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Athanasius: The Hero

By
Lynn Harold Hough
Drew Theological Seminary

CINCINNATI: JENNINGS AND GRAHAM
NEW YORK: EATON AND MAINS

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Copyright, 1906, by
Jennings & Graham

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PREFATORY NOTE
The days when men could be ruled by formal
and lifeless dogma have passed. The days when
all dogma is looked upon with suspicion are pass
ing. We are beginning to learn that there is no
particular merit in being uncertain about nearly
everything fundamental in theology, and in repudi
ating all well-defined boundaries. The days of a
living dogma, thrilling with creative energy, and
claiming no authority but its own vitality, are ap
proaching. Because to Athanasius, theology was
not a mechanism but a vitality ; because he under
stood that such doctrines as the Deity of our Lord
are an essential part of Christianity, and must be
preserved at whatever cost; and because there are
no truths more important than these to our own
eager, much seeking age; it has been a joy to
write this little book about him.
In sending it forth, I wish to express my obli
gations to my friend the Rev. Samuel G. Ayres,
5

6 Prefatory Notb.
Librarian of the Drew Theological Seminary, for
courtesies extended to me during my investigations
of the subject.
Lynn Harold Hough.
Kings Park, New York.

CONTENTS
Chapter Page
I. The Times of Athanasius, - 9
II. The City of Athanasius, - 30
III. The Early Life of Athanasius, 35
IV. The Rise of Arianism and the Coun
cil OF NlCiEA, - - 44
V. Athanasius Bishop, - - - 60
VI. The First Exile, - 75
VII. The Restoration and the Second
Exile, 83
VIII. The Period of the Second Restora
tion, - - - 102
IX. The Third Exile, - - - 113
X. The Last Years of Athanasius, - 130
XI. The Theology of Athanasius, - - 143
XII. The Message of Athanasius to Our
Time, .... t57

Athanasius: The Hero.

CHAPTER I.
THE TIMES OF ATHANASIUS.
It is not easy to become a citizen of the past.
To-day claims us. We are a part of its life. Our
thoughts, our feelings, our way of looking at things,
belong to the present. We but dimly realize that all
down the far reaches of the slowly moving years,
multitudes of other men and women have been liv
ing; numberless brains have been surging with
activity and numberless hearts have throbbed with
joy or woe. When we stop to think of it, we find it
all too vast and overpowering, and shrink back
into the present, with perhaps little desire to touch
the icy hand of the past.
Yet we need this contact with times and men
long vanished. We need it for what it has to teach
us of how men met life in days that are half for-
9

io Athanasius : the Hero.
gotten. They did not live in vain. They have much
to say to us.
History is a treasure house of knowledge and
wisdom. The present has its roots in the past, and
a man who only knows the life of to-day can never
fully understand it. Every thinker, if his thinking
is to have worth and validity, needs to begin by get
ting to know the past.
The Christian Church has had a wonderful his
tory. The story of its life is full of interest, of in
struction, of warning, and of inspiration. Yet how
little the average Christian knows about it. The
life of the Church would be richer and more effect
ive, if we companioned more with the past.
One of the periods of unique significance in the
history of the Church was the time of the conflict
with those who denied the deity of our Lord. From
this conflict one personality towers impressively, the
bishop, the story of whose life is to be told in these
pages. If we can get back into the heat of this an
cient struggle, if we can succeed in getting into
living touch with the man who was its greatest hero,
if we can feel the pulsing currents of the distant life
when the battle was fought, and the real significance
of it all, our lives will be stronger and finer for the
experience.

The Times of Athanasius. ii
In this chapter we shall attempt to place before
our minds the facts which will enable us to under
stand the history and the theology of the period
when Athanasius lived.
A generation before the birth of Christ, the re
public of Rome became the Roman Empire, with
Augustus Csesar in supreme power. The change
was at first less a change in form than in reality.
Old names and institutions were preserved, but in
fact the republic had ceased to be. The story of the
Roman Empire with its far-flung battle line, its
genius for colonial government, its practical con
trol of the civilized world in spite of corruption and
moral decay, forms part of the background of any
true picture of the life of the fourth century A. D.
The most potent name in the history of centuries
had been the name of Rome. Everywhere the
Roman governor and the Roman soldiery had given
evidence of the power of the Imperial City on the
Tiber. Sometimes all was violence and unrest in
the capital itself. Emperors who were demons
rather than men sat on the throne. In spite of them
the empire remained massive and full of strength.
Sometimes emperors of character, and genius for
administration held the reins of government and
under them the power and prestige of Rome in-

12 Athanasius: the Hero.
creased. One of the marvels of history is this story
of a great empire welded together of people of all
varieties of race, climate, language, and civilization.
Rome was the great political master of the world.
From this situation, lasting through centuries,
certain results had come. There was a new unity
to the life of the world. Roman law had given a
new stability to all institutions. Roman control
had made travel safe as it had never been. The
great roads built under the supervision of Rome,
typified the new manner of life for the world. Com
merce had protection. The world became smaller.
Men of different nations were inevitably drawn to
gether. They were shaken out of their provin
cialism. This new unity had another cause besides the
government of Rome.
Where the power of Rome went, Greek culture
followed. The Greek language was as cosmopoli
tan as the Roman power. If Rome was the political
governor of the world, Greece was its intellectual
ruler. These were very old facts in the fourth cen
tury. The rule of Rome seemed as solidly based as
the eternal hills. To dispute it was to court ruin.
And the pre-eminence of Greek culture was un
questioned.

The Times oe Athanasius. 13
Near the close of the third century Diocletian
became the Roman emperor. He instituted im
portant political changes, dividing the empire with
Maximian, one of his generals. Diocletian held his
court at Nicomedia and Maximian's residence was
at Milan. Each of these had a subordinate, who
was to be his successor. Thus the empire had four
heads instead of one, but with Diocletian in really
supreme authority still. The German tribes were
causing much anxiety and the empire needed to be
in vigorous hands. After a number of years in
power, Diocletian and Maximian transferred their
authority to their subordinates. Diocletian from
being an emperor turned to be a gardener and much
delight he professed to find in his garden. With
the retirement of Diocletian and Maximian, Gale-
rius and Constantius came into supreme authority.
After a year Constantius died, and the soldiers ig
noring the plans of Diocletian for the succession,
declared Constantine emperor. Five rivals had to
be crushed before Constantine was in supreme
power, and it took him eighteen years to do it. The
year 324 A. D. found him the sole ruler of the em
pire. During his reign Christianity became prac
tically the State religion. But of Christianity we
shall speak in a later section of this chapter.

14 Athanasius: the Hero.
Constantine made Byzantium on the Bosporus
the capital of the empire. In honor of him its name
was changed to Constantinople. The city of su
preme importance practically was no longer on the
Tiber. The Roman emperor had deserted Rome.
After a reign of thirty-one years, Constantine
died, leaving the empire to be divided between his
three sons, Constans, Constantine, and Constantius.
The three sons of Constantine made their own
division of the empire. They decided that Con
stantine II should take the Gauls and Africa, Con
stantius the East, and Constans Italy and Illyricum.
In 340 A. D. Constantine II was killed while in
vading his brother Constans's territory, and Con
stans was murdered in 350 A. D. Constantius then
had to fight for the empire. He was successful and
reigned as its one ruler for about eight years. Upon
his death there was a sudden change in the affairs of
the world. Julian, who had gone back to paganism,
came into power, and his brief reign was an en
deavor to reinstate heathenism. He was killed
while fighting the Persians in 363 A. D.
Another quick reversion — this time to Chris
tianity—characterized the reign of Jovian. (A. D.
363-4-)

The Times of Athanasius. 15
Valentinian, another soldier, became emperor
upon the death of Jovian. He took charge of the
western provinces and assigned the eastern to his
brother Valens. The reign of Valentinian and
Valens reaches beyond the limits of Athanasius's
life. And with their names our outline of its polit
ical history may come to a close. The movements
of the German tribes were becoming more and more
ominous during these last years.
It has been impossible for us to refer even in a
summary way to the history of the period without
mentioning Christianity — the most vital fact of all.
Now we must look at the rise of Christianity
and its situation in the fourth century more closely.
In the reign of Augustus, in a small country far
from the capital, Jesus Christ was born. The be
ginnings of the new religion were humble in the ex
treme. At the time of the death of Christ, His
name was scarcely known outside of Palestine. The
leaders of His own people had rejected Him, and
their hostility had led to His death. A few humble
men — fishermen and others — were His followers.
The outlook did not seem to indicate that Christian
ity would be more than a small Jewish sect, — too
insignificant to secure even passing notice in the life
of the great empire.

1 6 Athanasius : the Hero.
But soon the new faith began to show extraor
dinary power of propagation. From the start it en
countered Jewish hostility, which soon became per
secution. The Christians who fled from Jewish
persecutions, however, became the disseminators of
the faith. In Palestine, in Asia Minor, and then on
along the shores of the Mediterranean the new re
ligion made its way. The Jews followed with
hatred and hostility, but Christianity kept on win- ,
ning victory after victory. When large masses of
people became Christians, the worship at particular
heathen temples began to suffer. Now as at these
centers of idolatry, many people depended for their
livelihood on the prosperity of the temples, and the
gathering of eager multitudes for worship, Chris
tianity encountered a new difficulty. With the best
intentions in the world it began to interfere with
men's prosperity. This roused hatred and opposi
tion. It was the prelude to the great three-century
battle when Christianity would meet in conflict the
forces of the Roman Empire.
While Nero was yet on the throne, occurred the
burning of Rome. The emperor himself was sus
pected of having caused it. To divert suspicion
from himself, he looked about for some set of peo
ple to accuse.

The Times oe Athanasius. 17
His eye fell upon the Christians, who had es
tablished themselves in Rome. They suited his
purpose, and he branded them as incendiaries. It
seems strange enough now to think that some things
about the Christians would seem to give color to the
emperor's accusation, innocent as they were. They
did not reverence the Roman Empire. They be
lieved it would come to an end, and that quickly.
Their hope was the downfall of Rome, the end of
the world, and the coming of Christ. So they were
branded as haters of the human race, as the in
human wretches who set on fire the Imperial City,
and a terrible persecution began. Then came cruel
orgies of barbarity, when Christians were sewed up
in the skins of wild beasts and devoured by fero
cious dogs which were set upon them, or covered
with pitch, were made at night the living torches
for Nero's garden. This local Roman persecution
was the beginning of the long period of trial.
We are not to think of the three centuries of
opposition to Christianity as times of incessant per
secution. There were long periods of quiet. And
often the Christians were unmolested in one place
while they were meeting trials of awful severity in
another. It may seem strange to us that except as the re-
2

18 Athanasius : the Hero.
suit of a false accusation like that of Nero, the
Christians should have met the power of the em
pire set against them in persecution. For Rome
was the home of a multitude of faiths. Why should
all other men be unmolested and the Christians per
secuted? The answer is that the Roman authority
allowed you to worship any deity you chose, pro
vided you also acknowledged the national religion.
But this was just what the Christian could not do.
Not much comfort he could find in being told that
he might worship Christ if he would only first wor
ship the emperor. With him, if he was loyal to his
Master, there could be no division of worship. To
God alone and Christ as God might he pray. The
seeming liberality of the Roman offered no ac
ceptable terms to him. To accept what Rome of
fered, to do what Rome demanded, meant to be
false to Christ.
Sometimes, as under Trajan, the persecution
had its side of clemency.
It was Trajan who declared that the officers
should not proceed against Christians, except on the
ground of specific accusation. Still to be a Chris
tian was to be legally subject to persecution, even
when the matter was not actually pressed. The fol
lower of Christ never knew when some enemy

The Times oe Athanasius. 19
might accuse him, and the alternative would be to
worship heathen gods or pay the penalty of his loy
alty to his Master.
Sometimes, as under Marcus Aurelius, a pes
tilence was declared to indicate the wrath of the
gods because of the forsaking of their shrines, and
Christians suffered because of the superstition. It
was in- the reign of Marcus Aurelius that Polycarp
went to his martyrdom. We do well to remember
the words of the old man when urged to give up his
faith, "Eighty-six years," he said, "I have served
Christ, and He has done me no harm ; how could I
now blaspheme my King who has redeemed me?"
With the reign of Decius commenced the last
period of relentless and brutal persecution. Despite
all efforts to overthrow it, Christianity had grown.
It seemed to possess an inner quality of vitality and
strength which made it impossible to crush it. All
ranks and classes of society had been permeated by
it. The time had come when it was necessary to
take strong and remorseless measures if it was to
be wiped out. Officers were ordered to proceed
against Christians without waiting for specific ac
cusations. Then a cruelly ingenious plan was de
vised. The persecution was directed especially
against the leaders and men of high rank among the

20 Athanasius: the Hero.
Christians. Once get these out of the way, and
the headless mass of Christians would soon give up
their religion. This was the belief of those who
made the plan.
When the heat of this persecution subsided
Christianity still lived and a time of rest for the
Church followed. This was the prelude to the ter
rible persecution beginning under Diocletian. Edict
after edict, each more cruel than the others, came
forth. Every Bible was to be burned, the churches
were to be devastated, and the Christians were to
be deprived of civil rights. On pain of death, all
Christians were to sacrifice to the gods. When
Diocletian abdicated, his successor in the East,
Galerius, held a perfect carnival of persecution.
Then it has been said, "Christians suffered every
thing which ruthless tyrants could inflict."
But this last awful darkness was the darkness
just before the dawn.
To even Galerius it became evident that he was
fighting a losing battle, and on his deathbed he is
sued an edict of toleration. It was not long until
the last blood had been spilled, and the days of cruel
and wholesale persecution by the Roman Empire
were over. No one knows how many went to mar
tyrs' graves in these centuries of dire trial. But

The Times oe Athanasius. 21
the world over, Christ had His confessors. Many
had recanted. But in every country the faith had
its heroes who were loyal unto death. The blood
of the martyrs was indeed the seed of the Church.
They were fighting the battle of all future cen
turies. It was they who kept Christianity alive.
Constantine came to the throne under the very
shadow of the last persecution. His father had
been tolerant, and his son inherited this quality from
his father. But under his rule there was more than
toleration — Christianity became the State religion.
He professed to have seen a vision before a battle
with Maxentius — in which the cross appeared with
the inscription "In hoc signo vince" — "By this sign
conquer." Constantine made the cross his standard,
and the Roman soldiers marched under it. The
hated sign, of the death of the Galilean peasant, was
thus emblazoned on the banner of the emperor who
became sole ruler of all the empire.
It must have been a time of sacred joy to mul
titudes of Christians. No wonder they thought
highly of Constantine and were eager to speak of
him in eulogy. Now, we may be more discriminat
ing in our praise of him, but we, too, must regard
this time as one of unique triumph for the Chris
tian faith.

22 Athanasius: the Hero.
Alas ! that the Church at peace with the empire
should be found in bitter intellectual internal war.
Alas ! that success and power meant the seculariza
tion of much of the Church's life. However, these
things belong to the story of Athanasius. We have
said enough to make clear what a great history lay
behind him in the Christian Church. But Chris
tians had been doing more than living and being
persecuted in these three centuries. They had been
thinking, too, and we must now turn our attention
to what had been going on in Christian thought,
before the time of Athanasius.
We make a mistake if we think of the Apostolic
Church as one come to full self-consciousness and
possessed of a completely thought-out and fully ar
ticulated theology. This was to be the work of ages
of Christian thinking. The faith of many, probably
most of the early Christians was of a naive char
acter, quite apart from philosophical reflection. The
present and perfect salvation in Christ filled the
thought of men, and they lived in its light with not
a great deal of reflection on the theology involved
in this salvation. In Paul we have a really theolog
ical temperament, and in his writings a nearer ap
proach to the work of a systematic Christian thinker
than elsewhere in the New Testament.

The Times oe Athanasius. 23
But speaking broadly, we may say that the New
Testament contains the materials for a worked out
theology, rather than the theology itself.
Having minds imposes certain results upon men,
however. They must reflect ; they must justify their
opinions at the bar of their own mental life. They
must Systematize these thoughts and finally build
up world views which they endeavor to make unified
and consistent. This is as true of Christian minds
as of any other minds. To have Christian men
meant ultimately and of necessity to have a Chris
tian theology.
Other causes pressed Christians toward reflect
ing upon and adequately stating their faith. The
second century, a period of expansion and con
stantly increasing influence for Christianity, was
also an exceedingly literary age. So it came about
that the faith not only met persecution but also
literary attack. With gr.eat brilliancy and resource
fulness, pagan thinkers leveled their artillery
against the advancing columns of the new religion.
The work of Celsus is an example of this powerful
attack. The Church had to meet it. Christianity
could not remain quiet under false accusations, mis
representation, and all the swift arrows of skillful

24 Athanasius: the Hero.
and hostile argument. So arose the Christian
Apologists. And right bravely they entered the lists to do
battle for their faith. Calumnies met reply. The
Gospel was defended with ardor and with genuine
skill. Themselves returning the attack, the apolo
gists held heathenism up to scorn, and showed by
arguments whose weight could not be successfully
denied that the heathen thinker lived in a structure
ready to fall. The onslaughts of clear and vigorous
thinking left heathenism very shabby and quite de
fenseless. These apologists were not modern theolo
gians. They made mistakes. Their arguments would
not always recommend themselves in a present-day
theology. But they did their work. They defended
the faith, and they gave utterance to some great ar
guments of permanent value.
Another and more difficult problem roused
Christian thinkers. The faith was attacked not only
from without but also from within. The age was
one of syncretism — of the combining of faiths, and
the attempt was made to preserve much that was
heathen in the Church. The Gnostics were the most
subtle and dangerous foes Christian thinkers had to
meet during the second century.
Gnosticism was an aristocracy within the

The Times oe Athanasius. 25
Church. It professed to speak to the spiritually
elite who could understand its mysteries. In forms
so varied that it is difficult to speak in generaliza
tions about it, this method of interpreting Chris
tianity tried to take possession of the Church. God
was infinitely removed — and intermediaries were
put between Him and creation. Complete mythol
ogies were imported wholesale into Christianity.
Armed with the Gnostic view of the faith, the Chris
tian might defend himself for becoming either a
morbid ascetic or a licentious libertine. Sound
Christian consciousness condemned the whole
movement, and literary defenders rose up to express
this condemnation in vigorous and effective form.
The whole complex of Gnostic systems passed away
at length like a dark storm cloud.
During this period the need of standards upon
which to rely was keenly felt. And so the New
Testament canon came to its permanent form. The
Gnostics were, however, wonderfully fertile at in
genious misinterpretation. So not only the. New
Testament canon, but the interpretation of it, com
ing down from the earliest times, came to be recog
nized. Thus emerged the rule of faith. The preser
vation of the earliest interpretation was felt to be
most sure in the most ancient sees with a regular

26 Athanasius: the Hero.
succession of bishops. So the belief in the impor
tance of certain sees and in apostolic succession be
gan to arise. There was good and the possibility
of evil in these standards. On the latter side two
of them helped to prepare the way for the preten
sions of the Roman Catholic Church. These pre
tensions were doubtless far enough from the minds
of the defenders of the faith, who used these stand
ards against the Gnostics in the days of their battle.1
In the third century the Church grappled with
the problem of the Trinity. The statements of early
thinkers had often been loose and inadequate, more
because the problem had not yet been thought out,
than from any real tendency to heresy.
In the third century these partly articulate views
came to a clearer issue. And the false positions the
Church was called upon to repudiate, may be
summed up under the term monarchianism — which
has been defined as the tendency which emphasizes
the unity of God, and rejects the personal Trinity.
The most completely worked out system of this
variety was Sabellianism. Here was offered a
modal, instead of an actual Trinity. There was one
God. He had revealed Himself first as Father, then
as Son, and then as Holy Ghost. But the Trinity
1 Cf. Professor James Orr, Progress of Dogma, Lecture II.

