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A HISTORY OF
LOUISIANA

Volume II

A HISTORY OF
LOUISIANA

BY
ALCEE FORTIER, Litt. D.
rROFESSOB OF EOMANOE LANGUAGES IN TULANE UNIVEKSITr
OF LOUISIANA, PRESIDENT OF THE LOUISIANA
HISTOniCAL BOCIKTY

IN FOUR VOLUMES

VOLUME II
THE Sl'ANISH DOMINATION AND THE
(VF.SSION TO THE UNITED STvVTES
17C9-1803

GOUl'lL & CO., OF PARIS
ART PUniJSHERS
MANZI, JOYANT & CO., SUCCESSORS
170 FIFTH AVENUE, NEW YORK
1904

Copyright, 1903, by
Makzi, Jovant & Co.

All rights resei-ved

THE DE VINNE PBESS
Cvnaa % %

CONTENTS

Chapter I. Administrations of O'Reilly and Unzaga.
O'ltcilly abolishes the Superior Council — Organization of
the cabildo — Otlier officials — First meeting of the cabildo —
— Unzaga installed aS governor — Laws of Spain introduced
— O'Reilly's regulations — O'Reilly visits settlements along
the river — Names of cominandnnts — Census of 1 769 —
O'Reilly's acts approved — Departure of O'Reilly; his name
execrated in Louisiana — Unzaga's tact and ability — De la
Torre, captain-general, and Estecheria, colonel — Hurricane
and cold in 1772 — Father Hilaire and Father Dagobert —
Father Cirilo attacks Father Dagobert; Unzaga defends him
— Unzaga defends the French friars and praises the people
of Louisiana — Arrival of teachers from Spain in 1772 —
Shipwreck of French officials and soldiers — Unzaga's wise
measures — Death of Louis XV — Sympathy in Louisiana for
the English colonists — Oliver Pollock — Unzaga's adminis
tration soothes bitter feelings against Spain 
Chapter II. Francisco Bouligny's Memoir on Loui
siana in 1776.
The Bolognini or Bouligny family — The D'Aubervillc,
D'Ayme dc Noailles, and De Coulangc families — Services
of Francisco Bouligny — Importance of Francisco Bouligny's
memoir — Exact description of the province of Louisiana —
Island of Orleans — The Mississippi — Towns and settle
ments in Louisiana — Lands in the rear of New Orleans —
The lands from the mouth of the river to Pointe Coupee —
Settlements that may be made — Facilities of transportation
— Products — Forests — Crops — Peltries — Meat and tallow
— Fruits, vegetables, and flowers— Mines — Manners and
customs — The Creoles — The planters — The houses — Prefer
ence for country life — Three classes of people — The negro
slaves — No beggars — Present commerce and decline of the
colony — Commerce and progress of the English at Man-
chac— The Indians— Boldness of the Indians— Influence

vi CONTENTS

PAGE

of the English over the Indians — The Indians prefer llie
Spaniards to the English — V^'hat is the most advantageous
commerce for tlic state, and for the province, with regard
to its present situation? — Commerce at Mancliac should be
ruined — Advantages of protecting the province — Establish
ment of a general superintendent of the Indians and of
new settlements — Settlers — Redemptioners — Schools — Ser
vice in the Battalion of Louisiana — Day laborers and hun
ters — Duties on peltries and furs — Plan of fortifications
essential for the defense of the country — Frigate in the
river — Batteries at English Turn — Forts — Walls and bas
tions at New Orleans — Introduction of negro slaves ... 20
Chapter III. The Administuation of Galvez — IIis
W^AUS against the English.
Galvez begins his administration — English traders treated
severely- — Operations of the Americans — Willing's attack
on the English— More liberal regulations about commerce
— Alcaldes for 1779 — Oath of allegiance to the King of
Spain — Families from the Canary Islands and from Malaga
— Settlement of New Ibevia — Galvc/.town — Sl.oniis in 1778 —
The Isli'fios — Dcclaraliou of war agiiinsL England — (Jap-
lurc of Baton Rouge — Julien Poydras's poem — Expedition
against Mobile — Correspondence between Galvez and Durn-
ford — Capture of Fort Charlotte — Galvez sails from Ha
vana — His fleet dispersed by a storm — The convoy — Gal
vez obtains an army and transports — The expedition sails
a second time from Havana — The troops land on the island
of St. Rosa — Brisk firing from the English — Attempt of
the fleet to enter the channel — Colonel Ezpeleta marches to
Perdido River— Galvez crosses the bar on the Galvestown
—Tlie squadron follows — Galvez's threatening letter to
Campbell — Campbell's answer^ — Letters of Governor Ches
ter—Letter to Chester— Expedition of the Pio— Siege of
Fort George — March of the army — The Indians driven into
the woods — Galvez wounded — Surrender of I'ort George —
Surrender of Fort Barrancas — Number of the prisoners —
The Louisianians take part in the War of the Revolution . 56
Chapter IV. End op the Administration of Galvez
— Beginning of Miro's.
Insurrection against Spain at Natchez — Sufferings of the
fugitive insurgents— Trial and pardon of the insurgents —

CONTENTS vii
PAGE
Terrible hurricane — Sympathy of Intendant Navarro — Gal
vez wishes to conquer the Bahama Islands and Jamaica — ^
Important commercial privileges — Treaties of peace — Con
troversy about navigation of the Mississippi — Alexander
McGillivray — Intense cold in 1784 — Departure of Galvez —
Royal sclicdule concerning Galvez — Death of Galvez — Gov
ernor Mho— J iic.i (1r rcnulciicin—Ccntim of 178,'!— Arrival
of commissioners from Georgia — Letter of Miro to the com
missioners — Help to honest debtors — Bando de hiien gobi-
erno — Navarro's wise suggestions — Census of the Aeadians
— Don Diego de Gardoqui — Terrible conflagration — Schools
— Census of 1788  94

Chapter V. Governor Miro's Dealings with the In
dians and with the Western People.
Presents to the Indians — Trade with the Indians — The
Choctaws — Captain de La Villebeuvre and Miro meet the
Indians — McGillivray's answer to Pickens and Matthews —
McGillivray's letter to Miro — Foundation of New Madrid —
General Wilkinson — D'Arges in the pay of Spain — Pro-
duet of Wilkinson's tobacco — Memorial of Colonel Morgan
about New ]\Iadrid— Oliver Pollock— Death of Charles III
— Expulsion of the commissary of the Inquisition — Wilkin
son's loiter to Gardoqui — State of Frankland — Mirb district
— Failure of Miro's plan — Communication of the cabildo to
the King about the slaves — Arrival of comedians from Santo
Domingo — Dc])arlnre of Mir(> from Louisiana — Authenti
city of the Spanish documents — Don Pascual de Gayangos 120
Chapter VI. Carondelet's Administration.
Governor Carondelet — Regulations about the slaves — Wil
liam Augustus Bowles — Extension of commercial franchises
— Internal improvements — Fortifications — The parochial
church — The Carondelet canal — Intendant Francisco de
Rendon — The "Moniteur de la Louisiane" — Genet's schemes
— Terrible conflagration — Sugar-cane — Etienne de Bore —
The ecclesiastical jurisdictions — Treaty with the United
States — Grants of lands to French royalists — Insurrection of
slaves — Fort at the Great Osages — War against Great
Britain — Epidemic in 1796 — Capture of the Balize — New
Orleans lighted and patrolled — Application of Indians for
lands — Inundation — Surrender of Natchez to the Americans 149

viii CONTENTS PAGE
Chapter VII. The Last Years of the Spanish Dom
ination — The Treaty of St. Ildefonso.
Governor Gayoso de Lemos— The Duke d'Orleans and his
brothers — Fort Adams — Concordia — Intendant Morales abol
ishes the "right of deposit" at New Orleans — Quarrels of
Gayoso de Lemos and Morales — Important despatches of
Morales — Death of Governor Gayoso de Lemos — Governor
Casa Calvo — Sentence against Carondelet by the "judge of
residence" — Slaves from Africa again admitted — Census of
Upper Louisiana in 1799 — Louisiana retroceded to France
— Failure of the French expedition to Santo Domingo —
Treaty of Amiens— Bcrnadolte— Victor and Laussat — Sys
tem of government for Louisiana  170
Chapter VIII. Condition of Louisiana in the Begin
ning OF the Nineteenth Century — Memoir of
Colonel' Joseph Xavier Delfau de Pontalba,
September 15, 1801.
The Pontalba family — Settlement of Kentucky- States of
Kentucky and Tennessee — Transportation across the moun
tains — Importance of Louisiana with regard to Mexico —
Ambiguity in treaty of 1783 — District of Natchez attached
to West Florida — Spain compelled to yield Natchez — Two
ways of assuring a rampart to Mexico — Efforts of the west
ern districts for independence — Attempts to form an alliance
with Spain — Emigration from Kentucky arrested — Congress
gains the affection of the Western people — Propositions
made by Spain — Spain grants free navigation of the river
— Treaty with the Indians in 1783 — McGillivray's treaty
not approved — Orders to receive all emigrants — Louisiana
the key to America — Unlimited freedom of commerce —
Loans to emigrants — The United States attempt to settle
the northwest— Defense of New Orleans — Louisiana the key
to Mexico— -Importation of negroes forbidden — Cultivation
of the sugar-cane — Indigo — Tobacco — Cotton — Peltries and
lumber — Louisiana a burden to the metropolis^ — Tlie memoir
sent to General Bonaparte by Minister Decres  186
Chapter IX. New Orleans in 1802 and 1803, and
the Transfer to France.
Life in New Orleans — Merchant vessels — Advertisement of
a school — Houses and plantations for sale— Foreign com-

CONTENTS ix
PAGE
ujerce— John McDonogh — D'Hebecourt's school— A book
store-Confectioners and dentists — Miniature-painters —
Imports and exports — Laussat arrives — Rigid police regu
lations — A professor of drawing — Two new schools — Com
missioner Casa Calvo — ^Names of streets in 1803 — Cession
of Louisiana announced to England — A teacher of mathe
matics and navigation — Governor Salcedo — Addresses of
the inhabitants of New Orleans and of the planters of Loui
siana — News from Santo Domingo— Extracts from Laus-
sat's letters — Transfer to France — Laussat's proclamation
— Laussat establishes a municipal government  216

Chapter X. The Cession to the United States.
Witlidrawal of right of deposit — Absolute need of tlie Missis
sippi • — Livingston's prophetic words — Excitement in the
United States — Jefferson's message — James Monroe sent to
France — Address of Ross in the Senate — Debates — Bona
parte renounces Louisiana — Livingston's conversation with
Talleyrand and Barbe-Marbois — Bonaparte prepares article
third of the treaty — The treaty signed — Spain objects . . 248

Chapter XL The Ratification of the Treaty of
Cession, and the Transfer to the United States.
Bonaparte ratifies the treaty — Jefferson calls an extra meet
ing of Congress — Debates in the Senate — Opposition of
Die ]'"ed(;rali8ls — Boundaries of Louisiana — TIic transfer lo
tlie United States — Laussat's " Memoirs " — Message of Jef-
fcrson^Claiborne's proclamation and address — ^Ccnsus of
1803  269
Chapter XII. Upper Louisiana — St. Louis.
Kaskaskia and Fort Chartres — The six early settlements —
The British take possession of Fort Chartres — Expedition
of Colonel Clark in 1778 — Territory east of the Missis
sippi ceded to the United States in 1783 — Foundation of
St. Louis — The Spaniards arrive — The early houses — Cus
toms — Fortifications — Floods — The government mansion —
Laussat authorizes Captain Stoddard to take possession —
Arrival of the American troops — Address of De Lassus to
the Indians — Population in 1803 and 1804 — Conclusion of
the history of colonial Louisiana  304

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING PAGE
Charles III, King of Spain, 1716-1788, to whom Louisiana
was ceded by Louis XV in 1762. Hand-finished Water-color
Facsimile, from a painting by Antoine Raphael Mengs in the
Prado Museum, Madrid  Frontispiece
Don Alessanouo O'Reilly, 1735-1794, second Spanish Gov
ernor of Louisiana, known as " Bloody O'lleilly " on account
of the execution of the chiefs of the Revolution of 1768.
From a contemporary miniature owned by Madame Pierre
Lanaux, New Orleans, La  24
Don Bernardo de Galvez, 1756-1786, fourth Spanish Gov
ernor of Louisiana, who defeated the British at Pensaeola
in 1781, and after whom the city of Galveston is named. He
was afterward forty-ninth Viceroy of Mexico, where he died
at the age of SO. From a contemporary painting in the Na
tional Museum, Mexico  56
Map of Louisiana, French Colony, showing the course of the
Mississippi, then known as the St. Louis River, and its tribu
taries, the Indian tribes, the French establishments, and the
mines. Reproduced from Le Page du Pratz, " Histoire de
la Louisiane," edition of 1757  76
Don Estevan Miro, 1744-1795, fifth Spanish Governor of
Louisiana. He afterward rose to the rank of Lieutenant-
Gcncral in the Spanish army. From a contemporary portrait
in the possession of Baron Edouard de Pontalba, Senlis,
France  110
General James Wilkinson, 1757-1825, Commander-in-cliief
of the United States army and one of the commissioners of the
United States to whom Louisiana was transferred from France
xi

xii LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING PAGE
in 1803. From a contemporary painting belonging to his
great-grandson, Mr. Theodore Wilkinson, New Orleans, La. 132
Don Francisco Louis Hector, Baron de Carondelet de
Noyelles, Seigneur d'Haine Saint Pierre, 1747-1807,
sixth Spanish Governor of Louisiana and afterward Viceroy
of Peru. From a contemporary painting belonging to the Due
de Bailen, Madrid, one of his lineal descendants  152
Napoleon Bonaparte, First Consul, 1769—1821, who made
the treaty with Jefferson for the transfer of Louisiana to the
United States. From a painting by Baron Francois Pascal
Simon G6rard, executed in 1803 (the year of the transfer),
and now in the Musee Conde, Chantilly, France  178
Captain Joseph Xavier de Pontalba, 1754-1834, author of
an important Memoir on Louisiana sent to Bonaparte in
1801. From a contemporary painting belonging to his grand
son. Baron Edouard de Pontalba, Senlis, France. He is
shown in the uniform of a captain of the RcgiinciiL of Guade
loupe  , . . . 204
Pierre Clement de Laussat, 1756-1835, Colonial Prefect and
Commissioner of the French government, who received the
Province of Louisiana from Spain on November SO, 1803,
and transferred it to the United States at New Orleans,
December 20, 1803. From a painting by Jean Fran9ois Gille
Colson, executed in 1786, belonging to his lineal descendant,
Mr. A. Du Pre de Saint-Maur, Chateau de Bernadets, near
Pan, France  224
Thomas Jefferson, 1743-1826, third President of the United
States, who acquired Louisiana from France in 1803. From
a painting by Rembrandt Pcalc, executed in 1803 (the year of
the transfer), and now in the possession of the New York
Historical Society  252
Robert R. Livingston, 1747-1818 (upper left). Chancellor of
New York and Minister to France, who negotiated and signed
the Treaty of Transfer of Louisiana from France to the

LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS xiii
FACING PAGE
United States in 1803. From a painting by Gilbert Stuart be
longing to Mr. Carleton Hunt and sisters, — Louise Livingston
Hunt and Julia Barton Hunt,— heirs of the late Mrs. Cora
L. Barton (daughter of Edward Livingston), Montgomery
Place, Barrytown-on-Hudson, N. Y  272
James Monroe, 1758-1831 (upper riglit), Envoy Extraordi
nary to France, who negotiated and signed the Treaty of
Transfer of Louisiana from France to the United States in
1803. From a painting by Gilbert Stuart owned by his great-
granddaughter, Mrs. George B. Goldsborough, Easton, Md. 272
Francois, Marquis de Barbe-Marbois, 1745-1837 (centre).
Minister of Finance under Bonaparte, who negotiated and
signed tlie Treaty of Transfer of Louisiana from France to
the United States in 1803. From a painting by Jean Fran-
5ois Boisselat in the Versailles Museum  272
Denis, Dug Decres, 1761-1820 (lower left), Viee-Admiral of
France and Minister of Marine and of the Colonies under
Bonaparte, who advised against the transfer of Louisiana
to the United States. From a painting of the French school
in the Versailles Museum  272
Charles Maurice, Due de Talleyrand-Perigord, Prince de
Benevent, 1754-1838 (lower right). Foreign Minister under
Bonaparte and one of the negotiators in the transfer of Loui
siana to the United States. From a painting by Baron Fraii-
9ois Pascal Simon Gerard in the Versailles Museum . . . 272
Don Carlos Dehault de Lassus, 1764-1842 (upper left), last
Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Louisiana, who, as the rep
resentative of Spain, transferred Upper Louisiana, March 9,
1804, to Major Amos Stoddard as Agent of the French Re-
])ublie. M.ijor Stoddard delivered the Province to the United
States March 10, 1804. From a photograph, enlarged from
a daguerreotype, belonging to the Missouri Historical Soci
ety, St. Louis, Mo  304
Lieutenant-Colonel Francisco de Cruzat, 1739-1798? (up
per right), second Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Louisiana.

xiv LIST OF ILLUSTRATIONS
FACING PAGE
From a contemporary miniature belonging to Mr. E. de
Cruzat Zanetti, New York, one of his lineal descendants . . 304
Colonel Auguste Chouteau, 1750-1829 (centre), who, with
Pierre Liguest Laclede, founded the city of St. Louis. From
a contemporary iiaiiiting in the possession of the Missouri
Historical Society, St. Louis, Mo  304
Brigadier-General George Rogers Clark, 1752-1818 (lower
left), conqueror of the northwestern country, from the Alle
gheny Mountains to the Mississippi River, from the British,
1778-1779- From a painting attributed to J. W. Jarvis, in
the possession of his grandnephew, John O'Fallon Clark,
Esq., of St. Louis, Mo  304
Brigadier-General William Clark, 1770-1838 (lower right),
who, with Merriwether Lewis, commanded the Lewis and
Clark expedition to the Pacific coast, 1804-1806, and was
afterward Governor of Missouri Territory, 1813-1821, and
superintendent of Indian affairs. From an original portrait
by Harding belonging to his grandson, John O'Fallon Clark,
Esq., of St. Louis, Mo  304

A HISTORY OF
LOUISIANA

Volume II

CHAPTER I
Administrations or O'Reilly and Unzaga
O'Reilly abolishes the Superior Council— Organization of the cabildo— Other
officials— First meeting of the cabildo— Unzaga Installed as governor-
Laws of Spain Introduced — O'Reilly's regulations — O'Reilly visits settle
ments along the river- Names of commandants— Census of 1769— O'Reilly's
acts approved— Departure of O'Reilly; his name execrated In Louisiana—
Unzaga's tact and ability — De la Torre, captain-general, and Estecheria,
colonel— Hurricane and cold in 1772 — Father Hilaire and Father Dagobert
— Father Cirilo attacks Father Dagobert; Unzaga defends him— Unzaga
defends the French friars and praises the people of Louisiana — Arrival
of teachers from Spain in 1773— Shipwreck of French officials and soldiers
— Unzaga's wise measures— Death of Louis XV— Sympathy In Louisiana
for the English colonists— Oliver Pollock— Unzaga's administration soothes
bitter feelings against Spain.
HEN Don Antonio de Ulloa was ap
pointed governor of Louisiana, on
May 21, 1765, he was instructed to
make no change at present in the
government of the province,^ and
the King ordered that it be regarded
as a separate colony not subject to
the laws of his possessions in the Indies. UUoa's expul
sion in 1768 caused different instructions to be given his
successor O'Reilly, who was authorized, on April 16,
1769, to establish whatever form of administration
seemed proper to him, both military and civil. Accord-

4 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i769
ingly, after the prosecution and condemnation of the chiefs
of the Revolution, O'Reily established a cabildo, instead
of the Superior Council of the French. By ordinances
dated November 25, 1769, he founded the system of
government that lasted during the whole period of the
Spanish domination.'' " Whereas," says he, " the prose
cution, caused by the rebellion which has taken place in
this colony, clearly proved the active part that the Su
perior Council took in it, by sharing in acts of the greatest
atrocity, when it was its duty to make every effort to
keep the people within the limits of that fidelity and that
submission which it owes to its sovereign; for these rea
sons, and in order to prevent the return of such misfor
tunes, it has become indispensable to abolish the council,
and to establish in its stead that form of political govern
ment and that administration of justice which our wise
laws prescribe, and by which all the possessions of His
Majesty in America have always been maintained in a
perfect state of tranquillity, contentment, and subordi
nation." " The cabildo," says Judge Martin, " sat every Fri
day, but the governor had the power of convening it at
any time. When he did not attend it, one of the ordi
nary alcaldes presided, and immediately on the adjoin-
ment two regidors went to his house and informed him
of what had been done. The ordinary alcaldes had the
first seats in the cabildo, immediately after the governor ;
and below them sat the other members, in the following
order: the alferez real, principal provincial alcalde, al-
guazil mayor, depositary-general, receiver of fines, at-

noo] THE CABILDO 5
torney-general-syndic, and clerk. The office of alferez
real was merely honorary, no other function being as
signed to the incumbent than the bearing of the royal
standard in a few public ceremonies. The principal pro
vincial alcalde had cognizance of offenses committed
without the city. The alguazil mayor executed personally
or by his deputies all processes from the different tribu
nals. The depositary-general took charge of all moneys
and effects placed in the custody of the law. The func
tions of the receiver-general are pointed out by his offi
cial denomination. The attorney-general-syndic was
not, as might be supposed from his title, the prosecuting
officer of the Crown. His duty was to propose to the
cabildo such measures as the interest of the people re
quired, and defend their rights. The regidors received
fifty dollars each, annually, from the treasury. The
principal provincial alcalde, alguazil mayor, depositary-
general, receivers of fines, and ordinary alcaldes were
entitled, as such, to fees of office. The offices of perpetual
regidor and clerk were to be acquired by purchase, and
for the first time at auction. The ordinary alcaldes were
individually judges within the city in civil and criminal
cases, where the defendant did not enjoy and claim the
privilege of being tried by a military or ecclesiastical
judge. They heard and decided in their chambers, sum
marily, and without any written proceedings, all com
plaints in which the value of the object in dispute did
not exceed twenty dollars. In other cases, proceedings
before them were recorded by a notary, and in an apart
ment devoted to this purpose ; and where the value of the

6 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [neg
object in dispute exceeded ninety thousand maravedis, or
three hundred and thirty dollars and eighty cents, an
appeal lay from their decision to the cabildo."
Besides the captain-general and the governor, there
were an intendant, an auditor of war and assessor of gov
ernment, an assessor of the intendancy, a treasurer and
a comptroller, two secretaries, and other minor officials.
The cabildo met for the first time on December 1,
1769, under the presidency of O'Reilly.* Don Fran
cisco Maria Reggio was alferez real; Don Pedro Fran
cisco Olivier, provincial alcalde; Don Carlos Juan Bau-
tista Fleuriau, alguazil mayor (high sheriff) ; Don Jose
Ducros, depositary -general ; Don Dyonisio Braud and
Don Antonio Bienvenu, receivers of fines; Don Juan
Bautista Garic, clerk. The ordinary alcaldes for 1770
were Don Luis Antonio Lachaise and Don Juan Luis
Trudeau.^ Don Luis Ranson was syndic, and Don Juan
Durel, mayordomo de propios.
O'Reilly, at the meeting held on December 1, installed
as governor of Louisiana Colonel Don Luis de Unzaga,
with a salary of six thousand dollars, and gave him the
presidency of the cabildo, O'Reilly himself keeping the
title of captain-general, which, after his departure from
the colony, was vested in the Governor of Cuba.
The laws of Spain were introduced in Louisiana, in
spite of the promise made by Louis XV in his letter to
D'Abbadie, in 1764, announcing the transfer of the prov
ince to Spain; " for," said O'Reilly, " it is proper that the
colony be governed by the same laws as the other do
minions of His Majesty in America." The Spanish Ian-

1709] O'REILLY'S REGULATIONS 7
guage became the official tongue, but French continued
to be the language of nearly all the inhabitants during
the entire period of Spanish domination.
O'Reilly made a great many police regulations, and
established a revenue for New Orleans. He levied a tax
of twenty dollars every year on each of the six inns al
lowed, and of forty dollars on each of the twelve taverns
and the six boarding-houses; and the butchers volun
teered to pay three hundred and sixty-five dollars annu
ally without any increase in the price of meat. One dollar
was also imposed on every barrel of brandy brought into
the city; and in order to beautify the public square and
to increase the prosperity of the city O'Reilly offered to
the city a lot on each side of the square, eighty-four by
three hundred and thirty-six feet, for the building of
stores. These lots were acquired later on a perpetual
yearly rent by Don Andres Almonester, whose daughter,
the Baroness de Pontalba, erected the buildings that now
stand on each side of the square. The anchorage duty,
of six dollars on every ship of two hundred tons or up
ward, and of three dollars on ships of less tonnage, was
maintained. This duty had been established long ago,
to protect the levee in front of the city. The French
Black Code was kept; the owners of Indian slaves were
allowed to retain them until the pleasure of the King
sliould be ascertained, although, said O'Reilly, " the prac
tice of reducing Indians to slavery was contrary to the wise
and pious laws of Spain." O'Reilly made some wise sug
gestions about the commerce of the colony. He recom
mended free commerce with Spain and with Havana; but,

8 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i769
with the narrow views of his age, he suggested that none
but Spanish ships be received in New Orleans and used
for transportation. His regulations with regard to va
cant land were also very judicious: six or eight arpents
in front, on the Mississippi, with a depth of forty arpents,
were granted, on condition that the grantee build a levee,
make a public road at least forty feet in width, and clear
the front of the land to the depth of at least two arpents,
• — the whole within three years. Judge Martin says:
" In order to secure an early compliance with the con
ditions of the grants, the grantee was declared incapable
of alienating the land until the stipulated improvements
were made. Grants of a square league were authorized
in the districts of Attakapas, Opelousas, and Natchi
toches, where the inhabitants paid more attention to rais
ing cattle than to cultivating the soil. Where the land
was less than a league in depth, the grant was of two
leagues in front with a depth of half a league. But no
grant of forty-two arpents in front and depth was au
thorized to be made to any person who was not the owner
of one hundred head of tame horned cattle, a few horses
and sheep, and two slaves. All grants were to be made
in the name of the King by the governor of the province."
O'Reilly mentioned, in one of his letters, the good qual
ities of Father Dagobert, the Capuchin, and said his stay
in the colony would be useful. He said also that, in his
opinion, Louisiana should be for spiritual matters under
the direction of the Bishop of Cuba. He visited the set
tlements along the river, as far as Pointe Coupee, lis
tening to the complaints of the inhabitants, inquiring

1769] COMMANDANTS 9
about their needs, and " succeeding," he said, " in giving
a very good opinion of the government of His Majesty."
He granted a surveyor to the planters, for measuring
their lands and fixing boundaries. I'inally, before leav
ing the province, he appointed several commandants, as
follows : " District of Illinois, captain of infantry Don
Pedro Piernas. District of Natchitoches, captain of
militia Don Athanasio Mezieres. Half of the German
Coast, which comprised the parish of St. Charles, cap
tain of infantry Don Francisco Simard de BeliUe. The
other half of the German Coast, which comprised the
parish of St. John the Baptist, captain of militia Don
Roberto Robin de Laugni. Pointe Coupee, captain of
militia Don Juan Francisco Allain. Opelousas, Don
Gabriel Fuselier de la Claire. Iberville Coast as far as
Ascension Parish, Don Luis Tisne. Fourche of Cheti-
machas, which comprised the whole parish of Ascension,
captain of militia Don Luis Judice. Kabahan-nosse,
which comprised the whole parish of St, James, captain
of militia Don Nicolas Vcrrct. Rapides, Don Estevan
Mardefret Laisarde. St. Genevieve in the Illinois, Don
Francisco Valle.
According to a census made by order of O'Reilly, the
population of New Orleans in 1769 was 3190; and
Judge Martin estimates that of St. Louis at 891, and
of the whole province at 13,538. By St. Louis was meant
the whole Illinois district.
The acts of O'Reilly in Louisiana were approved
by royal orders issued on January 26 and 27, March
24, and August 23, 1770, with the sole exception that,

10 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1770
on March 24, 1770, it was decreed that the regulation
be declared suspended and considered as not written
¦which set forth:" "that the married woman who com
mits adultery, and her companion, be delivered to the
husband for him to do with them what he pleases, pro
vided that he cannot kill the one without killing the
other." This regulation caused " much disgust when it
was read," although, Gayarre says, it was not made
by O'Reilly, but was taken by him from the Spanish laws.
The captain-general. Count O'Reilly, left Louisiana on
October 29, 1770. Some of his regulations for the gov
ernment of the province were judicious; but he displayed
no tact in the administration of the colony when he con
demned to death or to imprisonment the chiefs of the
Revolution of 1768. Not only did he lack tact, but he
acted with unpardonable duplicity and cruelty in 1769.
His name has been handed down to posterity for execra
tion, and he will always be called in the history of Loui
siana, " Bloody O'Reilly."
O'Reilly was succeeded as captain-general of Loui
siana by Buccarelly, captain-general of Cuba; and Don
Luis de Unzaga y Ameraga, the governor, administered
the affairs of the colony with such mildness and good
judgment that the Louisianians became somewhat rec
onciled to the Spanish domination. Unzaga did not en
force rigidly the unwise commercial regulations of Spain,
but allowed the planters to buy many goods from the
British traders, who had floating warehouses and stores
at Manchac, Baton Rouge, and Natchez. By Ulloa's
orders, dated September 6, 1766, the trade of Louisiana

1770] COMMERCE n
had been restricted to six Spanish ports — Seville, Alicante,
Carthagena, Malaga, Barcelona, and Corunna. No trade
was permitted with any of the Spanish colonies in Amer
ica, and vessels to and from Louisiana were forbidden
to stop at any port, except in case of distress, and they
had then to pay heavy charges. In 1768 the commerce
of Louisiana was exempted from duty on exports and
imports, but a duty of four per cent, was imposed on the
exjjortation of specie and produce from the colony. It
was a great hardship to prohibit exports from Louisiana
to all parts of the world except to six Spanish towns,
as the indigo from Louisiana was inferior in quality to
that from Guatemala, Caracas, and other Spanish prov
inces, and furs and peltries could not well be sold in so
warm a climate, and the expense of transportation of
lumber to a distant country was great. It is true that
two vessels from France were finally admitted every
year into the colony; but, nevertheless, Louisiana would
never have been developed had the Spanish regulations
been rigidly enforced. The British traders furnished
the people with goods and slaves, and took in exchange
whatever the inliabitants could give. The latter also had
ample credit with the traders. Unzaga's leniency in
enforcing the commercial regulations caused him to be
regarded with some suspicion by a few merchants, who
attributed the indulgence shown to British traders to in
terested motives. But this was surely not the case with
regard to the honorable and enlightened Don Luis de
Unzaga. In 1772 the Marquis de la Torre became captain-gen-

12 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1773
eral of Cuba and of Louisiana, and the same year the
greater part of the troops that had arrived with O'Reilly
in" 1769 left the colony and went to Havana. Colonel
Estecheria assumed command of the Regiment of Louisi
ana which Colonel Unzaga had commanded in his ab
sence. In the summer of 1772 a terrible hurricane desolated
the country. It was not felt in New Orleans, but at the
Balize and all along the coast, at Mobile especially, the ef
fects were terrible. " The most singular effect of this hur
ricane," says Martin, " was the production of a second
growth of leaves and fruit on the mulberry trees. This
hardy tree budded, foliated, blossomed, and bore fruit
within four weeks after the storm." Tliere was such
intense cold in iiie winter of 1772 that the orange-trees
perished, as in 1748 and 1768.
At the time of the French domination, the Capuchins
and the Jesuits had had contentions for the spiritual ad
ministration of the province of Louisiana. After the
expulsion of the Jesuits from the colony. Father Hilaire
de Geneveaux, Superior of the Capuchins, remained un
disputed vicar-general; but in 1766 he was expelled by
the Superior Council, — apparently as a disturber of the
jmblic peace, in reality because he was not in favor of
the insurrection against Spain. He was succeeded as
Superior of the Capuchins by Father Dagobert, whose
name has become famous in the history of Louisiana. He
was exceedingly good and simple. The manuscripts in
the custody of the Louisiana Historical Society contain
a complete account of Father 13agobert's troubles.

