversy. A.D. 412, before which he was arraigned, he was condemned as an errorist. Augustine, who had not yet interfered in the dis cussion, now pubEshed several works in which he examined the points in controversy ; and, as he was aEeady reputed the most eminent divine in the Western Church, his statements produced a profound impression. When the controversy fairly commenced, Augustine was on the verge of sixty years of age; for a quarter of a century the Christian system had been his incessant study ; and the views he now propounded are of especial value as the fruit of his matured convictions. This extraordinary man, in the weU- known volume entitled his Confessions, has left behind him a piece of autobiography where he has described, with graphic pen, a most interesting portion of his spiritual history. In a.d. 354 he was born of reputable parentage at Tagaste, in Africa. His mother, the pious Monica, has been long celebrated as a bright specimen of maternal love, and a precious example of the success of persevering prayer. The youth of Augustine was not promising ; though possessed of high talent, he did not dUigently avaU himself of his means of instruction ; he could not be in duced to apply, with becoming industry, to the acquisition of Greek Eterature; and, in consequence, in aE his subsequent controversies, he laboured under great disadvantages as com pared with his antagonists. He was quite ignorant of Hebrew, as weE as deficient in a critical knowledge of the language of the New Testament. As he advanced to manhood he discovered a taste for phEosophy and poetry; but, instead of exhibitmg symptoms of moral improvement, he feE into open Ecentiousness. He now became a teacher of rhetoric- — a vocation which trained more than one eminent father for the Church. He had mean- whEe joined the Manichaeans, because then system appeared to him more phEosophical and promised him a deeper insight into the mysteries of theology than any other ; and he remained nine or ten years involved in its delusions. But his exceEent mother never ceased to pray for his conversion, and never despaired as to the issue. In due time her petitions were answered. Ee- moving to MUan in the way of his profession, Augustine was attracted to the cathedral by the fame of bishop Ambrose ; he was desEous to ascertain whether common report had not given an exaggerated account of the eloquence of that distinguished The Pelagian Controversy. 183 preacher; and, for some time, his attention was confined to the sermon considered merely as a display of rhetoric. But the momentous truths deEvered from the pulpit soon began to create anxiety; and Augustine experienced the misery of an awakened and guilty conscience. In this state of mental anguish he turned to Paul's Epistles, and there eagerly sought for light and comfort. A spiritual crisis, marked by some extraordinary cncumstances, speedily foEowed. As he lay on the ground, deeply dejected, with a portion of Scripture beside him, he heard, or thought he heard, a voice saying to him — " Take and read, take and read."! Opening the Epistle to the Eomans, in obedience to what he deemed the heavenly dictate, his eye lighted on the words — " Not in rioting and drunkenness, not in chambering and wantonness, not in strife and envying ; but put ye on the Lord Jesus Christ, and make not provision for the flesh to fulfil the lusts thereof"^ He had long hesitated to make that spiritual surrender which the divine law requires, but his resolution was now fixed; he gave himself up to God; a peace he had never felt before beamed into his soul, and in a short time he received baptism.. At this period he was upwards of thirty years , of age ; and, for the remainder of his Efe, his great powers, some of which had heretofore been little cultivated, were devoted with amazing industry to the service of the Gospel His own spEitual experience had taught him weE how to minister to minds diseased; and he stands out conspicuously among the writers of the ancient Church as the father who can best explore the depths of human depravity, and portray most skUfuEy the exceeding riches of God's grace. Pelagius, as has been stated, had passed from Africa to Palestine ; and, when there, he was accused of heterodoxy by a young Spanish presbyter, named Orosius,' then on a visit to Jerome. That famous scholar, the most erudite of the fathers, had, as we have seen,* previously lived for some time at Eome, where he aspned to the popedom ; but he had long since left the great city in disgust ; and he was now residing in a monastery at Bethlehem. He was far advanced in Efe ; but he retained his inteEectual vigour, and continued to take a Evely interest in ! Gonf viii. 12. ^ Kom. xiii 13, 14. 2 Orosius has left behind him several works— including a history in seven books. * Sec. I. Chap. III. of this Period. 184 The Pelagian Controversy. everythnig pertaining to the Church. Pelagius, it seems, had spoken disrespectfuUy of his writings — an offence which the old monk could not readily forgive — and Jerome encouraged his young friend and visitor Orosius to press his accusation. The matter was investigated by a synod! ^^^^ ^^ j^jy ^-q_ 415 . jj^^ Pelagius, who was sadly deficient in candour, contrived to furnish such a plausible account of his opinions that he escaped without censure; and to add to the mortification of his ad versaries, he was permitted, though a layman, to take a seat, during the trial, with John, bishop of Jerusalem, and his pres byters. No definite sentence was, however, pronounced by this judicatory ; and, as both the accused and the complainant be longed to the Western Church, the court agreed, at the request of Orosius, to refer the case for final decision to Innocent of Eome — a prelate under whose supervision the errorist had long lived, and to whose tribunal he was properly accountable. At the instigation of two Western bishops, Heros and Lazarus, a second attenipt was made, before the end of the year, to con vict Pelagius of heresy; and a synod, consisting of fourteen bishops, was held at Diospolis, or Lydda, in Palestine, to re consider the indictment. On this, as on the former occasion, his superior scholarship was of good service to the Welshman. One of his assailants was prevented by sickness from appearing ; the others faUed to attend ; and, as the judges did not understand Latin, the charges could scarcely be made inteUigible. The heresiarch equivocated, and again escaped. His partisans now' extUted ; but Augustine, who had received an accurate report of the proceedings, and who was aware of the cncumstances to which the errorist was indebted for a favourable judgment, announced the true cause of the exculpation. "The heresy," said he, "is not justified, but the man who denied the heresy."^ Pelagius, with all his plausibUity, was but a superficial thinker ; and, as he more than once attempted to keep some of his doctrines in abeyance, he seems to have had a lurking con viction that they were fitted to excite alarm by their novelty 1 This, though commonly called a synod, was properly a meeting of presbytery, as it consisted only of John of Jerusalem and his presbyters. See Mar. Mercator. Opera, 324, 325, ed. Migne. ^ See Wiggers, p. 154. See also Augustine, De Gestis Pelagii. cap. xiv. The Pelagian Controversy. 185 and extravagance. He was quite prepared to subscribe the creed of the Church respecting the Trinity and the Supreme Deity of Christ, as taught by the general councils of Nice and Constanti nople; but he denied altogether the doctrine of original sin; he held that the moral nature of every one who comes into the world is as good as that of Adam when in- Paradise; and he maintained that eternal, not physical, death is the punishment of sin — that our first parent would have died even if he had not sinned — that man, by his free-wUl, can choose good as readUy as evil — and that, E he pleases, he can be perfectly free from sin. He fortified this last proposition by quoting, among others, the case of Mary, the mother of our Lord; and he is one of those who supported thus early the dogma of her immaculate con ception.! According to the Pelagians, grace is not absolutely necessary to the attainment of eternal Efe ; but, by means of it, we may more easily secure the kingdom of heaven. The term grace was understood by them in a peciUiar sense — not as in dicating the operation of the Holy Spirit on the wUl, but rather as denoting the assistance afforded to us by the light of the Gospel " God works in us to wEl what is good, to wEl what is holy," said Pelagius, " whUe, by the greatness of the future glory and the promise of rewards, he inflames us who are devoted to earthly desires and delighting. Eke dumb beasts, only in the present — -while he excites the stupid wiE to longing after God by the revelation of his msdom—y7\ri\.e, he counsels us to aU good- "ness."^ The heresiarch could not brook the idea of the all- sufficiency of grace ; as, according to his views, man is indebted for his salvation to the right use of his free-wiU. Hence he is said to have been exceedingly dissatisfied when he heard a bishop once offering up the prayer of Augustine — " My God ! give me what Thou commandest, and command what Thou wUt."' Pelagius also discarded the principle that the title to an in heritance in heaven is derived solely from the good pleasure and ^ Augustine said of our Lord — " Sine peccato solus est natus," De Nuptiis et Conaip. i. cap. 24, Opera, tom. x. pars prior. 429. He was, however, unwilling to speak of Mary as an actual sinner. He says of her— "De qanpropter honorem Domini nuUam prorsus, cum de peocatis agitur, haberi volo qucestionem." De Natura et Gratia, cap. 36, Opera, tom. x. 267. ^ August. De Gratia Christi, i. 10, Opera, tom. ji.. pars prior. 366, 366, Migue, Paris, 1861. » Conf. X. 29. 1 86 The Pelagian Controversy. grace of the Almighty ; for he taught that men are elected to glory on the ground of then foreseen obedience. The theology of Augustine was intensely opposed to that of Pelagius. The great African father maintained that aE men are by nature dead in sin ; and that, without special grace, we can not think a right thought or perform a good action. "That man is able to wiE and to do good, is of God alone."! . . . " Adam perished, and in him we have aE perished."^ The wUl, by nature, is in bondage to sin ; and men, if left to themselves, wUl go on from iniquity to iniquity. But God has mercy " on whom He wUl have mercy;" from eternity He chose a certain number of the race of Adam as hens of heaven;' and, in pursuance of His everlasting counsels. He gathers them, in the fulness of time, into His Church. He gives them grace to be lieve the Gospel, and keeps them, by His mighty power, through faith unto salvation. "If we inqune for that which deserves mercy," said Augustine, " we find it not, for it has no existence . . . because if we say that faiih precedes, in which there shovdd be what deserves grace — 'what merit had the man be fore faith, in order to his receiving faith ? ... If we say the merit of prayer precedes, that we may obtain the gEt of grace . . . even prayer itseE is found among the gEts of grace."* Grace is imparted to man, not because he beEeves, but that he may believe, for faith is the gift of God. The ordinance of infant baptism, and the language employed in its administration, greatly perplexed the advocates of the new doctrine. The germ of a Eturgy first appeared in connexion with the baptismal service;* and the Pelagians themselves were in the habit of using a current formula which stated that httle chUdren are " baptized for the remission of sins."" Some doubts ^ De Gratia Christi, i. 4, tom. x. 362. 2 Opus Imperfectum cont. Jxil. i. 47, tom. x. pars alt. 1069. Augustine quotes these words from Ambrose. 3 MUner has asserted (Hist, of the Church of Christ, cent. v. ch. ix.) that "the notion of particular redemption was unknown to the ancients." This is a very grave misrepresentation, as the doctrine is taught explicitly. by Augustine him self Thus he says, — " Every one who has been redeemed by the blood of Christ is a man ; but not every one who is a man has also been redeemed by the blood of Christ." De Conjug. Adulter, i. 16, Opera, tom. vi. 461. See also various other testimonies equally decisive in Wiggers, pp. 254, 256. * Epist. 194, iii. iv. tom. ii. 879. 5 See Ancient Church, p. 479. ^ Perhaps in reference to Acts ii. 38. The Pelagian Controversy. 187 might be entertained as to the precise meaning of these words — but they unquestionably implied that infants are sinners, and consequently in need of salvation. Had the Pelagians been able to prove that infant baptism is not a divine appointment they could have escaped the difficulty; but they were obliged to acknowledge its apostoEcity;! and their attempts to answer the argument it suppEed in support of original sin were weak and sophistical. To meet some of the objections urged against their doctrine, they invented a distinction between eternal life and the kingdom of heaven. By eternal Efe they understood the ordinary happiness of the blessed ; by the kingdom of heaven, the higher salvation of the Christians : infants dying unbaptized were, they aUeged, made partakers of eternal life ; but infants baptized were admitted into the kingdom of heaven. Out of their own dis tinction Augustine dexterously framed an argument to demon strate that; in the case of twin children, one of whom died baptized and the other unbaptized, they could not vindicate the equity of the divine procedure. WhUst they rejected the idea that posterity suffer for the sin of Adam, they thus admitted that chUdren may be punished for the neglect of their parents or guardians. Is it right, asked the African father, that one child should gain by baptism the salvation of Christians, and another, who has not received baptism, be excluded from the kingdom of God ? What merit have those infants, who are received by baptism as the chUdren of God, acquired for themselves above such as die without obtaining this favour ? Why is one twin brother accepted by baptism as the chUd of God, and the other not ? " The unbaptized twin brother comes to you and inquires softly — why he has been separated from his brother's good fortune? Why he has been punished with this mishap that, while the other is to be received as a chUd of God, he has not received the sacrament needful to all ?"^ As Pelagius and his accusers all belonged, not to the Greek, but to the Latin Church, it had been arranged in Palestine, as ! The Pelagian leaders were among the most learned men of the age, and there fore their admission is aU the more important. See Bright's History of the Church, 285, 286, Oxford and London, 1860. ¦ '^ Augustine, Contra Duas Epistolas Pelag. u. 7, Opera, tom. x. pars prior. 583. Augustine often recurs to this argument. See, for example, De Peccant. Merit, et Rem-; i. 21, tom. x. pars prior. 126, and Cojitra Julian, lib. sex, iv. 8, tom. a. pars prior. 768. 1 88 The Pelagian Controversy. already stated, that the questiops in dispute should be submitted to the judgment of the Eoman bishop Innocent. MeanwhUe two African CouncUs, which met in A.D. 416, one at Carthage and another at Milevis, condemned the Pelagian doctrine. Their re solutions, accompanied by a letter from Augustine and a few of his brethren, were forwarded to the Eoman patriarch ; and Innocent, professing to be well pleased with this recognition of what was caUed the see of Peter, promptly signified his approval of their conclusions. But Pelagius and Coelestius were not idle. Pelagius transmitted to Eome a confession of faith, in which he artfully concealed the more obnoxious features of his system; and Ccelestius himself soon appeared in the great ecclesiastical me tropoEs to vindicate his reputation. Innocent died before his arrival, and before the creed of Pelagius reached its destination; but Zosimus, who now occupied the papal chair, gave a courteous reception to the eloquent Irishman. Coelestius pleaded his cause with address and abUity ; and his defence was pronounced satis factory. Pelagius was equally successfiU. Heros and Lazarus, the two bishops who opposed him at the Synod of Diospohs, ia Palestine, were known to the pontiff as turbulent and ill-con ditioned individuals, so that then interference had rather enlisted his sympathy on the side of the accused; and a letter from Pelagius himself, presented along with his confession of faith, produced a most favourable impression. Another letter from Praylus, now bishop of Jerusalem, attested his orthodoxy. Zosimus accorEngly wrote to the North African bishops an nouncing his acquittal of the two heresiarchs, and expressing his astonishment that then soundness in the faith had ever been chaUenged. " How I wished," said he, " that one of you had been present when the letter was read ! How rejoiced and surprised were aE the pious who heard it ! Scarcely could some refrain everi from tears to find that men so thoroughly orthodox could be defamed. Has any point relating to grace or the assistance of God not been recognized by them?"! Zosimus also intimated to his correspondents that the questions in dispute were too knotty and obscure to be investigated, and that no profit could arise from their discussion. There had been all along at Eome a party favourable to the views of Pelagius and Coelestius ; and the bishop, an indifferent theologian and quite ^ Patrologice Cursus Complet. tom. xx. 656, Migne, Paris, 1845. The Pelagian Controversy. 189 incompetent to grapple with the questions brought before his tribunal, was probably persuaded by this faction to depart so widely from the course pursued by his predecessor. But the Africans, led on by Augustine, refused to yield to any such dictation. WhUst professing aE respect for the apostolic see, they complained of its inconsistency, and protested against its decision. Determined to show that they were prepared at all hazards to maintain their principles, they met at Carthage in AD. 418,! g^j^^ again condemned the doctrines of the two heresi archs. A few extracts from their resolutions may suffice to iUustrate the intrepidity and dialectic skill of these African churchmen. By the grace of God the Pelagians understood, as had been shown, not the special aid of the Holy Spirit, but rather the adEtional knowledge supplied in the sacred volume. Even with Zosimus for their antagonist, the Carthaginian Synod did not hesitate to declare : — " Let him be accursed who teaches that grace heljjs to keep us from sinning only as it opens our minds to a knowledge of the divine comm.ands . . . but that it does not bestow a disposition to love, and a power to practise such commands. For whereas the apostle says — 'knowledge puffeth up, but charity edifleth,' it would be very impious to •believe that we have the grace of Christ to puff us up and not to eEfy us — whUe in truth both are given of God, not only that we may know what we must do, but also that we may love it so as to perform it — that thus, where love edifies, knowledge may not puff up." 2 The Pelagians affirm, as we have seen, that grace enables us more easily to do the divine wiU. " Christ has not said," argued the divines of Carthage, "without Me ye would find it more difficult to do anything, but without Me ye can do nothing!' ' The Africans had taken steps to invest their views with an authority before which, as they weU knew, the bishop of Eome himself must succumb. The Western Emperor now held his court at Eavenna; and the Count Valerius, one of the most infiuential of his ministers, was the friend of Augustine. Hono rius was thus prepared to support the African bishops by giving 1 Another synod, animated by the same spirit, and consisting of 214 bishops, met at Carthage in Nov. a.d. 417. ' August. Opera, tom. x. pars alt. 1729. ' lUd. I go The Pelagian Controversy. to their doctrine his imperial sanction. An edict was issued! denouncing Pelagius and Coelestius, condemning them to banish ment, and threatening their supporters with exUe and loss of property Zosimus, already beginning to betray signs of inde cision, quailed before this demonstration. Pretending that he had been deceived by false statements, he summoned Coelestius before him to undergo a new examination ; and when the monk, convinced of the hopelessness of his position, faUed to appear, the bishop anathematized his doctrines, and pronounced him and his friend excommunicated. Nor did he stop here. In a cncular letter, known as the Tractoria^ addressed to the bishops of Christendom, he vntuaEy adopted the decrees of the CouncU of Carthage. Subscription to the doctrine set forth in this encych- cal epistle was enjoined by the State, and eighteen bishops of Italy who refused to sign were deposed and driven from their sees. Of these the most eminent was JuEan, bishop of Eclanum, — a man no less distinguished for his learning than for his dis interestedness, courage, and candour. The Pelagian cause was completely prostrated by these pro ceedings. Pelagius and Ccelestius soon afterwards Esappear from history, and we cannot teE under what circumstances they finished then earthly career. By the thnd General Council, held at Ephesus in a.d. 431, they were stigmatized as heretics; and thus the doctrines of which they were the most promi nent advocates were virtuaUy condemned by the highest ecclesi astical authority. Another theological system, since known as Semi-Pelagianism, found strenuous supporters before the death of Augustine. Its chief champion was Cassian — a monk who had traveUed from the East and settled at MarseUles in France. Some represented the doctrine of predestination as calculated either to render men careless or to drive them to despan: and, though Augustine laboured to prove that such are not its legitimate consequences — that it is fitted simply to inspne beEevers with humility and confidence in God — he could not induce aE to adopt his conclu- ' This rescript appeared on the last day of April a.d. 418. The SySod of Carthage met the day following. It consisted of more than 200 bishops. See Wiggers, p. 11. ^ This document is not how extant, but some fi-agments of it may be found in Migne's Patrol. Curs. tom. xx. 693. The Pelagian Controversy. 191 sions. Cassian maintained, despEe the reclamations of the great African divine, that the disputed article makes the Most High the author of sin, and, on this ground, joined with Pelagius in its rejection. But he imagined that, by attributing to grace somewhat more than was conceded by the British monk, he could avoid the difficulties in which that errorist had involved himseE. Without special grace we may, according to Cassian, commence a course of obedience; but, without it, we cannot persevere — so that its necessity must be acknowledged. In some, conversion is accomplished by the interposition of grace; in others, by the power of free-wUl. According to Augustine, Christ died for the elect;! accorduig to Cassian, he died for aU men. The last works of Augustine were written in reply to the Semi-Pelagians. After his death the argument was sustained by HUary and Prosper, two of his ardent admirers. Others sub sequently engaged in the controversy — among whom, on the side of the semi-Pelagians, was Vincentius of the monastery of Lerins, who, in a work which acquired much celebrity,^ asserted the principle that nothing is to be received as cathoEc doctrine except what has been believed "always, everywhere,' and by aU." By the aid of this proposition he might have proved that Augus tine himself was not a teacher of the Catholic faith ! He did not, however, venture on such an invidious appEcation. Prosper and Hilary endeavoured to obtain from Celestine, one of the successors of Pope Zosimus, a condemnation of Semi- Pelagianism ; but, whilst the wary pontiff acted towards them in a friendly spirit, he was not led by their importunity to commit himseE by any very distinct deliverance. The system gained extensive support; and when condemned by the fathers assembled at Orange in a.d. 529,' it had meanwhile received encouragement even from several provincial councUs. But, long before it acquired much strength, Augustine had gone to his reward ; for the bishop died in the place of which he was chief pastor, in A.D. 430, at the age of seventy-six. Hippo was invested ' Hos noverat qui prsedestinaverat ; noverat qui redimere sanguine suo fuso venerat. Serm. cxxxviii. 5, tom. v. p. pr. 765, 766. See also preceding note 3, p. 186. ^ His Commonitorium. The work now exists only in an imperfect form. On this subject see Neander, iv. 399. ^ This condemnation of Semi-Pelagianism was ratified by Pope Boniface II. 192 The Pelagian Controversy. by the Vandals, and for upwards of a year it resisted then- attacks ; but, in the third month of the siege, the man known to aE after ages as its most illustrious citizen was carried off hy fever. Augustine stands at the head of the Latin fathers; and in his writings, which discuss a vast variety of subjects, we find many of the errors of his age. He participated with his con temporaries in the admiration of monasticism; but his good sense pointed out to him the folly of some of its austerities. Persisting in the use of shoes, he said to those who thought that they displayed a loftier piety by walking barefoot — " I admire your fortitude — endure my weakness."! He held that the sin of intermediate progenitors, as weE as of Adam, is imputed to posterity 2 — not considering that our first parent was in a position, as our representative, different from that of any of his offspring. Augustine unhappEy did much to give currency to the principle that brute force may be employed for the advancement of reh gion ; and, with his concurrence, the civE power attempted to compel the submission of both the Pelagians and the Donatists. Justification, according to this father, includes the infusion of grace, as weE as pardon and acceptance ; and, in consequence, his account of the way of salvation is occasionaEy obscure ; for he confounds the forensic act, by which we are recognized as members of the body of Christ, with the work of the Spnit hy which we are made meet for the inheritance of the saints in light. But Augustine did immense service to the Church hy illustrating the work of redemption, and by showing how the truths of theology aU combine in one grand and harmonious system. He possessed a comprehensive mind, a large amount of general knowledge, great metaphysical acuteness, a ready elocution, and a Evely fancy. As a preacher, there are few to be compared with him in the Latin Church. He was of an ardent temperament ; and when treating of his favourite theme - — the grace of God^ — he pours forth the fulness of his heart in strains of tender and commanding eloquence. His Efe was a beautEul commentary on his doctrines, as he was eminently holy. A sentence inscribed on his table warned his guests against evU speaking ; and, when strangers indulged in detrac tion, their attention was caUed to "the law of the house." ' Serm. ci. cap. vi. ; Opera, t. v. 699. ^ Fhichiridion, 46, 47 ; Opera, tom. vi. 264, 255. The Nestorian Controversy. 193 Augustine was gentle, placable, and generous. The greatest statesmen of the age did not disdain to cultivate the acquain tance of the bishop of Hippo; he counselled them with the wisdom of a Christian patriarch ; and, when needful, he pointed out to them their faults, or reminded them of their duty. By those who love the truth he wEl be honoured to the end of time as a master in Israel, who has done more than any other father to demonstrate how grace reigns, in the election of believers, "accorEng to the foreknowledge of God the Father, through sanctification of the Spirit unto obedience, and sprinkling of the blood of Jesus Christ." CHAPTEE IV. THE NESTOEIAN CONTEOVEESY. The controversy with Pelagius had scarcely gone to rest, when the discussions pertaining to the Godhead, which had occupied so much attention in the fourth century, revived in a new form, and created immense excitement. The questions now agitated related to the constitution of the Person of the Mediator — and particularly to the union of His Divinity and Humanity. The conclusions adopted have ever since been regarded as substan- tiaEy sound;! j^^^ though they must aE be more or less interest ing to the systematic theologian, they are estabEshed by pro cesses of reasoning rather too abstruse to be easily appreciated. Strange as it may appear, the debates respecting these subEme and subtle theorems were carried on with extreme acrimony, and were not unfrequently connected with scenes of uproar, violence and bloodshed. Nestorius, who has given a name to a controversy and a sect, was the patriarch of Constantinople. He had been a presbyter of Antioch ; he was noted for his abUity and eloquence ; and his advancement to the great Eastern see had;disappoiated a crowd of other candidates. . - He owed his elevation to the will of the Emperor, who resided., at Constantinople and virtually selected its chief pastor ;, and . the metropoEtan- clergy, dissatisfied that ! See XXXIX. Articles of the Church of England, Art. II. ; and "Westminster Confession of Faith, chap. viii. § 2. . ¦ 194 The Nestorian Controversy. the office had not been conferred on one of themselves, looked with coldness on the Syrian stranger. Nestorius became patri arch in A.D. 428 ; and his first pubEc acts were not calculated to conciliate opposition. New Eome contained a considerable number of Arians, Novatians, and other nonconformists; and the patriarch, in his inaugural discourse, implored the civU power to aid him in accomplishing the annUulation of the sectaries. ' Give me a country purged of heretics," he exclaimed, addressing his sovereign, " and, in exchange for it, I wUl give you heaven. Help me to subdue the heretics, and I wiE help you to conquer the Persians."! When he uttered these words little did he imagine he was himseE soon to undergo the penalties he invoked In his zeal for what he deemed sound doctrine, he came into coEision with popular prejuEce, and roused a storm of opposition he was unable to withstand. Three years after his promotion he was obliged to resign his see ; when he retired to a convent, he was not permitted to enjoy its seclusion; and, stUl hunted by the maEce of his enemies, he died in poverty and exUe. Superstition had already magnified the reputation of the mother of our Lord. Pelagius was not the only individual prepared to maintain the doctrine of her sinless perfection; and in some places she now inherited the honours previously paid lo one or other of the goddesses of paganism. She had long been known as the "Mother of God: "^ and even the great Athanasius had sanctioned the use of the designation.' But divines of the school in which Nestorius had been educated objected to the title — because, as they conceived, it absurdly confounded the divine with the human nature of the Saviour. It was currently used in Constantinople ; and Anastasius, a presbyter who accom panied the new patriarch from Antioch, ventured, in one of his sermons, to point out its inaccuracy. Mary, he declared, was not the mother of God, but the mother of the man Jesus.* His hearers listened with perplexity ; the language sounded strangely . in their ears ; it seemed to be disrespectful to the Virgin ; and they were stUl farther disturbed when told that Nestorius him self concurred with his Syrian presbyter. The views of the patriarch were soon weE known. In a series of discourses he expounded the subject, and fuEy explained Ms sentiments. ^ Socrates, vii. 29. s eeord/cos. * Discourse III. against the Arians, xxv. 8, and xxvi. 7. * Socrates, vii. 32, The Nestorian Controversy. 195 " Can God," said he " have a mother ? . . . If so, Paul erred concerning the Deity of Christ, when he speaks of him as ' with out father, without mother.'! ... A creature cannot bear the Uncreated. . . . God was not born of Mary : He dwelt in Him who was born of lier."^ The religious meetings of the Christians, especially in some of the great towns, had long lost much of the grave decorum of the days of the Apostles ; for the preacher was now treated like any other public speaker, and the assembly testified its interest in his sermon by tokens of disapprobation or applause. When the sacred orator gratified his congregation, he was often forced to pause by clapping of hands, shouts of enthusiasm, and Eke noisy demonstrations ; and when he addressed an adverse auditory, he was not unfrequently assaEed with hisses, or mortified by other rude interruptions. Nestorius had now to pass through this rough ordeal. His rhetorical abUity gave him influence with the crowds who flocked to his cathedral; and, when he com menced his ministrations in the Eastern capital, he enjoyed extensive popula!rity. The citizens compared him to the greatest preacher of antiquity — their favourite bishop Chrysostom, to whom many of them had listened only five and twenty years before — and a goodly number of his hearers were wilEng to sus tain their patriarch in his criticisms on the language appEed to , Mary. But, from the first, he had to struggle against a party envious of his exaltation and ready to seize on any circumstance that might operate to his prejudice. This faction, composed largely of the monks and clergy, now saw their opportunity. Mingling with the multitude, and scattering abroad dark insinua tions, they soon created a popular ferment. Nestorius was not permitted to proceed with his discourses unopposed. As he was one day contrasting the eternal generation of the Logos and the nativity of the man Christ Jesus, a person of rank who was pre sent caused great confusion by abruptly vociferating " No ! the eternal Logos himself condescended also to the second birth."' Part of the audience applauded the objector, and part cheered the patriarch ; so that a considerable interval elapsed before the preacher could continue his discussion. At another time, when he was about to go into the pulpit, a monk stood in his way, 1 Heb. vu. 3, 17. 2 Mar. Mercat. Opera, 760, 761, 769, edit. Migne. ' Ibid. 769. 1 96 The Nestorian Controversy. and attempted to prevent his entrance on the pretence that a heretic should not be permitted to teach in pnbEc. The city ministers, in their sermons, pleaded the claims of Mary with amazing zeal ; and a bishop, named Proclus,! on the day of a festival in her honour, deEvered in Constantinople a Escourse which produced a wonderful sensation. " Behold," said Proclus in this sermon, as he quoted some not very appropriate passages of Scripture, " Behold the divine approbation of the holy Mother of God," 2 — the very title condemned by the patriarch. The preacher at the same time described Mary as " the spotless vase of virginity — the living Paradise of the Second Adam — the workshop in which the (two) natures were annealed — the bush which the fire of the Divine Birth did not burn."' As Proclus jaroduced, one after another, these flowers of rhetoric, the budd ing echoed with applause. The excitement at length rose to such a pitch that many of the clergy and people renounced the communion of Nestorius, and a schism seemed inevitable. Nestorius was supported by the emperor ; and, as his own eloquence and the influence of his station also secured him many friends, he might have overcome this opposition, had he been sustained by his brethren elsewhere : but those who could have given him most efficient aid had an interest in aggravating his difficulties. The Bishop of Alexandria had long observed, with iE-suppressed jealousy, the increasing power of the Bishop of Constantinople. The Egyptian primate once presided over the second see in Christendom ; and New Eome had suddenly sprung up, and interfered with his ecclesiastical honours. He could ill brook the idea that he must occupy a lower position than the prelate of the Eastern capital ; he had repeatedly vented his mortification in attacks on the new dignitary ; and, in the hope of weakening his authority, he lost no opportunity of giving him annoyance. From the present Egjrptian patriarch Nes torius could expect no sympathy; for Cyril was one of the proudest and most unscrupulous of churchmen. When a youth, ' The practice of episcopal non-residence had already commenced. A number of bishops whose sees were at a considerable distance spent most of their time in the Eastern capital. Proclus had been ordained Bishop of Cyzicum, but the people had refused to receive him as their pastor. He afterwards became patri arch of Constantinople. '^ Marii Mercat. Op. 781, ed. Migne. » Ibid. 777. See also Binii Concilia, tom.i. par. ii. pars. i. p. 6, ed. 1618. The Nestorian Controversy. 197 he had spent five years with the monks in the Nitrian desert ; but, though he had acquired among them a knowledge of polemic theology, he had made little progress in that higher wisdom which is " pure, then peaceable, gentle, and easy to be entreated. ' CyrU had an excellent voice, a pleasing exterior, a good address, and a vigorous intellect ; and, as he was a stern assertor of the orthodox faith, he contrived so to recommend himself to the clergy and people that, on the death of his uncle TheophEus, he was elected his successor in the see of Alexandria. When he attained this dignity he acted more like an absolute prince than a -Christian pastor. Nor is it very strange that he was forgetful of the spnit of his profession ; for he had strong temptations to domineer. Placed in a great metropolis — in the granary of the empire — at a distance from the court — in the enjoyment of ample revenues — and the dispenser of aE the public charities — the Egyptian patriarch wielded vast influence : and when an ecclesi astic of commanding talent, such as CyrU, was seated on the episcopal throne, the emperor himself was unwilEng to quarrel with such a spiritual potentate. In addition to a city mob ever ready to commit deeds of violence, he could, on any emergency, avaU himself of the aid of swarms of monks alike ferocious and fanatical. Nor did Cyril hesitate to employ these auxiliarie.o. Immediately after his advancement to the primacy he assailed the Novatians, closed their meeting-houses, and stripped them of then property.! The Jews, who had been provoked by his partisans into sedition, next experienced his intolerance. At the head of an immense multitude of his adherents, he laid their synagogues in ruins, gave up their houses to pillage, and drove tlie whole race out of the city. Orestes, the prefect of Alex andria, who incurred his displeasure, was waylaid and wounded hy a rabble of five hundred monks. Ammonius, one of their ringleaders, who had hurled a great stone at the head of the imperial functionary, was put to death by the hand of the public executioner ; but CyrU conferred on the criminal the honours of martyrdom, and named him Thaumasius, or the Wonderful? A pagan lady of high rank and extraordinary talent — the cele brated Hypatia — offended the haughty patriarch ; and a crowd of miscreants, among whom an ecclesiastic of his party was con spicuous, dragged her from her chariot, and rent her limb from 1 Socrates, vu. 7. ^ Ibid. vii. 14. 198 The Nestorian Controversy. Emb.! The majesty of the law was never properly vindicated by the punishment of those concerned in the horrid outrage; for the officers of justice were induced, by bribes, to stop the pro gress of inquiry. But CyrU was too closely aUied to the rioters to escape suspicion. Such was the man who stepped forward to interfere in the theological controversy which disturbed Constantinople. He had his agents at the imperial court, as well as among the monks of the capital, who reported to him from time to time the details of the struggle and the increasing embarrassment of Nes torius. Cyril now perceived that he could at once signahze his zeal for orthodoxy and humble the Bishop of New Eome ; and he did not fail to take advantage of the occasion. He wrote to the ¦ monks of Egypt, to the clergy of Constantinople, to the Emperor Theodosius IL, to other members of the imperial famUy, and to Nestorius himself,^ defending the use of the designation " Mother of God ;" and either insinuating or affirming, according to cir cumstances, the enormity of the heresy into which his reverend brother had faEen. A concern for the truth, he aEeged, com pelled him to speak out, and pubEsh his protest against the false teaching of Nestorius. These letters, which were widely circu lated, stimulated the opposition to the new patriarch. There was another great prelate who viewed with perhaps even Evelier jealousy the growing influence of the see of Con stantinople. This was the Bishop of Eome. When the empire was undivided, and the sovereign resided in its ancient metro polis, the Italian primate was acknowledged as first in dignity among the clergy of Christendom ; but a rival had appeared in New Eome, who might, at no distant day, set up a claim to pre cedence. He had already asserted his ecclesiastical equahty, and it was to be feared that he would soon adopt a tone of loftier assumption ; for Constantinople was the metropoEs of the Eastern Empire, whereas Old Eome had been long deserted by the Western court, and was fast sinking into the condition of a provincial city. But it had for ages been caUed the See of Peter ; and its prelates, who were celebrated as supporters of the orthodox faith, were most desEous to be known as arbiters in ¦* Socrates, vii. 16. 