The Times oe Athanasius. 27
was one of manifestation, one in history. It did
not belong to the Godhead itself. There were not
three persons in the Godhead, there was one per
son who revealed Himself in three aspects. This
system, as all the other forms of monarchianism,
was open to insuperable objections. And the sound
consciousness of the Church rejected it. Only in
the belief in three fundamental eternal distinctions
in the Godhead could Christian thinkers who car
ried their life with them in their thought find rest.
This battle represented another step forward. The
Church was moving into a clearer self-conscious
ness. The next conflict was to deal with Jesus Christ
Himself. He was the center of the faith and men
must settle how they were to think of Him.
This was the battle regarding the deity of our
Lord, and this brings us to the period of Athanasius.
In the above consideration of the early intel
lectual conflicts of the faith, we have spoken of
principles rather than men. Let us now remind our
selves of a few of the great names which come be
fore the time of Athanasius in the intellectual his
tory of the Church. Probably the five most im
portant names after the age of the apostles and be
fore the fourth century are: Justin Martyr, Ire-

28 Athanasius : the Hero.
nseus, Tertullian, Clement of Alexandria, and Ori
gen. Justin Martyr was born in Samaria. He was
a philosopher, a Christian apologist, and met a mar
tyr's death during the reign of Marcus Aurelius.
Irenaeus was a native of Asia Minor and a Christian
bishop. He wrote "Against the Heresies." He
died about 202 A. D. Tertullian was born about
160 A. D. He wrote in Latin. He represents the
tendency to repudiate philosophy. He did im
portant apologetical work. The legal attitude so
characteristic of the Latin mind was his. Clement
and Origen both belonged to the great school at
Alexandria. They represent the attitude of the
Greek theology, with its openness to all the best in
philosophy. Origen made the first formal attempt
'.at a systematic theology.
The two schools of theology — the older at Alex
andria and the younger at Antioch — deserve a word
of special mention. The Alexandrian was specula
tive, open to truth everywhere, and inclined to al
legory. The Antiochan was more critical and coldly
rational. The allegorical tendency of the Alexan
drians and the rationalistic tendency of the An-
tiochans needed checking, for the sake of the best
results. The Alexandrian school, however, repre-

The Times oe Athanasius. 29
sented the most vital theological thinking of the
time, and gave forth much of permanent value.
We must never lose the sense of the immanence
of God, of openness to all truth, of the significance
of the incarnation, and of the freedom of man,
which belonged to the Alexandrian school.
Enough has been said to give the reader the
necessary historical and theological background of
the life of Athanasius. The world was still held
fast in the power of the Roman Empire. The
Church had three centuries of history behind it, and
it was just emerging in triumph from long persecu
tion. It had waged literary battle with paganism
and within itself had fought and conquered Gnosti
cism and monarchianism. The Church was about to
become a great political as well as a spiritual power,
and was ready to face new issues.

CHAPTER II.
THE CITY OF ATHANASIUS.
The city of Alexandria was more than six hun
dred years old when Athanasius was born. The
world conquerer, Alexander, had founded the city,
and had given it his own name. Tradition says that
the site was suggested to him by a dream, in which
an old man appeared, and quoted some lines from
Homer, which directed his attention to the place.
It is more probable, if less poetic, that his keen eye
saw the strategic possibilities of the position, as a
future mart for the nations, and that he seized upon
it for this reason. Another tradition has it, that
when the city was laid out part of its boundaries
were marked with flour, which birds came and de
voured. At first Alexander was inclined to regard
this as a bad omen, but he was led to see in it a
symbol of the city's future commercial prosperity.
Alexandria was situated on the Mediterranean,
with Lake Mareotis to the south. This lake con
nected with the Nile, and made the city a natural
outlet for trade up the river. The city was opposite
3P

The City oe Athanasius. 31
to the island Pharos, with its great marble light
house — one of the wonders of the ancient world.
In the original plan the city was in form like a
Macedonian cloak. The two principal streets
crossed each other at right angles. There was in
the city an Egyptian quarter, a Greek quarter, and
a Jewish quarter. The three elements, Egyptian,
Jewish, and Greek, formed its essential features as
to population. Under the Ptolemies the city became one of
great grandeur, and a center of literary and com
mercial activity. Its zenith of greatness had been
reached when Rome began to take a part in its af
fairs, in the time of Cleopatra, nearly half a cen
tury before the birth of Christ. From this time
began its decline. Under Roman control it had a
checkered history. The terrible massacre under
Caracalla was but one of the occasions when the
iron heel of Rome trod heavily upon it. Even in
the empire, however, the power of the city had been
felt. Vespasian had been proclaimed emperor by
the Alexandrians. And wise statesmen felt that
Alexandria must be considered and reckoned with in
their plans. This was true even in the time of Con
stantine, when Constantinople became its rival, and
more of its prestige was lost.

32 Athanasius: the Hero.
Thus we see that when Athanasius lived, it was
still a great and powerful city, even if a city in slow
decay. Its past was ready to speak very eloquently to an
impressionable mind. Into its warehouses had been
brought the treasures of the nations. It had be
come the exchange center between the East and
the West. Ships bearing rich cargoes came into it
from every clime. Wealth had thus poured into its
coffers. And the city had been made very beauti
ful. In the fourth century much of this beauty be
came only a memory, but its palaces, its temples, and
its halls of learning had previously made themselves
the admiration of the world;
Then Alexandria was a great intellectual cen
ter. It had come to stand for the best of Greek
culture. Here philosophers, poets, and artists lived
and flourished. As the East and West met com
mercially, so they met intellectually at Alexandria.
Its enormous library was a vast warehouse of in
tellectual treasures. As a center of learning it be
came pre-eminent. The ambitious youth who de
sired to master the best of the culture of the past,
could not do better than to go to the city, the light
of whose learning shone out like the light of its
own Pharos, full of brightness and illumination.
Here it was that Judaism made its great effort

The City oe Athanasius. 33
to become cosmopolitan. The Old Testament was
first translated into Greek in Alexandria, and the
resulting version — the Septuagint — won its way to
such popularity that it seems to have been the form
in which the ordinary Palestinian Jews read the Old
Testament in the time of Christ. In Philo of Alex
andria the attempt was made to harmonize Judaism
and Greek philosophy. This movement to Hellen-
ize Judaism was the outcome of the very intellectual
mood of Alexandria.
Then the city had become a center of Christian
learning. It was the home of Origen, and of Clem
ent. Here Christianity, too, showed itself hospitable
to Greek learning. The spirit of eclecticism was
in the very air. The Greek theology is by no means
complete. Its conclusions were not always wise.
But, notwithstanding this, its work was extremely
valuable. The Church has lessons to learn from it
even yet. And Alexandria was the center of the
Greek theology.
The Christian Church had felt the heavy hand
of persecution in the Egyptian metropolis, and had
there won its way through suffering. It had a herit
age of Christian living, as well as of Christian
thinking. The people of Alexandria have been called the
3

34 Athanasius : the Hero.
Parisians of the ancient world. An eager, alert, ex
citable people they were. The mobs of Alexandria
were easily stirred, and very violent. The city was
often rent by its own passions. At one time we are
told that different sections warred with each other
for twelve years.
Such was the home of Athanasius. If any city
in the world deserved at that time to be called cos
mopolitan, surely it was Alexandria. What a
wealth of influences poured upon the life of every
man within its pale. To live here was to meet the
world. Life was full of movement and stir. The
eye, the mind, the sense of beauty, the love of com
merce, the passion for pleasure, — all were ap
pealed to.
New days and new influences were now to come.
In the fourth century Alexandria was to have one
supremely great character. The city which Alex
ander had founded, and where he had been buried ;
the city of the Ptolemies, with their commerce and
their patronage of the arts and letters; the city of
the voluptuous Cleopatra ; the city of a heathen wor
ship, with a temple unsurpassed in the world; the
city of a vigorous and noble Christian theology,
represented by Origen and Clement; was now to
become the city of one most powerful and impress
ive character, — the Christian bishop Athanasius.

CHAPTER III.
THE EARLY LIFE OF ATHANASIUS.
We have no authentic record of the birth of
Athanasius. The general opinion, however, is that
he was born somewhere between 296 and 298 A. D.
The reasons may be briefly summarized. He could
not have been born earlier, for he had no recollec
tion of the persecution occurring in 303, and he
seemed so young at the time when he was made
bishop (328 A. D.) that his enemies claimed that
he was under the canonical age of thirty. He could
not have been born later, for he was taught in
theology by some who became martyrs in 311 A. D.
Then before the outbreak of the Arian controversy
in 319 he had written two works which show
theological acumen and maturity. It is pleasant
to believe that he was born in Alexandria, the city
so profoundly associated with his name. During
his lifetime we know that Alexandria was spoken of
as his "native home."
Of his family we know practically nothing,
though according to writers later than his own
35

36 Athanasius : the Hero.
time, they were of high rank and wealthy. His own
means appear to have been small, from a statement
made by himself.
Athanasius was a Greek in attitude and training,
if not by blood, and there seems no good reason to
doubt that he belonged to the Greek race also.
We are to think of him then as passing his
childhood in days when the dark shadow of perse
cution fell across the pathway of the Church, his
young blood stirred by stories of heroism and mar
tyrdom, and the very sights and sounds of terrible
persecution. To be taught by men who gave their
lives for Christ would profoundly impress any sen
sitive nature, and there is no doubt that these early
years wrote their lesson deeply upon the life of
Athanasius. There is some evidence pointing to a personal
connection between the youth and the great monk,
Antony. Though not at all certain this would fit in
with the great sympathy Athanasius always felt for
Asceticism. Antony was a man of unusual personal attract
iveness, as well as sanctity, and would leave his
mark upon the lad who served him. And there
would be singular impressiveness in the solitudes
and sacred silences of the desert life of the hermit

The Early Liee oe Athanasius. 37
to a boy accustomed to the city, with its glare, noise,
and vice.
One story, of somewhat doubtful authenticity,
has come to us regarding the boyhood of Athana
sius. It is said that one day Alexander, Bishop of
Alexandria, was expecting some of the clergy to
take dinner with him in a house overlooking the sea.
Looking out of his window, he became interested
in some boys playing on the shore. He saw that
they were imitating some of the rites of the Church.
Thinking at last that they were carrying their imi
tation of Churchly ordinances too far, he sent some
of the clergy to bring them to him. Upon being
questioned, the boys were at first frightened and
denied everything. Then they were led to confess
that one of them had taken the part of bishop and
had baptized others who took the part of catechu
mens. Bishop Alexander found that all had been
done in regular order, and was so much impressed
that it was decided the baptisms should stand as
valid, and that the parents of the boy bishop and
his clergy should be instructed to have them trained
for the Church's service. The boy bishop was
Athanasius, and after preliminary study, he entered
the service of Bishop Alexander himself.
This quaint old story, while perhaps not to be

38 Athanasius : the Hero.
taken at face value, at least suggests that Athana
sius early manifested precocity in the things of God
and the Church. And this one may readily believe.
The boy on the seashore baptizing other boys, is a
picturesque prefigurement of the great Christian
bishop of later years.
As to the intellectual training of Athanasius,
though he speaks slightingly of his own attainments,
it is evident that he was a man of real and generous
culture. He is ready to quote Greek literature, he
is at home in the movements of Greek philosophy.
He is said to have attended classes in grammar and
rhetoric, and it has even been stated that he studied
law. But whatever the interest of Athanasius in
the learning of his time, his devotion was the Bible.
This book was his great university. One finds the
peculiar Christian mood in the whole relation of
Athanasius to the Bible. Here was his wisdom, and
here his great teacher.
Theologically, he was thoroughly trained, and
later years proved how consummately he could
wield the sword in theological controversy. But
he did not delight in mere polemics. He did not
want to fight merely for the sake of fighting. It
was the truth, as it is in Christ, that he loved ; and
for it he thought with all the power of a mental

The Early Liee oe Athanasius. 39
equipment of unusual strength ; and for it he fought
with all the chivalrous heroism of a knight in armor.
After some preliminary training, Athanasius
was received into the house of the bishop Alexander,
and as a member of his household unique oppor
tunities came to him. Alexander as the second
bishop in Christendom, with widely wielded power
and influence, was the center of many currents in
the throbbing life of the Eastern Church. Already
Athanasius may have received a preliminary bent
from the teaching of Peter, previously bishop of
Alexandria, regarding Him who being "by nature
God, became by nature man." His theology was
becoming Christo-centric, and in the midst of the
complex life of the city and the interests and ex
citements of an ecclesiastic center, Athanasius kept
this deep sense of Christ, and his place in thought
and life. How easy it would have been for him to
have degenerated into a mere ecclesiastic! What
a perilous position to a young man to be the favorite
of the second greatest bishop in the Church ! How
easy, if he had lacked moral robustness, and loyalty
to the deep meaning of his inner life, for him to
have gone through a process of moral and spiritual
degeneration. No one has told the story of the
subtle temptations which came to him during those

40 Athanasius: the Hero.
testing years. No one has written of his struggles.
But we may be sure of both the temptations and
struggles. And we may be sure that he emerged
from them with new depth and reality to his life as
a Christian and as a man.
So when we find Athanasius ordained deacon
and made chief of the deacons of Alexandria, we
are to think of his promotion, not as the result of
clever machinations on the part of aii ambitious
young ecclesiastic, but the deserved reward of faith
ful service, and the recognition of unusual ability.
As a very young man, Athanasius essayed au
thorship, and he did his work with rare skill. His
work "Against the Heathen," and the sequel, "On
the Incarnation," can not be placed later than 318
A.D. Athanasius was between twenty and twenty-three
years of age at this time. Think of writing a theo
logical masterpiece at twenty-three!
It is difficult for us to get the point of view of a
man who is fighting heathenism, intrenched in the
very life of society. This was the battle of the early
Christian apologists. And in this conflict Athana
sius takes his share. In his work "Against the
Heathen" he vigorously attacks the whole structure
of paganism. This he does to make room for

The Early Life of Athanasius. 41
Christ. Other things are preparatory to exalting
Christ and His cross. It is an interesting thing to
enter the lists of long ago, with this young man, so
eager to attack falsehood and to defend the faith.
He begins with the very nature of evil, insisting
that it is not a natural part of life, and is not the
result of dualism in the world. Evil results from
the misuse of free will.
The vials of his wrath are poured out upon idol
atry, and the wealth of his scorn on the innumerable
mythologies of heathenism. The arguments for
idolatry are held up, then struck remorselessly to
the ground, while the horror of human sacrifice and
the immorality of paganism are given as proof that
its fruits are evil.
Nature is not to be confused with God. Rather
does nature reveal God. As the masterpiece of art
suggests the artist who made it, so nature points
to God. The soul, its immortality, its power to know
God, except for sin, and even then its power to
know him through creation, are insisted upon.
The work is an apologetic for the immanent God,
distinct from nature, and ruling it with constant
intelligence and complete power.
Behind this work we feel a mind of real strength,

42 Athanasius : the Hero.
of quick alertness, and a large outlook on the life
and thought of the time. There is an elevation of
tone about the work and a certain ease and balance
of style which command the respect of the reader.
It is an old battle into whose strife we are brought,
and a fought-out battle. But to Athanasius it was a
very real battle, and he used his weapons well.
In his work "On the Incarnation," Athanasius
comes to deal with Christianity itself. But he has
a taste for a well rounded statement. So he begins
with the Creation, then the creation of man, and
what he lost through sin in relation to life and
knowledge. To restore what man has lost you need
the Incarnation.
There is an extended treatment of the death and
resurrection of Christ, showing how these were part
and parcel of what he was to do for men. Now
Athanasius feels that he has come to the center of
the faith. It has been a long way — from the attack
of heathenism to the uplifting of Christ crucified
and resurrected — but this is the goal of the journey.
To unbelieving Jews he insists that this is the goal
toward which their own Scriptures move. To un
believing Greeks he declares that their own philo
sophical principles leave room for an incarnation.
And once and again he joyously insists on one great
argument, the effect of Christianity on the lives of

The Eari<y Liee of Athanasius. 43
individual men and women, and on the race at large.
Transformed lives and a society in process of trans
formation, are facts with which the opponent of
Christianity must deal. "What hath Christianity
wrought!" expresses in a sentence his triumphant
plea. The Incarnation, the atoning death of Christ,
the resurrection, all become credible in the light of
Christ's power in the lives of men.
What a Christian outlook this young theologian
of the fourth century possessed. He looked over
the wastes of heathenism, the barren places of phi
losophy, the rigid fruitlessness of Judaism, and then
turning from all this he looked upon the fertile fields
of his own faith. And all this wonder of new life,
all this fertility, he traced with unerring instinct to
the incarnate, dying, risen Christ.
The future might be uncertain to this young
Alexandrian. But he was well equipped. He un
derstood the adequacy of Christ. And he under
stood the failure of everything else. It is good to
think of his trained and polished mind. It is good
to think of his innate ability and strength. It is best
to think of his Christian insight. This insight came
from a life which out of struggle had found its goal
in Christ. As long as the incarnate Son of God
was at the center of his life and thought, all really
important things in the future would be secure.

CHAPTER IV.
THE RISE OF ARIANISM AND THE COUN
CIL OF NICffiA.
No theological conflict in the history of the
Church has exceeded in importance the struggle
with Arianism. Of this conflict Athanasius was
the hero. To it he gave the energy of his life, the
skill of his intellect, and the devotion of his heart.
To save the faith was his ambition, and no personal
motive caused him for a moment to be disloyal to
this great endeavor.
We must now turn our attention to the rise of
Arianism, and at the very beginning we need to
remind ourselves of the attitude with which we
should approach the study of a great heresy. Men
once thought of heresies as undiluted evils, inspired
by the Prince of Evil. Now we have learned bet
ter. "A heresy is usually a genuine hunger eating
the wrong fruit."
It is quite as important to understand a heresy
as to condemn it. And often there are truths dis
proportionately, and without true perspective, ex-
44

The Rise oe Arianism. 45
pressed in even the greatest heresies. On the other
hand, there were false and imperfect attitudes out
of which false teaching grew, and with some men
the very fascination of a particular heresy might
be that they believed it to make room for that in
their own lives, which was really false and evil.
In the study of Arianism, then, we may expect
to find that its root was in real problems which puz
zled earnest men, and that its testimony was not al
together without relation to what was actually true.
This we will need to keep clearly in mind in order
to be just when we see how fundamentally wrong
and how full of dire possibilities for the faith Arian
ism as a whole really was.
The Church at Alexandria had learned to
dread one theological danger, Sabellianism.
Now Sabellianism, as we have seen, stood
for the unity of God, at the expense of
the reality of the Trinity. One God with three
manifestations was its standpoint. It left no room
for personal distinctions in the Godhead. It was
one God who made himself known, now as Father,
now as Son, and now as Holy Ghost, according to
the Sabellians. They were not willing to admit
three persons in the Godhead, Father, Son, and
Holy Ghost.

46 Athanasius : the Hero.
Now, the very fact that men had learned to
dread this danger, made it possible that they would
receive the directly opposite error with open arms.
And the directly opposite error was Arianism, which
so emphasized the personality of the Son that it
really got Him out of the Godhead altogether.
But there was a deeper reason for the attractive
ness of Arianism. It had taken the world a long
time to learn the lesson of Monotheism. But it was
beginning to learn it. The unique dignity and
adequacy of the conception of one true God was
beginning to dawn upon the minds of men. When
they contrasted the infinite number of pagan gods
with the Great Only One of the Jews, the advan
tage was quite evidently with the latter. A type of
mind which reacted from Polytheism was being
produced. Just this type of mind was both at
tracted and puzzled by the doctrines of Christianity.
Its lofty Monotheism was very attractive. But did
it actually have a Monotheism to offer after all?
What about the Divine Son, and the Divine Spirit,
professed as a part of the Christian faith? Could
one believe in these in such a way that the unity of
God was perfectly protected? It was a difficult
problem enough, and no wonder that men's minds
were staggered by it. Arianism was an attempt to
solve the problem. It saved the unity of God by

The Rise of Arianism. 47
sacrificing the actual divinity of the Son. It was a
poor solution. It cost too much. But it was not
strange that many earnest men did not see this then
and accepted the solution with eagerness and relief.
There was still another reason which drew men
to Arianism. A widespread philosophical attitude
made men think of God, not only as the Infinitely
High, but as the Infinitely Far. There was a
tendency to so exalt God as to put Him out of
reach of humanity. There was a philosophical be
lief in a God infinitely removed.
This had expressed itself already in the Church,
in the teachings of the Gnostics. The Gnostic as
serted that God was so high that He needed inter
mediaries between Himself and the world. He
made and governed the world through them. It
had even been asserted that the Jehovah of the
Jews was such an intermediary of the Really Most
High. Gnosticism was repudiated by the Church, but
the feeling of God's remoteness still remained. And
this feeling found itself answered to in Arianism.
According to Arianism, the Son, high as He was?
was infinitely lower than the Father. He did not
even understand the Father. He was the great in
termediary between the Father and the world.