1779] FATHER DAGOBERT 13
After Louisiana had been ceded to Spain, Father Ge
neveaux returned to New Orleans. He appears to have
been a man of ability and of merit, and the governor
speaks of him very favorably in his letters. In July,
1772, Father Cirilo de Barcelona arrived in New Or
leans with Fathers Francisco, Angel, Luis, and Aleman.
They were Spanish Capuchins, and Father Cirilo was
charged with a mission by the Bishop of Cuba, Don San
tiago Jose de Echevarria, whose diocese included Louisi
ana. The Spanish Capuchin was to make an investiga
tion into the affairs of the church and the sifate of religion
in the colony. In his first letter to the bishop he says
he was admirably received in New Orleans by the peo
ple and by the governor. Very soon, however, he began
his investigations, and the results, in his opinion, were
far from favorable to Father Dagobert and the French
Capuchins. Father Geneveaux became the ally of Fa
ther Cirilo in his warfare against poor Father Dagobert,
and the latter might have fared badly had not Governor
Unzaga come to his rescue. The governor wrote to the
bishop as follows : ^ " He is a pacific man, much liked
by the people and by those placed under his jurisdiction.
. . . All these friars are excellent men, and set a good
example; but among them are some who are well in
formed, and others scarcely instructed as to the duties
of their sacred calling; all, however, labor zealously to
the best of their abilities and knowledge, and they are
familiar with the great poverty and destitution of their
parishioners. Among them. Father Dagobert obtained
the esteem of Count O'Reilly and the good will of all

14 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1773
the Spaniards, by his kindness and the prudence of his
deportment. He is beloved by the people, and, on the
grounds that I have stated, I consider him entitled to
the favor of your Grace." The governor recommends
that the French Capuchins retain their employment and
Father Dagobert remain vicar-general for one year, until
a Spanish Capuchin shall be prepared to succeed him.
" Father Dagobert," he says, " will always be glad to
officiate, because singing in church is with him a passion."
In spite of this kind opinion of Unzaga as to the
French Capuchins, Father Cirilo said very harsh things
about them, calling them " monsters rather than Capu
chins." Father Dagobert, however, wrote to the bishop
with great propriety and dignity, and expressed himself
as willing to obey all orders of his superior. Unzaga con
firmed these assurances of Father Dagobert, " who does
not know what it is to complain," while "Father Cirilo does
not possess one particle of prudence." The controversy
was still going on in 1773, and on July 10 appears an
other letter of the governor to Bishop Echevarria, of
which one sentence offended the prelate. Unzaga said:
" Finally, you will think as you please on the subject, but
with regard to myself, I know how difficult it is to come
to a correct appreciation of the true merits of men of
that sacred calling, Avhen they choose to quarrel among
themselves." The bishop objected strongly to such
words, and the governor excused himself, saying that
the expressions he had used were applicable only to the
friars and to their disputes. The bishop was not satis
fied, and appealed to the captain-general of Cuba, the

1773J UNZAGA 15
Marquis de la Torre. Unzaga wrote a very manly letter to
this official on July 10, 1773, and on September 12, 1778,
addressed a long and interesting communication to Don
Julian de Arriaga, one of the ministers of Charles III.
He continued to defend the French friars, criticized the
bishop sharply, and spoke as follows of the people of
Louisiana: " The people here are neither vicious, nor ad
dicted to debauchery, nor opposed to our habits, although
in many respects those habits disagree with their tastes.
They have some of their own, as other people have, to
which they are much attached, and this is very natural.
Those habits are not in conflict with the primary obliga
tions of society ; they are not to be eradicated at once, but
must be removed gradually and almost imperceptibly."
" An enlightened prudence," he concludes, " and a good
deal of toleration, are necessary here; for although this
is a Spanish province, and although Count O'Reilly en
deavored to make its inhabitants forget the former dom
ination under which they had lived so long, still I can
not flatter His Majesty so much as to say that the people
have ceased to be French at heart, and that in them is
not to be found that spirit of independence which causes
resistance to oppressive laws. But I will affirm that they
are susceptible of being submissive and loyal subjects,
that they entertain great veneration for their ancient
laws, and that the state of felicity which they now enjoy
is a guaranty to me that they are not to be suspected of
being disposed to fail in their duties toward the Crown.
Therefore do I endeavor to keep them in the colony, and
to secure their love and services to the King, without car-

16 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1772
ing in the least for what I deem to be fooleries. After
the blow that the colonists drew upon themselves by their
late revolution, the infliction of another would be tanta
mount to utter destruction." These words of Unzaga
do the greatest honor both to himself and to the people
of Louisiana whom he appreciated and defended so well.
In our narrative of the French domination in Louisi
ana we referred to the arrival of the Ursuline nuns in
1727, and to the foundation of their school for girls.
After this, no successful attempt to foster education in
the colony appears to have been made until 1772. A
despatch from Governor Miro, dated April 1, 1788,
says:* "Don Andres Lopez de Armesto arrived from
Spain as director of the school that was ordered to be
established in New Orleans; Don Pedro Aragon as
teacher of syntax; Don Manuel Diaz de Lara as
teacher of the rudiments of Latin; and Don Francisco
de la Colina as teacher of the elementary branches; but
the governor, Don Luis de Unzaga, found himself much
embarrassed for the establishment of the school. Know
ing that if he did not compel the parents to send their
children to the school, it would not succeed, and that such
violence Avould never be proper, he was satisfied with ac
quainting the public with the benefit that the magnani
mous heart of His Majesty offered those subjects. But
not a single student presented himself for Latin, and
only a few for elementary work, — never more than thirty,
and often six, ten, and fifteen, for which reason the three
teachers devoted themselves solely to the teaching of the
elements of Spanish." An attempt was made also to teach

1773] BRITISH TRADERS 17
that language to the girls in the colony, and four young
women arrived from Havana and entered the convent of
the Ursulines as nuns. In spite of these efforts, French
continued to be the language of the inhabitants of Loui
siana, and Spanish was rarely used, even officially, ex
cept in New Orleans.
In 1773 Bobe Descloseaux, who had been commissaire
ordonnateur in 1759, and had remained in the colony to
attend to the redemption of the securities emitted by
the French government, left Louisiana, with the consent
of the King. He sailed for Cap Fran9ais with several
French officers and several ladies ; but the ship on which
they were was never afterward heard from. The same
fate had befallen the vessel that carried the French sol
diers who did not wish to serve Spain on the arrival of
O'Reilly, and had chosen to go to Santo Domingo. The
ship in which Aubry and some French soldiers had sailed
for France perished in the Gironde River in 1770.
The prosperity of the colony was much enlianced by
clandestine commerce with British traders. The planters
increased their establishments, but some of them pre
ferred to buy slaves and goods from the British rather
than to pay their debts. The creditors applied to Un
zaga, who protected the honest debtors and compelled
those debtors to settle their obligations who were not will
ing to pay when they had the means to do so. His father-
in-law was one of the latter class, and the governor made
no difference between him and the other planters. He
acted again with his usual wisdom when he offered a
free pardon to the runaway negroes, of whom there were

18 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [iiu
A large number who were very troublesome. He for
bade their masters to punish them, and many of them
returned to the plantations they had left.
In 1774 Louis KV died and left no regrets either in
France or in Louisiana. His reign had been as shame
ful as that of Henry III, the last of the Valois. He
had degraded the " profession of king " which Louis XIV
had practised most diligently for more than fifty years,
and he carried monarchy in France to the brink of the
abyss into which it was soon to fall. By his corrupt, in
competent, and selfish administration he had lost the re-
i^pect of his subjects, and had brought about the disas
ters of the Seven Years' War and the separation from
France of Canada and Louisiana. Louis XV was suc
ceeded by his grandson IjOuIs XVI, who was honest, but
unable to stem the tide of the Revolution, of which the
frightful roar could already be heard.
In 1775 the first blood was shed in the conflict between
the English colonies and the mother country, — a conflict
that culminated in the independence of the United States
and in the establishment of one of the greatest nations
that the world has ever seen. There were in New Orleans
in 1775 merchants from New York, Boston, and Phila
delphia who deeply sympathized with the colonists in their
struggle against Great Britain. They supplied tlie set
tlers of western Pennsylvania with arms and ammunition,
through Colonel Gibson at Pittsburg, and with the know
ledge of the Spanish governor.
Among the merchants, the most zealous for the cause
of the English colonists was Oliver Pollock. It was he

1776] DEPARTURE OF UNZAGA 19
who had acted with such generosity in 1769 when he
offered O'Reilly the whole cargo of flour of his brig, on
the general's own terms, at a time when flour was so
scarce that the price had risen to twenty dollars a barrel.
O'Reilly accepted Pollock's offer, but paid him fifteen
dollars a barrel and permitted him to trade in Louisiana
as long as he wished, without paying duties.
In 1776 Don Bernardo de Galvez succeeded Este
cheria as colonel of the Regiment of Louisiana, and on
July 10 of the same year Unzaga was ordered to sur
render provisionally the intendancy and government of
the province to Galvez. Unzaga had been made briga
dier-general, and was appointed captain-general of Ca
racas. In his last despatches he mentioned the ineffi
ciency of the fortifications at New Orleans and in its vicin
ity ; and he called attention to the fact that, in case of war,
it might be injurious to the colony to be dependent on the
governor and captain-general of Cuba for its military
administration. Unzaga left an honored name in Loui
siana, and his mild and enlightened government soothed
tlie bitter feelings against Spain which had existed dur
ing the administrations of Ulloa and O'Reilly. All the
successors of Unzaga were men of merit, but the great
est of all was the chivalric Bernardo de Galvez.

CHAPTER II
Feancisco Bouligny's Memoir on Louisiana
IN 1776

The Bolognini or Bouligny family— The D'AubervIlIe, D'Aym6 de Noailles,
and De Coulange families — Services of Francisco Bouligny — Importance of
Francisco Bouligny's memoir— Exact description of the province of Loui
siana—Island of Orleans— The Mississippi— Towns and settlements in
Louisiana- Lands in the rear of New Orleans— The lands from the mouth
of the river to Pointe Coupde — Settlements that may be made — Facilities
of transportation- Products— Forests— Crops— Peltries— Meat and tallow —
Fruits, vegetables, and flowers— Mines— Manners and customs— The Creoles
— The planters— Tlie houses — Preference for country life — Three classes
of people— The negro slaves— No beggars— Present commerce and decline
of the colony— Commerce und progress of the English at Mancliac— The
Indians— Boldness of the Indians— Influence of the English over the
Indians — The Indians prefer the Spaniards to the English —What is the
most advantageous commerce for the slate, and for the province, with re
gard to its present situation?— Commerce at Munchac should be ruined-
Advantages of protecting the province— Establishment of a general superin
tendent of the Indians and of new settlements— Settlers— Redemptioners —
Schools— Service in the Battalion of Louisiana— Day laborers and hunters
—Duties on peltries and furs— Plan of fortiflcations essential for the
defense of the country— Frigate in the river— Batteries at English Turn-
Forts— Walls and bastions at New Orleans— Introduction of negro slaves.

HE arrival of O'Reilly at the Balize
in July, 1769, was announced to Au
bry and the people of New Orleans
by Don Francisco Bouligny. This
officer has left a memoir, written in
1776, on the condition of Louisiana,
which is important and interesting.*
20

1776] FRANCISCO BOULIGNY 21
He was born at Alicante in 1736, of a noble family that
was originally from Milan and bore the name of Bolo
gnini. In the tenth generation Francisco was in the ser
vice of Sixain and was made prisoner by the French and
taken to Marseilles, where lie changed his name to Bou
ligny. His son Josef settled at Alicante, Spain, after
the War of the Spanish Succession, and was the father
of Juan, who was born at Marseilles in 1696. Juan Bou
ligny appears to have been a man of considerable in
fluence. His letters to his son Francisco are very interest
ing, and he refers to General O'Reilly as if he knew
him intimately in Spain. He had five sons and six
daughters. The oldest son was Joseph, who was a wealthy
merchant at Alicante. The second son, Juan, was Span
ish ambassador at Constantinople, and died at Madrid
in 1798, honorary councilor of state. One of the latter's
sons was ambassador plenipotentiary of Spain at Stock
holm. The third son of Juan Bouligny was Francisco,
the fourth and fifth sons were captains in the Spanish
army. There are extant charming letters written to
Francisco Bouligny of New Orleans by his father and
by his four brothers — the merchant, the ambassador, and
the two captains.
Francisco Bouligny came to Louisiana as aide-de-camp
of General O'Reilly, in 1769. In 1770 he married Marie
Louise le Senechal d'Auberville, daughter of Vincent
Guillaume le Senechal d'Auberville, marine commis
sioner of Louisiana, and of Francjoise Petit de Levilliers
de Coulange. The following letter, written in French
to Francisco Bouligny by his father, illustrates the man
ners of those times:

22 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [im
Alicante, June 12, 1770.
Mr VEiiY DEAu Son: Your letter, which I icccivcd on May
26, without date, informs me of your marriage witli Miss Louise
d'Auberville, daughter of the Frencli Intendant-Gcncral of the
province, aged twenty years, well bred and of infinite merit, which
I approve, wishing you all kinds of happiness and benediction in
your new condition. May God have you in His holy protection
for many years in good health and good union, and grant you
what you may need. Give her a kiss for me, as I cannot do so
personally on account of the distance. Receive the benediction of
your father,
Jean Bouligny.
The Sieur d'Auberville was born at Brest in 1713. His
father was Louis d'Auberville, and his mother Marie
d'Aime or d'Ayme de Noailles. Among the papers of the
Bouligny family are documents proving that the Sieur
de Noailles d'Aime, referred to by Gayarre in his His
tory of Louisiana as having been vanquished by the
Chickasaws, was Louis d'Aime or d'Ayme de Noailles,
" Capitaine des Vaisseaux du Roy, Chevalier de I'Ordre
Royal et Militaire de St. Louis," who died at Brest in
1756. He was a brother of Marie d'Aime de Noailles,
and uncle of the " Commissaire ordonnateur de la ma
rine," D'Auberville. The marriage contract of the Sieur
d'Auberville and of Marie Fran9oise de Coulange was
signed by Governor de Vaudreuil, the " Grand Mar
quis." The genealogy of the family Petit de Levilliers
de Coulange goes back to the reign of Louis XI, to
Etienne Petit, " grand audiencier de France." Claude
de Coulange, " seigneur de Bustance en Auvergne,"
married Madeleine d'Aguesseau, to whose family the

im] SERVICES OF BOULIGNY 23
great chancellor D'Aguesseau belonged. The mother
of the celebrated Madame de Sevigne was Marie de Cou
lange, who was of the same family as the mother of
Francisco Bouligny's wife.
In 1795 Francisco Bouligny solicited the rank of
brigadier, and his services were enumerated. He entered
the Spanish army in 1758 as a cadet in the infantry
regiment of Zamora, and served two years ; then one year
and nine months in the Royal Guards. In 1762 he was
sent to Havana, where he remained seven years, serving
as lieutenant. On November 1, 1769, he received the
rank of " Ayudante Mayor " in the Regiment of Loui
siana. He became " Coronel vivo " in 1791, and was pro
moted brigadier in 1800, the year of his death. He
served with distinction in the surprise of Fort Bute and
the capture of Baton Rouge in 1779, at the siege of Mo
bile in 1780, and at the siege of Pensaeola in 1781. In
1784 he acted as Governor of Louisiana during the ab
sence from tlie province of Governor Miro, and in 1799,
" on the sudden death of Governor Gayoso de Lemos,"
says Gayarre, "Don Francisco Bouligny, who was the
colonel of the Regiment of Louisiana, assumed the mili
tary administration of the colony, and the auditor, Don
Jose Maria Vidal, the civil and political government."
The following letter, written in French, from O'Reilly
to Mrs. Bouligny, shows the stern Spanish commander
as a polite cavalier:
Madame : Your happiness will always interest me, and I shall
give you with pleasure all the proofs of it that depend upon me.
I congratulate you on your marriage. Your husband is a worthy

24 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i77g
officer, whom I esteem highly. I liopc that you will be happy
together, and this persuasion has made me desire your union.
I have the honor to be very respectfully, Madame, your very
humble and very obedient servant, O'Reilly.
In a letter written to Francisco Bouligny on July 24,
1776, by " El Conde de O'Reilly," the latter offers his
services to his former " ayudante." On June 22, 1802,
Governor Manuel de Salcedo wrote to Mrs. Francisco
Bouligny, advising her that he had irceived orders to
transmit to Colonel Bouligny's heirs his commission as
brigadier, although that officer had died before the com
mission reached him. His oldest son, Dominique, became
a United States senator from Louisiana in 1824.
In 1776 Don Francisco Bouligny transmitted lo the
Spanish government a long and important memoir con
cerning the province of Louisiana. No mention of this
paper has been made by any historian. The author oc
cupied such a high rank, by the influence of his family
and by his own merit, that his work is valuable and en
titled to careful consideration. The title of the paper is
as follows:
Notice of the actual state of the commerce and population of
New Orleans and Spanish Louisiana, and the means of advanc
ing that ])rovincc, which is presented lo IIis Catliolic Majesty
through his Minister of the Indies, the most illustrious Don Josef
de Galvez, with the greatest respect, by Don Francisco Bouligny,
Captain of the Battalion of Infantry of that province.
At the bottom of the title-page are the following
words :

1776] THE PROVINCE 26
Presented in person to his Excellency, Don Josef de Galvez,
Minister of the Indies, by the author himself, on the 10th of
August, 1776, at St. Ildefonso.
In the introduction the author says:
Knowing the zeal with wliich the magnanimity of Charles III,
august monarch of Spain and of the Indies, extends his benefi
cence to the commerce and prosperity of all his dominions, and
especially of the province of Louisiana, inasmuch as its greater
population, agriculture, and commerce interest the state, as a
barrier that it is, and a rampart for all New Spain, I consider
myself obliged to present my observations made in that region
under the protection of his royal patronage, in order that those
new subjects may experience all the felicities to which they are
entitled, and the Crown assure its domination.
The author then gives a summary of what he intends
to present, and says that his remarks are based on his
own observations and on what the natives have told him.
He adds that if he makes errors in his political specu
lations they will be only of judgment, for the spirit that
moves him is none other than an ardent zeal for the ser
vice of the King, and the greatest desire to see that prov
ince flourish, as in its population, progress, and felicity
he finds the surest and only means for its preservation.
He writes:
Spain possesses all the right bank of the river Mississippi (the
origin of which until now is unknown) and part of the left bank
from Manchac to the sea — the island in which New Orleans is
situated. This strip of land has a width of not more than two
or three leagues, and is surrounded by water, by the Mississippi in
front of the city, by lakes Pontchartrain, Maurepas, and Visco
[probably Borgne] in the rear, and by Bayou Manchac or river

26 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
Iberville, through which the waters of the Mississippi flow through
Lake Maurepas and other outlets into the sea. The river is about
a quarter of a league wide, and in some parts much wider, and is
navigable in all parts for more than six hundred leagues, and has
a depth, when the water is low, of thirty to forty fathoms, with
out a fall or impediment. The mouth of the river, however,
is only from twelve to fourteen feet in depth, and does not allow
large ships to enter the river, as the system of locks employed
in Holland has not been introduced in Louisiana. By that sys
tem ships of 800 tons are carried a much longer distance than
they would be in the passes of the Mississippi.
In tlic province there are other towns than New Orleans : Pointe
Coupee, Natchitoches, Arkansas, which is about half way to the
Illinois, and two places in the Illinois, little distant from each
other, St. Louis and Pencourt or Miscria [Paincourt].* In front
of the latter, on the opposite bank of the river, is Port Chartres,
which was abandoned and demolished by the English two or three
years ago, but which has a population about equal to ours. Tlie
population is principally in New Orleans, and on both sides of the
river Mississippi. The first ten leagues from the sea are unin
habitable, because the land is very low and always covered with
water. From that point the habitations begin. The English can
reach the Mississippi at Manchac through the lakes and Iberville
River, without the knowledge of the Spaniards, as the latter have
no establishments on the banks of the lakes except a fort at Bayou
St. John, and a detachment of two or three men on the Tiguyu
or stream that unites Lake Pontchartrain with Lake Maurepas.
There being lakes in the rear of New Orleans, the water from
these lakes is carried by the south winds as far as the houses,
which are on the very bank of the river ; and, therefore, the land
bordering on the lakes is not habitable, both on account of being
overflowed and from Avant of sweet water. There are, however,
some places that may be cultivated, where a few families should
be established to watch the English on the lakes. Sweet water may
he obtained by gathering rain-water in trunks of large trees, and

1776] LANDS ON THE RIVER 27
there is an abundance of game and fish. The lands there are very
salubrious and fertile.
The lands on both sides of the river are higher on the banks,
and there is such a slope further that when it rains not a single
drop of the water that falls on the fields enters the river. The slope
is so irregular that it is impossible to measure it with accuracy.
The river rises and falls at New Orleans from two to twelve feet.
The rise begins in December, and the river remains high five or
six months, with some slight variation, owing to the more or less
snows in the upper part beyond the Illinois. There are many ad
vantages in the declivity from the banks of the river, among which
is the facility of constructing saw-mills, which are of the greatest
importance on account of the immensity of the forests in this
country ; the facility of opening canals of communication with the
lakes in the rear of the city, and Lake Barataria on the opposite
side of the river, which canals facilitate the transportation of the
timber and lumber and of the fruits from the lands in the interior.
The river, being high in the spring, communicates a certain
moisture to the fields, favorable to the sprouting of the seeds, and
the waters irrigate the rice-fields, wliich arc of considerable im
portance. After the first ten leagues from the mouth of the river, the
lands on both sides are cultivated, and the concessions are generally
from 500 to GOO yards front, by 2400 yards in depth. The
planters generally cultivate their land only 600 or 800 yards from
the river, leaving the rest for pasture, and contenting themselves
with cutting the wood that abounds in the rear. The country
from Manchac to the river is not peopled equally, and there are
jilaccs of nearly a league that are abandoned from want of in
habitants. Beyond Manchac there is a part of the Spanish coast
which is unoccupied until we reach the settlements at Pointe
Coupee, which are about the same as in the vicinity of New
Orleans. In all these places a considerable number of families might be
established. Tlic shores of Lake Barataria, the Attakapas, and

28 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1770
Opelousas are very favorable for families to prosper and to in
crease infinitely, and they are distant from New Orleans less than
two days. After settling the latter, attention could be given to
the coast from Pointe Coupee to Arkansas, penetrating the rivers
that flow into the Mississippi. These lands are so rich that what
the hunters report daily about them appears incredible. The
same thing happens with the coast from Arkansas to the Illinois,
and particularly on the banks of the Missouri ; but it is not pos
sible to attend to those regions so remote before the country
near New Orleans be securely settled. The Indians in this vast
country are innumerable, but as they go where there is more com
merce, they are more numerous in the English possessions than
in the Spanish.
The greatest advantage of this country is, without doubt, the
facility of transporting all its products to the capital in a short
time, as four or five men go down the river in twelve days to
New Orleans from the Illinois, in a flatboat that may contain 1500
quintals. It is almost impossible to conceive the abundance of the forests.
From Manchac to the sea-shore, only in the island of Orleans, there
arc one hundred square miles of cypress trees, which are as thick
as the hair on the head, and the same on the other side of the
river, w]?ere the number of those trees, as well as of the live-oaks,
is wonderful. On the shores of Lake Pontchartrain and of Lake
Barataria there are so many pines that, without exaggeration,
they could furnish pitch and tar to the Avholc world; and they
are not less on the banks of the Red River and otlier regions of
the upper Mississippi. One of the most important uses of the
trees, for the state and for the happiness of the pcoi)lc, would be
the construction of ships in the Mississippi. A small privilege
would assure this, and it would facilitate the commerce of the
Spanish merchants, who would not have to solicit or to buy foreign
ships. All the lands wliere forests have been cut down are exceedingly
fertile, as they have been nourished for many centuries with the

1770] FORESTS 29
spoils of so many trees, and they are suited to any cultivation
whatever, especially for flax and hemp, which are of the highest
importance for ships and would be supplied forever to Havana,
as the population of this country increases. There are few coun
tries in the world where so many live-oaks could be found, a kind
of wood that is superior to any other for the interior construction
of ships. The cypress is also important for constructing ships
and masts and houses. In the interior of houses not only is its
duration great, but no worms attack it. It would be essential
to forbid with severity the cutting of the cypress at any other
time than in October, November, December, January, and Febru
ary, otherwise the wood loses half of its quality and durability.
It is useful also for roofs and for staves. The question of timber
and lumber is the most important for this colony. Its industry
would save large sums of money that are now paid to the English
and other nations ; it would prevent the destruction of the forests
of Cuba ; and it would render prosperous one million souls who
might establish themselves in this country with their families.
Crops of hemp and flax could be cultivated easily and with
great advantage in the colony. The land is admirably adapted
to the cultivation of indigo ; and although the indigo of Louisiana
is not as good as that of Guatemala, the planters are always sure
to sell it, were they to make three times more. Bluc-BtufFs arc
needed for the large armies of Europe, especially of Germany,
Russia, and Sweden. Cotton is easy to cultivate and very useful.
By their industry the Germans, and especially the Aeadians, whom
Don Antonio de Ulloa established on the Iberville coast before
reaching Manchac, have succeeded in producing it and in making
textures with which they clothe themselves and which they sell
to their neighbors. The cotton of Louisiana is as good as that
of any other country; and if that cultivation were encouraged,
the colony could supply all Europe, and commerce would flourish,
as the ships would always be assured of obtaining freight for
their return voyage to Europe. Maize is produced in quantity
when the ground is well cultivated. It grows eight or ten feet