2 Th^se letters may be found in Binii Coneil., tom. i. p. ii. pars. i. pp. 9, 20, 43, 119, 120, 126. The Nestorian Controversy. 199 matters of controversy. A golden opportunity for making good their pretensions was now presented. CyrU had taken care to supply the Eoman bishop with mformation respecting the pro ceedings of Nestorius ; and, along with various false statements, had been so considerate as to furnish him with Latin translations of some important documents bearing on the dispute.! These translations were aU the more necessary, as Celestine, who now flUed the papal chair, was ignorant of Greek — a fact probably not unknown to his Alexandrian brother. The compEmentary language addressed by Cyril to Celestine must have been ex tremely grateful to the pontifical ear ; for the artful Egyptian requested the Italian patriarch to determine whether Nestorius ought or ought not to be excluded from the communion of the Church, and begged him to announce his decision, by letters, to aU the bishops of the East, that they might act together as con servators of the orthodox doctrine. Nestorius also had been writing to Eome,^ but neither the matter nor tone of his epistles was weE fitted to recommend him to his western correspondent. Four ItaEan bishops, deposed for Pelagianism, had taken up then abode in his diocese ; they complained of unjust treatment, and implored his interference. He reported their statements to Celestine, and sought an explanation ; but, coming from such a quarter, the pontiff probably deemed the inquiries impertinent, and declined an answer. Nestorius addressed other letters to his brother in Eome, detailing the history of the disputes in Con stantinople ; but he wrote in Greek,' and expressed himself in the style of an independent bishop conveying intelligence to a dignitary of equal authority. Celestine, who regarded the designation " Mother of God " as part of the current language of orthodoxy, had no difficulty in coming to a decision. At a synod convened in Eome it was resolved that, if within ten days after the reception of the sentence, Nestorius did not, by a written recantation, renounce his doctrine, he should be deposed from his patriarchal station and excommunicated. Celestine transmitted circular epistles to the East announcing this deliverance. In a ^ " Misi tomos aUquot, capitum quorumdam fragmenta continentes, quos quo- que, quantum quidem per illos fieri potuit qui Alexandria vivunt, Latine reddi curavi." — Binii Concilia, tom. i. p. ii. pars. i. p. 131. 2 See his first letter in Binii Coneil. t. i. p. ii. pars. i. p. 133. 2 The pope, it appears, was obliged to send all the way to Cassian of Marseilles for a translation of these documents. 200 The Nestorian Controversy. letter to CyrU, eulogizing most extravagantly his fideEty as a pastor of the Catholic Church, he is instructed to act as the representative of the apostolic see, and empowered to carry into execution the sentence of the Eoman synod. Its resolutions were duly communicated to Nestorius himseE, and to the clergy of Constantinople who had renounced his feEowship. Two powerful parties were now arrayed against each other in resolute antagonism. On one side was Nestorius, supported by the emperor and a portion of the clergy and laity of his ecclesi astical metropoEs : on the other was an excited faction of pres byters, deacons, monks, and people, backed by the two great prelates of Eome and Alexandria. Nestorius, it must be ad mitted, had not hitherto passed through the controversy entirely without reproach. He had sometimes lost his temper ; he had sanctioned the flogging of refractory citizens and preachers; on one occasion he had, with his own hand, inflicted corporal chastisement on a monk who obstructed him ;! and he had thus faUed to deport himseE with becoming dignity and forbearance. Though the opposition of CyrU and Celestine was conducted with passion and quickened by ecclesiastical jealousy, it would be unwarrantable to assert that it is to be attributed altogether to such influences. Before Nestorius was elevated to the patri archal throne, the Egyptian primate had written a treatise on the incarnation promulgating the principles he now reaffirmed.^ The title, " Mother of God," had, in various quarters, been so long in use that many distinguished churchmen were startled by the attempt to remove it from the ecclesiastical vocabulary, and the question of its propriety or impropriety impinged on another controversy. AccorEng to Nestorius, the two natures in Christ are rather related, or conjoined, than united ; according to Cyrd, they are so united that, though we can distinguish between them, they are no longer specifically different. Mary, said Nes torius, was not the mother of God, because God can neither be born nor die. If, rejoined Cyril, the Son of God had not been born — if Mary had not given birth to him- — there would have been no real incarnation. If we are forbidden to deny that the Son of God was born, we are equaUy forbidden to deny that He suffered.' " The CouncU of Nice," argued Nestorius, " acknow- ^ Binii Cmicil. t. i. p. ii. p. i. p. 160. ^ Dorner's Doctrine of the Person of Christ, div. ii. vol. i. p. 66. ^ m^^ p. 62. The Nestorian Controversy. 201 ledged an incarnation, but did not allow that God suffered, or that the Son of God was born of Mary." To attempt to conceive of the one nature apart from the otlier, replied Cyril, would be as perverse as for any one to represent the human body as a man in and by itself, or to say that a mother had brought forth a body, instead of that she had brought forth a man.! Nestorius so dis tinguished the two natures in Christ that some imagined he taught the existence of two persons ; and Cyril so confounded them that they seemed to be but one. The teaching of Nestorius was reaUy offensive to both Cyril and Celestine; but, had they been personaEy his friends and anxious to promote peace, they might, no doubt, have obtained satisfactory explanations, and put an end to the contention. Nestorius himseE, indeed, soon began to make advances towards a settlement. He proposed that Mary should be caEed " Mother of Christ," ^ and, if per mitted to expound his meaning, he was even wUEng to continue the use of the designation " Mother of God." He denied that he had any intention of teaching the existence of two sons of God, or of impugning the doctrine of the incarnation. The whole controversy was, in fact, very much a war of words ; and, E a calm conference had been possible, it must have issued in a reconcUiation. But it was soon discovered that the enemies of Nestorius were determined not to accept of any compromise. When CyrU received the communication from Constantine empowering him to act as the representative of the apostoEc see, he lost no time in proceeEng according to his instructions. In A.D. 430 he wrote a letter, to the bishop of Constantinople, in the name of a Synod held at Alexandria, requiring him to recant, and, as a test of his orthodoxy, to anathematize aE who held twelve propositions he enumerated relative to the points in dispute. A deputation of Egyptian prelates, bearing this epistle, appeared in the Eastern capital. Nestorius treated the commissioners with contempt, ascended the pulpit, expatiated on the heresies of CyrU, and published twelve counter-propositions which he caEed on his adversaries to condemn. The breach was thus made wider than ever. 1 Dorner's Doctrine of the Person of Christ, div. ii. vol. i. p. 66. = Xpio-TordKos. He also proposed the designation GeoSdxos, or "Eeceiver of God." Serm. vii. Mar. Mercat. Op. 800. As to his willingness to continue the use even of " Mother of God," see Socrates, vn. 34. 202 The Nestorian Controversy. At an early stage of the controver.sy Nestorius himself had sug gested the meeting of a synod as a means of extinguishing the strife; and the Emperor Theodosius II. now summoned such a convention. This synod, known as the thnd CEcumenical CouncU, assembled at Ephesus in A.D. 431. The place of meet ing was unfavourable to Nestorius, for Memnon, the bishop, was as unscrupulous as CyrU, and as jealous of the growing power of the patriarch of Constantinople. According to a current tradi tion, Mary, whose title was so much controverted, lay buried at Ephesus ; and the populace, wrought up almost to frenzy by Memnon's exhortations, were persuaded that the honour of then city was involved in the condemnation of an errorist who even dared to question the dignity of the mother of God. Nestorius and CyrU reached the place of meeting at the appointed time ; but the Alexandrian primate, who traveUed by sea, had taken care to bring with him a far greater number of bishops than were in the train of his antagonist, and commanded, besides, a large force of stout Egyptian saUors, prepared, with formidable wea pons, to overcome the timid and decide the wavering. John of Antioch, one of the most influential of the Eastern prelates, — who traveEed by land, and who, on account of the unsettled state of his metropolis,! was unable to set out in due time, — had not yet arrived; and, as he was understood to be friendly to Nestorius, CyrU resolved to take advantage of his delay, and to commence the proceedings before his appearance. The imperial commissioner, deputed to be present, protested against this move ment ; CyrU, supported by Memnon, carried his point and opened the meeting. The result might have been easUy anticipated. In a single day the whole business was transacted ; the doctrine of the One Person in Christ was affirmed; the designation, "Mother of God," was approved ; and Nestorius, who decEned to sanction the meeting by his attendance, was condemned and degraded. On the arrival of John of Antioch, some days afterwards, a rival council was held, which awarded to Cyril and Memnon the sen tence they had aEeady pronounced on the bishop of Constanti nople.^ Thus every turn in the progress - of the controversy seemed only to place, at a greater distance the prospect of an adjustment. 1 A famine at Antioch had led to popular tumults, and delayed his departure. - Evagrius, i. 5. The Nestorian Controversy. 203 Cyril, who had hitherto been sternly discountenanced by the Emperor, clearly saw that, E he could produce no impression at Court, he could not ultimately prevaU; but arrangements had been made to prevent intercourse between his partisans in the council and their friends at Constantiaople, so that he could obtain no access to the palace. He at length hit on a scheme for surmounting this difficulty. A beggar, or rather perhaps a bishop in disguise,! made his way to the capital, and presented to a monk, named Dalmatius — a personage of unrivaEed fame for sanctity — a hollow staff in which was concealed a letter reporting the condemnation of Nestorius, and the hardships to which his judges were, in consequence, exposed. This monk was a bitter enemy to the patriarch ; and an epistle, conveyed to him by so strange a messenger and through a channel so mysterious, kindled his imagination, and led him to believe that the friends of orthodoxy were suffering a grievous persecution. The Emperor himseE had not deemed it beneath his dignity on another occasion to visit and consult this soEtary in his cell ; but, for eight and forty years, Dalmatius had not been induced to go beyond its precincts. The bearer of the letter probably suggested to him that it was now his duty to interfere ; the idea soon took fuE possession of his. soul; and, accordingly, he pro claimed his determination to proceed on a mission of remon strance to Theodosius. The announcement of this resolution threw aE Constantinople into a ferment. The monks and abbots hastened to join the venerable man; and Dalmatius, accompanied by a prodigious concourse of citizens of aE classes, and at the head of a deputation of his brethren singing hymns and bearing lighted torches, advanced to the imperial residence. WhUst the crowd remained without, the monk and a select party were ushered, before a crowded court, into the presence of the sove reign. Unabashed by the brUliant throng, Dalmatius boldly complained that none opposed to Nestorius could obtain the ear of the Emperor ; and, towards the close of the interview, the feeble prince consented to permit deputies from the party of CyrU to appear in Constantinople. When this answer was reported to the waiting multitude, the whole procession joined in a song of praise. The mission of Dalmatius to the palace was the turning-point i See Neander, iv. 182. 204 The Nestorian Controversy. in this controversy. CyrU now distributed large sums of gold among the courtiers ; and, partly corrupted by bribes, and partly gained over by other influences, the ministers of Theodosius graduaEy deserted the cause of their patriarch. John of Antioch and the Egyptian primate were reconciled ; CyrU consented to sign a formula recognizing two natures in Christ ; and Nestorius, at the request of Theodosius, withdrew to a Syrian monastery. At a subsequent period he was banished to Egypt, from which he never returned. He lingered out his last days in wretched ness; but the exact date of his death cannot now be ascer tained.! The party adhering to the bishop of Constantinople through out this struggle was not extinguished by his faU. Persecuted within the Eoman Empire, they found refuge in Persia, where they soon became a flourishing community. Pushing their principles farther than they were carried by Nestorius, they declared in their creed that there are in the Saviour two Persons ¦ — a divine and a human^ — yet that these Persons constitute but one Aspect? The Nestorians may be found at the present day scattered throughout various countries in the East. They refuse to caE Mary the "Mother of God," worship no images — ^venerate Nestorius and his teacher Theodore of Mopsuestia, and stiU execrate Cyril' The Nestorian controversy forms a melancholy and yet an instructive chapter of Church history. Though the conduct of the patriarch of Constantinople was not above censure, it was far less exceptionable than that of his Egyptian adversary. Nestorius often exhibited violence of temper ; but he was com paratively free from ambition ; for, when required to relinquish the patriarchal dignity, he readUy obeyed ; and he never after wards made any effort to recover his position. Neither do we ever flnd him descending to the falsehood and bribery by which CyrU disgraced himseE. The Egyptian primate scattered his gold so profusely among the courtiers of Theodosius, about the time of the CouncU of Ephesus, that the rich Church of Alex andria long felt the effects of his extravagance.* The intense 1 Evagrius (i. 7) has given a sad account of his last days. ^ Upoa-iinrov. See Murdock's Mosheim by Soames, i. 489. ^ Ibid. Some of them have been tampered with by the agents of Eome. See Dr. Grant and the Mountain Nestorians by Laurie, p. 44, Edinburgh, 1853. * See Neander, iv. 190, 191. The Nestorian Controversy. 205 acrimony displayed by the Esputants in this controversy cannot be too strongly reprobated. When, in the spirit of the Gospel, we contend for its great truths, we are improved by the effort. We thus become better acquainted with the precious things of God, with the wonders of His law, and with- the glory of His character. But when we dispute in the spirit of mere partisans, and when our strife is but logomachy, the heart is hardened, and the intellect is debased. Nestorius and CyrE debating respecting the Person of the Mediator, and hurling anathemas against each other, present a most humUiating spectacle. The union of the Godhead and the Manhood in the Saviour is a sublime and awful theme; but the subject should lead us rather to wonder and adore, than to carp and quarrel. When the sun shines on us in his noontide splendour, we survey with pleasure the radiant scenery; but it is dangerous to gaze on his own bright orb. There are times when the light around us is so faint that we cannot read, and the sight is injured by exertion ; and again the illumination may be so singularly brUliant that the eye is dazzled by the glare. As we contemplate the wonders of redeeming love through the glass of revelation, we grow in grace and in the knowledge of Christ; but if we push our inquiries beyond the range of our faculties, or into regions where the Bible suppEes no light, we can expect nothing but vexation and bewilderment. " Who by searching can find out God ? Who can know the Almighty to perfection?" Who can fully comprehend how Deity is united to Humanity in the Lord Jesus ? Who can pretend exactly to define their relations ? Instead of fulminating their anathemas when discussing this mystery of mysteries, CyrU and Nestorius should have mutually confessed their ignorance; and sought, either to remove each other's difficulties, or to check each other's vain curiosity. Whilst the Eastern Church was convulsed by this controversy, supersti tion and ungodliness advanced apace. The worship of relics, the invocation of saints, and the senilities of monachism, now made vast progress. In a few centuries the countries where the Nestorian controversy was carried on with greatest bitterness were overrun by Mohammedanism; and the reEgion of the False Prophet was established in the sees of Cyril, of Nestorius, of Memnon, and of John of Antioch. 2o6 The Eutychian Controversy. CHAPTEE V. THE EUTTCHLA.N CONTEOVEESY. Nestoeius and CyrU were the representatives of two schools of theology which flourished in the fifth century. The tendency of the school of Antioch, in which Nestorius was educated, was to push to an extreme the distinction between the Son of God and the man Christ Jesus ; the tendency of the school of Alexandria, to which Cyril belonged, was so to mingle the two natures that they could not be discriminated. The disciples of the school of Antioch were not wilEng to say that the Son of God suffered on the cross ; the disciples of the school of Alexandria threw the whole church into confusion rather than change the language of a favourite hymn which contained the expression " God was crucified." CyrU, as we have seen, after the CouncU of Ephesus had consented to sign a formula which recognized, though some what ambiguously, the two natures of the Saviour ; but many of his adherents were disobliged by his subscription, and the con troversy soon broke out afresh. It commenced, as before, in Constantinople. Eutyches, from whom Eutychianism derived its name, was abbot of a monastery in the neighbourhood of the Eastern capi tal. He rarely left his cloister; as a devout ascetic he was second in reputation only to the monk Dalmatius who had ren dered such aid to CyrU and his friends in the Council of Ephesus ; and Eutyches himself had taken a very prominent part in opposi tion to Nestorius. FlaAdan, now Bishop of Constantinople, had offended a most influential courtier ; and this imperial favourite, the eunuch Chrysaphius, formed the design of removing the obnox ious prelate, and of placing the abbot, who was his godfather,! jn the episcopal chair. A counterplot was concocted lo disqualify Eutyches for promotion. At a synod held in Constantinople in A.D. 448, he was charged by a bishop, named Eusebius, with heresy ; and though Flavian, who presided, and who foresaw the 1 In primitive times parents presented their own children for baptism ; but, when monachism was established, the inmates of the cloister often acted as sponsors for foundlings and others. According to ecclesiastical law, only oM sponsor was admitted in each case. Bingham, xi. 8, § 2, 9, 11. The Eutychian Controversy. 207 confusion which such a process must create, attempted to stop it in its preliminary stages, he was unable to prevaE on the complainant to withdraw the accusation. The resiUt showed that his fears were not unfounded. When first summoned to answer for himself, Eutyches refused to leave his cloister ; but the firmness of his judges at length compeEed submission ; and he then appeared before the synod attended by an imperial officer, and a large escort of monks and soldiers. In reply to the interrogatories addressed to him, he endeavoured, at the commencement of liis examination, to avoid any more positive statement by declaring that " he did not permit himself to wish to comprehend the essence of the Lord of heaven and earth " ! but, when more closely pressed, he admitted his belief of only 07U nature in the Saviour. The body of Christ, as was weE known, had been usually designated by him the body of God ; and when questioned on this subject, he admitted that it was not of the same substance as other human bodies.^ Eutyches was a presbyter as weE as an abbot ; and, when he persisted in refusing to renounce his sentiments, he was deposed from both offices, and excommunicated. The monk was not to be put down by any such sentence. He was now the most infiuential personage of his order at Constan tinople ; he could reckon on the support of an immense multi tude of his brethren ; and his godson, the great courtier Chrysa phius, was his steady patron.' After having in vain appEed for a new trial, he resolved to su.bmit the case to a higher ecclesi astical tribunal The interference of Theodosius II. was solicited and secured ; and a council, to pronounce a decision on the views of Eutyches, was summoned, by imperial authority, to meet at Ephesus in a.d. 449. This convention, known as the " Eobber Synod,"* from the fraud and violence by which it was characterized, holds a bad ! See Neander, iv. 223. ^ Evagrius, i, 9. Liberatus Diaconus, cap. xi. This dispute respecting the two natures led to various discussions concerning the body of Christ — some main taining that it was not liable to decay ; and others, that it was not subject to hunger, thirst, and pain. * Liberatus Diaconus Breviarium., cap. xi. * Leo I. appears to have suggested this title, when he speaks of " quidquid in Ulo Ephesino non judicio sed latrocinio potuit perpetrari." Epist. xcv. 2, , tom. i 943, edit. Migne. 2o8 The Eutychian Controversy. pre-eminence among ecclesiastical convocations. Its president was Dioscorus, the successor of CyrU in the see of Alexandria. This prelate, in point of inteUect, was much inferior to his pre decessor ; but he had equal ambition and far greater recklessness. The proceedings were conducted without much regard to law, precedent, or decency; and the council often presented the appearance rather of a meeting of hostEe poEtical factions than of a grave Christian judicatory. When a report was read stating that, at the Synod of Constantinople, Bishop Eusebius had asked Eutyches whether he acknowledged the doctrine of the two natures, the uproar reached a climax. "Away with Euse bius!" shouted the reverend judges — "Banish Eusebius! Let him be burned alive ! As he cuts asunder the two natures in Christ, so let him be cut asunder !"! AE the members were not, however, prepared to join in this fierce outcry. There were some utterly opposed to the views of Eutyches, and means were taken to compel these dissentients to concur with the rest of the assembly. A mob kept up a system of intimidation outside the church ; for a whole day the bishops were immured within its waUs; soldiers and brawny buEies were introduced into the church itself, and placed on benches immediately behind those whose resistance was anticipated ; and votes were thus extorted by the influence of sheer terror. Flavian, Bishop of Constanti nople, is said to have received all manner of insults, and even blows, from the furious Dioscorus ; and a monk, named, Bar- sumas,^ who was admitted to a seat in this council, is reported to have shouted " Strike him! Strike him dead!" as the presi dent was employed in the undignified exercise of beating and Idcldng his brother patriarch.' It is certain that Flavian died a few days afterwards, in consequence of the bodEy and mental sufferings he endured at this disreputable synod.* MS. the proceedings of the second CouncU of Ephesus were dictated by its tyrannical chairman. Eutyches was acquitted of the charge of heresy, and restored to his former position as a 1 Binii Concilia, ii. 49, 76, edit. 1618. " This Syrian abbot sat and voted in this council as the representative of the monks. Hefele, Conciliengeschichte, ii. 332. Abbots began now to sit in councils. See Bingham, vii. c. iii. § 13 ; and Dollinger's History of the Church, ii. 164. ^ Evagrius, ii. 2. See also Milman's Latin Christianity, i. 206. * Hefele, Coneiliengesehiehte, ii. 363 ; Liberatus Diaconus, cap. 12. Liberatus, who was a deacon of Carthage, flourished in the sixth century. The Eutychian Controversy . 209 presbyter and abbot: Flavian— so soon to close his earthly course— was deposed from the patriarchal dignity; and Euse bius also was degraded. An imperial edict confirmed these decisions. The triumph of Eutyches was short. Leo I., distinguished from aE his successors of the same name by the title of The Great, now filled the episcopal chair at Eome ; and never before had it been occupied by a prelate of so lofty pretensions, or of such address, eloquence,! and political ability. At this time the Western Empire was tottering to its faU; but its increasing weakness was favourable to the growth of the papal power — as the. sovereign was often obEged to crave the aid of the Church, and, in consequence, to submit to the dictation of its most influ ential functionary. Leo had sagacity to see that the theological divisions in the East could be made avaUable for the mainten ance of his claims as the heir of Peter; he had no reason to apprehend the encroachment of the Bishop of Constantinople so long as that dignitary was engaged in a deadly struggle with the Bishop of - Alexandria ; and, as his aid was eagerly sought by each of the contending patriarchs, he might contrive to obtain from both an acknowledgment of his ecclesiastical pre-eminence. He was decidedly opposed to the views of Eutyches ; but, to a memorial transmitted from the abbot, at an early stage of the pro ceeEngs, he had returned, indirectly, a mild answer.^ When a General CouncU was proposed, after the deposition of Eutyches by the synod of Constantinople, Flavian also had appealed to the Pope by sending him an epistle deprecating the idea of such a meeting, and requesting his co-operation in an effort to prevent its convocation. Leo replied in a document displaying consum mate tact and talent. This letter, or Tome, as it is sometimes called,' is an elaborate exposition of the subject in controversy, setting forth, as the faith of the Church respecting Christ, the doctrine of one person in two distinct natures. Leo assumes that, as the bishop of the apostolic see, he had a right to issue such a manifesto ; that the ecclesiastical beEigerents were bound ! Preaching had faUen into disuse in Eome long before the time of this prelate, but he revived the practice. See Bingham, book xiv. c. iv. § 3. ^ See Dorner, div. ii. voL i. 405. See also a letter addressed to him by Leo in Binii Condi, tom. ii. p. 6. ' It is Epistle xxviii. in Migne's edition of Leo's Works, where it may be found, tom. i. 755-782. 0 2IO The Eutychian Controversy. to submit to his decision ; and that, with such a judgment for the guidance of the Church, the meeting of a General CouncU was unnecessary. We may weE suppose that Flavian must have been sadly puzzled by this missive. Though disposed, under the circumstances, to defer to Leo, and to accept an arbiter so unfa vourable to Eutyches, he must have felt that, by this mode of settlement, the claims of his see would be compromised, and the bishop of Eome distinctly acknowledged as the authori tative arbiter of ecclesiastical controversies. He was not, how ever, obEged to submit to this alternative. The second Synod of Ephesus was held in despite of his remonstrances ; and when an attempt was made in that assembly to read the letter or tome of Leo, it was set aside, on the pretence that certain other official communications of higher importance were entitled to prece dence.! Nor was this aU. The legates of the Pope who appeared on the occasion were treated with marked indignity : and one of them, whq conveyed the earEest inteUigence of the proceedings to Eome, escaped with difficulty from Ephesus. After such a pubEc affront, Leo was bound to exert himseE, with aE his influ ence, to subvert the acts of the " Eobber Synod."^ The ItaUan patriarch had not long to wait for an opportunity of testifying his dissatisfaction with the movements of the Euty- chians. It was desirable that Anatolius, the new Bishop of Constantinople, should be acknowledged in the Western Church; and Leo was accordingly requested to bestow on him the usual recognition. But the pontiff insisted, in the first instance, on the production of clear proofs of his orthodoxy. AnatoEus must , condemn the heresies of both Eutyches and Nestorius, and sub scribe, in addition to several other formularies, the letter of Leo to Flavian. Commissioners entrusted with this negotiation, who were sent from Eome to Constantinople, enabled the Pope to maintain a correspondence with those who supported his theo logical views in the Eastern capital. The progress of poEtical events hastened the overthrow of the party of Eutyches. His godson, Chrysaphius, fell into disgrace, and soon afterwards Theodosius II. died. Marcian, the new emperor, inaugurated an ^Evagrius, ii. 18. Liberatus Diaconus, cap. 12. ° This synod, according to some authorities, consisted of one hundred and thirty- five members ; and, according to others, of three hundred and sixty. See Hefele, ii. 351. The Eutychian Controversy. 21 I ecclesiastical revolution. A synod caEed by his authority, and known as the fourth CEcumenical CouncU, assembled at Chal cedon in A.D. 451, deposed Dioscorus of Alexandria, condemned Eutychianism, and adopted the letter of Leo to Flavian as a symbol of orthodoxy This famous convention, which was attended by six hundred and thirty bishops,! affirmed that Christ is " true God and true man ; that He was Eke us in all things, yet without sin; that, accorEng to His divinity. He was begotten from aU eternity, and equal to the Father ; that, accord ing to His humanity. He was born of Mary the Virgin, and Mother of God; and that He has two natures unmixed and unchanged, undivided and not separated — the distinction of natures being by no means taken away by their union." 2 The CouncU of Chalcedon did not restore peace to the spiritual commonwealth. Its resolutions were strenuously opposed by many, especially in Palestine and Egypt ; and the dissentients, who were caEed Monophysites^ or Believers in One Nature, and who are still represented by the Copts, separated from the CathoEc Church. For many years these malecontents continued to create much political disturbance, and at length, in a.d. 482, the Emperor Zeno issued an edict of union — the Henoticon*' — by which he hoped to put an end to the controversy. This formula, which contains no recognition of the CouncE of Chalcedon, adopts the creed sanctioned at Constantinople in a.d. 381, and condemns Nestorians and Eutychians. The Henoticon obtained the approval of the patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, and ¦Antioch ; but the bishop of Eome, on the ground that it involved an unholy compromise, gave it the most determined opposition ; and, in consequence, a schism, commencing in a.d. 484, divided for thirty-five years the Eastern and Western Churches. In A.D. 476 the Western Empne fell ; and in the same year a usurper, named BasUiscus, mounted in the East the throne of the ^ Binii Concilia, ii. 411. Pope Leo makes the number somewhat less : "Sexeen- torumfere fratrum coepiscoporum nostrorum synodus. " — Epist. cii. Ad. Epis. Gall. 2 Hefele, u. 453, 454. ' The Monophysites were subsequently called /acoSito, from one of their bishops. Jacobus Baradfeus, who died at Edessa A.D. 578, after having greatly promoted theb cause. The orthodox Greeks were caUed Melchites, or King's Men, as they adhered to the religion of the emperor. ^ * ''&voiTiKi>v, i.e. uniting or making one. Evagrius, iii. 12. 2 1 2 The Eutychian Controversy. successors of Augustus. BasiEscus was able to maintain his position only for a year; and Zeno, who then recovered the sovereignty, was too much occupied at home to think of engag ing abroad in a war of aggression. But, though the Eastern princes always considered that, as the legitimate heirs of the Western Empire, they had a right to wrest it from its barbarian conquerors, it was not until the early part of the sixth century that they practically asserted a title to any of its Esmembered provinces. They then saw, however, that they could scarcely hope for the recovery of Italy without concEiating the bishop of Eome ; and accordingly, to prepare the way for the restoration of feEowship between the Greek and Latin Churches, the Henoticon was superseded. But in the East the Monophysite controversy kept up a perpetual commotion. The Emperor Justinian, who reigned from a.d. 527 to a.d. 565, imagined that his great mission was to re-estabEsh ecclesiastical peace; and yet he acted with so much indiscretion, that his interference only tended to aggravate existing divisions. His queen — the intrigu ing Theodora — by whom he was governed, was secretly attached to the Monophysites ; and he was led by her to beEeve that the enemies of the CouncE of Chalcedon would be satisfied E certain parties, whose memory was pecuEarly obnoxious to them, were publicly stigmatized. The individuals thus singled out for igno miny were Theodore of Mopsuestia, the theological teacher of Nestorius ; Theodoret, bishop of Cyrus, the ecclesiastical histo rian, who had written much in support of the Ul-treated patri arch ; and Ibas of Edessa, a distinguished scholar and divine, who had published a letter reflecting on Cyril which the Mono physites could neither forgive nor forget. AE these bishops were now dead nearly a century, but theological hatred stUl continued to pursue them with unabated acerbity. In A.D. 544 Justinian published an edict, vliich has acquired an unhappy notoriety from what has been called its " Condemnation of the three Hmds or Chapters" — that is, its anathema on the person and writings of Theodore, its anathema on the writings of Theodoret against Cyril, and its anathema on the letter of Ibas. Many loudly complained of this edict as rash and unwarrantable; for it 'seemed to them absurd that men who had died in the com munion of the Church should be held up in this way to repro bation ; but Justinian rewarded the monk Eutychius with the The Eutychian Controversy . 2 1 3 patriarchal throne of Constantinople,! because he suppEed his sovereign with a new, and, as it was thought, an unanswerable argument in support of his anathemas — alleging that he thus followed in the footsteps of the good king Josiah, who ordered the very bones of the dead priests of Baal to be reduced to ashes.^ This imperial edict did not at all improve the state of pubEc feehng; and therefore, to add to its authority, Justinian con vened, at Constantinople in a.d. 553, a synod, known as the fifth General Council — which ratified his condemnation of the Three Chapters. Vigilius, bishop of Eome, consented, after some hesitation, to give his sanction to the decisions of this assembly. The Western Church had quietly concurred in the decrees of the General CouncUs of Ephesus and Chalcedon, and yet had hitherto evinced Ettle interest in the Eutychian or Monophysite' controversy. It now entered into the dispute with aE the alacrity of an eager partisan. The skEl and valour of his great general Belisarius had established the dominion of Justinian in Italy ; and the Pope soon felt the effects of the political revolution. The influence of the court of Constantinople at once predomi nated in Eome, and the Italian patriarch could no longer main tain that tone of independence he had been so long accustomed to assume when addressing the Eastern Emperor. Vigilius owed his appointment as bishop of the apostolic see to a base compact made with the Empress Theodora, by which he pledged himself to the condemnation of the Council of Chalcedon.* In a letter still extant he also undertakes to . support Eutychianism. For some time after his elevation to the papal throne he did not venture to commit himself by any open avowal of the sentiments he had promised to uphold, as he found that public opinion in the West was vehemently opposed to the Egyptian school of theology ; and when he was induced, by the pressure of imperial importunity, to act more decidedly, he encountered a most reso lute resistance. The celebrated document, entitled his Judicatum, in which he approved of the condemnation of the Three Chapters, raised a storm of indignation. By the decree of a North African ! Evagrius, iv. 38. ^ 2 Chron. xxxiv. 6. ^ The Egyptian dissenters soon refused to be called Eutychians, alleging that they did not adopt all the views of Eutyches. * Liberatus Diaconus, cap. 22. Binii Coneil. tom. ii. pars. ii. 191, 192. 214 The Eutychian Controversy. synod he was formally excommunicated.! When it was known that he had sanctioned the canons of the flfth General CouncU held at Constantinople, the dissatisfaction extended. But he died soon afterwards ; and Pope Pelagius, who succeeded him, and who adhered to his policy, was deserted by many even of the bishops of Italy. The Church of Istria, and aE connected with the metropolitan of AquEeia, renounced the feUowship of the Eoman patriarch.^ In the seventh century the controversy relating to the consti tution of the Person of the Mediator assumed a new aspect Some, who maintained that Christ has two natures, were pre pared to admit that he has only one will ; and as the Mono physites, of course, held this doctrine, it was thought that a basis of union might here be found for the reconciliation of parties so long alienated. The Emperor HeracEus was most desirous to bring about a settlement; for the Mohammedan power was advancing with amazing rapidity, and the oppressed Mono physites were disposed to haU the Saracens as Eberators. The divisions of the Church were, therefore, a source of great pohtical weakness ; and could the various parties be induced to unite in the recognition of this new statement of doctrine, the dangers which threatened the Empire from the foEowers of the false prophet might be averted or mitigated. The patriarchs of Con stantinople, Alexandria, and Antioch, approved of the project ; and Honorius, Bishop of Eome, also bestowed on it his sanction. HeracEus accordingly pubEshed, in a.d. 638, the weE-known edict, caEed the Ecthesis, or Exposition of the Faith, va. which the doctrine of One WiE is promulgated by imperial authority. But though many were anxious to terminate a controversy which had been carried on with so much bitterness for about two hundred years, this scheme proved unsuccessful ; it was soon obvious that the views of the believers in the One WiU— designated the Monothelites— wexe not destined to meet with general acceptance; and the opposition to them at length became so formidable that, in a.d. 648, the Emperor Constans II. deemed it expedient to issue an edict, known as The Type, or Model, in which the Ecthesis was repealed, and sUence imposed on the 1 Vietoris Tununensis Chronicon. Migne, Patrol. Curs. tom. Ix-riii 958. Victor was an African bishop of the sixth century, and a contemporary witness. ^ DbUinger, JTistory of the Church, ii. 188. Neander, iv. 281. The Eutychian Controversy. 215 contending theologians. This new law rather prompted than checked the zeal of the adversaries of Monpthelitism ; as they argued that the interests of orthodoxy were not to be betrayed by any such inglorious peace. Pope Martin I., a most arrogant and litigious churchman, led the opposition; and in a synod held at Eome in a.d. 649 — caEed by some the First CouncE of the Lateran — anathematized both the Ecthesis and the Type, and aE the abettors of MonotheEtism.! His insolence met with a tremendous chastisement. He was seized, by order of the enraged Emperor, and carried in chains to Constantinople — where he would have been beheaded as a traitor, had not the Eastern patriarch, who was then on his deathbed, succeeded with difficulty in obtaining a commutation of the sentence. He was, in consequence, banished to the Crimea, where he died, shortly afterwards, in extreme wretchedness. These severe measures succeeded for a time in compeUing obedience to the caprice of the sovereign ; but it became gradu aUy more and more apparent that the Type could not secure tranquillity. At length the Emperor Constantine Pogonatus resolved to summon a councU for the decision of the question of MonotheEtism ; and this convention, known as the sixth General CouncU, assembled at Constantinople in a.d. 680. The Eoman Bishop Agatho, who was desirous to act, like his predecessor Leo I., as the arbiter of ecclesiastical controversies, looked for ward to this meeting with deep anxiety ; and, as he was opposed to the doctrine of the One WUl, he laboured assiduously to secure its condemnation. In a letter to the Emperors^ he ex pounded his views on the much litigated subject. "We assert," says he, " that as our Lord Jesus Christ has two natures, so also has He wiUs — a divine and a human ; that from eternity He had the divine wiE and activity in common with the co-essential Father ; and that He assumed the human wUl from us in time along with our nature. . . . We assert that these wiUs are not contrary to, and do not conflict with each other. . . . When Christ says : ' Father, if it be possible let this cup pass ^ See his Encyclical Epistle on the subject in Migne's Patrol. Curs. tom. Ixxxvii 120-134. * The letter is addressed to Constantine, Heraclius, and Tiberius— as Constan tine Pogonatus conferred on his two brothers the name of the imperial dignity, reserving aU the real power to himself. See Gibbon, chap, xlviu. 