48 Athanasius: the Hero.
What has been said will help us to see how pro
foundly related Arianism was to the human mind
and to the thought of the time. It was no accident,
but a natural outgrowth, of the Church's grapple
with the problem of its Lord — an outgrowth to be
studied, condemned, and then uprooted. And this
is what the Church set about doing when it became
really conscious of what Arianism meant.
Arius himself is said to have been a native of
Libya. He belonged to the school of Antioch, and
was a pupil of Lucian. It is not improbable that in
the teachings of Lucian there were elements which
fructified in later Arianism. Arius came to Alex
andria and is said for a time to have allied himself
with the Meletians, who were a strong schismatic
party. This resulted in his deposition by Peter,
Bishop of Alexandria, who had ordained him dea
con. Later he became reconciled to Achillas, the
successor of Peter, and was made presbyter and put
in charge of an important Church. When the see
of Alexandria became vacant he was prominent
enough to be a significant rival of Alexander. The
latter was elected, however, according to some tes
timony, Arius chivalrously transferring his vote to
Alexander. About the year 319, the flames of controversy

The Rise of Arianism. 49
burst out. The very beginning of the controversy
is veiled in obscurity, but Arius is said to have ac
cused Alexander of Sabellian tendencies, and to
have asserted that there must have been a time when
the Son was not.
Alexander seems to have been inclined to be
very patient at first, but as the views of Arius gained
hold on the minds of men, the bishop sent him a
letter, signed by most of the clergy of Alexandria
(Athanasius among them) in which he endeavored
to lead Arius to give up his views. This letter was
ineffective, however, and Alexander summoned a
synod of the bishops of Egypt and Libya and de
posed Arius and his followers.
It will be worth our while to see exactly what
were the views of Arius at this time, according to
those who condemned him. Here is the statement
given in the encyclical letter of Alexander, writ
ten at this time.
"The novelties they [Arius and his followers]
have invented and put forth contrary to the Scrip
tures are these following: God was not always a
Father, but there was a time when God was not a
Father. The Word of God was not always, but
originated from things that were not ; for God that
is has made him that was not, of that which was not ;
4

50 Athanasius: the Hero.
•
wherefore there was a time when He was not ; for
the Son is a creature and a work ; neither is He like
in essence to the Father ; neither is He the true and
natural word of the Father ; neither is He His true
wisdom; but He is one of the things made and
created, and is called the Word and Wisdom by an
abuse of terms, since He himself originated by the
proper Word of God, and by the Wisdom that is in
God, by which God has made not only all other
things,, but Him also. Wherefore He is by nature
subject to change and variation, as are all rational
creatures. And the Word is foreign from the es
sence of the Father and is alien and separated
therefrom. And the Father can not be described by
the Son, for the Word does not know the Father
perfectly and accurately, neither can He see Him
perfectly. Moreover the Son knows not His own
essence as it really is; for He is made for us, that
God might create us by Him, as by an instrument;
and He would not have existed had not God wished
to create us. Accordingly, when some one asked
then, whether the Word of God can possibly change,
as the devil changed, they were not afraid to say
that He can ; for being something made and created,
His nature is subject to change."1

1 Exposition of Arius. Cf. Nicene and Post-Nicene fathers. Second
Series, Vol, 4, page 70.

The Rise of Arianism. 51
This early summary of the views of Arius is all
the more interesting, as it has been ascribed to
Athanasius, who was so near to his bishop during
this period.
For holding these views then, Arius and his fol
lowers were deposed.
But it was to take far more than a synod's de
cision to overthrow Arius. He had a point of view
full of attraction to many minds, and he was
the man to make it more attractive. A man of
grave and blameless life, with the bearing of an
ascetic, he appealed to the imagination of the
Church. He had unusual powers of personal fasci
nation, which became part of his equipment for his
great conflict. Then Arius was very clever, and
very astute. A striking evidence of this is the way
in which he set about to popularize his views. They
were even put into the form of songs, with catching
airs, so that the very street song became the vehicle
for the spread of Arianism.
Thus what had been a local dispute spread and
spread until the whole Eastern Church was involved
in the controversy. At this stage it was brought to
the attention of the Emperor Constantine.
To the statesman emperor, part heathen, part
Christian, such a controversy seemed but a battle

52 Athanasius: the Hero.
about words. It ought to be ended at once for the
good of the empire, and so he tried to deal with it,
first in a summary, but kindly way.
Hosius, Bishop of Cordova, a man venerated
and distinguished, whom we shall meet once and
again in these pages, was sent with a letter from
the emperor to Alexander and Arius, begging them
to drop the controversy, each to hold to his own
opinion, and not to disturb further the peace of the
Church. This seemed a simple solution, but it was
a solution which would not solve. It became evi
dent to Hosius of Cordova that the situation had
profounder root and involved far more actual diffi
culty than the emperor at all supposed. Here was
a controversy which could not be brought to an end
by a gesture of the imperial hand. It was, too, a
controversy full of distraction to the Church, and
boding ill for the future. This was made evident to
the emperor. What was to be done? Constantine
was a statesman. He saw things in large relations,
and liked to do things in large, impressive ways. So
at this juncture he seized with eagerness upon a
great idea — the idea of a council of the whole
Church. There were other vexing ecclesiastical problems,
such as the controversy about the date of Easter.

The Rise of Arianism. 53
and the Meletian schism. All could be brought for
decision to the great ecumenical council. If the
voice of the whole Church spoke, surely it would
be decisive. So it came about that the first general
council of the Church was called, and met at Nicaea,
in Bithynia, in the year 325 A. D.
Bishops from all parts of the Church — predomi
nantly from the East — hastened to Nicaea at the em
peror's bidding. It was an impressive sight. Men
who spoke various languages, and represented wide
differences of culture and station, old and young,
those scarred by persecution, and men untouched by
danger — all met here to represent the Church. As
related to' Arius and his views, there were three
classes of persons at the council. First a few out
and out Arians — Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia,
typical of them. Second, a small number of con
vinced, far-sighted opponents of the views of Arius
— Alexander, his young archdeacon Athanasius, and
Hosius, representative of them; and third, a great
mass of men with a thorough loyalty to the faith,
as they understood it, but without any adequate
philosophical equipment to deal with such a problem
as this. With all his ecclesiastical importance, we
shall probably best place Eusebius of Caesarea, in
this class. Some things about the council do not

54 Athanasius: the Hero.
form very pleasant reading. The mutual accusa
tions of the bishops — put into writing and given to
the emperor and by him destroyed unread, make us
feel how exceedingly human these ecclesiastical
leaders were.
Constantine, with all the dazzle of his imperial
regalia, the impressiveness of his person, the sense
of his power, and the feeling of what he had done
for the Church, made a great impression on the
members of the council, many of whom were quite
unfamiliar with the sights characteristic of the life
of courts. And the emperor, as he looked upon an
assemblage in which he beheld men with the awful
marks of persecution upon them, felt an almost
superstitious reverence for these representatives of
the faith.
The Arians had come to the council with a good
deal of confidence, evidently expecting to carry all
before them. But in regard to this expectation they
found unpleasant disillusionment. When Eusebius
of Nicomedia, ventured to offer an out and out
Arian creed it was wrathfully rejected and torn to
pieces. The majority of the council might not be
theologians, but there was deep and real Christian
consciousness, which almost instinctively rejected
bald Arianism. From that moment it was evident

The Rise oe Arianism. 55
that if the Arians were to win they must win by
guile. And it probably did not appear that this
would be very difficult.
There is a difference between being opposed to
a thing and being able to form a statement which
effectually excludes it. The cpuncil, as a whole,
was opposed to Arianism. But right at the point of
forming a creed came the danger that it would be
hoodwinked. Most of the members of the council doubtless
preferred a creed expressed in Scriptural language.
But just here they came upon a snare. The Arians
could interpret the language of the Scripture in
their own way. Their whisperings and sly nods of
mutual comprehension at the mention of particular
passages, made this evident.
When Eusebius of Caesarea read a creed famil
iar to him from childhood, all could agree to it, but
it lacked the essential quality of really protecting
the Church from the belief the council was con
demning. Constantine suggested the insertion of
the word Homoousion (of one essence). This word
secured the belief that the Son was not a creature,
but a part of the very eternal life of the Godhead.
The suggestion coming doubtless from some of the
clearsighted anti-Arians, was eagerly seized upon

56 Athanasius: the Hero.
by them. The creed was worked over and made an
impregnable fortress against Arianism, and then
offered to the council for acceptance.
The majority were hardly ready for such thor
oughgoing measures. But as it seemed the only way
to protect their position, practically all of them
signed the creed, and so this immortal document of
Nicsea was adopted.
To understand the later reaction, we must keep
in mind the fact that the creed was the work of a
clearsighted minority, while the majority, clear-
hearted as they might be, were by no means so clear
headed. Many of them could later be led to listen
to such specious suggestions as the demand for only
Scriptural language in a creed.
For the time, however, the avalanche was over
whelming. Even Eusebius of Nicomedia, in das
tardly regard for his own temporal well being, de
serted his friend Arius, and signed the creed.
Arius was sent into exile. His writings were
burnt, and concealment of a copy of his writings
was made a capital offense. These two proceedings
are offensive enough to the modern mind. Exiling a
man for even the falsest opinions is a great way from
our standard of equity. And making the possession
of even the most unwholesome writings a capital

The Rise of Arianism. 57
offense, is almost inconceivable to us. It was a rude
age, and used rude methods. How we would wel
come the story, if we were told of even one bishop
who, with Christian charity, pleaded for the mild
treatment of the condemned heretic. Unhappily,
history tells us of none.
The Council of Nicaea was an epoch-making
event in the life of Athanasius. At the time of this
first great assembly of the whole Church, his elo
quence and zeal made him a marked man. Here
he so vigorously opposed the Arians that he made
enemies, who, as long as they lived, bayed on his
track. We would like to know the detailed story of
the young Alexandrian archdeacon's part in the
council, but, like much else, this is shrouded in
mystery. But from this time on, we may believe
he was known not only to Alexandria, and to Egypt,
but to the whole Church.
At any rate, here at Nicaea, in Bithynia, he re
ceived his life work. The great creed was in a
peculiar sense entrusted to him. Did he realize as
after a brilliant banquet, given by the emperor, the
council broke up, that the great battle was not over,
but only begun ? He had unsheathed his sword, and
now must go forth to the battle of years.
This little man "with the face of an angel" had

58 Athanasius: the Hero.
made a great impression on the far-gathered Chris
tian leaders. As he moved away to return to Alex
andria, a discerning man might well have exclaimed,
"There goes Nicsea incarnate."
We close this chapter by quoting the great creed,
the corner-stone of orthodoxy. As we read it again
let us remember how it was carved into form, not
as a piece of idle speculation, but to protect the
faith, to keep it a faith great and strong enough
to bear salvation to the world.
"We believe in one God, the Father Almighty,
maker of all things visible and invisible : —
"And in one Lord Jesus Christ, the Son of God,
begotten of the Father, only begotten, that is, from
the essence of the Father; God from God, Light
from Light, Very God from very God begotten,
not made, One in essence (homoousion) with the
Father, by Whom all things were made, both things
in heaven and things in earth ; who for us men, and
for our salvation, came down and was made flesh,
was made man, suffered and rose again the third
day, ascended into heaven, and cometh to judge
quick and dead.
"And in the Holy Ghost.
"And those who say, 'Once He was not,' and

The Rise of Arianism. 59
'Before His generation He was not,' and 'He came
to be from nothing,' or those who pretend that the
Son of God is 'of other substance or essence,' or
"created/ or 'alterable,' or 'mutable,' the Catholic
Church anathematizes."1

lCf. The Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers. Second Series, Vol. 4,
page 75.

CHAPTER V.
ATHANASIUS BISHOP.
Within three years after the council at Nicaea,
Bishop Alexander died. We are told that before
his death, he called for Athanasius. The young
archdeacon was away, perhaps with the hope of
evading the great responsibility he foresaw ap
proaching him. Another Athanasius responded to
the bishop's call, but without noticing him, he re
peated the name and continued, "You think to es
cape, but it can not be."
Not only the dying Alexander, but the laity of
Alexandria, desired the election of Athanasius to
the office of bishop. It is interesting that the people
in clamoring for his election called him not only
"the good," "the pious," etc., but "one of the ascet
ics." His sympathy with this development of
Church life was evidently well known.
When the bishops of Egypt and Libya met to
elect Alexander's successor, a majority voted for
Athanasius, and he was duly installed in the great
office. 60

Athanasius Bishop. 61
An Arian story of the forcible seizure of the
office by Athanasius is very evidently a piece of
malicious slander. The formal statement by the
bishops of Egypt and Libya, made ten years after, of
his election by a majority of their number, makes the
story quite unworthy of attention.
At about the age of thirty, Athanasius found
himself one of the most powerful ecclesiastics in
the world. The bishops of Egypt and Libya were
subject to him, and his power and influefice were
vast and far-reaching. When a man who is some
thing greater and finer than a mere ecclesiastic
comes to a great ecclesiastical position, and great
spiritual leadership takes the place of what too often
is mere manipulation of Churchly machinery, there
is cause for peculiar gratification. This had hap
pened in the case of Athanasius. As great as the
office was, the man who filled it was greater.
It is pleasant to pause in the little period of quiet
which Athanasius enjoyed before his enemies closed
upon him for the long and terrible battle. One is
glad to think of the times of quiet in this storm-
tossed life. During this period the forming of the
Church in Ethiopia has been placed. A naive, in
teresting tale of ancient missionary zeal it is, and
we will proceed to its narration.

62 Athanasius : the Hero.
Athanasius was holding a synod when a person
just from Ethiopia requested a hearing. He gave
his name as Frumentius, and told how years be
fore he and his brother, as boys, had accompanied
a kinsman, Meropius by name, who was a philoso
pher and their instructor, on a voyage to Ethiopia.
The vessel had put in at a Red Sea port. The sav
ages had put most of those on board to death, but
afterward finding the two boys studying their les
sons under a tree, all unconscious of the tragedy,
their sense of sympathy was touched, and the boys'
lives were spared. First they were slaves to the
king, but gaining his respect and confidence, they
were advanced in position, and at his death, Fru
mentius became- the guardian of his son. He had
done his utmost while in that position for the spread
of Christianity among the people. The young king
had now assumed active control of the affairs of
his country, and Frumentius and his brother, despite
the request that they should remain, had returned
to the Roman world. Frumentius presented him
self to the great Alexandrian bishop to inform him
of the opportunity opened before Christianity in
Ethiopia, and to ask that a bishop might be sent to
take charge of the work.
Athanasius was evidently much impressed with
the story.

Athanasius Bishop. 63
"And who," he said, "can be so fitted as your
self for such a work." The other bishops assent
ing, Frumentius was consecrated at once. He re
turned to Ethiopia and became head of the Chris
tian Church there. His name was long remembered
with honor as the father of the Ethiopian Church.
A visit about this time to the Thebaid is re
corded. And a story full of quaintness is told of
how Pachomius came from his monastery with a
company of monks to greet the bishop, but hid him
self among his monks, lest Athanasius would ordain
him a priest. So he saw Alexandria's bishop with
out being recognized himself.
The time of quiet passed all too quickly, and the
dull cloudy dawn of the day of trouble came.
The silenced Arians were not willing to take
Nicaea as final, and began to stir themselves. They
moved with a subtlety and caution which boded ill
for the future.
Eusebius, of Nicomedia, had been banished in
spite of his signing the Nicene formula, but he had
friends at court, and after a time was recalled. Euse
bius was a remarkable combination of astuteness
and unscrupulous daring. It was not long before
he had secured the recall of Arius from his exile.
The emperor, great as he was in some relations,

64 Athanasius: the Hero.
was pliant in the hands of a man of clever diplomacy
in regard to Churchly affairs.
The situation was one which required great
diplomacy, and extraordinary skill, if the Arians
were to regain their power. No one knew better
than Eusebius that the time had not come to at
tack the Nicene formula. That would have been
a fatal blunder, while Constantine lived. But if one
could bring into disrepute the great Nicene leaders,
and secure their overthrow, other features of the
triumph of Arianism could be taken care of later.
So one by one, men who stood for the Nicene posi
tion were attacked, but never with a frank declara
tion of the real reason for attack. It is said that ten
of the Nicene leaders were exiled within a couple
of years. The multitude who had never fathomed
the real meaning of Nicaea, was not difficult to
manipulate, and the court was the natural home of
intrigue and readily lent itself to the aims of the
Arians. The court doubtless felt a natural inclination
to take sides with men whose substitution of political
machinations for earnestness and spiritual leader
ship made them seem quite at home with its own
methods and standards.
At length the time came to strike a blow at
Athanasius. While he was bishop at Alexandria

Athanasius Bishop. 65
and constantly increasing in popular prestige, the
Arian triumph could not be said to be in sight.
There could be no thought of attacking his theolog
ical opinions. He must be involved in difficulty
with the emperor. He must be accused of personal
misdoing, and so humiliated and overthrown. This
done, the sky would begin to clear for the Arians.
Eusebius wrote to Athanasius, saying that a man
whose opinions had been as seriously misrepre
sented as those of Arius, ought to be received to
communion, and insisting that Athanasius should
do this. The carrier of the letter had suggestions of ter
rible consequences if the request was not acceded to.
Now we find Athanasius face to face with a diffi
cult problem. Assailed by so wily and unscrupulous
a foe, how easy it would have been to find safety
in compromise. How many men would have con
soled themselves with comforting and seemingly
pious thoughts about the peace of the Church, and
then have received Arius to communion. Athana
sius firmly refused. The situation became more
ominous. Eusebius was no mere provincial prelate
whose wishes could be ignored with impunity. He
was a man of influence at court. A letter came
from the emperor himself to Athanasius demanding
5

66 Athanasius: the Hero.
that he would freely admit all who desired it, and
threatening to depose him from his bishopric if he
refused. Athanasius was a powerful bishop. But it was a
very costly and dangerous thing for even a power
ful bishop to quarrel with his emperor. Would
it not be better to accede to his commands? How
much confusion would be brought to the Church by
an open breach. Would it not be wise to preserve
a position where so much practical good was being
done1, where he was already so much loved, and
could be of such large service, when it was only a
matter of theological dispute which was at issue?
Why not admit Arius to communion, secure his
friendship, that of Eusebius, and the approval of
the emperor, and so contribute to the prosperity of
the Church?
Sophistry has a subtle penetration of its own, and
such arguments would have sounded well. But
Athanasius was no weakling, to go to his moral
undoing attired in a cloak of religious sophistry.
With firmness and dignity, he replied that "the
Christ-opposing heresy had no fellowship with the
Catholic Church."
The emperor himself seems to have been im
pressed by the reply and made no immediate at-

Athanasius Bishop. 67
tempt to carry out his threat. The Arians were fer
tile in expedients, however, and with the failure of
one plan had another ready. They had allied them
selves with the Meletians, the Egyptian schismatic
sect, which Athanasius opposed, and now prepared
to strike the bishop through them.
Three Meletian bishops came to the emperor's
palace complaining that Athanasius was levying a
tax upon Egypt for Church expenses. This as
suming of governmental powers was a grave of
fense. But two Alexandrian presbyters were at
court and disproved the charge. Constantine now
wrote to Athanasius desiring to see him. The bishop
left Alexandria and came to the emperor. Upon
his arrival his enemies, had ready an even graver
charge. They declared that he had sent a purse of
gold to a certain Philumenus, a rebel. This Athana
sius disproved without difficulty. But, unbaffled, his
foes brought forth another charge, the much dis
cussed story of the broken chalice.
The situation was this: A certain young man
named Ischyras had pretended to be a presbyter,
though he had been declared only a layman by an
Alexandrian council, because his ordination had
come not from a bishop, but from a schismatical
presbyter. Ischyras, however, insisted on perform-

68 Athanasius : the Hero.
ing the duties of a presbyter at a little hamlet where
his congregation consisted mostly of his own family.
The congregation met at the house of an orphan
boy. Athanasius being informed of this irregularity
while making a tour of the region, sent a priest
named Macarius to summon Ischyras to appear be
fore him. The young man was found ill, and the
bishop's rebuke was delivered through his father.
When Ischyras recovered his own family deserted
him, and he went over to the Meletians. After this,
and upon this small basis of fact, the invention of
enemies made a story with which to undo Athana
sius. According to this version, Ischyras had been
administering the sacrament when Macarius ap
peared. The latter rushed in upon him, broke the
chalice, and upset the holy table. For this violence
on the part of his priest, Athanasius was to be held
responsible. The bishop was far from helpless in the pres
ence of this accusation. He proved that on the day
stated, Ischyras could not have celebrated the sacra
ment, for it was a week-day, and Ischyras was ill
and confined to his bed.
The emperor could not fail to see that the
charges were the result of slander, and Athanasius
returned to Alexandria with a letter from the em-

Athanasius Bishop. 69
peror in which he was called a "man of God," and
his enemies were condemned. So far, hatred and
malice had failed, and Alexandria's bishop had
triumphed. But a long illness, which we know him
to have undergone, suggests how all these charges,
and the bitter pursuing hatred of his enemies had
weighed upon him.
Any dreams of quiet which Athanasius may
have had were rudely broken. These were days of
superstition, and the people's credulity was played
upon in the next charge brought against the Alex
andrian bishop. Arsenius, a Meletian bishop, went
into hiding, and it was reported that Athanasius
had caused him to be murdered. One of the dead
man's hands, it was said, had been secured by the
bishop for magical purposes. A human hand was
exhibited in a wooden box as the very hand of the
murdered Arsenius.
The friends of Athanasius were on the lookout
for treachery, and began to seek the hiding place
of Arsenius. His whereabouts in a certain mon
astery on the eastern side of the Nile being ascer
tained, an attempt was made to secure his person,
but he was informed in time to evade those seeking
him. Later, however, he was discovered in Tyre.