30 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
tall, and is so necessary in this country that were it to fail, the
greater part of the negroes would perish, as they are accustomed
to this food and prefer it to the best bread. Although the laborers
do not always cat rice, it is an article of prime necessity. There
is hardly a house wliere they do not place on the tabic a dish of
rice — in the morning, at noon, and in tlie evening. The children
especially are accustomed to it, and prefer it to the best food.
It is very easily cultivated when the river is high ; there is nothing
to do but to plow the ground, plant the rice, and cover it with
water to kill the weeds. Like cotton, it might be made an im
portant object of commerce. Although the sugar-cane grows
tolerably well, the country cannot compete with the Leeward
Islands. The severe cold that happens sometimes during the
winter is not favorable to it ; but we should not neglect the opinion
of some planters who maintain that the climate is suitable to it.
Formerly there were three or four factories here which produced
tolerably good sugar, but now they have been abandoned; some
say through the want of ajjplicution and intelligence of the owners,
others because they did not find sufficient compensation. New
observations should be made in this matter. The tree that pro
duces wax is found everywhere, and requires no cultivation. The
only thing to do is to gather the seeds when they are ripe and
melt them in large kettles. When exposed to the sun, the wax
becomes almost as white as that of bees, and candles are made
of it which are as pretty and last as long as those made of bees
wax. The mulberry trees grow wild in this country, especially in
the vicinity of New Orleans, where a lady in the time of the
French thought to cultivate the silk-worm, and it is admitted that
the silk that was produced was as good as any made in Europe.
Tobacco is the most interesting of all the products of the colony,
and the most lucrative for the laborer, as one man alone can devote
himself to it. The tobacco from Natchitoches, Opelousas, and
Attakapas is superior to that produced in Virginia and Maryland,
and the advantages derived from an increase in its cultivation
arc an follows: it would furnish freight for the ships returning

1T70] CROPS AND PELTRIES 81
to Europe; it would diminish the commerce of the English
provinces of Virginia and Maryland, especially if France, our
ally, should give us the preference; it would take away from the
English and give to us the million of dollars that England derives
from France alone by that industry ; it would enable the planters
to have enough means to devote themselves to other profitable
cultivations, as they have done at Santo Domingo, Martinique,
and Havana, where they began with the cultivation of tobacco.
Wheat is an article of prime necessity, and demands great en
couragement and a large population. The lands as far as Pointe
Coupee arc not suitable for this cultivation; but from that place
to a point four hundred leagues above the Illinois country, on
both sides of the Missouri River, there are immense regions suit
able for wheat, and although they are at a considerable distance,
transportation by water, down the current, is easy and not costly.
If the population of Louisiana were increased, there is no doubt
that the province might provide with flour, at the same price as
the English, Cuba, Santo Domingo, Puerto Rico, Caracas,
Carthagena, Campeachy, and other maritime possessions of His
Majesty, from which the English derive annually more than
a million dollars, merely from the flour they furnish to those
countries. All the peltries produced in the province are valued
highly in Europe, especially those of the deer, — which arc the
most numerous, — of the wild oxen, of the bisons, of the bears, of
the wild cats, and of the martens. By protecting this trade, the
government may obtain the surest and perhaps the only means
of preserving the friendship of the Indians, who are favorable
to us, and of gaining the good will of the tribes that are friendly
to the English. The vast fields and prairies at Opelousas and
Attakapas offer the finest situation in the world for establishing
immense flocks, without any labor or expense. Cattle, hogs,
and horses can be raised with great facility, and, besides the do
mestic animals, there is such a large quantity of wild animals,
from Pointe Coupee to the Illinois, that in no other country can
one get better or more abundant meat. Four hunters, in one

32 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
pirogue, go up the river from New Orleans to Arkansas in foi'ty or
fifty days, and, entering the White River or the St. Francis, reach
such vast pastures and such abundant game that in two or three
days they kill enough to fill their pirogue with tallow and with
bears' tongues or oil, and return to New Orleans, leaving scat
tered around the fields an infinite quantity of meat for which they
have no use. If some families were established in those regions,
they might furnish the fleets of the King with whatever salt meat
they might need ; but this can only be done with a large popula
tion, which is the principal requisite for everything. The apples
alone are indigenous in the region of the Illinois, and there are
fruits from Europe of which the trees have been transported.
The peaches especially are excellent, and the figs, when it does
not rain in the spring. The plums from Europe are grown with
success, but those that are indigenous are bitter, and are used for
fevers. Grapes are grown with ease, but they do not mature
with regularity. There arc all kinds of vegetables and flowers,
and the medicinal herbs are infinite and deserve to attract the
attention of botanists. Although this wealth is certain and
abundant in the whole country that belongs to us, there are mines
of gold, silver, load, and salt, particularly up the Red River, the
St. Francis, and the Missouri. I have placed this subject last,
because we must not think to exploit said mines, but to increase
the population and agriculture of this country. These mines
would be more profitable than those of Mexico, on account of the
greater facility of transportation (by water) of all tilings needed
for the exploitation, and on account of the greater fertility and
salubrity of the fields surrounding the mountains, from which
could be drawn everything necessary for the sustenance of the
workmen. This proves, besides, how important it is to the state
to preserve this province ; for the English, curious, diligent, and
instructed, are not ignorant of any of these facts.
According to a conservative estimate, there are in this whole
province from two thousand to three thousand inhabitants, and
from three thousand to four thousand negroes. The numberless

1776] THE CREOLES 88
misfortunes that the inhabitants of Louisiana have endured, from
the foundation of the colony, are the causes of the present condi
tion of a country where abound all the necessaries of life. In the
books written by the French about Louisiana may be seen the
cause of this decline.
This province is without doubt the most favorable to population
that can be found in the world. The salubrity of its climate, the
beauty and fertility of its fields, the abundance of its forests, the
facility of constructing canals to penetrate into the interior of
the country, make of this country a terrestrial paradise. The
women are all fruitful ; and there is no marriage without children,
and many of them.
The Creoles are of a healthy and robust temperament, capable
of the most violent exercises. Accustomed from childhood to
hunting, they pass entire days with their feet in the water, with
out suff'ering the least inconvenience. Their industry and dili
gence are not less, because it is rare to see a father of a family
who does not have the best books about agriculture and the ex
ploitation of timber and lumber. There are few houses of which
the furniture has not been made by the owners themselves, and
men of means do not disdain to pass entire days handling a plow,
in the mill, in the carpenter shop or the blacksmith shop.
In all other countries, the men who devote themselves to culti
vation of the fields are mere day-laborers, in general, and the
owners of Important plantations disdain the knowledge and the
details of husbandry. In this country, on the contrary, there is a
noble and worthy pride, since the greatest praise that can be given
to a young man is to call him a good planter, that is to say, a man
who understands the labors of the fields. The ladies themselves
'distinguish and praise the most intelligent and the most dihgent,
a policy sufficient!}' strong to make this country reach the highest
perfection. The Creoles are not satisfied with theory only, but
with daily practice, without having that rudeness which is brought
about generally by the heavy labors of the fields. They leave
the plow which they have been handling for iiours to offer their

34 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
hand to a lady to help her across the furrows that they themselves
have opened. Foreigners admire the elegance of their manners
and the good sense with which they reason on all subjects.
The greater number of the planters who live in the vicinity of
New Orleans arc the most refined people in this country. Many
of them were officers during the French domination, and some
are decorated with the cross of St. Louis ; the others are merchants
also, who, having earned a certain wealth, have invested it in
negroes and in a patch of ground. As the cultivation of the land
not only occupies and interests them, but gives them facility of
increasing their capital, they devote themselves to it with the
greatest zeal. They often dine together, and their conversation
is always directed toward the condition of the crop and the progress
that each one is making in the cultivation of his land. Each one
has a few negroes, according to his means, and the wealth of a
planter is reckoned by the number of negroes whom he possesses.
The houses nre convenient, according to the climate ; all have a
very wide gallery or covered balcony, which surrounds them, for
protection against the intense heat of the summer, and there arc
fireplaces in all the rooms for the winter, which sometimes is
severe. All tlic houses are thirty or forty feet from tiic bank
of the river, because they are pleasanter thus, and it is easier to
embark and debark, as everything Is conducted by water. The
houses are of wood, brick, and mortar, and the kitchen Is about
twenty paces to the rear of the house. Especially in the country
there is a garden or orchard, which almost all cultivate themselves
with the help of their sons and their servants. This garden
furnishes them all the vegetables and fruits they can consume,
and many of them send the surplus to the city for sale, especially
those who do not live far from it.
The dress of the men is usually a jacket and long breeches, to
protect them from the mosquitoes that abound here in the sum
mer. All like hunting very much, and boys ten or twelve years
old shoot so well that it is rare that they miss a bird. Generally,
the people prefer to live in the country ; there everything interests

1776] CLASSES OF PEOPLE 85
them, and they have all their commodities without much expense.
In the city everything costs dear, and as most of them have no
money, they flee from the city. I say that they have no money,
because such is the passion with which they improve their lands,
that hardly have they sold their crops and supplied themselves
with what they need for the whole year, such as wine, oil, tobacco,
flour, and clothing, when they spend what is left of their money in
agricultural implements or in negroes, if they have occasion to
buy them.
The inhabitants of this country may be divided into three
classes: j)laiiters, mcrcliants, and day-laborers. The first are the
most important ; their sole occupation is the improvement of their
lands, and they think of nothing but to derive the greatest profit
possible from their fields, in order to possess a large number of
slaves, with whom they can accomplish whatever they desire, and
satisfy their dominant passion, which is to beautify their planta
tions. The second class — the merchants — are occupied only in
buying and selling and in making occasional journeys to distant
posts, eager to be able to earn enough to become planters ; for, as
this country has no active commerce and there cannot be expedi
tions to Europe, no trader has remained here. The third class
work two or three days in the week, and spend the remainder of
their time in the taverns. A few make journeys to the Illinois,
hiring out as oarsmen. But those among them who possess a little
judgment and are diligent, soon succeed in possessing a piece of
ground and prosper.
The negroes are slaves only in name, for in reality they are as
happy as may be the laborers in Europe. The master is obliged
only to give to each negro a barrel of corn in the car, and a piece
of ground for him to make his crop of corn, rice, or whatever he
may wish, a cabin like those that are made here in the orchard
of Orihuela, and a yard of thirty or forty paces with a fence, for
him to raise chickens, hogs, etc. With his profits, each negro
buys every winter a woolen coat, a pair of long breeches, and two
or three shirts. With what remains to him he buys bear's grease,

36 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
to cook, as he pleases, the corn on which they all live and are so
healthy and robust that some persons who came here lately from
Havana were astonished to sec the negroes so nimble, strong, and
bright. It is the custom here in winter, as there are sometimes
heavy frosts, not to make the negroes go to the fields before
seven or eight o'clock in the morning. They stop their work
at twelve, and return to the fields at two o'clock in the evening,
remaining until night. In summer they go out at daybreak and
remain until eleven, and return to work at three and remain until
night. In this way they have the time to attend for a short while
to their crops and to their poultry, hogs, etc. When they are
industrious and their own crojis need their attention, the master
gives them a day or two for themselves. They all have in their
cabin a bed made of boards, with a mattress made of a kind of
dried herb, which is better than horsehair. The cabin is divided
into two parts, each one with a chimney. There are in one part
a table, crockery, earthen pans, a gun for hunting on feast-days,
and, in fact, everything necessary or indispensable. The other
division is to sleep in, and above they store their crop. The most
elegant, when they go to the city on holidays, are as well dressed
as the whites, but they always go barefooted. This is the only
mark of their slavery. Nothing proves better the health that they
enjoy than the fact that a physician usually makes a contract
to attend to all the negroes on a plantation annually for one dollar
a head. I know many persons who possess from sixty to seventy
negroes, and who, during the whole time that I have been here,
have not lost a single one.
One docs not see a single beggar in this whole province. Some
mariners who have come from Havana, accustomed to ask for
alms, more through habit than through necessity, wished to do
the same ; but as all the women went to the doors of their houses
at this novelty, and told them the same thing, — that it was a
shame that men, young and strong, should be so lazy, — they were
obliged to return to their vessel, giving up the idea of drawing a
profit from that industry.

1776] COMMERCE 37
From what has been said, one may see that the people of this
country require the least means to give an infinite development
to this province, and put It in a favorable condition as compared
with Its neighbors, however strong and powerful they may be.
The legitimate commerce of the colony Is reduced to six or
seven vessels, which have come here since the Spaniards have taken
possession of the province. Ships of 120 to 150 tons came loaded
principally with wines and provisions from Spain, and goods from
France, but the profits were so small that most of them have not
returned. They did not wish to risk cargoes of peltries and indigo,
because the first article is in little demand in Spain, and the quality
of the latter is not known there. The articles from Europe can
hardly be sold at a profit, as they are furnished to the planters
by the English ships in the river, or by the French vessels under
the English flag. The Spanish vessels, therefore, can only sell
their goods in tlic city, where one buys much less than in the
country. The commerce with Havana has been a little more useful to the
country, altliough it has not derived all the profit that it might
have expected from a regulation of the King which forbade the
cutting of cedars in Havana and ordered that the cases in which
sugar was sent should be made of wood from New Orleans. How
ever, a certain person, having made a contract to furnish Havana
with all the cases that might be necessary, laid down the law to
the planters of Louisiana, buying their cases at a very low price,
and making them wait from eight to twelve months for payment.
Besides, the people of Havana cut the cedars, in spite of the
regulation, alleging that they were trees cut before that time, and,
as the only articles exported from Havana are brandy (made from
the sugar-cane) and a little sugar, the whole profit from freight
going and coming depended on the lumber from Louisiana. The
latter article being very bulky, a board that was worth in New
Orleans four reals of Castile, cost in Havana, with the addition
of the freight charge, only eight reals. The regular commerce
with the Spaniards in the colony may be reckoned at $16,000 per

38 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1776
annum, and $50,000 with Havana, since the regulation referred
to, and from $10,000 to $12,000 for various contracts made for
the arsenals of His Majesty.
The want of direct commerce with Spain and of legitimate
commerce with any other province is the cause of the decline of
this country; for although an illegal commerce has furnished the
planters with all they needed without their being molested, never
theless they have felt a certain anxiety on account of their know
ledge of the severity with which the infraction of the law has been
treated occasionally in other Spanish possessions. They all say
to themselves : "If there was an investigation, I should be ruined,
with my wife and my children." Full of this fear, tiiosc who have
gained the most by an illicit traffic are the first to leave the colony
with all their relatives. They sell their plantations and settle
among the English at Manchac. Therefore, there are four bad
results: (1) The absence of a man or of a family who might be
useful to the state. (2) The depreciation in value of other planta
tions, for there arc fewer people capable of buying than tiiosc
who wish to sell. ( 3 ) The advantages given to a people who arc
by nature our enemies. (4) The bad example set by those who
have gone to Manchac, who depict their fears as much greater
than they are, and who exaggerate the liberty and privileges they
enjoy among the English. The harm would be much greater were
it not that they cannot sell their plantations and leave the province.
The decline has been such that houses and lands that formerly
were worth from $8000 to $10,000, are selling to-day for $1000
or $1500.
This is the point that most deserves the attention of the govern
ment, and the governor of the province has kept it well informed
on this subject. I'iic coinnicrce of the colony amounis aiiiuially
to about $600,000, of which only $15,000 belong to the Spanish
commerce and to two ships which, by royal permission, have
taken cargoes to France. All the rest belongs to the commerce
of the English. They have continually in the Mississippi ten or
twelve boats, without counting one or two floating stores, as con-

1776] THE ENGLISPI AT MANCHAC 89
venicnt as good houses. The English furnish the planters with
what they need, receiving their products in payment, a transaction
that cannot be avoided, however vigilant the governor may be,
as It would be necessary to place a guard in every house. The
articles that cannot be disposed of are sold to the owners of the
floating stores or barks, who make use of them afterward, or they
are sent to Manchac to form there a depository from which they
furnish goods to others of our people. The English engage in
this commerce with the greatest profit and without any risk, as it
Is not they wlio venture to land the goods.
An Englishman in Jamaica freights a bark of one hundred
and fifty tons, for $1600 at most, to come to the Mississippi. He
loads with articles which he takes on credit, and with twenty or
thirty negroes. With the product of the goods he reimburses the
capital and pays the freight, and a profit remains. He sells three
fourths of the negroes, and with the remainder, who are always the
best, he settles at Manchac, and In a few years he is wealthy.
This proves that the English owe to their commerce, or rather
to that which they have with us, and which It is morally impossible
to prevent, their establishment at Manchac, saying nothing of the
activity that it gives to their ships, which is not small. A French
man cannot come to the Mississippi with his flag ; he is obliged
to freight an English ship, which he loads with goods and pro
visions with which he makes his profit. But the surest profit is
that of the Englishman, as his freight cannot fail. Boats leave
New Orleans for Natchitoches, Pointe Coupee, Arkansas, and
Illinois. In New Orleans they take something, but most of their
cargo is taken from the floating stores, remote from the city, or at
Manchac, as they buy cheaper and have longer credits.
Various vessels assemble there, which from London come directly
to the Mississippi, and all of which have seven or eight skilled
workmen — carpenters, blacksmiths, etc. But what gives the great
est advantage to the English posts at Manchac, river Amite, and
Baton Rouge is the fact that English inhabitants who flee from
the disturbances in the colonies come to settle at these posts with

40 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

[1776

all their property. They come very easily, at small cost, some
by sea and others by the river Ohio or Belle Rivifere; and the
best proof of the progress of that colony, which receives no help
whatever from England, is that lands untillcd and covered with
forests sell at a higher price than our cultivated lands near the
city. If no means are taken to prevent the development of that
establishment, it will absorb ours, and will be a menace for the
vast kingdom of Mexico.
The Indians who inhabit this immense colony are Innumerable ;
and without their friendship it would not be easy for us to ascend
the river, unless we used large forces, while with their friendship
we should have free navigation, and they themselves would be
guardians of the river and protect our lands from invasion by
the English. The Indian tribes that are friendly to us and receive
our gifts are very small in comparison with those that are under
the control of the English, and the latter tribes are abundantly
supplied with arms and provisions, and would always dominate
our tribes if wc did not counterbalance the policy of the English.
The plan adopted by the English to dominate the Indians has
been the creation of two general superintendents of the Indians,
one in Florida and the other in Canada. They have power to
make gifts or discontinue them, and to appoint delegates to visit
the chiefs or caciques. Every two or three years the superin
tendents call congresses of the chiefs and principal warriors, and
renew the treaties made with them. They regulate also the trade
with the Indians ; they give passports to the traders, and see that
the latter commit no frauds, and they punish those who do. With
these means, and with exact justice and humanity, the English
have acquired such a power over the Indians that to-day they
make use of them to subjugate the colonists.
At present the English have on their lands, and subject to them,
the Choctaws, Otchatas, Ochises, Chickasaws, Natchez, and various
other tribes that formerly were entirely friendly to the French
and the Spaniards. These tribes arc near us, and often come to
the shores of Lakes Pontchartrain and Maurepas, and to Natchez.

1776] THE INDIANS 41
The Choctaws alone can put under arms 16,000 warriors, and the
following example will give an Idea of the importance of their
friendship. In 1766, Don Juan Estuardo, General Superintendent of the
Indians, called at Mobile a general congress of the Choctaws and
many other tribes, to ratify and confirm a general peace with
them. At the time of the congress came the news that several
warriors of the Choctaw tribe had attacked and driven back Major
Arthur Loftus, who was going up the Mississippi, with five hun
dred men, to Fort Chartres in the Illinois, and compelled him to
return after a loss of many soldiers dead and wounded. As the
superintendent called to account the Emperor or Great Sun, and
asked him how it was that his warriors had committed such an
offense, the latter rose and answered with great solemnity : " I
shall send some of my warriors, not only to my nation, but to all
the others on the banks of the Mississippi, to say that from this
day they shall help and protect the English who may wish to go up
the river, furnishing them with whatever venison and wild-ox meat
they may need." He added these remarkable words : "I shall in
struct my messenger to say to all nations that if any man of a nar
tion disobeys this order I shall wipe off that nation from the earth."
This happened while Don Antonio de Ulloa was in New Orleans,
where some one who was a witness of the Incident is still living.
This fact and many others prove how essential it is to follow
the same system as the English and appoint here a general
superintendent, who should know how to conciliate the various na
tions bordering on the Mississippi and win them over to Spanish
interests. As there is peace, we have had no trouble with the
Indians; but in case of war. New Orleans would not be secure,
unless we acquired the good will of those tribes. The English
delegate at Manchac does nothing dally but attempt to attract
the Indians who are on our lands, especially the Arkansas.
The influence that the English have acquired over these na
tions has not been through force alone, but by practising the
most exact and prompt justice. When any nation has failed

42 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
seriously in any contract, and the superintendent does not wish
to punish it himself, he orders the other nations to attack and
destroy it; which order is strictly obeyed, until the nation im
plores clemency and repairs its fault. This important end is
reached solely by giving powder and ammunition to those nations
that are to inflict the punishment. The control of the English
over their nations has reached such a point that they make the
children of the Indians come to their schools, and they also send
teachers to the nations.
The critical situation in which England is placed gives us a
favorable opportunity to draw over to us many of the neighbor
ing nations that were formerly friendly to us, as many in Florida,
provided we adopt the methods of the English. The Indians, in
reality, prefer us to the English, and, as our lands are better
suited to hunting, they would surely come over to us if we adopted
the same way of treating them. Not only in this manner should
we succeed in decreasing the power of the Engli-sh and increasing
ours, but we should attract to ourselves the nations that arc in our
lands remote from the river, who occupy the vast country from the
Californias to the Mississippi. This is a matter of the greatest
importance. If we united with those nations and treated them
as the English treat their nations, we should need no other barriers
to resist all the English forces. The general superintendent of
the English is entirely independent of the governor, and is
responsible only to the supreme authority; but if we establish
such an office it should be subject to the governor, leaving it,
however, all necessary freedom for being respected and obeyed.
There arc four systems of commerce that might be established
in the province : (1) Commerce entirely free with Spain and with
the posts mentioned in the regulation. This would be the most
advantageous system, without doubt ; but a fatal experience has
made us see that in the present condition of the province this
system of commerce is not sufficient alone. Count O'Reilly said
to the planters : " Sell your products to any one who presents
himself and pays in money, but under no consideration receive

1T76] SYSTEMS OF COMMERCE 48
goods, as they do harm to your own commerce. I shall see to it
that vessels come from Cadiz, Barcelona, and Santander, and If
this is not sufficient there will be found a way of giving you a
commerce that will make you progress." (2) Commerce by means
of a company. This system has the same disadvantages as the
former, and many more. By the first system it may be hoped
that the nation, as a whole, may derive some profit ; by the second,
the profit would belong to only two or three Individuals. But
what profit would this company make if its commerce were not
superior to that of the English? It is a manifest error to pretend
tliat the wiiole country would be satisfied with a commerce re
stricted and established by means of guards, and that the inhabi
tants would buy from the company, at four times the price, what
the English are offering them in front of their houses at two or
three times. They would listen to the repeated offers of the Eng
lish to settle on their lands and obtain liberty of commerce and
tranquillity in their homes, and this would expose the entire se
curity of the country. The happiness and satisfaction of the peo
ple are the surest proof of their progress, and I know that the mere
mention of a company terrifies them, as they have a general belief
that any commercial company with exclusive privileges is the ruin
and destruction of the people. It is equilibrium and equality that
make commerce flourish. Let companies be formed in Spain, and
let them compete for this commerce as any inhabitant of the
country : this would be a very useful thing and to be desired ; but
if a privilege, however small, is granted to any one of these com
panies, It will absorb in time the commerce of all. (3) A free
and open commerce with all nations. This system would doubt
less be useful to this country, and would do harm to the commerce
of the English, as the commerce of France has a known advantage
in the province over that of England. While the country be
longed to France, the English never thought of engaging in
commerce there, although they had free navigation of the river.
No hindrance was put in the way of the English who wished to
settle in New Orleans, and they contributed, not to the progress of

44 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
tlieir own nation, but to that of the French colony. Let us con
sider some objections to this system. If there were free commerce
by land with ISfexico, no one would take advantage of it, on ac
count of the risks and expenses of the long journey. One must
pass through various nations of Indians, and cross lakes, rivers,
mountains, to reach San Antonio de Bejar, distant more than
two hundred leagues from Natchitoches. When this country was
French, the governor wished to open a branch of commerce with
Mexico. Five or six private individuals, under the protection of
the governor, undertook an expedition and went as far as New
Mexico; but what happened to them? After infinite labors they
lost half of their goods, and the rest was confiscated in the neigh
borhood of that city. They were fortunate to be able to return
despoiled and wretched, and they were and are to-day the jest of
the country. There would be no advantage over the regular
commerce by way of Vera Cruz. If this commerce was established
only at the post of Tejas, which was transferred to San Antonio
de Bejar when the whole province of Louisiana was French, and
when it received the support of the governor, how could there
be commerce with a governor who would be watching this point,
supposing that any one were rash enough to risk his money on
such a contingency ? If the gate of Louisiana were open to every
foreign vessel, the French would, without doubt, have a greater
commerce than any other nation ; but the English would take
advantage of their situation at Manchac to develop their com
merce as much as possible. The inhabitants of Louisiana, ac
customed to having all that they need brought to them, and to
selling their products, would lose all spirit of maritime enterprise,
and the foreign merchants would not possess that patriotic spirit
which the inhabitants of Louisiana would have in order to bring
to the country persons and families, to increase the population
and develop the agriculture of the colony. In case of war, the
inhabitants of Louisiana would find themselves deprived of all
ships or means to provide themselves with the most necessary
things. (4) Active commerce of individuals and planters should

177G] IMPORTANCE OF MANCHAC 45
be established in the colony with places that may be of most ad
vantage to them. If it is permitted to the inhabitants of Loui
siana to carry themselves the products of the colony to such place
as suits them best, with the obligation that it be in ships con
structed in the country itself, and that they bring in return the
articles essential to the colony, leaving this commerce equally free
to all Spanish vessels coming from Spain or from Havana, the
commerce of the English will be ruined, as all the inhabitants will
be vigilant guards to prevent a foreigner from undertaking a com
merce that should be for their benefit alone. There is not the least
doubt that the commerce of the English would be ruined, as the
colonists from Louisiana, being able to go to Spain or France to
buy what they need at the factories themselves, would have more
advantages than the English themselves, who generally buy the
goods second-hand, because the products of their factories are not
as suitable or as cheap as those from France or some from Spain.
The commerce of the English on the river being ruined, the
decline of Manchac would follow, especially if a general pardon
were offered to all who have absented themselves for purposes
of contraband, and if the Catholics at Manchac were allowed to
settle on our lands with all their negroes, which they would do
immediately to be near the city. It is so important for the state
that Manchac should not prosper, that any individual should be
admitted, whatever be his nation, especially if he comes with his
family and his negroes.
Count O'Reilly, before leaving this country, allowed all the
merchants who had ships to make one or two journeys to Guanico ;
and had the Spaniards continued this commerce, the English
would never have thought of improving Manchac. The absence
of Spanish vessels left to them the entire commerce of the Missis
sippi. If the English were obliged to go up the river one hun
dred leagues to Manchac to sell their cargoes, they would soon
abandon this commerce on account of the excessive cost. And
they could not sustain It from Pensaeola or Mobile through Lakes
Pontchartrain and Maurepas ; as, when the river is low, in sonic

46 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i77g
parts they cannot cross over, and even when it is high they must
go in flatboats with oars and at great peril, as the lakes have
little depth and are very dangerous, at least during strong wind.
The objection that some might make to this system is, that if
this country is developed as it will surely be by this means, and
its population greatly increased, it may be feared that, in time,
finding Itself Avith a navy and with so many facilities to con
struct one, it might follow the bad example of the English
colonies. This objection falls when we notice that from the
mouth of the Mississippi to the Mexican Gulf, in our possessions,
there is no bay or port capable of containing a ship of two or
three hundred tons, and this country will never be able to make
such an attempt. But why such a suspicion of a people who will be
happy, especially if prompt and equitable justice is administered
to them? This suspicion is incompatible with the true and great
desires for happiness and progress of this people, and in the crit
ical situation in which it finds itself. I believe that I have proved
sufficiently that for the true interests of the King und of the state,
for the honor of the nation, for the good of humanity, It is es
sential to protect it and to make it progress. The Mississippi
is and should be the rampart of all New Spain ; and to resist
enemies, in case of war, with a small population, by means of
forts, cities, troops, is a very great and costly enterprise, and not
as secure as would be the fidelity of a large population, especially
if it is prosperous and happy.
The royal treasury would derive immense advantages from
protecting this country, and the King would obtain the means of
keeping there the largest army in all the Americas, which would
serve, not only for the defense of that country, but also to send
reenforcements to any place in Mexico or Havana, if necessary,
without the greatest expense to the royal treasury, as experience
has proved how onerous it is to transport armies from Spain. By
protecting this country we shall take possession, as soon as we
wish, of the whole coast of the Mississippi, and also of Mobile and
Pensaeola, because those towns are on a sandy and barren soil,

1776] SUB-DIRECTORS , 47
and are not capable of making any progress, except through an
illicit commerce better suited to form pirates than citizens. The
English would not be able to oppose this system, and they would
be beaten with their own weapons.
In order that a machine shall move easily, it is indispensable
that no part shall be lacking, and that it have the necessary and
well-coordinated springs. We shall oppose vainly the policy of
the English if we do not use the same weapons as they. At present
the province of Louisiana has only fifteen hundred men as regu
lar troops ; one hundred of them are stationed at the Balize, Bayou
St. John, Manchac, Arkansas, and Illinois, and the remainder in
the city. What defense could be made by such feeble detach
ments without suitable fortifications, If they were attacked?
Would the troops from the city go to the Arkansas or Illinois,
distant, one two hundred leagues, and the other five hundred?
This system, good during a constant peace, could not subsist
during the least discord, whether with the Indians, the English,
or the colonists, and the fires of war lighted on this continent
require a serious attention to the results.
If the colony is augmented, it will increase the labors of the
governor-general, and he will need the help of two sub-directors,
each of whom will attend to his own department and make full
reports to the governor. The latter might appoint, if he so de
sires, a board of seven or eight intelligent persons from among
the merchants, who would give advice to the governor about
things concerning the province, without prejudice to his judicial
authority. The superintendent-general of the Indians should
attend to whatever pertains to them, obtaining from each nation
an account of the number of its people, and especially of the
warriors, of the land they inhabit, and where they hunt, of the
annual consumption of goods from Europe, and the number of
peltries they furnish. With the help of the governor-general,
the superintendent should foster their trade, make treaties with
them, win their confidence, and above all watch carefully the acts
of the general superintendents of the English and report them