2 1 6 The Eutychian Controversy . from Me, nevertheless not as I wiU, but as Thou wilt,'! . . . He shews here two wiEs, and that the one is indeed human, or of the flesh, whUst the other is divine. ... He who denies a human wUl in Christ wiE not acknowledge His human soul."^ Another letter addressed by Agatho to the fathers of Con stantinople, and written in the same style, was adopted by the assembled theologians as the symbol of orthodoxy. "We beEeve," said they, "that our Lord Jesus Christ is our true God; and we say that His two natures appeared in His one Person ; . . . that He exhibited in this Person both His mnacles and sufl'erings, the distinction of natures being preserved, inasmuch as each nature, in conjunction with the other, wUled and wrought that which was proper to itself Thus we confess two natmal wiUs and operations mutually concurring for the salvation of the human race."' The letter of Agatho would not have been so signaUy honoured by this Eastern Synod, had not the aspect of the poEtical horizon suggested to the Greek Emperor the prudence of cultivating the favour of the Western patriarch. The Saracens were stiE ex tending then conquests ; the Imperial power in Italy was' on the decline ; and the social influence of the Pope was, therefore, not to be disregarded. But the gratiflcation derived by Agatho from the condemnation of the doctrine of the One WUl was not without aUoy; for, among the Monothelite heretics anathema tized by this oecumenical council, was his own predecessor Pope Honorius.* The decision now adopted almost put an end to the controversy. From this date MonotheEtism languished; and though, about thirty years afterwards, the Emperor PhUippicus Bardanes endeavoured to promote its revival, the attempt was soon abandoned.^ 1 Matt. xxvi. 39. ^ Epistola ad Augustos Imperatores. Patrol. Cursus, tom. Ixxxvii. 1168, 1176,- 1180, edit. Migne. * Binii Concilia, iii. 186. ' The Eoman Catholic Dupin defends the acts of this council against the groundless attacks of Pighius and Baronius. "These writers," says he, "could not endure to see Pope Honorius' name among the heretics condemned in this council, and that was the cause that moved the one openly to attack the acts of the council very rudely, and the other to charge them with corruption." History of Ecclesiastical Writers, Seventh Century, Third CouncU of Constantinople. See also DoUinger, u. 196, 202 ; and Hefele, iii. 264-284. * See Dorner, div. ii. vol. i. 206. The Eutychian Controversy. 217 The great apostle has taught us tha,t the weapons of the Chris tian's warfare are not carnal ; but the Church has been slow to learn this important, though simple, lesson. When it has been ignored, how much misery has been the result ! The sanctuary of conscience has been violated; brute force has suppEed the place of conviction ; and civE war has converted smiling land scapes into flelds of blood and terror. Had the parties in the Eutychian controversy been confined to the use of spiritual weapons, the Church would have avoided much scandal, and the State would have escaped much confusion. History would not have been obUged to record the disgraceful scenes of the "Eobber Synod," or to report the base tergiversation of Pope VigUius. By their wanton interference in ecclesiastical affairs the Greek Emperors kept themselves in a state of almost perpetual turmoil. Every one of then theological edicts generated new heart-burn ings and new disorders. The Henoticon rent asunder the Eastern and Western Churches ; the condemnation of the three chapters embroiled whole provinces ; in ten years it was found necessary to repeal the Ecthesis ; and the publication of the Type only made " confusion worse confounded." The Empire was weakened by the absurd means employed to promote reE gious peace, and the Nestorians and Monophysites haUed the Saracens as their deEverers from Christian oppression. By foohshly dabbling in matters which they should have left to the courts of the Church, and by employing the secular power in support of ecclesiastical decisions, the Emperors compassed themselves about with sparks of their own kindling, and aggra vated the rancour of theological contention. Christ came to promote peace on earth and good wUl towards men ; and every system of poEcy which aims at the advancement of His king dom by the establishment of a reign of terror is condemned by the spirit of His religion. 2 1 8 The Lord's Day. SECTION III. WOESHIP AND CONSTITUTION OF THE CHUECH. CHAPTEE I. THE LOED'S day. The controversy relating to the Lord's Day, which has been revived from time to time in England since the reign of Queen EEzabeth, involves some very grave issues ; but, as occasionaUy conducted, it may seem Ettle better than a war of words. It must be admitted, on aE hands, that the day has been kept, without interruption, since the age of the apostles; and it is equally clear that, ia the times of primitive Christianity, it was regarded as a divine institute. A heathen author,! writing im mediately after the close of the first century, mentions its observance by the professors of the new faith ; one of the earhest of the fathers speaks of it as the Sabbath of the Church ;2 and another, a few years later, tells us that it was honoured by the disciples, wherever found.' Its very name indicates its character. As the "Lord's House"* is a buEEng dedicated to His service, and as the " Lord's Supper"^ is an ordinance celebrated m remembrance of His mercy, so the "Lord's Day"^ is a season which He claims as His own, and which is to be employed in the pubEc and private exercises of His worship. Whatever may be our explanation of the fact, we must acknowledge that, as the dispensation of the gospel superseded the dispensation of the law, so the Lord's Day supplanted the Jewish Sabbath. For a time, the Christians of Jewish descent kept the last as weE as the first day of the week ; and even in the fourth or fifth century there are traces of this double ob- ' Plinii Epist. x. Ep. 97. ^ ' ' Consider what He means by it — the Sabbaths, says he, which ye now keep are not acceptable unto Me. . ; . For which cause we observe the eighth day.' Ejrist. of Barnabas, xv. ^ Justin Martyr, Apol. u. * OTkos Kvptov, Septuagint, 1 Sam. i. 7, 24, ' KvptaKiv Semvov, 1 Cor. xi. 20. ^ ij Ku/jiaxi) ri/iipa, Eev. i. 10. The Lord's Day. 219 servance;! but, from the apostoUc age downwards, the Lord's Day alone was respected by the great majority of beEevers. It has often been taken for granted that the Jewish Sabbath was a day of gloom— whereas, when celebrated by a pious IsraeEte, E was far otherwise ; to him it suggested bright hopes and pleasant recoEections; he caEed it "a delight"^ and rejoiced before the Lord his Maker; and, from the beginning, the Lord's Day was also deemed a holy festival. "Sunday we give to joy," says TertuUian.' " On the Lord's Day," says he again, " we should avoid every care-inspiring habit and duty, and postpone even worldly business, that we may not give any place to the devil"* The Jewish Sabbath was "the holy of the Lord;"^ "the Lord's Day" is the same. The Jewish Sabbath was the day of " holy convocation;"" the Lord's Day is the season appointed of God when we are not to forsake "the assembEng of ourselves to gether."'' The Jewish Sabbath was a rest from bodUy labour; so is the Lord's Day. When addressing the heathen, the early Christians caEed the first day of the week Sunday;^ but, among themselves, it was known by the name given to it in the Apocalypse.^ They pre ferred this designation to any other, and it was speciaEy appro priate. Many of them had been accustomed from infancy to speak of the last day of the week as the Sabbath ; it stiE retained that title; and the sudden transference of the Jewish nomen clature would have been attended with inconvenience and con fusion. But it is abundantly clear that they considered the Lord's Day as their Sabbath — their weekly rest — their stated time for special feEowship with God, for religious instruction, and for Christian intercourse. They maintained that aU the ten commandments are stUl obligatory;!" and though, for the first ' As in the Apostolic Constitutions, bk. v. See also Bingham, xiii. ch. ix. § 3. ^ Isa. Iviii. 13. ' Apol. xvi. * De Orat. xxui = Isa. Iviii. 13. " Levit. xxui. 3. ' Heb. x. 25. * Kaye's Ecc. Hist, illustrated from the writings of Tertullian, 412. » Eev. i. 10. '" Thus we read in Irenseus — " Decalogi quidem verba ipse per semetipsum omnibus similiter Dominus looutus est ; et ideo similiter permanent apud nos, extensionem et augmentum, sed non dissolutionem accipientia per carnalem ejus adventum," lib. iv. 16, § 4, Opera, 1018, Migne ed. In like manner Tertullian speaks of our Lord as "imparting to the Sabbath Day itself, which from the beginning had been consecrated by the benediction of the Eather, a7i additional sanctity by His own beneficent action." Tertullian, Against Marcion, iv. 12. 2 20 The Lord's Day. three centuries— when they were under heathen governors, a minority of the population, and a proscribed sect — they must have often been prevented from duly observing their sacred ordinances, they always recognized the first day of the week as a season which they should remember to keep holy. " For the eighth," says Clemens Alexandrinus, "comes to be properly the seventh, and the seventh manifestly the sixth ; and the one (the eighth) to be properly a Sabbath, and the seventh a working day."^ In various appointments of the Old Testament, such as in the time for circumcision, the early fathers found types and shadows of the Christian institute.^ MeEto of Sardis, one of the most distinguished theologians of the second century, wrote a treatise "On the Lord's Day;"' and, though the work is now lost, the fact of its composition attests the importance then attached to the discussion of the subject. According to Origen, one of the marks of " the perfect Christian" is " the keeping of the Lord's Day;"* and the same writer undertakes to show that the weekly festival of the Church is better than its Jewish predecessor. " I wish," says he, "to compare our Lord's Day with the Sabbath of the Jews. For from the divine Scriptures it appears that on the Lord's Day the manna was first given to the earth. For if, as the Scripture says, it was collected in six continuous days, but on the seventh day, which is the Sabbath, it ceased, it un doubtedly began on the first day, which is the Lord's Day ; so that if, from the divine Scriptures it appears that on the Lord's Day, God rained manna from heaven, and did not rain it on the Sabbath, let the Jews understand that even then our Lord's Day was preferred to the Jewish Sabbath — even then it was inEcated that on their Sabbath no grace of God would descend on them from heaven, no celestial bread, which is the word of God, would come to them."^ ' Strom, lib. vi. tom. ii. 366, Migne's ed. ^ Justin Martyr, Dialogue with Trypho, 41. 3 Euseb. iv. 26. * Contra Celsum, viii. 22. ^ Hom. vii. § 6, in Exod. Opera, ii. 345, ed. Migne. The sophistry of this reasoning is quite transparent ; but it is plain from it that, in the opinion of Origen, the Lord's Day has even higher claims than the Jewish Sabbath. Another passage from this writer has sometimes been quoted in illustration of this subject. (Hom. xxiii. § 4, in Num. Opera, ii 749-50.) He there speaks of "the observa tion oi the Christian Sabbath;" but it cannot be clearly shown that he refers to the Lord's Day. It is, however, remarkable that in 'the Church of Ethiopia— a daughter of the Church of Alexandria to which Origen belonged — the Lord's Day The Lord's Day. 221 During the long night of persecution which preceded the recognition of the Gospel by Constantine, the disciples often painfully felt that their position interfered with the enjoyment of their weekly rest; and the first Christian Emperor, by the promulgation of an edict enjoining its observance, rendered them a most substantial service ; for they were thus no longer subject to the mercantile and other disadvantages under which a sect, abstaining from business on a day kept only by itself, must necessarUy labour. The edict was, no doubt, cautiously ex pressed ; it did not even acknowledge their religion;! and yet in places where the Christians most abounded — in the towns and cities of the Empire — its beneficial operation must at once have been appreciated ; as it required the courts of law and the work shops to be closed, and business to be discontinued. The agri cultural population — still almost entirely pagan — were permitted on Sunday to pursue their husbandry; but, in granting this license, Constantine appears to have acted in accordance with his own views of political expediency, and not in obedience to the promptings of Christian advisers. His confidential ecclesi astical counseller, Eusebius the historian, would have taught him that the law of the fourth commandment applied to the first day of the week. " The Word," says he, " by the New Testa ment has transferred and transposed the feast of the Sabbath'^ . . . and handed down to us, as an image of the true rest, the [day] of salvation, the Lord's [Day], the first day of light. . . . On this day, being the day of Eght, and the first [day], and [the day] of the true sun, we ourselves also, assembling after an in terval of six days, celebrate the holy and spiritual Sabbath."' Athanasius, another contemporary of Constantine and the greatest theologian of his age, also bears unequivocal testimony to the was designated ' ' the Christian Sabbath "at an early period. See Piatt's Ethiopic Didascalia, or Ethiopic Version of the Apostolical Constitutions, p. 99, London, 1834. 1 See Sect. L Chap. I. of this Period, p. 65. ^ MeTT)7a7e Ka.1 fierarideiKe r'tjv rod XaB^drov eopr^v. ' Dr. Hessey affirms that "in no passage" of any writer of the fourth or fifth century "is there any hint of the transfer of the Sabbath to the Lord's Day." Bampton Lectures for 1860, p. 114. The testimony in the text, taken from Eusebius on the Psalms [Psa. xci. (xcii). Opera, v. 1169, Migne ed.], as well as other passages quoted in this chapter and entirely overlooked by the Bampton lecturer, may convince every candid reader that he has not carefully consulted original authorities. 2 22 The Lord's Day. claims of the Lord's Day. According to this father, the Sabbath was originally instituted, not as a season of inactivity, but as a means of attaining a better knowledge of the Creator.! He teUs us that the Jewish Sabbath — the end of the old creation — has become defunct ; and that the Lord's Day — the commencement of the new creation — has taken its place.^ He discovers an aEusion to the Christian institute in the title of the sixth Psalm.' In the 24th verse of the 118th Psalm he recognizes a still more distinct reference. " This," says the Psalmist, " is the day which the Lord has made." "What can this be," asks Athanasius, "but the day of the resurrection of the Lord — the day which brought salvation to aE nations — the day on which the stone rejected by the builders became the head of the corner ?"* Ambrose of MUan, another of the most eminent divines of the fourth century, expresses himself in much the same strain. He contrasts the existing Lord's Day of the Gospel with the obsolete Sabbath of the law ; and occasionally appEes to the Christian ordinance the name given to the seventh day in the fourth com- mandment.5 Epiphanius speaks even more explicitly; for he transfers to the first day of the week the language of the decalogue. " This," says he, " is the day which God blessed and sanctified, because in it He ceased from aE His labour, when He had perfectly accomplished the salvation, as well of those who are on the earth, as of those under the earth." ^ In the same spirit, Gregory of Nyssa, writing towards the close of the fourth century, describes the festival of the resurrection as " the Sab bath, the day of rest, which God blessed above other days."'' Augustine also speaks of the Lord's Day as an ordinance of Divine appointment ;' though he beEeved that the fourth com- ^ De Sabbatis et Circumcisione, § 3, Opera, iv. 136, Migne ed. 2 De Sabbat. § 4, 5. ^ Upon Sheminith, or Upon the Eighth. Athan. Expositio in Ps. vi. Opera, iii. 75. * Expositio in Ps. cxvii. (cxviii.) v. 24, Opera, iu. 479, Migne ed. = In Ps. xlvu. § 1. * Hom. in Die Resur. Christi, Opera, iii. 468, Migne ed. Petavius is of opinion that this Homily is not the work of the bishop of Salamis, but of another writer of the same name. Dupin and others are disposed to receive -it as- the genuine production of the bishop of Salamis. ' In Christ. Resur. Orat. i. Opera, iii. 601, Migne ed. ^ "Eum Dominus suae resurrectionis gloria consecravit." Sermo. ccxxi. Opera,, V. 1090. The Lord's Day. 223 mandment appEed literally only to the Jewish Sabbath.! Chry sostom maintains the divine authority of the seventh day festival. " God," says he, " has taught us from the beginning that, within the compass of a week, one whole day is to be set apart and consecrated to spiritual works." ^ These views of the day of rest were sustained by the decisions of the Church and the laws of the Empire. The CouncU of Ehberis, held in a.d. 305, decreed that any one who absented himself from pubEc worship for three Lord's Days in succession should be suspended from ecclesiastical privileges.' The Council of Nice, assembled twenty years afterwards, ordained that, on the Lord's Day, the people should pray standing^ — a posture deemed more suitable than kneeEng for those who celebrated a church festival. The Council of Laodicea interdicted manual labour, except in cases of necessity, on the first day of the week.^ Con stantine anticipated the law relating to it, already noticed, by ordaining that slaves, instead of being required, as in times past, to go before the magistrate for manumission, might formaUy ob tain it on the Lord's Day at the church in presence of the Christian congregation. ^ He also required his soldiers at this season to rest from military exercises.'' According to an enact ment of Valentinian and Valens no debt could be legally exacted from a Christian on the sacred day' Theodosius the Great still farther provided for its observance by prohibiting the transaction of aE secular business, and by abolishing the Sunday games and spectacles which had so long afforded amusement to the multi tude.' But it was found exceedingly Efiicult to enforce such legislation. The people loved their sports more than their religion ; and, even when the prince of Christian orators was preaching in Constantinople, many of the citizens sometimes resorted to the ' "In lege, quse duabus lapideis tabulis conscripta est, solum inter Cfetera in umbra figurte positum est, in qua Judsei Sabbatum observant." De Spiritu et Litera, xv. Opera, x. 218, Migne ed. See also x. 594. " In cap. i. Genes. Homil. xi. Opera, iv. pars prior. 89, Migne ed. ' Canon 21. * Canon 20. "In Dominico die stantes oramus, quod est signum futures resurrectionis." Isidore of SeviUe, De Eccles. Offidis, lib. i c. 24. 5 Canon 29. ' This law was made in a.d. 316. ' Euseb. Life of Constantine, iv. 18. 8 God. Theod. viii. 8, 1, ed. Haenel, 1842, c. 754. 0 Cod.' Theod. xv. 5, 2, ed. Haenel, c. 1462. 2 24 The Lord's Day. theatre rather than the Church. Chrysostom bitterly complains that, during his ministry in the Eastern capital, the holy day was thus desecrated. ! In the sixth, seventh, and eighth centuries, the keeping of the weekly rest was inculcated by divines, enjoined by councUs, and made compulsory by royal regulations. The second Council of Maqon, held in a.d. 585, forbids any one "on the Lord's Day, under plea of necessity, to put a yoke on the necks of his cattle ; " and declares that aE should then be occupied " with mind and body in the hymns and the praise of God. For this," say these fathers, "is the day of perpetual rest — this is shadowed out to us by the seventh day in the law and the prophets."^ Theodore, archbishop of Canterbury, who flourished about a century later, assures us that the Greeks and Latins agreed in their mode of Ivceping Sunday — that they neither baked nor bathed on it — that they then made no use of a vehicle, except to convey themselves to church — and that they did not indulge on that day in boating or riding.' Ina, king of Wessex, who commenced his reign shortly before the death of Theodore, guarded the observation of the day by very stringent enactments.* An English council, held in a.d. 697, affixed a severe penalty to its violation by a freeman, and imposed a fine on any master who compeEed his servant to work between sunset on Saturday and the corresponding hour on Sunday.^ In several parts of Western Europe the Lord's Day was then understood to be comprehended within these Emits.^ The multiplication of hoEdays interfered greatly with the due observance of this weekly religious festival ; but stUl, even in ages of increasing darkness, its claims were, to some extent ' See his Life by Neander, i. 209, London, 1845. ^ Canon I. Isidore of Seville, writing in the early part of the seventh century, thus speaks on this subject: " Quique ideo Dominicus dies appelatur, ut in eo a terrenis operibus vel mundi illecebris abstinentes, tantum divinis cultibus ser- viamus, dantes scilicet huic diei honorem, et reverentiam propter spem resurrec tionis no.strae, quam habemus in illo." De Eccles. Offic. lib. i. cap. xxiv. § i. ' Pcenitentiale, cap. viii. ; Patrologiai Curs. xcix. 931, edit. Migne. See this confirmed by Gregory of Nyssa, in Resur. Orat. iii. ; Opera, iii. 657, Migne edit 4 See Sect. IV. Chap. I. of this Period. * Spelman's Concilia, i. 195, 196. « The Druids with the Gauls and Germans, as well as the Jews, reckoned tune from evening to evening. Jackson's Chronological Antiquities, i. 19, London, 1752. The Lord's Day. 225 acknowledged both theoretically and practically. It was kept more or less strictly according to the state of piety in the Church, or the zeal and enUghtenment of the instructors of the people — for the Christian teachers in all places did not equally appreciate its character and obligations. But, because in the seventh and eighth centuries the legislation relating to it was so stern and so exacting, it does not follow that it was then held in greater reverence than in the ages preceding ; for the Sunday statutes of that period are rather evidences of the advancing barbarism of the times, and of the growing authority of ecclesiastics as states men and law-makers. The blessings which this holy day has conferred upon the world are as varied as they are solid and enduring. The wearied beast, as weE as the worn-out hireling, feels its advantages. Its infiuence, even as a sanitary ordinance, iEustrates the wisdom and benignity of its divine author. The Lord's Day is a per petual remembrancer of the duties which we owe to Him in whom we live, and move, and have our being. Without it a worse than Egyptian darkness would speedily overspread the Christian community. Without it, neither could the communion of saints be maintained, nor could religious knowledge be syste matically and readily disseminated. No wonder that sceptics and infidels have ever cherished such a bitter antipathy to the institute ! They constantly feel its power as the muniment of a hated faith. The Lord's Day, the ministry of the Gospel, and the Bible, are the three grand ordinances set up by the God of heaven for the enlightenment and renovation of a world lying in wickedness. The spirit of the Lord's Day has often been strangely miscon ceived. By some the day has been frittered down into Ettle better than a time of recreation ; by others it has been converted into a season of oppressive austerity. Its very name attests that if is desecrated when dissipated in amusement; and the fact that it was kept originally as a day of joy proves that its character is misunderstood when it is made a day of mortifica tion. Let it not be deemed unseemly should a smile now irra diate the countenance ; and let it not be thought unwarrantable should the admirer of the beautiful and the good now gaze with deUght on the glory of creation. If the day commemorates the rest of God when He finished the works which He had made, is p 2 26 The Lord's Day. it not most appropriate that we should now survey these works with wonder, love, and praise ? The Lord's Day is not a fast,! but a festival; and why, therefore, should the body now fare worse than at other times ? The day should be given to God ; it should be devoted to reEgious improvement ; but the outward appliances needful to promote health and cheerfulness should not be neglected, so that we may enjoy it at once as a day of rest from bodUy labour and of earthly care, and as a day of spiri tual refreshment. If rightiy spent, it should be the happiest day of aE the seven. Those who maintain that the Lord's Day is not the Sabbath find it difficult to explain wherein these institutions substantiaUy differ. The Lord's Day, according to the Eteral meaning of the designation, is to be kept holy to the Lord ; and, as a divine appointment, its claims have been acknowledged from the earliest antiquity. The seventh day of the Israelites was, no doubt, to be observed with minute care, and its violation was to be visited with a tremendous penalty. A Jew could not kindle a fire on the Sabbath ; ^ and, according to the judicial law, the transgressor of the fourth commandment was to be stoned to death.' These, however, were arrangements confined to the peculiar people ; and they have accordingly passed away along with the other regulations of the Mosaic economy. But " the Sabbath was made for man;"'^ in an age when the hum of industry is heard aE over the world its rest is even more required than when the Israelites were settled in the land of promise; and, as a portion of time set apart for spiritual improvement, it is stUl absolutely necessary. All the other precepts of the decalogue are confessedly of perpetual obEgation, and, if the . fourth commandment is no longer binding, why has it been placed among them ? Why, like the others, was it pronounced by God Himself, and written on a table of stone? and why, since the days of the apostles, has it been recognized by the Church Catholic as a part of the moral law.° To such questions, those ¦¦ " It is a great scandal to fast on the Lord's Day. " Augustine, Epist. xxxvi. 12 ; Opera, ii. 148, Migne edit. ' Exod. xxxv. 3. ' Exod. xxxi. 15 ; Numb. xv. 32-36. * Mark. ii. 27. = Even Augustine, who speaks as loosely on this subject as any of the fathers, does not venture to say that the fourth commandment has ceased to be obligatory. The Worship of the Chtirch. , 227 who hold that the fourth commandment is a merely ceremonial ordinance have never been able to give anything like a suffi cient answer. The title "The Lord's Day" reminds us that one day in seven is stiU to be given to our Creator ; and that therefore "there remaineth the keeping of a Sabbath to the people of God." CHAPTEE II. THE WOESHIP OF THE CHUECH, The recognition of the Gospel by Constantine inaugurated a new era in the history of sacred architecture. During the Diocletian persecution, places of Christian worship had been everywhere pulled down ; but the adoption of their religion by the sovereign inspned the disciples with fresh zeal; and forthwith more spacious and ornamental edifices appeared all over the empire. Ecclesi astical architecture was generously patronised by Constantine. He erected not a few buddings at his own expense ; and some . of these churches emulated the magnificence of the far-famed temples of heathenism.! The ecclesiastical structures of this period exhibited no little variety in the details of then arrangement ; but they consisted, generaUy speaking, of three principal divisions — the Chancel or Sanctuary, the Nave or body of the building, and the Porch or Vestibule. The Chancel, which was commonly the eastern ex tremity of the church and of a semi-circular form, was sur rounded by an enclosure of lattice-work,^ and occupied by the clergy. Here, at the waE and in the middle, stood the episcopal But he virtually sets it aside by teaching that it is now to be understood only spiritually. ' ' Praiceptum de Sabbato, quod carnaliter Judaei celebrant, nos spiritualiter agnoscamus." Sermo. ix. Opera, v. 80. He inculcates the observ ance of the Lord's day ; but he does not see that this day is the Sabbath under another name. His idea is, " Hie vere observat Sabbatum, qui non peccat. " fierm. cclxx. Opera, v. 1242. He insists, notwithstanding, most strenuously on the continued authority of the decalogue. " Quis est tam impius, qui dicat ideo sc ista legis (Decalogi) non custodire prsecepta, quia est ipse Christianus, nee sub lege, sed sub gi-atia constitutus ? " Contra duos epistolas Pelag. lib. iii. 10, Opera, x. 694, Migne ed. ^ See Eusebius, Ecc. Hist. x. 4 ; and Life of Constantine, iii. 50. ^ From this lattice-work (eanccUi) the word chancel is derived. 2 28 The Worship of the Church. throne; on each side of it were the seats of the presbyters. Immediately in front of the bishop's chair, and at a short dis tance from it, was the communion table, better known by the designation of the altar. The preacher usuaUy placed himseE before it when he addressed the congregation. The Nave was appropriated to the use of the members of the church ; the sexes were separated ; ! and, where gaUeries were not provided for the females, the seats allotted to them on the ground floor were not unfrequently distingnished by then somewhat higher elevation. Near the middle of the Nave was a platform ascended by steps called the Ambo? There the lectors appeared when they read the Scriptures to the people, and there the singers stood when they conducted the psalmody. The Vestibule — separated by a raUing from the Nave — was assigned to those who did not enjoy the privilege of church feUowship. Here might be seen one grade of penitents, and such Jewish and GentUe strangers as were induced by curiosity, or some other motive, to attend the service. At the entrance was a laver, or fountain, where the worshippers washed their hands' before going into the interior ¦ of the edifice. One of the side buUdings was the Baptistery, in which the initiatory rite of the Christian Church was ad ministered. In the apostoHc age baptism was often dispensed before a promiscuous multitude;* and no law prevented individuals un connected with the Church from witnessing the observance of the Lord's Supper. But, towards the close of the second century, these ordinances began to be called mysteries; and, the more effectually to hedge them round with awe, none save communi cants were suffered to be present at their celebration. Thus it was that, in the fourth century, the ritual was divided into two ' parts — the service of the catechumens and tlu service of the faith- • Chrysostom admits that originally the males and females sat together. See Bingham, book viii. c. v. § 6. ^ From iva^atvoi, to ascend. 5 This custom was perhaps taken originally from the Jews. See Ex. xl. 31. As the heathen entered their temples they were sprinkled with lustral water, and the Church eventually adopted this rite. The holy water of the heathen was simply "a mixtm-e of salt with common water, and the form of the sprinkling brush, caUed by the ancients aspersorium, or aspergillum, much the same" as Eomish priests now use. Middletou's Letter from Eome. * Acts ii. 41, xvi. 15. The Worship of the Church. 229 fuiy The service of the catechumens consisted chiefly of the reading of the Scriptures and preaching. Strangers, whether Pagans or Jews, as well as candidates for baptism, might attend this part of the worship. At its close they withdrew, and the service of the faithful proceeded. Devotional exercises of praise and prayer prepared the members of the Church for approaching the communion table and partaking of the Eucharist. But when time had brought about other changes, the distinction between the service of the catechumens and the service of the faithful also became obsolete. In primitive times the whole congregation joined in the psalmody; but, as zeal declined, a fastidious taste found undue encourage ment ; and the ordinary worshippers became more and more dis posed to remain silent during this service. About the begin ning of the fourth century, a new class of church officers, called cantors, was instituted ; and the singing was graduaUy appropri ated by these trained choristers. Ambrose, Bishop of MUan, patronised a style of sacred music which soon became exceed ingly popular, as it was distinguished by its superior melody and modulation; and, upwards of two centuries later, Gregory the Great of Eome introduced the chant with which his name is still associated. The Gregorian chant could only be performed by a carefuUy educated choir ; so that, when it came into use, the people could no longer blend their voices in the service of song. The Psalms of David were stiE commonly employed; 2 but the poetry of uninspired authors was not excluded ; for hynms composed by HEary, Ambrose,' Augustine, and others, were often heard in the congregation.* During the period before us organ.ci wprp. rnpna-pQlly nnVnnwn at least in tbi?_ Western Churnb.s a.nd tbp. pnnlmndy wti'i ""udiirted without the aid of a,nv instrnmRntal an.n.nynppnimPTit. ^ Missa catechumenomm et missa fidelium. The word missa, from which our mass is derived, came into use as early as the fourth century. It is employed by Ambrose. "When the service of the catechumens ended, one of the clergy made the announcement : " Ite, missa est," i.e. Go away, the congregation is dismissed. Hence the service itself began to be known by this technical designation. ^ Bingham, book xiv. c. i. § 2. ' See Isidore of Seville, De Ecc. Off. i. 6. * Bincham, xiv. i § 17. The Te Deum was composed in the fifth or sixth cen tury, probably by some Gallic poet. See Palmer's Orig. Liturg. i. 256, and StUlingfleet's Orig. Britannicce, 227, London, 1840. = Bingham, book viu. c. vii. § 14 ; Kurtz, p. 347. The organ is said to have 230 The Worship of the Church. The early Christian ministers were not restricted to any pre scribed forms of prayer. Their petitions varied according to circumstances, and, when the heart was full, they did not find it difficult to pour forth their feeEngs in appropriate utterances. But they generally adhered to a certain order of worship;! and as they repeated from time to time such prayers as they deemed seasonable, there was a considerable amount of sameness in the language of their public devotions. When heresies became rife, the cathoEc clergy, to guard the purity of communion, agreed on a common formula of questions to be addressed to canEdates for baptism ; and thus something Eke the germ of a Eturgy origi nated ; but, during the first three centuries, the reading of prayers was stiE unknown among Christians.^ The first prayer pre scribed by pubEc authority was probably a formula drawn up by Constantine for the use of his army' The new position acquired by ministers of the Gospel in the reign of this emperor led to extensive changes. Crowds of merely nominal converts, who carried their heathen tastes and prejuEces along with them, flocked into the Church; and not a few of them at once gained admission into ecclesiastical offices.* These hireEng pastors, been known in England towards the close of the seventh century. See Soame'a Anglo-Saxon Church, p. 276, and Hook's Archbishops of Canterbury, i. 198. 1 Bunsen has done much to mystify this subject by confounding an order of worship and a liturgy ; but surely there is a -wide diiference between a iixed form of prayer and a general arrangement of the service. Whilst Bunsen admits that " free prayer" was anciently and generally used even in the communion service (Hippolytus and his Age, iii. p. 63), he speaks of liturgies as possessing an anti quity of "upwards of seventeen hundred years" (ibid. iv. 139). He tells us that " in the second century, and even in the third, every town of any consideration had certainly its own service" (ibid. iv. 160), and yet he has pubUshed what he caUs the " Church and House-Book of the Early Christians," as if they all adhered to one formulary. This Church and House-Book is merely his own version of the spurious Apostolical Constitutions ; but some writers, who should have known better, have recently quoted it as a genuine document of the Ante- Nicene period! ^ Palmer's Origines lAturgicae, i. 9, 121, London, 1846. If no liturgy was then written, none could have been read. s Eusebius, Life of Constantine, iv. 18, 19. Every Lord's Day the troops, drawn up in order in the open field were, on a signal given, to repeat this prayer all together. The prayer asserts the Being, Unity, Power, and Goodness of God ; and the pagan soldiers were all obliged to repeat it. The Christian soldiers were at liberty to attend the Church. The Pagans were in the habit of repeating their liturgies after the officiating minister. See Peter HeyUn's Eccles. Vindic., p. 83, London, 1681. <• See Second Canon of the Council of Nice. See also Neander, iii. 203-5. The Worship of the Church. 231 destitute of scriptural knowledge and spiritual experience, were obliged to borrow the forms of prayer employed by others ; but they could not so readUy commit them to memory ; and as they were accustomed in the days of their paganism to the reading of a liturgy,! ^j^gy imported that usage into the assemblies of the faithful. The growth of the hierarchical spirit and the jealousies created by the theological controversies of the times contributed to recommend the arrangement; for, with a view to promote uniformity and check heresy, metropoEtans began to insist that only such prayers as had their special approbation should be rehearsed by the ecclesiastics within the bounds of their juris- diction.2 Some of the petitions offered up by the more iEiterate clergy were not very agreeable to persons of education and refine ment; and thus an additional argument was supplied for the adoption of carefully prepared formiUaries. Ambrose, Basil, Chrysostom, and other -distinguished fathers of the fourth cen tury are the reputed authors of ancient liturgies ; and, though perhaps they had only a share in their compilation,' it is cer tain that such helps to devotion were then quite current. Churchmen maintained that the general use of a common Prayer Book tended much to advance the cause of catholic unity ; and thus it happened that the liturgies of Eome, MUan, Constanti nople, and a few other great sees, were by degrees very widely adopted. The first draft or outline of the Eoman liturgy is said to have been made by a scholastic, or man of learning, of whom nothing more is known.* Pope Leo the Great, who died in a.d. • ' " The magic and thoroughly formal character of the Eoman religion . . . is discerned ... in the contents of the Roman formulae of prayer. Everything here depended on the words used — a mistake might render the whole prayer inoperative ; but, if the formula was pronounced correctly, without a wrong word, an omission or addition, aU disturbing causes and things of evil import being kept at a distance the while, then was success assured, independently of the intention of the person praying. Hence, as Pliny tells us, the highest officers of state, during religious acts, had the formula read before them from u. ritual, one priest being obliged to follow attentively each word as it was pronounced, and another to keep silence among the assistants. The Gentile and the Jew by DbUinger, ii. p. 75, London, 1862. 2 Bingham, ii. c. xvi. § 22. Isidore of Seville tells us that the Greeks were the first to compose prayers — "quasque (preces) primi Graeci cceperunt componere. " De Ecc. Off. i. 8. ' Palmer's Orig. Liturg. i. 68, 74, 76. * Palmer, i. 114. Gregory I. apparently refers to this scholastic in his letter 232 The Worship of the Church. 461, probably composed some of its parts,! and Gelasius, one of his successors, submitted it to a thorough revision ;2 but Pope Gi;e- gory, who flourished about the beginning of the seventh century, made stUl more extensive alterations. His Canon of the Mass was much admired; and owing- partly to this circumstance, and partly to the powerful influence of the great Italian bishop, this form was at length generaEy used throughout Western Chris tendom. Oral instruction formed originaEy the most prominent duty of Apostles and Evangelists. In the New Testament, most of the names by which those admitted to the pastoral office are known, such as teachers,' ministers of the W^ord,* and preachers of the Gospel,^ specially refer to its highest function. In the ancient Church bishops were ordinarUy the only preachers ; and, as such dignitaries were to be found only in the towns after the estab lishment of diocesan episcopacy, a sermon was rarely to be heard in a rural district. But, in the course of ages, a great change took place in aU the arrangements of the Church. Presbyters began to preach;'^ and then deacons were permitted to undertake the same service.'