70 Athanasius : the Hero.
At first he denied his identity, but later was forced
to confess that he was no other than himself.
Constantine had summoned Athanasius to An
tioch for trial, upon hearing the charge of murder
ing Arsenius, but when he learned that Arsenius
was alive, he dismissed the case in disgust. Such a
succession of attempt and failure ought to have been
enough to discourage the enemies of the bishop of
Alexandria. But they had a steadiness of purpose
worthy of a better cause. Failure only seemed to
spur them to resumed attack. Their hatred was
unrelenting, and they never wavered in their pur
pose to ruin Athanasius.
The emperor was persuaded that there was
enough root to all that had been said to make it
wise that the whole case of Athanasius should be
submitted to a council. This was to have met at
Caesarea. Athanasius distrusted the fairness of
those who were to try his case, and refused to at
tend. This was a bold stand and was sure to be
used against him.
The emperor celebrated the thirtieth year of his
reign in 335 by the dedication of a great Church on
Mt. Calvary. Before the bishops went to Jerusalem
a council was held at Tyre, and this Athanasius
was commanded to attend. This time there was no

Athanasius Bishop. 71
refusing, and he appeared at Tyre attended by fifty
of his subordinate bishops. His enemies were in
majority and from the first he and his contingent of
bishops were treated with less than courtesy. Ma
carius was dragged before the council in chains and
Athanasius was forced to appear as defendant,
answering to wornout charges revived and re
vamped, with new charges thrown in to add weight
and insure his final discomfiture.
When the story of the murder of Arsenius was
once more hurled at him, Athanasius inquired if any
one present knew Arsenius. Many replied that they
did. Athanasius led out a man with face closely
covered. When he told him to raise his head, those
present beheld Arsenius before them. This was a
brilliant stroke, and when first one hand and then
the other was drawn from the man's cloak, Athana
sius ironically remarked that he did not suppose
God had given more than two hands to any man.
One of those principally concerned in the Arsenius
charge was so taken back by all this that he fied
from the room. Others found refuge in an appeal
to superstition, and cried out that it was an illusion
of magic. This so influenced the crowd that
Athanasius barely escaped with his life.
The old story of Ischyras and the broken chalice

72 Athanasius : the Hero.
had been resurrected, and it was decided to send a
commission to the scene of the supposed grave ir
regularity to learn the real facts. Eagerness for
the truth was manifested by sending men ahead to
get evidence against Athanasius into form and the
appointing of a commission opposed to him. The
whole proceeding was conducted with daring disre
gard of everything except the desire to ruin Atha
nasius. Even so the cdmmission did not succeed in
getting manufactured evidence to be very damag
ing to the man they were plotting against.
Seeing that there was no hope of justice here,
Athanasius resolved on a bold stroke. Embarking
with five of his bishops, he made a quick voyage and
suddenly appeared in Constantinople. As the em
peror was riding into the city Athanasius suddenly
presented himself before him. Constantine did not
know him at first, and when he learned who he was
would have passed him by, but Athanasius firmly
held his ground, and with such dignity that the em
peror could not choose but hear. He demanded a
lawful council or hearing, in the emperor's pres
ence. The emperor felt the weight of what Atha
nasius had to say, and his request was granted.
In the meantime, the council at Tyre had con
demned Athanasius in his absence, and then one re-

Athanasius Bishop. 73
ligious duty done, turned to another. They pro
ceeded to Jerusalem, dedicated the great church
with due impressiveness, and then received Arius
into communion and again condemned Athanasius.
All this accomplished, they learned with chagrin
and alarm of what had been going on at court, and
the most of them answered a summons to appear
before the emperor, by flight.
A few, with the artful and daring Eusebius,
came to face Athanasius. Wily as always they
dropped all previous charges and accused Atha
nasius of preventing the sailing of the Alexandrian
corn ships to the capital. This clever charge of a
kind of treason, which would particularly irritate
the emperor, was well chosen. Athanasius declared
that he was a poor man and could have done no such
thing. His enemies declared that he was rich and
powerful, indeed that he could do anything. His
defense was cut short and he was banished by the
emperor to far away Gaul. Was the emperor tem
porarily deceived? Or did he banish Athanasius
simply to end a disagreeable controversy? Or did
he send him away, as later declared by his son, that
he might be out of harm's way? His motives are
difficult to fathom, but the fact that he allowed no
successor to be appointed to Athanasius, suggests

74 Athanasius: the Hero.
that he had his own opinion about the extent of his
culpability. Something less than eight years of the bishopric
of Athanasius have now passed. He has encoun
tered fierce enough storms of enmity, and at last his
foes have succeeded in driving him from the city
he so much loves. Dreary enough the way seems
to the far-off place of his exile. But the dauntless
bishop is not a man to regret the price exacted for
his loyalty to his convictions. Better to be an exile
in Gaul than a false bishop seated in full power at
Alexandria.

CHAPTER VI.
THE FIRST EXILE.
Treves in Gaul was the seat of the government
of Constantine's eldest son, whose name was also
Constantine. Here Athanasius remained for a
period which has been variously estimated at a year
or two and a half years. He was received with
much kindness by the young Constantine, and it
was a time of greatly needed rest.
The city of Treves was a notable city in the em
pire, with fine examples of Roman buildings, sit
uated on the banks of the river Moselle. The city
was on a plain, surrounded by vine-clad hills.
Treves probably seemed a metropolis to the young
men of Gaul, but to Athanasius, fresh from Alex
andria, it must have seemed an outpost of civiliza
tion. At Treves, the orthodox bishop, Maximin,
proved a friend to the exile, and he found comfort
in the presence of some friends who accompanied
him from Egypt. One of the best features of the
situation was that he was allowed to correspond
75

76 Athanasius : the Hero.
with friends at Alexandria and elsewhere. In cor
respondence, however, there was always the risk
that his letters would be seized and their contents
used against him. There is quite a contrast between
the life of a busy and powerful bishop in his own
city, and the life of a waiting exile in a far country.
Archdeacon Farrar heads his account of this period
in the life of Athanasius with the words of Milton,
"They also serve, who only stand and wait." A
man whose life has no silent times is not to be en
vied. One can not doubt that Athanasius learned
to know God better in these quiet days at Treves.
We may think of him moving along the streets of
the ancient Roman city, musing along the banks of
the quiet river Moselle, or on the vine-clad hills en
circling the city, or taking part in the religious life
of the people among whom he was dwelling, think
ing deep, long thoughts of God, and His ways, and
always with yearning and prayers, thinking of his
own beloved people far away in the south.
News was not lacking of the world from which
he was separated. His friends had tried in vain to
secure his restoration. It must have been a grate
ful thought that far away as he was, true hearts
were cherishing his memory and longing for his
return.

The First Exile. 77
A startling and terrible story of the death of
Arius, just in the moment of his triumph, was
brought to Athanasius, and full of awful interest
the tale was.
Arius had persuaded the emperor of his theolog
ical soundness. How much subtlety, and perhaps
hypocrisy, he used it is difficult now to say. When
he presented a creed seemingly satisfactory, the
emperor is said to have declared, "If your faith is
sound you have sworn innocently to its soundness,
but if it is impious God will punish your perjury."
But any lurking doubts in the mind of the em
peror were dissipated, and he commanded that
Arius should be received into the communion of the
Church at Alexandria. The primate of the city, al
though too weak to resist, was filled with horror
at the thought. He is said to have prayed weep
ing, "If Arius comes to-morrow to the Church,
take me away and let me not perish with the guilty,
but if Thou pitiest Thy Church, as Thou dost pity
it, take Arius away lest when he enters heresy enter
with him."
The morning came. Arius and his friends started
to the church. On the way he was taken with a
violent seizure, which almost immediately resulted
in his death. The circumstances painfully suggest

j8 Athanasius : the Hero.
poisoning. And it is not beyond possibility that
some fanatic may have thought he would be doing
God service by murdering Arius. Naturally we
hesitate to come to such a conclusion, and there is
suggestion in what we know of Arius to believe
that his death may have been quite natural, though
so terribly sudden. In those rude days there was
all too much barbaric rejoicing over the awful man
ner of his taking off. We are glad to believe that
Athanasius did not share this feeling. Attention
has been called to the fact that only he narrates
the death of Arius with reserve and dignity. Strange
and solemn the news would be when brought to
Athanasius in Treves, and we can imagine him sadly
reflecting on the life of the old man who had given
such brilliant powers to the dissemination of error,
and had now come to such a terrible end.
To us to-day, the life of Arius is full of suggest-
iveness. Did he know that he was wrong? Was he
a double-minded man, or simply in error ? It is not
easy to believe him to have been absolutely single-
minded, with the evidence his life affords. But it
is a sobering reflection that even if Arius was sin
cere, a profounder earnestness would have made his
particular error unlikely, if not impossible. Men
are often sincerely wrong, because their inner lives

The First Exile. 79
are superficial, because they have never had a
mighty moral fight, out of which new acumen and
discernment would have come.
The evil that Arius did surely lived after him.
His death doubtless brought discouragement to his
followers, but discouragement from which they were
not long in rallying. Their inmost feeling was,
"Arius is dead, long live Arianism." They were to
fight great battles and to have great successes, and
it was not their fault if Arianism did not become the
creed of all the Christians in the whole world. Of
this, Athanasius could not know, though he may
have surmised, when the word came to him in his
far exile that Arius was dead.
Athanasius was never to see the empefor
again. Constantine had been a man of ro
bust health and strength, but suddenly his
vitality failed, and the soldier monarch en
tered upon a short, failing battle for his own life.
Realizing that the end was near, he desired to be
baptized, giving as his reason for deferring the rite
until this time, a desire he had felt to be baptized
in the river Jordan, as was our Lord Himself.
Constantine* put aside the purple, and clad in a white
baptismal robe, with humble confession, was bap
tized. It is said he did not again assume the pur-

80 Athanasius: the Hero.
pie, but wore the white robe of his baptism until his
death. Eusebius, Bishop of Nicomedia, adminis
tered the rite of baptism to the emperor. This wily
ecclesiastic kept his hold on Constantine until the
last. On May 22, 337 A. D., the emperor died. His
body was taken in state to Constantinople, and he
was finally buried in a Christian church.
Constantine had his faults, and they were glaring
enough. But under all else he had a sense of the
reality of Christianity. And we will remember him
as he met death, reaching out for the help of the
religion he had sincerely reverenced, though never
really understood. A rude, strong man, groping
at last for the Greater Strength.
To Athanasius it must have come home that
much could happen in a very short time. Changes
enough had come, but not full of promise. The
Arians still had Eusebius — and Eusebius far out-
Ariused Arius in practical skill and diplomacy. The
Exile from Alexandria by no means felt that he
looked out on a clear sky. We have preserved a
festal letter of Athanasius, written during this first
exile. He tells his people that, in spite of afflictions,
distances, and machinations of enemies, he is not
forgetful of his duty of announcing to them the

The First Exile. 8i
time of the feast. He has already written to the
presbyters at Alexandria encouraging them by the
reminder that "Nothing separates us from the love
of Christ." Now he reminds his people that though distances
intervene between them, yet they can keep the feast
together in unity of spirit, the Lord uniting them.
He reminds them that through many tribulations
the saint enters into the kingdom of heaven. In a
brave and eager passage he dwells on what a man
may learn from afflictions, and throbbing through
his words comes the sense that Athanasius himself
had found the secret of extracting from what he
endured something which contributed to the depth
and strength of his life. He remembers the suffer
ings of Christ, and quotes the apostle's words, "I
can do all things through Christ, who strengtheneth
me," and "In all these things we are more than con-
querers, through Christ who loved us."
This letter with its warm glow of Christian feel
ing, reveals something of the inner life of the great
bishop, and something of the sources of power
which held him stanch and steadfast through the
years. One of the things Athanasius had learned was
that though exiled from Alexandria, he was not ex-
6

82 Athanasius: the Hero.
iled from God. Prayer winged its flight to the great
loving Father as speedily in Gaul as in Egypt. And
he found himself face to face with great inner real
ities — he entered more deeply into the knowledge
of Christ — as the way became difficult and lone.
Whatever coming days might bring him, this time
of exile had been fruitful for his life. If there were
new problems to face, new persecutions to mee^
from the quiet of the inner communion he would
come with new power to meet them. So, serene in
the companionship of Christ, Athanasius waited
what the future might bring.

CHAPTER VII.
THE RESTORATION AND THE SECOND
EXILE.
Constantine left behind him three sons, Con
stantine, Constantius, and Constans. They were
young men whose ages were twenty-one, twenty,
and seventeen. Others who might have made royal
pretensions were slain by the soldiers who would
have none but the sons of Constantine for their
rulers. So these three youths came to be the rulers
of a divided empire. The three met together and it
was decided that Constantine should take the Gauls
and Africa, Constantius the East, and Constans
Italy and Illyricum.
Together they agreed on the restoration of Atha
nasius to his see. This, the elder brother had pre
viously announced to the people of Alexandria in a
letter written from Treves. It is interesting that
in this letter he declares that in restoring the Alex
andrian bishop, who, he says, was sent to Gaul to
protect him from his enemies, he is carrying out
the intention of his father. He speaks in high terms
83

84 Athanasius : the Hero.
of Athanasius, who had evidently made a most fa
vorable impression upon him.
So it came about that in the fall of the year 337
or 338 A. D. (there is a dispute as to the year)
Athanasius returned to Alexandria. He had a
couple of interviews with Constantius on the way,
and showed his moderation by making no attempt
to work injury to any of his enemies.
It was a great day to his Church when the exiled
bishop returned to his native city. The clergy of
Athanasius declared it to be the happiest day of
their lives. And that day was made a day of annual
festival. So again the bishop took up the work of
caring for the Churches under his charge.
Restoration, however, by no means meant cessa
tion of trouble. The youth on the throne at Con
stantinople was to fill many a bitter cup for the
quaffing of Athanasius. Constantius was of a jeal
ous disposition, and lacked power of personal grap
ple and decision. The king who is a puppet of those
who surround him, is a poor kind of monarch, and
in the affairs of the Church Constantius proved to
be this kind of a ruler. Eusebius, of Nicomedia,
had now become bishop of Constantinople, and here
this ecclesiastical courtier had ample opportunity
for the exercise of his particular gifts.

The Restoration and Second Exile. 85
The time had now come when not only the
Arians, but Arianism could lift its head. Constan
tine was dead and men did not need to pretend so
much formal allegiance to the Nicene formula as
had seemed necessary in his presence. Busily
moved the wheels of ecclesiastical machinery, and
erelong the emperor was safely held by the Arian
leaders. Their methods, to be sure, were not al
ways dignified. Even the palace eunuchs roust be
used if the emperor was to be secured. But the
main thing to Eusebius and his friends was the re
sult, — and the result was accomplished. With an
emperor ready to do their bidding, of course it was
not long until a blow was aimed at Athanasius. He
was blamed for violence, which was said to have
accompanied his return to Alexandria. It was de
clared that he had diverted corn, which was to go
for the relief of widows as a bounty from the em
peror. Answers to these charges were ready, but
they do not seem to have received much attention.
An intruder, Pistus by name, an Arian, was sent to
Alexandria to assume the office of bishop in the
place of Athanasius, and three ecclesiastics were
sent to Rome to secure the recognition of Pistus
by Julius, Bishop of Rome.
Athanasius was not only a great Christian and

86 Athanasius : the Hero.
a great theologian, but he was a man of very great
practical resourcefulness. He could move with
rapidity and effective energy, when it was neces
sary. He now held a synod of about a hundred
bishops in Alexandria. The whole situation was
canvassed and a strong encyclical letter was pre
pared in his defense. This letter has come down
to us, and is a valuable source of material for the
life of Athanasius. Egyptian presbyters were sent
with this to Julius at Rome. Thus it came about
that when the Arian deputies arrived at Rome they
were faced by fully equipped friends of Athanasius.
So nonplused were they that their leader soon de
parted unceremoniously in the night. The other
Arians asked that Julius would convene a council
to decide the matter, and himself act as judge. In
the meantime, other things were happening in the
East. Athanasius was declared blameworthy from
another standpoint. He had been deposed by the
council at Tyre, and had returned with only secular
authority, without a reversal of the decree by any
ecclesiastical body. This was an irregularity, and
a grave one. It seems just a little comical to think
of the Arians, with all their dependence on State
aid, blaming Athanasius for the same thing. As for
the point at issue, the Alexandrian bishop doubtless

The Restoration and .Second Exile. 87
felt that the corrupt and unworthy council of Tyre
had forfeited all right to ecclesiastical recognition.
The question thus raised, however, was an important
one, though a clearer atmosphere was needed in or
der that it might be seen in all its significance. The
only real settlement would come when the principle
would be recognized that the State is not to inter
fere with the ecclesiastical affairs of the Church.
Meantime, in the situation in which he found
himself, and with all the environments of the time,
we can not blame Athanasius for allowing himself
to be restored by imperial authority.
A synod now met at Antioch, which formally
deposed Athanasius. It had become evident
that Pistus was not the proper man for
his place, and a certain Gregory, of Cappa
docia — an Arian sympathizer, of course — was put
forward instead. The next thing in this triumphant
progress of Arianism, was to get rid of Athanasius
and to place Gregory securely in his place. A gov
ernor, who seems to have been favorable to Atha
nasius, was replaced by one who could be used for
the furtherance of the plans of the Arians. This
governor, Philagrius, attacked the Church of St.
Quirinus and gave encouragement to the mob who
perpetrated cruel outrages. Athanasius was living

88 Athanasius : the Hero.
at this time in the Church of St. Theonas. Know
ing that he was aimed at in the disturbance, he re
tired from the city, first having administered the rite
of baptism to many. In his place of retirement, he
composed a letter giving an account of the outrages.
Gregory now entered the city, and angered by
the coldness of his reception, caused new disturb
ances and persecution. On Good Friday, it is said,
thirty-four women were scourged, and on Easter,
Christians sent to prison. A reign of cruelty and in
justice followed. It was not a very auspicious be
ginning for a new episcopate, and a strange way
of celebrating the Easter season in the Christian
Church. To Athanasius these horrors must have been full
of heart-break. He contrived to escape, and gain
ing a ship, sailed for Rome 339 or 340 A. D.
(another difference of opinion here).
It was a dark day for Alexandria, — a pagan
governor, a persecuting bishop, and the real father
of the flock departing for a new exile.
Gregory even went so far as to torture captains
of ships, to get them to take his "letters of com
munion." A document of severe indictment against
Athanasius was now formulated, and signed by
Arians and heathens. This document, accusing

The Restoration and Second Exile. 89
Athanasius of capital crimes, was entrusted to Phila
grius to be put into the hands of the emperor him
self. Athanasius spent several years as an exile in
Rome. He was kindly received by Julius, the
Roman bishop, and again his time of exile proved
a time of rest. Constantine II met his death in this
period, and in him Athanasius lost a friend. But
Constans was ready to befriend him. In fact, be
fore leaving Alexandria, Athanasius had sent to
Constans at his request copies of the Scriptures.
Rome was at this time something of a rendezvous
for deposed prelates, and Athanasius found himself
in the company of others who had been deposed
from their sees.
One thinks with much interest of the impression
the "Eternal City" must have made on the great
exile. Rome was still a city full of wonder, if not
now the actual capital of the empire. The seven
hills with their magnificent architecture, the river
Tiber still flowing, as through many a century of
Roman life, the evidences everywhere of an ancient
and mighty center of civilization, these must have
been full of interest to Athanasius, and all the more
because this city and the civilization it represented
were different from his own. The life, Athanasius

90 Athanasius : the Hero.
knew, was brilliant, endlessly inventive, full of sub
tle insight. Rome stood for solidity and strength,
rather than versatility. Rome meant law with all
the steadiness and strength and all the weakness of
legalism. The two types of thought have each found
a place in the life of the Church. The Roman has
had far too large a place. Its legal logic has lacked
vitality, and has frozen some theologies into some
thing very like cold rigidity. We have yet some
thing to learn from the Greek.
The Rome of the time of Athanasius did feel the
influence of the Greek, as represented by him. In
the first place he confirmed its orthodoxy. In
Athanasius was found more than orthodox correct-.
ness of thinking. He was orthodoxy alive. The
Nicene formula throbbed in his blood. It is difficult
to estimate the degree of the theological influence of
the yeafs he spent in Rome upon the Church there.
But we may be sure it was not small. In him the
East gave its best to the West.
Another influence resulting from this stay at
Rome, was not so desirable. Up to this time as
ceticism had been regarded with small favor at
Rome. But Athanasius believed in it. As we have
seen, he had a very high regard for the monk, An
tony, and had himself been called an ascetic.
We can readily understand in Athanasius the

The Restoration and Second Exile. 91
rise again and again of the feeling, "Good-bye,
proud world, I 'm going home." And in that day,
before the glaring defects of asceticism had become
evident, it would be expecting too much to ask that
Athanasius should have foreseen them. Neverthe
less one is sorry that Athanasius may be called in a
sense the father of Western monasticism. An error
is always more powerful when it gains the support
and influence of a great and good man. "In the
world, yet kept from evil," was the Savior's ideal,
and if the Church had always understood this, how
many perversions and abnormalities would never
have been recorded in its history. The prophet
Jeremiah would like to have found "a lodge in some
vast wilderness," but the Divine will held him to his
hard task with men. So always the Christian's
place is in the world, in the center of its throbbing,
moving life, and there he is to live, not by evasion
and compromise, but witnessing, and when neces
sary fighting, for God. The Christian is a man who
in the world stands for God. Much of this empha
sis was to be felt in days long after Athanasius.
But at this time the man who fled from the world
was regarded with veneration. Athanasius shared
this, feeling. It was one of the mistakes of a great
man.