48 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [

1776

to the governor-general. Otice In two or three years there should
be a general congress of all the tribes of Indians, at Pointe Coupde
or some other convenient place, to make or renew treaties, to do
justice to them, and to treat them with severity and firmness If
they arc guilty. The small number of troops we have here bus
compelled us to ignore serious faults ; but if the colony Increases,
the troops will increase, and we shall gradually obtain over the
Indians the same authority as the English, who do not hesitate
to have them hanged when they have committed any crime.
Five or six hundred men of various tribes go to the Illinois with
their rifles and enter suddenly the house of the commandant, Avho
is generally a captain of the Battalion of the province, with only
thirty-two men. They ask for brandy or for food, often with
insolence, and the commandant has to suffer this or to run the
greatest risks. The superiority of their forces emboldens them,
and their thirst for brandy makes the risk greater, as tiicy be
come truly wild animals when intoxicated. In New Orleans even,
in the presence of the governor and several officials, four or five
Indians of one of our most worthless nations, having seen at a
distance two men of a tribe with which they were at enmity, took
their rifles and ran toward their enemies. The latter threw them
selves into the river to cross it, but as, after some time, they were
obliged to raise their heads from the water to breathe, the others
who were on the shore fired at them, killing one and wounding
the other. Although the guilty nation gave satisfaction to the
governor, this incident shows the insolence of the Indians, and
the necessity of restraining them and impressing upon them the
respect which they owe to the arms and officers of His Majesty.
The general superintendent should also know thoroughly, and
have copies, if possible, of the laws and treaties that the English
make with the Indians, and communicate them to the governor,
that the latter may imitate them or improve upon them, accord
ing to the needs of the colony. He should also know precisely
the names and numbers of the tribes and warriors under the con
trol of the English, and the lands they inhabit, to be able to give

1776] SETTLEMENTS 49
to the governor a complete knowledge of that important subject.
He should obtain the same information about the tribes that dwell
on our continent and those that are in the proximity of our pos
sessions in Mexico, also of those who inhabit the remote banks
of the Missouri and the Mississippi, as these are the strongest and
the bravest.
As general superintendent of the new settlements, he should
have a list of all the families that arrive there ; and it should be
his duty to establish them in the most suitable places, acting al
ways with the approval of the governor, as his lieutenant and
representative. He should divide the people into groups of fifty
families, and take especial care that in each place there be one
man who should know how to write, to give promptly a report
of the news. In each place also, the superintendent should take
care that there be men versed in the trades most essential to the
district, according to the cultivation suitable to it. Each settle
ment should have, at least, a carpenter, a blacksmith, and others
who can work wood and handle an axe well, to help one another
in building houses and manufacturing tools and implements.
To each family should be conceded a tract of land two hundred
yards front on the river by two thousand four hundred in depth,
so that the fifty families should occupy two leagues front, on the
river and have sufficient land to live from their products, down
to the fifth and sixth generations.
The families should be allowed to repay gradually, by the pro
ceeds of their crops, the advances made by the state. The soldiers
whose terms of enlistment have expired, and whose return to
Europe costs Spain such large sums of money, should receive
lands; as it would be important that there should be Spaniards
who would be on friendly terms with the families of the country.
The discharged soldiers from Havana might be attracted here,
and also the families who went to Havana from Florida, to whom
His Majesty gives a pension. The soldiers from Havana might
be encouraged to marry the orphan girls in those families. The
royal treasury might continue for four years or more the pension

50 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
that those people receive who have left Florida in order not to
submit to the English, and they might be allotted a double share
of land as a reward for their fidelity. Thus, after some time,
the state would be relieved of the burden of the pension, and on this
frontier sonic faithful Spaniards would be established, who would
sustain the sovereignty of His Majesty as they did in Florida.
The French Aeadians in Canada are not Ignorant of the ad
vantages their compatriots and relatives have enjoyed by coming
to the Mississippi, where they were established on the Iberville
coast by Don Antonio de Ulloa. Many will come from Canada
when they shall know of the help that will be given to them, and
of the facility of communicating with the French. The Acadian
families have increased very much, and have more lands than the
Germans who were brought here by the French at the time of
their domination.
The principal duty of the superintendent will be to attract to
this country as many families as possible, with least cost to the
state. The English have peopled their establishments with the
greatest facility. Each ship brought a certain number of men
and families, whose expenses were paid by the captain. On ar
riving in the settlement, the inhabitants gladly reimbursed the
captains of the ships and obtained the services of the newcomers
for a certain length of time. At the expiration of their contract
they were free, and they received a grant of land. In this manner
the country was settled without its costing the state anything. I
am confident that in the kingdom of Valencia and In Murcia there
are many useful persons who, under the same conditions, would
gladly go to Louisiana.
The superintendent will have to visit each year all the settle
ments, to animate them by his presence and make them all
contented, as happiness and self-satisfaction assure, more than
anything else, the success and prosperity of all enterprises.
As His Majesty has deigned to favor this country by sending
here, at great expense, teachers to establish public schools, to
teach the youth Ciirlstlan doctrine, reading and writing, it will

1776] SCHOOLS 51
be an Indispensable obligation on the part of the new colonists
to send their children, from the most tender age, to these schools,
which they will not leave and return to the country to their
parents before they know how to read, write, and speak Spanish
well. For the care and maintenance of these children, each settle
ment will choose a person who will reside in the city, whose sole
duty will be to take care of these children ; and the superintendent
will have to pay particular attention to this very essential point.
All the sons of the colonists eighteen years old will be obliged
to serve two or three years in the Battalion of this province, after
which they will be at liberty to return home. This is essential,
as in case of war all these young men will come as soldiers under
the flag, and will be firm defenders of the state and of their com
mon country.
As there are men who are Incapable of emulation and who lead
an indolent life, those should receive no help from the state, but
should be employed as day laborers or as hunters. The latter
are very useful in this colony, and furnish it with bear's grease,
meat, and peltries. It is important that there should be persons
who cross the vast fields from Natchitoches to Arkansas, and along
the shores of White River, Black River, and the St. Francis, as
those men give news of the Indians and report whether the Eng
lish are settling in those regions.
In order not to burden the royal treasury with the cost of these
employes and the increase in the gifts made to the Indians,
moderate duties might be imposed on all peltries and furs ex
ported. As there are intelligent men in this country, they should
be consulted as to the best means of Imposing taxes, and the means
suggested by those who are interested in the matter will be
adopted willingly by all. The governor-general sliould give all
the help possible to those persons, in order that, happy and con
tented, they should labor for the public good, under the royal
protection of our loving sovereign.
To place this country in a state of defense, and protect it from
all attacks, — not only from the English, who might introduce

52 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
by the river some frigates of war, make expeditions from Pensa
eola or Mobile by Lake Pontchartrain, or from Canada itself by
the Ohio or Belle RIvifere, — ^but also from the Indians and from
the inhabitants themselves, these things are necessary : A frigate
of thirty or forty guns, constructed in the river itself, and with
such strong sides that none of the enemy's boats that may enter
the river might compete with it. The guns should be 36-pounders,
and the frigate can remain always in the river as a floating bat
tery, to oppose whomsoever it may wish. The city of New Orleans
is distant about thirty leagues from the sea ; about four leagues
from the mouth of the river is a bend that is called the English
Turn, where the French have established two batteries. These
should be fortified anew and protected in the rear, as the English
might come by Lake Pontchartrain and penetrate by one of the
different bayous and attack the battery by land. All these bat
teries should be constructed on land that the river cannot carry
away — in jilaccs where a beach is formed. It would also be use
ful to rebuild and strengthen the fort on Bayou St. John ; for
if the English take possession of it they may, without the slightest
hindrance, go by water to a settlement called the Bayou, half a
league from the city, and take possession of New Oilcans with
little trouble. Besides those points, we should prepare for an at
tack by the English who might descend the Ohio or Belle Riviere.
One or two batteries should be established from the mouth of Red
River to that of the Ohio. We should rebuild the fort that we
have at Spanish Manchac, which is distant only a pistol-shot from
the English Manchac. On the opposite side of the river we should
build a fort tliat would protect from the Englisii pirates the in
liabitants of the Iberville, Acadian, and German coasts. As Pointe
Coupdc is beyond the hundred leagues that belong entirely to us,
and as it has a considerable population, two forts should be
established to protect especially the country around Red River,
to prevent the English or their colonists, in case of inde
pendence, from reaching Natchitoches or from extending in time
their ambitious aims as far as the vast kingdom of Mexico. In

1776] FORTS 53
the Arkansas and the Illinois It would also be very useful to have
a fort that might keep the Indians in awe. If all the mouths of
the rivers that enter the Mississippi on our side are fortified,
there will be nothing to fear for the kingdom of Mexico, as it is
only by these rivers that the English could penetrate Into our con
tinent, on account of the numerous lakes and mountains. All
these forts should have batteries toward the river and toward the
land, not to be surprised from behind. With all these forts, the
avenues would be well protected ; but to guard the city entirely,
and in order that its fate should not depend on the destiny of a
fort, it should be surrounded with walls according to the plan
that has already been traced with stakes, and a strong bastion
should be placed at each extremity of the city, facing the river,
and at the same place where the former governor had a battery
established. All these works should be of brick and mortar, to
protect them from the inroads of the river, and those places should
be avoided where the river has great depth, which are called by
the French Score. On the contrary, those strips of land should
be sought which advance gradually into the river, and which are
called hatture. In this way the works would be entirely jirotected
from the river. The population increasing, the garrison of the
city, which is at present very small, should be increased also, as
well as the number of the forts.
In his eleventh chapter Bouligny says two commercial
houses at Alicante have offered to furnish every year to
the province of Louisiana two or three thousand negroes,
whom the government would sell to the planters on easy
terms of payment. The introduction of such a large
number of laborers in the colony would place it, in less
than ten years, in such a state of defense that all England
united could not do it any harm, and in case of. war the
whole left bank, from Manchac up, which is now pos-

54 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i776
sessed by the English, would become Spanish, a fact that
would assure to the sovereign the absolute possession of
the whole Mississippi. The author adds that, as in the
Battalion of Louisiana there are several officers well
versed in mathematics, they should be liberated from
service and employed in making plans for forts and cal
culating the materials necessary. They should also be
appointed commandants of the forts. Special mention
is made of Don Andres Landry, one of the adjutants of
New Orleans, as being well prepared for the work men
tioned above.
Bouligny says in conclusion:
I believe I have included all the essential points which, with
experience and knowledge of the country, I have been able to col
lect in this paper, having used as a guide for my studies and plans
the numerous instructive conversations I have had on these sub
jects with his Excellency Count O'Reilly, on the occasions when
I have had the honor of serving under his orders, especially in the
expedition to this province, on which occasion he deigned con
tinually to intrust me with the most important orders. As my
object is not for personal interest, but for the service of the King,
and for the prosperity of a province where I am azendado, I be
lieve that these reflections may contribute to hasten its prosperity
and to make it obtain that of the English establishment at Man
chac. The moment is the most favorable, as the English and their
colonies are engaged in a civil war that occupies their whole
attention. A constant and fixed system is necessary to assure all
tliis territory and to inspire In Its inhabitants a constant feeling
of union with the sovereignty of His Majesty and gratitude for
it. The propositions of this memoir are injurious in no way to
the treasury, to the inhabitants, or to the Spanish nation, In com
mon or in particular; from which it follows that the execution

1776] CONCLUSION 55
will be easy, as it unites these three interests and gives no just
motive of complaint to the English nation. It is not in conflict
with the treaties ; it deprives the English of no right that belongs
to them — considerations which I have always had in view in ex
tending my reflections and presenting them to the illustrious wis
dom of the Minister of the Indies.
(Signed) Fuan^" Bouligny,
August, 1776.

CHAPTER III
The Administration of Galvez — His Wahs
AGAINST THE ENGLISH
Galvez begins his administration— English traders treated severely— Opera
tions of the Americans— Willing's attack on the English— More liberal
regulations about commerce— Alcaldes for 1779— Oath of allegiance to the
King of Spain— Families from the Canary Islands and from Malaga-
Settlement of New Iberia— Galveztown— Storms in 1778— The Islenos —
Declaration of war against England— Capture of Baton Rouge— Julien
Poydras— Poydras's poem— Expedition against Mobile— Correspondence be
tween Galvez and Durnford— Capture of Fort Charlotte— Galvez sails from
Havana— His fleet dispersed by a storm— The convoy— Galvez obtains an
army and transports — The expedition sails a. second time from Havana—
The troops land on the island of St. Rosa— Brisk firing from the English-
Attempt of the fleet lo enter the chainicl— Colonel Ezpelcla marches to
Perdido River— Galvez crosses the bar on the Oalveztown — The squadron fol
lows— Galvez's threatening letter to Campbell— Campbell's answer— Letters
of Governor Chester— Letter to Chester— Expedition of the Pio — Siege of
Fort George— March of the army— The Indians driven into the woods—
Galvez wounded— Surrender of Fort George— Surrender of Fort Barrancas
— Number of the prisoners — The Louisianians take part in the War of the
Revolution.

ON BERNARDO DE GALVEZ
began his administration as provi
sional Governor of Louisiana on
February 1, 1777- He was about
twenty-one years of age and he be
longed to an influential family. His
father, Don ISIatbias de Galvez, Avas
viceroy of Mexico, and his uncle, Don Jose de Galvez,
was president of the council of the Indies. The young

j6

1777] GALVEZ 57
governor was full of energy and ambition, and his ad
ministration was both enlightened and daring. The
policy of Spain became more liberal with regard to the
commerce of Louisiana, and Galvez encouraged that
feeling. The duty of four per cent, on exports of prod
uce from the colony was reduced to two per cent., and
trade with the French West India Islands was permitted.
Two commissioners, Villars and Favre dAunoy, ap
pointed by the French government, were to reside in
New Orleans, and purchase whatever was needed for the
islands. Later, Galvez permitted the French vessels to
buy at New Orleans or on the plantations the produce
of the colony, paying therefor in specie, bills of exchange,
or Guinea negroes, — that is to say, negroes who were
not born in the islands, or who had not remained there
some time. Permission was also given to bring goods or
produce from Cuba or from Campeachy, and all the to
bacco raised in the colony was ordered to be bought for
the Spanish government.
The commerce of Louisiana soon passed from the Eng
lish to the French, as Galvez treated the English traders
on the Mississippi with great severity, seizing, on April
26, 1777, according to the report of the French com
missioners, eleven English vessels, with rich cargoes.
The war for independence that tlie Americans were wag
ing against England was now in its third year, and Gal
vez aided the Americans by secretly permitting Oliver
Pollock to collect in New Orleans munitions of war,
which were sent to Fort Pitt. Captain Willing, of Phila
delphia, and some of his companions endeavored to make

58 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i778
the English in the Floridas join in the cause of the
Americans, but were not successful, partly, it is said, be
cause the people on the Mississippi and at Mobile feared
the fate of the chiefs of the Revolution of 1768, and partly
because these settlements were too sparse and too distant
from the principal operations of the war. The Ameri
cans, however, were steadily progressing, and the militia
of Virginia took possession of Kaskaskia, and of posts
on the Mississippi, in 1778, and the county of Illinois was
formed. In 1776 a county was formed by the State of
North Carolina, which was bounded on the west by the
Mississippi. That river, by the treaty between England
and France, was to form the western limit of North
Carolina. " By the proclamation of 1768," says Martin,
" George III had forbidden any settlement of white peo
ple to the west of the mountains. Nevertheless, a con
siderable number of emigrants from North Carolina
had removed to the banks of the Watauga, one of the
branches of the Holston."
In January, 1778, Captain Willing returned to New
Orleans and with about fifty men began operations
against the English on the Mississippi. At Manchac he
captured a small vessel, which was at anchor; then he
went to Baton Rouge and to Natchez, destroying on
the way everything he could find, burning houses and
devastating plantations. The inhabitants were unable to
resist the invaders and fled to the right bank of the river
to seek shelter in the Spanish possessions. The people
of Louisiana were highly indignant at Willing's cruel
conduct, although they were in sympathy with the Ameri-

1779] LIBERAL REGULATIONS 59
cans and Governor Galvez had furnished the latter with
more than seventy thousand dollars and had permitted
Oliver Pollock to act openly as their agent.
On April 20, 1778, Galvez permitted exportation of
the produce of the province to any of the ports of France ;
permission had already been given with regard to any
port of the United States. The Spanish government
acted in the same liberal manner, and it was " directed
that vessels from New Orleans should no longer be com
pelled to sail for one of the six ports to which they had
been restricted, but might sail to any other port of the
peninsula to which the commerce of the Indies was per
mitted. The exportation of furs and peltries from Loui
siana was at the same time encouraged, by an exemption
from duty during a period of ten years ; but in the re-ex
portation from Spain the ordinary duty was to be paid." *
In 1778, by royal schedules, Mercier's book, " L'An Deux
Mille Quatre Cent Quarante," and Robertson's " His
tory of America " were forbidden to be introduced or
read in tlie colony, the former work because it had been
condemned by the Inquisition, and the latter because the
King said that he had " just reason " to prohibit its
being read in his American dominions.
The ordinary alcaldes for 1779 were Piernas and Du-
verger, and, says Martin, " Toutant de Beauregard took
his seat as a perpetual regidor and principal provincial
alcalde, and Mazange succeeded Garic as clerk. Don
Juan Dorotheo del Portege succeeded Odoardo in the
office of auditor of war and assessor of government." In
1779 eighty-seven persons from the United States and

60 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i778
from the British provinces took an oath of allegiance to
the King of Spain.
In 1778 several families were brought over at the King's
expense from the Canary Islands. They formed settle
ments at Terre-aux-Boeufs under Marigny de Mande-
ville ; at Galveztown, on the river Amite, under St. Max-
ent; and at Valenzuela,on Bayou Lafourche. The settlers
received pecuniary assistance and rations for four years;
they were supplied with cattle, fowls, and farming uten
sils, and a house was built for each family, and a church
for each settlement. On January 15, 1779, Galvez men
tions in a despatch the arrival of families from Malaga,
with the exception of two who remained ill at Havana.
In a despatch of the same date he announces the arrival
of one hundred and eleven recruits from tlie Canary
Islands to complete his battalion, and of three hundred
and eighty-eight more, of whom more than half are mar
ried.^ He adds that it is impossible that those people be
soldiers and laborers at the same time, as the vacant lands
are thirty leagues distant from the city, and if the men
are kept as soldiers, humanity requires that the help given
to them be continued, without its being ever returned to
the royal treasury. It has, therefore, been thought better
to consider them simply as colonists.
These four hundred and ninety-nine men were sent
under the command of niouligny to form, on Bayou
Teche, in the Attakapas country, a settlement, which
was called New Iberia. They cultivated, at first, flax
and hemp, but without success, and afterward attended
solely to the raising of cattle in the vast prairies of the

1779] GALVEZTOWN 61
Attakapas. Martin says that, besides grants of land,
some heads of families received in rations, cattle, pecu-
niaiy, and other aid between three and four thousand
dollars. On January 15, 1779, Galvez says he has inspected a
site of high lands near the junction of the rivers Amite
and Iberville, not known until now by the people of the
country, and discovered by chance by the English and
the Americans who had fled to the possessions of the King
of Spain.' The latter formed there a village, which they
named Galveztown, and they begged that the name be
not changed, as they had found a refuge there during
Galvez's administration, and they wished that the name
be a token of their gratitude, and mark the date of the
foundation of the village. The governor, in his despatch,
expresses his regret at the death of Captain Louis Andry,
who perished, some said, with the whole crew of his bark
in the bay of Espiritu Santo, or, according to others,
was killed by the Indians. Andry, says the governor,
was the only man who could make plans with exactitude,
and his death embarrasses him very much with regard to
Galveztown, where several families from the Canary
Islands were established. Galvez mentions also a terrific
storm that had raged from October 7 to October 10,
1778.* The sea rose as it had never been seen to do before,
and the establishments at the Balize, Bayou St. John and
Tigouyou were destroyed.
The people from the Canary Islands whom Galvez
established in Louisiana are known as the Islenos or Is-
lingues." The population of Galveztown in 1788 was

62 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1779
two hundred and fifty -six, according to De Bow's Review,
but at present that town no longer exists. The Islenos
inhabit principally St. Bernard parish, at Terre-aux-
Boeufs, and on Bayou Boeuf, near Lake Borgne. Some
of these people are educated and wealthy, but the great
majority are poor and ignorant. A number of them live
on rile, between the Bois del Lacre and Lake Borgne.
Few of these have houses ; they reside principally in pal
metto huts and lead a very primitive life. They all speak
Spanish and the Creole patois, and the cliildren are begin
ning to leam English.
In 1779 six Capuchin friars sent by the King arrived
in Louisiana. Among them was Father Antonio de Se-
della, better known as Pere Antoine, Avho died in 1829,
beloved by the people of New Orleans. The year 1779
was marked by the ravages of smallpox in and around
the city, and principally by the declaration of war against
England. France had recognized the independence of
the United States, and was at war with Great Britain.
The King of Spain offered his mediation, which was
not accepted by England, and he ordered his ambassador
to leave London without ceremony. Letters of marque
were issued against the ships and subjects of Spain, and
the latter country declared war against England on May
8, 1779. On July 8 the King authorized his subjects in
America to take part in the war. Galvez, who had acted
thus far as provisional governor, received his commission
as governor and intendant " on account of the merit dis
played in the provisional government of the province and
granting the wishes of its inliabitants." **

I7T9] PREPARATIONS FOR WAR 63
On hearing of the declaration of war, Galvez imme
diately resolved to attack the English possessions in the
neighborhood, and called a council of war. It was the
opinion of the Council that it would be better to adopt
defensive measures until reinforcements could be ob
tained from Havana; but the intrepid young governor
did not accept the advice of the Council, and, says Ga
yarre, " under the pretext of preparing for defense, he
proceeded with indefatigable activity to prepare for car
rying into execution his secret designs, which he intrusted
only to Don Juan Antonio Gayarre, whom he appointed
commissary of war for the projected expedition." ^ In
the mean time a violent hurricane occurred on August 18,
1779, which caused great devastation in New Orleans
and along the Mississippi. The vessels that had been pre
pared for the expedition were sunk in the river, with
the exception of the frigate El Volante, which its com
mander, Luis Lorenzo de Terrazas, succeeded in saving.
The governor, however, was not discouraged; he re
newed his preparations and devised an expedient, which
Gayarre quotes from the supplement to the Madrid
Gazette of August 29, 1780. He assembled in the pub
lic square the principal inhabitants of New Orleans, and
showed them his commission as governor, which he had
just received. He said that he could not take, before the
cabildo, the oath to defend the province from the English
until the inhabitants promised to help him. All present
assented with enthusiasm. Galvez then took the oath of
office, and began to collect a small fleet and an army.
lie succeeded in raising out of the river four of the ves-

64 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1779
sels that had been sunk by the hurricane, and he left New
Orleans on August 27 with six hundred and seventy men,
including one hundred and seventy veteran soldiers, three
hundred and thirty recruits, twenty carbineers, sixty mi
litiamen, and eighty free blacks as volunteers. The
artillery was placed in the vessels and was commanded
by Don Julian Alvarez; the second in command was
Colonel Manuel Gonzales ; next came Don Estevan Miro.
Lieutenant-Colonel Don Pedro Piernas received the
command of New Orleans, and to Don Martin Navarro
was intrusted the civil administration of the province.
Don Gilberto Guillemard was a volunteer engineer.
Galvez received on the way reinforcements of six hun
dred men and one hundred and sixty Indians. The latter
and the colored men marched in the front as scouts ; tliey
were followed by the regular troops and by the militia.
On September 7 Fort Bute, at Manchac, was taken by
assault, Gilbert Antoine de St. Maxent being the first
to enter by an embrasure. Although his army had been
considerably diminished on the march by sickness and
fatigue, Galvez left Manchac on September 13, and ad
vanced against Baton Rouge. ITe saw that he could not
take the fort by storm, and resolved to invest it. The
garrison consisted of four hundred British soldiers and
one hundred militia, commanded by Colonel Dickson.
Galvez opened fire on September 21, and after a brisk
cannonade, which lasted two hours and a half, the English
commander proposed a capitulation. The garrison were
granted the honors of war and were made prisoners. It
was agreed that Fort Panmure at Natchez, and two

1T7B] CAPTURE OF BATON ROUGE 65
posts, one on the Amite and the other on Thompson Creek,
should capitulate also. Galvez left Carlos de Grandpre
in command at Baton Rouge, and returned with his army
lo New Orleans. His campaign had been conducted with
great daring and ability and was considered glorious.
The supplement to the Madrid Gazette, Janimry H,
1780, quoted by Gayarre, praises higlily Ibc Ijonisiana
inilitiii. imd adds Ibat the Aeadians Avcrc nio.st eager to
attack the English, " remembering their cruelties in the
Avar, Avliich obliged them to abandon their houses." The
free men of color behaved also Avitli great courage. The
Spanish gunboats captured several English vessels in the
lakes and in the Mississippi, and Vincent Rieux, a native
of New Orleans, commander of a sloop of war, greatly
distinguished himself. He heard that an English bark
Avas expected at Manchac, and devised a plan to cap
ture it. He formed intrenchments Avith trees, and con
cealed his men. As soon as the English were near enough,
Rieux and his men fired upon them and uttered loud
shouts. The English, thinking that a large force was
opposed to them, ran below deck, and Rieux and his
thirteen men, all Creoles, or natives of Louisiana, made
prisoners about seventy soldiers and sailors. On his re
turn to New Orleans, Galvez had only fifty soldiers to
garrison the city, as he had been compelled to leave some
of his men to occupy the posts conquered from the Eng
lish. New Orleans Avas full of friendly Indians and of
English prisoners freed on parole, but no disturbances
took place. Galvez's energy imposed respect upon all,
and he was highly admired and greatly beloved. The

66 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1779
King rewarded his exploits by appointing him a briga
dier-general. The campaign of Galvez against Baton Rouge inspired
Julien Poydras, who wrote in French a short epic poem
on the heroic deeds of the governor. This work, pub
lished in New Orleans in 1779, is interesting as being the
first contribution to the French literature of Louisiana,
which was destined to be very creditable.
Julien Poydras was born at Nantes, in Brittany, about
1740. He served in the navy, and was made a prisoner
by the English in 1760 and taken to England. He man
aged to escape after three years, and went to Santo
Domingo, hidden in a merchant vessel bound for the
West Indies. From Santo Domingo he passed over to
Louisiana, where he arrived, it is tliouglit, in 1768, the
year of the celebrated Revolution against Spain. It must
have been very sad to Julien Poydras to reach Louisiana
only to see her become a Spanish province ; but to a man
of energy and enterprise a wide field was open in a new
country admirably situated for commerce and with a soil
created by the sediment which the noblest river in the
world had been depositing for centuries. Poydras re
mained but one year in New Orleans, for he had under
stood what profit could be derived from a direct trade
with the country parishes. He bought some merchandise
and set out on foot from New Orleans. He was re
ceived everywhere with unbounded hospitality, and in a
short time accumulated a large sum of money. He
finally bought a plantation at Pointe Coupee, and settled
there. He built later a store and cotton-gins, and de-

1779] JULIEN POYDRAS 67
rived great profits therefrom. He was a remarkable
man and appears to have been created for the require
ments of bis epoch, and to have known perfectly how
to adapt himself to circumstances. He was exceedingly
sober and frugal, very gentle in his disposition, and had
the sympathies of all who knew him. He traded Avith all
the posts in the province, and even with Nacogdoches.
I-Ie provided the posts with European merchandise, and
received in exchange indigo, cotton, salt meat, buffalo
skins, bear's grease, and flour. Two or three times a
year Poydras went to Ncav Orleans, and it is curious to
note how he traveled. The poor young peddler who, in
1769, went from house to house with his pack, had his
own boat twenty years later, in which he leisurely de
scended the Mississippi. His craft, it is true, was a
flatboat covered with a tent, but he had six oarsmen, a
cook, and a servant, and lived in regal fashion, stopping
on his Avay at the plantations of his friends, and being
received everywhere most cordially. When he Avent to
the Avoyelles, where he had large herds of cattle, he
crossed the impetuous Atchaf alaya River on a raft, hold
ing by the bridle his horse, which SAvam after him.
Julien Poydras was very pious and led a noble life.
Although wealthy, he lived in a simple and unostenta
tious manner. His house was open to all who knocked
at his door, and he gave hospitality to Louis-Philippe, in
1798, at Pointe Coupee, and is said to have furnished
the exiled prince with money to continue his journey.
Having passed, by many years, the allotted threescore
and ten, Julien Poydras was prepared to take his de-

68 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1779
parture from this world. In the beginning of June,
1824, he took to his bed, for his strength had abandoned
him. Without any real illness, his life was passing away,
as a flame in a lamp flickers and dies out when there is
no longer any oil to feed the wick. Although extremely
weak, Poydras was always desirous of standing up,
" for," said he, " a man on his feet never dies." Plis
friends would hold him up for a few minutes each day,
and a smile Avas on his lips when he died. He bequeathed
$40,000 to the Charity Hospital in New Orleans, Avas
\he founder of Poydras Asylum in the same city, and
gave $30,000 to establish a school for indigent orphans
in Pointe Coupee. To the parishes of West Baton Rouge
and Pointe Coupee he left $30,000 each for a noble and
poetic purpose. Each year the interest of the money was
to be given to the young girls who were married during
the year. He left the bulk of his fortune to one of his
nephews, and in his will he ordered that twenty-five years
after his death all his slaves should be set free. These
directions, however, were unheeded. Julien Poydras was
on intimate terms with Governor Claiborne and General
Wilkinson, and took a great intei-est in public affairs.
He was president of the first Legislative Council of the
Territory of Orleans, delegate to Congress from 1809
to 1812, president of the Constitutional Convention of
1812, and president of the State Senate from 1812 to
1813, and again from 1820 to 1821.
Poydras's work has no great literary merit, but it is
interesting as a historical document. The title of it is
" La Prise du Morne du Baton Rouge par Monseigneur

1779] POYDRAS'S POEM 69
de Galvez, Chevalier pensionne de I'Ordre Royal distin
gue de Charles Trois, Brigadier des Armees de Sa Ma-
jeste, Intendant, Inspecteur et Gouverneur General de la
Province de la Louisiane, etc. A la Nouvelle Orleans,
chez Antoine Boudousquie, Imprimeur du Roi et du Ca
bildo. M.DCC.LXXIX." The author evidently imi
tated Boileau's celebrated epistle on the crossing of the
Rhine by the cavalry of Louis XIV- In Poydras's poem
the Mississippi is aAvakened by a thunderbolt. He asks
Avhat mortal or Avhat god has come to disturb the sweet
peace of his happy shores, where dwell his cherished plan
ters. He sends the nymph Sceesaris to find out who is the
rash being that is invading his realm. The nymph goes
into the camp, disguised as a mortal, and sees the hero.
She returns to the god Mississippi, and describes the army
and relates the story of the siege and capture of Baton
Rouge. She speaks of the proud planters, intrepid mi
litia, who, Avitb the same skilful bands that traced fur
rows, elevate bastions and parapets with a like ardor.
She says the intrepid Galvez encourages all, and that,
in spite of their gallant resistance, the English are obliged
to surrender. The governor then addresses words of
praise to his army, which replies with great acclamation.
The narrative of Scsesaris to the river-god ends by a
prophecy of what his banks Avill be under the rule of
the victors. The Mississippi says :
I shall tell my waters to moderate their course.
And to fertilize the place of his abode.
By flowery paths let him attain glory.
Let his name be written in the Temple of Memory.