^ In some places, however, this part of pubEc worship gradually feE into abeyance. As free prayer was superseded by a liturgy, rituaEsm nearly extin guished preaching. Even in the beginning of the fifth century, an exposition of the Gospel, in an address from the pulpit, was never heard in Eome.' Leo the Great, who revived the practice of sermonizing in the ecclesiastical metropolis of the West, to the Bishop of Syracuse, Epist. lib. ix. Ep. xii. Migne's Patrol Curs. Ixxrii. 957. It is said that there was no written liturgy in use at Eome in the begin ning of the fifth century. Hence the Greeks boast that their liturgy— that ascribed to BasU — is more ancient than the Eoman. See The Origin and Germ- position of the Roman Catholic Liturgy, by Ivan Borovnitsky, p. 12, London, 1863. 1 Palmer, i. 118. ^ Ibid. i. 116. ' Eph. iv. 11 ; Acts xiii. 1. * Luke i. 2. " Matt. iv. 23 ; 1 Tim. u. 7. ^ Augustine is said to have been the first African presbyter who preached when the bishop was present. See Potter on Church Government, p. 154, London, 1839. ^ Bingham, ii c. xx. § 11. ^ Ibid. xiv. c. iv. § 3. The Worship of the Church. 233 acquired much reputation by delivering discourses — seldom more than from eight to ten minutes long.! Gregory the Great also signalised himself by his labours as a preacher; but few popes foEowed their example, and, throughout the West, the teaching of the people, by means of addresses in the Church, was very much neglected. In the East, where pulpit oratory was more cultivated, and where the preacher sometimes occu pied the attention of his auditory for upwards of an hour,^ the sermons were often calculated rather to entertain than to edify. When narrating the history of the Nestorian controversy, we have seen how, during this part of the service, the people some times deviated far from the sobriety so becoming in the house of God. As the speaker proceeded with a popular discourse he was greeted with stamping of feet, waving of handkerchiefs, and shouts of acclamation ; and, when he happened to offend his congregation, he had to encounter a volley of contradictions or a storm of hisses.' When the Church was thus transformed into a theatre, and when the Gospel was treated as an .ordinary mes sage, it was not to be expected that the auditors could derive much profit from the service, or depart under very serious impressions. In relation to baptism, the Church of the fourth century was in a rather anomalous position. Many infants were baptized ; but the chEdren of Christian parents often reached maturity, and sometimes old age, before they received the ordinance. Since the rise of Montanism an impression prevailed that grievous sins committed after baptism could scarcely be obEter ated ; and, therefore, that, if the rite could , safely be delayed, so much the better. The example of Constantine himself, to whom it was administered immediately before his death, exer cised a very unhappy influence; for others, who professed a belief in the Gospel, were thus encouraged to remain, aE their days, in the condition of catechumens. Many never thought of applying for baptism untU either overtaken by some alarming sickness, or about to enter on a life of monasticism. Some of the most eminent pastors who flourished about the close of the fourth and beginning of the fifth century protested against this ^ Bingham, xiv. c. iv. § 21. ^ Some of the sermons of Chrysostom were of this length. ' Bingham, xiv. c. iv. § 27. See also Sect. 11. Chap. IV. of this Period, p. 195. 2 34 The Worship of the Church. irregularity,! as they saw that the chEdren of the faithful were thus deprived of spEitual advantages which they might have otherwise enjoyed. Thpir rpmnnstrances led tn the more general ri^h^p.^YnT.ap n,£ infant, ba.ptisTn ;. .b.i-itJJiaJn.crea.s.ing.&ap^astEian^.Q£ tbft timpp -=iarl1y nb.scnred its true import and.diafigined-its sch^- tjjjgl Qimp1ip,it.y It Wflf T'!^""^ iiTiiyPTRfliny b^bp.vpd that it washprl ,,„x^y 4liQ o-ni1t nf sin, and tT^liti i^' ^'''° taTitammmt tn rp,p|PTipra- tifliu^ In addition to exorcism and signature with the sign of the cross, the candidate was anointed; salt or milk and honey were then administered:' and the act of immersion or sprink ling was followed by what was caEed the kiss of peace and several other frivolous ceremonies. Parents were originaUy sponsors for their own chUdren ;* but godfathers and godmothers were now introduced ; and the parties united by this species of spiritual relationship were treated by the Church, in the article of marriage, as E within the prohibited degrees of kindred.^ In the ancient Church baptism was immediately followed by unction and the imposition of hands. In some cases ohve oU was employed ; and, in others, a perfumed ointment composed of various ingredients." When there had been some informahty in the baptism previously administered, this ceremony — whether performed by a bishop or a presbyter — was understood to supple ment the deficiency. It was at first merely an appendage to ' the initiatory rite of the Christian Church, and was therefore dispensed to infants as well as to adults; but, by degrees, it assumed the rank of a distinct ordinance, known by the name of Chrism or Confirmation.'' The Lord's Supper, as celebrated in the early Church, was a very beautiful yet simple ceremony. After an exhortation and a prayer by the bishop, bread — perhaps in a basket of osier — and ^ Gregory Nazianzen, Oratio, 40, Opera, tom. i. p. 648. ^ Angustine sometimes makes the distinction — as when he says that " the sacrament of baptism is one thing and the conversion of the heart another. See Wiggers, Augustinism, and Pelagianism, p. 77. 3 Isidore of Seville, De Ecc. Off. u. 21. See also Neander, iu. 435, 436 ; and Apost. Coiislit. lib. viii. 43. * Bingham, xi. c. viii. § 2. ^ Guericke's Manual of the Antiquities of the Church, by Morrison, p. 241, Lon don, 1851. ° Coleman's Antiquities of the Christian Church, p. 130. See also Covel's Account of the Present Greek Church, 183-4. ' In the Greek Church confirmation is still administered to infants. The Worship of the Church. 235 wine— in a cup of wood or horn — were distributed to the wor shippers. But in process of time the Eucharist began to be con sidered as a grand mystery; the rites connected with it were multiplied; the uninitiated were carefully excluded from the place where it was dispensed; in the wealthier churches the elements were presented in vessels of silver or of gold adorned with jewels ; and the accidental dropping of a particle of bread, or the spilling of a drop of wine, was deprecated as a dread ful profanation. But, throughout the period before us, the cup, as weU as the other symbol, was given to those admitted to the holy table,! g^^j i^^ recipients participated standing.^ During the time of communicating a Psalm was sung;' the clergy partook first, and the people afterwards. Some communicated daUy, some weekly, and some only once a year.* Many of the fathers speak of the Eucharist in the most exalted strains ; but their language is often vague and rhetorical, and per haps they themselves attached no very definite ideas to several current forms of expression. Their object wa^ to magnify the mystery; and they did not therefore scrupulously weigh their figures of speech. Some of them, indeed, when referring to the ordinance, use phraseology which would still be adopted by evangelical Protestants. Thus Eusebius of Csesarea describes Christians as celebrating " the remembrance of Christ's sacrifice by the symbols of His body and blood." ^ Augustine, when explaining the words uttered by our Saviour at the institution of the Supper, tells us that by Christ's body is meant " the symbol of His body ; " * and even Pope Gelasius, who Eved in the fifth cen tury,'^ asserts that what is used in the sacrament " does not cease to be the substance or nature of bread and wine.''^ But others ' Pope Gelasius strenuously condemns the use of the bread without the cup. Migne's Patrologice Cursus, lix. 141. ^ Hence the deacon says, in what is called the Liturgy of St. James, "Let us stand decently, let us stand devoutly, let us stand with the fear of God and con trition." Greek Liturgy of St. James, by TroUope, p. 142, Edinburgh, 1848. See also Augustine, Epist. Iv. c. 15, ad Jan. 3 Often the thirty-fourth Psalm. * Guerike's Antiquities, by Morrison, p. 249-251. ' Demonst. Evang. i. c. x. p. 39. 6 Cmitra Adimant. c. 12. See also De Doetrina Christiana, iu. c. ix. xvi. ' He occupied the papal chair from. a.d. 492 to a.d. 496. * " Certe sacramenta, quse sumimus, corporis et sanguinis Christi, divina res est, propter quod et per eadem divina; efficimur participes naturae et tamen esse non 236 The Worship of the Church. treat the subject very differently, and something like the doctrine of consubstantiation seems to have been floating in the minds of not a few of these authors. After the rise of the Nestorian and Eutychian controversies, the Lord's Supper was frequently em ployed to illustrate the theories of the disputants ; and from this date the views entertained respecting it became more precise and intelligible. It was believed that Christ's body and blood are united to the bread and wine in the Eucharist in much the same manner as divinity is united to humanity in the Person of the Eedeemer.! pj^g ,^^j .^^g^g ^.j^^g prepared for the admission of transubstantiation — but that dogma was not estabEshed untd long afterwards. The honours paid to the martyrs in early times generated much superstition. The disciples — assembled in the Catacombs, or other cemeteries, to keep the anniversaries of their sufferings — partook of the Lord's Supper at then graves; and the fervid prayers offered up on such occasions not unfrequently contained petitions for the happiness of the faithful departed. In the Eucharist believers were understood to hold communion with the whole Church, whether on earth or in heaven ; and warm hearted preachers of a poetic temperament might see nothing very incongruous in the expression of a desire for the feEcity of those who were already glorified. The idea of an intermediate state where souls are purged from the stains of venial sin now found encouragement ; it was sanctioned somewhat equivocally by Augustine,^ and afterwards very decidedly by Gregory the Great;' and as it furnished a doctrinal basis for prayers for the dead, it is not strange that such prayers appear in the ancient liturgies. The notion that the Lord's Supper is a real sacrifice also became prevalent ; its mysterious efficacy was supposed to extend into the world of spirits ; at the instigation of surviving relatives it began to be celebrated on behalf of the deceased; and thus what have been called masses for the dead were silently established. The Paschal festival, now known as Easter, was introduced very soon into the Church ; and we have seen how, towards the desinit substantia vel natura panis et vini. " See Hagenbach's History of Doctrines, i. 372, 373. ' See Neander, iv. 448. 2 Enchiridion ad Laurentium, c. 68, 69. ' Dialog, iv. 39. The Worship of the Church. 237 close of the second century, all Christendom was agitated by a controversy relative to the mode of its observance.! pj^g ques tion was settled in A.D. .325, when the CouncU of Nice required conformity to the Eoman practice. Pentecost, or Whitsuntide,^ was kept by some in the early part of the third century ; but Christmas was of much later origin. It began to be celebrated in the West about the middle of the fourth century, and twenty- five years afterwards it found its way into the East.' According to ancient traditions our Lord was born in spring, or in the month of May;* but that portion of the year was already occupied by two great anniversaries, and it was desirable that a different season should be allotted to another commemoration. In De cember, during the heathen holidays called the Saturnalia, the , people had long been accustomed to all manner of merry-making, and the 25th of that month was distinguished as the Feast of tlie winter solstice. When Christianity became the religion of the multitude there was stUl a hankering after the old pagan jubilee, and an attempt was therefore made to supersede it by the insti tution of a new festival in honour of the birth of our Saviour. The experiment was only partially successful, for many traces of former superstitions stUl remained, and even to the present day they are perpetuated as part of the rites of a merry Christmas.' The feast of Epiphany, kept on the 6th of January, was brought from the East into the West during the fourth century. An idea prevailed in some quarters that our Lord's birth and baptism took place on the same day of the year;^ and this festival seems to have been originally intended to commemorate both these occurrences ; but, when Christmas was established, Epiphany was invested with another significance, and was said to be a remembrancer of the manifestation of Christ to the Magi, or to the Gentiles, or of His first mnacle in Cana of Galilee.'' Other festivals were subsequently instituted. Among these may be mentioned the feast of Stephen, on the 26th of December, to ! Period I. Sect. II. Chap. II. p. 39. ^ Baptism was then usually administered, and, as the newly baptized wore white garments, the Lord's day when it was celebrated was caUed White-Sunday. ' See Neander, iii. 416. * Clemens Alexand. Strom, lib. i. p. 340, ed. Colonic, 1688. See also Gres- weU's Dissertations, i. 461-462 ; and Coleman, 189. * Coleman, 190, note. ^ Some drew this inference from Luke iii. 23. ' See Neander, iii. 415. 238 The Worship of the Chiirch. commemorate his martyrdom ; the feast of John the Evangelist, on the 27th of December; the feast of the Innocents, on the 28th of the same month, in remembrance of the slaughter of the infants at Bethlehem ; the feast of the Circumcision of Christ, on the 1st of January ; the feast of the Purification of the Virgin, or Candlemas, on the 2d of February ; the feast of the Annuncia tion of the Virgin, or of the Conception — perhaps better known as Lad.y Bay^ — on the 25th of March ; the feast of John the Baptist, commemorative, not of his martyrdom, but of his bnth, on the 24th of June ;2 the feast of the Apostles Peter and Paul, on the 29th of June ; and the feast of .AH Saints, finaUy appointed for the first of November.' Various writers have exhibited much anxiety to show that some of these feasts may be traced up to the age of the apostles, but they have entirely faUed to prove that any of them can claim such a high origin. They were obviously instituted to satisfy Jewish or Gentile prejuEces, and not a few of them supplied the place of festivals previously observed by the converts to Christi anity. Easter and Whitsuntide, the two most ancient, corres ponded to the Passover and Pentecost ; and we cannot suppose that they had the sanction of Him who instructed His apostle to say to the Judaizing disciples : " Ye observe days, and months, and times, and years. I am afraid of you, lest I have bestowed upon you labour in vain.* .... Let no man judge you in meat, or in drink, or in respect of an holy day, or of the new moon, or of the Sabbath days, which are a shadow of things to come ; but the body is of Christ."^ The feast of the Innocents was appar ently a substitute for the heathen " festival of infants," when little children received presents of wax dolls;'' the feast of the Circumcision was fixed for New Year's Day, a festival which the old Eomans celebrated by the interchange of gifts and compli- ' Ben'Rislo'^'s Identity of Babylon and Rome, ^. 22-3. Cybele was called 2>o«ii7M, or our Lady. ^ The festival of a saint is usually celebrated on the day of his death. ^ Boniface IV., in A.D. 610, obtained by gift the Pantheon at Eome, and conse crated it to the honour of Mary and all the martyrs, as it had before been sacred to Uybele and all the gods. The feast of all the martyi-s was celebrated originally on the 12th of May. Large crowds congregated in Eome at this festival ; and in consequence Gregory IV., in A.D. 834, transferred it to the 1st of November — when provisions are more easily obtained — and called it the feast of All Saints. It is pivieded by Hallowe'en, i.e. Holy Eve. '' Gal. iv. 10, 11. = Coh u. 16, 17. « Kurtz, 219 ; Neander, iii 419, The Worship of the Church. 239 ments;! the feast of the Purification of the Virgin anticipated by a few days the festival of the Impercalia, when the purifica tion of the land was symbolically celebrated f and the feast of John the Baptist occurred about the time of the festival of Vesta, or the day of the summer solstice. At an earEer period some of the more zealous disciples kept the heathen hoEdays as seasons of fasting and humiliation ; but subsequently the rulers of the Church were disposed rather to strip them of their pagan dress and convert them into Christian festivals. Thus, about the beginning of the seventh century, when the monk Augustine was officiating in England as a missionary, Pope Gregory the Great recommended him to permit the inhabitants, under cer tain restrictions, to enjoy their old celebrations. Then heathen temples were to be changed into places of Christian worship, and, on their ancient festival days, the people were permitted to congregate round these eEfices, to erect booths, and to indulge in feasting and joviaEty.' Nothing, indeed, can be more evident than that, as soon as Christianity became the religion of the State many of the forms and appendages of heathenism were adopted by the Church. The mitre of a bishop was the apex, or official head-dress, of a flamen or pagan hierophant ;* his episcopal crosier was the lituus or divining staff of an augur ;5 and the patriarch of the West assumed the designation of Pontifex Maximus, the very name of the high-priest of Jupiter.'' In the days of Tertullian, or in the ^ Neander, iii. 423. ^ Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, article Lupercalia. ' Bede, i. 30. " This circumstance may account for the retention of many Saxon names in matters connected with religion. Thus Yule, the old name for Christmas, is derived from Jule, a Saxon feast at the winter solstice ; and Easter from the goddess Eostre, who was worshipped with peculiar honours in April. Lent signifies spring. From the deities Tiw, Woden, Thnnre, Friga, and Saterne, are derived the names of the days of the week." Short (bishop of St. Asaph's), History of the Church of England, note, p. 7. In Ireland there are still traces of the two great heathen festivals of Samhain and Belltaine, or Belltine, celebrated at May Day and Hallowe'en. See Todd's St. Patrick, 134, 600, and Moore's His tory of Ireland, i. 205, London, 1836. * See Smith's Dictionary of Greek and Roman Antiquities, art. Apex. ^ Murdock's Mosheim, by Soames, i. 369. See also a curious fact mentioned in Scotland in the Middle Ages, by Cosmo Innes, p. 286, Edinburgh, 1860. ^ See Middleton's Letter from Rome. This writer remarks that "Caligula was the first who ever offered his foot to be kissed by any who approached him." The Eoman emperor acted as Pontifex Maximus. 240 The Worship of the Church. early part of the third century, a seEer of frankincense was deemed unworthy of church-feEowship, because he supported himself by vending an article employed so largely in the heathen worship;! but, within little more than a hundred years after wards, the Christian temples were flUed with odours which tUl then had issued from the altars of superstition.^ The use of wax lights at worship during the day was also of pagan origin.' Nor were the Christians ashamed to ape the religious processions of the heathen ; so that a crowd of disciples, as they moved along singing litanies,* and headed by professing ministers of the Gospel in white surplices, might have been almost mistaken for a pagan mob,^ headed by their priests, on the way to offer sacrifice. Even some of the favourite petitions introduced into the prayers of the sanctuary were borrowed from the pagan offices f and to the same source may be traced the vain repetitions to be found in so many of the ancient liturgies.'' The imperial court had scarcely embraced the Christian faith, when the dangers with which the Church was threatened by this new alliance began to appear. Constantia, the sister of Constan tine, expressed a desire to possess a Ekeness of Jesus ; and though the request was withdrawn when Eusebius, the ecclesiastical historian, condemned it as unlawful,' and as leading to a viola tion of the second commandment, there was from this period a growing disposition to clothe the ritual with meretricious decora tions, and to make it equally fascinating to the senses as the wor ship of the heathen. Before the close of the fourth century, repre sentations of the Saviour were ostentatiously displayed in several ^ Tertullian, De Idolatria, xi. 2 Apostol. Canons, iii. ; Evagrius, vi. 21. ' Middleton's Letter from Rome. * As to the origin of Litanies, see Eawlinson's Herodotus, ii. 84. ^ " At these solemnities (of pagan Eome) the chief magistrate used frequently to assist, in robes of ceremony, attended by the priests in surplices, with wax candles in their hands, carrying upon a pageant or thensa the images of their gods, dressed out in their best clothes. These were usually followed by the principal youth of the place, in white linen vestments, or surplices, singing hymns in honour of the god whose festival they were celebrating." — Middletou's Letter from Rome. ^ See Covel, On the Greek Church, p. 90, where, speaking of the Kyrie Eleison, he says: "This ejaculation or short prayer was used by the heathen in their auguries or divinations, as we find in Arrian's Epietetus." See also Murdock's Mosheim, by Soames, i 347. ' Thus the Eryie Eleison is sometimes repeated fifty times iu succession. See Covel, p. 90, Cambridge, 1722. ^ See Guerike's Antiquities, by Morrison, p. 111. The Worship of the Church. 241 churches, and the remonstrances of eminent bishops faded to put a stop to then exhibition. The multitude, never thoroughly divorced from paganism, were unwUling to give up the use of images ; their predilections were indulged ; and, in the beginniag of the seventh century, we find Pope Gregory the Great pleading for the presence of pictures in places of worship.! Another prac tice sanctioned by the example of "the imperial famUy soon became exceedingly popular. In a.d. 326, Helena, the mother of the Emperor, visited Palestine, was baptized in Jordan, and discovered, as was beEeved, the very cross on which our Lord suffered.^ Crowds of pilgrims now commenced to move towards Judea, that they might see what have been called " the holy places;" and the strangers returned home bearing relics of various kinds, to which they ascribed wonderful virtues. These relics brought high prices ; without some of them, to impart the benefits of their reputed sanctity, new churches could not be well dedicated ; they were enclosed in precious cases, and treated with extraordinary reverence. Other superstitions soon multiplied. Prayers for the dead were foUowed by the invocation of saints and angels ; and the number of deceased persons deemed worthy of this species of worship rapidly increased. Mary, the mother of our Lord, received the honours of a goddess. Even in the- latter part of the fourth century, a female community in Arabia, known as the CoUyridians,' offered cakes to her as to the Queen of heaven. At the time their gross impiety was condemned ; but, after the Nestorian and Eutychian controversies, she was gener ally acknowledged as the " Mother of God," and invoked, in both the East and West, as a divine mediator of singular potency The worship of the sanctuary, as celebrated towards the close of the period before us, contrasts most^ unfavourably with the simple and spirit-stirring services of the days of the Apostles. The "joyful noise" of the whole congregation was superseded by the singing of the choir; and the variety of free prayer was supplanted by the sameness of a Eturgy. The exposition of the Word — the most prominent portion of the ritual in primitive 1 Epist. cv. ad Serenum. ^ This story of the cross was probably invented after the death of Constantine. Eusebius, who mentions Helena's visit, takes no notice of it. See Jortin, i. 386- 390, London, 1846. 3 Murdock's Mosheim, by Soames, i. 414. They derived their name from the smaU round cakes (KoXkvplSes) which they offered. See Jer. xliv. 18, 19. 242 The Hierarchy. times — ^was very much neglected; for, in many cases, the officiating minister was incompetent to preach, and the reading of "one of the homUies of the holy fathers"! suppEed the place of a popular discourse. The Eucharist, dispensed with so little of anything Eke parade in the first century, was now converted into a grand scenic exhibition, at which the multitude stared in mute bewUderment. Had a Eoman Christian of the days of Paul awoke, after a sleep of seven centuries, and entered one of the churches of the city, he might weE have thought that he was stUl in the old pagan capital ; for the clouds of incense, and the groups of statu9,ry, and the priests in splendid vestments reading the prayers, would have been quite sufficient to generate the impression that he was the spectator of some heathen solemnity. CHAPTEE III. THE HIEEAECHY. When Constantine the Great embraced Christianity, the Epis copal system on a smaU scale was aEeady an ancient institute. But, though introduced in a few cities one himdred and eighty years prior to the CouncU of Nice,^ it prevaUed only partiaUy even at the close of the second century.' Originating in the great towns, it steadUy extended itself from these centres of influence. For a time the members of the new order jealously maintained the principle of episcopal parity, and protested against a "bishop of bishops;"* but they could not weU carry out their idea of CathoUc unity without a graduated hierarchy; and, in the latter haE of the third century, there are various traces of the commencement of archiepiscopal government. In the beginning of the fourth century, the strEe among the bishops for pre-eminence created much scandal^ In various places, the chief pastor of the provincial capital claimed the dignity of moderator or chairman; in others, the senior bishop presided over the remaining bishops of the district; and elsewhere > Bingham, u. 20, § 11. 2 Ancient Cliurch, 535-5S8. 3 Ibid. 514, 516. * Tertullian, De Pudicitia, i. ; Cyprian, Con. Garth. ' Euseb. viii. 1. The Hierarchy. 243 neither custom nor positive agreement had yet settled the order of official precedence.! The bishop of the civU metropolis began to be generaEy acknowledged as the president of the provincial synod about the period of the recognition of Christianity by Constantine. Con venience^ and the wish of the Emperor, no doubt, recommended the arrangement. But the whole system of ecclesiastical polity was in a very crude and unsatisfactory condition at the time of the first General Council ; and several questions of jurisdiction were submitted for determination to the Nicene divines. Their decision might have been anticipated. The leading members of the councU had a personal interest in the sustentation and advancement of primatial power ; and, as they were supported by the sovereign,' they contrived to obtain a favourable de- Uverance. The Nicene fathers did not, however, venture to define the prerogatives of the great prelates, neither did they pretend to base them either on the canons of the Church or on the authority of Scripture. Aware that they were the growth of circumstances, that they were sanctioned neither by divine nor statute law, and yet that, in some quarters, they could plead the prescription of perhaps three-fourths of a century,* they con firmed them on the ground of long-estabEshed usage. "Let," 1 Ancient Church, 599, 600. ^ The metropolis was usuaUy the largest town in the province ; it was most ac cessible by the public roads ; and its bishop was the churchman with whom his brethren could most readily correspond. The metropolitan at first derived no emolument from his ofhce. Pie was simply constant moderator of the provincial synod. 2 Eusebius admits that Constantine took a, very active part in Church judi catories. He often performed the duty of a metropolitan. "He exercised a peculiar care over the Church of God ; and whereas in several provinces there were some who difi'ered from each other in judgment, he assumed as it were the fundions of a general bishop constituted by God, and convened synods of his ministers. Nor did he disdain to be present and sit -with them in their assembly, but bore a share in their deliberations, endeavouring to minister to them all that pertained to the peace of God. . . . Those whom he saw inclined to a sound judgment, and exhibiting a calm and conciUatory temper, received his high approbation, for he evidently delighted in a general harmony of sentiment ; while he regarded the refractory and obstinate with aversion." Life of Constantine, i. 44. After such a statement it is easy to understand how the structure of the Church assumed the form of the pohtical fabric in the days of Constantine. ^ Since the time of Cornelius of Eome in the middle of the third century. See Ancient Church, 597-8. 244 The Hierarchy. said they, "the ancient customs'- be maintained which are in Egypt, and Libya, and PentapoEs, according to which the bishop of Alexandria has authority over all these places. For this is the custom in the paraEel case of the bishop of Eome. In like manner in Antioch, and in the other provinces, the privUeges are to be preserved to the t;hurches. But this is clearly to be understood that if any one be made a bishop without the consent of the metropolitan, the great synod declares that he shaU not be a bishop. If, however, two or three bishops from private contention oppose the common choice of aE the others, it being a reasonable one and made according to the ecclesiastical canons, let tlie choice of the majority hold good."^ The singularly vague style of expression here employed by these ecclesiastical legislators is all the more remarkable when contrasted with the precision of several of then other canons. It is impossible to teU what degree of authority was thus secured to the Egyptian primate ; and the language might be interpreted as conveying the absurd allegation that the admitted existence of a custom at Eome settled the disputed question of custom at Alexandria. On the subject of ecclesiastical jurisdiction these Nicene judges betray an unwilEngness to enter into details, or to commit themselves to any very positive statement. They could not well avoid the discussion ; for it was forced on them by the disorderly acts of the MeEtians — a party who held much the same views as the Novatians,' who disowned the bishop of Alexandria, and who ordained ministers in places over which he claimed supendsion. But the word metropolitan occurs for the first time as the designation of a church functionary in the canons of this councE — a fact which proves that, though a very few leading prelates may have exercised something Eke primatial power for two or three generations, the system was only be ginning to be generaEy developed. The last clause of the canon just quoted appears to have been added partly with a view to curb archiepiscopal tyranny, for it seems to include the metro- ^ The Council of Chalcedon based certain rights of the see of Constantinople on ancient custom, though that see had acquired its position only iu the latter halt of the preceding century. See Cave, Prim. Christianity, Dissert, pp. 418, 419. The same council ruled that a prescription of thirty years settled the question of custom. See Canon xvii. 2 Canon vi. « See Sect. II. Chap. II. Period I., p. 40. The Hierarchy. 245 politan himself among the two or three dissentients who are not to be permitted to overbear the wUl of the majority.! Still, the language is so ambiguous that it may admit of a different ex position ; and we know that, not long afterwards, the primate claimed a veto on aU episcopal appointments. After the conversion of Constantine we hear, for the first time, of country bishops. In the preceding century aE the members of the episcopal order were at least theoreticaUy equal ; the pastor of the poorest village in the province had the same ecclesiastical status as the prelate of the chief city ; and in an African synod of eighty-seven bishops, held in A.D. 256 — though some of these brethren had the care of very smaE flocks — Cyprian of Carthage distinctly acknowledges that each individual among them was as independent as himself^ But the appearance of a new nomen clature in the early part of the fourth century marks the estab- Mshment of a real and invidious distinction. About that time pastors of rural districts begin to be known as chorepiscopi ; ' and in the Synod of Ancyra, in A.D. 314, they were forbidden to ordain presbyters or deacons.* Thirty years afterwards a vigor ous attempt was made .to suppress them altogether; for the Council of Sardica, in a.d. 343, decreed that " a bishop be not ordained in a vUlage, or smaU city, where a single presbyter is sufficient, lest the name and authority of a bishop be brought into contempt."^ This canon did not, however, effect then total extinction. Hence the CouncU of Laodiceea, held about a.d. 360,^ declared that " bishops ought not to be appointed in vUlages and rural districts — but visiting presbyters — and that those aEeady appointed do nothing without the sanction of the city bishops."'' The recognition of Christianity by the State produced a vast change in the position of the bishops of the great capitals ; for they soon acquired important civU privUeges,' their revenues ' The 2d CouncU of Aries, held in the fifth century, required the metropolitans to obey the will of the majority. See Canon v. ^ Con. Carthag. See also Hefele's Christian Councils by Clark, pp. 17, 18, Edinburgh, 1871. ' i.e. TTJs x Moy, Ir, Academy, xvui, pt. 2, 55, The Early Irish Chttrch. 323 here be distinctly recognized ; for the Hymn virtually embodies the primitive creed of the Church of Ireland. Here is no invoca tion of Mary, no trust in relics, no confidence in personal righteous ness. Christ alone was the hope of the Hibernian apostie. Patrick acknowledged the supreme authority of the sacred volume ; and yet he must have received Tobias and the books falsely ascribed to Solomon as inspired, for he quotes them along with the canonical Scriptures.! It can be shown, ho^vever, that the early Irish Church rejected the greater part of the Apocrjrpha.^ Athanasius finished his chequered course about the time when Patrick was born ; and the Arian controversy had fairly gone to rest before the young Frenchman had completed his first capti vity. But there is abundant evidence that the author of the Confession was a zealous advocate ' of the Nicene faith. Tradi tion relates that he taught the Irish how there could be a Trinity in Unity by holding up before them their own three-leaved shamrock ; and in the Confession itself the doctrine is repeatedly inculcated.* It is equally clear that he believed in the Atone ment, or, as it is caEed in his Hymn, " the virtue of Christ's crucifixion ;" and he bears the most unequivocal testimony to the sovereignty of grace. " I was," says he, " like a stone that lay in the deep mire ; and He who is powerful came, and, in His mercy, reEeved me ; and raised me up, and placed me on the top of the waU ; and from thence I should cry aloud ' What shall I render to the Lord for so great benefits here and hereafter, which the human mind cannot estimate.' " * We have already seen how he relates his own spiritual history— thus bearing emphatic testi mony to the necessity of regeneration ; and he expresses his views of the way of salvation by quoting the memorable words — " He that believeth and is baptized shaU be saved, and he that beUeveth not shaE be damned." " In none of the works imputed [ to him does he make any reference to Purgatory ; '' and, when he • Confession, 1-5, where he quotes from Tobias, Wisdom, and Ecclesiasticus. ''¦ Ussher's Religion of the Ancient Irish, chap. i. ' He does not, it is ti'ue, use the word Homoousios or Consubstantial, but he distinctly recognizes the doctrine of " one God in the Trinity of the Sacred Name." Conf. i. 2. * Confession, i. 2. ; u. 6. ^ Ibid. i. 5. « Ibid. iv. 17. ^ In the tract De tribus Habitaeulis, heaven, earth, and hell are the only places of existence recognized. The fact that this little work was so long attributed to Patrick shows what were the views entertained as to the character of his theology. 324 The Early Irish Church. states that " we must account even for our sEghtest sins before the tribunal of the Lord Christ," ! he virtually rejects the idea of venial transgressions. There is satisfactory proof that, in early times, the Irish clergy were permitted to marry f and that, in the Eucharist, both the cup and the bread were given to the Irish laity.' It can also be demonstrated that, long after the days of Patrick, the dogma of transubstantiation was unknown. The Hibernian doctors thought for themselves ; they believed the testimony of their own senses : they saw that the elements remained unchanged after the prayer of thanksgiving ; and even in the ninth century, when the doc trine of their transmutation was asserted on the Continent in all its absurdity by Paschasius Eadbert, his most powerful opponent was a learned Irishman — the famous Johannes Scotus Erigena. Commenting on the words of our Lord, " Do this in remembrance of me," one of- the earliest of the Irish expositors employs the following decisive language : — " He left a remembrancer of him self to us, even as E one that were going a far journey should leave some token with him whom he loved, that, as oft as he beheld it, he might call to memory his benefits and friendship."* The ecclesiastical poEty established by Patrick in Ireland is deserving of attention, as it supplies an example of a system then passing rapidly into desuetude. Immediately after the organization of what was caEed the CathoEc Church, the pastor of every Ettle town had the rank of a bishop, and for a time these rmal dignitaries enjoyed the same official authority as the prelates of the great cities. The canons adopted at Sardica in AD. 343 led to a complete change in the Church constitution ; for, by permitting deposed ecclesiastics to appeal to the Italian Pontiff,^ he was vntuaEy made the arbiter of Christendom ; and, ^ Confession, i. 3. ^ Ussher's Religion of the Andent Irish, chap. v. ' Thus a very ancient hymn, sung in the Irish Church whilst the communi cants were participating, commences with these words : "Sancti venite, Christi corpus sumite ; Sanctum bibentes Quo redempti sanguinem. " The Book of Hymns of the Andent Irish Church, by J. H. Todd, D. D. , part i. p. 43, Dublin, 1866. 4 Sedulius on 1 Cor. xi.'. Patrol. Cursus, ciu. 151, Migne. Sedulius was bom in the latter half of the eighth century. ^ See Sec. V. Chap. I. of this Period. The Early Irish Church. 325 by forbidding the ordination of bishops in smaE cities,! com paratively few could henceforth gain admission into the epis copal order, so that the great prelates were invested wEh much more extensive authority. But in various districts these canons came very slowly into operation, as they could not be weE enforced without the aid of the civil power ; and in some places, such as Africa, they were quite neglected. In the north of France, towards the close of the fourth century, the Imperial Government was weak ; and hence, probably, there was no inter ference with the existing village bishoprics.^ It would seem that Patrick introduced into Ireland the ecclesiastical regulations of his own country, and thus we are to account for the extraordi nary number of early Hibernian bishops.' We cannot reason ably reject the reports of a crowd of ancient authors who assure us that they amounted to several hundreds; for, when these his torians wrote, this state of things was an anomaly, and they had therefore no temptation to exaggerate. Nennius, who flourished in the ninth century, affirms that the Irish Apostle erected 365 churches and ordained 365 bishops.* When the members of an ecclesiastical judicatory are scattered over an extensive territory, it seldom happens that many more than one-half are present at a meeting; and yet, a century after the death of Patrick — when the country was almost without roads, and when traveUing from one part of the island to another must have been alike perilous and disagreeable — we read of 150 bishops assembled at the palace of Tara.5 A document preserved in the Book of Armagh, and written long before the time of Nennius, affirms that " the num- ' her of bishops ordained by Patrick amounted to 450 ;"^ and the Annals of the Four Masters '' attest that he erected seven hundred churches and ordained seven hundred bishops. The Irish Litany of -iSlngus the Culdee — a production probably of the ninth cen- 1 See Sec. III. Chap. III. of this Period. ' Boulcne, though but a village, is said to have had a bishop in the time of Constantine. See Lanigan, i. 96. These French village bishoprics afterwards disappeared. ^ In Brittany, even as late as the sixth century, we find traces of resemblance to the constitution of the Church of Africa. Thus the primatial dignity was not attached to any particular see. See Thierry's Conquest of England by the Normans, p. 9, London, 1841. * History of the Britons, § 54. 