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Democratic Party, Corinecticuu.

Address to the 1 eople of Connecticut,
| I'iddletown, ,1828.

Mt

YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

ADDRESS

TO THE

PEOPLE OF CO^ECTICUT,'

ADOPTED AT THE

STATE COtfVEXTIOW,

HELD, AT MJjjDDLETOWN

'•jjfcBGusT 7, 1828.

WITH THE FBOCEEDINGS OP THE CONVENTION. 'A

»

HARTFORD \ r. .
yajBTEP AND FOR BABE AT THE TIMES OFFICE BY J. RWEtl,'.

i0g&

PROCEEDINGS

STATE COXVEtfTlOff.
The members of the Convention assembled at the Court
Housejin Middletown, on Thursday the 7th day of August inst.
at 11 o'clock, A. M.— The meeting was called to order by An
drew Pratt, Esq. of Berlin, and was organized by electing^ the
Hon. Ingoldsby W. Crawford, of l|yion, President, and Wh.»
liam H. Jones, Esq. of New Haven, and L. T. Pease, Esq. of
Enfield, Secretaries. «wr.
On motion of Mr. Phelps, of Hartford, *•**'
Resolved, That a committee of two members from each county
be appoiuted to consider, and report, what business it is expedi
ent should be acted upon by the Convention, and the mode of
proceeding, to carry the same into effect.
On which resolution the following gentlemen were appointed
— Messre. N. A. Phelps, Samuel Hart, William H. Ellis, William
Todd, Jirah Isham, Elisha Haley, Robert Fairchild, Stephen
Wheeler, Andrew T. Judson, Bela P. Spalding, Ansel Sterling,
R. R. Hinman, Wm. Van Deursen, Gideon Higgins, Carlos
Chapman, and Cephas Brigham.
This committee made a report, and recommended the adoption
ofthe following resolutions, which were severally read and pas
sed. - ^ ¦ ',..,£
Resolved, That it is expedient to nominate eight persons, one
from eaoh county, as candidates for Electors of President and
Vice President of the United States ; and that this nomination
be made by the delegates, from the several counties, and by them
be reported to the convention.
Resolved, That a committee of one from a county, be appointed
to draft and report resolutions to be adopted by tbe convention ;
and another committee of the same number, to report an addre&B
to the people of this state.
Resolved, That a Central Committee of Correspondence, con>
sisting of five persons, be appointed ; and also a committee, for
each county, consisting of three persons.
Resolved, That it is not expedient to make, at the present time,
a nomination for state officers, bat that, after the other sub- .
jects shall' have been disposed of, this convention be adjourned to
meet at this place on the eighth day of January next, at 11
o'clock in the forenoon, for the purpose of nominating, candidates
for the offices of Governor, Lieutenant Governor, Treasurer, Sec
retary, State Senators, and Members of Congress, — or of adopting
such other measures, relative to making out a nomination for State
Senators, and Members of Congress, as the convention may then ,
deem •xpedient ; — and that those towns which are not at present
represented in Convention, be invited to send delegates tothesaid
adjourned Convention, and also to fill su£h vacancies as may oc
csr iri*the present iJelegalftm.

The following gentlemen were announced from thejbhair, U
' Sommittees on the foregoing resolutions, viz. W?'t.
To prepare and report an Address. — Messrs. John'M. Niles/
Sharles Chapman, J.|sham, A. S. Jones, Af T. Judson, P. Smith,
A. A Loomis, and L" Eaton.
To prepare and report Resolutions. — Messrs. J. Collins, T. G.
Woodward, Wm. T., Williams, O. Beardslee, J. W. White, L.
Phelps, "J. Stewart and Carlos Chapman.
The Convention was then adjourned to meet at 3 o'clock iri
the afternoon. »
• Pursuant to adjournment the Convention assembled at 3
btcloek. *
The President announced the appointment of the following
named gentlemen as a central committe of correspondence, viz.
Messrs. John M. Niles, Nathan Starr, Charles Chapman, Caleb
Pond and Stephen B. Goodwin.
The respective chairmen of the meetings, composed of the
members of the several counties, reported the following nomin
ations of committees of correspondence for each county, which
were agreed to, viz.
For the county of Hartford, Gideon Welles, L. T. Pease,
Jesse Goodrich.
New Haven. — Henry Lines, John Andrews, Nathaniel R.
Landon. New London. — William T. Williams, Stephen Tracy, Am*
herst D. Scoviil.
Fairfield. — ¦Obadiah Beardsley, Stephen Wheeler, Edward
Taylor ^MWr
Windham. — Andrew T. Judson, Joel W. White, Thomas
Clark. Litchfield. — Abijah C. Peet, R. R. Hinman, Elisha A. Mor
gan. Middlesex. — Ira Lee, Gideon Higgins, William Van Deursen;
Tolland. — Luther Eaton, Chauncey Burgess, Carlos Chap
man. The Delegates from the several Counties reported the follow
ing nomination of candidates for ELECTORS/br President and
Vice President, ofthe United States, which was accepted
NOAH A. PHELPS, Hartford County
WILLIAM TODD, New Haven •<
JOHN P. TROTT, New London «
HENRY SHERWOOD Fairfield «
DAVID BOLLES, Windham, «
JOHN WELCH, Litchfield
JOHN STEWART, 2d, Middlesex «
INGOLDSBY W. CRAWFORD, Tolland
The committee appointed to report resolutions, reported the fol
lowing which were read and adopted.
Resolved, That we believe ANDREW JACKSON to be emi
nentjy qualified for the chief executive magistrate of the republic"
and tba.t, from the exalted opinion we entertain of his public ser-

vir^i»s talents, 'integrity, and unrivalled patriotism, as well as
from:ieSptct to the popular voice spontaneously expressed in his
favor, m approve, of his nomination to that high office and re
commend him to the support ofthe electors of Connecticut as a
safe depository of power in a free state.
Resolved, That duly appreciating the talents, patriotism and
public services of JOHN C. CALHOUN, and believing him to
have been able, honest and faithful to the Constitution, in dis
charging the responsible duties of the office he now fills with
equal honor to himself and advantage to the public interest, we
recommend him to the electors of tfeis state as deserving of their
support for the Office of Vice President ofthe United States.
John M Niles, from the Committee appointed for that purpose,
reported an ADDRESS to the people of this State, which Was
read and adopted by the Convention, and ordered to be printed.
On motion of Gen. Isham, of New London,
Resolved That the thanks of the Convention be given to the
President, for the able and dignified manner with which he has
presided over its deliberations this day.
The Convention was then adjowned to meet at the same place,
bii the' eighth day of January next, at 1 1 o'clock, A. M.
I. W CRAWFORD, President.

W. H. JONES, ) „ , .
L. T. PEASE. ) s"™ta™s-

ADDRESS

t*EOPL.E OF CONNECTICUT^
Fellow Citizens :
This Convention, called togelher by the voluntary act of a large por
tion of thoir fellow citizens, to consider the great question which now agit
ates the public mind — a question, viewed in its various aspects, of no ordi
nary importance, have made out an electoral ticket friendly to the election
of Andrew Jackson, for President,. and John C. Calhoun for Vice President,
which they respectfully recommend to the support of the electors of this
state. The gentlemen composing this ticket, are too well known to their
fellow citizens, and have too long enjoyed a full share of public confidence
to require any cotnmendation. We will not institute a comparison of their
personal and political claims to the suffrages of the electors, with those of
the gentlemen nominated for the same office by the legislative caucus in
May last, at New-Haven. Few, it is believed, will withold from them their
support, unless induced to do it, from considerations connected with tbe
political controversy which now claims so large a share of public attention,
throughout the union. The fate of this ticket, we are sensible, must depend
on the prevailing sentiments of our citizens, regarding tbe national question.
On this ground it must stand or fall ; and so far from wishing to rest it upon
any other, we concede, that our leading object in pressing it on the atten
tion bf the electors, is the support of principles involved in the opposition
to the national administration : a secondary object is the hope of promo
ting a salutary improvement in the political concerns of this state.
With these explicit declarations of our objects, we invite the patient and
candid attention of our fellow citizens to em exposition of the views of this
Convention respecting them.

Tho national iiontr.ove.i-sy which now engrosses so large a s'hai'e o% fiublie ;
attention, not only excites deep feelings, but involves important principles ;
&o that tbe immediate result of it.be it as it may, is of little moment,coui|Jur-
ed with what may, and probably will be, its ultimate consequences. It
opens a wide field of investigation, and embraces vast details of facts, so
that we shall not be able, without extending this address to unreasonable
length, to examine it in all its bearings ; and this is tbe less necessary, as the
subject has been so fully & ably investigated in the numerous addresses, and
publications which this controversy has called lortb. Had these found their
way to tbe understandings ofthe citizens of this state generally, it might nut
be necessary for us to say any thing on a subject which has engaged tbe at
tention of our best political writers, and been so often and ably discussed.
lt has become a beaten path, and we are aware that little can be added to
what has already been said ; but the increasing importance in which this en
grossing subject is held, fully sustains the interest which it at first excited ;.
the more it is investigated tbe better it is understood; the more intense is the
desire to become thoroughly acquainted with its merits. This is a fact high
ly honourable to Ihe intelligence of our population, lt shows that lhe people
are aware of their political importance, and awake to their rights — that the
agitation of important political questions.arouses a spirit of enquiry pervading
all classes ot the community, , & which can hardly fail of resulting in a gener
ally correct understanding ul their merits. What can be a more interesting
or sublime spectacle, than to behold a nation of freemen engaged in the free
and open examination ofthe conduct of their public servants, in discussing
important political questions, and deciding on the tendency pf principles ;
in exercising a jealous care over popular elections and exhibiting a just alarm
'at any coalition to coutroul them, or a reasonable suspicion of fraud, intrigue
k management,to impair their fairness or freedom, &. fix upon them the stamp
of corruption. This, il is true, is the bright side of the picture ; the dark
oue, is-the venality, servility and con uplion ofthe press, a reckless disre
gard of truth, and low and foul aspersions of private character. But these
abuses, however glaring tbey may be, no more permanently corrupt the
stream of popular feeling, than the shower corrupts the river of pure water,
by washing into it the dirt upon its borders The mud and filth soon settle
to tbe. bottom, and the stream purifies itself again : so the current of public
opinion, so far as it is defiled by extraneous matter, falsehood and calum
ny, soon becomes pure, and remains a wholesome element.
Having full confidence iu public opinioi) as an element of government,
and io the intelligence of the people to protect themselves from dangerous
falsehoods and impositions, we view with satisfaction the mind of the na
tion brought into the arena ot politics, canvassing the merits and demerits
ofthe rulers ofthe republic, and discussing (lie soundness and tendency" of
principles. Those who are alarmed ut this spirit, and wish to destroy it, to.
avoid its abuses, exhibit a want of confidence in the people for self- govern."*;
ment. All such should be distrusted as dangerous men in a republic. The.
tribunal of popular opinion, is, in this country, paramount lo all others ; It is
that to which all public functionaries, fiom the highest to the lowest, must
submit, and by which every administration must stand or fall. It is lo this
tribunal that the opponents of ihe present administration have appealed ¦
they only desire that the merits ofthe controversy shpuld be examined and
they will cheerfully submit lo the decision.
The people ofthe United Stales are now divided into two parties, one of
which supports the administration, the other is opposed to it, and in General
advocates the election of Andrew Jackson. This is no new state of parties
nor is it to be regarded as evidence that ihe controversy is a personal one'
only. Wherever parties have existed, which is only in free states, they have
always been essentially connected wilh the executive branch of the govern
ment, which has been either the cause or the object of them, and commonly
both. Parties in England have been based ou this principle since the days of the
Stewarts, one contending for the power, prerogatives, patronage and influ-
ence of the crown ; and the other to limit and restrain that power and influ
ence,— and to maintain the privileges of parliament and tbe liberties pf the
people. Their slr'iggliss have been attended with alternate success-— the
popular party prevailed against Ihe first Charles ; but in the contest which
followed the restoration of his son, the royal or executive party waS cdnt