70 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [iiso
Sing, nymphs, tritons, SAVcll your bagpipes.
Everything breathes joy in the empire of waters.
I wish in his honor to institute a feast
That will consecrate forever his new conquest.
After the capture in 1779 of Baton Rouge, called by
the English New Richmond, Galvez left New Orleans in
January, 1780, to undertake the conquest of Mobile.
" A report shows that the garrison of Mobile, all told, con
sisted of two hundred and seventy-nine men, besides Mr.
Gordon, the minister, who was quite active. Commissary
Thomas Strother, and the surgeon's mate, probably Dr.
Grant. There were seventeen negroes as officers' ser
vants, and thirty-five more were used in one way or an
other, whose owners afterward claimed compensation
from the Crown. There were represented the engineers,
artillery, 4tli battalion of the 60th Foot, sixteen of the
United Provincial Corps of Pennsylvania, and Mary
land Loyalists, fifty-two volunteers from the inhabitants
(of whom fifteen deserted), and twenty -one artificers.
Among the volunteers are included Captain Walker's
Provincial Dragoons and Captain Rees's militia in three
canoes, Avbo arrived at a critical time." *
Galvez sailed from the Balize on February 5, 1780,
with an army of two thousand men — regulars, militia, and
a few companies of free men of color. In spite of a ter
rific storm, Avhich greatly hampered and delayed him,
he landed bis army on the eastern point of Mobile River.
General Campbell, the English commander at Pensaeola,
might have destroyed the Spanish army had he attacked
it with a large force in its disorganized condition. Gal-

1780] FORT CHARLOTTE 71
vez understood this so well that he Avho was generally so
bold thought of retreating to New Orleans by land.
Campbell, hoAvever, did not appear, and Galvez erected
six batteries and began to cannonade Fort Charlotte,
Avhich was commanded by Captain Durnford. The fol-
loAving correspondence is interesting in that it shows the
chivalric character of Galvez, Durnford's manliness, and
Campbell's indecision. The first letter is written in
French, and the others in English."
Choctaw Point, March 1, 1780.
Sir: If I had fewer than two thousand men under my com
mand, and if you had more than one hundred soldiers and a few
sailors, I Avould not nsk you to surrender, hut the great in
equality of forces compels us — you to yield immediately, or
I to make you bear all the extremities of war if a useless and
uncalled-for resistance irritates the patience of my troops, too
much annoyed by some accidents. To-day I am ready to grant you
a regular capitulation and in accordance with circumstances ; to
morrow perhaps nothing will be left to you but the sterile re
pentance of not having accepted my proposition in favor of the
unfortunates who arc under your command.
I have the honor to be. Sir,
Your very humble and very obedient servant,
B. DE Galvez.
To Captain Durnford,
Fort Charlotte, Mobile.
Fort Charlotte, Momle, 1 March, 1780,
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your Ex
cellency's summons to surrender immediately the Fort to your
Excellency's superior forces.
The differences of number, I am convinced, are greatly in your

72 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

[1780

favor, sir, but mine are much beyond your Excellency's con
ception, and Avas I to give up this Fort on your demand I should
be regarded as a traitor to my king and country. My love for
both, and my own honor, direct my heart to refuse surrendering
this Fort until I am under conviction that resistance is in vain.
The generosity of your Excellency's mind is well known to my
brother officers and soldiers, and should it be my misfortune to
be added to their number (sic), a heart full of generosity and
valor will ever consider brave men fighting for their country as
objects of esteem and not revenge.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
Elias Durnford.
Gov. D. B. DE Galvez. Mobile, 2d March, 1780.
Sir: Soon after I sent Land Express a flag Avas perceived in
the wood, and I sent an officer to receive it at some distance. This,
as I expected, Avas a summons to surrender to Don Bernardo dc
Galvez' superior forces — a copy of which you have inclosed with
my answer thereto. The Flag was brought in Person by an old
acquaintance. Colonel Bolyny [Bouligny], Avho sent me a polite
card, wishing for the pleasure of an interview if possible, and Pro
fession of Friendship, although Ave were National enemies : on which
I sent Mr. Barde to conduct him into the Fort with the customary
ceremony, Avhere he dined and continued until nearly five o'clock,
drinking a cheerful Glass to the healths of our King and Friends.
During our conversation I found that the Report of the Ship
wreck was true ; he acknowledged that they had undergone great
hardships, but Avould not alloAV to have lost any men, and in
formed me that they were about 2500 men, but by trusty Indians
who were sent by me into the camp in the morning, I learned that
a great number were negroes and mulattoes, and they had landed
no cannon. Bolyny confirmed that we had cut the cable and
just hit the Row Galley, but wc arc certain that three nine-
pounder shot hit her, and as she is gone off I suspect she is

1780] FORT CHARLOTTE 78
well mauled, for yesterday morning she was seen opposite the
Choctaws on a heal (sic), and I suppose is gone to Dog River to
repair the damage received from our shot. As soon as Colonel
Bolyny left me I drew up my Garrison in the square, read to them
Don Galvez' summons, and told them that if any man among
them was afraid to stand by me, that I should open the gate and
he should freely pass. This had the desired effect, and not a man
moved. I then read to them my answer to the summons, on which
they all joined in three cheers and then went to our necessary work
like good men.
I really believe that their (the enemy's) force is greatly mag
nified. I am,
Emas Durnford.
General Campbell: Your great good news hath just arrived.
I thank you, dear Sir, for the consolation it affords me. I need
not say that I will defend the Fort to the last extremity. The
vessels I can see from this are in the mouth of the East Pass,
about two miles distant from the Fort. And the Galvez Brig is
one and Picklcr's Florida the other. Near to the Dog River are
five ships or Pollacas, and I am informed that three or four are in
Dog River, besides the Row Galley. I am, etc.,
Elias Durnford.
4 o'clock afternoon. Fort Charlotte, Mobile,
14th March, 1780.
Gen. Campbell:
Sir: It is my misfortune to inform you that this morning my
small but brave garrison marched down the breach, and sur
rendered themselves prisoners of war to General Bernardo de
Galvez' superior arms. I write for your information, and request
you will do me the favor to inform Mrs. Durnford that I am in
good health, and that she ought to be under no uneasiness at my

74 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i780
fate. When it is in my power to send you the capitulation and
state preceding it for a few days, will do it; in the mean time I
assure you, sir, that no man in the garrison hath stained the
lustre of the British arms.
The number by return of killed, wounded and prisoners, 304.
I have the honor to be, etc.,
Elias Durnford.
Captain Durnford's " great good news " was probably
the fact that Campbell had announced to him that he had
sent, on March 5, to relieve Mobile the Sixtieth Regiment,
and the next day the remainder of the Waldeck Regiment.
Campbell himself set out from Pensaeola Avith a force
of five hundred and twenty-two men, but, as we have
seen by Durnford's letter quoted above. Fort Charlotte
had capitulated on March 14, 1780. Galvez granted his
gallant opponent the honors of war, and agreed, says
Mr. Hamilton, " to take his prisoners to a British port
and land them, upon their promise not to serve against
Spain or her allies for eighteen months." It was at
Fort Charlotte that Willing, who had so ruthlessly
devastated the Mississippi coast from Baton Rouge to
Natchez, had been kept a prisoner by the English until
exchanged in 1779.*'*
Galvez Avas made a major-general for his achievements
at Mobile, and he resolved to drive tlie English entirel}--
out of the country adjoining the province of Louisiana
by making the conquest of Pensaeola. The young and
intrepid governor of Louisiana knew that the force under
his command was insufficient for the capture of Pensa
eola, and he sent a messenger to Havana to ask for a

1781] PENSACOLA 75
reinforcement. As the captain-general did not imme
diately comply with his request, he went to Havana him
self and obtained troops, artillery, and ammunition. He
sailed for Pensaeola on October 10, 1780, but met with
a storm, which dispersed his transports and compelled
him to return to Havana on November 17. We shall fol
low here Galvez's Diary of the expedition, dated Pensa
eola, May 12, 1781."
On liis returning to Havana, November 17, Galvez felt
very anxious about the fate of his transports, as he did
not know where they were. It appears that after being
dispersed by the storm some went to Campeachy, some to
the Mississippi, and some to other parts, and one was
supposed to have perished. As soon as he reached Ha-
A'ana the general asked again that troops and provisions
be sent to Mobile, as the fort Avas in Avant of both and
Avas threatened Avith an attack. Yielding to his entrea
ties, the council of generals ordered that ships be put in
order to transport five hundred men and some provisions,
and on December 0, 1780, the convoy sailed under the
command of Don Joseph de Rada. It reached the
mouth of the Mobile after a fcAV days, but the captain
did not Avish to enter the bay, because he perceived, as
he said, some change in the channel, and he sailed directly
for the Balize on the river JMississippi, Avhere he left the
convoy and returned to Havana.
This circumstance, and the fact that two English frig
ates entered Mobile Bay five days later, induced Galvez,
as it Avas not possible to renew the expedition from Ha
vana, to urge that troops be given him to reinforce the gar-

76 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [iisi
risons of Louisiana and Mobile, and from these, if a fa
vorable opportunity presented itself, to attack Pensaeola
or to preserve more securely the recent conquests. The
council of generals approved this idea, and ordered
that thirteen hundred and fifteen men be given to
Galvez, and that sufficient transports be furnished him.
The convoy Avas to be protected by the man-of-war San
Ramon, commanded by Don Joseph Calbo de Irazabal,
two frigates, a chamhequin, and a packet-boat, all under
the command of Galvez. The instructions given to Don
Joseph Calbo were, that he should execute the orders
given to him by Don Bernardo de Galvez relative to the
conquest of Pensaeola.
The young general embarked on February 13, 1781,
although he was not in good health; the troops on tlie
14th, and the convoy sailed from Havana on February
28. Galvez sent Captain Maximiliano Maxent in a
schooner to New Orleans, to order the troops which had
been left in the Mississippi by Don Joseph Rada, and
those which had sought shelter from the storm, to meet the
fleet, which was on the way to Pensaeola. On March 1,
Don Miguel de Herrera was sent to Mobile with letters
for Don Joseph Ezpeleta, informing him that the fleet
was to touch the eastern coast of the island of St. Rosa,
and ordering Ezpeleta to advance by land to join his
troops to those of Galvez.
On March 4 the general called together the officers of
the war-ships, and told them that his plan was to land
his troops on the island of St. Rosa and to attack the
battery that the enemy had on Point Sigiienza, in order

1781] ST. ROSA 77
to facilitate the entrance of the ships into the port, with
out their running the risk of passing between cross fires,
and to await there the reinforcements from Louisiana
and from Mobile. All the naval officers approved the
plan, and some were even anxious to obtain the glory of
being the first to enter the channel. On March 5, at six
o'clock in the evening, the brig Galveztown, which had
sailed from Havana on March 2, joined the squadron.
She was commanded, says Martin, by Rousseau, and had
lately arrived from Ncav Orleans. It is a strange fact
that in his Diary Galvez does not mention Rousseau, who,
with his brig Galveztown, played such an important part
in the conquest of Pensaeola.
On March 9, at six o'clock in the morning, land was
seen, and it was soon found to be the island of St. Rosa;
at eight o'clock the firing of cannon from Pensaeola was
heard. At Iavo o'clock the general ordered that the troops
be held in readiness to debark at night, and that each
soldier take three days' rations, the grenadiers and caza
dores being, of course, the first to debark. They were
to enter barges when two lanterns should be placed on the
stern of the San Ramon. The convoy Avas at anchor a
cannon-shot from land, and three leagues to windward
from the mouth of the port. At eight o'clock at night
the signal was given for the barges ; and, with the general
at their head, the grenadiers and cazadores landed with
their colonel, Don Francisco Longoria. Galvez after-
Avard returned on board the San Ramon to see to the land
ing of the remainder of the troops, and at three o'clock in
the morning of March 10, all the troops were marching

78 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i78i
in a column on the shore of the island of St. Rosa facing
the sea.'^
At half-past five in the morning the grenadiers and
cazadores reached Point Sigiienza, but found no fort,
only three dismounted guns and a battery of fascines half
destroyed, wliich the enemy, with little knowledge of its
use, had abandoned. At that time two barges, containing
seven men, were captured by the cazadores, and the pris
oners declared that the town was well supplied Avith men
and provisions, and that reinforcements from Jamaica
Avere expected from day to day. Fort Barrancas, oppo
site Point Sigiienza and distant about five hundred toises,
and two English frigates began to fire briskly on the
troops, but Avitbout doing them any harm, as they were
protected by several hillocks. Earthworks, however,
Avere erected for more security.
On March 10, at eleven o'clock in the morning, the
convoy changed anchorage to a point near the port, and
in the evening the general examined the coast of the
island facing the town, for the purpose of erecting a
battery that would defend his troops from the English
frigates, drive the latter away, and protect the entrance
of the convoy. He ordered, accordingly, that four guns
and one hundred and fifty tents be landed. On March
11, before daybreak, the commander of the fleet sent men
to sound the bar in the channel, and on the same day a
battery of two tAventy-four-pounders was erected in front
of Fort Barrancas. It began firing at one of the English
frigates at half-past three in the afternoon. At the same
hour the fleet sailed to enter the port, and the general.

1781] THE BAR 79
perceiving this, embarked immediately on the San Ra
mon to be present at this action and share the risk of the
men. Commodore Joseph Calbo, however, insisted so
strenuously that Galvez should return to land, that the
latter consented to leave the ship. Shortly afterward
the general perceived that the San Ramon Avas turning
round and returning with the other ships to the place
where they bad anchored last. This retrograde movement
Avas due to the fact that, on endeavoring to cross the bar,
the commodore's ship had run aground. Don Joseph
Calbo spent the whole night in lightening the San Ramon
to prepare her to enter the channel, although the weather
was not propitious for such an undertaking.
On the twelfth the Aveather continued unfavorable, and
Galvez feared that if there was a storm the ships could not
be kept in a place where there was no haven, and that if
they departed there Avould be no provisions for the camp.
He resolved, therefore, to do everything possible to pre
vent such an accident. At eight o'clock in the morning he
went to inspect some works which he had ordered to be
erected at the extremity of Point Sigiienza, and at two
he Avent on board the San Ramon to order that the frigates
cross the bar at the head of the convoy, and that the men-
of-war should follow, so that if the San Ramon ran
aground the other ships should not be detained as they
had been the evening before. But perceiving some reluc
tance on the part of the naval officers to follow his plan,
the general returned to land. He wrote then to Don
Joseph Calbo that it was absolutely necessary that the
fleet should enter the port, as in case of a storm, which Avas

80 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA ii78i
a frequent thing on this coast, the ships would be forced
to disperse and to abandon the army. He added that the
commodore could count already on a battery of six
twenty-four-pounders which he had erected at a point
opposite the enemy's battery.
On the thirteenth the landing of provisions and am
munition continued ; and on the same day the general re
ceived the reply of the commander of the fleet, who said
that, after hearing the opinion of the naval officers, he
found it very unwise to risk his ships, when he lacked the
necessary knoAvledge as to the depth and direction of the
channel, had no pilots, and understood that the enemy
could attack the ships in front and rear without their
being able to reply effectively. At three o'clock in the
afternoon the general sent his aide-de-camp, Don Este
van Miro, to Mobile, with orders for Colonel Joseph
Ezpeleta Avith regard to the junction of the latter's troops
Avith those of Galvez. On the fourteenth the general or
dered the captain of the brig Galveztown to sound, in the
night, the interior of the port and ascertain its depth. On
the fifteenth provisions were landed Avith great difficulty
on account of the rough sea, and two eight-pounders were
placed in position.
On the sixteenth Lieutenant Don Juan Riano arrived
in a schooner from Mobile, with letters from Colonel Ez
peleta, who said lie was about to march Avitli nine hun
dred men to the Perdido River, five miles from Pensa
eola, and that he would need barges to cross the river.
Commodore Calbo wrote to Galvez that he had ordered
armed barges to go to the Perdido River with ten days'

1781] THE GALVEZTOWN 81
provisions, and that he would send the Pio, which was
the lightest ship, to go as near the shore as possible, to
protect Ezpeleta and provide him with guns and provi
sions if he needed them. Calbo advised the general to
Avait for a dark night for the crossing of Ezpeleta's
troops, but added that in this matter Galvez might do as
he thought best. The command of the barges was given
to Captain Andres Valderrama and First Lieutenant
Antonio Estrada. The general replied on the same day
to the commodore's letter, and approved what he had
done. On the seventeenth, at eleven in the morning, Galvez
ordered Riano to place himself with his schooner at the
entrance of the port, accompanied by the brig Galveztown
and two gunboats. At four o'clock the alferez Don
Miguel Herrera arrived with letters from Colonel Ez
peleta, announcing that he was on his Avay to the Per
dido River. The general, understanding that there was
much delay in crossing the bar, and fearing that, in case
of a storm, the convoy Avould be obliged to set sail in
order not to be wrecked on the coast, and that the army
Avould be left on the island without means of subsistence,
resolved to be the first to force entrance into the port,
fu'mly believing that this last recourse would stimulate
the others and make them follow. In fact, at half -past
tAvo in the afternoon of March 18 he embarked in a canoe
to go on board the brig Galveztown, which was at anchor
at the entrance of the port of Pensaeola. He ordered
a pendant to be displayed and a salute to be fired, and the
Galveztown sailed, followed by Riano's schooner and two

82 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i78i
gunboats, the only naval force that was directly under
Galvez's command. Fort Barrancas fired as rapidly as
was possible, especially at the Galveztown, as it was evi
dent by the banner displayed that the general was on
board. The valiant little fleet, however, sustained no
damage, except in the rigging and sails, which were
pierced with balls, and entered the port amid the ex
traordinary acclamations and continuous "Vivas!" of
the army, which manifested to the general its joy and its
devotion to him.
On seeing tlie success of Galvez, the squadron resolved
to cross the bar on the following day, with tlie exception of
the San Ramon,which was already ballasted. On the nine
teenth, at two o'clock in the afternoon, the convoy set
sail, preceded by the Iavo frigates, and in an hour all the
ships had entered the harbor in the midst of an extraor
dinary fire from Fort Red Cliffs in the Barrancas.
Several ships were injured, but not a man was killed or
wounded. Galvez was in a boat among the ships, to
give them whatever help they might need. At five
o'clock he endeavored to go with his aides, in a boat,
to see Ezpeleta and give him his instructions in per
son. He wished to prove that it was as easy to leave
the port as to enter it; but contrary winds and currents
obliged him to return to his camp at eleven o'clock at
night. In the morning of the twentieth Galvez wrote a letter
to Campbell, in which he said that the English at Havana
in 1762 intimated that the Spaniards would be treated
with the greatest rigor if any of the ships and buildings of

1781] GENERAL CAMPBELL 83
the King, as well as those of any private individual, were
damaged or destroyed. He therefore made the same in
timation, in the same terms, to General Campbell and
whom it might concern.
In the evening Galvez went in a boat to reconnoiter the
beach, in order to choose a place to debark the troops that
Avere to attack the toAvn. At eight o'clock at night the
enemy set fire to a guard-house on the beach which the
general had reconnoitered, and the latter ordered Riano's
schooner and the launch of Rousseau's Galveztown to
approach the land and fire with grape-shot at any enemy
who might be there.
On the twenty-first, at a very early hour, an officer
came from Pensaeola with a letter from General Camp
bell. The British commander said that the threats of
an enemy are considered only as stratagems of war. He'.
trusted that in his defense of Pensaeola he should do
nothing contrary to the laws and customs of Avar, but that
he was under obligations to Galvez for his frank intima
tion. He assured him, however, that his conduct would
depend more upon the Spanish general's reply to the
propositions that Governor Chester would make the next
day about the prisoners, and upon his OAvn about the city,
than upon threats.
At noon an aide-de-camp of General Campbell ar
rived Avith letters from the latter and from Governor
Chester. He Avas accompanied by Colonel Dickson, who
had been made prisoner at Baton Rouge in 1779, and who
resided in Pensaeola under parole. General Campbell's
letter Avas as follows : *'

84 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i78i
Humanity requiring that innocent persons should be protected,
as much as possible, from the cruelties and devastations of war,
and it being evident that the garrison at Pensaeola cannot defend
itself without the destruction of the city, and consequently with
the total ruin of a great number of inhabitants; and being de
sirous of preserving the city and the garrison to the victor, with
the hope that the palm of victory will belong to the troops which
I have the honor to command, I have abandoned the garrison of
Pensaeola; but knowing that the preservation of the city and its
edifices depends upon your Excellency and me, or, in other words,
that it is in our power to destroy it or not, I propose that the
town and its buildings be preserved intact and without wilful
damage from either side, during the siege of the redoubt of the
marine and Fort George, where I intend to contend for the preser
vation of West Florida to the British Crown, under the following
stipulations :
That neither the town nor the buildings of Pensaeola shall be
occupied or used, by either side, for attack or defense, or for
any other advantage, but that the town shall be a refuge for the
sick, the women and children, who shall be able to remain in it
without any harm on the part of the English, the Spanish troops,
or their allies.
But in case my proposition be not accepted by your Excellency,
and that any part of the town be occupied by the troops under
your command, it shall then be my duty to prevent it from being
a refuge by destroying it, and if I should be forced to such a
cruel resolution, your Excellency alone shall be responsible to God
and men for the calamities and misfortunes which would ac
company such a deed. But the knowledge that we have of your
conduct and sentiments forbids the horror of such thoughts, and
makes me believe that you will approve my propositions.
Governor Galvez answered that as his health did not
allow him to reply on the same day to General Campbell's

17811

GOVERNOR CHESTER 85

letter, he had requested Lieutenant-Colonel Dickson to
transmit his opinion, which he would communicate in
Avriting the next day.
Dickson had brought to Galvez Iavo letters from Gov
ernor Chester. In the fh'st the governor offered to lib
erate the Spanish prisoners on parole, as there Avere
no suitable quarters in the toAvn for them, provided the
Spanish general Avould promise that they should not serve
during tlie Avai-, in any capacity, against the British or
their allies, unless exchanged. In his second letter Gov
ernor Chester said that, " as the protection and safety of
Avomen and children against the calamities of war had
always been considered by all civilized nations as their
first object," he took the liberty of expressing the hope,
based on Galvez's generous and humane sentiments, that
the latter Avould give orders that no harm be done these
persons. The governor of Louisiana acknowledged the receipt
of Governor Chester's letters, and postponed his Avritten
ansAver to the next day. He told Colonel Dickson what he
thought of the propositions of Campbell and Chester, and
instructed him to coimnunicate to them his decision. At
three o'clock he ordered the grenadiers who were posted
on the island on the side facing the city to be drawn up
in line of battle, and the troops on the opposite side of
the island to place themselves on an elevation so as to be
visible, in order that Colonel Dickson might inform Gen
eral Campbell, if he wished, of the kind and number of
his troops. He embarked afterAvard with Dickson in
a small boat, and went on board the Sa7ita Clara to see

86 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [nsi
Campbell's aide-de-camp. Later in the day he permitted
the latter and Dickson to return to Pensaeola.
At night several houses were seen burning near Fort
Barrancas, a thing that displeased Galvez greatly, as, to
prevent any conflagration, he had informed General
Campbell of his intentions, as will be seen in his letters.
On March 22, in the morning, Ezpeleta appeared on the
mainland opposite the island, and Galvez crossed over
Avith five hundred men, including the grenadiers, to rein
force him and to see that his troops were rested. The
general returned to the island after sending to Pensaeola
the following letter to Campbell :
At the very time when Ave Avere making to each other the
same propositions Avhich were directed toward the protection of
the property and farms of the people of Pensaeola, — at the very
time, I say, in my very presence, the insult was done of burn
ing the houses Avhich are in front of my camp, on the other side
of the bay. This deed indicates the bad faith in which you act
and you write, and the treatment of the people of Mobile, Avho
were in great part victims of horrible cruelties projected by
your Excellency : all this proves that your expressions are not
sincere ; that humanity is a word Avhich, although repeated on
paper, is unknown to the heart ; that your intentions are to gain
time to complete the destruction of West Florida ; and, as I am
ashamed at my own credulity and indignant at the attempt to
deceive me, I neither can nor Avill listen to any other projiosition
but that to surrender, assuring your Excellency that, as it will
not be my fault, I shall see Pensaeola burn with the same indif
ference as I would see its cruel incendiaries perish in its ashes.
This severe and energetic letter was accompanied by one
to Governor Chester, in which Galvez said that, since the

17811

THE FIO 87

day before, circumstances had changed so much that he
neither could nor should accept the propositions concern
ing the prisoners and the families of Pensaeola. If the
governor Avas interested in the latter, he might deal Avitli
General Campbell, as everything depended on the good
or bad conduct of that officer. Galvez also sent to Gov
ernor Chester a copy of his letter to General Campbell.
In the evening of the tAventy-second the packet-boat
Rio returned from its expedition to Perdido River, where
it had been sent to protect the barges in Avhich Colonel
Ezpeleta's troops were to cross the river. The ship was
fued upon from Fort Barrancas, but suffered no injury.
At eight o'clock at night Galvez received General
Campbell's answer to his fiery letter:
My dear Sir: The haughty tone of your Excellency's letter,
far from producing its evident intention of intimidating, has
made me more resolute than ever to oppose the ambitious under
taking Avhich Spain has placed under your command. I shall
destroy as much as possible, and in this I shall only be fulfilling
my duty towards my King and my country, a motive much more
potent for me than the fear of your displeasure.
The officer in command of Fort Barrancas Coloradas has re
ceived orders to defend that post to the last extremity. If he
has deprived the enemy which is attacking us of any shelter or
advantageous post for his attack, he has done his duty, so much
the more that in this he has done no injury to women, children,
or private property.
I repeat to your Excellency that if he makes use of the town
of Pensaeola for his attacks on Fort George, or to shelter his
troops, I am resolute to execute what I have communicated to him.
With regard to the reflexions Avliich concern me more directly,

88 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [nsi
as I do not believe having merited them, I despise them. May
God preserve your Excellency many years.
Your most obedient servant, John Campbell.
Quarters of Pensacola, March 22, 1781.
With this letter ended the correspondence between Gal
vez and the English officers. There Avas now nothing
to be done on both sides but to fight valiantly.
During the night of March 22 the army slept on the
coast of the island facing the town, so as to be ready to
meet immediately the troops from Mobile. At four
o'clock in the afternoon of March 23 the convoy from
New Orleans arrived. It consisted of sixteen ships, car
rying fourteen hundred men, several guns, and ammuni
tion. On the twenty-fourth the general ordered that all
the troops camping on St. Rosa Island be transported
to the mainland, to begin the siege of Fort George and
other posts. The order was executed in the afternoon,
except that two hundred men remained on tlic island.
On the twenty-fifth some Indians in ambush surprised
a few soldiers who had advanced beyond the outposts, and
several were killed or wounded. The Indians mutilated
the bodies according to their cruel custom. At noon
Colonel Dickson and other English prisoners who resided
in Pensacola on parole arrived in the camp. On the
twenty-sixth, after prayer, the army set out, and marched
laboriously through impenetrable woods a distance of five
leagues. In the darkness two detachments that were ad
vancing by different roads mistook each other for ene
mies and fired, killing several men and wounding others.