92 Athanasius: the Hero.
Julius, Bishop of Rome, was now ready to deal
with the problem of Athanasius by means of a coun
cil, as suggested by Arian deputies themselves. The
council was summoned to meet at Rome. When
the Eusebians saw that the council would be without
State control, and that they would be without means
to control it, they at once decided to have nothing to
do with it. The representatives of Julius who had
come to them were kept waiting for a long time,
and at last dismissed with a reply a good deal less
than courteous. Upon receiving it, Julius did not
make it public at once, hoping that some Eusebians
would yet appear. In this, however, he was disap
pointed, and at last he held a council without them.
More than fifty bishops assembled at Rome, and
went into the whole question of Athanasius's guilt
or innocence. Their conclusion, after weighing evi
dence which had previously been sent against him,
and hearing witnesses in his favor from Egypt,
was to vindicate Athanasius completely. Marcellus
of Ancyra, who was also an exile at Rome, was
likewise vindicated by this council, with less reason
probably, so far as his theology went, than was the
case with Athanasius.
Bishop Julius now had the task of communicat
ing the decision of this council to the Eusebians at

The Restoration and Second Exile 93
Antioch, and this he did in a letter which has been
called one of the strongest documents of the whole
controversy. It is characterized by dignified kind
liness in its treatment of those he is forced severely
to condemn. - This letter is preserved in one of
the works of Athanasius.
The enemies of the exiled bishop, meanwhile,
were not idle. Athanasius learned from bitter ex
perience that they were never idle ! Now they dealt
with him through the council held at Antioch on the
occasion of the dedication of the Golden Church
begun by Constantine.
Ninety-seven bishops met here, and through the
influence of the Arians, the deposition of Athanasius
was confirmed. Now an attempt was made to have
a creed adopted which would take the place of the
Nicene formula (though this taking the place was
to be done by stealth). The mass of the council
was not frankly Arian, and when a creed, too evi
dently Arian, was offered, another was put forward
in its place. This really left room for Arianism
at least by a possible interpretation, and got rid of
the word the Arians hated, homoousion. Another
creed of Arian tendency was circulated at this coun
cil, and still another is said to have been falsely
put forward as coming from it. There was a real

94 Athanasius: the Hero.
jumble of creeds. But under it all what was really
happening was this : The conservative element was
trying to find a way to protect the faith without the
exact Nicene formula. Later when they found this
to be impossible, they would move back toward the
Nicene creed again.
An endeavor was now made by the Arians to
secure the support of the Emperor Constans. Arian
prelates were sent to him at Treves with a creed
purporting to be that of the council at Antioch.
This creed seemed a wonderful approach to the
Nicene, but was to open the way cleverly to depart
ure from it. The orthodox bishop, Maximin, was
still at Treves, and his influence would be all on
the side of a rigid loyalty to the Nicene creed. The
Arian prelates were dismissed without having ac
complished their object.
The Church was then divided. The West had
declared for Athanasius, the East against him. And
regarding a creed, it was coming to be in a chaotic
state. Constans remembered his father's great council
of the whole Church, and it seemed to him the time
had come for another. He wrote to his brother
Constantius. The latter consented, and so the way
was opened. Sardica was fixed upon as the place
for the council's meeting.

The Restoration and Second Exile. 95
Athanasius was summoned by Constans to meet
him at Milan. Here he was kindly received by the
emperor, and it became evident that he could hope
for a more favorable turn of affairs in regard to
himself. He must have heard with joy and hope,
of the great general council to be held. Vindication
there would mean not simply a personal triumph,
but the triumph of the cause he loved and the privi
lege of returning to his own city, and the care of
the Churches whose ecclesiastical head he was. The
Emperor Constans later summoned Athanasius to
follow him to Treves, where he met the aged Hosius
— of Nicene fame. It is pleasant to think of these
two men who cared so deeply for the faith and who
sympathized so profoundly in their interpretation
of it, meeting and finding mutual encouragement in
each other's society. Well, perhaps, that neither
could look over the years and see the terrible cloud
hanging on the far horizon.
In the year 343 A. D. — the same year when the
Council of Sardica met — Eusebius, of Nicomedia,
died. The end found him in full enjoyment of his
successful cause. On the surface, one could call
his life one of extraordinary achievement. Over
coming difficulties he had secured the confidence
of two emperors. He was a man to be taken ac
count of.

96 Athanasius : the Hero.
No man understood the ecclesiastical situation
better. No man knew better how to secure the ends
he had in view. He did things. Really one could
write quite a eulogy of Eusebius, of Nicomedia,
and Constantinople. But suppose we probe. Well,
it is better not to probe in the case of the lives of
some men, and Eusebius is one of them. The buzz
of moving Churchly wheels is not necessarily the
advancement of the kingdom of God. One fears
that Eusebius did not have much to do with the ad
vancement of the kingdom of God. Great Churchly
position does not necessarily mean high God-cen
tered character. This wily Churchman probably
did not know much of God. He was doubtless more
familiar with the ante-chamber of the emperor than
the ante-chamber of the King of kings. A man of
great ability? Yes. A man of astute diplomacy?
Yes. A successful Christian leader? No. He
fought on the wrong side, and he fought unscrupu
lously. The Church was poorer, more superficial,
less real, because he lived. We are not sorry to say
farewell to Eusebius, of Nicomedia.
The Council of Sardica met with about one hun
dred and seventy prelates in attendance. The ma
jority were Westerns, who could not be hoodwinked
by the Arians, and the Eusebians saw with surly in-

The Restoration and Second Exile. 97
dignation that things were not likely to turn out
according to their desires. The Easterns, -therefore,
shut themselves up in their lodgings, and refused to
take part in the council unless Athanasius and some
others, they said were under ecclesiastical condem
nation, should be excluded. The reply was that
charges could be brought against them and they
would be most carefully weighed. They were even
urged to give the charges to Hosius, the president
of the council, in private. Every effort was made
to lead them frankly to enter the lists and do fair
battle for their position. But in vain. At length,
with the notable excuse that a victory over the Per
sians made their return necessary, they departed,
but found time at Philippopolis to hold a council of
their own, in which they gave full vent to their rage,
renewed charges against Athanasius and repudiated
the doings of the Sardican council. They also ut
tered a denunciation of Hosius and Julius. A creed
was added to this literary effervescence of wrath.
This proceeding did break up the unanimity of
the council. It proceeded with its work, however,
and after thorough consideration again was Atha
nasius fully vindicated. Oddly enough, Marcellus,
of Ancyra, was allowed to slip through with an ac
quittal, too. The Nicene Creed was upheld, and let-
7

98 Athanasius: the Hero.
ters of sympathy were written to those loyal to
Athanasius at Alexandria. For a time it seemed
as though the West and East were to be arrayed
against each other in sharp conflict. It was feared
by the enemies of Athanasius that he would attempt
to return to Alexandria, and orders were given that
he should be beheaded if he did. Such pressure
was brought on those loyal to him at Alexandria
that many resorted to falsehood for safety, and
many fled to the deserts.
Constans took the matter in hand, and envoys
from Sardica were sent to the East to attempt to
win over Constantius. It is said that Constans
threatened war if Athanasius were not restored.
When the bishops representing Sardica arrived at
Antioch, a shameful plot was laid against them. A
harlot was brought one night to their lodgings.
Great was the revulsion of feeling when the plot was
discovered, and Stephen, Bishop of Antioch, was
found to be at the root of it. A council was held
which deposed Stephen, although another Arian was
put in his place. Even Constantius felt a reaction
of disgust, and Gregory, the intruded bishop of Al
exandria, having died, expressed his readiness to
allow the return of Athanasius. The whole State
policy toward orthodox Christians in Alexandria

The Restoration and Second Exile. 99
was changed from persecution to tolerance, and
Constantius wrote to Athanasius asking him to re
turn. Athanasius was wise enough not to accede
too readily, and months had passed and Constantius
had written three times before he actually complied
with the request. Before returning, Athanasius vis
ited Julius at Rome, and Constans at Treves. Julius
wrote a beautiful letter of congratulation to the
Church at Alexandria on the restoration of Atha
nasius. It is interesting, and suggestive, too, that
Athanasius in quoting it, omits a paragraph in his
own praise, which we know from other sources.
Again Athanasius met Constantius at Antioch.
He was graciously received and promised future
protection. His readiness and skill are seen in the
fact that when Constantius asked that the Arians
might have a Church in Alexandria, he replied that
they might if the anti-Arian party in Antioch would
be allowed a Church in that city. This was too fair
a request for denial if the emperor pushed his de
mand. So the matter was dropped.
From Antioch, Athanasius went to Jerusalem,
where he was greeted with the congratulations of an
orthodox council, met for the purpose of honoring
him. Surely it was fitting that in the city so closely
associated with the ministry of "the Man of Sor-

ioo Athanasius: the Hero.
rows, and acquainted with grief," his servant who
had suffered so much because of his loyalty to his
Master, should be received with welcome and honor.
At length, on October 21, 346 A. D., Athanasius
returned to Alexandria. This return has been called
the crowning event of his life. He was met as
though he had been a conqueror returning from a
great war. And, indeed, was he not? A hundred
miles from the city the people met him. The cheer
ing of the enthusiastic multitude, the incense-
freighted air, the illuminated and feasting city, made
the day and night one long to be remembered. If a
man wanted a standard of comparison for some
splendid display of a future time, this one at the re
turn of Athanasius was ready for him. And no
wonder the people gave such a remarkable ex
pression to their gladness. It must have seemed al
most miraculous that their bishop, after these long
years of exile, should return. In his absence how
they had longed for him. How his virtues had stood
out in their memories. And now in spontaneous
eager devotion, the city clamored out its magnificent
welcome. When Athanasius himself describes his return,
he does not dwell on these external things, but on
the deeper effects, the practical inspiration to Chris
tian living and the relation to the profound things in

The Restoration and Second Exile, ioi
men's lives. He is right in this, and we do well to
remember that it is not the external glitter of a
man's life, but his power to move other men God-
ward in inner devotion and practical living, that is
full of real and lasting significance. None the less
we are glad to think of Alexandria all alight, the
city given over to rejoicing over the return of the
great bishop. How he deserved it, and what a pure
joy it was. No multitudes slain on distant battle
fields formed the gloomy background of this con
queror's triumph. No downcast, broken captives
were led in chains beside his chariot. A Christian
man had been steadfast as a rock, and had been vin
dicated, and for this a city celebrated. It is good
to remember it.
As Athanasius looked out upon the brightly
lighted city that night, it is not hard to conjecture
what his thoughts were. A glad thankfulness to
God, who had so wonderfully delivered him from
his enemies, and a new consecration of the powers
of his manhood to the Christian service of the city
he loved. And we may be sure that he lifted the
whole of Alexandria in prayer to God ere his eyes
closed in sleep. The Master Himself must have
seemed very near to the great Egyptian city that
night.

CHAPTER VIII.
THE PERIOD OF THE SECOND RESTO
RATION.
For over nine years Athanasius now remained in
the actual position of bishop of Alexandria. It was
his longest period of uninterrupted occupancy of his
office. The first years of this period were years of
quiet. It must have been a great joy to the bishop
to see the Church progressing and prospering under
his leadership. Constantly his position became
stronger until he held the heart of Egypt. With the
Church at large his relations were gratifying. Over
four hundred bishops communicated with him. Per
haps at times he would almost feel that his troubles
were over.
Valens and Ursacius, who had been his accusers,
withdrew their accusations and recanted their for
mer position. In Alexandria men came to him at
night to tell him that they had taken the Arian at
titude through fear and not through conviction. His
presence was a deep moral and religious tonic to the
city. Its whole life was elevatedt and all good
things had new emphasis. 102

Period of the Second Restoration. 103
During these years of quiet Athanasius again
turned his attention to literary work. He gathered
together documents — now of priceless historic value
— relating to his own long struggle. These form
the "Apology Against the Arians." These docu
ments cover a period of fifteen years, and include,
first documents in connection with the Council of
Sardica, and second, documents belonging to a
period previous to that time. These give us a clear
account of the charges against Athanasius and his
vindication. They deal with personal matter rather
than theological matters. Two sections were added
at a later time, referring to after events.
Athanasius wrote two doctrinal treatises at this
time. The first is "On the Nicene Formula." After
a brief reference to the Nicene Council, he discusses
the meaning of the word Son, lifting it above all
that a creature could be. He defends the use of un-
scriptural terms to express and defend Scriptural
meaning. He refers to authorities in support of the
council, and attacks the Arian symbol "unoriginate."
The other doctrinal treatise deals with the "Opin
ions of Dionysius," a previous Alexandrian bishop,
whose views had been construed in an Arian sense,
against which Athanasius protests.
Athanasius wielded a facile pen. He had a mind

104 Athanasius : the Hero.
which could make close distinctions, and he could
valiantly do battle with his pen.
The monastic movement was coming to be of
great importance in Egypt at this time. Athanasius,
we are told, put himself at its head, and his influence
was such as to check the tendency to extravagance
inherent in the system. The monks regarded him
with a warmth of admiration and loyal allegiance,
which were to prove of great service in after years.
The time of peace was to come to an end all too
soon, however. Multitudes of earnest people with
no gift for close thinking were dissatisfied with the
Nicene Creed. Constantius had Arian sympathies,
and no real love for Athanasius. There was a strong
Arian party, and a new extreme type of Arianism
was making itself felt.
In the year 350 A. D., an event occurred which
must have seemed ominous to Athanasius. This
was the death of Constans. The soldiers of Con
stans had revolted under Magnentius. The emperor
had been murdered and Magnentius declared his
successor. Whatever the life of Constans, he had
been a true friend to Athanasius, and with the pro
tection of his influence gone, the Alexandrian bishop
may well have seen danger ahead.
Magnentius was probably shrewd enough to sus-

Period of the Second Restoration. 105
pect that Athanasius would have a thorny path, with
Constantius as his sole protector. At any rate, he
sent a deputation to Athanasius which gained no en
couragement from him, but was greeted with em
phatic and tearful expressions of regret over the
death of Constans.
Constantius, too, probably felt the need of the
friendship of the powerful Athanasius at this crisis,
when he was about to enter into a struggle with
Magnentius. He sent a kind letter to the bishop,
intended to give him assurance of the permanence
of his friendship, and the security of his position at
Alexandria. In the Egyptian metropolis prayers were offered
for the safety of Constantius, at the desire of Atha
nasius, and the people made the prayer "O, Christ,
help Constantius."
The emperor at least kept his promise to Atha
nasius until after the defeat of Magnentius. This
occurred in 451 A. D.
Valens and Ursacius had now repudiated their
recantation, and were again to be listed with the
Arians. In connection with the defeat of Magnen
tius at Mursa, an incident occurred which increased
the influence of Valens, and through him the in
fluence of the Arians. The emperor awaited the

106 Athanasius : the Hero.
news of the issue of the battle in a church with only
Bishop Valens with him. The latter skillfully
learned the news of the battle's result before the em
peror's messengers arrived, and announced the de
feat of the enemy to Constantius, as a revelation
from heaven. This greatly impressed the emperor,
and fed his vanity at the same time.
Constantius emerged from his military opera
tions the ruler of all of Christendom. The divided
empire was once more united under one head.
Now he could turn his attention to designs which
had probably found quiet shelter in his own mind
for a long time. One of them was the ruin of
Athanasius, another was the triumph of Arianism.
In 353 A. D., Athanasius, believing that he had
cause for alarm, sent envoys to represent his cause
in the presence of the emperor. A few days after
their departure, he received a message from Con
stantius commanding him not to send envoys, but
saying that his own request to come to the court at
Milan was granted. Now Athanasius had made no
such request. He at once detected in the message
a covert attempt to get him away from Alexandria.
So he replied with combined astuteness and courtesy,
that as he had not requested to be received at court,
he hesitated to act on a misconception. The mes-

Period of the Second Restoration. 107
senger of the emperor left Alexandria with this
reply. Constantius held a council at Aries, which con
demned Athanasius. Even the Roman delegate,
Vincent, united in the condemnation. Only Paul-
inius, Bishop of Treves, held out in loyalty to the
bishop of Alexandria. He was banished for his
refractory loyalty to his conscience. Here was a
suggestion of the way in which the emperor would
deal with those who opposed him. Liberius, who
had succeeded Julius as bishop of Rome, felt deeply
the unfaithfulness of Vincent, the representative of
Rome at Aries, and is said to have written to Hosius,
"I have resolved rather to die for God than aban
don the truth." Both Liberius and Hosius were
soon to be put to the test.
At the Lenten season in 354 A. D., Athanasius
faced a peculiar problem at Alexandria. Through
the effective Christian work carried on under his
supervision, interest had so increased that the
churches were not only crowded but packed. At
this time some had been injured in the pressure of
thronging people. Athanasius was urged to hold
the Easter services in a great church — the Caesa-
reum, which was a gift of Constantius. This church
was unfinished and not yet dedicated. Because the

108 Athanasius: the Hero.
property technically belonged to the State, and the
using of an undedicated church could be construed
as an ecclesiastical irregularity, Athanasius hesitated
to comply with the request. The people insisted that
rather than go on with the present crowded condi
tion, they would prefer to keep the Easter in the
open country. At last Athanasius yielded. This
his Arian enemies were ready enough to use against
him. Other accusations such as his neglect to obey
the emperor, when he received the letter from him
which practically summoned him to the court, the
claim that he had used his influence with Constans
against the emperor, and that he had had relations
with Magnentius, were hurled against him. All
these he dealt with in his "Apology to Constantius,"
the most finely constructed piece of writing he left
behind him. This defense, perhaps, he originally
intended to deliver to the emperor. But if such
thoughts were in his mind they had to be given up
when he learned how deep was the emperor's hos
tility. In 355 A. D. a large council met at Milan and
condemned Athanasius under the lash of the em
peror. There were those here who defended the
Alexandrian bishop. The emperor was told that
Athanasius must be judged by bishops, not by the

Period of the Second Restoration. 109
emperor, and that he must not confuse canons with
imperial decrees. "Canons," Constantius cried out,
"What I wish, that is a canon." This was the brief
and audacious declaration of the emperor. And it
boded ver^- ill for the future. Men found what it
cost to be loyal to Athanasius against the emperor.
A hundred and forty-seven persons, clergy and
laity, are said to have been banished. There is no
better evidence of the power of Athanasius than the
wary way in which the emperor approached him to
secure his downfall. First he armed himself with
the decisions of two councils, dictated to by him;
then he proceeded to deal with men loyal to the great
bishop and the cause for which he stood. How it
must have torn the heart of Athanasius as he
thought of the bishops, clergy, and laymen suffer
ing in exile for the Nicene position and for him.
During these years his alert eyes had been watch
ing the signs of the times. And he could but feel
that the situation was becoming more and more
ominous for himself.
We have preserved to us a letter which was writ
ten to Dracontius, a monk, who had been elected to
the office of bishop, but was trying to esgape it. Atha
nasius summons him to the office. He is said to
have obeyed and to have been exiled afterward. It

i io Athanasius : the Hero.
was a costly thing to be a faithful orthodox bishop
in those days. The time had now come for a de
cisive blow to be struck at Athanasius. In the sum-
mer> 355 A. D., an imperial notary named Diogenes
came to the city and used every effort to dislodge
Athanasius. He failed, however, and left Alexan
dria in December. In January of 356 A. D., the
General Syrianus, accompanied by a notary named
Hilarius, came to the city. Athanasius seeing the
trend of events, asked Syrianus if he had any letter
from the emperor. He replied that he had not.
Athanasius then produced the letter the emperor
had written to him previously promising protection.
The bishop had very strong support in Alexandria,
and, under pressure, Syrianus promised not to pro
ceed against Athanasius without a letter from the
emperor. This promise he made "by the life of the
emperor" himself. This form of solemn declaration
does not seem to have been considered very bind
ing by Syrianus, for in a few months he broke it.
If he had sworn by the faithfulness of the emperor,
perhaps one could have understood the oath's not
being very binding.
On February 8, 356 A. D., Athanasius was hold
ing an all-night service in preparation for the com
munion service of the following day, at the Church

Period of the Second Restoration, hi
of St. Theonas, one of the largest in the city.
Syrianus, with five thousand soldiers, surrounded
the church. Athanasius did not lose his presence of
mind. He sat down on his throne and ordered the
deacon to read the 130th Psalm, the people respond
ing, "for His mercy endureth forever." Soon the
soldiers had burst in. Athanasius refused to escape
until the people had departed in safety. Meanwhile
arrows were flying, bright swords were gleaming
murderously in the lamplight, and the soldiers shout
ing fiercely. Some of the people were trampled to
death, but most escaped, and at last some monks and
clergy seized Athanasius, now in a fainting condi
tion, and eluding the soldiers, succeeded in escaping
with him. When he revived, he was full of thank
fulness at the wonderful escape, and recognizing
that if his life was to be preserved he must go into
hiding, disappeared, no one knew whither.
So another period of his life passed by. During
these years he had become so powerful that we have
seen how carefully even the emperor felt it neces
sary to move in proceeding against him. If he had
been a false man this power might have been mis
used and made the means to the accomplishment of
ends of his own. But power to Athanasius meant
just the larger opportunity to serve Christ, and to