7 'P
finitely successful and^ the constitution received a sbock which changed the
nature of the government. The charters of the corporations were abroga
ted and the borough-mongering system of representation introduced, which
destroyed the independence of parliament. From this period the constitu
tion has been gradually changing ; the prerogatives ofthe crown diminished,
ar.d its patronage and influence increased to snch an extent, as*o have in
troduced a legaf.system of corruption, nnd to have entirely changed the
substance ofthe Constitution, whilst its form is still maintained.
The British government is a striking instance ofthe danger to be appre>
nended from an increase of executive influence, and is a solemn warning to
lis |og*Jard against its extension, as the secret poison, which when infused
into our political system, will " palsy the will of its constituents," and pol,-
fate the very fountains, of our liberties. Tbe present contest has an import
ant bearng on this question ; the advocates of a strong executive, and ol
giving the greatest scope to his power and influence, are generally on the'
side ofthe administration. — The contest being essentially between the gov
ernment on one part, and a majority of Ihe people on tbe other ; to enable
the administration to sustain itself, the utmost efforts have been made, and
are still making, to give greater scope to executive, influence, and enlarge
the circle of its action ; to effect which, all the resources of sophistry have
been called forth ; — the constitution has been wrung, twisted and tortured,
to give a meaning to its language, different from its plain and obvious im
port, and to make it speak where it is silent. The novel powers engrafted
on the constitution, all tend to augment the influence of the president. The
modern doctrine respecting internal improvements, is enlarging the sphere
of its action, as well as the extensive system of fortifications; — these, con*
.curing with the various unavoidable causes of augmentation of patronage.,
the increase of tbe army and navy establishments, including the military a-
cademy, tbe amount of public revenue and the expenses of every depart
ment of government, the extension of foreign intercourse, the multiplication
Of offices, at home and abroad, the accessions to the public printing — are
calculated lo swell the influence of the executive to a great and alarming
extent, and exalt its patronage above the will ofthe people.
Is there nothing to be apprehended from a constant increase of this influ
ence ? May it not here, as it has in England, entirely change the spirit and
substance ofthe government, whilst its form remains? The pmcer of the
president cannot under any circumstances become dangerous ; but may not
his influence ? If the influence of the King, bas changed the British consti
tution, may not executive influence produce the same result here.' The
more extensive and formidable this influence becomes, when legitimately
exercised, the stronger is its tendency to corruption. Where this influence
is*extensivp,i it almost necessarily becomes corrupt, as the executive chief
and his associates, if opposed by the people, will attempt lo sustain them
selves by the patronage of government. This we apprehend is tbe true char
acter of tbe present controversy in tbe United States. It is a struggle be-
" tween all the combined influences of the executive power, aided by all the
coalitions and allies it is capable of rallying round it, by a corrupt use of ita
immense patronage, and the discretionary funds ofthe treasury, on the one
part, and the people on the other. Hence the importance of the present
cpntest. There are two ways in which executive influence is dangerous to the con.
stitutipn and the liberties of the people ; the first is, where it is exerted iu
the election of president, and the second, where its exercise is in maintaining
an administration against the will ofthe people ; — in both instances it is ex
erted in opposing the popular voice. . When the first case happens— when
the presidency is disposed of by mortgaging its patronage, it becom.es neces
sary to make use of the same means to sustain the administration which
Drought it into existence ; for where an administration comes into power,
against tbe will of a majority of the people, it will always follow, that it must
be supported in opposition to that wilj,if supported atall. Such we believe, &
shall offer some remarks to shew, is the character & condition of the present
'administration. But before entering on this inquiry, we wish to call your at
tention to one consideration suggested by these views. All will admit that
the executive power is liable to be" abused, and that il is desirable tp guard a-
gainst this abuse as far as possible. How can this be done ? There appears
fo ne hat one way, consistent with leaving the piesiitent in the posse'yJoD of

8
his nresent authority Which is to limit his eligibility to one term. This cap
¦•l^Moom^ilhDeJ^hontBnBmendineiit of the constitution ; but until
"hat seffee.Xnd as preparatory toil, let the precedent which has been
estab shed ! be ovIrruleVand no president hereafter electee but , one- Un
der Ihe preW practice, 'he first four years of evei>new administration, is
spent inPellfio,.eering, to the neglect of the public interest, the waste ot the
public funds, and the corruption ot the spirit of our free institutions. _ inis
is an evil lhat requires correction, and there can be no hardship in beginning
with Mr.Adams,as the man who was not the choice of the nation, &• who be
ing elected under circumstances, as all will admit of suspicions of unfairness,
if not corruption, ought to be satisfied wilh one term. , If the president was
eligible lor one term only, he could have no motive , unless he aimed at a sub
version of lhe constitution, to abuse his trust ; but' he would have the
stronge'st inducement to consult the public" good, and lo administer (he gov
ernment in the spirit of that instrument, and truly " with an eye to the
strictest economy." If parlies prevailed, regarding his successor, he would
stand aloof from both, instead of being as he now is, lhe head and leader
of one of them. If the secretary of state, or olher officers of the cabinet,
should become candidates for the executive chair, the president would
check Iheir ambition, so far at least, as to prevent their prostituting their
high offices to the advancement of their personal interests and that of their
party. This salutary reform in the federal system has the sanction of the re
commendation of the late Qovetnor Clinton, in his last official message, and
is more strongly urged on the attention of lhe patriot, by the existing dis
orders. Can any one suppose, that the present controversy could exist, was
not yhe government a parly to if It is clear that it could not ; il is the re
sistance which the patronage and influence, of the executive government
oppose to the will ot a majority of the nation, which sustains the present
conflict. All then, who wish to check the extension of executive influence
and guard against its corruption, and to maintain the freedom of elections,
must be in favor of establishing a new and belter precedent — thai the presi
dent hold the office bul one term, and for I his reason, will not support the
re-election of Mr. Adams, even if they have no particular objection to his
administration. Let it not be said that because most of bis predecessors were elected the
second time, that it will be a public censure on Mr. Adams, not lo re-elect
bim. The evils and the dangers of the practice have not before been de
veloped ; an evil from a different source, was discovered at the election of
Mr. Jefferson, which came near defeating tbe will of tbe people, and a rerar
edy was immediately applied, although it required an amendment of the
constitution. Whenever an evil is discovered in the practice of govern
ment, the people should be bold and prompt to correct it. Ijtthe respect
due lo Mr. Adams, js to prevent the correction of a dangerous precedent,
the same reason will apply to his successor, and wilh more force, so that the
consequence will be, the evil can never he removed. Whilst public*k»fficers;
should be treated with justice, it ought not to be forgotten, that offices nre
not created for the incumbents, but fqr the public good ; and it should be
parlicularly borne in mind, by every freeman in tbe union, lhat no man has
any claims to the presidency, whatever may be his talents,. and services — the
incumbent no more than any other individual It, is deeply to be deprecated
that there should be under any circumstances, a prevailing sentiment to dis
regard principles, and even the public interest, from a mistaken or interested
attachment to men.
' There i9 another consideration, closely connected with the one just no-'
tioed, which. deserves attention. The re-election of Mr, Adams will confirm
another precedent which Mr. Clay now calU a "safe" one, but which be
once thought so dangerous as to oppose an insuperable objection to a can
didate, whatever might be his pretensions. The same party which supports
Mr. Adamsj advocates Mr. Clay as his successor ; and its success willgreat-
\f strengthen the " safe precedent" of electing the secretary of state to
tbe presidency, andvirtually-invest the president with the power of'appoint- .
ing his successor. The alarming nature of this practice, is greatly increased;
when the election is brought into the House of Representatives ; two of Ihe
candidates (and>tbose baving-a minor support would be most tempted to do
ifVtave-onlv iq unite their interests andfneqds, and to "have ifundterstood"
f%f rfMifeis electe.d'-preslden*, tyle o'tfcerli- to he Secretary of Slate', wffi