6 Book of Clonmacnoise. See Trans. Roy. Ir. Ac. xviii. pt. 2, 126, 127. « Sir W. Betham's ^reii?. Res. ii. 351. ' Ad an. a.d. 493. 326 The Early Irish Church. tury— enumerates no less than 141 places in Ireland where there were, or had been, seven contemporary bishops^ It may be objected that the statements now given differ widely; but they are not therefore, as a whole, to be summarUy set aside. They are aU, perhaps, rough estimates, and they have obviously not been taken from any common registry; but it is noteworthy that the higher numbers are furnished by some of the most ancient and valuable authorities. At the period of the EngEsh invasion in the twelfth century, it has been computed that the entne population of Ireland scarcely exceeded 300,000;^ and seven hundred years before, or in the time of the Hibernian Apostle, it was not nearly so considerable. A census of the island could not then have afforded a larger return than would at present be supplied by the Irish metropoEs. It is thus ap parent that, at a very early date, there was something Eke an adequate provision of ministers for the whole country. In his ecclesiastical arrangements, Patrick proceeded on the principle that there should be a bishop, or spiritual overseer, for each congregation.' In his days the greater portion of the sur face of the island presented a succession of forests and barren bogs ; there was little husbandry ; there were no towns of any magnitude ; and the bishop often occupied a very humble posi tion. His jurisdiction extended only over those to whose pastoral care he could personaEy attend ; in a very poor country, his income was small ; he is occasionaUy represented as endeavouring to eke out a subsistence by foUowing the plough,* or engaging in some of the other toils of agriculture. An ancient Irish bishopric was something like a modern parish^ — more extensive perhaps — but with oiUy a fraction of its population. Thus, in the seventh 1 Todd's St. Patrick, 32, 35. "^ Sir Wm. Potty's Political Anatomy of Ireland, chap. v. 5 Hence the number of churches built by him, according to various accounts, corresponded to the number of bishops he ordained. 4 Bishop Etchen was ploughing when Columbkille visited him to receive ordina tion. Todd's St Patrick, 71. In a.d. 1179 there was an Irish bishop who had no other revenue than the mUk of three cows. Eeeves' Antiquities of Down, Connor, and Dromore, p. 162. ° Some have maintained that the old Irish bishops wandered about without any fixed sees ; but this opinion is untenable. In ancient annals their names are con nected with particular places, and tradition describes them as ministering in cer tain buildings. These buUdings could hot have itinerated. The Early Irish Church. 327 century, there was a bishop of Connor! and a bishop of Eashee^ or Ballyeaston, now two adjoining parishes of the county of Antrim.' In the county of Clare, the three contiguous parishes of KUmanaheen, Kilaspuglenane, and Kilmacreehy, had also formerly each a bishop.* A bishopric was sometimes limited to a smaE island with very few inhabitants. We read of the bishop of the island of Eathlin on the north coast of the county of Antrim,^ and of the bishop of Innisboffin," an island near the coast of Mayo. Even so late as the beginning of the twelfth century there are said to have been 300 bishops in Ireland.'^ The constitution of the early Irish Church was decidedly popular. The bishop was elected by the clergy and people,^ and the ecclesiastical government was conducted by synods in which there was a lay element, for princes and chieftains, as weU as bishops, met for deliberation.^ Some of the most important of these ancient convocations assembled at Tara, in a fort or stronghold, long known as the " Eath of the Synods."!" Tara ceased to be the residence of the chief monarch about A.D. 565 ;!! but for a considerable time afterwards this Eath was the -meeting-place for such conventions.!^ It does not appear that the synods had always a fixed president. It is probable that, as in the Church of Africa, the senior bishop generally acted as chairman; Patrick himself, perhaps, was moderator for the greater part of his life; but in some instances we find distinguished strangers, such as ColumbkiUe and Adamnan, occupying the seat of dignity.!' 1 Lanigan, iii 412. Annals of Four Masters, ad an. 658, 537. ^ Eeeves' Antiquities, p. 68. Annals of the Four Masters, ad an. 617. ¦5 We read of other bishops in the same county, as the bishop of Coleraine, the bishop of Armoy, and the bishop of Kilroot (near Carrickfergus). See Reeves' Ecc. Antiq. 75, 80, 60. * See the account of the Union of : KUmanaheen, by the Rev. James Kelly, LL.D., archdeacon of Kilfenora, in Mason's Statistical Account of Ireland, vol. i p. 489, Dublin, 1814. 5 Lanigan, iu. 171. ^ Ib^^- i"- 79. ' Ledwich's Antiquities, 83. 8 Ussher's Religion of tlie Ancient Irish, chap. viu. ' Ibid. " History and Antiquities of Tara Hill., Trans. Roy. Irish Acad. xviu. pt. 2, pp. 139, 150, 171. " Ibid. 125. ^^ ¦^'^- 174. IS Reeves' St Coluniba, by Adamnan, 179, note. 328 The Early Irish Church. According to legends long current, Patrick erected the city, as weE as the archbishopric, of Armagh. Such statements supply materials for their own refutation. The buUding of towns formed no part of the duty of the great missionary ; and an archbishop, or metropolitan, was unknown in Ireland for ages after the time when he flourished.! ^^j^g story that he was the first Primate of Armagh cannot bear the sEghtest investigation. Several others, such as Patrick Senior, Secundinus, and Benignus, are said to have presided at Armagh whUe, according to the common chronology, he was yet aEve — a contradiction which his biographers have endeavoured to obviate by a very sUly explanation. The weight of the primacy, say they, was too great for him to sustain ; and he sought to relieve himself by placing it on more vigorous shoulders. But, if the ordinary chronology be adopted, he survived his retirement nearly fifty years ;^ so that his " natural force " could not have been much abated at the period of his resignation. The fable of his primacy has evidently been fabricated to give eclat to the northern arch bishopric ; and other traditions invented for the same purpose are so transparently false that their forgery has been generaUy admitted.' The fame of Armagh appears to have commenced with the monastery founded there in the fifth century. When Germanus visited England a second time in AD. 444, he was accompanied by several men of learning, some of whom passed over to Ireland, and probably became teachers in this estabUsh- ment. These scholars either assisted in its erection, or added ^ The Irish word ard-epscop "did not imply anything of jurisdiction, and is not synonymous in this respect with our present use of the term archbishop. It denotes only an eminent or celebrated bishop ; and there is nothing in it incon sistent with the existence of sever.-il ard or chief bishops, at the same time in the same district."- Todd's St. Patrick, 16. The old Irish gave very high titles to bishops in great repute for sanctity or learning. Hence we read of Donnell O'Heney "archbishop of West Europe," and of Hoey O'Kelly "chief head of the men of Meath and distinguished bishop of all Ireland." King's Memoir of the Primacy, 15, 16. Titles of this kind given on two or three occasions by Irishmen of the seventh century to the Pope have induced some to believe that they acknowledged his supremacy ! ^ See some of the difliculties stated in Lanigan, i. 315. See also O'Donovan's Annals of the Four Masters, i 135, 147, 151. * Antiquities of Tara Hill., Trans. Roy. Ir. Acad, xviii. ii. 111. Dr. Todd admits that "archiepiscopal and diocesan jurisdiction was introduced " at "the close of the eleventh or beginning of the twelfth century." Todd's St. Patrick, 172. See also King's Memoir of the Primacy of Armagh, preface. The Early Irish Church. 329 greatly to the reputation. Hence the origin of the story that the primatial see was erected in a.d. 445. The first ecclesiastics of distinction connected with Armagh were, not bishops, but abbots.! jj^ this monastery candidates for the ministry were educated ; Patrick " of the prayers who had good Latin " was, in aU EkeEhood, its first superior ; its earliest teachers were among the most eminent scholars in the country; and thus it soon acquired an influence and authority which it subsequently retained. Had a fixed primatial see been deemed necessary in the ancient Irish Church, it would probably have been established at Tara — the seat of the chief monarch. A bishop resided there as early as the beginning of the sixth century ¦,^ and the Eath of the Synods supplies proof that the place, at a very early period, was a centre of ecclesiastical influence. But, for ages after the coming of Patrick to Ireland, the chief monarchs adhered to Druidism; Tara had meanwhile no educational institute to spread abroad its reputation; and neither the extraordinary learning nor the commanding eloquence of its bishops added weight to their position. In a.d. 565, when it was deserted as a royal residence, the crown of the chief monarch passed to the northern HyNialls;' and thus Armagh gradually increased in importance. It stood on classic ground, for it was in the im mediate vicinity of Emania — the palace occupied by the kings of Ulster until the century before the arrival of Patrick;* and a fortress, which continued there for ages afterwards, contributed to its security.^ The chieftain to whom the district belonged soon embraced Christianity f the Church was EberaEy endowed by him ; and, for many generations, the abbots of Armagh were aU scions of the royal family of Ulster.'' When Augustine and the other papal missionaries appeared in England, a correspon dence was commenced between these new-comers and some of the Irish churchmen; Thomian of Armagh— reputed the most learned ecclesiastic in the Western Isle'— was particularly ¦" King's Me-moir of the Primacy, preface. ¦ 2 Antiquities of Tara Hill., Trans. Roy. Irish Acad. vol. xvui. part u. p. 224. 3 Lanigan, ii. 198. * Todd's St. Patrick, 472. ° O'Donovan's Four Masters, i. 210, note. 8 Lanigan, i. 312. ' Todd's St. Patrick, 165. " O'Donovan's Four Masters, i. 271, note. 330 The Early Irish Church. courted by them ; he was induced to adopt the Eomish mode of keeping Easter ; and, shortly after this time, the idea of assert ing the ecclesiastical precedence of what began to be called " the see of Patrick " appears to have originated. About the seventh century Ireland was so celebrated aE over Europe for its piety that it acquired the honourable title of the "Isle of Saints." It was at the same period so distinguished for inteEectual cultivation that youths, as weE from the Conti nent as from England, flocked to its shores for education. Armagh was probably the seat of the oldest of its Eterary instEutes. Shortly after the middle of the sixth century the monastery of Bangor, near Belfast, was founded by the Abbot Comgall;! and seminaries at Clonard, Clonmacnois,^ and else where, soon attained eminence. The rapid progress of the Irish Church was, no doubt, extraordinary; but a reference to the contemporary history of neighbouring nations reveals a variety of circumstances aE tending to promote its prosperity. The northern parts of Gaul, exposed to the incessant incursions of the Francs, afforded no safe and peaceful settlement ; some of its ecclesiastics were, in consequence, induced to foUow the foot steps of Patrick into Ireland;' and as the pagan Saxons were now burning the churches of South Britain, rifling its monas teries, and reducing the whole country to a scene of desolation, not a few of the EngEsh clergy also sought refuge among then Hibernian brethren. Ireland was meanwhUe free from foreign invasion, and in the enjoyment of an unwonted measure of internal tranquilEty. Hence it was that it had so many devout inhabitants, so many exceUent bishops, and so many iUustrious seats of learning. The spirit of missionary enterprise soon sprung up in the ancient Irish Church. Towards the close of the sixth century * Columbanus, a native of the south of the island, passed over into France, and endeavoured to diffuse the blessings of the Gospel among some of its semi-pagan inhabitants. That country, subdued by Clovis about a century before, was again divided into several states ; and the wicked posterity of the founder of ^ Lanigan, ii. 62. Lanigan, i. 465-6 ; ii. 52. Clonard and Clonmaonois were perhaps founded somewhat earlier than Bangor. 3 DoUinger, ii. 24, 32 ; Lanigan, i. 492. « About A.D. 590. The Early Irish Church. 3 3 1 the French monarchy misgoverned these petty kingdoms. The appearance of Columbanus in Gaul attracted the attention of all classes ; for he was recommended by a handsome person ! and a dignitied bearing, as well as by erudition and genius. At a time when classical knowledge was rare he was distinguished by his- attainments in both Greek and Latin literature. But active benevolence and indomitable integrity were his most prominent characteristics ; and, when admitted into the presence of barbarian princes, he exhibited subEme courage by testifying against the vices of these royal personages. Columbanus, like many others of his countrymen, attached undue importance to asceticism ; he was himseE a monk ; and a certain rule stEl extant iEustrates the species of discipline practised in the monas teries he established.^ In a.d. 615, after a laborious career, he died at Bobbio, in the north of Italy, at the advanced age of seventy-two.' Gallus, the disciple of Columbanus, is also entitled to honour able mention among the Irishmen engaged in missionary labours on the Continent. After having spent several years in France he settled in the neighbourhood of the Lake of Constance, and there preached with much success to a benighted popu lation. He survived his master Columbanus thirty years ; and the Canton St. GaU stiE perpetuates the name of this apostle of Switzerland. Kilian, or KiEen,* who signalized him seE as a missionary among the Franconians, was also an Irish man.^ He is said to have been martyred at Wartzburg in AD 696. The Irishmen engaged ia missionary operations on the Conti nent exhibited an independence of thought and action very embarrassing to the adherents of the papacy. Accustomed at home to rites and ceremonies quite different from the Eoman, these worthies, in not a few instances, refused to abandon their ^ Lanigan, ii. 261. 2 See Patrol. Curs. tom. Ixxx. 209. ^ Lanigan, ii. 296. ' There is mention of an earlier KUlen who is said to have been made a bishop by St. Patrick. "The festival of St. KUlen," says Lanigan, "was kept at Tehallan on the 27th of May. . . . There are so many saints of the name of KUlen that we cannot decide which of them he was." i. 270. ' Murdock's Moslieim by Soames, u. 64. The story that he went to Rome to obtain the papal sanction is rejected by Neander, v. 47. 332 The Early Irish Church. own ecclesiastical observances when they went abroad; and, regarding the ItaEan pontiff as nothing more than the most powerful bishop in the West, they declined either to acknow ledge his infallibUity or to submit to his dictation. They were wiUing to believe that Peter had at one time been con nected with the Church of Eome; but they did not see why the Pope was therefore entitled to exclusive jurisdiction. They had no idea that Peter alone was the rock which supports the Church; for they seem to have believed that every true evangelist shares that honour. Hence one of their ancient hymns in praise of Patrick says of him; "He is constant in the fear of God and immoveable in the faith; the Church is buUt on him as on Peter; whose apostleship also he has obtained from God, and the gates of heU shaU not prevaU against him."! Columbanus was not afraid to address the great patriarch of the West in language which must have astonished his ItaUan , sycophants. Dissatisfied with the conduct of the court of Eome in reference to the question of the Three Chapters, he gave utter ance to his indignation in a letter written with all the boldness of a Christian freeman. " That you may not lack apostolic honour," says this eloquent Irishman to Boniface IV., " preserve the apostolic faith; confirm it by testimony, strengthen it by writing, fortify it by synod, that none may justly resist you. . . . The Pastor of pastors is approaching; beware lest he find you negligent and beating your feEow servants with the blows of an evU example. . . . Dissemble, therefore, no longer: keep no longer sUence. ... It is your fault if you have de-viated from the true belief and made void the primitive faith: your juniors deservedly withstand you, and deservedly they do not communicate with you untU the memory of the wicked be taken away, and delivered over to oblivion. For E these things are certain rather than imaginary, the tables being turned, your sons are changed into the head and you into the taU — which is sad even to be men tioned. Therefore they also shall be your judges who have always preserved the orthodox faith, whosoever they may be, though they appear to be your juniors. . . . Eome is the head ^ Hymn of Secundinus or Sechnall. This hymn is of very great antiquity ; but there is no reason to believe that it was -written, as some think, when Patrick was still alive. The Early Irish Church. 333 of the churches of the world, with the exception of Jerusalem. ... So long shall power remain with you as right reason shall remain; for he is the sure door-keeper of the kingdom of heaven who through true knowledge opens to the worthy and shuts against the unworthy. But if he act otherwise, he wiE be able neither to open nor to shut."! But the predominating influence of Eomanism all around them, and the untiring zeal with which the Benedictine monks laboured to extend papal authority, gradually made an impres sion even on these outspoken Irishmen. Their continued resi dence on the Continent reconciled them to many things which they -viewed at flrst with impatience ; as we pass down through the Middle Ages their protests wax feebler and feebler ; and at length some of them become the most strenuous supporters of Eomish supremacy. There is extant an old catalogue of Irish saints drawn up, as it would appear, shortly after the time of Columbanus,^ in which the writer represents the century after the arrival of Patrick in the country as the most illustrious period of its ecclesiastical history. " The first order of cathoEc saints," says this memorial, " was in the time of Patrick. And then all were bishops iUus trious and holy, and full of the Holy Spirit, in number three hundred and fifty, the founders of churches. They had one Head Christ, and one leader Patrick, one ritual, and one cele bration. Whoever was excommunicated by one church, all the others excommunicated. They did not reject the attendance and company of women, because, being founded on the rock Christ, they did not fear the wind of temptation. This order of saints continued during four reigns."' The antiquity of this document is universally admitted;* and yet it speaks with the highest satisfaction of a state of things very far from that now sanctioned by the majority of Irishmen. The Church of the Emerald Isle was most prosperous, according to this venerable witness, when it neither acknowledged the supremacy of the Pope nor insisted on the celibacy of the clergy — when its bishops were reckoned by hundreds — and when they were so bound ' Epist. to Boniface IV. This epistle appears to have been written in a.d. 613. " See Todd's St. Patrick, 88. = i.e. from a.d, 429 to a,d, 538, * As by Ussher, Lanigan, and DbUinger. 334 The Early Irish Church. together in a great ecclesiastical confederation that whoever was excommunicated by one church was excommunicated by all. The framers of the Solemn League and Covenant, as sembled at Westminster in 1643, aimed to re-establish this primitive regimen ; but their visions of CathoEc unifornuty yet remain to be reaEzed. Progress of the Roman Power. 335 SECTION V. PROGRESS OF THE POPEDOM. CHAPTEE L PEOGEESS OF THE POWEE OF THE BISHOPS OP EOME FEOM THE CON- VEESION OF CONSTANTINE TO THE DEATH OF THEODOSIUS THE GEEAT IN A.D. 395. VHEN Constantine entered Eome as a conqueror, after the battle of the MEvian bridge, the Gospel had already made considerable progress in the great metropolis. The city at this time contained at least twenty-five churches;! but, though Maxentius had permitted the disciples to remain almost unmolested, they were stUl destitute of the safeguard of a legal toleration. Their chief pastor, Melchiades,^ must have experi enced no ordinary satisfaction when told that the victor was disposed to encourage Christianity. The conversion of Con stantine produced, indeed, a wonderful change in the position of the Church of Eome. The proscribed sect at once rose into distinction; and its leader, whose Efe would have been imperUled, not long before, had he publicly appeared among his feEow citizens, was soon courted as an influential patron and dreaded as a powerful adversary. In a.d. 313, when the Donatists appUed for redress to Constantino,' the Emperor appointed the bishop of Eome and a few of his brethren to examine the com plaint. The assessors held their sittings in the palace of the Lateran. As Melchiades entered the princely residence, well might he marvel at the alteration in his circumstances ; and yet little did he think that his successors were one day to occupy this royal mansion and to rule over the city. A portion of one of the Nicene canons already quoted * throws some Eght on the position of the bishop of Eome in A.D. 325. 1 See Ancient Church, 369, note. 2 Or Miltiades. 3 See Section I. Chap. V. of this Period, p. 118. "¦ Section III. Chap. III. of this Period, p. 244. 336 Progress of the Roman Power. " Let the ancient customs be maintained which are in Egypt, and Libya, and PentapoEs," says this authority, "that the bishop of Alexandria rule over all these places, as is the custom in the parallel case of the bishop of Eome."! The Emits of the juris diction of the Alexandrian primate are here defined; and an exposition of the canon, written towards the termination of the fourth century, points out, with precision, what were then con sidered the boundaries of the See of Eome. Eufinus, the author of this paraphrase, was born a few years after the meeting of the CouncE of Nice ; he was a native of Italy and a presbyter of AquEeia ; he possessed superior inteEigence ; and he may be regarded as a very competent interpreter of the meaning of the regulation. "Let the ancient custom be preserved at Alex andria and in the city of Eome," says this commentator — " the former attending to Egj-pt, and the latter to the Suburbicarian churches."^ A great officer of state — "the vicar of the city "—presided over a section of the empire known by the designation of the Suburbicarian provinces. He had under his government the three islands of Sicily, Corsica, and Sardinia, and the whole of the southern part of Italy, including Naples and nearly aU the territory which belonged, untE lately, to Tuscany and the States of the Church.' The suburbicarian churches were obviously those within the bounds of the suburbicarian provinces; and, when the canon was framed, Eome was in the zenith of her glory, and these provinces were the very garden of the mistress of the world. There were ten suburbicarian provinces;* and, under ordinary circumstances, there would, of course, have been ten archbishops; but, owing to his local position, the Eoman chief pastor soon became the common primate of almost all the suburbicarian churches. Sicily and Sardinia, and perhaps Corsica, were the ^ Canon vi. ° Eufinus, Migne, Patrolog. Curs. tom. xxi. 473. ^ The view here given is that of Sirmond and others ; but Cave disputes its accuracy, and endeavours to show that the suburbicary churches were confined within narrower bounds. See his Dissertation on the Government of the Andent Church, chap, iii, § 3. On the other side see Gieseler, i. 266 ; and StiUingfleet, Rational Account of the Grounds of the Protestant Religion, pp. 411-15, London, 1681. * i.e. ten provinces under the vicarius urbicus. See Kurtz, Hist, of the Christ. Church, 165. Progress of the Roman Power. 337 only provinces which usually had separate metropolitans.! Eome was easy of access from the whole surrounding territory, as it was the point to which aU the great roads converged ; it was the place to which every one was attracted by its scenes of unre mitting excitement, by business, or by famUy connexions ; and, when synods met, the bishops of the central and southern parts of Italy often preferred to repair to it rather than assemble in their respective districts. WhUst, therefore, the Eoman prelate was the spiritual governor of the greatest city of the empire, he was also the sole metropoEtan of six or seven of its richest provinces. He possessed wealth which enabled him to support a social position higher than any other bishop ; and he had con trived to concentrate in his own person an amount of power which placed him above any other metropolitan. The Arian controversy added much to the influence of the Eoman See, When orthodoxy was oppressed in the East it was protected in the West ; Athanasius himseE found an asylum in the old capital of the empire; and the great Italian primate repeatedly signalized himself as the assertor of Trinitarianism. The supporters of the Nicene Creed were so sensible of the value of his services that, in a council held at Sardica in a.d. 343, they concurred in the adoption of a canon which has ever since held a conspicuous place in the history of the progress of papal authority. According to this enactment, when an accused bishop had been tried and deposed by his provincial synod, he was at Eberty to appeal to the Eoman metropolitan ; and this great churchman was thus empowered to take up a case already decided by the proper tribunal, to remit it for re-examination to any neighbouring ecclesiastical judicatory, and to appoint some of his own presbyters, to attend the trial as his deputies, and to take part in the investigation.^ This council of Sardica was convened by the joint authority of Constans and Constantius ; but its members, finding it impossible to act together, separated into two bodies, and drew up contra dictory canons. The decree just described was framed by the orthodox majority. In several places the Arian bishops had behaved most arbitrarily; and, without any just cause, had ejected the adherents of Athanasius. This regulation was accord- 1 See Bingham, book ix. chap. i. sect. -vi. ' Canon v. in the Greek and vii, in the Latin. T 338 Progress of the Roman Power. ingly intended to provide the means of redress. Pope JuUus was the steady friend of the Alexandrian primate ; and it was weE understood that any appeal to him, by an advocate of the Nicene faith, would meet with most favourable consideration. The Council of Sardica recognized the Eoman prelate as, under specified circumstances, the general arbiter of the Western Church ; and its regulations were calculated to add immensely to his influence. But its proceeEngs did not command the respect which they might otherwise have chaUenged ; as it was considered a partisan assembly, or at least only the larger frag ment of an ecclesiastical convention. Its decree warranting appeals to Eome was, indeed, a most unwise piece of legislation ; for, whUst it attempted to make provision for a present diffi culty, it placed a very dangerous amount of power in the hands of an individual, and thus threatened the whole discipline of the Church with permanent derangement. Its foEy speedUy became palpable. Liberius, the immediate successor of Julius in the Eoman bishopric, commenced his episcopal administra tion by excommunicating Athanasius.! jje subsequently, indeed, changed his course, and acted as the champion of orthodoxy; but, when banished by Constantius into Thrace, he again veered about, and subscribed the semi-Arian creed of Sirmium.^ The reputation of the Eoman see, as the conservator of orthodoxy, was thus sadly damaged. But, in a very few years, the apostasy of Liberius was forgotten ; the bishopric recovered its prestige as the defender of the faith ; and its pretensions were urged, by a crowd of interested eulogists, with reinvigorated effrontery. The wealth of the Bishop of Eome even at this early period enabled him to wield vast influence. His revenues were already so extensive that he rivaUed the. opulent Eoman nobles in the liberality of his expenditure and the splendour of his domestic estabEshment. In a.d, 366, when the episcopal chair became vacant, two ecclesiastics, Damasus and Ursinus,' contended for it with such eagerness that much blood was shed before the con troversy was decided. The man who, on that occasion, did not scruple to step into his office over heaps of slain, has been canonized by the Church of Eome,* and has ever since been honoured by her as one of her most distinguished ornaments. A contem- 1 Bower, History of the Popes, Liberius. " Sozomen, iv. 15. ' Or Ursicinus. * See Roman Breviary, 11th December. Progress of the Roman Power. 339 porary pagan historian of high respectabUity, who has recorded this struggle, observes that the value of the prize sufficiently accounts for the violence of the rival canEdates. " Damasus and Ursinus," says he, " in their immoderate anxiety to obtain the bishopric, formed factions and carried on the conflict with such asperity that their partisans proceeded to hostiEties, invol ving the wounding and death of the combatants. The prefect Juventius, unable to extinguish or abate the tumult, was com pelled to withdraw into the suburbs. The strenuous efforts of the partisans of Damasus ultimately secured the victory. In a Christian church — the Basilica of Sicininus, — were found one hundred and thirty-seven dead bodies ; and the populace, who had been roused to a frenzy of ferocity, were with great diffi culty restored to order. When I consider the splendour of Eome, I do not wonder that those who desire such rank and power, should strive with all possible exertion and impetuosity to realize their wishes ; since, if they succeed, they are sure to be enriched by the presents of matrons, to be enabled, elegantly dressed, to appear abroad in a carriage, and to live so luxuriously that their feasts wiE be more sumptuous than royal entertain ments."! The Bishop of Eome did not derive his income from a state provision. The voluntary contributions of the faithful were amply sufficient to maintain him in a style of princely magnifi cence. The wealth of the civic aristocracy was enormous ; and the more devout or superstitious lavished benefactions on the great prelate and his clergy. A well-informed ecclesiastic of that age has most graphically described the arts by which greedy - churchmen imposed on the generosity of the Eoman matrons. " The clergy," says he, " -who ought to instruct and awe the women by a grave and composed behaviour, first kiss their heads, and then stretching out the hand, as it were to bestow a blessino-, slily receive a fee for their salutation. The women, in the meantime, elated with pride, because they are thus courted by the clergy, prefer the freedom of widowhood to the subjection attending the state of wedlock. Some of the clergy make it the whole business of their lives to learn the names of the ladies, to find out then habitations, and to study then humour." ^ These 1 Ammianus Marcellinus, xxvu. 3. ''¦ Jerome, Epist. xxii. Migne, Patrol. Cursus, tom. xxu. 404, 414. 340 Progress of the Roman Power. words may have been written partly under the influence of sjUeen ; but Jerome here, in aU likelihood, records proceedings of which he was personaEy cognizant. The Emperor was obEged to interfere and provide means for checking the rapacity of these schemers. A rescript of Valentinian I. ordains that the clergy shall not benefit, directly or indirectly, by any gift or devise made to them by any woman " to whom, under the pretext of religion, they may have attached themselves."! This law, which is dated July a.d. 370, was sent to Damasus, with orders that it should be read in all the places of worship at Eome.^ It was followed up by other provisions of a simUar character. The Church had already contrived to gain possession of such a large amount of property that the State began to take . alarm, and deemed it necessary to curtail the right of inheritance which the clergy had enjoyed since the days of Constantine. Laws declar ing the invalidity of wUls in which legacies were bequeathed to ecclesiastics, and founded on the same principle as our statutes of mortmain, were accordingly enacted.' WhUst the State was thus devising measures to prevent the rapid accumulation of ecclesiastical wealth, it was quite wiUing to conciEate the great bishop of the West by legislating for the increase of his ecclesiastical authority. The emperors remem bered that this dignified churchman was then subject ; and that, in cases of necessity, the power thus acquired by him could be made available for the support of their own political influence. Hence an extant rescript of Gratian and Valentinian IL, drawn up apparently towards the end of a.d. 378, conflrms and extends the Bishop of Eome's appellant jurisEction. This law requires even metropolitans, when accused, to repair to the ecclesiastical capital of Italy, or to submit to trial before such judges as the Eoman bishop chose to nominate.* The power conferred by the Council of Sardica was thus considerably eiEarged; as ecclesi astics of almost the highest rank, when arraigned, were made amenable to a tribunal composed entirely of members selected by the Western Patriarch. The pontiflcate of Damasus^ is speciaEy memorable as con- 1 Theod. Cod. xvi. t. ii. 20. ^ Bower, History of the Popes, Damasus. See also Theod. Cod. 1 493, ed. Haenel, 1842. 2 Theod. Cod. xvi, ii, 20 and 27. " Gieseler, i. 267. ^ a.d. 366 to a.d, 384, Pi^ogr ess of the Roman Power. 341 nected with the progress of papal aggression. The appointment of what have been called Apostolic vicars may weU be ranked among the most artful schemes of aggrandizement contrived by that ambitious and able churchman. The system was first inaugurated in Greece. From the days of Constantine, lUyri cum, comprehending all Greece and several provinces on the Danube, with Sirmium for its capital, had belonged to the Western Empire ;! but in a.d, 379, — when Theodosius was advanced to the sovereignty of the East — Greece and Dacia, ¦ under the designation of East lUyricuni, were transferred to his dominion.^ The Bishop of Eome now claimed ecclesiastical supremacy far beyond the bounds of the Suburbicarian pro vinces, and the Bishops of Illyricum acknowledged his preten sions ; but this new arrangement awakened his anxiety, as it threatened to curtaU the bounds of his jurisdiction. The Bishop of Constantinople — to whose care the Church in East Illyricum was apparently about to be transferred — was fast rising into power ; and Damasus was most unwiEing that the spiritual supervision of so large a territory should be consigned to an already formidable rival. As the bishops concerned had sided with Eome in the Trinitarian controversy, and as they were not particularly desirous to change their ecclesiastical chief, Damasus managed to retain them under his own authority. Thessalonica, the metropoEs of Macedonia, was the principal city of the dis trict now severed from the Western Empire; and Damasus appointed its bishop Acholius to act as his vicar throughout the whole of the dismembered territory. Some of the metropolitans consigned to the care of the new functionary were not, at first, altogether willing to recognize his supervision; as they had hitherto stood with him on a footing of equality ; but, beUeving that the great prelate of the Eastern capital, as their near neigh bour, would be a more dangerous overseer, they eventually sub mitted to the Eoman vicar. AchoEus, who had p,s yet been only the metropolitan of Macedonia, and who had no prospect of enjoying a better position under a new dynasty, was com pletely won over to the side of Damasus by this piece of ecclesi astical promotion.' 1 Bower, History of the Popes, Damasus. 2 Bingham, ix. ch. iv. sec. vii. Kurtz, 165. ' Bower, History of the Popes, Damasus. 342 Progress of the Roman Power. Future occupants of the Eoman See did not faU to turn to account the lesson taught by this successful experiment. In after times, when a powerful bishop in some quarter of the West seemed disposed to assert his independence, the great ItaEan prelate frequently contrived to disarm his opposition by confer ring on him the appointment of papal vicar. The individual on whom this honour was bestowed thus obtained an enlargement of his jurisdiction, and was understood to represent the Eoman Pontiff within the extended territory over which he exercised authority. By accepting the commission of vicar, he pledged himself to the support of the papal interest. Another practice commenced by Syricius,! the immediate suc cessor of Damasus, contributed greatly to augment the influence of the Eoman See. This was the writing of letters purporting to be expositions of Church law. The first of these documents — known as the Becretal Epistles — was promulgated by S3Ticius in the very beginning of his episcopate. A letter had reached Eome from Himerius, a Spanish bishop, soliciting instruction on vari ous points of ecclesiastical discipEne. Damasus, to whom it was addressed, was now dead ; but his successor submitted the communication to a meeting of his colleagues assembled, pro bably, on the occasion of his ordination ; and, in a long reply, dictated with an an of authority, Syricius gave specific directions in reference to the several questions suggested by this Spanish correspondent. One of the inquiries of Himerius related to the propriety of clerical celibacy; and it is somewhat remarkable that the earliest decretal letter contains an injunction " forbid ding to marry." At a later period in the history of the papal see, it was aEeged that the Italian patriarch had always authoritatively expounded the Apostolic faith and discipline to the bishops and people of the CathoEc Church, The statement, which long passed uncon tradicted, was apparently authenticated by a series of epistles claiming to be the official communications of the primitive pon tiffs. These letters, treating of all manner of ecclesiastical .ques tions, are couched in the language of command, and date from the very days of the Apostles. It is now generaEy admitted that they are wretched forgeries. They first saw the light shortly before the middle of the ninth century^ In ages of 1 A.D. 384 to A.D. 398. 2 See Bowden's Life of Gregory VII. i. 54. Progress of the Roman Power. 343 ignorance they remained unchallenged ; but the test of sober criticism has long since revealed the imposture. The letter of Syricius to Himerius is the earliest of the genuine decretals ; and its appearance marks the increased activity and boldness of Eomish ambition. The second CEcumenical Council, held in A.D. 381, had just raised the chief pastor of Constantinople above every other churchman except the great prelate of the West ; and it was by no means improbable that another ecclesiastical vote would recognize the Eastern patriarch as the first spiritual dignitary in Christendom. The Eoman bishop felt that he must employ all the resources of a vigorous diplomacy to avert such an alternative ; and accordingly the occasional promulgation of official letters, broadly asserting his prerogatives, was among the expedients he adopted to preoccupy the public mind, and thus, indirectly to fortify his position. In the middle of the third century, when the principle of the equality of all pastors was still maintained, the Bishop of Eome would have been stigmatized for impertinence had he ventured to issue one of these dictatorial manifestoes. At that time he exposed himself to scorn when he attempted to overbear his brethren by insisting on the validity of heretical baptism. But meanwhUe a wonderful change had passed over the spirit 'of the Church. It was now admitted, throughout a large portion of the West, that, in cases of peculiar difficulty, it was expedient for ordinary prelates to consult the Bishop of Eome and to con form to his directions. As his church had enjoyed the ministry of aposties, it at length began to be known as The Apostolic See;'- and, such were the special advantages of his position, that he was presumed to be more competent to expound aU matters of apostolical tradEion than any other ecclesiastic at least in Europe. The pubEc mind was, therefore, not altogether unpre pared to submE to the authority of the decretal episties. They could scarcely be characterized even as officious; for, though professing to lay down the law of the Church, they were gene rally written in answer to some pressing application. Soon after they began to make their appearance, many perhaps imagined that the circumstances of the times demanded tiieir continuance. When the Western Empire was dismembered by the Northern 1 But long after the fourth century the seat of an ordinary bishop was called an apostolic see. See Bingham, book ii. chap. ii. sec. 3. 