112 Athanasius: the Hero.
advance His kingdom. All his resources he used
for these great ends. It is a great man who can
stand on a summit of influence without tottering.
This bishop did not become dizzy. He was great
enough and true enough to stand the strain.
When exile now came it was only a great mani
festation of the power of Athanasius. A nation was
his. The whole country became his protector. The
emperor pursued him in vain. Egypt opened its
sheltering arms and held him safe, v

CHAPTER IX.
THE THIRD EXILE.
When Athanasius first retired from Alexandria,
it was his purpose to seek a personal interview with
the Emperor Constantius. Once he had personally
appealed to his father, Constantine, and why might
this not be effective with the son? With so many
intermediaries, serious misunderstandings might
arise, and the acts of a man's subordinates do not
always represent him. But if Athanasius could see
the emperor, face to face, could set before him the
whole situation in its true light, surely there would
be hope of justice. So Athanasius felt, but as news
of fierce persecution and of the placing of a most
unworthy man in the, see of Alexandria came, he
must have felt more and more the uselessness of
such an appeal. And when he learned that the em
peror had written a letter referring to him as a
criminal, and another to Ethiopia, asking that Fru
mentius be sent to the "venerable George," that he
might be corrected in respect of errors imbibed
8 113

114 Athanasius: the Hero.
from "the wicked Athanasius," and receive knowl
edge of the Supreme God, it became evident to him
that he had nothing to hope from the emperor.
We must look a little more closely at what trans
pired in Alexandria after Athanasius left it. For a
time no attempt was made to get the Churches into
the possession of the Arians. But later George, a
Cappadocian — a former pork contractor and a man
of unenviable reputation — was sent to be bishop in
the place of Athanasius. At the same time a substi
tute creed was offered to the people in the place of
the formula of Nicaea. When Athanasius heard of
this he vigorously protested in a letter to the
Egyptian and Libyan clergy. He warned them
against the new creed and urged them to stead
fastness. George had his carnival of persecution, and it is
an ugly story as it comes down to us. Murder, ban
ishment, and terrorizing were the order of the day.
Sixteen bishops are said to have been banished and
many others to have fled. Others gave a fright
ened submission.
George was such an intolerable man in the office
of bishop that later he barely escaped with his life,
so exasperated did the people become, and when,
after a long absence, he finally returned into the

The Third Exile. 115
city again, after the death of Constantius, the peo
ple mercilessly killed him.
But the tragedy of George's death takes us far
in the future, and what Athanasius now heard was
the story of his reign of violence in Alexandria.
Search was made everywhere for the fugitive bishop
who had so strangely disappeared from view. A
price was put upon his head. Men sought him with
orders to bring him dead or alive. But he remained
safe. He trusted in the loyalty of Egypt, and it
did not fail him.
Much of his time was spent with the monks in
their cells. If he was pursued word was quickly
passed, and he was sent from one monastery to an
other. He understood these Christian men of the
desert, and they loved him and would have risked
anything for him.
We must not think of Athanasius as simply lead
ing the life of a vagrant wanderer in these years of
exile. He was one of the most powerful men in
the Church in many ways, fugitive as he was. News
of everything was brought to him, and his messages,
letters, and treatises flashed back their words of
encouragement, of direction, of argument to Egypt
and far beyond its confines. The little man sitting
on a mat in the sun-scorched desert, writing busily,

n6 Athanasius: the Hero.
was a right royal personage, not to be omitted from
the consideration of any one who would understand
the life of the time.
Athanasius was very daring. He is said even to
have ventured into Alexandria, and there is some
ground for thinking him to have been present in
disguise when bishops met in council.
This third exile of Athanasius lasted for six
years. During this period he found time to take up
the work of authorship. A mighty pen it was he
wielded, and every word he wrote was received by
his followers with eagerness. He was keeping alive
the flame of loyalty to the faith as he understood it.
These manuscripts written in the desert are like
battle-flags from old fields of strife. Through them
Athanasius spoke to the Church such stirring words
as it could not refuse to hear, and having heard
could not forget.
The "Apology to Constantius," to which refer
ence has been already made, was completed. His
flight from Alexandria had been stigmatized as
cowardice, and he wrote an "Apology for His
Flight," to defend himself from the infamy of this
charge. He cites the example of the Lord and of
saints of the past as a precedent for removing one's
self in the time of danger. A man must be ready to

The Third Exile. 117
give his life as a testimony to his loyalty to the truth,
if necessary, but not rashly.
The defense shows a consciousness that his ene
mies' anger at not being able to kill him, is the real
cause of their accusation. There are some tender
words about Hosius, and one finds an expression of
the thought, that if it is wrong to flee, it is worse to
persecute. This work of Athanasius has a quality of prac
tical good sense which appeals to the reader. There
is no diseased hunger for martyrdom, such as some
times appeared in the Church. There is the caution
of a really brave man.
To this period belong the "Letter to Serapion,"
Bishop of Thmuis, giving an account of the death
of Arius, and several doctrinal letters to Serapion.
It has been suggested that the "History of the
Arians," coming from the time of the third exile,
was, in part at least, written under the supervision
of Athanasius, rather than by him directly. Per
haps this suggestion is inspired rather by a desire to
believe that we need not trace the fierceness and
passion contained in it to Athanasius, than by more
substantial arguments.
Athanasius was a man and an Oriental, besides
being a saint, and in this account of the long con-

118 Athanasius: the Hero.
tinued cruelties of the Arians, indignation at white
heat breaks out into most vigorous expression. The
events described are those we have already related,
and there need be no repetition of them here. We
will not need to imitate the vehement, angry ex
pressions of Athanasius, but we can surely under
stand them, and there are noble passages we are
glad to remember. Again, in this treatise, persecu
tion is condemned. If the Church could have
learned then and for all time, the inherent evil of
persecution, what a change would have been made
in its history. How many a page, stained with
blood need never have been written. But long cen
turies were to pass before the Church came to un
derstand that persecution is a weapon no Christian
ever has a right to use.
A most important series of works written by
Athanasius during the third exile, is found in the
"Four Discourses" (or orations) against the Arians.
These discourses have been described as "the sources
whence arguments have been borrowed by all who
have since written in behalf of the Divinity of the
Word." The First Discourse sets Arianism and the ortho
dox faith sharply against each other. To Athanasius,
the Arians with theii Christ a creature "who once

The Third Exile. 119
was not," alterable, and God by courtesy of a high
name, are not Christians at all. To him the Chris
tian view sees in Christ an essentially divine per
son, part and parcel of the divine nature, inherently
God. He deals with Arian objections and Scripture
references, on which they depend, with an acute
sense of their inconsistencies, and a constant sense
of the things which must be preserved in a true
Christian's thought about his Lord. To him splen
did phrases could never deify a being who in reality
was only a creature. And Christianity with the
most wonderful and God-favored creature at the
center of it, is Christianity no more. It was no bat
tle about words. It was a battle about realities.
And words were involved in just so much as they
preserved or lost sight of the great reality for which
Athanasius contended — the reality of the Godhead
of Jesus Christ. This amazing insight as to what
was really vital in the controversy, the strength to
fight for that vital thing through years and years,
and the skill to use the sword of argument with ex
ceedingly fine effectiveness, give Athanasius his
unique position as a theologian. He is at home
with subtle distinctions, with delicate penetrating
irony, but above all these things towers the great
fact that in the midst of cloudy and hazy thinking,

120 Athanasius : the Hero.
he saw the true Christ — the God-man — the basis of
all the hope and of all the life of the Christian
Church. The Second Discourse predominantly deals with
an Old Testament text (Prov. viii, 22) on
which the Arians placed great weight. Now as a
matter of fact, it would be a daring thing to defend
a dogmatic reference to Christ in this passage about
wisdom being formed in the beginning of Jehovah's
way, before his works of old. The most which can
be derived from it of Messianic significance is prob
ably a sense of the richness of Jehovah's life, which
prepared the way for a belief in the Godhead, as
something more than the ceaseless existence of a
lonely, only one. If it is but a figure of speech it
shows that even the Monotheistic Hebrew had to
make the life of Jehovah rich and full. It was a
mental movement, which would at least help to pre
pare the mind, to welcome the doctrine of the Trin
ity when it came. But in the days of Athanasius
both sides assumed the text as a full-fledged Chris
tian statement. So while this treatise is full of in
genuity, and its sense of what Christ was, is of the
utmost value, the detail of its exegesis is not likely
to prove very impressive to a modern. This must
be said for Athanasius, however. He handled the

The Third Exile. 121
mental implements of his time in the thought forms
of his time.
Indeed, he could not have done otherwise, and if
he could it would have been less effective then than
what he actually did. A work which fit into the
thinking of the time, and guided it toward the right
goal, was far and away more valuable than a work
whose detailed exegesis would be accepted by men,
centuries afterward, but would be utterly misunder
stood at the time when it was written.
Men have to live in a particular age and more or
less to be held in check by its limitations. We will
not think condescending thoughts of Athanasius, be
cause his mind moved in the channels of the fourth
century thought. Often the forms of his thought
are but the shell, and in this controversy the kernel,
the thing he was fighting for, is of eternal value.
He lived in the days of bow and arrow exegesis,
and we will not foolishly blame him for not using
a rifle. The arrows from his quiver did their work.
The Third Discourse deals principally with texts
from the Gospels, and philosophical considerations
suggested by them. There is one example of ex
ceedingly poor exegesis where Athanasius seems
to hold that both our Lord and Paul said they did
not know a thing, which they really knew, and the

122 Athanasius: the Hero.
treatment of our Lord's human experience is not
adequate. Future theological struggles were to
make room for closer, clearer, and more satisfactory
thinking than Athanasius had done in respect of
some of these things. But except on his own great
subject where all was clear and strong, one can not
expect Athanasius to speak with equal insight. He
was not a modern theologian, with centuries of
Christian thinking to check, correct, and guide his
own. And even modern theologians with this great
heritage are by no means always satisfactory.
The Fourth Discourse is principally the refuta
tion of a form of Sabellianism which was connected
with the name of Marcellus, the friend of Athana
sius. The name of the former is not mentioned, but in
the discourse, Athanasius repudiates the tendency
toward ignoring the distinctions in personality in
the Godhead, which was the cause of distrust in
Marcellus. It was important that the Church should
understand that no such tendency would receive en
couragement from Athanasius.
Surveying these works of the exiled Alexandrian
bishop, it begins to look as if the desert might in
deed become a fruitful place.
We need to remember what courage and strength
of character were required to lead a man of sixty,

The Third Exile. 123
cast out of his bishopric and his city, with only the
prospect of dreary and difficult years as a fugitive
wanderer before him, to keep his hold on life, its
problems, and its work, and perform such tasks of
authorship as those of which these treatises are the
product. The silences of the desert became vocal
when they sheltered Athanasius. And men realized
that the exile was so alive and so resourceful that
many must have felt that he might emerge from the
desert into a new future even yet.
The years of the exile of Athanasius had been
years of suffering for others beside himself. The
venerable Hosius, his head white with the snows of
a hundred winters, had been approached with the
end of securing his connivance with the emperor's
plans. The aged man, father of the bishops, firmly
refused. Constantius had ways of dealing with men
who thwarted his plans, and he had little regard for
age or ecclesiastical dignity. For a year the old
man was so mistreated that at last, broken and con
fused, he signed an Arian Creed. But even then he
would not sign the condemnation of Athanasius.
Hosius lived to express his repudiation of what had
been dragged from him, and died in full loyalty to
the Nicene Creed.
One feels only pity for this maltreated old man,

124 Athanasius : the Hero.
who for a while lost his way. We are willing to re
member him rather by his great years of Christian
service. But for those who led him through such
a hard, thorny pathway in his tottering age, we feel
a very lively scorn. Constantius was paying a high
price to dictate the faith of the world, and utterly
defeat Athanasius.
One of the brutal methods of this persecution of
Christians, by a nominally Christian emperor, was
the isolation of the exiles. So separated from each
other they lost the inspiration of suffering together,
and of giving each other mutual encouragement.
It was a cruel ingenuity which hit upon this method
of breaking their wills. This method had been used
with Hosius and was to be used with another bul
wark of orthodoxy, Liberius, of Rome.
The emperor sent a eunuch named Eusebius to
the Roman bishop to secure his acquiescence in the
condemnation of Athanasius, and his communica
tion with the Arians.
He emphasized his request by the offer of gifts
from the emperor. But Liberius would not be
bribed, and firmly refused. He would not even al
low the gifts Eusebius brought to be accepted by
one of the Churches of the city, to which they were
offered.

The Third Exile. 125
Constantius now sent to have Liberius brought
before him. If necessary, violence was to be used to
bring him. To avoid the danger of rousing the city,
Liberius left by night. In the emperor's presence
he did not quail, but still refused to condemn Atha
nasius or sign an Arian creed. He was sent off to
exile, spurning an offer of money from the em
peror and empress. Right manfully and faithfully he
had stood for the truth. But two years of exile alone
were too much for him. He lost the grip of his
manhood, signed the condemnation of Athanasius,
and a creed omitting the great Nicene watchword.
Those were hard, hard days.
One feels a sad sympathy for Liberius. But
if only he had remained steadfast, what words of
joyful, eager praise would leap to our lips ! In the
presence of his failure we feel an awed sense of
what mighty and enduring courage has been needed
in great crises in the Church, and how even a noble
past did not save a man from painful and tragic
failure in a later time of stress.
The time was one of confusing creed produc
tion. But under all the confusion the forming of
new parties and new alliances, some important
things were really happening. The conservative
element was moving toward the Nicene position.

126 Athanasius: the Hero.
The two councils of Ariminum and Seleucia
were called to represent the Church. Now was an
opportunity to express the faith. In the Council of
Ariminum men who really did not believe in Arian
ism were led to compromise, themselves. It is a
shameful story of ecclesiastical intrigue with im
perial connivance. The council at Ariminum be
gan well, but by a combination of underhand ac
tivities at last found itself closed, and the faith given
over to the hands of the enemy. Valens, ingenius in
duplicity, was the master of ceremonies in the un
doing of the real work of the council, so that in per
plexity and confusion it lost its bearings and signed
the Arian creed. The men who met at Seleucia to
represent the East, ended by ratifying an Arian
creed, and the upshot of the whole matter was that
the Church found itself, nominally at least, with its
face turned away from Nicaea.
But it was more nominally than really. The
world did not actually want to be Arian. A good
portion perhaps felt simply the utter weariness of
the conflict and wanted rest. But it was becoming
evident to a man of discernment that even among
those who opposed certain words in the Nicene for
mula, the difficulty was verbal rather than real. The
conservative movement toward the Nicene position

The Third Exile. 127
was indeed under way. Athanasius saw this, and
nobly did he take advantage of it. He wrote his
"De Synodis," in which he showed the utmost kind
liness and sympathy for those who differed from
him rather in word than reality, and ppened the
way for an alliance with them. He was sure the
time would come when, with a fuller understanding,
they would accept the very phraseology of the
Nicene Creed. In the meantime the important thing
was the thing held, not the mere word used to ex
press it, and he heartily held out his hand to those
who were profoundly at one with him, across the
chasm of differences in phraseology.
It has been declared that Athanasius surpasses
even himself in this offer of peace after years of
conflict. Struggle had not crystallized in him a
habit of strife. When the right time came he was
ready and even eager to utter a word of peace.
But "De Synodis" is not an offer of compromise
on any essential. It is not a change of front savor
ing of the lapse of Liberius. Athanasius saw clearly
what was the vital thing in the struggle, and when
he saw that a word of peace was consistent with
loyalty to that vital thing, he gladly uttered it. It
was a very great man who wrote "De Synodis."
And over the Church many must have read it with

128 Athanasius: the Hero.
new appreciation for Athanasius, and for what
Nicaea had really meant.
Though Athanasius did not know it, the days of
his third exile were drawing to a close. Julian had
escaped the general massacre which had disposed
of most of those who might later make pretentions
to the throne, which the soldiers had perpetrated
at the time of the accession of Constantius. He
had grown up to hate Christianity, and first secretly,
but later openly, to embrace paganism. He was
proclaimed Augustus in Paris, 360 A. D. He in
creased rapidly in power, and war between him and
Constantius seemed imminent. But in the year 361
A. D. Constantius died and Julian became emperor.
A fever had carried off Constantius and saved the
empire from civil war.
At this time, George, the usurper of Athanasius's
see at Alexandria, was murdered, and Julian an
nounced that all bishops exiled by Constantius were
permitted to return. Twelve clays after the posting
of the edict Athanasius was again in Alexandria.
It is an example of the irony of history that the
death of a nominally Christian emperor, and the
accession of a pagan to the throne, led to the return
from exile of the greatest Christian bishop alive in
the Church.

The Third Exile. 129
With strange feelings of mingled gladness and
awe, Athanasius must have found himself in Alex
andria again. When he returned before it was to a
city flushed with joy, and full of a new sense of the
meaning of Christianity. Now the blood of George,
the intruder, was upon the hands of the angry mul
titude, and Athanasius must have felt that the city
was in a sense contaminated by the crime. But
loyal, earnest hearts would be waiting to receive
him. And if there was great wickedness in the city
all the more was its bishop needed.
The city itself must have felt something of the
meaning of his return. When Athanasius entered
every good thing in the city increased in power, and
every bad thing was weakened.
It was a man who could now be called old who
came back to his bishopric on February 21, 362
A. D. Six years of desert exile had left their
marks upon him, since he had publicly appeared in
the city. But though older, he had gained in the
serenity which comes of trustful heroic endurance.
And he was ready to do, and to suffer more for the
sake of the Divine Christ and His kingdom.

CHAPTER X.
THE LAST YEARS OF ATHANASIUS.
The Emperor Julian was an enthusiastic pagan,
and he heartily disliked Christianity. We are not
very much surprised that he turned from a Chris
tianity which he had seen only in a very unfavorable
light. All his family, except his brother and him
self, had been killed at the accession of Constantius,
and he had seen the repulsive, political, and unreal
side of the religion which Constantius professed.
To him Christianity was an absurdity of a thousand
jarring sects, and when he came to the throne it
was his ambition to restore paganism, and to see
all the power and influence of Christianity disap
pear. He did not wish to assume the role of a per
secutor, however, and chose what seemed to him a
brilliant plan. He favored the pagans, but allowed
the Christians much liberty, trusting to the inner
quarrels and disputes of the Church to make it
ridiculous, and ultimately to lead to its downfall.
But exactly the opposite of what he hoped re
sulted. It was a sobering thing to all the Chris-
130

The Last Years oe Athanasius. 131
tians to have a heathen emperor on the throne. It
drew them together, and tended to make them seek a
unified front before a common foe. Further than
this there was a movement toward clearing in the
theological atmosphere. Earnest men were coming
to see that they were not so far apart after all, and
that among masses of true Christian people there
had been misunderstanding, rather than actual dis
agreement. Then a wise leadership in the Church began to
make the most of these facts and to move in the
direction of peace. And here as the figure of most
significance we come upon Athanasius.
With a mastery of the real meaning of the
theological situation, he had already written "De
Synodis," in which an olive branch was held out to
those whose differences from the Nicene party were
verbal rather than real. Now he saw that the time
had come to take another step. Returned to Alex
andria and again occupying his office as bishop, he
was a strategic element in the whole situation. And
he did exactly the right thing. He held a council
to deal with the pressing problems of the Church.
It was made up of but twenty-one bishops, but it
was far and away more important than councils
more pretentious numerically.

132 Athanasius : the Hero.
One of the things which had to be settled was
what to do with men who had been committed to
or involved in Arianism and now wanted to resume
their place in orthodoxy. Under the wise leader
ship of Athanasius, it was decided that no humiliat
ing conditions would be required. A profession of
the Nicene position so emphasized as to insure the
allegiance to a really orthodox position was all that
was to be asked. By this measure a great step was
taken toward securing the peace of the Church.
Disputes had arisen regarding the use of the word
hypostasis. The real occasion of these disputes was
that by some the word was taken to mean essence,
while by others it was taken to mean person. Those
who used it with the sense of essence spoke of there
being one hypostasis in the Godhead. Those who
used it in the sense of person, spoke of three hypos
tases in the Godhead. Now clearly all that was
needed to reconcile these two parties was that each
should understand what the other meant. The
council dealt with Ihis situation and lifted the dis
cussion into clarity, so that there need be no more
misunderstanding. Some problems which had been raised regarding
the nature of Christ were looked into, with the con
clusion that those holding positions which had been

The Last Years of Athanasius. 133
questioned, could not be classed heretical. A prac
tical difficulty arising out of the state of affairs at
Antioch was considered, and decisions were reached
which would have brought peace there, had not the
hasty work of one confessor more enthusiastic than
wise, brought new and unconquerable confusion
into the situation before the results of the council
were brought to the city.
The Tome, or synodal letter, written to the peo
ple of Antioch by Athanasius, tells of the council
and its conclusions. This letter has been very
warmly praised, and the spirit of sweet reasonable
ness it exhibits is an agreeable contrast to much that
was harsh and relentless in this stormy age.
The council had been conducted with rare states
manship and moving along these lines the Church
might come to new unity, prestige, and power. But
all this was far enough from the desire of Julian.
As we have seen the part Christianity was to play
in the program he had outlined was that of falling
into confusion, as a result of its inherent weakness.
He was angered now that the Church refused to
play the part. We will not be mistaken in conclud
ing that he came to feel that one of the causes of
the new vitality the Church was exhibiting was
Athanasius, Bishop of Alexandria.