9
being ir. the line of -"safe precedent,!' is to be bjs successor. Such has been ¦
the tendency of this practice that it seems to have bad a pernicious influ
ence abroad, and already to be regarded as a part of our political system,
Bolivar, the popular leader of the South American Revolution, has engraft- '
ed mto tin- constitution,: which he proposed-for Bolivia, (he principle that
lhe secretary of state appointed by the president, is to be hissuccessor,
and refers .to the United States for an example of the correctness of the
principle. No one bas taken a more decided stand against, what he'now
calls a safe precedent, than Henry Clay. In a series of numbers published
ir the Argus, at Frankfort, Kentucky, in 1822, supposed to be written bv
himself, and evidently approved ofj by him, as they were intended for hi's
benefit, there is the following language applied to the National Intelligences
" They may prefer that the prescribed line of legitimacy according to which,
tbe heir apparent shoold be translated from the department of state to the
r palace, be preserved unbroken and entire, but they ought to remember that
tbe practice of Rome, by which the Caissrs themselves, lo secure that tran-.
quility which the editors of the Intelligencer so much desire, provided be-.
fore hand for the imperial succession, has not yel been ingrafted on our con
stitution." fhe Reporter, edited by a nephew of Mr. Clay, and entirely de
voted to Iijs interest, published similar sentiments, of which we extract a
single paragraph. "Mr. Adams is designated by the president and his presses
as tbe heir apparent, the next successor to the presidency. . Since the "princi
ple was introduced, there has been a rapid degeneracy in the chief magis
trate, and the prospect of still greater degeneracy, is strong and alarming. — >
Admit the people should acquiesce in the presidential appointment ol Mr.
Adams to that high office ; who will again he chosen as bis successor' Will
it be Josiah Quincy, H.G. Otis, or.Rufus King?, An aristocrat at least, if not
a TRAITOR will be our portion !" This kinsman of the secretary of state,
then little thought that the Aristocrat and traitor who would be placed in the
line of succession to Mr. Adams, would be HENRY CLAY. In the cir
cular of the friends of Mr. Clay in Ohio, signed by Joseph Vance, since be
come an advocate for the " safe precedent" of the succession of the secre
tary of state, Mr. Clay's, election is advocated distinctly on the ground of
breaking op that dangerous practice. "To select one of tbe Secretaries
(for President ) was to continue tbe same influence in office, which virtually
would be a departure from the maxim that rota|ion in office is essential to,
the public ; for to change the man and retain the influence would be to re-!
pose upon the shadow and abandon the substance. These considerations
have induced many to adoprthe opinion, that no member of the present
cabinet, ought to be selected' to succeed Mr. Munroe, and this determination
is fprmed without any disrespect to Ihe talents or characters of the incum"*
bents themselves." If Mr. Clay was. withdrawn it is said " it would place
in the presidential chair, one of the present cabinet ; an event which it was,
ihe first object ofthe friends of Mr. Clay to prevenf, not in r-ference to, (he
men, bul^he principle,"
Can any one wish for stronger objections againsJ (bis cabinet succession,
than is furnished by Mr. Clay and his friends ? It is the main ground on,
\i liicli he distinctly rested bis own claims to the presidency. Yet he now
calls it a '.' safe precedent." What can be thought of a man who is guilty
of such palpable inconsistency? But whether he and his friends were sin
cere in their apprehensions from this dangerous practice or not, their object
tions and reasons against it, are entitled to the same respect. And if there
Was danger then, from a cabinet, succession, is there not much more now,
when a coalition has been witnessed by means of which, the secretary of
state first made the president, and tbe latter Ihen made the secretary and
placed him in tbe line of « safe precedents,"' and *' next in succession to, the
presidency." An effort is now making throughout the Union, to put an end to this dan
gerous practice, this cabinet succession, by electing a popular candidate,,
who is not a member of the cabinet.- But if it fail — if the influence ofthe
government ia sufficient to oppose the will of, tbe people, this safe precedent
will again prevail, and Mr. Clay, the " next in succession," will, be presi
dent after Mr Adams. And if an opposition to this cabinet (Succes
sion, to, the influence of the government, cannot be. successfully
'mad.e wh" sueb, a ' mail -at- General Jackson, with his distinguished
ojibfic services, acknowledged nu'riolisai and e"xt'en'sive \Mft"6,onar pofmrarity,

10
... . ¦ ¦ f„ „(iimt.t It hereafter. The people may as well sujren-
% X rTebl ^eleCingTe president at once.'anS acquiesce in a " safe
deJ£Jffi whirl! estabfisbes a line of succession Id the throne.
vHs^c^-^^i^aom huher,° nr8ed on y<?up at w an-
-fcirh ^beHeve to possess great weight, have no connection, with the on-
Sn and co„duc?of thPe present adminfstr'a.iort, nor with the services, char-
?«?•£ and I ntt»lificirtions Of the rival candidates, for the chief magistracy .-
We think there are sufficient reasons founded entirely in tbe support of prin
ciples essential to the freedom of election— the preservation of the spirit
ami substance of the constitution, and to the restriction of executive intlu
ence, which imperiously oppose lhe re-election of the present incumbent.
Bilt we must beseech your indulgence, whilst we briefly examine tbe inter
esting topics above alluded to. The present is an important crisis, and can
hardly fail of marking an era in our civil hstory. The spirit of the nation
is roflsed, great excitement prevails throughout the union, the pres9 teems
with politiiJal discussions, the public mind is agitated, and with many, appre
hensions prevail tor the safety of the constitution, and the liberties of_ the
people. Where afe we to look for the cause of these disorders ? Is it jn
th6 depravity of public opinion ? Np one has dared to assert this. Is it iu
the licentiousness df the press ? this doubtless has increased the evil, bat it
cannot be tbe source df it, as that has always been as much exposed to a-
buses as it Is at present. Where then shall we look for lhe causes of these
peculiar excitements ? The friends of the administration attempt to account
for them, as beiog tbe effsct of a powerful combination, formed against tbe
executive administration forfactious purposes. If this is correct, then it foi-
¦ / ._*_ jI^_j .  ._ _ J_ ¦:..<.,„» Im,. <>nn V.1%. nnopftiPAirrt hir un 1 1 n 1 1 r>l ) I J- 1 n 1 1 • r) nnmhl.

should witness." Tb declare that an administration, so conducting itself,
can be written down by falsehood and defamation, is to attack the founda
tions of our political system ; is to declare that the people have not suffi
cient intelligence or integrity for self government. But docs our civil his
tory wam»nt this sweeping assertion ? Was there not a poweiful com
bination, agailist the administration of Air. Jefferson ? but it was not
written dowh. He says he deemed il " riot uninteresting to the world, that
the experiment should be fairly atid fully made, whether a government
conducting itself in the true spirit of the constitution, with zeal and purity,
and doing no act which it would be unwilling the Whole world should wit
ness, can be Written down by falsehood and defamation. The experiment*
has been tried, you have witnessed the scene, our fellow citizens have look
ed on cool had collected, they saw the latent source from which the outra
ges proceeded, they gathered round their public functionaries, and when the
constitution called them to the decision, by their suffrage they pronounced
their verdict honorable to those who had served them, and consolatory to
the friend of man who believes he may be entrusted with his own affairs."
Sifdn'was the result of one combination fo write dowh an administration
, conducting itself in the true Spirit of lhe constitution. The attempt to write
down the administration of Mr. Madison, although favored by war and na
tional calamities, Was equally unsuccessful. To maintain that the people
can be sp deceived as to oppose an administration which is as " pure aS an
gels," and without any legitimate cause or object, is a libel on the intelli
gence and 'good sense of the nation.
We thUst look to Other reasons for the opposition to the present adminis>
(ration than a combination against it. The people, or a majority of them be
lieve that theire was sbmeHhing wrong in the presi&entiai election, that it was
an outrage on their rights. This opinion is not perhaps with many, the re
sult of a minute examination into the facts; but it is a conclusion drawn
frorii the very nature a'bd complexion 6? the case,'and all tie publications of
all the presses " by authority" in the Union, aided by ali the patronage and
influence of the government, cannot remove this opinion.
This transaction has been s'o Pfteh and so'fulty 'investigated, that We da
not intend to go into an examination of it. Wc "have no doubt ofthe cor
ruption of the parties— 'the proof is irresistahle. If there was a doubt before,
the letter of Mr. Oay'lb'MriBlair, recently disclosed by Amos Kendall, has
removed [that dclubt, dud frVvittetfthe charge df lb* «ltor*ain,' try dirtsot and
pbfirWe proof, TOtoVhrs own tond. Th/tRfe letter. -daM the 'Sth ot Jen

11
1825, Mr. CJay writes as foilows .• "A friend of Mr. Adams comes ta me with
tears in his eyes, and says; sir, Mr. Adams has always had the greatest re
spect tor you, and lhe highest admiration of your talents. There is no station
to which you are not equal. Y»u were undoubtedly the second choke of Aew-
Kngland ; and I pray you to consider whether the public good, and yook
future interest, do 7101 distinctly point to you the course which you ought to
,punue." This language, however cautious and guarded, cannot be misunder
stood ; it will admit of but one interpretation. A friend of Mr. Adams calls
on Mr. Clay in distress, and tells hia, that it is obviously for his future in
terest to support the election of Mr. Adams; and to satisfy Mr. Clay of this,
he stales two facts— the first is, that Mr. Adams has the greatest respect for
Mr. Clay, the highest admiration of his talents, and considers him fit far any
station. What is Mr. Clay to understand by this ? Is it not that, if Mr. Ad-

olimj f
stated by this friend of Mr. Adams, to convince Mr. Clay, that it would be
for bis " future interest" to vote for Mr. Adams is, that he, Mr. Clay, was
" undoubtedly the second choice of New-England." Why was this fact
suggested to Mr. Clay ? it had no connection with the election' about to
take place ; nor even with " how the cabinet was to be filled." The an
swer is obvious. It was to induce Mr. Clay to believe, that he then stood
high in the public estimation, in New-England, aud that by uniting with Mr.
Adan.s and bis friends, he might rely on the support of New-England, as the
successor of Mr. Adams. It is clear, therefore, tnat the " bargain" was more
extensive than has generally been supposed ; the proposition by this triend
of Mr. Adams, lo Mr. Clay, was not only that he should have " any station''
he might desire, but he was assured of the support of New-England, as the
successor of Mr. Adams. Tljis was the proposition ;— let us see whether it
was ncceeded lo. Mr. Clay farther says to his friend Blair : "My friends en
tertain the belief, that their kind wishes towards me, will in lhe end be more
likely to be accomplished by so bestowing their votes." The first extract
from this letter, contains what Mr. Clay himself says, was tbe proposition,
coming from a friend of Mr. Adams, andthis extract'shews the light in which
this proposal was received by Mr Clay and h is friends. He says,' they
acceded to the proposal; they thought " their kind wishes towards him
would be best accomplished by so bestowing their voles -." that is, by vo
ting for Mr. Adams. Mr. Clay then informs Mr. Blair, that Mr. White, the
representative in congre*s3- from his district, " is inclined to concur with -us,
in these sentiments ;" but requests him to write to him, to " strengthen his
inclinations." Here Mr. Clay admits, that he and some of his friends had
" concurred" in the proposal, and the object of this letter was to have Mr.
Slair persuade Mr. White to concur also, so as to obtain a majority of the
delegation of Kentucky. In this confidential letter, we have aTuH develope,
and direct and irrefragable proof of the" bargain," from wiieh Mr. Clay
can no more escape, than he can escape from his own conscience.
But, after all that bas been disclosed, after this letter from Mr. Clay
expressly unfolding tbe terms and lhe consideration of the contract, if there
are any who still doubt the existence of an actual "bargain" between Mr.
Adams and Mr. Clay, must not even such admit, that the circumstances of
the election were calculated to excite distrust or its fairness, and tp occa
sion strong suspicions in the minds of a people jealous of their rights. And
was not this known to the guilty parties to this unprincipled contract ? It
is clear that it was, for Mr. Kremer's letter was published before the
election took place, and the indignant and impious card, which that letter
brought out frpm Mr. day, evipced ids sense ofthe light in which his condftct
would be viewed. The parties, if not actually corrupt, voluntarily and with
their eyes open, placed themselves in a situation, which they knew would
expose them to tlie suspicion of corrupt practices, & that, not tor the public
interest, but for their own benefit. Yet after having done this, and received
the reward which followed it. they complain that they are exposed to sus
picions of a want of integrity. There have been instances, where individ
uals entirely innocent, have, by a concurrence of circumstances, been ex
posed td a strong suspicion df committing a crime ; one recently occurred in
in the city of New York ; and where such a case. happens without any fault
dTthe person, it presents the strongest claims to ptfblic sympathy. But if this