344 Progress of the Roman Power. barbarians, existing ecclesiastical arrangements were thrown into confusion ; and pastors could no longer regularly meet for con sultation in their synoEcal assembEes. When, therefore, an emergency arose, and when an insulated bishop was obUged to apply for advice or instruction, he deemed himself singularly fortunate if he procured a letter of direction from a venerated prelate who possessed means of information to which very few others could have access. The Eoman bishop obtained facilities for adding indefinitely to his influence when recognised as the expounder of church law. The transition from the interpreter to the legislator could not be easily detected ; and few would have the courage to dis pute the deliverances of a judge of such reputed sanctity and of such undoubted power. His letters, which were widely cncu- lated as soon as written, at once took a high place among ecclesi astical authorities ; and in due time formed part of the canon law. Thus it was that he was permitted to announce, as the traditions of the Church, a crowd of doctrines and observances which often outraged common sense or contradicted the declara tions of Scripture ; but which, in not a few instances, were mainly calculated to perpetuate his own spiritual domination. The Bishop of Eome was obviously very much indebted for his elevation to imperial patronage., Constantine the Great was an able statesman ; without his sanction no ecclesiastical canon had any legal significance ; and, as he took a deep interest in the proceedings of all the councUs of his age,! j^g ^q jjoubt man aged to secure the recognition of such a form of church poUty as harmonized with his poEtical arrangements. Hence, in his time, the framework of the Christian commonwealth was closely assimilated to the structure of the civU government; and the rank of a city determined the status of its ecclesiastical overseer. Constantine might not comprehend the discussions relative to the mystery of the Trinity ; but he saw that his o-wn influence could be brought to bear most effectively and readily on a church under the care of metropolitans. Had the country and viEage bishops^ been preserved, and had aE possessors of episcopal dignity been still permitted to occupy the same ecclesiastical level, the spiritual authority would have been in frequent con- 1 See Sect. I. Chap. I. and Sect. III. Chap. IV. of this Period, pp. 71, 257. = See Sect. III. Chap. III. of this Period, p. 245. Progress of the Ro^nan Power. 345 flict with the temporal ; for the sovereign could not have easily controUed the movements of thousands of pastors of equal power acting together in their judicatories. But Ettle more than a hundred metropolitans, many of whom could be restrained or overawed by three great primates, did not present the same difficulties. When Constantine embraced Christianity, no uni form system of ecclesiastical polity prevaUed ; for more than a century afterwards the Church of Africa retained its peculiar constitution;! and the extreme vagueness of the Nicene canon as to the powers of the bishops of Eome, Alexandria, and Antioch, betrays a consciousness that it would have been inconvenient to enter into more specific explanations. These three churchmen had long exercised considerable influence throughout the dis tricts adjacent to their respective capitals ;^ this influence had been continuaUy augmenting; and it was now converted into legal authority. The Nicene fathers imparted additional consis tency and vigour to the whole hierarchical system. Whilst the Church now, for the first time, recognEed the name of metro politans, it also secured to them some of their most important prerogatives.' Constantine was an utter stranger to the prin ciples of civil and religious liberty ; but he desired the Church and the State to move on in harmony ; and it doubtless appeared to him that the best means of preventing a collision was to place himself at the head of both, and to assimEate their organi zation. As he came into closest contact with the higher pre lates, it was obvious that the greater amount of power he could secure to these dignitaries, he could the more conveniently man age the whole ecclesiastical machinery. The same reason induced so many of his successors to encourage the aggrandizement of the Bishop of Eome. Ages passed away before monarchs began to dread him as a rival ; and meanwhEe they conceived they could best concentrate their own authority by requiring other prelates to submit to supervision which they were stiE perfectly able to control Hence, throughout the whole of the fourth cen tury, the state favoured the Eoman pontiff's aspirations ; and, in A.D. 378, he made one of his greatest strides towards supremacy 1 See Sect. I. Chap. V. of this Period, p. 128. "^ It is evident, from the proceedings of the Melitians, that the pretensions at least of the Alexandrian primate were stiU disputed. 3 See 4th, 6th, and 7th of the Nicene canons. 346 Progress of the Roman Power. by means of the rescript of Gratian and Valentinian II. The same policy was pursued by Theodosius, who commanded aE his subjects to conform their faith to that of " the Pontiff Dama sus" of Eome, and of "Peter, Bishop of Alexandria."! Thus the Italian primate was set forth by the Emperor as the director of the doctrine of the Western Church. The death of Theodosius the Great, which occurred in A.D, 395, was immediately foEowed by the final separation of the Eastern from the Western Empire, This event had a consider able influence on the position and prospects of the Bishop of Eome. CHAPTEE IL THE PEOGEESS OF THE POWEE OF THE BISHOPS OF EOME, FEOM THE DEATH OF THEODOSIUS THE GREAT TO THE FALL OF THE WESTEEN EMPIRE. — A.D. 395 to A.D. 476. The lofty tone adopted by the bishop of Eome, about the begin ning of the flfth century, has attracted the special notice of ecclesi astical historians. In a.d. 402, Innocent I., a man of imperious character, was called to occupy the papal chair; and during the nearly fifteen years of his eventful pontificate, the dignity of his see seemed ever present to his contemplation. It was not strange that the subject so much employed the thoughts of this haughty churchman. The East and the West were now under different sovereigns, and various cncumstances indicated that the Patriarch of Eome would soon have to contend with the Patriarch of Con-- stantinople for the ecclesiastical primacy. Innocent had the sagacity to perceive that, were he to rest the claims of his see on the social pre-eminence of its metropolis, he would urge an argument of transparent insufficiency; for, as the Western Emperor had transferred the seat of government to his palace at Eavenna, Eome was fast sinking into the condition of a provincial city ; whereas Constantinople was the residence of the imperial court, and the capital of the Eastern Empire. Another cause must therefore be assigned for the superiority of the Western bishopric. It had long been currently asserted that the Church 1 Baronius, ad. 380. ^ Progress of the Roman Power. 347 of Eome was founded by the Apostles Peter and Paul;'- and though the statement is contradicted by the testimony of Scrip- ture,2 the spirit of the age was so favourable to papal usurpation that its truth was generally admitted. It was, indeed, at length discovered that Paul could not be conveniently associated with the apostle of the circumcision, and about this time he was dis missed from the legend.' It was now affirmed that Peter was the Prince of the Apostles, that he was entrusted by Christ with the care of the universal Church, and that the bishop of Eome, as his successor, inherited his primacy and jurisdiction. " Who does not know, or does not perceive," says Innocent, " that what has been deEvered by Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, to the Church of Eome, and is stiE preserved there, ought to be ob served by aU ? And that nothing should be added or introduced which has not this authority, or which may seem to be copied from any other quarter^ — especiaUy since it is manifest that none instituted Churches in all Italy, Gaul, Spain, Africa, Sicily, and the interjacent islands, save those who were appointed to the sacerdotal office by the venerable Apostle Peter, or his successors. They do not read that in these provinces any other apostle ap peared or is reported to have taught."* At the time of the Council of Nice the bishop of Byzantium acknowledged the bishop of Heraclea as his metropolitan ; but when the former city was enlarged and called Constantinople it speedUy obtained ecclesiastical advancement. Every one could explain the cause of its promotion; and there were perhaps persons living at the death of the Emperor Theodosius who recollected the successive steps by which the Eastern patriarch reached the position secured to him by the second CEcumenical Council. It was otherwise with the bishop of Eome. The pri matial importance of his see was covered with the mantle of a venerable antiquity, and an age of increasing superstition listened . reverentially to his exalted pretensions. His more discerning partisans rather desired than believed his representations to be true ; and those who could have demonstrated their foEy recoUed from the ungracious task— for, if efficiently performed, it must have exhibEed the weakness of the whole fabric of the hierarchy, as 1 See Ireuffius, iii. 3, § 2. ' Eom. i. 13, xvi. ; Gal. ii 7, 8. ' The text. Matt. xvi. 18, could not in any way be applied to Paul. [ « Epist. xxv. ad Decent. Migne, Patrol. Curs. xx. 552. 348 Progress of the Roman Power. well as exposed themselves to the displeasure of the proud patri arch. The wrath of the Eoman prelate was not now expended in a mere outburst of passion ; for he was supported by the sword of civU authority, and an assailant of his dignity might have reckoned on incarceration or banishment, E not on some more weighty infliction. Had Byzantium been the scene of the martyrdom of one of the apostles, the Pope would not have ventured to expatiate so magniloquently on the prerogatives of Peter. But the history of New Eome supplied few sacred recollections ; and Innocent weU knew that he took up a position which his rival could not even pretend to occupy when he asserted his primacy as a divine right and an apostolic inheritance. WhUst he was advancing these high-flown claims it so happened that passing events con tributed to augment his personal consequence. The death of Theodosius the Great was the signal for the invasion of the empire . by the Gothic barbarians ; and fifteen years afterwards that mighty city, which had so often spread terror to the ends of the earth, was sacked by the -victorious Alaric. The piUage of the capital involved the ruin of its ancient aristocracy. " The great men, and the rich men, and the chief captains, and the mighty men,"! were swept away by the torrent of war. Many of the noblest families were suddenly reduced to beggary ; many of their members were carried off as slaves ; and very few citizens of distinction survived the terrible catastrophe. As Innocent was on a mission to the Emperor at Eavenna when Eome was captured, he had not the misfortune to witness its humiEation; and the Gothic warrior, though an Arian, would not permit his troops to injure any of the places of Catholic worship, or to ap propriate any of their sacred vessels of gold and silver. Wlien the enemy had retired, it appeared as if the Church alone had escaped the desolation, and as if the Pope were almost the only individual of rank or influence in Eome. From this date untU he attained sovereign power he continued to be its chief citizen. It has been already stated that the Eoman princes, from motives of policy, promoted the formation of the Popedom ; and now that the Italian patriarch had become so powerful, they deemed it prudent — more especiaEy as their own authority was declining — to treat him with increased deference. Far beyond ^ Rev. vi. 15. Progress of the Rom,an Power. 349 the bounds of the suburbicarian provinces, the imperial officers insisted on submission to the bishop of Eome. But stUl Western Christendom was not quite prepared to bow implicitly to his dictates ; and nowhere did he encounter so vigorous opposition ¦ as in Africa. The Donatist schism, as we have seen,! j^g^^j narrowly directed public attention in that country to questions of polity and discipline ; and the people and clergy had declined to adopt several of the changes introduced elsewhere into the ecclesiastical constitution. The doctrine of the primacy of Peter and of the divine right of the Pope had there very few cordial advocates. Even Augustine, the leader of the Catholics and the greatest theologian of his age, rejected, after mature consideration, the interpretation commonly given of the proof-text of Eomanism — " Thou art Peter, and upon this Eock wiU I build my Church."^ " Our Lord declares,'' says this father, " on this rock will I buUd my Church, because Peter had said ' Thou art the Christ, the Son of the Eving God.' On this rock which thou hast confessed, he declares, ' I wUl build my Church,' for Christ was the rock on whose foundation Peter himseE was built, for other foundation hath no man laid than that which is laid, which is Jesus Christ."' During the Pelagian controversy the African clergy more than once practically asserted their ecclesiastical independence. When Pelagius and Coelestius ventured across the Mediterranean from Eome, their heresy was condemned, and its authors cut off by synodical authority from catholic communion. The African . bishops then forwarded to Innocent an account of their proceed ings, and requested his concurrence — not because they had any doubts as to the validity of their independent judgment, but because they believed that the approving testimony of so in fluential a prelate would impart additional importance and » Sefi Sect. I. Chap. V. of this Period. 2 Matt, xvi. 18. ' "Ait Dominus, Super hane petram cedificabo Ecclesiam meam, quia dixerat Petrus, Tu es Christus Filius Dei vivi. Super banc ergo, inquit, p.etram quam confessus es, eadificabo Ecclesiam meam. Petra enim erat Christus : super quod fandamentum etiam ipse ajdificatus est Petrus . Fundamentum quippe aliud nemo potest ponere prseter id quod positum est, quod est Christus Jesus." In Joannis Evang. Tractat. cxxiv. § 5. Patrol. Ours. Migne, tom. xxxv. 1973. It is worthy of note that the above exposition of Matt. xvi. 18 was given after Augustine came into coUision with the bishop of Rome in the Pelagian controversy. 'Rp had before adopted the Eomish interpretation. See Neander, iii. 225. 350 Progress of the Roman Power. publicity to their decision. " We have," said they, " anathema tized Pelagius and Coelestius, and thought fit to acquaint you with' it, that to the decrees of Church rulers in our comparatively humble position might be added the authority of the ApostoEc See." ! Innocent was obviously somewhat puzzled by this appli cation; for, as he was most jealous of his dignity, he did not care to appear merely to foEow in the wake of these African Churchmen ; but his character for orthodoxy was at stake ; and some of his correspondents had informed him that he was actuaEy suspected of favouring the heresy.^ He contrived, however, to escape from the difficulty by assuming that the African fathers had referred the case to his final arbitration ; and accordingly denounced Pelagianism. Zosimus, the succeeding Pope, did not act with the same prudence. During his pontificate, Coelestius arrived in Eome, complained of the judgment of the African bishops, asserted his orthodoxy, and presented a confession of his faith. In this document he intimated that he was in doubt as to the doctrine of original sin, and affirmed that it did not form any part of the catholic creed. Zosimus approved of the pro duction, and wrote to the African bishops complaining of the rashness with which they had pronounced judgment. In the lofty tone of ecclesiastical superiority he condemns their discus sions on the subject of original sin as " silly controversies," ' and demands an explanation of their conduct. But the Africans were not to be thus intimidated. At a Council convened on the occasion they unanimously reaffirmed then former sentence, and condemned anew the disputed doctrine. The Pope himseE was now obliged to yield, and at length withdrew his protection from' the errorists. The African bishops were not, however, content to let the matter rest here ; for, as they disapproved of the conduct of Pelagius and Coelestius in applying to Zosimus for a reversal of their sentence, they passed a law condemnatory of aU who should in future pursue the same course. " If any one," says this decree, " shall presume to appeal beyond sea, let no one in Africa receive him to communion." * ' "Hoc itaque -gestum, domine frater, sancti Charitati tuse intimandum duxi- miis, ut statutis nostrse mediocritatis etiam apostolic^ Sedis adhibeatur aucto- ritas." August. Epist. clxxv., Migne, Patrolog. Curs, xxxiii. 760. ^ August. Epist. clxxvii. Migne, Patrol. Curs, xxxiii. 764. ' " Inepta certamina. " Zo.sim. Epist. ii. 7. Patrol. Curs. xx. 653. * This regulation is also to be found in the Code of the African Church, cap. 28, 125. Progress of the Roman Power. 351 Another transaction in which the African Church was con cerned shortly after this period supplies a curious illustration of the arts by means of which the Italian prelate endeavoured to support his encroachments. A presbyter of Sicca in Numidia, named Apiarius, had for various crimes been deposed and excommunicated ; but having, in the face of the canon just quoted, appealed to Eome, he was by Zosimus at once released from the sentence. Aware, after what had occurred, that it might be difficult to induce the African bishops to submit to such high-handed interference, the Pope tried by a piece of most disreputable trickery to secure their obedience. Knowing that the Sardican Synod had not been recognized in Africa, and that it was the only ecclesiastical authority which warranted the right of appeal to his tribunal, he attempted to pass off its canons as if they had been framed by the Council of Nice ! When a deputation appointed by him, consisting of a bishop and two presbyters, appeared in Africa, and proceeded to produce these vouchers to a Synod before which they were pleading the cause of Apiarius, the assembly immediately demurred, alleging that the regulations now quoted were not to be found in then copies of the Nicene decrees. " It matters not," replied the deputation, " whether or not these canons are to be found in your copies, or indeed in any other. You must know that the canons and ordinances of Nice which have been handed down to us by tra dition and estabEshed by custom are no less binding than those that have been conveyed to us in writing." ! Intimidated by the power of the Pope, who, since the confirmation of his appellant jurisdiction by Gratian and Valentinian IL, could confidently calculate on the assistance of the civil magistrate, the bishops were obUged to Esten to this insolence without reply ; but still they resolved to send messengers to Constantinople and Alexan dria to obtain from these great Churches accredited copies of the Nicene canons. MeanwhUe the affair of Apiarius was compro mised ; and the offending presbyter, on making certain acknow ledgments, was restored to the ministry. But he soon afterwards committed crimes of a more aggravated character, and was again deposed and excommunicated. He betook himself a second time, to the tribunal of Eome, where the sentence was once more summarUy removed. Celestine, who was now Pope,^ sent back ' See Bower's Popes, Zosimus. ^ a.d. 422 to a.d. 432. 352 Progress of the Roman Power. this worthless man to Africa, accompanied by a commission empowered to replace him in his former ecclesiastical position. Long ere this the messengers to Constantinople and Alexandria had returned to the African bishops bearing authentic copies of the Nicene decrees, exactly corresponding to those already in their possession — so that it was now useless to attempt, under a false name, to secure authority for the canons of Sardica. But, where argument faded, effrontery was not wantiog. Before an African Synod the Papal commissioner stoutly asserted the innocence of Apiarius ; and the trial had continued several days, when, to the astonishment of aU and the confusion of the Eoman advocate, the accused, smitten with remorse, made a full and free confession of his criminaEty. For very shame the Pope was now obEged to abandon his protegee ; and thus this attempt to enslave the African Church was ingloriously defeated. The African bishops now renewed more stringently the canon prohibiting appeals beyond sea on any pretence whatever, and extending it to aE classes of Churchmen. In a letter addressed on the occa sion to Celestine, they employed language which must have been anything but grateful to the proud pontiff. " Would it not," said they, " be presumptuous in any of us to suppose or imagine that God wEl inspire a particular person with the spirit of justice, and refuse it to many bishops assembled in CouncU ? And how can a judgment given out of the country and beyond sea be right, where the necessary witnesses cannot be present by reason of their sex, or their age, or some other impediment 1 As for your sending legates, we find no such ordinances in any councU, nor in the writings of the fathers. As to what you have sent us by our coUeague Faustinus as a canon of the CouncE of Nice, we must let you know that no such canon is to be found in the genuine and uninterpolated canons of that Council which have been transcribed and sent us by our fellow-bishop Cyril of Alexandria and the reverend Atticus of Constantinople. These copies we sent to Boniface,! your predecessor of worthy memory. We therefore earnestly beg you will send no more legates or ec clesiastics to execute your judgments here, lest you should seem to introduce worldly pride and arrogance into the Church of Christ."^ Notwithstanding the assistance of the State, the bishop of ' Bishop of Rome from a.d. 419 to a.d. 422. ' See the original quoted by Gieseler, i. 268, note. Progress of the Roman Power. 353 Eome long found it difficult to secure submission beyond the suburbicarian provinces. Nowhere, except in Africa, did he meet with more resolute opposition than in Gaul Pope Zosimus had an obstinate struggle with some of the bishops of that country when he attempted to interfere with their ecclesiastical arrangements by extending the jurisdiction of the bishop of Aries ; and Proculus of Marseilles continued to the last to set at nought his authority and to disregard all his fulminations.! Nearly thirty years afterwards, Hilary of Aries refused to acknowledge the Italian patriarch's appellant jurisdiction ; and Leo, who then fiEed the Papal chair, was obliged to throw himself on the civE power for support. In a.d. 445, at the instigation of this Pontiff", the feeble Emperor Valentinian III. issued an edict which confirmed and enlarged the authority granted, upwards of sixty years before, by Gratian and Valentinian II. The rescript, which on this occasion was addressed most appropriately to iEtius, the General of the troops in Gaul, declares that nothing must be attempted by the bishops, either there or elsewhere, " without the authority of the venerable Pope of the Eternal City." ^ It adds that " whatever the authority of the apostolic see has sanctioned, or will sanction, shall be a law for them and for all others." ' An appeal has been often made to this edict as if it introduced a new era in the history of the Popedom ; and it must be admitted that it confers larger powers, and that it is more peremptory in its tone, than any preceding act of legislation ; but its infiuence has been probably over-estimated. It merely gives another and more emphatic sanction to pretensions which the State was already pledged to uphold. But, as the Western Empire was now overrun by enemies and tottering on the verge of ruin, this law could have been only very partiaEy enforced. Other cir cumstances contributed still more efficiently to place the papal authority on a stable foundation. Among these may be mentioned the jealousies and contentions of the great Eastern prelates. As the bishop of Eome was the only Patriarch in the West, he had nothing to fear from the intrigues of envious rivals ; and the ecclesiastics whom he compeUed tp obedience were generally too 1 Bower's Popes, Zosimus. Gieseler, i. 266. 2 "Sine viri venerabilis papoe Urbis .^ternse auctoritate." 3 "Sed hoc Ulis omnibusque pro lege sit, quidquid sanxit vel sanxorit apostoU- ca; sedis auctorilas." S. Leo. Mag. EiAst. xi. Opera, tom. i. 638, ed. Migne. Z 354 Progress of the Roman Power. feeble to embarrass him in his career of usurpation. But in the Eastern Empire the four Patriarchs of Constantinople, Alexandria, Antioch, and Jerusalem were employed in chaEenging each other's pretensions and checking each other's advancement. The Patriarch of Constantinople — the most influential of them all — was long engaged with the three others in embittered contests. His rapid elevation was peculiarly mortifying to his brethren of Alexandria and Antioch, as they were both thus placed a degree lower in the scale of ecclesiastical dignity. Chrysostom felt the effects of their galled ambition ; and, when he submitted a statement of his wrongs to Innocent of Eome, the energy with which that prelate espoused his cause tended greatly to exalt the reputation of the Western bishopric. The Nestorian and Eutychian controversies, fomented by the rivalry of the bishops of Constantinople and Alexandria, were also extremely favourable to the growth of papal influence. When the victory was doubtful — as the bishop of Eome, by throwing his patronage into either scale, could decide the hesitating balance — each party appEed to him for support ; and meanwhUe he obtained acknowledgments from both which increased his weight and secured his preponde rance. In A.D. 451 his legates, associated with other dignitaries,! took a prominent part, for the first time, in an oecumenical councU ; and his letter condemnatory of Eutychianism was registered by the fathers of Chalcedon as a portion of the creed of the cathoEc Church. Leo the Great, the Pope who was thus hono-ared, and who continued to occupy his place for the un- usuaUy long period of twenty-one years,^ was the ablest, most eloquent, and most ambitious of aU the churchmen who had ever yet presided in the Eoman bishopric. The doctrine that the Apostle Peter is the foundation of the Church, and that the chief pastor of Eome, as his successor, is the hen of his prerogatives, was inculcated by this pontiff with uncommon industry and boldness ; and the arrogance with which his representatives in the Council of Chalcedon put forward his pretensions gave just offence to the assembled prelates. But, before the close of the proceedings, his pride received a most appropriate rebuke by a ' The Imperial commissioners occupied the chief place. See Binius, ii. 40. During some of the proceedings of the CouncU the Eoman legates were not even present. 2 From A.D. 440 to a.d. 461. Progress of the Rom,an Power. 355 vote, passed almost unanimously by these ecclesiastical legislators. " Whereas," says this resolution, " the fathers with great propriety bestowed the chief honours on the see of old Eome, because it was the Imperial city ; and whereas the one hundred and fifty fathers ! beloved of God, actuated by the same motive, conferred the like dignity on the most holy see of New Eome — ^judging it reasonable that the city honoured as the seat of empire and of the Senate, and equal in civil privileges with ancient royal Eome, should be equally distinguished also by ecclesiastical privileges, sjadi enjoy the second place in the Church, being next to old Eome — we ratify and confirm the same." ^ Another canon, corresponding to that which had been adopted upwards of a century before at Sardica in favour of the Eoman bishop, was at the same time enacted. " If any one," says this regulation, " is wronged by his metro poEtan, he is to be judged by the Exarch of the Diocese,' or by the throne of Constantinople."^ Thus the precedence of the Western primacy was reduced to a mere affair of courtesy, and the great Constantinopolitan prelate was placed exactly on a level with his Western brother. The Italian Pontiff maintained that his see stood at an im measurable distance above aE other bishoprics, inasmuch as it was founded and occupied by the prince of the apostles. But here the doctrine of its primacy is expounded by a general council ; and all such statements are quietly discarded as mere romance. The fathers of Chalcedon teach that the bishop of Eome had hitherto held the first place in Christendom simply because he was located in the first city of the Empire. Leo was intensely dissatisfied because they consistentiy carried out the principle involved in this interpretation by recognising the bishop of Constantinople as his ecclesiastical peer. As soon as the matter was mooted, his legates abruptly left the council; and at a subsequent session they entered their protest against the canon as unjust to "the Pope of the universal church."^ Leo 1 Of the General CouncU of Constantinople, held A. d, 381. ¦' CouncU of Chalcedon, Canon xxviii. ' See Sect. III. Chap. III. of this Period, p. 249. ^ CouncU of Chalcedon, Canon xvu. 5 Binius tom. ii. 343. I* is obvious from this and other statements that titles at least equivalent to that of universal bishop were given to the Pope long before the beginning of the seventh century. In this same CouncU of Chalcedon one of the Pope's legates speaks of Rome as "the head of aU the churches" (caput 356 Progress of the Roman Power. himself denounced it as null and void. As the Christian com munity was already torn by divisions, it was deemed prudent to endeavour to pacify the exasperated prelate ; and, at the instiga tion of the Eastern Emperor, the bishop of Constantinople attempted to concUiate him by addressing to him a soothing and deprecatory letter. But the canon, notwithstanding, received the imperial confirmation; and thus openly commenced that strife between the Eastern and Western churches which forms so prominent a topic in the history of succeeding centuries. The power of the bishop of Eome had obtained such a firm foundation before the Western Empire fell that his throne scarcely felt the shock of the overthrow ; and the assaults of the barbarians on the crumbling fabric furnished him with some splendid opportunities for the display of his pontifical greatness. We have seen that, after the sack of Eome by Alaric, the Pope remained almost its only grandee ; and, in A.D. 452, when the ter rible Attila, King of the Huns, appeared in Italy, and threatened the city again with desolation, the bishop, at the head of a depu tation, was commissioned to visit his camp, and to entreat him to desist from his enterprise. At this very time the barbarian chief had some reason for anxiety, as his army was in critical circumstances ; and his own mUitary skill might have dictated the course pointed out by the commissioners ; but then applica tion supplied him with a plausible apology for withdrawing from a dangerous position. His retirement, on payment of a large sum of money, was, however, currently attributed to the influ ence of Leo. It was alleged that the fierce Hun, who deliehted in the designation of " The Scourge of God," was overawed by the majestic deportment, the saintly character, and the com manding eloquence of the Eoman bishop. Three years after wards, when Genseric plundered the ancient capital of Italy, Leo is said to have succeeded in moderating the rapacity of the savage Vandal. As the imperial power declined, the Pope gradually assumed a bolder and more imposing attitude. The omnium ecclesiarum), Binius, ii. 41. Gregory the Great asserts erroneously that the title ' ' universal " was given to the bishops his predecessors by the Council of Chalcedon. Epist. lib. v. ; Epist. 18, Migne, Patrol. Curs, tom, Ixxvii. 740. It is clear, from the above testimonies, that it was used at that time somewhat ostentatiously by the papal partizans. But other bishops of high authority were also called universal. See Gieseler, i. 264, 269 ; and Schaif, ii. 285, note. Progress of the Roman Power. 357 barbarians, from motives either of policy or superstition, re spected his sacerdotal dignity; and though they waged 'war against the Empne, it never seems to have occurred to them that the great bishop should be treated as an enemy. He was not dnectiy dependent on the State for his support— as his revenue was derived, partiy from the contributions of the faith ful, and partly from landed possessions in various countries,! given or bequeathed to his predecessors, or purchased by the treasures of the Church ; and as he had no reason to anticipate their confiscation, he had little personal interest in the main tenance of a sinking dynasty. Simplicius, who was Pope ^ at the time of the deposition of Augustulus, the last sovereign of the West, has left behind him a variety of letters in which he treats of the transactions of his age ; but it is remarkable that he does not record the extinction of the Empire. It may be that he did not consider it expedient to notice the catastrophe ; and it is quite possible that he experienced no inconvenience whatever from a change of masters. The breaking up of the old political fabric served rather to strengthen his relations with distant prelates. The hurricane of revolution destroyed much of the existing ecclesiastical organization, separating bishops from metropolitans and metropolitans from exarchs, and scatter ing some whole communities to the winds ; and, in the mean time, not a few churches surrendered to him the remnants of their independence, preferring the shelter of his domination to the anarchy created by the poEtical tempest. After the con quest of Africa by the Vandals, even the Church of that country, which had so long resisted his authority, is found patiently sub mitting to his jurisdiction. When the Western Empire fell, the influence of the Pope was established more firmly than ever ; and the bishop of Constantinople was the only ecclesiastic in existence who appeared likely to disturb his dreams of ambition. Acacius, who then presided in the See of the Eastern capital, was a man of ability and address ; and the zeal with which he asserted his dignity gave no little uneasiness to the Eoman patriarch. 1 As in Sicily, Gaul, and elsewhere. * From A.D. 467 to a.d. 483. 358 The Papacy. CHAPTEE III. the PEOGEESS OF THE PAPACY FEOM THE FALL OF THE WESTEEN EMPIEE TO THE PONTIFICATE OF GEEGOEY THE GEEAT, A.D. 476 TO A,D, 590. The growth of that spiritual despotism which eventuaEy en thralled so many of the churches of Christendom commenced in the days of the apostles. " The mystery of iniquity doth already work," says Paul, " only he who now letteth wUl let, untU he be taken out of the way."! It was the opinion of the early fathers that the Eoman Empire was the power which let, or hindered, the revelation of Antichrist.^ Whatever may be thought of this interpretation, it is certain that the influence of the bishop of the Italian metropolis continued to increase as the imperial authority declined. Long before the extinction of the Western Empire, Eome had ceased to be the residence of the court ; and when the Pope became its chief citizen, his ambition was stimu lated and fostered by the weakness of the existing government. We have seen that the circumstances of the times added greatly to his importance. His vast wealth enabled him to relieve the multitudes of poor to be found in a sinking capital ; his person was invested, in popular estimation, with peculiar sanctity; when the irruptions of the barbarians created perplexity and peril, his advice was eagerly solicited and reverentiaEy obeyed ; and when it was necessary to implore imperial aid, or to depre cate the vengeance of the conqueror, the pontiff was expected to appear at the head of the deputation, and to exert the influence of his character and eloquence. Thus, even the disasters of his country conspired to augment his reputation. His power con tinued to increase notwithstanding the triumphs of the northern barbarians. When Augustulus, the last Emperor of the West, was set aside by Odoacer, king of the Heruli, this prince, though an Arian, respected the pontifical dignity; for he doubtless con sidered that his own throne would be more secure, could he conciliate the support of the Eoman prelate. But if his Gothic kingdom was represented by one of the toes on the feet of the 1 2 Thess, u, 7, ^ See TertuUiau's Apology, ch. 32. The Papacy. 359 great image seen by Nebuchadnezzar in his dream,! jj; j^^jg^. j^g^^e been symbolized by a toe of clay ; as, after a brief existence of little more than fourteen years, it was broken in pieces. Theo doric, king of the Ostrogoths, by whom it was destroyed, was, like Odoacer, an adherent of Arianism ; he nevertheless asserted his right, as sovereign, to interfere in elections to the Popedom, and in one case was provoked to im.prison an occupant of the Eoman see;^ but, as the supporters of the Nicene Creed formed an overwhelming majority of his subjects, he generally recognized the political expediency of cultivating the good opinion of the most powerful bishop in his territories. After the deposition of Augustulus, the sovereigns of Constan tinople claimed the inheritance of the Empire of the West; and the Gothic princes did not directly repudiate the tribute of a nominal allegiance. The Greek monarchs were exceedingly unwiEing to relinquish this titular dignity; and, in the hope that the ItaEan pontiff might one day help them to obtain a footing on the banks of the Tiber, some of them courted most assiduously the favour of the great churchman. In a.d, 533, the Eastern Emperor, Justinian, wrote a letter to the Eoman bishop, John IL, in which, adopting the fulsome style already more than once employed by his predecessors, , he consulted him as the judge of Catholic doctrine, and the index of Catholic unity' Shortly afterwards his general Belisarius appeared, first in Africa, and then in Europe; triumphed over the Vandals and the Goths ; and added several of the Latin provinces to the Eastern Empire. But the sovereignty thus acquired rested on a very insecure basis. Though the authority of the court of Constanti nople was now acknowledged at Eome for nearly two hundred years, the Greek monarch stiE felt that it was unsafe to test too severely the loyalty of his Italian subjects — more especiaEy as, throughout almost the whole of this period, his dominion was imperiEed by the neighbourhood of the conquering Lombards. The Pope, who sometimes ventured to brave the displeasure of his Eastern master, was meanwhUe gradually strengthening the foundations of his power and enlarging his pretensions. In a ' Dan. u, 42. 2 Pope John I. in A.D. 526. See Bower, John fifty-second bishop of Rome. 3 In Elliott's Horce Apoealyptiece, iii, 134, this letter is quoted as written at a great prophetic era. But its importance seems to be over-rated, 360 The Papacy. few instances, when' he did not prove obsequious, the Emperor treated him with rigour;! but prudential considerations com monly preponderated ; and the imperial letters to the occupants of the Eoman See were ordinarily couched in the language of compliment or of flattery. Whilst reasons of state were prompting the Greek sovereigns to pay court to the Eoman patriarch, circumstances of a different nature were constantly augmenting his consequence. In the Arian controversy he added greatly to his credit by upholEng Trinitarianism; and he was thus taught that his influence might be stiE farther promoted could he maintain his character as the defender of the faith. In most cases his position enabled him to be pretty sure of the ground he occupied in reference to any disputed dogma before he committed himself by a positive deliverance. As, with the exception of Pelagianism, all the heresies which had hitherto disturbed the Church originated in the East, he had ample time to investigate debated questions before giving his decision ; and, as he was comparatively free from secular control, he could afford to pronounce an independent judgment. Thus it happened that almost every new heresy contributed to his fame. Shortly after the downfall of the Western Empire he was presented with a golden opportunity of exhibiting his zeal for orthodoxy. In a.d. 482 the Greek Em peror Zeno, harassed by the contentions which the CouncU of Chalcedon had rather aggravated than repressed, and believing that the discussion between the Monophysites and their adver saries had dwindled down nearly into a war of words, framed a Formula of Concord, designated the Henoticon? with a view to promote a reconciUation. The Monophysite leaders, as weE as the patriarch of Constantinople, and others, subscribed this docu ment ; and hopes were entertained that the Church, exhausted by strife, would at length enjoy a season of repose. But the bishop of Eome pertinaciously refused to sanction the compro mise. He anathematized the great Eastern patriarch as a betrayer of the high trust committed to him, and denounced the Henoticon as a renunciation of Catholic verity. The com munion between the Eastern and Western churches was now ^ As in the case of Pope Vigilius, who died a.d. 555. The case of Pope Martin, who died in exile in a.d. 665, is another illustration. ^ See Section II. chap. V. of this Period, p. 211 The Papacy. 