1781] THE ATTACK 89
On the twenty-seventh the general established his
camp in a place that seemed favorable, and resolved to
intrench it after a party of Indians had attacked sud
denly some soldiers at their camp-fires. Guns were de
barked in order to fire at the Indians with grape-shot.
On the twenty-eighth, while the general had agreed upon
stipulations concerning Pensacola, three Spanish sailors
who had escaped from the toAvn arrived and reported that
they and the other prisoners had been badly treated by
the English. Disgusted at this, the general dismissed
Governor Chester's envoy and refused all the proposi
tions of the latter. At three o'clock in the afternoon
about four hundred Indians attacked the camp, but the
militia from New Orleans, both white and colored,
marched against them and repelled them. At midnight,
however, they returned and killed several men.
On the tAventy-niiith a barge Avas sent to Mobile to
order that the ships Avhich Avere there should sail imme
diately. The guns Avere carried on board the vessels to
a place nearer Pensacola, and on Marcli 80 the grena
diers, cazadores, and light troops, to the number of eleven
hundred, Avith Galvez at their head, reached a place
within cannon-shot of Pensacola, and there the camp was
set. Colonel Ezpeleta received orders to join Galvez, and
at one o'clock in the afternoon he arrived at the new
camp. There the Spaniards were attacked by the Indians
and by troops from Fort George, and Colonel Ezpeleta
drcAv up the army in line of battle. Galvez, who had
gone on board one of the ships to provide for a hospital
and to order the fleet to come as near the shore as possible.

90 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i78i
returned while Ezpeleta was preparing to resist the at
tack. Seeing that he had to deal with an enemy who
never abandoned the woods, he attacked them there and
repelled both the Indians and the English. In this en
gagement the colonel of the Regiment of the King, Don
Luis Pebolo, was killed.
On March 31 a deserter from the Maryland Regiment
announced that General Campbell had in the fort one
hundred men of the regular troops, three hundred sailors,
many armed negroes, and a large number of Indians
camping under the protection of Fort George. For sev
eral days in April the siege continued without marked
effect, and the brig Galveztown was employed on several
occasions in capturing English schooners. On April 12
Galvez Avas wounded by a ball that passed through one
finger of his left hand and grazed his abdomen. The com
mand of the army devolved temporarily upon Brigadier-
General Ezpeleta. On the fourteenth a terrible tempest
of rain, Avind, and tbuiidcr took place. Tlie ammunition
of the soldiers was rendered useless, and they Avere or
dered, if attacked, to use their bayonets. Most of the
tents were bloAvn doAvn, including the hospital, and many
wounded men died. The soldiers feared that their gen
eral would succumb also. On April 18 tAvo vessels ar
rived from Havana Avith provisions, and the general
heard the agreeable news that his father, the President of
Guatemala, had driven the English from the Castle of
Nicaragua. To celebrate this event, Galvez ordered that
the biggest guns on land and at sea fire a triple volley.
On the nineteenth the approach of a fleet was an-

1781] FORT GEORGE 91
nounced, and the general feared it was the reinforce
ments Avhich the English were expecting from Jamaica.
It turned out to be, however, a Spanish fleet commanded
by Don Joseph Solano and M. Monteill, carrying six
teen hundred soldiers under the orders of the mariscal
de campo, Don Juan Manuel de Cagigal. On the
tAventy-first the French cutter Serpent arrived, having
on board the mariscal de campo and Don Francisco
Saavcdra. On the twenty-second arrived two companies
of French chasseurs and batteries of artillery. The gen
eral then ordereil that the army be formed in four bri
gades, commanded respectively by General Geronimo
Giron, Colonel Manuel de Pineda, Don Francisco Lon
goria, Sbip-captain Don Felipe Lopez Carrizoza, and tlie
French division by Sbip-captain M. de Boiderout.
On Ajiril 24 repeated volleys were fired by the English,
and the Spaniards heard the next day that it was to cele
brate a victory of Lord Cornwallis over the Ajtnericans.
From April 24 to May 8 the Spaniards continued their
attacks on Fort George, erecting trenches and repelling
the sallies of the English, who fought valiantly. On May
8, in the morning, one of the Spanish shells set fire to
the powder-magazine, which exploded, killing one hun
dred and five men. Galvez ordered General Giron and
General Ezpeleta to advance against the fort, and a
brisk fire Avas kept up on both sides until three o'clock
in the afternoon, Avhen a white flag Avas displayed from
Fort George. Galvez refused to consent to a cessation of
hostilities, and demanded an immediate capitulation, of
which the terms were agreed upon at one o'clock in the

92 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [nsi
morning of May 9. The articles of capitulation, of
which there were twenty-eight, were signed by General
Campbell and Governor Chester for the English, and
by Governor Galvez for the Sjianiards. The first and
most important article was as follows :
All the forts and posts which are occupied at present by the
troops of His Britannic Majesty will be (Avithin the specified
time) surrendered to those of His Catholic Majesty. The Eng
lish soldiers and the marines will march out with all the honors
of war, carrying their arms, drums beating, banners flying, with
two field guns with six cartridges, each soldier with the same
number of cartridges, to a distance of five hundred yards from
their various posts, Avhere they will surrender their arms, and the
officers Avill retain their swords, and will embark as soon as pos
sible in ships in good condition and provided Avitli provisions at
the expense of IIis Catholic Majesty, to be taken to Avhatever
ports of Great Britain Major-General Campbell may choose, ex
cept the ports of the island of Jamaica and St. Augustine, Flor
ida. The troops and sailors Avill be under the immediate super
vision of their respective officers, and shall not serve against
Spain or her allies until exchanged for an equal number of Span
ish prisoners, or of the latter's allies, Spanish prisoners to be
given the preference, according to the custom established Avith
regard to equality of rank and other equivalents.
On May 10, says Galvez in his Diary, six companies
of grenadiers and those of the French cliasseurs Avere
drawn up at a distance of five hundred yards from Fort
George. General Campbell delivered the flags of the
Waldeck Regiment and one of the artillery, AAnth the
usual ceremonies, and the troops surrendered their arms.
Two companies of grenadiers were ordered to take pos-

1781] CAPITULATION 93
session of Fort George, and the French chasseurs of the
circular battery. On the eleventh the Fort Red Cliffs
in the Barrancas was occupied. It had had a garrison
of oiie hundred and thirty-nine men and eleven guns.
Galvez ordered that preparations be made for the
troops to return immediately to Havana. The number of
prisoners was eleven hundred and thirteen, and the garri
son had consisted of about sixteen hundred men, of whom
three hundred had succeeded in escaping to Georgia,
fifty-six deserted, and one hundred and five perished by
the explosion of the powder-magazine. The number six
teen hundred did not include the men killed during the
siege, many negroes who aided in the defense, and a mul
titude of Indians. Besides the prisoners there Avere one
hundred and one Avomen and one hundred and twenty-
three children Avho Avcre to accompany the prisoners.
The Spanisli army lost seventy-four men killed and one
hundred and ninety -eight Avounded; and the fleet, twenty-
one killed and four wounded.
The achievements of Galvez at Pensacola were bril
liant. He displayed great gallantry and ability as a
commander. He was rewarded by being promoted to
lieutenant-general, and made a knight pensioner of the
Order of Charles III, and captain-general of Louisi
ana and Florida. We are grateful to him for having
aided the Ajnericans in their great Revolution, and for
having given to the Louisianians the right to declare that
they took part in the war for the independence of the
United States.

CHAPTER IV
End of the Administration of Galvez —
Beginning of Miro's

Insurrection against Spain at Natcliez -Sufferings of llie fugitive insurgents
—Trial and pardon of the insurgcnts^TcrriWc liurricano— Sympathy of
Intendant Navarro— Galvez wishes to conquer the Bahama Islands and
Jamaica— Important commercial privileges— Treaties of peace— Controversy
about navigation of the Mississippi — Alexander McGillivray — Intense cold
in 178't— Departure of Galvez— Royal schedule concerning Galvez— Death
of Galvez— Governor Mir6— /iiex de residoncio— Census of 1785— Arrival of
commissioners from Georgia— Letter of Mir6 to the commissioners— Help
to honest debtors- Bdiwio do huoii ^oticnio- Navarro's wise suggestions —
Census of the Aeadians — Don Diego de Gardoqui — Terrible conflagra
tion—Schools—Census of 1788.

E have seen that Fort Panmure, near
Natchez, was surrendered to the
Spaniards after the conquest of Ba
ton Rouge by Galvez in 1779. Gen
eral Lyman, from Connecticut, had
established a settlement in that
neighborhood in 1775, and those peo
ple had passed Avith regret under the rule of S])ain.* Dur
ing the siege of Pensacola they believed in the success of
the British, and while Galvez Avas away from the province
they decided upon capturing Fort Panmure from the
Spaniards. The followers of Lyman, Avho Avas now dead,
persuaded a number of inhabitants to join them, and on
91

1781] INSURGENTS AT NATCHEZ 95
April 22, 1781, they raised the British flag. They at
tacked the fort, which was surrendered on April 29, only
ten days before the capitulation of Pensacola. When the
insurgents heard of that event, they resolved to flee from
the vengeance of the Spaniards, as the fate of Lafre-
niere and his brave companions was a terrible warning
to insurgents against Spain. Galvez, however, had none
of O'Reilly's cruelty, and the British sympathizers in the
Natchez district Avere treated with clemency by the gallant
young conqueror of Baton Rouge, Mobile, and Pensacola.
Nevertheless, the participants in the insurrection at Fort
Panmure determined to go to Savannah, Georgia, in the
British lines. The distance was great, and was made
much greater by the circuitous route which they were
forced to take to avoid the Americans. " They were
obliged," says Judge Martin, " to enter North Carolina,
descend below the Altamaha, and cross again the State of
Georgia to Savannah, on its northern limit."
The fugitives, among whom were many women and
children, endured great sufferings and great dangers.
The ChoctaAvs Avere hostile to them, and the country trav
ersed was very rugged. They finally formed two com
panies, of which one was captured by the Americans and
the other succeeded in reaching Savannah at the end of
October. The people from Natchez had suffered great
hardships in order to reach British possessions, but when
they arrived at Savannah, Cornwallis had surrendered at
Yorktown on October 19, 1781, and the battle for Ameri
can freedom was won.
Don Carlos de Grandpre, who had been appointed civil

96 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [nsi
and military commandant of the post and district of
Natchez, entered upon the duties of his office in July,
1781, and measures Avere instituted to punish the in
surgents. The property of the fugitives was confiscated,
and seven of the leaders whom the Spaniards succeeded
in arresting were sent to New Orleans and kept in close
confinement. Seven of the insurgents were convicted
and sentenced to death, but they were pardoned by Gal
vez. Monette gives the names of the chief insurgents
as follows : *
Those who had fled the country were Philip Alston, John Ogg,
Christian Bingaman, Caleb Hansbrough, Thaddeus Lyman, John
Watkins, William Case, John Turner, Thomas James, Philip Mul-
key, Ebenezer Gosset, Thompson Lyman, Nathaniel Johnson. The
following were " Leaders of the rebellion," Avho Avere prisoners in
New Orleans on the 16th of November, awaiting their trials, viz:
1, John Alston, who was arrested in the Indian nation, 2, Jacob
Blomart, " chief of the rebels," 3, John Smith, " lieutenant of
rebels," 4, Jacob Winfrey, " captain of rebels," 5, William Eason,
6, Parker Caradine, 7, George Rapplcje.
On August 24, 1780, a terrible hurricane desolated
Louisiana, and the river rose to an extraordinary height.
Don JMartin Navarro, the intendant, addressed to the
people a circular in which he expressed his sympathy for
them and exhorted them to bear their misfortunes with
fortitude. The people thanked him for his kind words
and expressed their satisfaction with his administration
and with that of Galvez.
The indefatigable young governor was not satisfied
with his conquest of West Florida, but wished to take part

I78I] COMMERCIAL PRIVILEGES 97
in an expedition against the Bahama Islands. Don
Manuel de Gagigal, however, was appointed to the com
mand of the troops, and conquered the islands, and Gal
vez went to Hispaniola for the purpose of commanding
an expedition for the conquest of Jamaica. Unfortu
nately for the ambitious, brave, and patriotic governor,
peace was signed betAveen England and Spain before he
had time to Avin ncAV laurels by conquering Jamaica.
During his absence Colonel Estevan Miro Avas intrusted
Avitli the government of Louisiana.
The English having been expelled from the province
by the exploits of Galvez, the inhabitants suffered greatly
by the loss of the trade carried on by the British on the
]Mississippi, and the governor obtained from the Spanish
government important privileges for the commerce of the
province. The King of Spain wished to reward the
Louisianians for their gallant conduct and their fidelity
during the Avar with the English. These privileges were
thus set forth:
1. Permission is given, during a period of ten years, to be com
puted from the day on which peace may be proclaimed, to all ves
sels of the King's subjects in the province of Louisiana, bound
to New Orleans or Pensacola, to sail directly with their cargoes
from any of the ports of France in which a Spanish consul resides,
and to return thereto with peltries or the produce of Louisiana
or West Florida (except specie, the exportation of which, in this
way, is absolutely forbidden), under the express condition that a
detailed invoice of all the merchandise on board, signed by the
consul, shall be delivered by him, in a sealed cover, to the captain,
to be presented by the latter at the custom-house of the place of
destination.

98 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i78i
2. In case of urgent necessity in the colony, the existence of
which necessity is to be certified by the governor and intendant,
permission is given to the colonists to resort to any port in the
French West India Islands.
3. To encourage the commerce of the province to the ports of
the peninsula to which it is allowed, permission is given to export,
from New Orleans and Pensacola, any species of merchandise
directly imported there from Spain, to be landed in any port
within the King's American dominions to which trade is allowed,
paying only the duty Avith which such merchandise would have
been charged on its exportation from the peninsula, according to
the regulations of the 12th of October, 1778; but the exportation
of foreign merchandise imported into Louisiana is forbidden.
4. An exemption from duty is granted, during the same period,
on negroes imported into Louisiana or West Florida ; and per
mission is given to procure them in the colonies of neutral or allied
powers, in exchange for produce or specie ; paying only for such
produce and specie the duties mentioned in the seventh article.
5. In order that the colonists may fully enjoy the favors and
privileges now granted, they are permitted, during the term of
two years, to be computed from the proclamation of peace in New
Orleans, to purchase foreign vessels free from duty, and such ves
sels are to be considered as Spanish bottoms.
6. The exportation of pipe and barrel-staves from Louisiana to
Spain, is permitted, free from duty.
7. It being just that commerce should contribute to the charges
of the colony and the expenses it occasions, a duty of six per cent.
is laid on all merchandise exported and imported by the King's
subjects in the peninsula, Louisiana, and West Florida, according
to a moderate assessment.
8. Custom-houses are to be established in New Orleans and
Pensacola. On January 20, 1783, the preliminary articles of peace
between Great Britain and France and Spain were signed

1783] TREATIES OF PEACE 99
at Paris, and on September 3 definitive treaties were signed
at Paris between the same governments and the United
States. By the first, the King of Great Britain acknow
ledged tlie independence of the United States, and rec
ognized, as their southern boundary, a line to be drawn
due east from a point in the river Mississippi, in latitude
31 degrees north, to the middle of the river Appalachicola
or Cataouche; thence along the middle thereof to its junc
tion Avith Flint River ; thence straight to the head of St.
Mary's River; and thence down along the middle of St.
JMary's River to the Atlantic Ocean. By the eighth ar
ticle it was expressly provided that the navigation of the
Mississippi, from its source to the Gulf, should forever
remain free and open to the subjects of Great Britain and
the citizens of the United States.
The claim to the free navigation of the Mississippi
gave rise to a controversy, Avhicli lasted until 1795, Avhcu
it was settled by the treaty of Madrid. As Great Britain
had ceded all the Floridas to Spain, the Mississippi flowed
AvhoUy within the dominions of the latter for the last
three hundred miles. " His Catholic JNIajesty therefore
claimed the exclusive right to the use of the river below
the southern limits of the United States. Independent
of this principle, Spain refused to recognize the southern
boundary of the United States as extending farther south
than the old British boundary of Florida, Avhich Avas an
imaginary line extending from the mouth of the Yazoo
due east to the Chattahoochy, or in latitude 32 degrees
28 minutes north. As the treaty of 1783, in the cession
of Florida to Spain, designated no boundaries, but pre-

100 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i783
sumed that of the United States, Spain demanded Flor
ida with its British boundaries, alleging that England,
by the treaty, confirmed to her the dominion of Flor
ida, which was then in her possession as a conquered
province." "
Independently of their claim through Great Britain,
the United States asserted a natural right to the free
navigation of the Mississippi, the right of following to
the sea the currents of the eastern tributaries of the great
river. The Spaniards, through the conquests of Galvez, had
acquired West Florida, and the dominion of Charles III
had been considerably enlarged. The Spanish officers in
Louisiana proved to be as wise statesmen as able Avarriors,
and displayed tact and skill in their dealings Avith the In
dians. They were fortunate in obtaining the good will
of Alexander McGillivray, a half-breed Indian, chief of
the Talapouches.* He was the son of Lachlan McGilli
vray, a Scotchman who owned extensive trading-houses
in Augusta and Savannah, and plantations on the river.
He was a royalist, and had left Savannah with the Brit
ish on the evacuation of that city. His property was
confiscated by the whigs, and his Indian wife and his chil
dren were deprived of their estates. In 1781, at Pensa
cola, lived a wealthy merchant, another Scotchman named
William Panton. He made the acquaintance of William
McGillivray, and when Pensacola was captured by the
Spaniards he introduced the great chieftain to the Span
ish authorities of West Florida. " McGillivray went
to Pensacola," says Pickett, " and entered into a treaty of

1781] TREATY WITH THE INDIANS 101
alliance Avith Spain (June 1, 1784). Spain was repre
sented by Don Estevan Miro, of New Orleans, Governor
of West Florida; Don Artlmr O'Neill, Commandant of
Pensacola; and Don Martin Navarro, Intendant-Gcncral
of Florida. Colonel McGillivray represented the Avhole
Creek and Seminole nations. It was stipulated that the
Creek and Seminole Indians should defend and sustain
the cause of His Catholic Majesty, and obey his orders,
through his captain-general of the provinces of the Flori
das and Louisiana, in those points that are compat
ible with Indian character; that Spain should proportion
among the Indians a desirable and permanent commerce,
at the most judicious places; that the Creeks should es
tablish a general peace with the ChickasaAvs, ChoctaAvs,
and Cherokees ; that all strangers, introducing themselves
among tlie Indians for the purpose of stirring up rebel
lion against the King of Siiain, should immediately be
seized, and conveyed to the Governor of Pensacola; that
the Indians should admit into their country no white per
son who did not bear a Spanish permit; that they should
abandon the practice of taking scalps, if engaged in war ;
that they should deliver up all white prisoners, subjects
of the United States, and not admit into their nations
fugitive slaves from the provinces of Louisiana and
Florida, but should apprehend and deliver them to the
commandants." The Louisianians had acquired glory during the ad
ministration of Governor Galvez, and had obtained some
relief from restrictions on commerce; but they suffered
considerably from the inclemency of the weather. The

102 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i784
winter of 1784 was extraordinary. Villars, one of the
commissioners of the French government, in a letter dated
New Orleans, February 25, 1784, makes wonderful state
ments about the weather. He says : *
We have endured, and wc endure yet, here a winter most rigor
ous, which will always appear an extraordinary phenomenon under
the parallel of 30 degrees. The lower part of this colony, al
though 12 degrees more to the south than Provence, enjoys, in
general, the same temperature. The summer is there exceedingly
Avarm, and the winter has only the degree of cold sufficient to
freeze, from time to time, the surface of the stagnant waters,
and prepare the revival of nature. But the present winter has
presented to us continually the spectacle of the disturbance of the
zones. Since the months of July and August we had felt north
winds cold enough to make us put aside our habitual light clothes.
The heats of the canicular days had only had the mild temperature
of the fine days of spring. The white frosts of the morning be
gan with the month of September, and became very frequent until
the 16th of November. At that time the season took on a charac
ter of extraordinary rigor. The winds blew continually, in gusts
and with incredible violence, from north to south, bearing from the
east. In the first half rhumb they would cover the earth with ice ;
in the second they would bring us back to the heats of the month
of April. The variations of the Aveather were such that I saw
several times, in the space of six hours, the Reaumur thermometer
pass from the 20th degree above ice, to two and three degrees
below; this fact Avill appear incredible, but I have seen it myself
Avith a thermometer placed in a room with fire. What rigor in
a latitude Avhere everywhere else one enjoys a perpetual summer!
But here is another phenomenon. On the 13th of February the
Mississippi in front of New Orleans Avas covered with pieces of
ice, of which most Avere from twelve to thirty feet in diameter, with
a thickness which varied from two to five feet. Those masses were

i78i] INTENSE COLD 103
so numerous and so close together that they formed a field two
hundred yards in widtli, so that communication between the two
banks was completely interrupted during five whole days (until
the 18th). The river ceased to carry the pieces of ice at that time ;
it had then a velocity of twelve hundred yards an hour, which gives
the mass of fragments of ice a length of 60 leagues. These floes
descended from 400 leagues north, and although they trav
eled continually to the south during more than thirty days,
the cold weather which they met at lower latitudes had prevented
them from melting. Tlicse masses arrived at the passes of the
Mississippi at tlie 291h parallel, and must have spread beyond
tiie 28t]i degree. Several vessels met them between these tAvo
parallels. In the memory of man one had never seen ice in the
neighborhood of the circle of the Pacific Ocean. May this phe
nomenon not have been fatal to some navigators surprised ! The
future will tell us, perhaps, to Avhat exact latitude these masses
have been transported by the winds and the currents. It would
be very strange if some had reached the tropics. I have laid stress
on this event, because I believe that the knowledge of it may be
useful to the observations of the physicists, and especially to
warn and protect the navigators against the false reasonings and
the accidents of surprise, if they shall be carried toward regions
where such a phenomenon might be repeated.
The colony suffered not only from the inclemency of
the weather, and from bad crops, but also from the de
preciation of paper money, and from an unwise decree
in 1784 which forbade foreign vessels from entering the
river under any pretext whatever." In 1785 the province
suffered a heavy loss in the retirement of Galvez from
Louisiana. He was appointed captain-general of Cuba,
of Louisiana, and of East and West Florida, and on
the death of his father, in the summer of 1785, he was

104 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i78s
appointed to the viceroyalty of Mexico. He retained,
however, the captain-generalship of Louisiana and the
Floridas. During the administration of Galvez in Loui
siana Father Cirilo, the opponent of Father Dagobert,
was made a bishop in partihus infidelium, for the see of
Tricaly in Greece, and was named the coadjutor to Don
Joseph de Estechevaria, Bishop of Cuba. The new
bishop, however, was to remain in Louisiana.
Everything concerning Bernardo de Galvez is so in
teresting that we shall give here an abstract of the royal
schedule by which Louisiana, Pensacola, Mobile, and
West Florida Avere erected into an independent cap
taincy, and Galvez appointed to command it. The
schedule was printed at Havana on March 4, 1782, and
reprinted by a friend on July 15, 1782, at Santa Fe de Bo
gota.'' A copy of the reprint is to be found in the John
Carter BroAvn Library, Providence, Rhode Island. The
King addresses Galvez and says in substance: "Know
that I am well informed of your distinguished merit and
of your signal services; that, following the example of
your ancestors, you chose very young the profession of
arms, and that, as you had made war in Portugal as a vol
unteer, and with the rank of lieutenant of infantry, in
1772, 1 sent you afterward to the Kingdom of New Spain,
where as captain of infantry and commandant of the
provinces in the interior and on the frontier of that em
pire, you maintained the honor of my royal arms, chastis
ing several times the ferocious Apache Indians, at the cost
of your blood, as you were wounded in several engage
ments and exposed to great peril in others. Having re-

1785] ROYAL SCHEDULE 105
turned to Spain by my order in 1772, you were captain of
the regiment of infantry of Seville at the battle of Argel
in 1775, and you were seriously wounded, for which I gave
you the rank of lieutenant-colonel, and ordered you to
return to the Military School of Avila, Avhere, according
to the reports of your chiefs, you distinguished yourself
by your diligence and your talents. In order to defend
the province of Louisiana and to increase its population
and its commerce, and to have at that point a person in
Avhom I had entire confidence, I appointed you in 1776
colonel of the regiment of Louisiana, and named you
unmediately provisional governor, in which office and in
other employments, as in some delicate dealings with the
English upon the river and its banks, you acted with the
greatest prudence, activity, and honor, Avorthy of my
royal name and sovereignty, for which I appointed you
in 1779 a brigadier. When I was compelled by the just
and excellent motives which were apparent to all Europe
to declare war against the King of Great Britain, you
received my orders and instructions relative to the war,
Avith the title of governor of Louisiana, at the end of
July, 1779, and although, on account of the situation and
feeble condition of that province, all the officers whom
you had assembled in council declared unanimously that
the plan should be reduced to a mere defensive until rein
forcements should be received from Havana, you alone
took the heroic resolution of attacking the English in
their own posts and fortifications."
The King then speaks of the hurricane of August 18,
1779, and its devastations, which did not discourage Gal-

100 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [nss
A'ez, as described above, and the campaign against Baton
Rouge, Avhicli ended by the capture of Fort Manchac,
Fort Baton Rouge, the surrender of X^ort Panmure at
Natchez, and other posts of the Englisii on the east
side of the Mississippi, and the capture of eight vessels
that had come from Pensacola to the help of the forts.
This undertaking and its respective operations were so well
directed, and the result was so fortunate, that Avithout having more
than one man wounded, you made one thousand Englishmen sur
render, and placed under my domination four hundred and thirty
leagues of rich and most fertile lands, peopled with plantations
and diff'erent Indian nations dealing in peltries, preventing in
this way my enemies from entrance into the interior provinces of
New Spain, for which particular service I made you mariscal
de campo [major-general] of my armies.
The King then refers to the siege and capture of Mo
bile on March 14, 1780. He relates hoAV the Spanish fleet
was wrecked, and how about eight hundred men found
themselves almost naked on the coast of a desert island,
Avithout provisions, ammunition, or any other resources
except those that were suggested by the valor of the com
mander and the constancy of the troops ; and yet the gen
eral had resolved to attack the fort of Mobile, making
ladders out of pieces of the wrecked ships. The arrival
of provisions and troops from Havana in four small
ships made it possible to besiege Mobile, wliich was sur
rendered with three hundred and seven men in the sight
of General Campbell, who had left Pensacola with eleven
hundred men to reinforce Mobile, and who retired hur
riedly with the loss of a captain and sixteen dragoons

1785] ROYAL SCHEDULE 107
taken prisoners, and with the mortification of seeing his
expedition thwarted while he was an eye-witness of the
military skill of Galvez and the valor of the Spanish
troops, which dragged by hand the artillery and all that
was necessary for the siege.
Plere follows a very complete narrative of the siege of
Pensacola in 1781. Special mention is made of Galvez's
heroism when he crossed the bar on board the brig Gal
veztown, after the officers of the Spanish fleet had refused
to risk their ships in such an undertaking. Galvez, said
the King, had understood how dishonorable it would be
for the royal arms to desist from the attack on Pensacola.
Full details are given of the siege, and mention is made
of the fact that Galvez was wounded tAvice, but that he
continued to direct the operations against the city, which
capitulated on May 10, 1781.
By this glorious conquest, and those made formerly, has been
accomplished the important and desired object of expelling the
English from the whole Mexican Gulf, where they have done So
much harm to my subjects and royal interests, in time of peace as
well as of war ; and having received from you the news of such a
happy result, I granted you immediately the rank of lieutenant-
general of my armies ; and remembering that the great post of
Pensacola was named at the time of its discovery Bay of Santa
Maria; that later it received the name of Galve in honor of the
count of that name who visited it and established a settlement there
Avlien he was viceroy of New Spain; and that it is just that there
remain of you in that region an honorable and perpetual remem
brance, I have decreed that from this time and forever it be named
Bay of Santa Maria de Galvez, in honor of the Most Holy Virgin
and in remembrance of you as its conqueror: that the castle of

108 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i785
Barrancas Coloradas, called formerly Santo Thome, be named San
Carlos for having been constructed at the time of Don Carlos II,
and its recovery eff^ected during my fortunate reign: that Fort
George be named hereafter San Miguel for having capitulated
on the day of the Apparition of this Holy Archangel General of
the God of Armies : and that to perpetuate in your posterity the
memory of the heroic action, when alone you forced the entrance
to that bay, you should place as a crest on your coat of arms the
brig Galvestown Avith the motto: Yo Solo; and that your children,
descendants, and successors use this escutcheon.
The King then says he has resolved to erect into a
governorship and captaincy-general, independent of the
island of Cuba and of the Indies, the provinces of Louisi
ana, Pensacola, Mobile, Apalache, and others which the
English possessed, by the name of West Florida, and to
appoint Galvez first governor and independent captain -
general, with a salary at present of ten thousand dollars
per annum. The King adds that he has ordered that a
narrative be made in this royal schedule of the signal ser
vices of Galvez and of the rewards he has merited, for the
honor and satisfaction of the latter, that his illustrious
house and family might keep this document, which was
a testimonial of the royal gratitude for his great merit
and for the just causes for which he has been distin
guished. Very fcAV subjects have received such praise from their
sovereign and have deserved it as well as Galvez. He be
came as popular as viceroy of Mexico as he had been as
governor of Louisiana, and his wife, who was a native
of the latter province, is said to have contributed greatly
to his popularity by her exquisite charm and her charity.