'1:

unfortunate man had voluntarily, with a full )'^e^\t\Z^T^t
and with a view to his own benefit, exposed himself to he rtrouw.^ .u-gi
cion of forgery, who would have pitied J^> his ,,. th. m ^-^

lence and famine" on his country, rather than that ibese well founded sus
picions should drive him into private life. _
When our fathers first opposed the oppressive measures of the British min
istry, the great Chatham in parliament made use of the following language.
" I rejoice that the Americans have resisted ; if they had not, two and a
half million of freemen,, reduced to slavery, would be dangerous to Ihe lib
erties of England." And ought not every patriot to rejoice, lhat lhe people
have resisted the first dangerous coalition to controut the election of presi
dent; lhat their jealousy has been roused, at a disregard of the public will.
If they had not, if the people had tamely submitted to such an outrage, we
should diSpair of the republic, i
However much this subject may be controverted, there -are two things
connected with this Election, (oi) apparent to leave room for even a doiibl ;
the first, that there was an aclaxl union or coalition between Mr. Adams and
Mr. Clay and their friends and adherents, and that this controlled the event
of the election — and the second, that tlie known will ot 'the majority of lhe
people, and of the Slates was violated, as well as tbe spirit of the Constitution.
The truth of the latter is evinced not only by the number of Electoral votes
respectively received by Mr. A. and Gen. J., but more fully by the popular
votes given for the electors. The following brief statement will demon
strate this. In the states of Main, Massachusetts,! Rhode Island, Connecti
cut, New-Hampshire, Virginia, New Jersey, Pennsylvania, North Carolina
and Maryland, in all of which the Electors were chosen by the people, Mr.
Adams received 83,767 votes, and General Jackson received 84,884 — Mr.
Crawford 44,975, and Mr. Clay 2,081. In the Slates of Ohio,Kentucky, Ala
bama, Indiana, Tennessee, Mississippi, Illinois and Missouri, the votes were
for Mr Adams 21,555, for General Jackson 68,067, Mr. Clay, 43,867, Mr.
Crawford 2,339. These numbers are taken from returns published ir. lhe
newspapers at the lime. They give to Mr, Adams an aggregate num
ber of popular votes of 105,332, and lo General Jacksou 152,951, making
Jackson's majority over Mr. Adams 47,629 and over Mr. Adams and Clay
both, nearly 1000. In addition to these facis, it was notorious, that In the
states of Kentucky, Ohio, Missouri and Illinois, which voted in Congress for
Mr, Adams, General Jackson was lhe second choice ofthe people. Mr. Clay
excepting in Illinois, having been the first. It is clear therefore, that the
will of the people was flagrantly disregarded in the election of Mr. Adams,
audit is equally evident that this was effected by a coalition between him
, and Henry Clay, for Iheir mutual aggrandizement. That there was a union
of their Influence and friends, has not been denied ; this union still contin
ues, and to deny its existence, would be as absurd as to deny that the sun
shines at noon day. It is this union which brought the administration into
power, and His this compact which now sustains it. What support would
Mr. Adams now receive in Kentucky was it not for his co-partnership with
Mr. Clay. He did not receive a vote there at the last election ; he bad no
parly there, was the lowest of all the candidates, and was parlicularly de
nounced by Mr. Clay and his friends, as lhe ' heir apparent,' the enemy of'
the west and the Federal Candidate. It is clear that Mr. Adams of himself,
could expect no support whatever in Kentucky, and that tbe votes which
that state may give to him, will in reality be bestowed on Henry Clav 
This was equally true of the votes cf that state in Congress, and Mr. While
and several others of its delegation had the candor to admit, that in voting
for Mr. Adams they considered they were voting for Henry Clay  and ill
Ohio and in several ofthe other Western Stales, the friends of Mr. Clay uni
ted with the small parly originally in favor of Mr. Adams, constitute the
administration party.
Yet in the face of these living facts, the coalition, between the president
and secretary of slate, is denied, If these facts are not proof of a coalitioa
—if a union of their respective friends and influence for their mutual bene
fit.; for the election of Mr: Adams as president, and to secure lo Mr ClaV

13
the office of secretary of slate, and continue him in the lino of sale prece
dents as cabinet successor — if tlieir common exertions, in a common causa
are not proof ofa coalition, ol a complete politicalcO-parlnership, we know
Pot what could be. Does Mr. Adams fill the presidential chair' By no
means ; like the throne of the Caasars, it is filled by two executive chiefs,
Adams and Clay. It is a joint ruign, wilh the right of succession in the lat
ter, for what is the great struggle, now going on in Kentucky ? Is it for
IMr. Adams ? nothing can be further from Inn truth; tlie'f rienda of the admin
istration do not even pretend this ; they admit (hat .they are supporting Mr.
"Clay. But how can they be supporting Mr. Clay, unless there is a political
co-partnership between him and Mr. Adams, which secures lo him at leas',
an equdl share of the company property. Legally, the secretary holds his
office during lhe pleasure of the president ; he can be removed at any time ;
why then should the friends of Clay feel so much infeiest in supporting this
administration, when they admit they care nothing for Mr. Adams ? It is
because they know that Clay is the largest stockholder in the administra
tion, by original purchase ; that he has a deeper inteiest in it, than Mr. Ad
ams, as he is sure of the office of secretary of slate, and nearly certain of
being president, after Mr. A. if the adminisliation party succeed Does any
one suppose, that Mr. Adams dare remove Mr. Clay ? It would be an act
of political-suicide ! It would be a dissolution of the partnership, and imme
diately overthrow the administration. To deny the existence of this coali
tion, is to reject the evidence ofthe senses; is to deny that Mr. A. is presi
des, 'and Mr. Clay secretary of state. As well, and wilh as much truth
might it be denied, when two persons had put all their property into joint
slock in trade, and were carrying on business for their common benefit,
'each giving bis. whole attention fo the joint concern, that there was a part
nership between them. The cases are precisely parallel- It is a political
co-partnership ; each of tbe contracting parties, has put in his whole capital.
Mr. Adams the East, and Mr. Clay the West. If the administration party
succeed, Mr. Adams will not be eleVted president ; but it will be an election
of the firm of adams and clay ; in every respect, except merely as to the
forms of the constitution, Mr. Clay will be as much elected as Mr. Adams. —
Let the friends of Mr. Adams, therefore in this state, remember, that in
voting for hiui they also vote for Henry Clay, not only us his successor, but
as his associate and partner in the office during the term.
: Such are the terms, on which Mr, Adams consented to become president.
He knew thathe could not obtain it, without the aid of Mr. Clay, and lhat
he could not retain it, without his assistance ; it is therefore a joint trust. —
If the people of the West, in supporting the administration, consider that
they are virtually voting for Mr- Clay, let not New-England be unmindful,
that in aiding '.he re-election of Mt. Adams, Ihey are assisting to place
their destinies in the hands ofa man who impiously invokes "war, pestilenc
and famine" on his country, as a lesser evil than the loss of his election —
Ihe man who deliberately plotted the destruction of Mr. Adams, and who
has caused more slanders to be published against him, and for some of
which he bas paid the expense himself, than all that have emanated from
the presses in opposition lo this administration.
What high-minded and honorable man, would have accepted the execu
tive trust, on these conditions ? To be indebted for it, to a personal and po
litical enemy, a man who, in " open day and secret night" had attempted
to blast his reputation ! There bas been but one other instance of an elec
tion by the House of Representatives, and bow different was the conduct of
the successful candidate, on lhat memorable occasion. Mr. Bayard, who
held then, as Messrs. Cook and Scott did now, the vote of a state in bis
bands, having voled thirty six times for Aaron Burr, wrote to Mr. Jeffer
son, stating lhat if he would Satisfy bim on certain specified points, as to
what bis administration would be, .the presidential contest would be ended
in one hour. These points had nothing to do with the question ; ' how lhe
cabinet was to be filled,' but related to principles. The reply was worthy
of its author, and oi the occasion. It was, that he would enter the presi
dential chair, untrammelled, free from all stipulations or compromises — or
remain a private citizen. When the great Chatham, .was opposed in Ihe
ministry, and out voled on his proposition for a declaration of war against
Spain, he declared, he would not be responsible for measures he could not
direct, and immediately resigned. How different is the conduct of Mr. Ad-