361 interrupted for upwards of thirty years;! and at length the Greek Emperor, yielding to the intimidation of his orthodox subjects, was obliged to purchase a restoration of the ecclesias tical peace by submitting to the demands of the Eoman pontiff, and acknowledging, without reserve, the decrees of the Council of Chalcedon. During the continuance of this schism between the Eastern and Western churches, some of the most extravagant pretensions since advanced by the Italian pontiffs were first mooted. About a.d, 511, Ennodius, bishop of Ticinum, a flatterer of Pope Sym- machus, broached the doctrine that the bishop of Eome ju.dges in the place of God, and that he is subject to, the jurisdiction of no earthly tribunal, ^ At the time, these statements were treated as mere gasconade; and long afterwards the Greek Emperor continued to exercise a species of ecclesiastical supremacy ; but, at length, the assertions of such men as Ennodius were adduced as vouchers for the antiquity of pontiflcal prerogatives. A few years, however, before the bishop of Ticinum promulgated his reveries, an event occurred which led to a great change in the state of Western Europe, as well as to the enlargement and con solidation of pontifical authority. In a.d. 496 the celebrated king Clovis embraced Christianity. As the history of the con- versiori of this prince illustrates the spirit of the age, it is entitled to particular notice. When Clovis became king of the Salian or Sicambrian Franks, the whole tribe did not consist of more than three or four thou sand warriors. Clothed in skins of wild beasts, and devoted to war and hunting, they were only imperfectly acquainted with the elements of civilization. As they led a species of wandering life, they were very little attached, by local associations, to the superstitions of their ancestors ; but the Gospel and the Eoman power had been long connected in the thoughts of the barbarians ; and, as Clovis desired the protection of a mighty tutelary guar dian, he hesitated to pass over to the Church. He had witnessed the subversion of the Western Empire ; and he imagined that 1 From a.d. 484 to a.d, 619. 2 " Aliorum forte hominum oausas Deus voluerit per homines terminare ; sedis istius prffisulem suo, sine quaistione, reservavit arbitrio." The forged acts of a preceding council and some other spurious documents have been quoted in support of these sentiments. See Gieseler, i 339. 362 The Papacy. its faU indicated the weakness of the God of the Christians. His wife ClotUda, a zealous Catholic, and niece of Gundebald, king of the Burgundians, had laboured diUgently to effect his conversion; but, for a considerable time, all her exertions were unavailing. The issue of a battle with the Alemanni at length completely removed his scruples. In this engagement he had cried in vain for help to the gods of his forefathers ; and at last, in an agony of despair, when his troops Avere giving way on all sides, he invoked the aid of the god of Clotilda. At this critical moment the tide of war began to turn, and the enemy fled before him. Clovis, now convinced of the power of the Saviour, openly embraced the Christian faith ; and three thousand of his Frankish warriors forthwith followed his example.! The conversion of Clovis bears a strong resemblance to that of Constantine. In both cases the same secular motives apparently predominated ; but the subsequent career of the barbarian prince is much less reputable than that of the Eoman Emperor. Eemi- gius, bishop of Eheims, expounded the Christian system to Clovis about the time of his baptism ; and yet the knowledge of the Gospel evinced by the royal proselyte reflected little creEt on his episcopal instructor. When the prelate narrated to him the history of the cruciflxion, the barbarian, who had no concep tion of its real significance, is reported to have uttered the unseasonable exclamation — " Had I been present at the head of my Franks, I would have avenged the wrong !"^ As Clovis was no ordinary convert it was deemed expedient to celebrate his baptism in a style of unwonted magnificence. On the day appointed for the ceremony the king and the bishop proceeded in state to the scene of the solemnity : the way was strewn with flowers ; the air was filled with perfumes ; the houses of the city of Eheims were richly decorated; and the royal procession, under the cover of a splendid canopy, passed through the street which led to the cathedral. Clovis had heard of the glory of the celestial abodes, but he had never before beheld such an imposing demonstration ; and, turning to Eemigius, who walked beside him in embroidered vestments, asked in astonishment — 1 Gregorii Epis. Turonensis Hist. Franc, ii. c. 31. Fredegarius doubles the number of the soldiers baptized. Epitomata, c. 21. ' Hist. Franc. Epitontata per Fredegarium Scholasticum, cap. xxi. Migne, Patrol. Curs. Ixxi. 586. The Papacy. 363 " Good father, is not this the kingdom of heaven to which you have promised to conduct me ?"! The subsequent career of the Frankish king suppEed melancholy evidence that he had derived little spiritual beneflt from his baptism. His reception of the Gospel was connected with no moral transformation; and his whole reign is a sad exhibition of ambition and covetousness, perfidy and cruelty. The conversion of Clovis was fraught with important con sequences as weE to Gaul as to the papacy. Though but a petty sovereign he was the only prince in Europe who espoused the Catholic faith ; for all the other kings professing Christianity, who ruled over the conquered provinces of the Western Empire, were the abettors of Arianism. The baptism of the Frankish conqueror was haUed with delight by aE the friends of ortho doxy ; and to none did it afford more cordial satisfaction than to the bishop of the ancient capital of Italy. He was not slow to perceive that it opened up to him a way by which he could extend and consoEdate his power; and, in a letter addressed to the royal neophyte, he complimented the father of the " Catholic kings" and of the "eldest sons of the Church."^ When Clovis entered the Catholic Church he took a step which signally promoted his political advancement; as he at once secured the sympathy of aE the orthodox bishops around him. At this time these dignitaries occupied a very influential position. Under the imperial administration they had been in vested with a certain amount of political authority ; but when the municipal government of the cities of the Western Empire was destroyed, episcopal privileges were stiE respected, and the catastrophe rather promoted the progress of ecclesiastical usurpation. As society was fast verging towards barbarism, superstition attached undue importance to clerical decisions; and churchmen, now almost exclusively the depositaries of the literature of the age, could direct the current of public opinion. When Clovis secured the support of the spiritual aristocracy, he virtually laid the foundations of the Frankish Empire. In all 1 Vita Sancti Remigii ab Hincmaro, Migne, Patrol. Curs. cxxv. 1160. The account of Gregory of Tours suggests the probability of such an occurrence — "Totumque templum baptisterii divino respergitur ab odore, talemque ibi gratiam astantibus Deus tribuit, ut cestimarent se paradisi odoribus collocari." Hist, Franc, ii. 31. 2 Patrol. Curs. Migne, tom. Ixxi. 1154. 364 The Papacy. the conquests he attempted he enjoyed the avowed or secret co-operation of his ecclesiastical friends; and the miraculous interposEions supposed to mark his prosperous career were generally nothing more than the development of well-contrived schemes devised by the clergy to accelerate his triumphs. Thus, a prince who commenced his reign as the ruler of a petty tribe of barbarians, at length swayed his sceptre over various districts beyond the Ehine, as well as the greater portion of the present French territory,! Every new victory added to the power of the Church, as weU as to the glory of the founder of the Merovingian dynasty^ It is said that this monarch presented to Pope Anastasius II. a crown of gold studded with precious stones ;' but though such a statement may be discarded as apocryphal, it is beyond doubt that Clovis was most desirous to stand weE with the Eoman bishop. Nor was it strange that the pontifical favour was so eagerly coveted ; for it was of vast' importance to the aspiring adventurer. The yoke of the Arian kings was borne with re luctance by their orthodox subjects ; and meanwhile the Catholic bishops had been prompted to cultivate a closer alliance with the chief pastor of Italy. In the divided and unsettled state of Europe no large council could assemble; questions urgently calling for solution were constantly recurring ; and matters in dispute were often submitted for decision to the great Western patriarch. The practice commenced by Syricius, of issuing decretal epistles, was still continued ; and, at a time when few were competent to conduct a theological discussion, much respect was paid to these carefully composed documents. By pursuing the system of appointing distinguished ecclesiastics in different parts of Europe as his vicars, the Pope also strengthened his ^ The population of France was then very different from wha-E it is in the nineteenth century. Sismondi reckons that a portion of territory, which now sustains eight millions, had not, in the days of Clovis, more than from six to eight hundred thousand inhabitants. Histoire des Fran^ais, Prem. Par. chap. v. i. 121, Bruxelles, 1847. 2 As to the origin of this name, see Gibbon, chap. xxxv. note Q, p. 668, ed. London, 1836. ' Bower's Popes, Anastasius II. 49th bishop of Eome. This story, on various grounds, must be received with suspicion, Acccording to Hincmar, in his Life of Remigius — perhaps the earliest authority on this subject — the crown was pre sented to Hormisdas : but he was not made pope untU some years after the death of Clovis. The Papacy. 365 position'; for, in this way, he at once flattered the vanity and disarmed the opposition of ambitious and influential prelates. Nothing, perhaps, contributed more to papal aggrandizement than the course pursued by the Eoman bishops in reference to appeals to then tribunal from the clergy or people of other churches. Their right to adjudicate in such cases, as has already been related, rested originally on the rather equivocal foundation of a canon of the Council of Sardica; but it had been sub sequently fortified by the laws of the Empire; and it was frequently exercised without much regard either to justice or decency. The complainant could always reckon on a gracious hearing; and a favourable deliverance generally- awaited his appeal,! xhus it was that all who laboured under any real or imaginary grievance were disposed to repair to the Eoman judg ment seat. Sq gross was the partiality shown to the appellant that the other party often rejected the award with indignation or scorn. A transaction which occurred about a.d. 570, and which illustrates at once the degeneracy of the times and the absurdity of the papal decisions, may here be narrated. Two brothers, Salonius, bishop of Embrun, and Sagittarius, bishop of Gap, had been tried by a synod held at Lyons ; and had been convicted, on the clearest evidence, of housebreaking, robbery, adultery, and murder.^ They were accordingly deposed by a unanimous sentence ; but, in the semi-barbarous condition to which France was then reduced, their crimes were regarded by many with indulgence ; and, as they possessed considerable personal or famUy influence, they prevailed on King Guntram to permit them to appeal to the Eoman Pontiff. When they reached the ancient metropolis of Italy they met with a kind reception from John III, ; and, on the strength of their own testimony, the sentence of deposition was canceUed. The Pope wrote a letter to the king requiring him to restore them to their sees; and Guntram, who was favourable to the delinquents, acceded to the appUcation.' But the French bishops were by 1 Dr. Campbell asserts that "for many centuries, the judgment of the apostolic see as it affected to be styled in contradistinction to others, was uniformly in favour of the appellant." Lectures on Ecc. Hist. Lect. xv. This statement is rather strono-, as there were some exceptions. See Bower, Celestine 42d bishop of Rome, and Leo 44th bishop. = Gregory of Tours, Hist. Franc, v. 21. . 3 Though not very scrupulous, Guntram gave the two bishops a severe rebuke 366 The Papacy. no means so complaisant. They could not exclude Salonius and Sagittarius from their bishoprics, as the offenders were supported by the civil power ; but they resolutely refused to readmit them to their communion. In a short time events too clearly justified their resistance. The restored bishops, confiding in the pro tection of the Pope and king, indulged more freely than ever in lewdness and profanity ; and at length in defiance of all pro priety, took part in a war between the Burgundians and the Lombards. They are said to have been the first prelates who engaged in mUitary operations ; and, in the strife of arms, they acquired an unenviable notoriety by their bloody achievements. The scandal of their behaviour became at length so flagrant that the public voice indignantly demanded their punishment ; and Guntram himself was obliged to interfere and shut them up separately in monasteries.! It is apparent from this narrative that the bishop of Eome as yet possessed nothing like unchaEenged or absolute authority throughout Western Christendom. The GaEic prelates peremp torily refused to submit to his award ; and by force the offending brethren were prevented from attempting to take shelter a second time under the covert of his jurisdiction. But, notwith standing such incidents, the influence of the great ItaEan ecclesiastic advanced apace. The Arian chiefs, who ruled over the dismembered provinces of the Western Empire, began at length to appreciate the advantages derived by the kings of the Mero-vingian dynasty from their connection with the head of the CathoEc Church ; and guided, perhaps, partly by the suggestions of political expediency, and partly by religious conviction, were induced, one after another, to renounce their heresy. The sixth century witnessed the rapid decEne of Anti-Trinitarianism. Its poEtical strength was greatly weakened when its most prominent abettors, the Vandals in Africa, and the Ostro-Goths in Italy, were overwhelmed by the victorious troops of the Greek Emperor Justinian. The Burgundians in a.d. 517, and the Suevi in a.d. 558, voluntarily embraced the Nicene creed; and in a.d. 589. before complying with the papal requisition. " Quod rex sine mora, castigatis prius Ulis verbis multis, implevit." Greg. Turon, v. 21. 1 Gregory of Tours, v, 21, On the strength of other authorities. Bower has mentioned various incidents connected with this affair not noticed by Gregory. See his Life of John III. 60th bishop of Rome. Gregory the Great. 367 the Visigoths of Spain, with their king Eecared, followed the example.! The Lombards who invaded Italy ia a.d. 568, and who made Pavia the chief town of their new kingdom, interfered for a time with the progress of the power of the Eoman Pontiff. In a.d. 587, their king Autharis embraced Christianity under the form of Arianism. But this prince died iu a.d. 590; and his widow Theodelinda, who is said to have been educated in the Catholic faith, soon secured its ascendency. AgUulf, duke of Turin, whom she married after the death of Autharis, succeeded him on the Lombard throne : the story that he became a convert to Trini tarianism may be a fable ;^ but there is no doubt that his son received Catholic baptism, and that, about the middle of the seventh century, Arianism had disappeared from among the Lombards. The conversion of the Arian chiefs removed various im pediments in the way of papal ambition. The boundaries of the Catholic Church were enlarged by the multitudes who foEowed their leaders into it; the counteracting influence of a hostile religious element was extinguished; and aU these kings were stdded to the friends of the Eoman bishop. He knew well how to avaU himself of the patronage of such a goodly company of royal personages ; and either by flattering their vanity, or appeal ing to their fears, or working on their superstition, he induced them to support him in his encroachments on the rights and privUeges of the Churches subject to then dominion. CHAPTEE IV. THE PONTIFICATE OF GEEGOEY THE GEEAT. — A.D. 590 to A.D. 604. A NEW era in the history of the Eoman See commences with the pontificate of Gregory I. This prelate, who has been honoured with the title of The Great, filled the papal chair upwards of thirteen years. The appointment to the popedom had already been often vigorously contested, and the successful candidate had sometimes carried his election amidst confusion and blood- 1 Gieseler, i. 355. 2 See Eobertson's History of the Cliristian Church, ii. 13. 368 Gregory the Great. shed ; but Gregory is said to have neither solicited nor desired the dignity. The circumstances of the times, as well as his own temperament, led him to shrink from promotion. The Lombards, who were wasting the country, had spread terror to the very gates of Eome ; the feeble exarch, who resided at Eavenna, had confessed his inability to protect the subjects of his Eastern master ; the Tiber, which had recently risen to an unusual height, had created a general panic ; the inundation, by destroying the wheat in the public granaries, had produced a scarcity of food ; and a plague which was desolating the city had cut down, amongst its earliest victims, no less distinguished a personage than Pope Pelagius II. At this crisis all eyes were turned to Gregory, who had previously, on several occasions, signalized his zeal and ability in the public service. He was a scion of one of the noblest families of Eome, and many years before had been praetor, or governor, of the city. He had subsequently devoted his wealth to benevolent and religious objects, and, retiring to a monastery, of which he became abbot, had distinguished himseE by the austerity of his asceticism. But in these times such a man could not be permitted to remain long in obscurity. The Pope found it necessary to send an embassy to Constantinople, and Gregory was obliged to come forth from his seclusion and undertake the mission. During a residence of some years at the imperial court he gained no small amount of diplomatic experi ence — an acquisition which he knew well how to turn to account in the high position he subsequently occupied. When he re turned to Eome he withdrew once more into a monastery ; but, on the death of Pope Pelagius, he was caEed by the unanimous suffrages of the laity and clergy to the vacant throne ; and, after much apparent hesitation, he consented to become the bishop of the first see in Christendom. When Gregory entered on his pontifical career the Church was in a most unpromising condition. Formality and wiE-worship prevailed. Had the new Pope possessed the true spirit of an ecclesiastical reformer, he might have greatly improved the tone of public sentiment ; for the authority of his station, added to his reputation for intelligence and piety, enabled him to exert an immense moral influence. But the mind of Gregory was thoroughly besotted by superstition ; and, instead of rising superior to existing prejudices or adventuring into the region of Gregory the Great. 369 independent thought, he did more than any individual of his generation to promote the progress of ignorance and folly. From an early period of his religious life he cherished a silly admira tion of relics ; and when he reached Eome, on his return from his embassy to Constantinople, he congratulated himself no little because he carried with him what he believed to be an arm of the Apostle Andrew and the head of the evangelist Luke.! He listened with absurd credulity to tales of miracles performed by reputed fragments of the skeletons of saints ; and when he pre sented a missionary, a bishop, or a prince with some aEeged particles of the wood of the cross, or with a few grains of iron filed off chains said to have been worn by one or other of the primitive heralds of the Gospel, he imagined that he made a donation of unspeakable value. About this time the Greek empress — who had buUt a church in the Eastern capital, and who wished to impart surpassing sanctity to the edifice — requested the Eoman bishop to supply her with some apostolic bones ; but Gregory, unwilling that such treasures should be transferred to the city of a rival patriarch, assigned rather a startling reason for declining to accede to the application. " The bodies of the holy Apostles Peter and Paul are," said he, " so resplendent with miracles and terrific prodigies in their own churches that no one can approach them without great awe, even for the purpose of adorine them It is the custom of the Eomans, when thev give any relics, not to touch any portion of the body : they only put into a box a piece of linen, which is placed near the holy bodies ; then it is withdrawn and shut up, with due veneration, in the church which is to be dedicated; and as many prodigies are then wrought by it as if the bodies themselves had been car ried tiiither."2 This veneration for relics silently promoted the ecclesiastical ascendency of Eome, The city, consecrated by so many martyr doms, was supposed to possess spiritual treasures of peculiar exceEence ; and strangers from aU parts of Europe, who flocked to E to visit the tombs of the apostles, were weU pleased to bear home any little trinket to which superstition attached a factitious value. Bishops and princes were not unfrequently found among the pUorims ; and the Pope never failed to profit by the presence "¦ Bower, Gregory, Sixty-third Bishop. 2 Epist. iv. 30, Opera, tom, iu. 701-2, Migne edit. 2 A 370 Gregory the Great. of distinguished foreigners. Nor was it singular that the natives of countries sunk in barbarism were filled with wonder when they appeared in the ancient capital of the world. Even in its decline, Eome still sat as "a queen;" its majesty was visible amid the ruins of its architectural magnificence ; and the unlet tered Franc or Burgundian who repaired to its shrines and gazed on the trophies of its pontifical grandeur, would not be slow to acknowledge the Western patriarchate as the mistress and the mother of all churches. Should he be so fortunate as to obtain the papal benediction, he would be furnished with a new motive to magnify the apostolic see ; and, on his return to the land of his birth, he might be trusted as an advocate who would feel a personal interest in maintaining its pretensions. The attainments of Gregory were of the most common-place description ; for he was entirely unacquainted with oriental Etera ture, and, as he himself teEs us,! even ignorant of Greek ; but in his own age he enjoyed the reputation of a man of learning, and he is the only Pope among the ecclesiastical writers known as the Four Great Latin Fathers.^ Upwards of 800 of his letters are stiE extant, — a large portion of which are addressed to bishops, and relate to questions of Church discipEne. WhUst these epistles attest his professional industry, they also betray his uncommon anxiety to maintain and extend the influence of the Eoman See. His eye ranged over aE Christendom ; and he was ready to send a decretal epistle, containing warning or ad vice, wherever he had encouragement to interfere. His Regula Pastoralis, or work on the pastoral care, may be stUl perused with interest and advantage;' and his Moralia, or Exposition of the Book of Job, was so highly appreciated in his own time that it was read by some bishops in then churches. It is obviously the production of a serious and earnest commentator; but its popularity indicates a sadly vitiated taste, as it is a miserable specimen of biblical interpretation. According to Gregory, Job's friends denote the heretics ; his seven sons, the twelve apostles ; his three daughters, the laity adhering to the doctrine of the trinity ; his seven thousand sheep, the same faithful people ; and 1 Epist. vii. 32 ; xi. 74. ^ Ambrose, Jerome, Augustine, and Gregory. See p. 90, note. 3 In ancient times a copy of this book was handed to every French bishop at the time of his ordination. Dupin, Eec. Writers, i. 679. Gregory the Great. 371 his three thousand hump-backed camels, the depraved GentUes.! It would be easy to extract anything from Scripture by such a system of exegesis. Ecclesiastical writers have given very contradictory accounts of the spirit and policy of Gregory, and to some who have studied his history his character is an insoluble riddle. He has been canonized by the Church of Eome ; and perhaps there never was a Pope who was better entitled to the honours of saintship ; but many telling facts are adduced by those who accuse him of pro found hypocrisy and insatiable ambition. The want of candour and consistency which he so often exhibited may be traced partly to the corrupt maxims of his age, and partly to his ano malous position. A pious fraud is now justly condemned as a contradiction in terms ; but in the days of Gregory public feel ing did not protest so indignantly against everything like eccle siastical imposture, and, centuries before his time, there were churchmen who deemed it perfectly legitimate to dissemble and deceive with a view to promote the interests of religion. This Pope adopted the dangerous principle ; and we may thus account for the monkish fables with which his writings are so absurdly interlarded. As a man of discernment who had mingled largely with the world, he could not have believed all his own extravagant legends of miracles and apparitions; but he perhaps expected that his reputation for sanctity would give them currency ; and he may have imagined that these narratives would awaken the awe and establish the faith of an ignorant and superstitious generation. If he made such calculations he overrated popular credulity ; as his Bialogues, in which such stories most abound, only excited the merriment of not a few of the ancients, and he was known at one time among the wits of Constantinople by the not very compEmentary designation of " Gregory Bialogue'"^ It may be that the constant yet unequal struggle between the ascetic and the pontifical spirit in this celebrated church digni tary was the real cause of most of his inconsistencies. As a monk he thouo-ht himself contaminated when he took any part in the concerns of men ; whilst, as a pope, he conceived that he should intermeddle with the affairs of all the churches aU over 1 Moral, lib. i. 14, 15, This name has by some been given erroneously to Gregory II, See-Spanheim, Hist. Ecc. See. Sext. iv. 372 Gregory the Great. Christendom. For at least a century and a half— or since the time of Leo the Great — the papal pretensions had been promul gated with much industry and confidence ; they had now become quite familiar to the public mind ; and it is scarcely fair to charge Gregory with wilful dishonesty when we find him exalting his prerogative : he was no doubt persuaded that, as the successor of Peter, he had a right to assume a certain superiority over aU other bishops ; but he is often miserably entangled when he attempts to unite the humility of the cloister with the arrogant assumptions of the occupant of the great Western patriarchate. The apostolic see, according to Gregory, exercises its authority only for the punishment of offenders. Thus every prelate is subject to it from the moment that he commits a transgression ; " but humiEty makes all bishops equal, when no fault chaEenges interference."! Here, with an affectation of meekness, the pon tiff virtually proclaims himself the dictator of the Church. Theoretically all bishops hold a co-ordinate position ; but, whUst the pope has really no peers, every one who offends him is at his mercy, and when condemned, can make no appeal against the sentence of this soEtary and irresponsible arbiter. Throughout the whole of his pubEc Efe the conscience of Gregory was obviously ill at ease. He could appreciate the beatrty of holiness and the spirituality of the requisitions of Scripture ; and yet he enjoyed Ettle of the peace of God which passeth all understanding. He considered the assurance of God's favour unattainable.^ Though convinced that, as the successor of Peter, he acted under the warrant of a divine commission, he could not well reconcile his ideas of true godEness and the ordinary character of his official occupations. It is not therefore wonderfvU that he was an advocate of the doctrine of purgatory.' He was sensible of his exceeding sinfulness ; but, as his knowledge of the way of salvation was at once inaccurate and indistinct, he realized very inadequately the power of a most holy faith ; and he imagined that, beyond the grave, some new appliances are requisite to fit the redeemed sinner for the full glory of the beatific vision. He was the first writer who ventured to affirm that de- ' Epist. Gregor. lib. ix. 59. 2 Epist. vii, 26, ^ " Sed tamen de quibusdam levibus culpis esse ante judicium purgatorius iwZ. iv. 55. 2 Dial. iv. 65. 3 Justin Martyr, Apol. u. * Le Brun contends that no liturgy was written tiU the fifth century. This is perhaps rather late a date. 5 VigU. Epist. ad Eucherium. 8 These works appear to have been considerably altered since the time of Gregory. 374 Gregory the Great. successors of Gregory laboured with art and industry to intro duce it into distant churches ; and then zeal was quickened by the consideration that every step of progress involved a recog nition of their ecclesiastical supremacy. In several instances their efforts to promote ritual uniformity provoked the most de termined opposition; but, after a struggle of upwards of five hundred years, the Eoman liturgy was estabEshed throughout almost every part of Western Christendom. When originaEy framed it was understood by the worshippers, as it was written in the vernacular tongue;! -5^^ meanwhile new languages ap peared; and when, after the lapse of ages, it was adopted nearly over aU Europe, it had become unintelligible to the whole population. In some of our Protestant liturgies it is partially translated.^ There is no evidence that Gregory's support of monachism was dictated by any far-sighted political sagacity; but it is cer tain that he and his successors — who prudently followed his example — thus created, to a great extent, that widespread attachment to then see which was long its most popular bul wark. In AD. 529, or about eleven years before the birth of this pontiff, the famous Benedict established, at Monte Cassino, in South Italy, a monastery on a new principle. Idleness had become the reproach of the ascetics ; and, to remove the scandal, this abbot required his monks to devote a certain time daEy to some industrial occupation.' His system at once became popular, and the Benedictines quickly spread themselves over Italy, France, and other countries. Gregory warmly recom mended their discipline, signalized himself as a vigilant guardian of their rights and privileges, and, in a biography still extant, celebrated the self-denial, the sanctity, and the miracles of the founder of their order. The fraternity did not prove ungrateful for these papal favours. Wherever they settled they carried with them their loyalty to Eome ; they were the most enthusiastic advocates of the claims of the aEeged heirs of Peter ; and, as they ^ Latin continued to be spoken in France in the seventh century. A song in Latin, written on a victory of Clotaire II. in 662, and obviously intended for cir culation among the people, is still extant. See Hallam's Middle Ages, ii. 348, 349. "^ " By a comparison of our Book of Common Prayer with his (Gregory's) Sacra mentary, it is evident that almost all the collects for Sundays and the principal festivals in the Church of England were taken out of the latter. "— Milner's His tory of the Church of Christ, cent. vi. chap. 8. 3 See Sect. I. Chap IV. of this Period. Gregory the Great. 375 rapidly acquired influence, they contrived, in ages of ignorance, to leaven the public mind aU over the West with a profound veneration for the popedom. The renunciation of Arianism by the Lombards— who began to pass over to the Catholic Church shortiy after the death of King Autharis, in a.d. 590 — shed special lustre on the adminis tration of Gregory; and the conversion of England added stiE more to the glory of his pontificate. The British mission was a project he had long cherished, and he had at one time been with difficulty prevented from engaging personally in the enterprise ; the agents eventually employed all belonged to a Eoman monas tery of which he was the founder ; he supplied the expenses of the undertaking ; and it was conducted throughout exactly accord ing to his directions. The monk whose name has ever since been most prominently connected with it was not permitted to pass un rewarded. Augustine became the first archbishop of Canterbury, and was otherwise distinguished by the highest marks of ecclesi astical favour. Before this time the Pope had occasionaEy pre sented a piece of episcopal finery, called a palP or pallium, to bishops whom he deEghted to honour.^ Gregory seized on the auspicious occasion of the inauguration of the new English primate to give eclat to the donation. From this period it be came more common for the Italian patriarch to grant the paU to metropolitans ; and the sums at length paid to him for this bauble, by all the great prelates of the West, at once proclaimed their subjection to Eome, and proved a steady source of supply to the pontifical treasury. Neither the high position of the Eoman Church towards the close of the sixth century, nor the reputation of its bishop for talent, piety, and energy, prevented the great Eastern patriarch from aspiring to ecclesiastical supremacy. The character of John of Constantinople somewhat resembled that of Gregory ; 1 " It was originally only a stole wound round the neck with the ends hanging down behind and before, "—Palmer's Orig. Litur. u, 406. 2 The earliest example of the giving of the paU by the Pope is said to occur in A.D, 501, when Symmachus presented it to the bishop of Laurea in Pannonia. See Gieseler i. 344, note 35. But the letter of Symmaclius is of very doubtful authority. See Dupin, i. 528. Macarius of Jerusalem, who flourished early in the fourth century, is said to have been the first bishop who wore a pall. The garment was given to him by the Emperor Constantine the Great. Theodoret, Ece. Hist. ii. 27, at the beginning. 376 Gregory the Great. he was surnamed The Faster, because of his severe asceticism ; but a soul full of ambition lodged in the tenement of an emaci ated body. The circumstances of the times encouraged him to attempt to wrest the first place in the Church out of the hands of his Western competitor. The Council of Chalcedon in a.d. 451 had declared, as we have seen,! ^jj^t "the fathers gave the primacy to the elder Eome as being the imperial city," and " equal privileges " to New Eome because it " was honoured with the sovereignty and senate." John conceived that, accord ing to the principle here laid down, the Eoman bishopric had long since lost its right to precedence among the sees of Chris tendom. The Western Empire had faUen ; its old capital was now but a provincial town under the government of the Exarch of Eavenna ; and Constantinople was the residence of the court and the imperial metropolis. John therefore maintained that he was entitled to stand at the head of the ecclesiastics of the empire ; and much to the vexation of the Eoman pontiff, styled himself Universal Bishop and Universal Patriarch. A Council recently held in Constantinople had sanctioned the assumption of these titles ; and the Greek emperor Maurice, somewhat dis satisfied with the course pursued by Gregory when endeavouring to maintain peace in Italy, had concurred in their recognition. The Western patriarch, who regarded their assumption as fraught with danger to his see, most earnestly protested and expostulated. Bent on exhibiting a startling contrast to the spirit of his rival, he described himself, with an affectation of humility, " the servant of the servants of God," — a designation which has since become part of the papal nomenclature.^ It was on this occasion that Gregory used the words, so often quoted with effect against the claims of his successors^" I confidently affirm that whoever caUs himself Universal Priest, or desires to be so called, in his elation is the precursor of Antichrist? Let Christian hearts reject the blasphemous name."* ^ See Chap. II. of this Section, p, 355. ^ The title was not appropriated by the Popes until the eleventh century. It was used by bishops and others before the time of Gregory. See Eobertson's Hist, of the Christian Church, ii. 'pt. i 10, note. We find it frequently adopted in the eighth century by Boniface, the apostle of Germany. See his Works, by GUes, i. 38, 52, 63, 70. ^ " Ego autem fidenter dico quia quisquis se universalem sacerdotem vocat vel vocari desiderat, in elatione sua Antichristum prjecurrit." — Epist. vii. 33. * Epist. V. 20, Migne ed. See also v. 21. Gregory the Great. 377 The pertinacity of the Eastern patriarch gaEed the pride of Gregory, and provoked him to give utterance to his indignation in terms of unmeasured vehemence. But the arguments he urged against tiie use of the odious designation may well suggest doubts as to his candour, and furnish grounds for impeaching his consistency. It is clear that his opposition to John was dictated by official jealousy, and not by any abstract objection to the dignity of universal bishop ; for he himself as the suc cessor of Peter, virtually claimed that position.! ^^^ i^.^^^ t^^^ been already sometimes given to the Eoman patriarch;^ and, a few years afterwards, it is said to have been formally bestowed on Pope Boniface 111. by the Emperor Phocas.' But an appre hension that the Eastern sovereign was determined to deprive him of his ecclesiastical precedence haunted the mind of Gregory; and the most humiliating passage in the history of the Eoman prelate is that which describes his indecent exultation when he heard of the murder of his imperial master. Maurice, though deficient in generosity and energy, was a prince otherwise respectable ; and Gregory himself, in his letters, often extols him in strains of inflated eulogy.* But when he and his children were butchered by the monster Phocas, the Eoman pontiff re joiced over his fall, and addressed a most complimentary epistle to the loathsome usurper. The first words of this message of congratiUation^-" Glory be to God in the highest " — express its jubilant spnit throughout. " We are delighted," says the Pope ' "Petro principi apostolo totius ecclesiae cura commissa est. " Epist. v. 20. "Cunctarum ecclesiarum injuncta nos sollicitudinis cura constringit. " Epist. vii. 19. a See Chap. II. of this Section, p. 365. " According to Baronius this occurred in a.d. 606. But Boniface was not made Pope till A.D. 607. See Bower, Boniface 65th bishop. Many interpreters of prophecy regard a.d. 606 as a great era in the history of the Popedom — but apparentlj' without any foundation. It is certain that the Church of Rome was not then for the iirst time, advanced to any position which it had not before occupied. Even the statement made by Baronius — that Phocas bestowed on Boniface the title of universal bishop — is not very clearly authenticated. See Mosheim by Murdoek and Soames, ii. 82 ; and Hallam's Middle Ages, i. 620-1, note. * "Omnipotens Deus longa vobis et quieta tempera tribuat, et pietatis vestrs felicissimam sobolem din in Romana republica florere concedat." Epist. v. 30. "Cum sincera in vobis, Christianissime prinoipum, velut emissum C03litus jubar, fidei rectitudo resplendeat. " Epist. vi. 16. See also Epist. vi. 65 ; vu. 6 ; viii. 33, Migne edit. 378 Gregory the Great. to Phocas, " that the benignity of your piety has attained to the imperial eminence. Let the heavens rejoice, and let the earth be glad — and let the whole community, heretofore so sadly afflicted, exult in your benignant deeds."! q^^^g correspondence convicts Gregory at once of the grossest insincerity and of the vilest adulation. False religion hardens the heart as well as enfeebles the intellect ; and this distinguished prelate is a melancholy speci men of its debasing influence. He wanted neither warmth of affection nor vigour of mind ; but his understanding was pros trated and all his kindlier feelings disappeared when he was under the speE of the demon of superstition. He considered an attempt to remove the primacy from Eome as a sin not to be forgiven ; he regarded the Emperor Maurice, who appeared to be not indisposed to encourage the project, as the very incarnation of iniquity ; and he hailed the miscreant Phocas, by whom the hated prince was put to death, as a Deliverer from heaven. No wonder that such a man was suspected as an enemy to the culti vation of general literature, and that he has been accused, though unjustly, of the destruction of the Palatine Ebrary.