134 Athanasius : the Hero.
After writing that he had never meant Atha
nasius to take possession of his see, he ordered him
to leave Alexandria and Egypt. We can feel the
hatred Julian had for the Alexandrian bishop, and
also his sense of the power of the bishop, in the bit
ing epithets he used regarding him. He was "the
enemy of the gods," " a meddler," "a miscreant,"
and "a paltry manikin." Emperors did not waste
so many vigorous words on weaklings. It took
strong men so to arouse them. Julian was particu
larly incensed against Athanasius because he had
dared to baptize Greek ladies during his reign. It
was galling enough to have the Christianity which
was to have died of its own folly, making inroads
on paganism, so when Athanasius had been eight
months in Alexandria, he found himself again con
demned to exile, with the threat of something worse.
Surrounded by weeping friends, he was strong
with words of comfort. "Be of good cheer," he
said, "it is but a cloud ; it will soon pass."
He embarked in a boat to go up the Nile. An
other boat started after in pursuit. With ready
strategy, Athanasius took advantage of a turn in
the river, and caused his own boat to face about
toward Alexandria. A little later the pursuing boat
met another descending the river. The pursuers

The Last Years of Athanasius. 135
asked for news of Athanasius. "He is not far off,"
was the reply. The boat was that of the bishop, and
if we are to believe one account, the voice which
gave the reply was that of Athanasius himself. He
put in at a station near Alexandria, and after the
danger of discovery was over, ascended to the upper
part of Egypt.
The fourth exile of Athanasius was a brief one.
He was a fugitive in personal danger for less than
one year. It was probably during this time that he
was met at night near Hermopolis by Theodore of
Tabenne, with a crowd of monks carrying torches.
Looking upon them, Athanasius quoted the words
of Isaiah, "Who are these that fly as a cloud, and
as doves to their cotes."
Mounted on an ass, led by Theodore, he rode
through the throng of monks while the latter
chanted psalms. It was a kind of night triumph for
the great exile. Looking upon the monks with en
thusiasm, he declared, "It is not we that are fathers,
it is these men devoted to humility and obedience."
At Tabenne he inspected everything and com
mended the abbot. When Theodore said, "Remem
ber us in your prayers," Athanasius replied with
warmth of feeling, "If I forget thee, O Jerusalem."
Later we are told Athanasius was being removed

136 Athanasius : the Hero.
from Antinoe, that his pursuers might be evaded.
In a covered boat, with the wind against him, he
was composing himself for the worst, when his
companions declared that Julian, the heathen em
peror, was killed, and so he was safe.
It was indeed true. A stray arrow from one- of
his own soldiers, had caused the emperor's death.
Jovian, the successor of Julian, was a Christian
by profession, and favorable to the orthodox party.
With him on the throne there was a totally new
ecclesiastical situation. He treated the Arians who
wanted to put forward a certain Lucius in the place
of Athanasius, with scant courtesy, and restored the
exile to the dignity of his office. Athanasius was
graciously received in person by the emperor and
had the opportunity to put a great and strategic
emphasis on the Nicene position. He spent several
months at Antioch, and returned to Alexandria in
February of 364 A. D. It was a time when every
where the orthodox faith was moving forward, and
those loyal to it must have felt a practical hopeful
ness greater than they had possessed for years. In
this very month of February, however, Jovian died.
He was succeeded by Valentinian I, under whom
the cause of Nicaea prospered in the West, but Val-
intinian placed Valens on the throne in the East,

The Last Years of Athanasius. 137
and in Valens, once more, the Arians found an em
peror who looked with sympathy upon them and
their cause. For a time the change in government
made no difference in the position of Athanasius at
Alexandria. And in this period has been placed
the publication of his "Life of Antony." This is
the story of the life of the great monk Antony, of
his renunciation of the world, his struggles, his
saintliness, and his power. It has the qualities
wrhich later made monasticism abnormal. But it
has much Christian feeling withal. Even under the
fanciful marvels told of Antony, the Christian in
tuition usually remains true. The book became very
influential. Even Augustine felt its power. "At
Rome, and all over the West, it kindled the flame of
monastic aspiration." But Antony loved solitude
better than service. That was true of monasticism,
and ultimately a selfish isolation, and the severity
of barbarous self-discipline, the suggestions of
which we find even in this work, proved the ruin
of a system whose idea at its best was partial and
abnormal. In the spring of 365 A. D., Valens be
gan to take measures which involved Athanasius.
He ordered that all bishops exiled by Constantius
and restored under Julian, should at once be ex
pelled. It was claimed by friends of the/bishop that

138 Athanasius : the Hero.
inasmuch as Constantius had himself restored Atha
nasius, and Julian had expelled him, he did not
come under the description of the edict. There was
such a popular feeling against the expulsion of the
bishop, that it was expressed by turmoil and riots.
The authorities decided to refer the matter directly
to the emperor.
On October 5th, Athanasius suddenly disap
peared to a place of concealment near the city. It
was one of those opportune movements character
istic of him. That very night the Church of Diony
sius was broken into and searched throughout by the
prefect, and military commandant, who had come to
seize Athanasius.
So began his fifth exile. This was the shortest,
lasting only four months. At the end of that time
he was recalled and publicly escorted by the notary
Brasidas and a multitude of people to the Church
of Dionysius. After this official restoration on Feb
ruary 1, 366, he was not again disturbed. A man of
about seventy, he returned from his last exile with
seven years of life before him.
The great Church in the Caesareum was burned
in 366 A. D., in a heathen riot. In the following
year, Lucius, the Arian pretender to the see of Al
exandria, ventured into the city. His coming was

The Last Years of Athanasius. 139
the signal for such a popular rising that he had to
be escorted out of the city by soldiers in order to
secure his personal safety.
Two instances of the method of the administra
tion of Athanasius have come down to us from these
last years, both of which are to his credit. In one-
case he accepted a bishop whose ordination had been
irregular, because the practical exigencies of the
situation seemed to demand it. In the other, he ex
communicated the immoral governor of Libya, and
made the fact known in all directions.
An interesting feature of this period is his friend
ship with the rising theologian, Basil. The latter
spoke of Athanasius in the very highest terms, and
the Alexandrian bishop defended the orthodoxy of
Basil when it was questioned. Basil endeavored to
secure, through Athanasius, even at this late time,
an adjustment of the situation at Antioch. But
this did not prove possible.
A council held by Athanasius about 362 A. D.
had resulted in his synodal letter "To the Africans,"
another statement about the great Nicene Creed, and
the contrast between it and the Arian formularies.
His influence is witnessed to by the fact that at his
suggestion the Arian bishop of Milan was excom
municated by a Roman synod.

140 Athanasius: the Hero.
To the end of his life, Athanasius retained his
interest in theological questions. Different letters
written in these last days deal with problems which
had arisen as to the nature of Christ. And two
works are a repudiation of the views of Apollinaris,
though he never mentioned his old friend by
name. The bishop was watching every theological
current, and eager to the last to save the Church
from possible peril. He built a church which was
dedicated in 370 A. D. and called by his own name.
So in the quiet administration of his diocese, and
the execution of literary work dealing with the pro
foundest problems, the last years were passed. He
was feeling the weight of the long, heavy years. In
his "festal letter" of 371 A. D., he quotes the words,
"For we have here no abiding city, but we seek that
which is to come." And in a fragment of the letter
written to announce the Easter Festival, in the very
year of his death, we read, "And as all the old things
were a type of the new, so the festival that now is,
is a type of the joy which is above, to which coming
with psalms and spiritual songs, let us begin the
fasts." His thoughts, always full of the unseen
realities, are turning with the gladness of eager an
ticipation to the other country. The old man, with
whitened hair and serenely beautiful face, is full

The Last Years of Athanasius. 141
of love for his own Alexandria, and full of longing
for "Jerusalem the Golden."
In the month of May (the second or third day)
373 A. D., the end came. Athanasius specified
Peter, one of his presbyters, as his choice for his
successor, and then tranquilly passed from life to
where "Beyond these voices there is peace." Very
full of peace on that May morning must have
seemed the chamber where lay the silent form of
the great bishop. How often he must have longed
with a sad eagerness, in many hard and terrible
years, for quiet and repose. But he had not fal
tered. He had borne his burden, so very hard a
burden. He marched breast forward, he had not
lost courage, but had fought with unflagging hero
ism and unfailing devotion. Now it was all over.
A saddened, bereft city. A quiet chamber with
awed and softly moving attendants. A form in the
icy stillness and silence of death. This was the end.
But no, this was not all. A Church where the
name of Athanasius was a word to conjure with;
a world which had felt the might of his true and
devoted life; a future whose battle he had fought
beforehand, and whose debt to him it is hard ade
quately to express ; and a theology living and pow
erful, and vital to meet the very needs of men, the

142 Athanasius : the Hero.
theology for which he had fought, — this remained
behind to live through the Church's whole life.
And what for Athanasius himself? For the
hero who had fought for his Lord, and now had
come to the end of his time of battle ? Of him we
may worthily use the words of Paul, "To depart and
be with Christ, which is far better." He had gone
to meet his Lord.

CHAPTER XI.
THE THEOLOGY OF ATHANASIUS.
We live in a time when the importance of the
ology is often underestimated. There are spacious
and attractive ways of seeming to exalt Christ
while depreciating theology. It is possible to say
that we care much more for Jesus Christ Himself
than for men's various theories about Him. It is
easy also to seem to exalt Christianity, while turn
ing from Christian doctrine and calling it unessen
tial. Here we may say that Christianity is a life
and not a creed, and that to enter into its spirit is
much better than merely to accept its formulas. All
this sounds very reverent and devout, and a good
many people are misled by it. But a little close
thinking ought to convince us once for all, that
Christ's real power rests at last in who He is; so
that the questions about His person are a life-and-
death matter to Christianity itself.
And with all the noble things we say about the
spirit of our religion and the life of love, surely no
questions are more important than those which ask
143

i44 Athanasius: the Hero.
whether this spirit and this life have any justifica
tion in the constitution of things. Is there a God
who cares for this life of love ? Are there ultimate
Christian facts, as well as beautiful Christian sen
timents? These questions are very vital and very
practical. Their answer leads us into the realm of theology.
And so we find theology to be the very foundation
of Christianity. Without this foundation of doc
trine, -Christianity would vanish away like a warm
evening breeze followed by the cold chill of night.
With this conception of the importance of the
ology, we will approach the survey of the theolog
ical positions of Athanasius. We will feel, not that
we have come to a desert place in our study of his
life, but to a place of peculiar importance and of
peculiar interest. Athanasius himself made no pre
tense of being the formal constructor of a theolog
ical system. He was forced into theology by his
interest in religion.
In his most speculative mood he is trying to pro
tect things which he believes to be of practical Chris
tian value. He wrote no formal and rounded out
system of theology. But it is possible from his
various writings to get a pretty clear idea of what
was his attitude toward the various doctrines of the

The Theology of Athanasius. 145
faith, as far as they had been thought out, up to his
time, or were thought out by himself. Beginning
at the very start, of course, we find Athanasius to
be a Monotheist. He believed in one God, and he
ascribed to the one God all possible qualities of
greatness, might, righteousness, and beneficence.
His thinking was rooted in a clear and definite
Christian theism. His freedom from the taint of
polytheism seems but a commonplace now. But in
a time when heathenism was still powerful, and the
Church itself was in the temptation of being deeply
influenced by its contact, there was a militant qual
ity about a Christian thinker's monotheism which
we do not expect to find to-day.
We do not need to draw our swords over what
every one takes for granted. The opponent of
Christianity in modern thinking is as ready to re
pudiate polytheism as the Christian thinker himself.
On the other hand, there are now foes to be met
whom Athanasius did not know. The agnostic and
the thinker who legislates God out of the universe
in the name of science, did not walk the streets of
Alexandria. There was one feature about the theism of
Athanasius which we must stop to emphasize. He
not only believed in a God who transcended the uni-

146 Athanasius : the Hero.
verse — thus bein£-iIuit£Jr£S.iroiTl ..Pjtn&dsrflt^Jfc
also believed in the immanence of God. This is
very importantr~ One of the great questions in the
history of thought is whether there is a natural bar
rier between God and the created universe. The
root of many a sad failure in thinking has been the
belief that in the very nature of things there is a
barrier between God and the world. He is so
high and remote that He could not even stoop
to create the world. It seems a strange
way to honor God — by putting Him out of
reach of His world. For it practically puts His
world out of His reach, thus limiting Him while it
seems to honor Him. All sorts of errors flow out
of this fundamental one. Intermediaries become
necessary for creation. The creation itself may soon
come to be looked upon as unworthy. Matter may
be regarded as evil. And the very tragedy of life
may be declared to be found in nature in the consti
tution of things, and not in the awful fact of sin.
Athanasius lived in a time when false notions
about the remoteness of God were found every
where. He was not misled but held to the one path
of safety. God was the immanent God. He did not
live "infinitely removed. There was no barrier in
nature between God and His world, Creation con-
*sTSnffiyTdt1tnetouch of the divine.

The Theology of Athanasius. 147
This conception of the immanence of God is very
acceptable to modern thought. And this is one of
the places where the instinct of present day think
ing is correct. It is one of the glories of Greek
theology that it was a witness for this truth so
long ago.
Creation, according to Athanasius, was through
iheJL^ggos^jrtTe^^^
Jfo FjtheXjcowW not touch the world directly, was
ihiiiiy&^.Jj^3a»^J3pl^ .a.i^tute-.Qf„thg.P.iyjne
j}lan,__. The glory and hope of creation is the touch
of the Djvine upon it. ... Maals ,hPJ£ pJ JmmorEEt£ is
S^sajak^oiJ§feaLJslatioji...K was created a free being — the Greek theology al-
ways emphasizes freedom. This freedom man mis
used. Thus sin entered^th^world.
There is a barrier between God and man, but it
is not a barrier found in the very nature of things.
It is an ethical barrier. Sin is the cause of it. And
sin is not a foe which slipped upon man unawares.
It is the result of his free personal choice. The
whole tragedy of life is here. And man is to blame.
This emphasis on the personal entrance of sin into
the world is of the utmost importance in Christian
thinking. To vacate sin of its awfulness, even in

148 Athanasius : the Hero.
our thinking, is to put a debilitating poisonous er
ror at the very root of our Christian lives.
Now sin has robbed man of his relation to the
Logos, out of which his greatest hope would spring,
and has put him under the penalty of punishment,
according to Athanasius. What is to be done about
it? Will God allow His race of men to sink into
utter failure and ruin? This He can not do, and
hence comes the great plan of deliverance — the in
carnation and the redemptive deed.
It is worth our while to emphasize the fact that
the incarnation itself has a redemptive significance
to Athanasius. It is a feature of the redemptive
plan. What is the incarnation? It is the pre-ex-
Istent JjO^KfagCQBlir^^
becoming_rnan._ This humiliation, this entering into
cur limitations of the : ponaF Gl^TsHto^Tnlmlislus
i^£$^£ja^^&RgJ?X^Vrt great as it is—
with human life glorified__by it^there is something
coming out of it which is its climax. This is the
death of the incarnate Son of God. If thelncarria^

tion was a feature of the redemptive plan, here in
the death^pj. Christ we have .ther4£de_mpjiv£„deed
itself. The greatest thinking of Athanasius was not
done about the atonement. He may not have

The Theology of Athanasius. 149
thought his way far into it. But his whole attitude
toward it is typically Christian. And in that atti
tude there is a profounder meaning than in many a
wrought-out theory. Here is a place where we need
the distinction between the fact and the theory.
Athanasius, like multitudes of the early Chris
tians, felt the glory of Christ's redemptive death.
But he doubtless could not have given a theory of it
which would be very satisfying. He is not without
stimulating thought here, however. His intense
feeling of the way in which Christ became one with
the race, will surely be a part in the ultimate ex
planation of the philosophy of the work of our Lord.
Athanasius believed that through the incarnation
comes the supreme revelation of God. But he recog
nized the Old Testament preparation, for this* and
our dep^ridejg.e.e.pn the. New .T^siagjeafe.. writings.
The Scriptures he considered an authority. It is
noteworthy that in their interpretation he insisted
upon a study of the context. We have seen already
that he used methods of exegesis which sometimes
led him far astray. The allegorical method of in
terpretation of the Bible is a method which would
ultimately vacate it of all meaning. Athanasius
was not free from this. But he had a sane sense of
what the great message of the Bible was, and so his

150 Athanasius: the Hero.
leading teachings were sound, and even when he
read a truth into passages which were never meant
to teach that particular truth, he did no great harm.
But the trouble is that if Athanasius be allowed to
read a true thing into some passages not meant to
teach that true thing, other men will read falsehood
into the words of Scripture. And at last there will
be danger of Bible study becoming the ingenuous in
jection of our own ideas into the Word of God.
The only satisfactory and permanently helpful
method of studying the Bible is by an endeavor to
discover what the writers meant. The vagaries of
fanciful exegesis are a disgrace to the faith.
Later times were to give new implements and
sounder principles of Biblical study than Athana
sius knew. The historical method was to set men
free from the folly of seeking endless allegory. The
apprehension of God's method of revealing Himself
to men by giving them at every period the truth they
could then understand and appropriate and grad
ually leading them to the great goal of a full revela
tion, delivered men from the burdensome necessity
of trying to find the complete Gospel in every Old
Testament book. The Bible is seen in its true vital
ity and wonder, as it was not in the days of the
fathers, through the splendid results of modern

The Theology of Athanasius. 151
scholarship. In these things we can not look to
Athanasius as a guide.
But some things in the attitude of Athanasius
toward thescwpttrres, we must never lose. He was
sure that God had revealed Himself. He was sure
Aa^th^Scri^ture^c^r^ined^an account of that
revelation on which .men jcould depend. He was
sure that God had wrought a great salvation. And
he was sure that the Scriptures brought to men
God's own message about that salvation. In the
Scriptures God's voice became articulated They
gave an authoritative and redemptive message to
the world. Methods of interpretation may change
and improve, but certain things in all really Chris
tian study of the Bible remain unchanged. One of
these is the unwavering belief that here we have not
only wonderful human voices, but here we have
God's own voice and His own message adequately
given to the world.
It is most interesting that in one of the letters of
Athanasius we have a statement of the canon of
Scripture as he accepted it. The New Testament
contains the same books we find in our New Testa
ments to-day.
Speaking of the Canonical Books, Athanasius

152 Athanasius : the Hero.
says : "These are fountains of salvation. In them
alone is proclaimed the doctrine of Godliness."
He refers to writings outside the canon which
may be read by beginners for instruction and to
other works which are entirely false.
Athanasius had no hard-and-fast sense of the
authority of the Church. He believed in the Church.
He cared for its unity. He reverenced its tradi
tions. But we do not find in him the Churchly idea
worked out in the fashion of later times.
It is a great thing to have a Church. But it is
a sad thing to have a Church whose very strength is
gained at the expense of true religion.
That thing happened to Christianity in the Mid
dle Ages, and there were not lacking evidences
pointing toward that consummation in the time of
Athanasius. But to him the Church was not an
end in itself. He was not a Churchman first and a
Christian afterwards. And his conception of the
Church was not that of a worldly ecclesiastical
prince. It has already been made very evident in these
pages that the most vital place in the thinking of
Athanasius related to the Deity of our Lord. It
was the mission_of his life to jritness to the fact
that Jesus Christ was not a creature. In vain might

The Theology of Athanasius. 153
men pile up adjectives and glorify Christ as the
most unique and splendid of all the creatures in
the whole universe. This could never satisfy
Athanasius. To him Jesus Christ was God. Any
thing less than this acknowledgment meant the
striking at the very root of Christianity. Atha
nasius believed that you lost Christianity if you lost
its Divine Lord. With every variety of skillful ar
gument he pressed' this fact home. ^wasrl.hi.S|''air'
he was fighting for. The brightness of life, the
very last hope on which he rested would have dis
appeared if he had felt compelled to come to the
Arian position. This is the important thing for us
to understand. We need not try to remember all
the subtle distinctions made in the course of the
theological controversy which lasted through so
many years. We will have mastered the heart of
MWIMHIIW I1PIHI1II HITI ""III" " ^w.^&
the whole matter if we understand that Athanasius
contended for a genuine incarnation with Jesus
Chris^tjn Jheconmletest and most thorough-going
sense Divine.