14
ams He sou«hfa post which he could not obtain, and which he cannot
preserve without the aid of an enemy and rival, and consents to be respon
sible for measures which he does not direct. It is notorious, that most of
the measures of the administration are Mr. Clay's, and that he disposes of
all (he appointments; and hence it is, lhat New England is so entirely neg
lected, and that the friends of the secretary in (he west, have been so am
ply rewarded. Ought such a coalition as this lo be countenanced ? Is it not
directly subversive of the freedom of elections, by opposing the regular ac
tion of the public will ? If this example is suffered to succeed, will it not'
encourage other competitors for the chief magistracy, who like Mr. Clay,
had " rather lose their heads than tlieir election," when they find that they
cannot carry their points singly, to unite their interests, seize upon the gov
ernment, and divide the spoil between Ihem and tlieir adherents? If this can
be done by two chiefs, it may by three or more. We are not stating an ima
ginary case. The commencement of the triumvirates in Rome, was the era
of the subversion of the constitution and the overthrow of (he republic.
What should we expect would,, be the conduct and spirit of such an ad
ministration ? Precisely what has been witnessed ; and what as naturally
flows from the origin and character of it, as any results follow their known
causes. The situation of the two executive chiefs, is similar lo lhat of ah

this was done by taking off by poison the legal heir, and his adherents by
civil war and the scaffold ; but in modern times, acts of seltloment,' declara
tions and sham elections a-re resorted to, to prop up a defective title. The
patronage of tbe government and the funds of the nation, are used without
restraint to make partisans and buy up " golden opinions," whilst the inter
ests of the nation are neglected, or treated as a subordinate concern.
This is no bad description of the conduct and spirit of the present admin
istration. It must lie admitted by its frie/ids, that if not in fault, it has been
extremely unfortunate. What bas it done within the scope of its legitimate
objects? By what measure, or what leading policy, is it distinguished ? —
Where are its merits to be found? Is it in the internal administration, or
the conducting of our foreign relations ? As to the first, there is no meas
ure, and no important law, which can be claimed by the executive admin
istration. The tariff, be il good or bad, cannot be, for it was not recommen
ded by the president. Mr. Adams is said by his eulogists to be a practiced
statesman, and a great diplomatist; this may be, but it is undeniable, that
such egregious neglect and blunders in our foreign negotiations, never oc
curred before, during any administration. There was no difficulty on this
subject; our relations were friendly with all powers, and our curameicc,
uninterrupted, when Mr. Adams took the helm ot affairs. There were no
Wars in Europe, no questions as to neutral rights, no collisions with billiger-
ents which had embarrassed former administrations. What now is our situ
ation ? we have lost the trade with the British and French West India Islands
and become invotved in serious difficulties with the Emperor of Brazil.
The loss of the British West India Trade, worth five millions annually,
and principally to the eastern states, was the result of Ihe greatest negli
gence and folly imaginable. During several years of negotiation, the Brit
ish government had repeatedly proposed the terms, and the only terms on
which thpy would permit us to trade with their West India Colonies. 
These terms, our government did not accede to. Afler waiting some time
tor the renewal of the negotiation, which bad been promised on our |rart, an
act of Parliament was passed, offering tbe trade on the same terms, but pro-
viding that those nations who should not comply with Chosn terms, softs tp
bring themselves within tbe act, within a specified time, should be denied
all commercial intercourse with these colonies. In this stage of the busi
ness Gen. Smith, a member of the Senate, from Maryland, a very intelligent
man in commercial concerns, introduced a bill to meet tbe provisions of the
British act of parliament, and secure tue West India Trade.
This bill was opposed by the administration members, who then were
a majority, bn the suggestion of the cabinet, on the ground that the
president preferred to arrange the matter by negotiation.— The bill was lost,
and the subject neglected ; for some time, we had no Minister in England ;
at length "Mr. Rtifus King was appointed, and sent put, tpUhmtt tnsttiictwnsj

and no steps were taken by our government ; the time was suffered to es-
pin.', the act of the parliament to go into operation against us, and the co
lonial trade to be lost. That it was an object lo have secured the trade on
the terms offered, Ihe administration have admitted, for after it was loo
late, they sent out Mr. Gallatin with instructions to open the negotiation on
the precise terms the British had offered, first by negotiation andlben by act
of parliament. In our difficulties wilh Brazil, the government have shown
about the same attention and wisdom. Our vessels were captured— our
flag insulted, and our seamen imprisoned, under the most flirasey pretences.
Mr. Raguet our Charge de' Affairs, remonstrated repeatedly, and at length
their outrages became so great, he withdrew from the government. The
president, and secretary pf state, instead of acting with the spirit which
the occasion required, attacked Mr. Raguet, justified (be Brazilian govern
ment, and appointed another agent. The consequence of such lameness,
and spiritless conduct, was to encourage a repetition of outrage ; and tbe
administration were compelled at last, to send out a naval force to protect
our commerce.
Our diplomatic cabinet, have likewise displayed great fore-sight and wis
dom, in conducting our relations with the Spanish republics in tbe South.—
-ThCy sent out Mr. Sargebnt to a Congress at Panama, Tacubaya, or some
where else, which he could not find ; and this they insisted on doing, with
out the concurrence of congress ; although its object, was political, and not
commercial, and was wholly at war with the established policy of this
country, to maintain no other than commercial relations with any for
eign povirer. But as the ambassador could notUnd the oongress, no eu-
t angling alliances were formed, and no other evil resulted from the mission,
than an expense of about #30,000, and Mr. Sargeant returned fo Philadel
phia in season to canvass for member of congress, and was elected. Mr.
Rochester who Was appointed secretary of legation to this unknown mission,
remained at home about one year after his appointment, receiving pay at
the rate of #4,500 per annum ; and during this period he was set up by the
administration, for governor of the state of New-York, but failed. — Since
then, be has been despatched as charge. de'affalrs to Guatemala, but was as
unsuccessful as he and Mr. Sargeant were before ; he could not find the des
tination of his mission, or found it in such a state, that he could nut stay. —
He accordingly returned, having for these important diplomatic services,
received about #a),000 of the people's money. This however was not lost;
much of it undoubtedly, has been spent in electioneering for tbe adminis
tration, which was the principal object of these important- missions.
Such has been the successful results of the diplomatic concerns ofthe ad
ministration. What is tbe cause of these disgraceful failures, and the entire neglect of
the interests of the people at home and abroad ? It is apparent. Messrs.
Adams and Clay have been taking care of their own concerns. They have
been settling up the claims growing out of the bargain, and attemptiug to '
secure themselves in their situation. Mr. Clay has been travelling long atra
slow journies for his health, and electioneering for his conscience ; making
barbecue-dinner speeches, and writing pamphlets. He has had to pay for
services performed, and to purchase others ; to reward old partisans and
buy up new ones. He has had to defend himself against a ' responsible
accuser'— io brand that accuser as a ' military chieftain,' and to visit eve
ry town aud hamlet in tbe union, to warn his countrymen against the dan
gers of military rule, and the enthusiasm for mere military renown. In ad
dition to all this, he has had to attend to his ptayets. He has invoked
" war, pestilence and famine" upon his country. In fine, the firm have
had to carry on an offensive and defensive war. They have had to hire
partisan troops, to reward and stimulate their friends, and to assail their en
emies— and all this has been done " with an eye to the strictest eeowdrfly."
They have not, it is true, attempted to remove by poison or assassination,
the man whom they know has tbe-legitimatetiflb lo the' power they possess.
They have not attempted to murder General Jackson, but they have at
tempted to muraerWs rephtaitod, -which is nearly the same thing, these
operations have required time, talents and attention, They have required
tWothftrgs more— funds and the utmost stretch of exectitjv'e patronage and
fttflttelrce. ¦

IU
Notwithstanding this administration, as we have already observed, is
marked by no important measure, and hy no leading policy ns it respects
the legitimate objects of government, still it will he long distinguished. It
will he known as the electioneering cabinet, and the first administration
which has introduced a genera! system of corruption ; nnd Henry Clay will
attain to the honor. of being called ithe Walpole of America, who reduced
to practice the maxim that " every man has his price." To accomplish
these purposes, one ofthe first objects to which the executive influence
was directed, was the press. It was natural that an administration, sensible
(hat it did not enjoy (lis confidence of the nation, and conscious of Hie cor
ruption of its origin, should dread Ihe influence of a free and independent
press. They seemed from the outset, to have been sensible, (hat unless the
press could be overawed or corrupted, they could not sustain themselves in
power. Hence, for Ibis purpose, the most unprecedented efforts have beea
made by the utmost stretch of executive patronage, which, even the laws
could not restrain. This work has been entrusted to Mr Clay, who, acting
on the sentiment ' that he had rather lose his head than his election,' and
that " war, pestilence and famine" would be a blessing, compared to a de
feat, began by declnring that he would have no neulrals. The printing of
the laws was taken from the oldest and most respectable papers in the un
ion, because they could not conscientiously afford an active support to the
administration, although they did not then oppose it, and was bestowed
upon some of the most abandoned and profligate papers in the country. Not
satisfied with the patronage whjch the publication ofthe laws gives to the .
secretary of slate, which authorises him to designate seventy-two papers
for this purpose, ingenuity has been tortured, to devise other means to re
ward the past, and stimulate the future zeal of the presses, devoted to the
coalition. The patronage at the seat of government, always great, has been
so amplified, ns to subsidise the whole editorial corps at the metropolis,
wilh one exception. As an illustration of the extent of this patronage, and
the expense attending it, we will mention one item only. The publication
of a notice to the exiles of St. Domingo, of the convention between the
government of that island and the government of France, was attended
wilh an expense of more than four thousand dollars, bestowed upon presses,
every one of which is the most servile and devoted instrument ofthe coali
tion. It is a mistake to suppose that the principal object of the administration,
in buying up presses, has been to defend its measures, and repel the assaults
made upon it. If this had been the main object, their conduct would have
been less flagitious than it is ; but it was far different. They wished to or
ganise an editorial corps of mercenaries to wage offensive war against
Gen. Jackson and his friends. Like an able commRnder, Mr. Clay has at— •
tempted to ' carry tbe war into Africa,' and to assail the enemy in his own
camp." The word has been given and the attack made, with a malignity, vi-
olence and recklessness of truth, whieh has astonished reflecting men of
b&'th parties. The vocabulary of billingsgate has been exhausted, to find
epithets of reproach, adapted to characterize a military chieftain. He has
been compared to Marius, Sylla, Cromwell and Bonaparte. He has been
stigmatized as a military tyrant, a contemner of the laws, n violator of the
liberties of his fellow citizens — charged with raising the military above the
civil authority, in time of peace — with cruelty and bloodshed, with wanton
massacres, With putting prisoners to death in cold blood, with imprisoning
judges and dispersing the legislature of a state at the point of the bayonet,
without cause. And to cap the climax of his bloody deeds, he has been
charged with a crime almost too horrible lo name .-—with the wilful and de
liberate murder of his fellow-citizens. The verv fountains of calumny have
been broken up, and their pestiferous streams diverted over tbe land, not to
fertilize, but lo blight unto death every germ of truth which had sprung up
in the soil of the public mind. Not contented wilh so foully slandering
his public services and character, his private vi'rtues, his fire.side, and his
domestic relations' have afforded no sanctuary against a malevolence which
would rest satisfied with nothing short of bis life, [s there an American
whose blood does not boil at the bare recital of these atrocious calumnies, ?
'This is but a faint picture of the alarming effects nf executive influence in
fcorruptiug the press. Will it'Ije said that the admlnistrafioo is, not resfljys-