^ Gregory possessed a large share of the unpolished eloquence of his age, and he has perhaps never been equalled by any other pope as a laborious and earnest preacher. His personal influ ence in Eome, during the time of his pontificate, was unbounded. Without the name, he virtually wielded the power of a petty sovereign. He provided for the defence of the city ; supplied the poorer inhabitants with food ; and, on one occasion, excited the displeasure of the Greek Emperor by concluding a treaty of peace with the Lombards on his own authority.' His birth, his family connexions, his reputation as a saint, his natural shrewd ness, his ability as , a public speaker and a preacher, and his amazing diligence as a writer and a correspondent, aU contri buted to add to his weight in the community ; so that he was, beyond comparison, the most influential prelate who had occu pied the papal chair since the fall of the Western Empire. He can scarcely be said to have invented many new errors ; but he 1 Epiist. xiii. 31. ^ This story rests upon a tradition of the twelfth century. See Neander, v. 194-5, note. 3 Epist. V. 40. Progress of the Papacy. 379 did much to strengthen, or to stimiUate into fresh activity, almost all the false principles that were already in operation. The darkness of the Middle Ages was now fast enveloping the Church ; and his decisions, whatever they might be, were gene rally permitted to pass unchallenged. He had a great share in the aggrandisement of the papacy ; and, in every history of the system, he should, undoubtedly, be acknowledged as one of its master-builders. CHAPTEE V. PROGRESS OF THE PAPACY FEOM THE DEATH OF GEEGOEY THE GEE.'\.T TO THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE POPE AS A TEMPOEAL SOVEEEIGN. — AD, 604 TO A.D, 755. Long before the fall of the Western Empire the Church had degenerated. Monachism emasculated the intellect; the hier archical spirit repressed freedom of thought ; and the settlement of the barbarians in the conquered provinces completed the ascendency of ignorance. Many educational institutes perished amidst the confusion of war ; many books were destroyed ; and literature was neglected. The taste for reading declined; and the means of its cultivation, where it stiE continued to be cherished, were procured with increasing difficulty. Paper, manufactured from a plant which grows along the banks of the NUe, had heretofore been exported in considerable quantities to Italy, France, and other countries; but, when Alexandria was taken by the Saracens in a.d. 640, the intercourse between Egypt and the West was interrupted ; and the usual supply of papyrus was no longer conveyed to Europe. Parchment, almost the only writing material stUl available, brought a high price ; and books became scarce and expensive. The appearance of a new work often involved the destruction of another of superior value • for the productions of the old classic authors were oblite rated to provide parchment for puerUe ecclesiastical legends. Whatever literary culture existed was confined almost entirely to the clero-y ; and yet the attainments of the most accomplished dio-nitaries of the Church were miserably meagre. At a synod held in Eome by Pope Agatho in a.d. 679, a deputation, con- 380 Progress of the Papacy. sisting of bishops, presbyters, and others, was appointed to visit Constantinople, and maintain there the Catholic doctrine in opposition to MonotheEtism. The parties sent on this mission were, no doubt, the best to be found ; but though the Eoman pontiff was always exceedingly unwiEing to disparage the gifts of the Western clergy — more especially when communicating with the East — he is constrained on this occasion to apologize for the deficiencies of his representatives. Agatho candidly teUs the Greek Emperor that little was to be expected from the skiU of the commissioners. "We have sent them," says he, "not because we place any confidence in their learning ... for how can a fuU knowledge of the Scriptures be found among men who live in the midst of heathens, and who, with extreme diffi culty, earn their daily bread by bodily labour."! Learning could not flourish when even bishops were obliged to toil wit'n then own hands to procure a subsistence.^ In these unsettled times the clergy, particularly in Italy, were often in difficulties ; but it would be incorrect to infer that poverty was the normal condition of the episcopal order. Many of the bishops lived in affluence ; in some countries they were almost all persons of high birth ; and, though qualified neither . by character nor education for their office, it presented sufficient temptations, in the way of rank and emolument, to induce them to undertake its responsibilities. The state of the inferior clergy was, in general, most deplorable. As the ministers of religion could not be decently required to become soldiers, warlike princes interdicted their vassals from entering, without their express sanction, into the service of the Church ; but, the restriction did not extend to those who were in bondage, and the ecclesiastical ranks were largely recruited from the numerous slave population. In some places the children of the serfs, who cultivated the estates of the great prelates, formed a considerable proportion of the candidates for the clerical profession. These alumni of the Church retained, in after life, much of the feeling of servility which belonged to their original condition ; and continued to be 1 Migne, Patrol. Cur. tom. Ixxxvii. 1164. ^ " At this time (from a.d. 686 to a.d. 715) seven successive Pontiffs — John v., Conon, Sergius, and John VI., John VII., Sisinnius, and Constantine, were either Greeks or Syrians — a fact that we can ascribe only to the want of theo logical scholars in Rome, or to the influence of the Byzantine Court. " Dollinger's Hist. oftheCh. iii 110. Progress of the Papacy. 381 treated most ignominiously by their episcopal masters. But they did not all submit with equal patience to indignity ; and there were cases in which councUs listened to their complaints, and interfered for their protection. Thus, in a.d. 675, the CouncE of Braga in Spain censured those bishops who were in the habit of administering the discipline of flageUation to their clergy ; and who compelled their deacons, like beasts of burden, to carry them in processions.! The people could not be expected to honour ministers subjected to such degrading treatment by their episcopal guardians. The laity were now sunk in still deeper ignorance than their spiritual instructors. Few were able' to read ; and stUl fewer were acquainted with the art of penmanship. It was not, there fore, strange that they ceased to possess influence. From the time of the apostles downwards, the members of the Church had been in the habit of choosing its office-bearers ; but, as indifference and formality increased, the privilege was less and less appre ciated ; and, in these dark ages, the people at length permitted themselves to be entirely denuded of the right of election. When a prelate died, even the ecclesiastics of the diocese were often denied a voice in the appointment to the vacancy, especially if the wealth of the see tempted the king to claim the presenta tion. Councils sometimes interposed and tried to adjust the disputes relative to the patronage of bishoprics, by assigning to the clergy and people the right of election, and to the sovereign the right of confirmation ; but arbitrary princes easily found pretexts for disregarding such decisions. Meanwhile the autho rity of the pope was gradually advancing. The bishops pre ferred the supervision of a great prelate at a distance, who could know little of their movements, to the jurisdiction of metropoli tans at home whose vigilance was quickened by the periodical meetino-s of provincial councils. Owing to various causes, such meetino-s became less and less frequent. Eevolutions sometimes dismembered dioceses so as to disturb the relations between metropolitans and suffragans ;2 and as many princes viewed witii jealousy the proceedings of church conventions, apologies were contrived for their postponement or discontinuance. Thus it 1 Binii Concilia, t, ii, pars, ii, 660, When slaves became churchmen they acquired their liberty. Con. Tolet. Non. xi, ; Patrol. Curs, tom, Ixxxiv, 438. 2 Guizot's History of Civilization, u. 48, Bohn's edition. 382 Progress of the Papacy. was that the power of metropolitans declined, that synods were at length very rarely congregated,! and that the pope sEently secured the position of an ecclesiastical arbiter. WhUst the great Italian patriarch was obtaining acknowledg ments of his supremacy from so many bishops in the West, he was barely willing to tolerate the yoke of the Eastern Emperor. The Greeks had a singiUar taste for investigating obscure theo logical questions of a speculative character; and, when they happened to differ, they conducted then discussions with much of the violence of a partisan warfare. Their rulers had not always the good sense to discourage these metaphysical disputa tions. Instead of confining themselves to their legitimate func tions, the Greek sovereigns were, in fact, ever and anon adding fuel to the flame of theological contention by entering keenly into the controversies of the Church, and by attempting to crush their opponents with the weight of their civU authority. On such occasions the bishops of Eome repeatedly proved the most untractable of their subjects. When the doctrine of the One Will in Christ was first promulgated. Pope Honorius was induced to give it the sanction of his approbation;^ but his successors pursued a different course, and incurred the imperial displeasure by firmly rejecting Monothelitism. Pope Martin, by whom it was most bitterly opposed, assembled a council at Eome, in a.d. 649, which anathematized a number of the more prominent abettors of the fashionable heresy. This proceeding was highly resented by the Greek monarch, who caused Martin to be seized, carried prisoner to Constantinople, and finaUy banished to a region bordering on the Black Sea. In that inhospitable district, then inhabited by a pagan population, he died soon afterwards.' The sufferings of Martin awakened general sympathy; and, when he finished his career, he was honoured as a martyr. His party boasted that he had contended for the faith with unflinch ing constancy, and that he had fallen a victim to the pride of a tyrannical sovereign. Whilst his fate irritated the Western sub jects of the Greek Emperor, it tended to elevate the papacy in public estimation. The Eoman see had been sadly scandalized ^ " In the course of the sixth century, there were held in Gaul fifty-four councils of every description ; in the seventh century, only twenty ; in the first half of the eighth century, only seven, and five of these were held in Belgium, or on the banks of the Ehine." Guizot's Hist, of Civilization, ii. 49. 2 See Sect. II. Chap. V. of this Period, p. 214. s xb^^ p_ 215. Progress of the Papacy. 383 by the heresy of Honorius ; but its ancient reputation, as the bulwark of orthodoxy, was restored by Martin. This pontiff; who had acted, in the first instance, with much arrogance, dis played, in the day of adversity, no common magnanimity and resolution ; and the Italian Church has recognized her obliga tions to him by enrolling him as a saint in her calendar. Other events soon contributed to extend the boundaries of papal authority. The conversion of Britain by agents from Eome prepared the way for the establishment of the Italian ritual in several countries where Christianity had hitherto been scarcely known. Towards the end of the seventh century and the commencement of the eighth, English churchmen displayed great missionary zeal, and laboured with remarkable success on the continent of Europe. The language of the Anglo-Saxons then differed little from that spoken by the people of Friesland and the North of Germany, so that the British preachers could at once make themselves intelligible to the natives of these regions. By far the most famous and effective of the mission aries was a monk of Devonshire, named Winfrid or Boniface! — whom we have already mentioned when treating of the ecclesi astical history of England,^ This indefatigable man, who has been called the apostle of the Germans, left his native country about A,D. 715, and laboured nearly forty years among the Hes sians, the Thuringians, and the various tribes settled upon the banks of the Ehine. During this period he thrice visited Eome, where he was uniformly greeted by the pope with a cordial wel come. In A.D. 738, he had baptized no less than 100,000 con verts.' After passing through various stages of ecclesiastical promotion he was finally advanced to the dignity of archbishop of Mayence. In a.d. 755, he fell a prey to the ferocity of some savage Frieslanders, who murdered himself and a, faithful band of fifty-two assistants, when preparing to administer the rite of confirmation to a company of neophytes. Bonifaces was well entitled to all the honours bestowed upon him by the Eoman pontiff, for he did more than any other bishop in the Middle Ages to place papal authority on a firm foundation in France and Germany. When ordained to the episcopal office ' He probably took the name of Boniface when he became a monk. 2 See Sect. IV. Chap. I. of this Period, p. 286. s Epist. xlvi. Bonif Opera, i. 96, 97, ed. GUes. 384 Progress of the Papacy. by Gregory II. in a.d. 723, he entered into a remarkable engage ment. Standing over the grave of Peter, he vowed! -to the apostle, to Pope Gregory, and to his successors, that he would continue in the unity of the catholic faith, and always conform to the usages of that church which, as he believed, had received from the Loi'd God the power to bind and to loose. Should he learn that priests or bishops acted contrary to the ordinances of the fathers, he pledged himself to hold no intercourse or com munion with them, and to oppose them to the best of his abUity. Should he fail in putting a stop to their proceedings, he promised to give immediate information to his apostolic master.^ This oath betrays the fears which now disturbed the mind of Pope Gregory. Certain Irish missionaries,' who had no idea of recognizing his supremacy, were labouring assiduously in Ger many; and their success threatened to be detrimental to the interests of the Eoman see. Boniface was accordingly requned to watch their movements, and to obstruct their progress ; and, ^ The oath was drawn up iu Latin, and was in these words: " Promitto ego Bonifacius Dei gratia episcopus, tibi, beate Petre Apostolorum Princeps, vicario- que tuo beato GregoriEe Papa;, et successoribus ejus, per Patrem et Filium et Spiritum Sanctum, Trinitatem inseparabilem, et hoc sacratissimum corpus tuum, me omnem fldem, et puritatem sanctse fidei Catholicse exhibere, et in unitate ejusdem fidei, Deo operante, persistere, in quo omnis Christianorum salus esse sine dubio comprobatur, nullo modo me contra unitatem communis et univer salis ecclesiae, suadente quopiam, consentire, sed, ut dixi, fidem et puritatem meam atque concursum, tibi et utilitatibus tuae ecclesiae, cui a Domino Deo potcstas ligandi solvendique data est, et prtedicto vicario tuo atque successoribus ejus per omnia exhibere. Sed et si cognovero, Antistites conti-a instituta anti- qua Sanctorum Patrum conversaii, cum eis nullam habere communionem aut conjunctionem ; sed m.igis, si valuero prohibere, prohibeam ; si minus, hoc fide- liter statem Domino meo Apostolico renuntiabo. Quod si, quod absit, contra hnjus professionis mese seriem aliquid facere quolibet modo, sen ingenio, vel occa- sione, tentavero, reus inveniar in ieterno judicio, ultionem Auaniae et Saphirse iucurrara, qui vobis etiam de rebus propriis fraudem facere pricaumpsit : hoc autem indiculum Sacramenti Ego Bonifacius exiguus episcopus manu propria scripsi, atcj^ue ponens supra sacratissimum corpus sancti Petri, ita ut prieseriptum, I)eo teste et judice, feci sacramentum, quod et eonservare promitto." Sanct. Bonifadi Opera, ed. Giles, ii. 9, 10, London, 1844. ^ The latter part of the oath bears a strong resemblance to that taken by the Pope to the Greek Emperor. See Neander, v. 61, note. 3 One of these, Clemens, refused to recognize the authority of fathers or councils. Boniface denounces him as living "in adultery" because he had a wife and two children. Bonifacii Epist. Ivii. Virgil, another Irishman with whom Boniface came into collision, appears to have believed in the existence of antipodes. He seems at length to have conformed to the Romish discipline, as he became bishop of Salzburg. Progress of the Papacy. 385 should they prove too formidable, to notify the danger forthwith to his pontifical employer. An oath of this description had long before been exacted from the bishops of Italy;! -^^^^ ^ts extension to countries beyond the Alps marks an important step in the progress of papal usurpation. The bishop of Eome could fuUy estimate the immense accession of power it secured to him; and he did not relax his efforts until all the prelates of the West were bound to his throne by a Eke solemn ob Egation.^ In A.D. 732, Boniface was appointed apostolic or papal vicar; and the whole of Germany was thus placed under his ecclesias tical supervision. His authority was sustained by the civil power; for he enjoyed the patronage, first, of Charles Martel, the great captain of his age, and afterwards of his sons Carloman and Pepin — the former of whom became eventually a monk, and the latter the father of a new dynasty of Gallic sovereigns. He gratefully acknowledges the assistance received by him from these illustrious personages. " Without the support of the king of the Francs," says he, " I could govern neither the people, nor the priests and deacons, nor the monks and nuns ; nor, were it not for his commands and the fear he inspires, could I prevent the Germans from practising their pagan rites and impious idolatries."' Boniface founded several new bishoprics; and divided Bavaria into four dioceses — Saltzburg, Freisingen, Eatis bon, and Passau.* When Boniface was made apostoEc vicar, synods had almost ceased to meet. War and other causes had subverted many of the old ecclesiastical arrangements; metropoEtans had, to a considerable extent, lost their influence ; and the greatest laxity of discipline everywhere prevailed. Boniface sought to bring about a reform by the revival of Church judicatories, and by addino- to the authority of primates. But all the whUe he aimed at the exaltation of the power of Eome ; so that the restoration of synods was but another step in the progress of papal aggres sion. The synod was no longer a free assembly where every 1 Neander, v. 60; Lingard's ^»2,-6. ColuSbkUle: 288, '290-3, 296, 299, 301, 326, 327. Comgall, 330. Commodus, 18. Commonitorium, lai. Communicant.s, /oy. Conference with Donatists, 124-6. Confessions of Augustine, 182. Confessors, 257. Confession of Patrick, 307-8, 321. Confirmation or Chrism, 234, 321. Congregationalism, 47. Constance, 331. Constans, 73, 74, 122, 174. Constantia, 170. Constantine the Great, 19, 61-2, 65-8, 70-1, 117, 121, 162, 172,176, 242-3, 257. Constantine Pogonatus, 215, 264, Constantinople, 171, 249, 341, 347, 355 ; . Council ot, 176, 259. Constantius Chloras, 19, 61, 268 ; Son of Constantiue, 73-4, 86, 172, 175. Copts, 211. Cormth, 22,50; Church, government of, 60. Cormac O'Cuinn, 304. CornwaU, 272. Cornelius of Eome, 40. Coroticus, 317. Corsica, 336. Co.ss, 131. Councils, 382, 386 ; General, 252-266. Co-standers, 269. Country bishops, 245. Covel, 240. Creed, Nicene, 176. Crispus, 70, 83. Crosier, origin of the, 239. Cross, sign of the, 38, 46,62, 63, 163; find ing of the, 241. Crown, Triple, 391, note. Culdees, 294, 302, Cummian, 120, 292-3, 299, 320, Cumraig, 304, Cureton, Dr,, 8, 24, 397-400, Custom, 244. Cybele, 238, note. Cycle, Roman, 275, 282 ; British, 282. Cyprus, 35, 251. CyrU of Jerusalem, 86-7, 152 ; of Alex andria, 96-7, 197-8, 199,203, 212, 352. Cyprian, 11, 12, 40, 114, 119, 179. Dacia, 341. Dagan, bishop, 321 . Dalmatius, 74, 203, 248. Dalriada, 289, 290. Damascenus, 97. Damascus, 22, 338. Damasus, 85, 90, 107, 145, 152, 338-9, 340, Daniel, the monk, 105 ; the prophet, 162. Dathy, 310, 314. David, St., 270. Deacons, 47. Decalogue, 219, 226-7, note. Decius, 18 ; persecution of, 102, 103. Decretals, 85, 342. Demiurge, 34. Demosthenes, 156, 157. Devonshire, 286. Deusdedit, 283. 404 Index. Didascalia, 296. Didymus, 91. Dinoth, 276. Diocletian, 19; persecution of, 19; his wife, 25, 60, 61, 65. Diermit, 297. Diognetus, Epistle to, 9. Diocese, 249. Dionysius Exiguus, 84, 275. Dioscorus, 208, 247. Diospolis, 184, 188. Diuma, 281. Docetae, 33. Doctrine of the Church, 29-32. DoUinger, 231, 333. Domitian, 16. Donatus, 116, 118, 119, 124; Donatists, 113-129, 192, 268. Donald, King, 287. DonegaU, 288. Dorner, 167, 173, 177, 201. Dress of Christians, 27. Druids, 224, 318 ; Druidism, 322, 329. Dubritius, 271. Dunkeld, 287. Dupm, 98. Eadbald, 280. East in Prayer, 163. Easter, 236, 239, 276, 282, 295, 301, 320, 330. Ebion, 34. Ecclesiastical Writers, 82, Ecclesiasticus, 98, 162, 159, 323. Ecthesis, 214, 215, 217. Edessa, 24. Edinburgh, 278. Edwin, 278, 280. Eginhard, 390. Egypt, 22, 104, 146, 244. Elders of the people, 48, 113, note. Eleutherius, 267, 269. Eliberis, CouncU of, 223. Elizabeth, 259, note. EUiott, 81, 359. Elrington, 120. Emania, 329. Embrun, 366. England, Ecclesiastical History of, 267- 287. Ennodius, 361. Ephesus, 49, 50, 54 ; CouncU of, 190, 202, 250, 259, 261. Ephraem Syrus, 87. Epiphanius, 84, 91, 163, 222. Epiphany, 237. Episcopacy, 47. Eremites, 103. Erigena, Johannes Scotus, 324. Essenes, 102. Essex, 281: Etchen, 326. Eternal City, the, 353. Eternal Generation, 166. Eternal Life, 187. Ethelbert, 273-276, 280. Ethelburga, 278. Ethelfrid, 276. Eucharist, 45, 46, 104, 114, 235, 236, 324. Euchites, 108. Eudoxia, 89. Euelpistus, 248. Eiman, 292. Eutyches, 147, 206, 207, 209 ; Eutychian ism, 83, 206-209, 213, note, 261. Eutychius, 212. Evagrius, 84. Evangelists, the Four, 3 ; Primitive, 4, 6. Exarch, 249, 355. Exorcism, 46. Exorcist, 48. Expositors, 98. Ezekiel, 148. Family piety, 26. Fathers, the, 8-14 ; apostolic, 9. Faster, the, 376. Fasting on the Lord's Day, 226. Fausta, 70. Faustinus, 352. Felicissimus, Schism of, 40, 41, 56. Felix, 114, 115, 120. Fiacc's Hymn, 315, 318, note. Fifeshire, 288. Finan, 281. Findchan, 297, 298. Fingal, 304. Firbolgs, 303. Flamens, 269. Flavian, 206, 208, 209. Fleury, 167. Florentius, 248. Foclud, 309, 311. Fordun, 306. Forms of Prayer, 230. Four, first, CouncUs, 164, 254, 259. France, 24. Franconia, 331. Frauds, pious, 279, 371. Fredegarius, 362. Freisingen, 386, Freislanders, 387 ; apostle of, 286. Frumentius, 73, 111. Fulda, 387. Fulgentius, 95. FuUer, 267, 277. Fursey, 281. Gabriel, 131, 137, 146. Gaelic, 304, Galerius, 19, 63. GaUienus, 19, 25, 253. Galloway, 287. GaUus, 19, 331. Gangra, 104. Gap, 365. Gaitan, 288. Gaul, 61, 118, 119, 127, 270. Gelasius, 232, 235. Genseric, 356. Geoffrey of Monmouth, 269. Geology, 302. Index. 405 George, I74. Germans, Apostle of the, 286. Germanus, '.J71, 309, 316, 328. Germany, 108. Gibbon, 130, 142, 248. Gibraltar, 146. Gieseler, 336, 356, 367. GUdas, 272. Giraldus Cambrensis, 269, 271. Gladiators, 27. Glasgow, 300. Glastonbury, 272. Gnostics, 33-35, 67, 179. Godfathers and godmothers, 234. Goode, 161. Gospels, 168. Goths, 24, 72, 111, 176. Gottschalk, 246. Grampians, 288. Grant, 204. Gratian, 79, 124, 340, 346, 351. Graves, Bishop, 317. Gregory Thaumaturgus, 12 ; of Tours, 84,362-363; the Cappadocian, 173; the Great, 85, 90, 96, 98, 163, 164, 285, 232, 273, 301, 320, 367-379 , the Second, 85 ; the Third, 86 ; the Illuminator, 72 ; of Nyssa, 87. Gregory Nazianzen, 87-88, 90, 162, 249, 261. Growth of the Church, 21-25. Guizot, 381, 382. Gundebald, 362. Guntram, 365. Hadrian, 16, 63, 249. Hagar, 141, 142. Hagenbach, 85. Hallam, 374. HaUoween, 238. Hannibalianus, 74. Haruspices, 65, 66. Heathenism, suppression of, 69, 74. Hebrew Bible, 151, 162, 157. Hebrews, Epistle to, 159. Hefele, 119, 208, 246, 253. Hegira, 138, 140. Helena, 241, 250. Helios, 66. Henoticon, 211,212, 270, 360. Henry, 269. Heptarchy, the, 281. Heraclea, 250, 347. Heraclius, 214. Herbert, Hon. Algernon, 290. Heresy, 33-38, 67. Heric of Auxerre, 315. Hermas, Shepherd of, 8. Hermits, lOS. Hermogenes, 34. Herod the Great, 1. Herodotus, 155. Heros, 184, 188. Heri-ford, Synod of, 284. Heruli, 358. iessey;Dr.,221,note, Heteroousians, 175. Hexapla of Origen, 11. Hibernia, 289. Hierarchy, Rise of the, 62, 242-252. HUarion, 105, 107. HUary ot Poictiers, 86, 97, 152 ; Pope, 86 ; of Aries, 86, 353; the Deacon, 114, 191. HUda, 282. Himerius, 342. Hincmar, 364. Hippo, 124, 178, note. Hippolytus, 10. Hira, Mount, 132. Hislop, 238. Histria, 320. Holy Island, 281. Holy water, 44. Homoiousios, 173. Homoousios, 168, 173, 323. Honorius, 81, 125, 216, 882. Horos Apocalypticae, 81. Hormisdas, 364. Hosius, 174, 254, 256, 257, 258. Humanitarianism, 41. Hunneric, 128. Hy, 290. Hy-Garchon, 306. Hy-Nialls, 329. Hyginus, 54, 58. Hymeueus, 34. Hymn, of Patrick, 322. Hypatia, 197. Hysteria, 132. I or Hy, 290. Ibas of Edessa, 212. Iberia, 73, 320, note. Ignatian Epistles, 8, 397-400. lUiterate Prophet, 131. Illyricum, 23, 341. Iltutus, 271. Immersion at Baptism, 45. Ina, King, 224, 284, 285, note. Incense, 44. Incorrect phraseology introduced, 32. India, 24, 73. Indulgences, 260, note. Infants baptized, 45, 187, 233, 234 ; fine for neglect, 284. InnisboflSn, 327. Innisfallen, Annals of, 306. Innocent I., 85, 184, 188, 346, 354. Innocents, feast of, 238. Inspiration, 160. Instrumental Music, 43. lona, 106, 280, 281, 290. Ireland, 285, 802-320, 322-334. Irenaeus, 9, 161. Isidore of SeviUe, 53, 96, 224, 231 ; of Pelusium, 96 ; the monk, 181. Isis, 277. Islam, 133, 136. Isle of Saints, 330. Israelites (Clubs), 123. Israfil, 144. Istria, 214. 4o6 Index. Jacobites, 211. James, the Apostle, 5. Jamieson, 294. Japan, 102. Jeremiah, 152. Jerome, 54, 90, 91, 97-99, 107, 152, 153, 162, 183, 339, 340. Jerasalem, 22 ; church of, 47 ; bishop of, 250. Jesus Christ, 1, 29, 30, 134, 137 ; likeness of, 240. Jewish Dispensation, 57 ; Jews, 197. Job, 161,370. Jocelin, 317, 318, note. John, the Apostle, 6, 16, 51, 67, 159 ; of Damascus, 97, 163 ; of Jerusalem, 184 ; of Antioch, 202, 204; Pope, 359, 365. Jortm, 65, 241. Josephus, 2 ; Joseph of Arimathea, 267. Jovinian, 91. Judicatum, 213. Judith, 98, 152, 159. Julia Mammaea, 11, Julian, the Apostate, 75-77, 86, 123, 176, of Eclanum, 190, Julius Csesar, 304 ; Pope, 338, Justina, 93. Justin Martyr, 9, 62. Justinian, 84, 212, 213, 359, 366. Justus, 280. Jutes, 272. Kaaba, 130, 131, 135, 140, 141, note. Kaled, 145. KeUy, 311, 327. KeUach, 300, Kenneth, 289. Kenuett, 63. Kent, 273, 274, 275, note. Kentigern, 300, Khadija, 130, 131, 133, 140, 142, Khalif, 145, 146, Kieran, 313, Kilaspuglenane, 327, KiUan or KiUen, 331. Kilmacreehy, 327. KUmanaheen, 327. Kilroot, 327. Kincardineshire, 306. King, 294, 301. Kirk-shot, 284. Kiss of peace, 45 ; kissing the foot, 239, note. Koran, 130, 133, 134, 137, 140, 145. Koreish, 129. Kurtz, 172, 258. Kynegils, 278. Kyrie Eleison, 240. Labanim, 62. Lactautius, 83, 97. Lady Day, 238. Lauigan, 293, 305, 317, 329. Laodicea, 153, 155, 159, 160 ; CouncU of, 98, 223, 245. Laoghaire, 314, 322. Lapsed, the, 18, 20, 260. Lardner, 152. Lateran, first Council of, 215. Latin .spoken, 374. Laurae, 104 ; Laurea, 375. Laurentius, 280. Lazarus, 184, 188. Leabhar Breac, 307. Leary, 314. Le Brun, 373. Lectors, 164. Ledwich, 319. Lee, Dr., 160. Leo, I., 85, 209, 231, 320, 353, 354; the Isaurian, 388. Lerins, 273. Lesbos, 247. Leydecker, 128. Liberatus Diaconus, 207, 208. Liberius, 174, 338. Libya, 244, 336. Lichfield, 281, 284. Licinius, 66-9, 70, 170. Lindisfarne, 281, 283, 284, 295. Lmgard, Dr., 277, 282. Litanies, 240, 274. Liturgy of the heathen, 44, 231 ; Liturgies of the Cliurch, 230, 231, 373. Liudhard, 273. Llan-lwit, 271. Lloyd, 293. Loam, 290. Locusts, 148. Logos, 37, 196. Lombards, 369, 366-7, 378, 389, 375, London, 276, 281, Lord's Day, 42, 65, 218-227, 284. Lordship in the Church, 58. Lord's Supper, 39, 46, 234-5. Louise, Princess, 290. Lucius, 267, 269, 287. LuciUa, 114, 116. Lull, 387. Lupercalia, 239. Lupus, 271, 315. Lustral water, 78-9, 228. Lutherans, 260. Lyons, Church of, 17, 23 ; Synod of, 365. Macarius, 123, 376. Maccabees, 98, 151, 159. Maccamachtheni, 317, Macedonius, 175 ; Macedonians, 175, 176, Macgeoghegan, 289. Mac-on, CouncU of, 224. Magnentius, 74, Majorinus, 115, 116, 118. Malcolm II J,, 300. Manes or Manichaeus, 37, 131 ; Mani- chseanism, 37, 41, 179. Manna, 220. Marcellinus, 125. Marcellus, 175. Marcian, 210. Marcion, 34, 63, 67. Marcus, 34, 311 ; Aurelius, 17, 18, 23. Index. 407 Marinus, 118, 1-20. Mar Jacob, 24. Marianus Scotus, 312. Marius Mercator, 95. Mark the Evangelist, 22. Marriage, 101. MarseUles, 107, 190, 353. Martel, Charles, 146, 385, 389. Martin of Tours^ 84, 107, 297, 316 ; Pope Martm I., 216, 360, 382. Martyrdom, 32 ; martyrs, 236. Mary, worship of, 23, 323 ; mother of Christ, 201 ; note, 196, 201, 211, 241 ; said to be buried at Ephesus, 202 ; mother of God, 194, 200, 269 ; not im maculate, 185, note. Mass, origin of the name, 229, note ; for the dead, 236, 370. Masters, Annals of the Four, 325. Maternus, 118. Matins, 109. Matter, 33. Matthew of Westminster, 277. Maurice, 247, 377, 378. Maxentius, 61, 64, 113, 117, 335. Maximian, 124. Maximin, 18, 103. Mayo, 327. M'Lauchlan, 287, 289, 302. Mearns, 305. Mecca, 130, 131, 136, 138, 139, 145. Medina, 138, 140, 141, 145. Melchites, 2il, note. Melitius, 166 ; Mehtians, 244, 345 ; Mele tius, 256. Melito of Sardis, 152. Mellitus, 280. Melville, Andrew, 309. Memnon, 202. Mensurius, 113, 114, 126. Mercia, 278, 280. Merivale, 125, note. Merovingians, 364, 366, 389. Mesopotamia, 24. Messiah, the, 29, 30. Methymna, 248. Metropolis, 243; metropolitan, 6b, 1^», 244, 251, 252, 337. MUesians, 303. Milevi, 84, 188. mSi^^'sO^V 106, 108-10, 116, 188, 295, MUan, Edict of, 64, 120 ; Synod of, 174, 375. , -,,, MUler, Dr. Samuel, 114. Mills, 144, 146. Milman, 66, 73, 106. Milner, 186, 374. ... „„k Miltiades or Melchides 118, 119, 335. Milvian Bridge, 61-4, 660. Minervina, 83. Mi=:.r^S'-2. Mitre, origin of the, ii-d. Mitylene, 248. Mcesia, 24. Mohammed, 129; Mohammedanism, 129- 149. Monday, 129, 142. Monica, 182. Monophysites, 131, 211, 214, 269. Monothelites, 214 ; Monothelitism, 2G9. Montanists, 41, 122, 154 ; Montanus, 35, 36,131. Morgan, 181. Moralia of Gregory, 370. Morris, 87. Moses, 137, 141. Moslems or Mussulmans, 133, 145. Mosque, 139. MuU, 290. Munster, 296, 297. Mardock, 204. Mysteries of the heathen, 46; of the Church, 228 ; of miquity, 358. Najran, 131. Naples, 336. Natalius, 36. Nathy, 305, 306. Nave, 227. Nazarenes, 38. Neander, 65, 116, 203, 308. Nectan, King, 301. Nectarius, 88. Nennius, 290, 311, 325. Neo-Platonists, 99. Nero, persecution by, 16, 22. Nestorian controversy, 193-205 ; Nes torius, 193-4, 195, 199 ; his death, 204. New Testament, 97. NiaU, King, 309, 310, 314. Nice, CouncU of, 67, 70, 72, 112, 162, 168, 177, 223, 250, 256, 257. Nicolas of Myra, 261. Nicomedia, 19, 71, 167. Nile, 169. Noetus , 36. Non-residence, 196. Northumberland or Northumbria, 276, 278, 286, 295, 301. Notker Balbulus, 298. Novatian, 40, 56 ; Novatians, 41, 166, 197, 244; Novatianism, 121, 194. Number of monks and nuns, 106. Numidia, 114, 115, 123. Nunneries, 106. Nursia, 109, 291. Nynian, 287. Oath of Boniface, 384. Obedience of monks, 110. Ocatz, 131. Ockley, 138, 146. O'Conor, 289, 304, 307. O'Curry, 307, 317. Odoacer, 81, 368, 369. O'Donovan, 310, 329. Ecumenical Councils, 87, 253. O'Flaherty, 289, Ogygia, 288, 289. 4o8 Index. O'Heney, 328. Oil in baptism, 163. O'KeUy, 328. Old Testament, 98. Omar, 138, 146. Ommiades, 146, 393. Optatus, 84, 113, 115, 118, 124, 162. Orange, Council of, 191. Order of sitting in Councils, 255. Ordination per saltum, 93 ; by the abbot, 105,294,321; ordinal, 373. Oreste.s, 197. Organs, 229-30, note, 284. Origen, 10, 11, 13, 91, 92, 99. Original sin, 179, 185. Orosius, 183, 184. Orphans, 28. Ostrogoths, 359, 366. Oswald, 279, 280, 292. Oswio, 279, 282, 283. Pachomius, 104, 106, 107. Paddy, 316, Paganism, 78, 80. Palestine, 104, 109. PaU or PaUium, 375. PaUadius, 305-7, 315, 316, 319. Palmer, 161, 230, 231. Pannonia, 90. Pantheon, 238, note. Paper, 379, Paphlagonia, 104. Paphnutius, 106, 112. Paraclete, 37, 134. Paradise of Mohammed, 143, 144. Parchment, 379. Paris, 273. Parmenian, 124. Parthia, 24. Particular Redemption, 186, 191. Paschal Controversy, 39. Passau, 386. Passive Obedience, 20. Patriarchs, 249, 252. Patrick, Apostle of Ireland, 307, 315-7, 319-20, 321, Patripassians, 36, Plato, 33 ; Platonism, 177. Paul, the Apostle, 5, 6, 22, 49, 347 ; of Samosata, 36, 37 ; Father, 258, note ; Paulus the hermit, 103, 107. Paulmus, 181, 278. Pavia, 367, Peada, 279, 281. Peasantry called Pagans, 78. Pelagius, 129, 181, 184, 188, 190, 194; Pelagians, 192; Pelagian controversy, 178-193 ; Pope, 214, 368. Penance, 32,260. Penda, 278. Penitential, 97. Penitentiary, the, 18. Peutapolis, 244, 336, 391. Pentecost, 21, 237. People ot the Book, 135, 147. Perceval, M. Caussin de, 129, 138. Periclyte, 134. Persecutions, of the Church, 14-21 ; patron ized by Augustine, 192. Persia, 72, 145, Persons in the Godhead, 31 ; in the Media tor, 204, Petavius, 222. Peter, the Apostle, 5, 280, 346-7; 1st Epistle of, 49; his name, 66-; See of, 66, 198 ; of Alexandria, 346. Pepm, 385, 389. Petrie, Dr., 307. Petty, Sir Wm., 326. Philip, the Apostle, 6 ; the Arabian, 18 ; Bardanes, 216. PhiUppijns, 50. PhUoppopolis, 173, 247. PhUo the Jew, 2. Phocas, 377, 378. Photinus, l76. Phygellus, 34. Picts, 272 ; Apostle of southern, 288 ; of northern, 290. Pictures, 241. Pighius, 216. Pilgrimages, 242 ; farewell, 141. Pillar saints, 108. Pimeniola, 271. Pinkerton, 288, 294, 300, 303. Plate, Church, 114, 116. Platoni.'im, new, 75, 78. Plenary Inspiratiou, 160. Pliny, 16, 231. Poictiers, 146. Polycarp, Epistle of, 9, 60, 393, 399. Polychronius, 262, 263. Pontifex Maximus, 239. Population of England, 269; of Ireland, 326. Porson, 398. Porter, 48. Potter, Archbishop, 114. Pope, the, 145. Posthumian, 246. Praefectus Urbis, 248. Praetorian Guards, 61. Prayers for the dead, 23, 241 ; for the Emperor, 27 ; standing, 223 ; of the soldiers, 230 ; at councils, 256. Praylus, 188. Preachers, how maintained, 6 ; preaching, 232, 233. Presbyters, 66 ; married, 104 ; preach, 232 ; without votes in synods, 365 ; presbytery, 47. Presbyterians, 260. Prideaux, 102, 130. Primate, 114, 246. Primian, 124. Probus, 307. Proclus, 196. Proculus, 353. Progress of the Church, 60-80. Prophets, 47. Proselene, 248. Prosper, 91, 96, 191, 306, 319. Index. 409 Prostrators, 259. Psalmody, 43, 229; psalms, importance of the, 166. Pudens, 267. Purgatory, 23, 323, 372. - Pusey, 176, 254, 269. Quarrels of the bishops, 251. Queen Victoria, her descent, 289. Radbert, Paschasius, 324. Ramadan, 144. Eaphoe, 292. Eashee, 327. Eath of the Synods, 327, 329. Eathlin, 327. Eatisbon, 385. Eavenna, 189, 348, 368. Eeader, 48, 164. Eebaptism, 119. Eecared, 367. Red Sea, 111. Eeeves, 288, 290, 292, 301, 312, 326. Eegeneration, 46, 234. Regula Pastoralis of Gregory, 370. ReUcs, 241. Remigius, 362. Reticus or Reticius, 118, note. Retractations of Augustine, 97. Eevelation, 156. Review, Edinburgh, 63. Rheims, 362. Rhone, 303. Eiada, 289. Eichard of Cirencester, 269. Eicula, 278. Eimini, 174, 255, 268. Eobber Synod, 207, 210, 262. Eobertsou, 367. Eochester, 275, 280. Eock, the, 349. EodweU, 139, 144, 145. Eome, 22, 244, 336 ; Church of, its extent, 51, 249 ; Epistle of Church of, 50 ; pre lacy begins at, 63, 252 ; Babylon, 57 ; Papal, 58 ; sjmod at, 118. Eoman Liturgy, 231, 232, note. Eoute, 288. Eouth, 119. Eufinus, 83, 91, 92, 97, 336. Euling elders, 114, note. Sabbath, 42, 218, 219, 220. Sabellius, 36 ; SabeUianism, 166. Sacrament, use of the word, 45. Sacramentary, 373. Sacrifices, 29. Sagittarius, 365, 366. Sale, 139, 144. SaUan Francs, 361. Salonius, 365, 366. Salzburg, 385. Samosata, 36, io6. Sarabaites, 108. ISfcaTnS 24^247, 253, 268, 324, 351, 352. Sardinia, 336. Saturday, 38. Saturnalia, 237. Saturninus, 34. Saxons, 272 ; East, 278 ; West, 278. Scandinavia, 303. Schaff, 85. Schism of the Donatists, 113-116. School of Antioch, 206, Scotia Major, 289 ; Minor, 289, Scotland, 24, 285, 287-302; Scots, 272, Scriptures, the, 19, 26, 32, 43, 109, 150- 165 ; read by the laity, 161 ; of more authority than CouncUs, 162. Scythians, 303. Sebert, 278, 280, 281. Secundinus or SeehnaU, 328, 332. Secundus, 144. Sedulius, 324. Segenius, 295. Segetius, 309. Seme, 303. Seleucia, 174, 337. Semi-Arianism, 177. Semi-Pelagianism, 190, 191. Senchus Mor, 315,' note. Seniors, 113. Sen-Patrick, 315, 328. Serapis, 79, 277. Sergius, Pope, 286. Seventy, the, 4. Severus of Treves, 271, Sharon Turner, 269, 272, Shinar, 58, Sicca, 351, SieUy, 92, 120, 336, 367. Sicininus, 339. Simon Barjona, 56 ; Magnus, 34. Simeon, the Styhte, 108. Simplician, 93. Sirai)licius, 357. Singing, 241. Siricius, 86. Sirmium, 341. Sirmond, 336. Sismondi, 270, 364, 391. Slaves, 26 ; made clergy, 380, 381. Soames, 285, 286. Socrates, 83, 112. Solemn League and Covenant, 334. Solway Frith, 287. Sonnah, 138, Soothsayer, 6^. Sozomen, 83, 102, 111, Spam, 6, 22, 61, 120, 303. Spelman, 119, 120, 267. Sponsors, 206. Sprenger, 129, 131, 132, 133. Sprinkling at baptism, 45. St. Andrews, 300. Standing when communicating, 45 ; at prayer, 260. Stanley, 62, 161, 167, 176. States of the Church, 336, Stephen III,, 390, 391, StUlingfleet, 229, 270, 303, 336. 4J0 Index. stridon, 90, Stylites, 108. Subdeacons, 48. Suburbicarian Provinces, 336. Suevi, 366. Sulpitius Severus, 84, 270. Sunday, 65, 219. Suras, 133, 145. Surplices, 44, 240. Susanna, 152, Sylloge, Ussher's, 320, note. Sylvester, 256. Symbols, the Eucharistic, 46. Symmachus, 361, 376. Synagogue, 48. Syucletica, 106. Synods, 327. Syracuse, 120, Syria, 104, 108, 109, 145, Syricius, 342, 343, 364. Tacitus, 2. Tara, 289, 298, 304, 307, 322, 327, 329. Tarik, 146. Te Deum, its origin, 229, note. Temple of Jerusalem, attempt to rebuild, 77, Tenedos, 247, TertuUian, 9, 13, 62, 161, 179, 252, 287, Text, preaching from a, 43. Thane, 286, Thanet, Isle of, 274. Thaumasius, 197. Theatre, 27. Thebes, 103. Theodelinda, 367. Theodora, 2l2, 213. Theodore, 97 ; of Mopsuestia, 204, 212 ; ot Canterbury, 224, 283, 284, 286. Theodoret, 83, 97, 98, 160, 212, 261, Theodoric, 96, Theodosius the Great, 79, 80, 81, 82, 88, 92, 93, 94, 176 ; the Second, 198 ; 202, 210, 223, 261, 341, 346. Theodotus, 36, Theophilus, 72, 80, 89, 197. Therapeutie, 102. Thessalonica, 22, 93, 341. Thierry, 326. Thirty-nine Articles, 193. Thomas, the Apostle, 6. Thomian, 329. Thrace, 24. Tiberius, 2, 65. Ticmum, 361. Tickets 20 TiUemo'nt, 113, 118, 123, 308. Timothy, the Evangelist, 6, 60. Tirawley, 309. Tiridates, 72. Tithes, 284, 286. Titus, the Evangelist, 6, 50. Tobit, 98, 152, 169 ; Tobias, 323. Todd, Dr., 267, 270, 297, 305, 322. Tome, the, 209. Tongues, gift of, 7. Tonsure, 277, 321. Tours, 146. Tractoria, 190. Tradition, 161. Traditor, 116, 120. Trajan, 16. Transubstantiation, 324. Treffry, 166. Trent, 266. Trim, 313. Trmity, 31, 86, 144, 166, 172, 176, 323. TruUan Synod, 153, Tuath de Danan, 303, 304. Turin, 367. Twelve, the, 4. Type, the, 214, 215, 217. Tyre, Synod of, 170, 171. Ulphilas, 72, 176. Ulster, 329 ; ann.als of, 277, 294. Unanimity in CouncUs, 258. Unction, 45, 234. Unitarians, 36 ; Mohammed a Unitarian, 144, Universal Bishop, 355, note, 376. Urgusia, 289. Ursmus, 338, 339. Ussher, 120, 292, 296, 308, 399. Utrecht, 286. Valentia, 287. Valens, 79, 104, 176, 223. Valentme, 34, 35, 64. Valentinian, 78, 79, 124, 176, 223, 340 ; the Second, 340, 346, 351, 353; the Third, 353. Valeria, 25. Valerian, 19. Valerius, 189. Vandals, 192, 366. Vatican CouncU, 253, 255, 256. Vestal Virgins, 102. Vestibule, 227. Vicar of Christ, 57 ; of God, 145. Vicaiius Italise, 248. Vicars, Apostolic, 341. Victoria, Queen, 289. Victoricius, 309, 310, 311, note. Victor Vitensis, 128. Victory, statue of, 63, 64 ; altar of, 79. Vienne, Church of, 17, 23. VigUantius, 91. VigUius, 213, 217, 360 ; of Tapsus, 85 ; Pope, 373. VigUs, 109, VUlanueva, 304, 308, ViUage bishops, 128, 246, 251, 325. Vincent of Lerms, 96, 181, 271. Virgil, 156, Virginity, 163. Visigoths, 367. Vitalian, Pope, 283. Vitringa, 49. Vossius, 398. Index. 411 Votum Consultativum, 265, note. Vulgate, 91. Waddington, 106, 176, 261. Wales, 270, 271, 272, 275, 276. Ware, Sir James, 308. Wartzburg, 331. Water, holy, 78, 79, 228, note ; MUl, 304. Wax tapers, 44, 240. Wesley, 46, Westminster Confession, 193. Wessex, 284. Whitby, 282, 283, 295. Whithern, 287, 288. Whitsuntide, 237. Wicklow, 306. Widows, 28. Wiggers, 179, 184. Wighard, 283. Wight, Isle of, 279. WiliWd, 279, 283, 296. WiU, one, 214. Willibrord, 286. Wine of the Eucharist mixed with water, 46. Wiuifrid, 286, 383. Winter Solstice, 237. Wisdom, 98, 152, 323, Witena-gemot, 285. Woden, 280. Wolf, 72, Worship, places of, 25, 44 ; of the Church, 42, 227-241 ; of hnages, 388, Wred, 289, Writers, ecclesiastical, 8, 82. Wulfnere, 279. Wulfflaich, 108, 109. Xavier, Francis, 102. Yathreb, 135, 136, 137, 138. York, 61, 275, 287 ; Yorkshire, 282. Yule, 239, note, Zachary, 86, 387, 392. Zeid, 133. Zemzem, 141. Zeno, 211, 212, 360. Zephyrinus, 10. Zosimus, 127, 188, 189, 190, 191, 350, 351, 353. EEEATA. Page 33, line 8 from the tooi—dele " eternal and." ,, 43, note 4, line 3 from the end— /or /iiS read /uia. 201, line 24 from top— -/or " Constantuie " read " Celestine."