1785] GOVERNOR MIRO 109
Bernardo de Galvez died in Mexico in 178G, at the age of
thirty.* The successor of Galvez Avas Don Estevan Miro, who
was appointed governol- of Louisiana on July 14, 1785,
" on account of his services as governor ad interim during
the absence of titular Governor Count de Galvez Avhile
commanding the army in the late war." ® Miro was to re
ceive a salary of four thousand dollars. He was not as
brilliant a man as his predecessor, but his administration
Avas mild and enlightened, and may be compared Avith
that of Unzaga, into whose official acts be was ordered
to inquire as juez de residencia, or judge of residence.^"
" Residence," says Judge Martin, " is a term which, in the
jurisprudence of Spain, is used to denote an inquiry into
the official conduct of any public functionary, whenever,
by death, removal, or any other cause, he has ceased to
execute the duties of his office. The decision of a judge
of residence is reviewed on appeal by the Council of the
Indies. The inquiry is made at the principal place of the
district in which the late officer exercised his functions."
This investigation into the acts of an official should have
produced excellent effects, but it seems that, however
good in theory the custom was, it did not amount to much
in practice and was a mere formality.
One of the first acts of Governor Miro's administration
was the establishment by the cabildo of a hospital for
lepers, on a ridge of high land in the rear of New Or
leans, between the river and Bayou St. John. This Avas
known as Lepers' Land long after the hospital and its
inmates had disappeared from New Orleans.

no A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [ms
A census of the inhabitants of Louisiana and West
Florida was taken in 1785, with the folloAving results:
Within the city of Ncav Orleans, 4980; from the Balize to
the city, 2100; at Terre aux Boeufs, 576; on Bayous
St. John and Gentilly, 678; Tchoupitoulas, 7046; parish
of St. Charles, 1903; St. John the Baptist, 1300; St.
James, 1332; Lafourche, 646; Lafourche, interior, 352;
Iberville, 673; Pointe Coupee, 1521; Opelousas, 1211;
Attakapas, 1070; New Iberia, 125; Ouachita, 207; Rap
ides, 88; Avoyelles, 287; Natchitoches, 756; Arkansas,
196; St. Genevieve, 694; St. Louis, 897; Manchac, 77;
Galveston, 242; Baton Rouge, 270; Natchez, 1550; Mo
bile, 746; Pensacola, 592; total, 32,115. The census of
1785 proved that the population had more than doubled
since 1769, when O'Reilly established the Spanish domi
nation. In the same year, 1785, there was a considerable acces
sion to the population by the arrival of a number of Aca
dian families, who came over at the expense of the King
of France and were settled on both sides of the river near
Plaquemines, at Terre aux Bceufs, on Bayou Lafourche,
and in the Attakapas and Opelousas.
We have seen that the State of Georgia claimed all the
territory from the Atlantic to the Mississippi, bounded
on the south by the thirty-first parallel of latitude. Part
of this region, however, was occupied by the Spaniards,
and commissioners were appointed, who arrived in New
Orleans in the autumn of 1785. " They notified the
Spanish governor that on February 7, 1785, the Legisla
ture of Georgia had passed an act which provided for

1785] LETTER OF MIRO 111
the erection of a county, by the name of Bourbon County,
near the Mississippi, comprising all the lands below the
mouth of the Yazoo, to which the Indian title had been
extinguished.'* Governor Miro refused to consider their claims, and
to surrender to them the fort and district of Natchez,
of Avhich Colonel Francisco Bouligny was then comman
dant. In a letter to them, dated September 7, 1785, he
says: *^
It is not my duty lo insist on the indisputable right of Spain
to own the territory as far as the mouth of the Ohio River, on the
cast bank of the Mississippi River, since Don Diego Gardoqui
is sent by His Majesty to Philadelphia as special commissioner to
adjust the terms of limit with the aforesaid United States; thus
I shall only mention that I have received no orders to deliver the
said fort and district of Natchez, and, consistently with my oath,
I am compelled to refuse them to all claimants, and to de
fend them against whatever enemies might off"er to attack them,
so long as I have no order from my sovereign to yield them
up ; consequently, I cannot permit you, sirs, to exercise your com
mission of justices of the peace in the said district or in any other
within the dominions of His Majesty up to the already mentioned
mouth of the Ohio River, which are under my command, and I
hope that you will abstain from exercising therein any act of au
thority that I could consider hostile on your part, as from the
present time I declare that you shall control nothing Avhatcver in
the territories of His Majesty, and by the laws of the Indies I can
permit in them no foreign interference.
These AA^ords are quoted to show how polite and hoAV
firm was Governor Miro. To the end of the Spanish
domination the governors of Louisiana Avere called upon

112 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i785
to display great tact and courage in their dealings Avith
the Americans, who claimed free navigation of the Mis
sissippi River and coveted the city of New Orleans,
which was destined to be the great emporium of the Mis-
sissipiii valley.
Governor Miro displayed his usual gentleness and tact
in 1785 by allowing further time to the British settlers
in East and West Florida to remove their persons and
effects from these provinces, after the eighteen months
agreed upon by the treaty had expired. This Avas done
with the consent of Galvez, who as captain-general of
Louisiana and Florida was Miro's superior. The same
privilege was granted the inhabitants of Natchez, and in
1786 the King approved Miro's conduct and allowed the
British settlers to remain in their districts on their taking
an oath of allegiance and fidelity. Irish priests Avere to
be sent to the districts Avhere there were English-speaking
people, in the hope of bringing them over to the Catholic
faith. No one was to be molested on account of his re
ligious opinions, but no public worship other than the
Catholic was allowed.
Since the royal schedule of 1782 the trade of New Or
leans had revived, and commercial houses from France
had established themselves there. But the planters who
had obtained credit from the British traders, at the time of
the Manchac establishments referred to at length in Col
onel Bouligny's memoir, were sorely pressed for payment.
Miro, as formerly Unzaga, came to the help of the honest
debtors, sometimes, it Avas said, satisfying the creditor
from his own purse. In 1780 the governor issued his

1786] "BANDO DE BUEN GOBIERNO" 113
bando de buen gobierno, which was a proclamation some
what equivalent to the inaugural address of our American
governors. It differed from the latter, however, in the
fact that tlie Spanish governors not only announced what
they intended to do, but issued orders that Avere as much
to be obeyed by the people as laws passed by our present
legislatures and approved by our American governors.
JMiro's bando de buen gobiei'no is very interesting, and we
shall quote in full what Judge Martin says about it: *'
In this document Mirft begins by stating that religion being
the object of the wise laws of Spain, and a reverend demeanor in
church a consequence of it, the bishop having lately published
an edict with regard to the respect and devotion Avith which the
faithful are to attend the celebration of the holy mysteries, the
proceedings of the vicar-general against delinquents will receive
every necessary aid from the government. Working on the Sab
bath and other holy festivals is prohibited, except in cases of ne
cessity, without the license of the vicar. He forbids the doors of
shops or stores being kept open during the hours of divine ser
vice, and the dances of slaves on the public square, on those days,
before the close of the evening service.
He declares his intention to proceed with severity against all
persons living in concubinage. He observes that the idleness of
free negro, mulatto, and quadroon women, resulting from their
dependence for a livelihood on incontinence and libertinage, will
not be tolerated. He recommends them to renounce their mode
of living, and to betake themselves to honest labor; and declares
his determination to have those who neglect his recommendation
sent out of the province, warning them that he will consider their
excessive attention to dress as an evidence of their conduct.
He complains that the distinction which had been established
in the head-dress of females of color is disregarded, and urges

114 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i78fi
that it is useful to enforce it; forbids them to wear thereon any
plumes or jewelry, and directs them to wear their hair bound in a
handkerchief. He announces that the laws against gambling and dueling,
and against those Avho carry about their persons dirks, pistols, and
other arms, shall be rigorously enforced.
The nightly assemblages of people of color are prohibited.
The inhabitants of the city are forbidden to leave it, either by
land or water, Avithout a passport ; and those who leave the prov
ince are to give security for the payment of their debts.
Persons coming in, by land or water, are to present themselves
at the government house.
Those Avho harbor convicts, or deserters, from the land or naval
service, are to be punished.
Any large concourse of people, without the knowledge of gov
ernment, is inhibited.
None are to walk out at night without urgent necessity, and not
then Avithout a light.
No house or apartment is to be rented to a slave.
Tavern-keepers are to shut their houses at regular hours, and
not to sell spirituous liquors to Indians, soldiers, or slaves.
Purchases from soldiers, Indians, convicts, or slaves are pro
hibited. Regulations are made to prevent forestalling, hogs running at
large in the streets, the keeping too great a number of dogs, and
the removal of dead animals.
Measures are taken to guard against conflagrations, for drain
ing the streets, and for keeping the landing on the levee unob
structed. Verbal sales of slaves are prohibited.
During a part of Miro's administration as governor of
Louisiana, Martin Navarro was intendant. He was as
wise as his chief, and in one of his despatches in 1786 he

1786] NAVARRO'S SUGGESTIONS 115
speaks of the commerce with the Indian tribes and makes
suggestions that " would cause to fall into Spanish hands
the manna offered by the trade with the Indians, which
is a casket of Avealth, of Avhich others have the use, al
though we hold its key. The treasures of that mine
Avould then find their way into the coffers of our nation,
and our enemies would not wrest from us the bread that
should help to our sustenance, and forty thousand dollars
a year would be sufficient to supply all the wants of that
trade." " Pie concludes his despatch with these sensible
words :
If the province of Louisiana is intended to serve as a barrier
against the Americans, it cannot answer this purpose without a
considerable increase of its population, and it can acquire the
numerous population of which it is susceptible, only through com
merce and agriculture. The one requires protection, the other
assistance. The former cannot prosper without freedom and un
limited expansion ; the latter cannot succeed without laborers.
Both are necessary to supply the means of paying the expenses
of the colon}', to secure the possessions and the rights of the
sovereign, and to make his power and arms respected. These are
all my views on this matter.
In 1787 the districts of Opelousas and Attakapas,
which, thus far, had had but one commandant for both,
were separated. The Chevalier de Clouet, who before had
been in command of both, was left in charge of the At
takapas, and Don Nicolas Forstall was appointed com
mandant of the district of Opelousas. At that time Miro
made special efforts to encourage emigration from the
west into Louisiana, and, says Gayarre, wishing to as-

116 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1788
certain the number of Aeadians who had settled in Loui
siana, he caused a census to be taken, and it was found
in 1787, that the population amounted to fifteen hundred
and eighty-seven souls.
Don Diego de Gardoqui had been sent as minister to
the United States. He resolved to encourage emigration
from Kentucky and North Carolina to the right bank of
the Mississippi, and he formed plans for annexing the
western part of the United States to the province of
Louisiana. "On March 21, 1788," says Gayarre, "that being
Good Friday, at half -past one in the afternoon, a fire
broke out in New Orleans, in the house of the mili
tary treasurer, Vicente Jose Nunez, and reduced to
ashes eight hundred and fifty-six edifices, among which
were the stores of all the merchants, and the dwell
ings of the principal inhabitants, the cathedral, the
convent of the Capuchins, with the greater portion of
their books, the town hall, the watch-house, and the
arsenal with all its contents. Only seven hundred and
fifty muskets were saved. The public prison Avas also
burned, and there was hardly time to save the lives of the
inmates. Most of the buildings that escaped were those
that fronted the river. Miro sent to the court of Spain
a detailed account of the losses occasioned by this fire, put
ting them down at $2,595,561." The governor did every
thing in his power to relieve the distress of the inhabitants.
In a despatch of April 1, 1788,*° already referred to
with regard to the state of education in Louisiana in
1772, during Unzaga's administration, Miro says the

1788] THE SPANISH LANGUAGE 117
conflagration of March 21, 1788, destroyed the building
that bad been rented as a school-house for Don Manuel
de Lara, and that Don Andres Almonester y Roxas had
offered the use of a small house where Don Manuel might
reside and keep school in a room thirteen feet long by
twelve feet Avide, a sufficient space, as many families have
gone to the plantations to live, and only twelve students
remain out of twenty-three Avho were at the school before
the fire. The governor recommends that a brick school-
house be built, at a cost of six thousand dollars. He adds
that " the introduction of the Spanish language in the
province Avas a difficult work, and one requiring a long
time, as had been the case in all countries where a change
of domination had taken place. Until now, all that has
been accomplished is, that the proceedings of the courts
of justice in New Orleans be conducted in Spanish.
Such has not been the case in the posts and in the
parishes, Avhere absolutely nothing but French is spoken.
Even in the city the books of the merchants are kept in
that language, except of those merchants Avho are Span
iards by birth. For this reason, as here, those persons
who do not possess plantations aspire to give no other
profession to their sons than that of merchants (a rea
son for which they reduce education to knowing how to
read, Avrite, and count) ; they prefer to give their chil
dren that instruction in French, and even before the fire
there were eight schools that Avere attended by about four
hundred boys and girls."
In the same despatch of April 1, 1788, Miro announces
that he is going to remove the cemetery from the interior

118 A PIISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i788
of the city, and on November 30, 1788, he mentions the
hospital of charity, the hospital for lepers, and the church
of the convent of the Ursuline nuns, which Don Andres
Almonester y Roxas had built at his own expense, in
creasing the small fund which the Charity Hospital pos
sessed.** The governor suggests that the favor solicited
by Almonester be granted him, or any other, at the King's
pleasure, which would influence him to construct at his
own expense, as he has offered, the parochial church of
the city, at a cost of fifty thousand dollars. We do not
know what was the favor which Almonester solicited of
the King of Spain.
In 1788 Miro received and executed a commission of
juez de residencia into the acts of Galvez as governor, but
probably Don Estevan found nothing to criticize in the
administration of his brilliant predecessor.
In the spring of 1788 Don Martin Navarro, the able
intendant of Louisiana, left the province, and Miro
united in his person the offices of governor and intendant.
In his last communication to the King, Navarro had
called attention to the ambition of the United States,
whose aim was to extend their possessions to the Pacific
Ocean. He spoke of the danger to the Spanish provinces
arising from the emancipation of the former British col
onies, and suggested that the best way to protect Louisi
ana and tlie Floridas was to dismember the western coun
try. This was also Gardoqui's policy, and probably
Miro's, and attempts were seriously made by the Spanish
authorities to accomplish that purpose.
A census taken in 1788 presented the following re-

1788] CENSUS 119
suits: *^ Within the city of Ncav Orleans, 5338; from the
Balize to the city, 2378 ; at Terre aux Bceufs, 661 ; on the
Bayous St. John and Gentilly, 772 ; Barataria, 40 ; Tchou
pitoulas, 7589; parish of St. Charles, 2381; St. John the
Bajitist, 1368; St. James, 1559; Lafourche, 1164; La
fourche, interior, 1500; Iberville, 944; Pointe Coupee,
2004; Opelousas, 1985; Attakapas, 2541; New Iberia,
190; Ouachita, 232; Rapides, 147; Avoyelles, 209; Nat
chitoches, 1021; Arkansas, 119; St. GeneviCTC, 896; St,
Louis, 1197; Manchac, 284; GalveztoAvn, 268; Baton
Rouge, 682 ; Feliciana, 730; Natchez, 2679; Mobile, 1868;
Pensacola, 265; total, 42,611. In Lower Louisiana there
were 34,142 souls, and in Upper Louisiana, 2093. The
number of white persons was 19,445. The increase in
population since the last census (1785) was more than ten
thousand. The progress of the colony had been very
gratifying during IMiro's administration, and the only
serious mishap had been the great conflagration in New
Orleans in March, 1788.

CHAPTER V
GovERNOU Mmo's Dealings with the Indians
AND WITH THE WESTERN PeGPI-E

Presents to the Indians— Trade with the Indians- Tlie Choctaws— Captain
de La Villebeuvre and Mir6 meet the Indians— McGillivray's answer to
Pickens and Matthews — McGillivray's letter to Mir6— Foundation of New
Madrid— General Wilkinson— D'Argfes in the pay of Spain— Product of
Wilkinson's tobacco — Memorial of Colonel Morgan about New Madrid —
Oliver Pollock— Death of Charles III- Expulsion of the commissary of the
Inquisition— AVilkinson's letter to Gardoqui— State of Frankland— Mir6
district— Failure of MirJt's plan— Communication of the cabildo to the King
about the slaves- Arrival of comedians from Santo Domingo— Departure of
Mir6 from Ijonisiana- Authenticity of ll;c Spanish documents— Don Pas
cual de Gayangos.

S Don Francisco Bouligny had said
in his memoir in 1776, it was indis
pensable to obtain the friendship of
the Indians, and for that purpose he
had suggested a plan for dealing
with them. It is interesting to see,
from the reports of Intendant Na
varro and Governor Miro, Avliat were the relations of the
Spaniards Avith the Indians in 1788. Presents of mer
chandise, provisions, ammunition, and brandy were made
to them, and the folloAving table shows how expensive
were those forced liberalities.* It is reckoned in silver
reales. In 1779 the cost Avas 175,603-22; in 1780, 163,-
120

1788] TRADE WITH THE INDIANS 121
670-02; in 1781, 103,855; in 1782, 1,038,243-30; in 1783,
594,946-23; in 1784, 599,972-27; in 1785, 119,630-17; in
1786, 124,903-24; in 1787, 250,791-10. Besides these
amounts, Don Gilberto Maxent, avIio had been appointed
by Galvez captain-general for everything concerning the
Indians, received fifty thousand dollars (pesos fuertes)
for his purposes, in November, 1781, and in 1782 goods
were imported from Europe Avhich Avere not included in
the account above.
In another despatch, dated January 8, 1788, Navarro
says the King has approved the permission given by
Miro, and by him to Don Guillermo Panton, Don Santi
ago Mather, and Don Jose Ramon de Urquijo, to export
from London goods suitable for trading with the Indians.
Commerce with the latter was conducted as follows, adds
Navarro: The merchants Avho undertook it (referring
to those of Mobile and Pensacola) Avere obliged, as soon
as they established a store in those toAvns, to confide to
a trader the goods they Avished to risk in the commerce
with the Indians. The trader carried the goods to the
village of the savages, and sold them on credit, to be
paid for after the hunting Avas over, so that he relied
entirely on the good faith of the Indians. In such a trade
the losses Avere so great that the merchant in the town
charged one hundred per cent, on his goods, and the
trader fifty per cent, more, which made the Indians pay
for the goods, when by chance the)'^ did so, an extravagant
price. Navarro recommended that the Spanish Governor
should not attend to such a commerce; that the goods be
sold the Indians according to the tariff agreed upon in

122 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [nsa
1784; that INIcGillivray, commissioner of the Talapoucbes
or Creeks, be interested in this trade ; and that the traders
be only those Avho are established among the Indians. The
latter should be enabled to buy as many things as they
wished, especially poAvder, guns, and bullets. The
traders, says Navarro, are all Englishmen, but they
have taken the oath of fidelity, and the Indians do not
care whether they deal with an Englishman or with a
Spaniard. The two houses in Mobile and Pensacola
that attend to this commerce have been on the point of
abandoning it, and it would be very unfortunate if
Mather and Panton were to give up their exports from
London. The ChoctaAvs played an important part in the history
of Louisiana during the French domination, and a rem
nant of this once powerful tribe still lingers on our soil.
Choctaw women may still be seen at the French market
in New Orleans selling herbs and delightful gumbo, and
having by their sides little children who sit as quiet as
their ancestors, the savage warriors, Avben they smoked
the calumet with the Frenchman or with the Spaniard
who had come from far-away lands to occupy their
hunting-grounds. Now there are no Avarriors among
the Choctaws, and the white man has nothing to fear
from the red man; but it is interesting to look at
the savages as they were in 1788, in order to catch a
glimpse of them before they disappear as tribes of
importance. In January, 1788, Captain Don Juan de La Ville-
beuArre returned from his journey to the Indian nations.

1788] INDIAN CHIEFS 128
having accomplished his mission perfectly.^ There had
been a meeting of the whole Choctaw tribe, which prom
ised that hereafter they would not receive the Americans,
and would remain entirely under the protection of His
Catholic Majesty. At the village of the Yazoos the prin
cipal chiefs met Captain de La Villebeuvre. The king,
or first chief, of the ChoctaAV nation was present with his
uncle Taskatapo, a man of great influence in his tribe.
After the captain's address, three Choctaw chiefs — Tran-
chimastabe, Mingohuma, and Chetonaque — ansAvered
him. The king of the Chickasaws and several men of
the tribe went to New Orleans to assure Miro of their
devotion to the King of Spain, and to deny having made
a treaty with the Americans. The governor received the
Indians well, and announced his satisfaction at the re
sult of the meeting. He recommended the appointment
of a commissioner of the ChoctaAvs and Chickasaws, who
should reside among them, and whose chief duty should
be to counteract the efforts that the Americans might
make to attract them to their side. The conunissioner
should be allowed to spend two months every year in Nevv
Orleans, and should receive fifty dollars gratuity every
month, besides a good salary. Miro reports Captain de
La Villebeuvre as having rendered meritorious services
in his journey of one hundred and tAventy-eight leagues
in uninhabited regions, and recommends that the captain
be made a lieutenant-colonel.
The speech of Tranchimastabe at the Yazoo, on No
vember 1, 1787, in answer to Captain de La Villebeuvre,
is characteristic of Indian eloquence. He said:

124 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i788
The tAVO chiefs of New Orleans say they are astonished to see
that the chiefs of the ChoctaAV nation have not kept the word
which they gave at the congress of not admitting Americans on
their lands. They are right; but I was not there, because tAVO
chiefs slandered me, saying that I was a man of nothing. I have
not broken my word, and I jbrovc that I am a man of firmness
who has only one word, one heart, and one way of thinking. The
English, before I left them, told me to remember them and to
follow them, and they gave me many goods, but already I find
myself with my last shirt. I hope that the Senor Miro and the
Senor Intendant are not very angry with me for having loved a
white man who did me good ; and as they are willing to receive
me, I accept their hand with pleasure, and put aside the English
banner to hoist that of the King of Spain, assuring Senor Miro
that once I have taken his word I am like a strong tree which no
Avind can overthrow, and I receive it with pleasure, hoping that
he will come to Mobile to sec us, which is the place where all the
white men have always seen the red men. When a father desires
to see his sons, he does not expose them to crossing deep waters.
Finally, to show that I listen to his word with pleasure, I send
him a white necklace and a white wing, which are our tokens of
friendship, and four of my captains, hoping that they will send
me a banner wider and larger than the one that you have brought
to me.
The speech of Mingohuma, chief of the village of Ope
lousas, is not very interesting; but that of Chetonaque,
Avho spoke in the name of the chiefs of the six villages,
deserves to be noticed :
I have heard Avith pleasure the word of the chiefs of New Or
leans, and that of the chiefs of the great and of the small parties,
and I see with satisfaction that we are going to unite all the chiefs
of the Choctaw nation, in order to have only one White Father,

1788] SPEECHES OF THE INDIANS 125
one heart, and one way of thinking. All the bad words will be
finished; let us live in tranquillity with our wives and children.
Why go to seek a white man so distant? Do we not have the
Spaniards, Avho give us what we need? You, Tranchimastabe, do
not think any more of the English ; they are very far away and
will not return. Since the Spanish chiefs give you their hand,
accept it, and do not listen to the words of one and the other.
The red men say many lies, which have no foundation ; you must
not believe them. Go to New Orleans ; the road is not as long as
you believe; I have never heard it said that a red man has been
drowned in the crossing; and, on the other hand, arc we not men
to die when it is necessary? As for what concerns the six villages,
we have not gone to see the Americans, nor do we wish to do so,
and we have always the hand of the Spaniards. If any white
man of another nation comes, wc shall send him away, and if he
docs not AvIsh to go, wc shall have him tied and taken to Mobile.
Yaganchuma, second chief of the Choctaws after
Tranchimastabe, spoke to Governor Miro, in Ncav Or
leans, on January 3, 1788. He said that he and many
other chiefs had accepted the word sent them through
Captain de La Villebeuvre to come to New Orleans and
place at the governor's feet the English medals, banners,
and papers, and get others from him, because they were
Spaniards from that moment. He, their father, had re
proved them for having gone to the Americans, but it
was not to give them lands: it was because all the red
men are poor and do not know how to do anything, and
they are obliged to go to the Avhite nations, which do all
things, in order that the Indians might receive presents.
The Ajnericans asked for lands, but the chiefs said they
were not authorized by the nation to give lands to any

126 A; HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [nss
one. Nevertheless, papers Avere prepared and the In
dians signed them, thinking it was to receive presents.
When they understood that the papers were to give away
lands, they burned them. The Americans, however,
made them drink strong Avatcr, or fire-water, and when
they were drunk they made their mark again on other
papers and received a banner. This banner was given
to Miro, and Yaganchuma concluded his speech with
these words, which the governor must have beard with
a smile, as he knew so well the duplicity of the Indians;
" To-day we take your hand ; you are our father, and we
are your sons. I beg you to forget all that has happened,
and never to speak again of the false treaty."
Taskutoka, king of the Chickasaws, spoke in favor of
the ChoctaAvs, and testified to their good faith. ITe must
have forgotten the wars of the times of Bienville and
Perier, when the Choctaws were the allies of the French
against the Chickasaws.
On March 29, 1788, Andrew Pickens and George Mat
thews addressed a letter to Alexander McGillivray and
other chiefs of the Talapouche or Creek nation, saying
that the United States desired a durable peace with them.
As this letter is dated from Fort Charlotte, and Miro sent
a translation of it to his government, it is evident that
the Spanish governor must have approved of its purport.
On April 1, 1788, Mir(i addressed a communication to
Don Jose de Ezpeleta, Governor of Havana, aliout the
Choctaws and the ChickasaAvs. He mentions the chiefs
Taboca and Mongulachamingo, who had gone to Phila
delphia and had obtained a passport from Benjamin

1788] ALEXANDER McGILLIVRAY 127,
Franklin. Translations are given of letters of Knox,
Secretary of War, about the Choctaws and the Chicka
saAvs. The importance of peace with those tribes was well
understood both by the Americans and by the Spaniards,
and the latter seemed in 1788 to have succeeded better
than the^ Ajnericans in conciliating them.
On June 4, 1788, Alexander McGillivray, the cele-^
brated Talapouche chief, answered the letter addressed
to him on March 29 by Pickens and MatthcAvs.' It is
a well-written and very bold paper, and does credit to
McGillivray. He says the war was caused by the at
tempt of Georgia to take possession of the lands of the
Indians. He refers to the threats made by Congress to
chastise the tribe if they do not submit to conditions that
are considered just and reasonable. He appeals to the
sense of justice of the Americans, who should not at
tempt to exterminate the first inliabitants of this coun
try and to take possession of lands that have been theirs
from the beginning of time and are absolutely necessary
for their subsistence. He adds that the assembly desired
by the Americans may take place in September, ^t which
time it would be found, perhaps, that their respective ter
ritories are sufficient for each proprietor, without its being
necessary to usurp the neighboring lands.
On June 12, 1788, McGillivray wrote a long letter to
Governor Miro, in which he says the latter has informed
him that it was the desire of the King that the Talapouche
nation should make peace with the United States. Mc
Gillivray's letters are dated from Pequeno Talasee.
The Governor of Louisiana appeared to be willing to

128 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i788
help the Americans in their dealings with the Indians,
and was also very desirous of attracting immigrants from
the West, and even of separating that part of the coun
try from the Union. In 1787 George Morgan of Penn
sylvania received the grant of a large tract of land, in
what is now Missouri, on which he laid in 1788 the foun
dation of a city, which he called New Madrid. " The
extent and plan of the new city was but little, if any, in
ferior to the old capital which it was to commemorate.
. Spacious streets, extensive public squares, avenues, and
promenades were tastefully laid off to magnify and
adorn the future city. In less than twelve months from
its first location, it had assumed, according to Major
Stoddard, the appearance of a regularly built toAvn, with
numerous temporary houses distributed over a high and
beautiful undvilatory plain. Its latitude was determined
to be 36 degrees 30 minutes north. In the centre of
the site and about one mile from the Mississippi was a
beautiful lake, to be inclosed by the future streets of
the city." ""
Don Diego de Gardoqui, Spanish minister at Wash
ington, accepted the proposition of the Baron de Steuben
to settle on the banks of the Mississippi and form a colony
of persons who had been lately in the army. The Span
ish government, however, did not approve this plan. The
state of affairs in Kentucky in 1787 and 1788 was very
uncertain. The inhabitants of that district considered
that they had great grievances, and " they were divided,"
says Judge Martin, " into no less than five parties, all of
which had different if not opposite views. The first was