17
sjble, for these slanders ? They have been suggested aud propagated by the
very papers which are'the organs of the government, which print " by au-
The patronage and funds of the nation have not only been brought into
requisition, to corrupt and control the press, but to buy up and reward
partisans, aud thus corrupt public opinion. For ibis purpose, executive in
fluence has been carried to an extent hitherto unknown in (his country,
And which is truly alarming. Mr. Clay is said lo have remarked to Gene
ral Floyd, " Give me patronage and I will make myself popular." Wheth
er he has expressed this sentiment or not, it is certain he has acted on it.
To examine particular cases, would greatly exceed our limits ; but we can
not forbear referring to one of the most daring— that ofthe unfortunate
Daniel P. Cook. Mr Cook had given the vote of Illinois against the will
of his constituents, and in consequence, lost bis election. Broken hearted
and wasting in health and spirits, he applied for his reward. He asked for
the mission to Colombia, but that was pledged to a friend of Mr. Clay.
In this dilemma, Mr. Cook is offered and accepts a secret agency to the isl
and of Cuba, nlthough ignorant ofthe Spanish Unguage, and too much
impaired in his health to discharge any active duties. Taking with him a
list ofe instructions from Mr. Clay, which would have required a well and
active man a year to have fulfilled, he sails from New York the last of
April, and arrives home the last of May, or first of June, having slopped at
Cuba on his voyage. Foi this service, Mr Cook had advanced to him fif
teen hundred dollars, and Mr. Clay says his account is not yet se'll -d If
any thing could add to the extraordinary nature of this transucti n, it
would be the manner of its disclosure. The committee on retrenchment
wrote to VIr. Clay, slating that they were informed lhat there had been a
secret agency to Cuba, and requesting information on the1 subject, He re
plied, that he would neither deny nor admit their statement ; but added, that
if the committee would consent to receive a confidential communication,
he was authorised by the president to say lhat one should be furnished. In
what light does this exhibit the president and secretary, shrinking with
conscious guilt from the scrntiny of the representatives of the people, and
attempting to cover their conduct, under a confidential communication ?
There can be no stronger evidence of the extraordinary and unwarranta
ble nature of this transaction,' than is furnished by the administration them
selves. The whole proceeding was kept a profound secret, and no record
made of lhe mission, or of the disbursements attending it, according to the
usual course of business We need not enquire, what services this secret
agent performed !— what benefit he rendered his country ; but we ask
whether the conduct of the government in throwing the mantle of seoresy
and darkness over the transaction, and in attempting to stifle it in the breasts
of tbe committee by a confidential communication, is not conclusive evi
dence that they knew it would not bear the light ? That they were sensible
it vvas only a mode of rewarding Mr. Cook for bis presidential vote, and
that upon its verv face it bore the stamp of corruption ? 
The cases of John H. Plea=ants, John A. King, William B. Rochester,
Thomas L. McKenney, George Watkins, atid numerous others, are of a sim
ilar character. Some idea of the extent and alarming nature of this moni-
ed influence ofthe government, may be formed from the fact, that in the
department of state alone, nearly one hundred thousand dollars are yearly
expended at the discretion of the secretary of state and that secretary
Henry Clay, whose maxim is " give me patronage and I wi» make myselt
Donular " What use would a man make of such a fund, who acts on the
principle ' that he had rather lose his head thafi his election ?
The sum of five thousand two hundred and fifty-eight dollars paid John
\ King, for his services as charge d' affairs, for sixty-two days, is not only
enormous in amount, but directly in violation of law The act of Congress
of 1810 fixes the salary of charge d'affairs, at four thousand five hundred
dollars, and an ou-fit not exceeding that amount, on his going from the Vnt-i
tdStates. But the same act provides, that to entitle a» person to that
compensation, he must be appointed by the President.^ w^h the consent of
the senate. But Mr King was not appointed by the president, charge d af
fafrs? he was only namedfby his father. There were twe objections to his
iaceivibgihis monqr, the fiiit that hedid not 'iojro* Uke United SWCbat
svas in Ingland, as secretarjrof legation when appointed,) which, the law

18
demands, te entitle him to the outfit of four thousand. 6v3 hundred dotars
that was paid him ; and secondly, he was not appointed bg the president,
whiph the act requires, to have entitled him to either an outfit or compensa
tion as charge des affairs. On both of these grounds the payment wbs ob
viously illegal ; the case is too clear to admit even of a doubt.
Mr. M'Kenney, whilst receiving 1700 dollars per annum, as a clerk in tbe
Indian sub-department, in 1827, was sent on a tour to the Indians at Green
Bay, and from thence, went to St. Louis, and returned through Mississippi,
Alabama and Georgia, to Washington. He charged eight dollars per day,
and eight dollars for every twenty mile*, for bis expences, including a jour
ney from Green Bay, by the direct route back to Washington, which he did
not make. This, in imitation of Mr. Adams, was a constructive journey. —
During this time, he was receiving his salary as clerk.
The effect of these monied electioneering operations, is evinced in the
national expenditures. According to a statement of the Hon. Jt. S. Barbour,
a distitjuished member of Congress, the expenditures of tbe three last
years of Mr. Monroe's administration and lhe three first of Mr. Adams'
were as follows : — ,
Mr. Monroe's administration - - - #24,822,459
Mr. Adams' administration, ... - 33,607,767
Difference,. #8,685,308
Thus it appears, that (be expenses of tbe government have increased un
der (his economical administration, more than eight and a half million of
dollars. The expenses of messengers for bearing despatches, are, for the
three last years of Mr. Monroe's administration, #6,827; for the three first
of Mr. Adams', #18,886, being an increase of more than twelve thousand
dollars, or, of nearly three to one.
We need not inquire what are the constitutional principles of an admin
istration which came into power by a flagrant violation of the spirit and
substance of our national charter. The constitution in their hands is hut a
rope of wax ; to-day it is stretched, to-morrow relaxed ; at one time, they
are, or pretend to be, the advocates of a strict construction, then of impli
ed powers, and the most latitudenarian principles; the constitution is warp
ed to suit their selfish and ambitious purposes, and if not rescued from their
hands, little more than its form will remain.
Here we might stop, having gone through wilh the argument so far as is
materia!, to form a verdict on the great question now pending, whether this
administration it deserving of public, confidence. And let it not be forgotten,
thai this is the true ground of the present controversy. The advocates of
Messrs. Adams and Clay, however, have, with much dexterity, attempted
to divert the attention of the public, frpm the real question, to a false issue.
respecting the relative qualifications of Mr. Adams and General Jackson. —
Supposing it was admitted, that Gen. Jackson's qualifications were not sui
table for president, would that prove that this administration was deserving'
of support ? Or, suppose the country was to be visited with so great a ca
lamity as bis death, would that restore Messrs, Adams and Clay, to the pub
lic confidence ? They wish to have the contest considered as between them
and Gen. Jackson ; but tbe public do not so regard it ; it is a controversy
between them and the people, whose rights they have violated) whose con
fidence they have abused, and whose interests they have betrayed. Gen.
Jackson is not a party to the contest, he is only an "instrument io the bands
of the people.
We do not fear, however, to meet them pp (heir own ground, and to have
the decision turn on the question, which of the two candidates is the safest
depository of power in a tree state ? The partisans of !flr. Adams represent
him as possessed of 'transcendent talents, profound learning, and great ex
perience ; as a deep and wise politician, and the first statesman pf the age,
if not, the first America has. ever produced: They ajsp talk of his long and
distinguished pubMp services, and the- patrwtiq devotion of p whpie life to
the interests ot hiicountry. But what faets, do they offer in support °f these
extravagant pretensions ! We have long and anxiously Iflokecl for them,
out have never been able to discover any. Tha reputation of Mr,. Adams
ii one of those mysterious things, which sometimes occur ; no one ca» tell
«om whence it sprung, or of what it^pxisjsts. We,kno*r of no Way of ac-
ewmtrng for it, unless it is, by referent* to the practice of those " liiffcessful
Ik

auain " '' S' tK P°Pu,wi!' *nd power, which » no vulgar democrat can
„„,': j/i?1,™- Adam3 has 'earning, we admit 5 that he has talents of a
certain description, we are not disposed to deny; that he has had experi-
m»„ ' Vk . in0t conlrovelt J b«t that he is a wise man, or a profound states-
™»r possesses a sound judgment, or even an eminent portion of
common sense ; that he is a good judge of human nature, has a just estimate
01 mankind, or is well acquainted with the practical and common concerns

ioibi disseut. Never, perhaps, was there a greater popular delusion, than
that resneclin? thfi rharn.-lun „*A „.>l... _r.¥..u_ n..:l  . j  .

that respecting the character and services of John Quincy Adams. A man
may be learned, and possess superior talents of a certain kind ; and not be
a great statesman, nor a wise man, and much less an honest man. There
are numerous examples of this. Mr. Addison has left the brightest Dame in
JMiglisu literature ; yet he could not discharge the duties of under secretary
ot state, and was obliged to resign, for incapacity.
No one deserves the reputation of a profound statesman, unless he has
performed great actions or developed wise plans of government, deep and
just views of national policy, or important measures for securing the rights
and promoting the interests of his country. What plans, what measures,
or even what laws, having an important influence on the institutions, tho
liberties, or the interests of this country, has Mr. Adams originated ?— we
know of none ; his friends can refer to none ; we have looked inlo hiB ad
ministration, and do not find them there. What great actions has he per
formed? when was be distinguished in debate ? what important measure
owes its success to bis support > He has no claims to the reputation of a
great statesman. Where are we to look for his wisdom as a man, or even
superior common sense ? Is it in his letter on etiquette, his ''fustian" ora
tion, or his Ebony and Topaz toast ? These and other instances that might
be named, show a want of good sense.
We will now briefly examine the public services and political character
of Mr. Adams, as these are most essential to the Objects of our inquiries. -He
was brought up at the feet of Gamaliel, and educated in part at the public
expense : il was natural, perhaps creditable to him, that he should adopt the
principles of his father. This however, he and his friends deny ; they would
it seems, have it believed, that he wan secretly opposed to his father's ad
ministration. What truth there is in this pretension, we shall soon see ; and
whether, if true, it would do more credit to his principles than dishonour to
his heart, we leave for his friends to determine.
lhe first developement of the principles of Joh a Q. Adams will determine
whether, as his friends now say, ' he was educated in the school of Jefferson,
Ihe patriarch and founder of the republican party.' The first effort of his
pen was a series of numbers in reply to a popular political work, called the
" Rights of Map." In these numbers, signed Publicola, he advances
opinions utterly at war With the principles of popular government, and
our free institutions. He defends the game laws of England, as just and
necessary, which even ixiauy Pf the nobility in that country do not de
fend ; arid he maintains, that lhe people di England have no right whatever,
to alter, amend, or improve the/ir constitution for their own benefit. "The
people of England" be says, "have delegated their whole power to tbe Sing,
Lords, and Commons, even the power Of altering the constitution itself.;"
and insists, that "ail power ought to be delegated fpr their benefit." In those
essays he treats" Mr. Jefferson with great disrespect ; and alludes to him as
tho " Islam ot democracy."
Such were the sentiments which this ydu&g- democratic champion, as be
now ciainis tp have been, was publishing in the newspapers of tne day, ond
_.. _^-.,_t.l-. .  _„ I  , *„ ,1... ..:».,... A^iJl fUUHlh, ,,fUS. Fatl.am lira* Iia taifl

at this age of aliout twenty sttMj'n'n waa tfans'rafed from a young attorney
without business, into a foreign minister. TBiS is the commencement of
his; important public services. He was resident minister in the Netherlands
three years, and iM u&ihing. From tuonce he was removed to the court
of Berlin, where h« rahayVed the treaty between that power and the United
(States, first negotiated by franklin i*d^|effersnn ; bnt at his particular re-