This leads us to a very interesting , Jjuejrtipn.
What was..his..CQnceDtion of the Trinity? If he be-
lieved in the Father, the Son, and the Holy Ghost,

154 Athanasius : the Hero.
monotheism? How did he keep from affirming
 im mi ¦¦¦wm nimiwirifn '^iTinr-Mr-irmnnCTmTOwaimiin^ii mm<mawrwmfinii«n>iiiiiii-i«iwnrriwr
three gods instead of one?
The doctrine of the Trinity has been, perhaps,
the most puzzling of any in the whole range of
Christian thinking for theologians of every age.
Able Christian thinkers have again and again come
to this doctrine and treated it with a haziness which
has left their readers with a sense of intellectual
helplessness. Men have felt that this doctrine
pressed too heavily on their reason, and have turned
from it in despair.
Others have added to the confusion by theories
whose internal contradictions were only too evident
to those who were seeking light on the problem.
Still others have frankly confessed the situation too
difficult to handle, and have taken refuge in a de
vout agnosticism which has said, "We believe but
we can not explain." Perhaps the prevailing atti
tude of the Church to-day — as far as sturdy ortho
doxy goes — is to state the two sides of the doctrine
(there are three persons, there is one God) and to
make no endeavor to go beneath the statement.
The Church can not rest in such a blank and
empty attitude as this, however. Men's minds will
return to the problem. The ablest — and to the
present writer — the only satisfactory dealing with

The Theology of Athanasius. 155
the doctrine is that which sees in the Trinity three
actual persons — just as we are persons — bound to
gether in one organic Godhead, in the unity of an
eternal life in which each is necessary for the very
existence of the others ; the Father, the source and
unifying principle in it all, and with this an abso
lutely perfect ethical harmony forever. This view
gives one organic Godlife and three actual persons,
and so sets the mind at rest.1
It has been introduced here because of a very
interesting question, Did Athanasius succeed in
keeping three actual persons — in the actual ordinary
meaning of that word — back in the Godhead ? One
would like to believe that he did. Undoubtedly such
a view is the natural inference from opinions which
he held. Did he make the inference? And it has
been ably argued that he did hold such a view. The
present writer, while open to conviction, at present
does not feel certain that he did. It is a difficult
question, and it would not be strange if this early
Greek father did not think his way through it.
Many of the things Athanasius says are at least
open to the interpretation that when he came back
to the inner life of the Godhead, he, like other the-

1 Compare Professor Olin A. Curtis, The Christian Faith, section on
The Christian Doctrine of the Trinity.

156 Athanasius: the Hero.
ologians, found a mystery he could not penetrate,
and simply tried to speak in such a way as to pro
tect truths he held dear.
We need not pursue the theological teachings of
Athanasius in further detail. What was vital and of
lasting significance has been already indicated. We
have previously referred to his attitude toward as
ceticism and need not enlarge upon that here.
He lived in an age when one great doctrine was
being fought out to a conclusion. And in that bat
tle no man fought more bravely or more effectively
— and none fought with such grasp of the real
meaning of the issue as he. As a theologian Atha-
JSagaUim^ titi&^«Ldii£»i§?. of J^dQctrmitoi
JbaPeity ^owLgig.

CHAPTER XII,
THE MESSAGE OF ATHANASIUS TO OUR
TIME.
Over fifteen hundred years have passed since
Athanasius lived. That is a very long time. How
much can happen in a single century, not to speak
of fifteen of them ! Life has greatly changed in these
long centuries and we look out on a far different
world from that of the great bishop of Alexandria.
It would be easy to think that a life from so remote
a time had nothing to say to the world of to-day.
But such a conclusion would be all wrong. Some
lives are so vital that they speak a message to every
age, and such a life was that of Athanasius.
In this concluding chapter we want to take a
look at our modern life, and see what Athanasius
has to say to it.
The world to-day with its infinitely varied ma
chinery, the swift flight of its locomotives speeding
across continents, the gleam of the electric lights
making night like day in the great cities, seems dif-
157

158 Athanasius: the Hero.
ferent enough from the world of the fourth century.
The stern might of the Roman Empire is only a
memory lying half moss-covered in the distant past.
New continents have risen from the long silence of
their seclusion and have become partakers in the
world's life. Through the throbbing nerves of tele
graph and cable men may flash messages across the
world, almost abolishing space. The great ocean
liner of to-day makes the mightiest ship of earlier
centuries shrink into insignificance.
Accompanying these external changes there have
been vast changes in human thought. Here one
word stands for an intellectual revolution. That
word is science. To-day we have a sense of "the
reign of law" quite unknown to the past. We see
as men did not see before, that the universe is an
ordered whole. Before this new knowledge of law,
this new sense of the stability of the universe, of the
constant relation between cause and effect, many
superstitious beliefs have withered and died. One
of the great services of modern science has been the
way in which it has cleared the life of thoughtful
men of hoary superstition. But underneath all the
changes, human life has the same essential mean
ing which it has always had. The form of life has
been transformed rather than its essence. The heart

Message of Athanasius to Our Time. 159
throbs of hungry lives beat out the same longing
through the centuries.
The profound needs of humanity remain un
changed, and so a great human life speaks in a voice
to be understood by every age.
It is here first of all that Athanasius speaks to
us. His was a life of victorious manhood. The
root of everything else in his life lies in the fact
that he was an earnest man. Often the world
passes this quality of earnestness by. It seems so
humble and unpretentious. Men seek brilliant and
striking qualities, and after wasted years wake to
the fact that none of them are so mighty as the one
they had passed by. Often earnestness does not
seem to sparkle and glitter much, but it carries in
its heart a fire which will at last burst out in bright
and lasting luminousness. And Athanasius was
earnest. He was unfalteringly true.
How shabby beside these qualities of his do the
showy falsenesses of clever men of his time now
seem. He made the right choice when he decided
at any cost to be true.
We live in a time when the qualities which glit
ter are held at high value. Cleverness might al
most be called the god some men worship. But do
we appreciate the great foundation qualities of ear-

160 Athanasius : the Hero.
nestness and trueness ? Do we understand that with
out this foundation any structure we build, how
ever pretentious, must ultimately fall? It is like
breathing fresh life-giving air to get into the atmos
phere of lives like those of Athanasius. In the
midst of daring and brilliant falseness he found his
way safely, because he chose to live the life of a true
. man full of earnest seeking after the best. His loy
alty to that decision helped to carve the gigantic
stature of his manhood.
Another fine thing about Athanasius was his sim
plicity. Looking rapidly over his career with its
ceaseless activities and all its vicissitudes, one would
hardly think of him as an example of "the simple
life." But we must not be hasty in deciding. Down
under the activity, and the hurry of events, there was
a quiet calm, and a clear-eyed single-mindedness
which are the very essence of simplicity. We often
confuse the issues of life by living in a complex haze
of emotions and thoughts never clarified by simple
and direct thinking. The way out of this maze of
bewildering complexity was found by Athanasius.
The secret of his simplicity was an honest devotion
to the best and single-hearted loyalty to it.
A foggy nature may be full of interest and sur
prises. A simple and direct life is the only really

Message of Athanasius to Our Time. 161
satisfactory one. But this simplicity is by ho means
inconsistent with versatiHty. Athanasius was . a
man who touched life at many angles. The sim
plicity was in motive and inner bearing rather than
in experience. The cosmopolitan has a place among
us. It is right that we should have an eager inter
est in all that pertains to life. But down under this
broad outlook and interest we need the fine sim
plicity which was one of the outstanding character
istics of the Alexandrian bishop.
Going still deeper we find the great religious
message of Athanasius's life. He was a man of
God. He knew the glory and the wonder of the
hidden communion.
It is a good thing to be a man of men. It is
worth our while to keep in close and sympathetic
touch with the varied currents of human life. But to
use even the knowledge which comes from close
human contact, in the most effective and helpful way,
we must have something more. We must have stood
in awed and reverent joy before the burning bush. A
voice ringing with a present sense of the Eternal
will always find a hearing. Men are hungry for
the Unseen. They were born to companion with
the Eternal, and their hearts cry out for the Father
whom they do not know. When a man hears the
ii

1 62 Athanasius: the Hero.
message of Christianity and throws the doors of his
life wide open to its work, so that it becomes the
possessing reality which dominates his thinking, his
feeling, and his action, he becomes a Christian in
a sense of unique meaning, whose influence is sure
to tell on the lives of other men. This kind of a
definition of Christianity the life of Athanasius gives
us. When we look for the secret of his unfailing
courage through the weary years we find it here.
This man knew God, and in Him was strong. And
the summons his life brings to us as Christians
is that we, too, should open our lives to God, should
venture out upon Him in the daring of trust, and
so find that the unsearchable riches of the Gospel
are still for those who go to possess them. It is
still possible for men to walk through life always
clasping the unseen Hand.
In regard to the life of the Church Athanasius
has something very important to teach us. One of
the most subtle and one of the most dangerous foes
of the Church is ecclesiasticism. It is possible in any
denomination to Be a Churchman rather than a
Christian. It is possible to place the even and placid
administration of the Church's affairs above loyalty
to principle. It is possible to consider the peace of
the Church more important than its faithfulness. It

Message of Athanasius to Our Time* 163
is possible to seek the external prosperity and power
of the Church at the expense of its purity and its
adherence to the high standards which it is its mis
sion to uphold. The foe of the Church is the tem
porizer with the world. All this is made more dan
gerous because the spirit of compromise is likely to
clothe itself in the garments of devotion and piety.
We have seen how Athanasius chose to endure any
suffering rather than to be false to his Master, how
he was willing to see the Church plunged into the
most awful turmoil Vather than that it should be
come false. And now we know that he served the
best interests of the Church itself. Prosperity and
power bought at the expense of principle, put a pal
sying blight at the heart of the Church. Storm and
stress for the sake of loyalty to its own high stand
ards, make its fields fertile and are full of the
promise of fruitage in the days to come. One of
the last acts of Athanasius of which we know, was
his proceeding against a governor of immoral life,
and his whole spirit was of heroic and dauntless
faithfulness, whatever the cost. When Churchly
statesmanship becomes unworthy compromise for
the sake of temporary external prosperity, the
Church is in imminent danger of decay. Men will

164 Athanasius: the Hero.
be less likely to fall into this snare if they Have
learned the lesson of the life of Athanasius.
We live in a peculiar time as regards theology.
Men pride themselves on being undogmatic. A
really earnest attempt is being made to keep the
spirit while discarding the philosophy of Chris
tianity. All the appreciation of the practical teach
ings of the Gospel is to be heartily approved. We
feel a kinship with every man who desires his life to
be kindled into a glow and warmth like that com
ing from the unselfish love of Christ. But the at
tempt to keep the Christian life, while discarding or
ignoring the whole metaphysical background of
Christianity, is doomed to failure. In a period of
theological transition men may find temporary re
lief in such an endeavor. But to keep Christian liv
ing you must have Christian thinking, too. Atha
nasius saw with the most complete insight that it
does make a difference what men believe. His life
long endeavor was to keep the Church committed to
correct theological thinking. He knew that with
out this nothing was safe. *
The suggestion which comes to us at this point
is obvious. If correct Christian thinking was im
portant in the fourth century, it is important in the
twentieth. The Church needs to be roused to a new

Message, of Athanasius to Our Time. 165
interest in doctrine. There must be a revival of
strong and virile doctrinal preaching.
There is a right and there is a wrong way of
preaching doctrine. When the preacher mechan
ically utters cold and lifeless formulas no one is
moved, and small wonder. Like Athanasius, the
preacher must feel that it is the very life of Chris
tianity which its cardinal doctrines contain. He
must open his life to them. And he must give them
forth with all the eagerness of his own enthusiasm
for the faith and all the warmth which the great
truths they express should inspire. Get the con
viction of a living man pulsing in a great doctrine
and there will be no cold, lifeless formality about
the sermon.
The invasion of the sects with all their vagaries,
the limp and feeble grasp of Christianity by mem
bers of the Church, — these may be dealt with if only
men come to have a vision of Christianity, a vision
in which every doctrine shines with the brightness
of its full meaning. The way to deal with a flabby,
undogmatic age, is to give it living and articulated
doctrine. Get a man to see Christianity and many
of the catchwords of the more superficial thought of
our time become unattractive and without power
to stir him.

1 66 Athanasius: the Hero.
The undogmatic mood regarding Christianity,
of which we have been speaking, comes to a climax
in regard to the person of Christ. There was never
a time in which men were more inclined to pay com
pliments to Jesus than to-day. And there was never
a time when the world at large more thoroughly
felt the winsomeness and the purity of His life.
Many men who would not stop with a mere dilet
tante tribute to the Master, are really won by His
life. They sincerely want to make His way of living
their way. They want to be like Christ. But many
of these men feel insuperable difficulties in the way
of accepting the Church's doctrine of His person.
This we are told they can not honestly do.
What is to be done for these men? A wonder
ful way of escape from difficulty has been provided
for them. It has been stated in many forms, but
the idea itself is inseparably connected with the
name of the distinguished and influential German
theologian, Albrecht Ritschl. The way in which
Professor Ritschl meets the difficulty is this : Jesus
Christ, he tells us, has the value of God to us. He
does for us God's work, and therefore in our re
ligious lives we may worship Him, and accept His
message. Beyond this we need not go. We need
ask no metaphysical questions about His person.

Message of Athanasius to Our Time. 167
We need not inquire if He really is the incarnation
of the pre-existent, eternal Son of God. In fact, all
such metaphysical considerations have no place in
theology. The bane of theology is to attempt to
confuse religion by introducing that which really
has no connection with it. Let us be content with
the fact that Jesus Christ brings us God's message,
reveals God to us, leads us into a victorious life, has
the value of God to us, and ask no further questions.
This attitude toward the person of Christ is
peculiarly attractive to the temper of our time. And
many men have accepted it. But can we not see
that it is only a half-way house on the road to a
higher or to a lower conception of Christ ? If Jesus
Christ is all that Professor Ritschl acknowledges,
He must be more. He must be actually God. He
must be metaphysically divine. And if He is not
more, if He is not really God incarnate, men can
not permanently go on believing Him to be all that
Professor Ritschl acknowledges. He must be more
or He can not be as much. For the Ritschlian posi
tion regarding the person of Christ, as a half-way
house where earnest men stop on the way to the
full Christian conception of our Lord's Deity, we
may have respect, but to assert that it represents
the ultimate Christian position is to assert an intel-

1 68 Athanasius: the Hero.
lectual impossibility. From such a position the
Church will either go up to the adequate Christian
view, or down into sheer humanitarianism.
When we turn in this modern Christological sit
uation to Athanasius, we find that he has a most
vital message to give us. Any man who has learned
all that Athanasius has to teach him, will see the im
possibility of this modern theological compromise.
The very central thing which Athanasius said to
his own age, he says to ours. "Nothing less than
God incarnate can meet the needs of sinful men.
We dare not depend on the most exalted creature
for salvation." And we dare not depend on a noble
historical mystery about whom we can not ask any
definite questions. If Christianity is to continue
robust and vital, the whole subject of Christology
must be lifted out of the nebulous haziness which
has characterized much modern thinking. It does
make a difference who Christ was. We are not ir
reverent to ask the most probing questions about His
person. We have to ask them. The very urgency
of our need drives us on. If there is no answer,
if we are confronted simply by a pious agnosticism
about Christ, if nobody can be sure that He is any
thing more than a creature, our religion is vacated
of its deepest meaning, and we are left empty and
miserable.

Message of Athanasius to Our Time. 169
But we do not need to stop at the half-way house.
It is possible to know. The theology of reverent
ignorance about the person of Christ is a theology
which has never adequately studied the New Testa
ment, has never really understood the history of
the Church, has never sounded the depths of Chris
tian consciousness, and has never understood the
deep needs of men.
The unanimous verdict of all these brings us to
rest securely in the belief that Jesus Christ was in
the most complete and fullest meaning of the word
divine — "Very God" — the eternal Father's eternal
Son. Towering above the Church in all its history,
is this one colossal figure. With all His tender
sympathy, with all His winsome humanity, with all
the humiliation of His life and death on earth, He
is still God. And our hope, the very glory of
our faith, is in this, that the eternally pre-existent,
Son of God, who was equal with God, emptied
Himself, entered upon a career of humiliation, and
for us men and our salvation became a man ; that
the strong Son of God suffered death for us and so
wrought our redemption. With this unflinching
faith, and with a personal trust in this Almighty
Savior, we can face the universe unafraid.
For Christianity, so defined, Athanasius fought.

170 Athanasius : the Hero.
And we inherit the fruits of his battle, and of his
victory. May we be clear-eyed to see the real mean
ing of Christianity in our day, as he saw it in his.
May we be absolutely loyal to our faith in the Son
of God. May we accept no compromise, be beguiled
by no subtle sophistry which while praising Christ
would dethrone Him.
The Apostle Paul when an old man uttered some
great words. They were these: "I have kept the
faith." The great message of Athanasius to us is
this : "Keep the faith."

INDEX

Page
Asceticism  90
" Against the Heathen "... 40
Alexander the Great  30
Alexander, Bishop of Alex
andria  37, 39, 49, 60
Alexandria  30
Antioch, Council at  93
Antony, the Monk  36
Apollinaris  140
"Apology Against the
Arians  103
" Apology for his Plight ". 116
"Apology to Constantius" 108, 116
Apostolic Succession  26
Arius  48, 49, 51, 56, 73, 77
Ariminum, Council of  126
Arsenius  69
Athanasius —
Birth  35
Training  38
Received into the House
of Alexander  39
Ordained Deacon  40
At Nicsea  57
Elected Bishop  60
Banished to Gaul  73
First Exile  75
Restoration and Second
Exile  83
Period of Second Resto
ration  102
Third Exile  113
Fourth Exile  135
Fifth Exile  138
Death of  141
Theology of.  143
His Message to Our
Time  157
Characteristics of—
Earnestness  159
Simplicity  160
Piety  161

Page
Basil  139
Brasidas  138
Byzantium  14
Celsus  23
Chalice, Broken  67
Christian Apologists  24
Clement of Alexandria  28
Constantine  13, 21, 51, 54, 79
Constantine II  14
Constans  14, 98, 104
Constantinople  14
Constantius.. 14, 84, 98, 105, 128
" De Synodis "  127
Diocletian  13
Diogenes, Notary  no
Doctrinal Preaching  165
Ecclesiasticism  162
Empire Becomes Christian. 21
Eusebius of Caesarea  53, 55
Eusebius of Nicomedia 
53i 54, 56. 63, 95
Exile, First  75
Exile, Second  88
Exile, Third  113
Exile, Fourth  13s
Exile, Fifth  138
" First Discourse "  118
" Fourth Discourse "  122
Frumentius  62, 113
George of Cappadocia.. 114
Gnostics  24
Greek Culture  12
Gregory of Cappadocia  87
"History of Arians"... 117
Hosius, Bishop of Cordova. 52, 123

171

172

Index.

Page
Immanence op God  146
Iranaeus  28
Ischyras  67
Jovian  14, 136
Julian  14, 128, 130
Julius, Bishop of Rome. . .86, 92
Justin Martyr  27, 28
Letter to Serapion  117
Eiberius, Bishop of Rome
107, 124
"Eife of Antony"  137
Eiterary Attack on Chris
tianity  23
Macarius  68
Magnentius  104
Marcellus  122
Maximian  13
Meletians  67
Message of Athanasius to
Our Time  157
Milan, Council at  108
Monarchianism  26
Monastic Movement  104
Nero  16
New Testament Canon  25
Nicaea, Council of.  53
Nicene Creed  58
l " On the Incarnation ".. 42
" On the Nicene Formula " 103
Origen  28
"Opinions of Dionysius".. 103
Paul, Apostle  22
Persecution of Christians. . 17
Philagrius  87
Philippopolis, Council at.. 97
Philo of Alexandria  33
Pistus  85
Polycarp  19
Ptolemies  31
Ritschl, on the Person of
Christ  166
Roman Empire  11
Rome  89
Rome, Council at  92
Rule of Faith  25

Page
Sabellianism  26, 45
Sardica, Council of  96
School of Alexandria  28
School of Antioch  28
Science, Modern  158
" Second Discourse "  120
Seleucia, Council of.  126
Septuagint  33
Syrianus  no
Tertullian  28
Theodore of Tabenne  135
Theology, Importance of. . 144
Theology of Athanasius —
Atonement  148
Church   152
Deity of Our Eord  152
Incarnation  148 ^
Immanence of God  146
Scriptures  140
Sin  148
Trinity  153
" Third Discourse "  121
"Tome"  133
Treves  75
Trajan  18
Trinity....  26, 153
Tyre, Council at  70
Valentinian  15
Valens and Ursacius...io2, 105
Works of Athanasius —
' ' Against the Heathen " . 40
"Apology Against the
Arians"  103
"Apology for His
Flight"  116
"Apology to Constan
tius"  108, 116
" De Synodis "  127
" First Discourse "  119
"Fourth Discourse "  122
" History of Arians "  117
" Eife of Antony "  137
" On the Incarnation ".. . 42
"On the Nicene For
mula"  103
" Opinions of Dionysius " 103
" Second Discourse "  120
" Third Discourse "  121
"Tome"  133