'Vilest, the important article which disavowed the lawfulness of privateer
in n urn o war, was left out, which frustrated the humane purposes of
Frill „ and Jrfferson., This constitutes the whole ot„*\™™*V"*
this mission, except writing his "Letters on Silesia," which the London
Quarterly Review, a ministerial publication, says, evince "feelings towards
his native country, which more resemble lhe loyal acquiescence ot a suo-.
iect, than the personal interest and ardour of a republican. On his return
from Europe; in 1802, he, was immediately taken up by the federalists as a
candidate for congress in opposition to Doctor Eustis, but he did not suc
ceed. The next year he was elected a member of- the senate of Massachu
setts, which Was the first, and, only office he ever received from the hands
ofthe people. Both branches ot the legislature were al this time federal ;
ana so high did Mr Adams stand in their estimation, that the same year he
was elected into the Senate of the United States with Timothy Pickering.—
Here he voted with the federal minority, on every party question, many of
which were of deep interest, particularly those regarding the Louisiana trealy,
the amendment of the constitution, until April 1806, about the period it was
supposed lhe republicans had gained the ascendancy in Massachusetts, when.
for the first time, he voted with the republican majority. It being ascertained,
however, that the federalists had succeeded in the election, Mr. Adams' at
tachments to his old principles, and friends returned, and. continued with
increased ardour another year, until the complete triumph of the republi
cans in Massachusetts, convinced him that the leading federalists were
traitors to their country.
The next session of congress, no party question arose. Mr. Adams hav
ing returned, in March 1807, presided at a federal caucus, which nominated
Caleb Strong, for governor. From his return from Europe in 1802, to
March 1807, he had not only acted with tbe.federal party at home and in
congress, but was regarded as the leader of the parly in Massachusetts, and
had received the highest office in their gift. At this time, he wrote a poeti
cal effusion in the Monthly Anthology, ridiculing Mr. Jefferson and Joel
Barlow, with chaste and beautiful allusions to " Carter's Mountain"and
" Dusky Sally !" In the face of these public and notorious facts, Mr. Adams
has repeatedly asserted that he was always a republican, friendly to Mr.
Jefferson, and possessed of bis confidence He says, " I never gave a vole
in hostility to the administration. of Mr. Jefferson ; in disregard of republican
principles, or in aversion, to republican patriots." Did the federalists of
Massachusetts, when they voted for Mr. Adams for congress, in opposition
to that republican and revolutionary patriot, tbe late Gov. Eustis, and when
they voted for him for state senator, suppose, that he would support republi
can principles, and republican patriots ? Or did the federal legislature of
that state, when they appointed bim to -, seat in the senate of the United
States, suppose he would " never give a vote in hostility to Mr. Jefferson's
administration !"•
The election in Massachusetts in April', 1807, resulted in the complete
triumph of the republican party. This event appears to have had a marvel
ous and most wonderful operation on the 'illustrious house of Braintree,'
both father and son. It was soon after this, that J. Q Adams is said to have
made the declaration to Mr. Townsend, 'that the only way to overthrow de
mocracy, was to join the party, and to hurry it on to such excesses as would
open the eyes of lhe people, -and lead to a better form of government,' The
effects of the republican triumph in Massachusetts upon the house of Brain
tree, were gradually developed. The session pf congress commenced in
Dec 1807, and on the 18th of that month, Mr. Jefferson recommended the
embargo. Mr. Adams, the federal senator, from the then republican state
of Massachusetts, becomes its most zealous advocate. Ke opposed a post
ponement, and even a delay for one day, and supported its immediate adop
tion by the following language. " The president has recommended tha
measure on his high responsibility ; I would not Consider, I would not de
liberate, I would act. Doubtless the president possesses such further in
formation as will justify the measure."
Such was the newly awakened zeal of Mr. Adams, that it hurried bim. in
to the support of so important and novel a measure, materially affecting the
interests of his own state, without deliberation, and upon the supposition
that the president had sufficient information tojustify it. Many republicans,

however, wished to deliberate, and some opposed it, of whom was
George Clinton and Wm. H- Crawford. This was a most sudden and! mar
vellous conversion to the doctrines ofthe " Islam ot Democracy." After
this open adhesion, Mr. Adams disclosed lo Mr. Jefferson and Mr, Giles, the
reasons of his conduct, which were, that he had. discovered the leading fed
eralists were desperate factionists, and entertained treasonable plans, extend
ing to a dissolution ofthe Union. He claimed to be, actuated entirely by
patriotic motives, and desired no office.
At the next election, in the spring of 1808, Ihe federalists again succeeded
in Massachusetts, and Mr. Lloyd was elected senator in the place of Mr.
Adams. After failing to get re-elected, he resigned his seat in the senate
for the remainder of his term, which was only a part of a year. This is the
immense sacrifice he made by uniting himself with the republicans, for
which he has been rewarded by the most honorable and lucrative appoint
ments in the gift ofthe executive, and, finally, wilh the presidency ; and his
friends now very modestly demand, that, to satisfy his desires', he ought to
be made president another term. i
In the course of the year, the republicans were desirous of setting
up Mr. Adams for their gubernatorial candidate, on which subject, the views
of bolh father and son are disclosed in a letter of the former, to Mr. Cun
ningham He states several reasons iu opposition to it, but lhe last and
principal one is, (hat it would produce an " eternal separation between
John Q. Adams and the federalists, particularly lhat class constituting the
absolute oligarchy " Although he had joined the democrats, he did not
wish to be separated from that oligarchy. He was deeply disappointed,
that he did not oblain the office of secretary of state under Mr. Madison ;
but be succeeded in getting a mission to Russia, and " Aristides was ban
ished because he was too just."
Previous to this, John Adams, had commenced a series of letters in the
Boston Patriot, in which be attempted to prove, that he was opposed to his
own administration, and to make Hamilton and Pickering the scape-goats
of all its sins; the design of which evidently was, to co-operate with bis
son in conciliating the favour of tbe republicans, to advance the interest of
the new convert to democracy. In a letter to Mr. Cunningham, he ex
plains his object in these publications ; he says, " I am determined to throw
off the intolerable load of obloquy which has been cast upon me, or perish
in the attempt," Mr, Adams' public life, from this period is familiar with
every one. From Russia he was translated to Ghent, and from thence tp
England, and to the department of state. The public haye seen, the estima
tion in which Mr. Clay held tbe part he acted in the negotiations at Ghent.
He charged him with being ignorant of the interests of the west, or of dis
regarding them ; with advocating a narrow and selfish policy ; an attrocious
project, of attempting to bartor.away the wives and the children of the west,
for a mess of codfish. Whilst secretary of state, his two most important
acts were the negotiation of the Florida treaty, and his defence of General
Jackson. The latter, he and his friends seem now to disavow : he probably
has changed his opinion on that subject, as he has often found it convenient
to do on others, In the Florida negotiation, he was overreached by Don Onis,
and lost the right of soil-in extensive grants of land, comprising a considera
ble portion of the territory'. Mr. Clay treated this as a disgraceful "traffic
of territory ;" he said much belter-terms might have been obtained, and at
tempted in congress to procure a vote of censure on the' negotiation. Mr.
A. himself, in his letter to our minister in Spain, admits that the terms ofthe
treaty were " far within the instructions of Dpn Onis." _
We have now gone through with a brief notice of the public life
of Mr. John Q. Adams. For these important services, be has received
nearly FOUR HUNDRED THOUSAND DOLLARS. For two years
services during the war, he received, according loan official docu
ment, which went through his hands, while secretary of state, 62,644 dol
lars At this very time he was writing from Ghent, to Leavitt Harris at St.
Petersburgh, and charging his government with being " weak and penun-
oife." Justice requires us to add, however, that this document is full of er
rors, and it is possible that the double salary which Hallows Mr. Adams as
minister to Russia and al Ghent, for the period of one year and ten months,
Say be incorrect. If so, then he received for two years 42,345 dollmr-
His i charges were enormous beyond all former example, and many of tftem

directly and obviously contrary to law. For his expenses three months at
, Otienl,be charged 3,062 dollars. Mr. Monroe sen: him 9000 dollars, as an
outfit on his mission from St. Petersburgh to Ghent; but congress afterwards
allowed only 4,500 for his outfit. Mr. Monroe informed him of this, and re
quested him lo credit the government tbe 4,500. This he refused to do,
and wrote back an indignant and insolent letlei, stating, that for congress
to reclaim that money of hiuj, (received contrary to law) would be as great
an outrage as to confiscate his private properly. He charged and received
nearly 1600 dollars for the expenses of a journey from Ghent back to St.
Petersburgh. which be never performed ; but, on lhe contrary, went from
Ghent lo England, on a mission, for which he received 18,000 dollars for
outfit and one years' salary.
Such have been the important and disinterested public services of Mr. Ad
ams for which he now claims lo tie president another term, lhat be may re
ceive another 100,000 dollars. Here permit us lo ask, what benefit be has
conferred on bis country, or what services be has rendered, which any
man of respectable talents, with the same experience, could not have per
formed ? We need not ask what sacrifices he has made, what responsibil
ities be bas assumed, or what patriotism he has displayed I Where shall we
look for these public virtues? Are they to be found in his filching enor
mous sums from his government, at a period of war and pecuniary embar
rassment, and then branding lhat government as 'penurious ?' or in contem
plating, as he did in bis letter to Harris, without any anxiety or concern,
that his " feeble and penurious country" would be subdued by its gigantic
enemy ?
A review of the public life of Mr. Adams, marking its various political
phases, instead of the patriot, the enlightened statesman, tbe consistent
and honest politician, exhibits only the disgusting picture of the time-ser
ver, lhe apostate, and tbe political hypocrite, who has been true to no par
ty, faithful to no cause ; who has adhered to no principle, maintained no
fixed character ; wbo has been deaf to tbe calls of patriotism, and insensi
ble to the wrongs df his country ; who has joined all parties, and betrayed
all be has joined ; wbo has sacrificed his friends, .bargained wilh bis ene
mies, and in his struggles for power and self-aggrandizement, has trampled
under foot the constitution of his country ; who, during his long career, has
been consistent and faithful only in one thing, the advancement of his own
interest. Let us contrast this character with that ofthe Farmer of Tennessee, the
Cinciunatus of America. Never was there two men who in all the points of
their characters were more directly opposed. One, born a prince, brought
up in foreign courts, in his early youth was warmed into public life in The
sunshine of favoritism : the other, of humble origin, wit bout friends, or the1
means or advantages of early education, struggling with innumerable diffi
culties, educated himself, acquired a profession, and under all these dis
couragements, by bis industry, his exertions, and the energies df a powerful
mind, raised himself into notice, established a professional reputation, ac
quired the confidence of his fellow citizens, of bis own state, of the govern
ment, and ofthe nation.
An attempt is made by tbe partisans of the administration, to persuade
the public, thai General Jackson has had no experience in civil affairs, and
has no acquirements or capacity for them. He is branded as a mere " mil
itary cbieltain," and is even charged with being so illiterate that he cannot
write his name. Do the authors of these slanders mean to insult the Amer
ican people, by treating them like credulous cbildreu ? What can be more
preposterous! Nothing, certainly, unless it is the crimes charged upon him
by the same pensioned slanderers. Can a man, who, for a long course of
years, has been honored With the most important offices, both civil and
military, in his own state, and under the national government, and who bas
discharged their various and responsible duties with satisfaction to the pub
lic, and credit to himself, be entirely illiterate? The pretension is too ri
diculous to deserve a refutation.' It might with as much truth and reason
be asserted, that he was an idiot, and that every thing which is alti Touted
to him, had been performed by others.
Can it be denied that Andrew Jackson has held numerous important offi
ces? This is not attempted. But His denied that he discharged the duties
of his civil offices with ability, pr satisfactorily. There is the strongest pos-

23
wouVlh'pff'h8 lbat l^'S " not ao- " he haJ not sa*isfied his constituents.
'"1st to annih6 re"e,e,'',e<1 hi,n ¦ would they have elevated him from one
dissat!«fi»!l omer* ?lore honorable and responsible ? If the government was
fereni »,?„• *'°. . he have been eonlinued, for a length of time, during dif-
!>le statics"?" '°nS' '" Us BmP,oyment, •" various difficult and responsi-
an^Hi.^P/J !l?e CbRrge' ,hat General Jackson has had no civil experience
hsVh.ln ? et,n?.cl,P?P,,yfo<- civil affairs. His experience in civil trusts
in^»m2 mfore.u e?lfied'and ""'ch m'»-e useful and important in qualify
hX .E, « h? A'.'1" of * free people, than lhat of Mr! Adams. He has
V!rw J .ta,iel Attorney to the United States, received from the
rhp p«„..w .*• e ?!' he was n member of the convention which formed
of tho of Te<V>e«ee : a member of the state legislature ; a judge
m»mh 3"p;!Pe e«»rtof the State ; a member of congress ; twice a mem-
nTemoerot the senate ofthe United Slates ; commissioner lo negotiate sev
eral Indian treaties ; and governor of Florida. These numerous and im-
portant trusts, comprise a vastly wider range of experience, than has fallen
to, the lot of Mr. Adams. The offices of the latter have been nearly all of
a diplomatic character; one year in the senate of Massachusetts, and four
or hve in the senate of the United States, is all his experience in legislation ;
ne has had none ip the judiciary, and little or no professional employment.
In all these civil trusts, the experience ol Gen. Jackson greatly exceeds that
of Mr. Adams. °
But it is said Jackson has not distinguished himself in any of hisipivil offi
ces. If (his was so, it is equally true of his rival, as we have already shown.
But we deny its truth. He has not, it is admitted, been distinguished by
long speeches j neither has George Washington, Thomas Jefferson, or
George Clinton ! But, like them, he has been distinguished for sound
ness of judgment, integrity of character, for his uniform republican prin
ciples, and the unshaken firmness of his purposes. As well might it be said,
that Washington and Jefferson were not qualified for tbe civil duties of the
chief magistracy, because they were not distinguished as speakers, as to as
sert this of Andrew Jackson. Indeed, this was once said of both of
them.' We need not examine the military services of general Jackson ; they re
ceived at the time, the thanks of the national representation, as well as I Irs
applause and gratitude of the whole country ; they have commanded the
attention of nations, and will be the theme of admiration of posterity.
Their importance, even tbe baseness and malignity of a pensioned and prof
ligate press, has not dared to assail. These services, not only place him in
the first rank of military commanders, but exalt him equally high, as a pat
riot. He made immense sacrifices, and assumed responsibilities, which
none but a patriot would have assumed ; he pledged his whole property;
he hazarded his, life, and what was dearer than life, his reputation, for the
salvation of New Orleans, aud the whole valley of the Mississippi. All
were staked on the issue of the contest ; if it had faited, such were the
bold, responsible measures he had adopted, his own ruin would have been
as inevitable, as tbe capture of the city be was defending. This was a dis
play of that Roman spirit of which Mr. Jefferson speaks, that " forgets self
in the public interest."
It is conceded that bis military talents are ofthe highest order ; whilst it
is denied that be has any capacity for civil rule, or any intelligence or learn
ing whatever. But does not even a 'military chieftain' require science ? (s
not war an extensive and diversified science ? and can its operations bp
conducted successfully, without a knowledge of it ? Furthermore, does it
not require, lo form an able and successful leader of armies, a combination
of rare and distinguished talents, which are seldom found united in the same
individual ? This is fully established by history. So rare are such charac
ters, that there has hardly been one in an age. How many Marlboroughs
has England fornished? There never was, a '" military chieftain." who had
nut talents sufficient for civil rule. Such men, may want patriotism, they
may want integrity ; but Ihey never wanted capacity for civil government.
Rut, in, the military career of .Jssekspo, hi? ftern Soman integrity is equally
conspicuous with his talents. We will noticeone instance of his patriotism,
not connected with .his military life. When Mri Munroe was, president,

and Mr. Adams, secretary of state, General Jackson was offered the ap
pointment of minister lo Mexico.. His reply should be given in his own
words; be says — "From the revolutionary movements in Mexico, 'the ap-
pearance of an American envoy, with credentials to the tyrant Itur'bide,
might add lo his strength, and thereby aid in riviling^he chains of despo
tism upon his country, which of righfought to be free. To be the instru
ment of tyranny, however innocent, on my part, I could not reconcile lo
my feelings. With these views, and other reasons, which I have commu
nicated to Mr. Munroe, I have declined accepting the mission IP' Mexico."
Is this the. language or the conduct of a " military chieftain,'' of an arbitral
ry tyrant, or is it a sublime instance of patriotis , the spontaneous offspring
of that Roman spirit which " forget?' self, in the love of country " s
The base slanders which have been circulated in the " kennel presses"
of the administration, relative to the execution of the "six militia men,"
and other military events, charging Gen. Jackson, with the highest crimes,
are, if possible, more wicked and absurd, than the charges of-jpis want of
capacity and learning, sufficient to write his name. These transactions lock
place fourteen years ago ; Ihey were, from the very nature of them, open
and public, before the face of' the whole army, and the eyes of (he whole
country. The most flagrant of these charges were not known nor heard jof
at the lime the events are said to have happened ; and those that were knofwn,
were publicly examined and approved by the president, by congress, aqd
by Mr. Adams himself, as secretary of state The people also, when all tbe^
facts were>fresh in their minds, expressed their verdict of approval. They
were entirely put at rest ; and Gen. Jackson was retained at tbe head of the
army, offered a foreign mission, and finally retired from all his public mn-
ployments, wi|h the approba'ion of the government, and the gratitude and
benedictions of his fellow citizens. But after the lapse of twelve or four
teen years, he being the candidate of the people, and standing in the way
of Mr. Adams, a flagitious attempt is made by fabrication, by forgeries, by
mutilating public documents, by ransacking the very graves of the dead, to
fix the sligma of a tyrant and murderer on the man " whose wbole career"
in the language of Mr. Adams himself " has been signalized by (be purest
intentions and the most exalted purposes ; and whose services to his coun
try entitle him to its highest REWARDS." This spirit is of a character with
that which dragged the bones of Bradshaw from bis grave ; which brought
Sidney to the block ; which, in its struggles for power, imprecates curses on
its country, and which would " annihilate heaven and earth, ralher than fail
in cany ing its point." Ibese slanders are similar both in atrocity and absur
dity, to those once circulated for a similar purpose, against the illustrious
Jefferson. Who now is willing to admit, that he was one of tbe credulous,
who believed those, improbable tales, those infamous calumnies of a now
venerated patriot ? and who, ten, or even two years hence will be willing to
admit that he was one of the deluded, who believed these equally wicked,
equally absurd and improbable fictions designed for the unhallowed purpose
of blastingthe well earned reputation, of a patriot, scarcely less distinguished,
scarcely less venerated by a. large majority of his grateful countrymen.
Fellow Citizers ! We have now presented to you, our views of the
present controversy, in many of its bearings; the importance of lhe sub
ject, we hope will be an apology for the length to which they have been ex
tended. It is a contest for principle, to vindicate the violated rights of the
people, to rescue the constitution from tbe rude grasp of those who regard
only its form, to discountenance political intrigue and bargaining, to sweep
away the leeches from (be national treasury", and to restore to its regular ac
tion the public will. The spirit of the nation is roused, it can no longer bo
stifled by executive influence; its march is like an army with banners; in
the south, in tbe west, in the middle states, and even in New England, the
rjublic feeling is becoming strong' and deep. In Connecticut, though tbe
seed lime was late, the harvest will be sure ; thousands, who a few months
since, were strong for the administration, now begin to doubt ; thousands
who doubted, now are confirmed in tbe cause of the people's candidate,,
who seems destined a second time to be an instrument in the hands of a
vise providence, for preserving the rights and liberties of his country.
INGOLDSBY W. CRAWFORD, President. .

r^K^^^Secretarie,