1788] GENERAL WILKINSON 129
for independence of the United States, and the formation
of a new republic, unconnected Avith them, which was to
enter into a treaty with Spain. Another party was will
ing that the country should become a part of the province
of Louisiana, and submit to the admission of the laws of
Spain. A third desired a war with Spain, and the seiz
ure of Ncav Orleans. A fourth plan was to prevail on
Congress, by a shoAV of preparations for war, to extort
from the cabinet of Madrid Avhat it persisted in refusing.
The last, as unnatural as the second, was to solicit France
to procure a retrocession of Louisiana, and extend her
protection to Kentucky." "^
Now appears in the history of Louisiana General
James Wilkinson, a personage whose acts have given rise
to numerous controversies. In his Memoirs he declares
that he was treated with injustice and was persecuted.
He was twice tried by a court martial at his own request,
and twice acquitted, and he rose to the highest command
in the army of the United States. He had served in
the War of the Revolution, had retired from the army
Avitli the rank of colonel and brigadier-general by brevet,
and in 1787 was engaged in mercantile business in Ken
tucky. Butler, in his History of Kentucky, mentions
a document that General Wilkinson presented to Miro
in Ncav Orleans, in June, 1787, in which he urges the
natural right of the Western people to follow the current
of the rivers flowing through their country to the sea.
He sets forth the advantages that Spain might derive
from allowing them the free use of the river. He describes
the general abhorrence with which they received the in-

180 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i788
telligence that Congress was about to sacrifice their dear
est interest by ceding to Spain, for twenty years, the
navigation of the Mississippi; and he represents it as a
fact tliat they are on the point of separating from the
Union on that account. He addresses himself to the gov
ernor's fears by an ominous display of their strength, and
argues the impolicy of Spain in being so blind to her
own interest as to refuse them an amicable participation
in the navigation of the river, thereby forcing them into
violent measures. He mentions the facility with which
the province of Louisiana might be invaded by the united
forces of the English and the Americans, the former ad
vancing from Canada by way of the Illinois River, and
the latter by way of the Ohio River. Monette says on this
subject: " The statement of Colonel Wilkinson, and the
influence of his address and talents, were tlie first efficient
means which led to the change of policy in the govern
ment of liOuisiana. Through Colonel Wilkinson's ne
gotiation and his diplomatic address, the governor was
convinced of the policy of conciliating the Western peo
ple, and of attaching them as far as practicable to the
Spanish government." " Martin mentions Wilkinson as
follows :
The idea of a regular trade was first conceived by General Wil
kinson, who had served with distinction as an officer in the late
war, and Avhose name is as conspicuous in the annals of the West
as any other. He had connected with it a scheme for the settlement
of several thousand American families in that part of the present
State of Louisiana noAV known as the parishes of East and West
Feliciana, and that of Washita, and on White River and other

1788] D'ARGES 181
streams of the present territory of Arkansas. For those services
to the Spanish Government, he expected to obtain the privilege
of introducing, yearly, a considerable quantity of tobacco into the
Mexican market.
General Wilkinson arrived in New Orleans in June,
1787, with a cargo of tobacco, flour, butter, and bacon,
Avhich at first was seized but afterward Avas released and
allowed to be sold without paying duty, lie had an
interview Avith Governor Miro, and he again visited New
Orleans in 1788. From that moment begins a most cu
rious and interesting correspondence between General
Wilkinson and the Spanish officials, which Judge Gay
arre was the first historian to publish, and which has been
reproduced nearly in full by Z. F. Smith in his His
tory of Kentucky, published in 1886. Gayarre speaks
severely of General Wilkinson, and it is to be admitted
that he deserves censure for his expressions of devotion
to the Spanish interests. The correspondence quoted by
Gayarre is to be found in the copies of the Spanish manu
scripts made in Seville under the superintendence of Pas
cual de Gayangos, and in compliance Avith a resolution
of the Legislature of Louisiana. These are now in the
custody of the Louisiana Historical Society.
The first time that General Wilkinson's name is men
tioned in the Spanish documents is in a despatch from
Governor Miro, dated January 8, 1788. He speaks of
the project of Don Pedro Wouver d'Arges, approved
by the government, of taking from Kentucky into Loui
siana several families to establish settlements. He says
he fears that D'Arges's undertaking may interrupt the

132 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i788
principal object of Wilkinson, and he adds: " I have been
reflecting many days whether it would be proper to in
form D'Arges of the ideas of Wilkinson, and the latter
of the errand of the former, in order to unite them, that
they might work in accord with each other; but I do
not dare to adopt the first idea, because D'Arges may con
sider that the great projects of Wilkinson might destroy
the merit of his own and precipitate (a thing which is
possible) the confiding of them to some one capable of
having Wilkinson arrested as a criminal, and also because
the latter would be greatly disgusted that another person
should share a confidence on which depend his life and
honor, as he himself says in his memoir. For these rea
sons I am not able to declare the matter to D'Arges, nor
could I confide the errand of the latter to the former be
fore knowing the intentions of His Majesty about Wil
kinson. The delivery of Kentucky to His Majesty, the
principal object to which Wilkinson has promised to de
vote himself entirely, would assure forever this province
as a rampart to New Spain, for which reason I consider
the project of D'Arges a misfortune." Miro continues
that commercial franchises should be given only to those
individuals who have influence in that country, as was
proposed in the memoir of Wilkinson, as the others, see
ing those advantages, might be persuaded that the way
of acquiring privileges is to become Spaniards. The gov
ernor also opposes granting to the immigrants the free
exercise of their religion. They should not be molested,
and perhaps the Irish priests might succeed in convert
ing some of them, if their ministers are not alloAved to
come with them.

1788] LETTER OF WILKINSON 133
On April 11, 1788, Miro announces the arrival at New
Orleans of a pirogue containing three men sent by Gen
eral Wilkinson for the sole purpose of announcing the
latter's arrival in Kentuclfy. The governor says that he
was on the point of distrusting Wilkinson's promises,
as he had assured him that he Avould hear from him in
the beginning of March. The latter relates in a letter
his long and laborious journey, and in the cipher agreed
upon lie announces Avhat Avill be seen in the accompanying
translation. It is A'^ery satisfactory to see one of Wil
kinson's predictions accomplished, — the separation of
Kentucky from Virginia. Miro ends his letter by saying
that Wilkinson has requested that nothing be given to
the men of his pirogue, as he has instructed his corre
spondent in New Orleans to receive them and provide
for their return.
The folloAving letter of General Wilkinson to Miro
and Navarro, transmitted by Miro, is so interesting that
Ave translate it in full from the Spanish :
Kentucky, May 16, 1788.
Mr LOVED AND VENERATED SiRS : I havc a second time the plea
sure of writing to you, and I flatter myself that you received a
long time ago my first letter, Avhich I sent by a messenger in a
pirogue with two oarsmen, an answer to which I am expecting
every moment.
Major Isaac Dunn, bearer of this, an old military companion
of mine, came to establish himself in this country during my ab
sence. The confidence which I have in his honor, discretion, and
good talents has induced me (after haA'ing with precaution
sounded his inclinations) to choose him to aid me in our political
designs, which having adopted with cordiality he will then present

134 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA (1788
himself in order to confer Avith you about those points that may
need information, and concert with you whatever means you may
judge proper to make our project progress, and through him I
shall be able to receive the ncAV instructions you may deem expe
dient. I have also chosen him that he may bring me the product of
the present cargo. For all which I beg you to permit me to recom
mend him to you as a safe man and as a man of judgment, who
knows profoundly the political condition of the American Union,
and the circumstances of this country. I Avish his stay in Loui
siana to be the shortest possible.
On the first day of next January, by a mutual agreement, the
jurisdiction of Virginia will cease over this country. It has been
stipulated, it is true, as a necessary condition of our Independence,
that Congress recognize us as a State of the Federal Union ; but
a convention has been called and members elected for the purpose
of forming a constitution for this government, and I am persuaded
that no action of Congress, or of the State of Virginia, will ever
induce Ihis i)C()[)le to abandon the jiluii thoy have adopt ed, al
though I have recent news that without doubt Ave shall be recog
nized as a sovereign State by Congress.
The Convention mentioned will meet in July. I shall make use
of the time, meanwhile, in sounding opinions, and I shall judge
of the influence of those Avho have been elected. When this has
taken place (after consulting previously two or three individuals
capable of helping me) I shall disclose of our great plan as much
as appears to me opportune and as the circumstances require, and
I am sure that it will meet with the most favorable reception, be
cause, although I have spoken Avith individuals only, I have
sounded the opinion of many, and wherever I havc thought ad
visable to communicate your answer to my memorial, it has pro
duced the keenest joy. Colonel Alexander Lcatt Bullitt and
Harry Innis Esquire, our attorney-general, are the only persons
to whom I have confided our ideas, and In case of any mishap to
me, before their accomplishment, you may surely address your
selves to these gentlemen, Avho agree perfectly Avitli you in politics.

1788] LETTER OF WILKINSON 135
Thus, as soon as the form of government is organized and adopted
by the people, they will proceed to elect a governor, a legislative
body, and other officials, and I have no doubt that a political agent
Avill be named, with power to treat of the union in which we
are engaged, and I believe that these matters will be settled
by the month of March next. In the mean time I hope to re
ceive your orders, and I shall myself labor to promote Avliat you
order me.
I anticipate no obstacle on the part of Congress, because under
the present confederation that body cannot dispose of men or of
monc}', and the new government, if it succeeds in establishing it
self, will encounter difficulties that will keep it without vigor for
three or four years, before which time I have good reasons to hope
we shall complete our negotiations, and Ave shall be too strong to be
subjugated by Avhatever force may be sent against us. My fears,
then, arise solely from the policy that may prevail in your court.
I fear the change of the present ministry, and more, that of
the administration of Louisiana, an event which you are able to
judge better than I, and I beg you to speak to riic clearly on this
subject. In my last letter I mentioned a letter I had written to Senor
de Gardoqui. As I took the precaution to put it open in the
hands of the Baron de Zillier, my brother-in-law and confidential
friend in Philadelphia, he has informed me that, after mature re
flection, he has deemed it best not to deliver it. I have applied
to Mr. Clark, my agent, with regard to sending me merchandise
by the Mississippi. This is a matter highly Important for our
Avishcs, because the only link that can preserve the connection of
tills country with the United States is the dependency in which
Ave are necessarily to supply ourselves with those articles that are
not manufactured among us ; and Avhen this people find out that
this capital can supply them more conveniently through the river,
this dependency will cease, and with it all motive of connection
with the other side of the Appalachian Mountains. Our hopes then
Avill be turned toward you, and all obstacles In the way of our

186 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA ii788
negotiations will disappear ; for which reasons I trust that you will
find it advisable to favor this measure and will havc the kindness
to grant to JMr. Clark the protection necessary to carry it out.
Referring you to the observations annexed, and to the informa
tion of Major Dunn for what I may have omitted, I beg you to
accept my Avishes for your happiness, and to believe me, with the
highest and warmest personal respect and esteem, your obedient,
ready, and humble servant.
On June 15, 1788, Miro wrote a long despatch to Min
ister Don Antonio Valdes.'^ Pie says that he forwards
a translation of Wilkinson's letter; he mentions the ar
rival of the latter's flatboats with a cargo that cost seven
thousand dollars; and he says that Major Dunn corrobo
rated all that Wilkinson had said about the political con
dition of Kentucky. He has not entire confidence in
his American correspondent, however, for he adds: " Al
though his candor and whatever informations I have ob
tained from many who have known him seem to assure
us that he is working in all cordiality, I am aAvare that
it is possible that it is his intention to enrich himself by
means of inflating us with hopes and advantages, knoAV-
ing that they will be vain."
On August 7, 1788, in a despatch to Valdes, Miro says
he has received orders to pay Don Pedro Wouver d'Arges
one hundred dollars a month, from the first of January;
and he wishes to obtain the approval of the King for hav
ing detained in New Orleans Gardoqui's agent. The
governor writes on the same day to the Count de Flori-
dablanca, and explains why he has not allowed D'Arges
to proceed to Kentucky. He has feared to confide to him

1788] DEPARTURE OF D'ARGES 187
Wilkinson's projects, and he apprehends a meeting be
tween the tAVO men, on account of the ambition and jeal
ousy inherent in human nature.
D'Arges, on the other hand, writes a letter to Miro,
dated New Orleans, August 12, 1788.® He says that
when, in accord with the Spanish minister in Ncav York,
he determined to go to New Orleans, he arrived there in
April, and expected to be going up the river in May. He
asks to be alloAved to proceed to Kentucky; otherwise, he
asks permission to go to Martinique, Avhere is his family
and where he has a small plantation, or to be allowed to
sail for France.
On August 13, Miro answers D'Arges that he will per
mit him to sail for Martinique, provided he promises to
return to Ncav Orleans by February. On August 21
D'Arges announces to Miro that he will take advantage
of the first opportunity to go to Martinique, and he prom
ises to be back in New Orleans by March, 1789. No fur
ther mention is made in our documents of this unsavory
individual, whose mission, however, as indicated by the
Spanish officials, is interesting, inasmuch as it gives an
idea of the intrigues of the times and of the efforts that
Miro was making to protect Louisiana from the growing
poAver of the United States.
On August 28, 1788, the governor announced that Wil
kinson's agent in New Orleans had invested the product
of the tobacco and an additional sum in loading a boat
with provisions and dry-goods worth $18,246 and six
reales. Miro explains how important it is that the people
of the West should consider the Mississippi as the true

138 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [mn
channel through which to receive what they need in
exchange for their own productions.
The Captain-General of Havana in 1788 was Don
Jose de Ezpeleta, Avho had served with distinction under
Galvez in his wars against the English, had been colonel
of the Regiment of Louisiana, and had become a briga
dier-general. On August 28, 1788, Miro complains to
the minister of the way the captain-general has spoken
of him, and takes offense at this expression: " Which is
another motive for not fearing them [the Americans] so
much." The governor says: "It seems to me that he
should have used gentler words, as I do not believe I
have shoAvn fright, and, God be praised 1 since the Por
tuguese campaign, when I was eighteen years of age,
I displayed the calmness that is required for following
the military career." " In the same despatch Miro says it
is evident that Ezpeleta " does not know the value and
situation of Louisiana, which I am confident Avill be,
Avitbin a few years, one of the principal dominions of
America." We have already said that Colonel George Morgan
established a settlement at New Madrid in 1788. In
September of that year a very interesting memorial was
addressed by him from New Jersey to Don Diego Gardo
qui about his future colony. His plans avcic grand, and
he predicted that in ten years the population of the ncAV
settlement would amount to one hundred thousand souls.
He asked that particular attention be paid to education,
and that he be authorized to appoint a teacher for each one
of the first six villages to be established, with the grant

1788] COLONEL GEORGE MORGAN 189
of a piece of land for each school. He asked that he be
allowed to retain the rank he held in the Ajnerican army,
but added that he wished for no pay unless he was em
ployed in military service. He said his daughters would
be educated in the religious house in New Orleans until
their marriage or until he considered it advisable to take
them to his new establishment. He concluded his memo
rial with a reference to the school-teachers. Those who
taught in the English schools Avould be paid by the fathers
of families; but as it would be useful to teach Spanish
also, he recommended that the teachers of that language
be paid a salary of one hundred dollars a year, and he
added that if any salaries could be increased, it should be
those of the magistrates and the schoolmasters.
In a letter to Major Dunn, dated New York, October
7, 1788, Don Diego de Gardoqui expresses his great
friendship for the United States, an assurance which Ave
can hardly believe when Ave consider his efforts to sepa
rate the western country from the Union, Perhaps he
believed he Avas doing a favor to the new republic by de
priving it of ambitious projects of expansion.
Miro kept on advising bis government of the progress
of events in Kentucky, and on November 3, 1788, he
mentioned the recent arrival in New Orleans of an old
friend of the Louisianians, OKver Pollock. The latter
said he had met John Brown, a member of Congress, Avho
said he was going to Kentucky to advocate an indepen
dent government for that region; and Miro adds that
when Brown shall see that Wilkinson and bis associates
are disposed to deliver themselves up to Spain, or at least

140 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA inso
to place themselves under its protection, he will easily
adhere to that plan. Such was the situation of affairs,
obscure and complicated, when the year 1788 came to an
end. Charles III of Spain died on December 14, 1788, and
was succeeded by his son Charles IV-. who proved to be
an incapable and weak ruler. Funeral ceremonies were
held in New Orleans on May 7, 1789, in honor of the
deceased monarch, during whose reign Louisiana had
prospered considerably since the departure of O'Reilly in
1770. In a despatch dated June 3, 1789, the governor an
nounced the laying of the first brick for the rebuilding
of the parochial church or cathedral. In the same de
spatch Miro relates an interesting and curious incident
in the history of Louisiana^the expulsion from the prov
ince of the Capuchin Antonio de Sedella as commissary
of the Spanish Inquisition."^ The governor says he re
ceived a letter from Father Antonio, who said that in
order to act with the secrecy and caution necessary in the
discharge of his functions as commissary of the Inqui
sition it would be indispensable for him to have recourse
during the night to some guards or to call on soldiers to
help him in his operations. " On reading the communi
cation of the said Capuchin," added Miro, " I shuddered.
His Majesty has ordered that I should foster an increase
of population, admitting the inhabitants living on the
banks of the rivers that flow into the Ohio, for the weighty
reasons which in some private letters I have exposed to
his Excellency Don Antonio Valdes, and which your Ex-

1789] ANTONIO DE SEDELLA 141
cellency must have seen at the Supreme Council of State.
These people were invited with the promise of not being
molested in matters of religion, although the only mode
of worship was to be the Catholic. The mere name of
the Inquisition of New Orleans would not only suffice to
restrain the emigration that is already beginning to take
place, but might also cause those who have recently ar
rived to retire, and I even fear that, in spite of hav
ing ordered Father SedcUa to leave the country, the
cause may be found out and have the most fatal conse
quences." The King, by an order of January 9, 1788,
had prohibited the establishment of the Inquisition, and
Miro determined that Father Antonio de Sedella should
not carry on his " operations," as he said, in New Orleans.
Therefore, in the night of April 29, 1788, the governor
had the Capuchin arrested and placed on board a vessel,
which sailed for Cadiz. Miro acted Avith excellent judg
ment and great vigor on this occasion, and saved the
province from grave disasters.^ ^
On January 1, 1789, General Wilkinson wrote to Gar
doqui a letter of which a copy was sent to Spain by Miro,
and which is very damaging to the reputation of the
American general. Those who defend the latter's mem
ory maintain that there is no proof that the letters at
tributed to him were really written by him, while the tes
timony at the court martial exonerated him of all guilt.
But there is no reason to believe that Miro, Navarro, and
Gardoqui forged the documents that present General
Wilkinson in such a bad light.
In his letter to Gardoqui, Wilkinson says:*^

142 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

[1789

In support of the latter's projects which are directed toward
procuring the reciprocal happiness of the Spaniards of Louisiana
and of the Americans of Kentucky, I have sacrificed voluntarily
my domestic felicities, my time, my fortunes, my comfort, and
what is more important I abandoned, lo do so, my personal fame
and political character.
In another part of the letter he makes this rather cyni
cal reflection:
It is not necessary to suggest to a gentleman of your knoAvledge
and experience, that the human race, in all parts of the world, is
governed by its own interest, although variously modified. Some
men are sordid, some vain, others ambitious. To detect the pre
dominant passion, to lay hold of it, and to derive advantages from
it, is the most profound part of political science.
On February 14, 1789, Wilkinson wrote to Miro a long
letter in which he calls himself im buen Espanol, " a good
Spaniard " ; and later Miro, in a letter in cipher sent to
Wilkinson through a certain Jennings, says: "Accord
ing to the ansAver of the court, you are our agent, and I
am ordered to give you hopes that the King Avill recom
pense you as I have already intimated."
Kentucky was not the only part of the United States
that was seeking independence. The State of Frankland
Avas formed from the Avestern part of North Carolina
in 1786, but terminated its existence in 1787. In 1788
Colonel John Sevier, who had been governor of the
ephemeral State, wrote to Gardoqui that the inhabitants
of Frankland wished to form an alliance with Spain and
place themselves under her protection. The district of

1789] MIRO DISTRICT 143
Cumberland in North Carolina was named Miro, and Dr.
James White Avas appointed agent, by Gardoqui, to at
tend to the Spanish interests. Governor Miro immedi
ately informed Willdnson of White's mission in Frank-
land and in Miro district, and in July, 1789, he sent Pierre
Foucher, a lieutenant of the Regiment of Louisiana, with
a detachment, to build a fort at New Madrid and take
command of that district. But the settlement never was
prosperous, as Miro did not approve of Morgan's plan
of colonization, Avhich he said would soon have established
an independent republic in Louisiana.
In 1789 a company formed in South Carolina pur
chased from the State of Georgia a large territory ex
tending from the Yazoo to the neighborhood of Natchez,
Avhich was claimed by the Choctaws, the Chickasaws, and
Spain. General Wilkin.son applied to be appointed
agent of the company, but the agency Avas granted to
Dr. O'Fallon.
The condition of affairs in Kentucky in 1790 was not
favorable to Spanish interests, Washington Avas now
President of the United States, and his wise and firm ad
ministration was binding together all the different parts
of the Union. Of all the men in Kentucky who had
seemed to favor Wilkinson's projects of a union Avith
Spain, only Sebastian remained faithful to him, or rather
to Miro. On May 22, 1790, the governor recommended
that Wilkinson be retained in the service of Spain with a
pension of two thousand dollars, and that a pension be
granted also to Sebastian, " as that individual might
enlighten me much on the conduct of the said brigadier-

144 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [mo
general, and on what we may expect from bis projects."
That letter of Miro practically closed his connection Avith
Wilkinson with regard to the separation of the western
districts from the Union. Miro and Carondelet, a little
later, will try in vain to revive the plan of Gardoqui, and
Aaron Burr will have a dazzling dream of the formation
of an immense empire of which he shall be the chief. The
young Republic, with Washington at its head, was be
coming more powerful every day, and soon there Avas no
danger of any part of the Union being absorbed into
Spanish Louisiana. On the contrary, Spain was about
to relinquish her hold on the Mississippi, and the mighty
river was to be an American stream, from its source to
its mouth, and Louisiana, with her charming New Or
leans, was soon to become an integral part of the United
States. On July 23, 1790, the ayuntamiento, or cabildo,of Loui
siana addressed to the King an interesting communication
about a royal schedule concerning the slaves. It respect
fully represents that the separation of the sexes during
the hours of work would cause the greatest injury to the
masters, as very often it was necessary to have all the
hands at work at the same place to plant the crop or to
gather it. Besides, most of the planters have only a few
slaves, and with tlieir sons work with them in the fields
and sec that they behave properly. It is not possible also
that they should not work on some days of religious
feasts, as the necessity of gathering the crop makes this
imperative sometimes. With regard to their amusements,
after they have attended to their religious duties, if they

1790] THE SLAVES 145
are not allowed to go to the neighboring plantations, and
if the sexes are kept apart, the negroes will be in de
spair and will go to any extremes to break such a heavy
chain.*" The question of the marriage of the slaves is the most
important and difficult. There are at present in Louisi
ana a number of persons from other countries, and of
persons living in the districts conquered from the Eng
lish, and it is not the custom with them to allow mar
riage of the slaves. This is done only in the Spanish
colonies. There have been few marriages between the
slaves, in spite of all efforts; and to compel them to be
married by the church would cause a general discontent
and bring about very serious consequences. They con
sider marriage a double slavery and a source of trouble
when they observe the continual quarrels that arise be
tween the married people of that race. Finally, it would
be imprudent to enforce that clause of the schedule which
says that the masters might be taken to the courts of
justice on the complaint of the slaves. It would dimin
ish the authority of the masters and make them lose a
great deal of time, as very often futile charges would be
brought against them. We see by this document that the
King of Spain had very humane ideas, but, according to
the cabildo, they were not practicable at that time.
In a despatch of Miro, dated January 17, 1791," he
gives a detailed account of the imports into Louisiana
in the year 1790, amounting to $66,163,425. On Septem
ber 20, 1791, he says that, according to the royal order,
he will prevent the introduction into the colony of boxes.

146 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1791
clocks, or pieces of coin with the figure of a woman clad
in white and holding a banner in her hand with the in
scription, " American Liberty." Governor Miro could
prevent the emblem of American liberty from entering
Spanish Louisiana, but it was not possible to prevent
liberty itself from reaching New Orleans, where, twelve
years later, the banner held in the hand of the Avoman clad
in white was to wave triumphant in the very center of
the old French and Spanish town.
In August, 1791, an insurrection of the negroes broke
out at Santo Domingo, and terrible massacres of the
whites took place. A number of people escaped from the
island, and some came to Ncav Orleans. Among them
was a troupe of comedians from Cap Fran^ais, who gave
dramatic representations and were the first actors in
Louisiana.* °
In the year 1791 Don Estevan Miro sailed for Spain.
He had been appointed brigadier-general while governor
of Louisiana, and after his return to Spain he rose to
the rank of mariscal de campo, or major-general, in
the Spanish army. Although he was not as brilliant as
his predecessor, Galvez, his administration was prosper
ous, and the colonists regretted his departure. He en
couraged commerce with the United States, and treated
the colonists gently. " He had," saj's Judge Gayarre,
" a sound judgment, a high sense of honor, and an ex
cellent heart; he had received a fair college education,
knew several languages, and was remarkable for his strict
morality and his indefatigable industry." It is impos
sible to believe that such a man would have forged the

1791] CHARACTER OF MIRO 147
documents, referred to above, relating to General Wil
kinson, Judge Gayarre's testimony regarding the au
thenticity of these papers is this :
When Secretary of State, I obtained from our Legislature, after
the most vigorous exertions, an appropriation of $2000 for the
purpose of having the archives of Spain examined, and having
copies made of such historical papers as might concern Louisiana,
The gigantic difficulty in the way was, to obtain the desired per
mission from the over-cautious and suspicious government to
which I had to apply. I soon discovered that I had undertaken
a labor from Avhich Hercules himself might have shrunk in dis
may. It necessitated a negotiation that threatened to be endless.
It led to a long correspondence, which I perseveringly conducted
until success crowned my efforts. That correspondence, with the
exception of what was confidential and strictly private, was pub
lished by order of the State, and Avas lately republished by a com
mittee of the House of Representatives. It thus became a Con
gressional document, to wliich anybody can have access. The
Spanish papers were procured by me in my official capacity, under
the sanction and at the expense of the State, In whose archives they
were deposited after I had, with her permission, used them for the
composition of my history.
Those manuscripts are now in the custody of the Loui
siana Historical Society, and are the basis of the present
work, Don Pascual de Gayangos, under whose direction the
copies Avere made, Avas a distinguished literary man.
In Vol. II of the manuscripts he says in a note:
The despatches of Miro, which, for the subjects treated and the
time during which he commanded, are the most important, are un-

148 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1791
fortunately scattered without order in different archives — some
in Seville, others in Simancas ; the greater part in Madrid in the
archives of the Ministries. At the Ministry of State is to be found
almost all his private correspondence on the subject of settlements
and with regard to Don Jayme Wilkinson ; but as it has not been
permitted to make copies from the archives, as much as could be
found in other departments has been extracted and copied with the
greatest diligence.

CHAPTER VI
Cauondelet's Ajdministration
Governor Carondelet — Regulations about tlic slaves — William Augustus
Bowles— Extension of commercial franchises — Intcrfial improvements —
Fortiflrallons — The parochial church — The Carondelet canal— Intendant
Francisco dc Uendon— The "Moniteur <le la Louisiane"— Genet's schemes
— Terrible conflagration- Sugar-cane— Etienne de Dor6— The ecclesiastical
jurisdictions— Treaty with the United States— Grants of lands to French
royalists— Insurrection of slaves— Fort at the Great Osages — War against
Great Britain — Epidemic in 1796— Capture of the Balize— New Orleans
lighted and patrolled— Application of Indians for lands— Inundation —
Surrender of Natchez to the Americans.

miujinjniMlM

ON ESTEVAN MIRO was suc
ceeded on December 30, 1791, by
Don Francisco Luis Hector, Baron
de Carondelet. He Avas appointed
on March 18, 1791, and was at that
time Governor of San Salvador in
Guatemala. His salary as governor
and intendant of Louisiana was to be four thousand
dollars, and it was stipulated that the governors of Pen
sacola and Mobile were to be under his immediate orders.
He Avas a native of Flanders, and was a man of great
ability. On January 22, 1792, he pubfished his bando de
buen gobierno. " Among the new regulations it intro
duced, it provided for the division of the city of New
Orleans into four wards, in each of which an alcalde de
149

150 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1792
barrio J or commissary of police, was to be appointed."
" The alcaldes de barrio were directed to take charge of
fire-engines and their implements and to command the
fire and axmen companies, in case of confiagration.
They were also empowered to preserve the peace, and to
take cognizance of small debts." ^
On July 11, 1792, according to insti-uctions from the
King, Carondelet issued the following regulations with
regard to the slaves:
1. That each slave should receive monthly, for his food,
one barrel of corn, at least.
2. That every Sunday should be exclusively his own,
without his being compelled to work for his master, ex
cept in urgent cases, Avhen he must be paid or indemnified.
8. That, on other days, the slaves should not begin to
work before daybreak, nor continue after dark. One half
hour to be allowed at breakfast, and two hours at dinner,
4. Two broAvn shirts, a woolen coat and pantaloons,
and a pair of linen pantaloons, and Iavo handkerchiefs,
to be allowed yearly to each male slave, and suitable
dresses to female slaves.
5. None to be punished with more than thirty lashes
within twenty-four hours.
6. Delinquents to be fined in the sum of one hundred
dollars, and in grave cases the slave may be ordered to
be sold to another.
It was prohibited to import negroes from the French
and British West India Islands, but the King later ex
pressed his desire to see negroes imported from Africa,
and he encouraged this trade.

mm

CAl'TAIN BOWLb^S 151

On September 15, 1792, Carondelet mentioned having
captured in Ncav Orleans, on March 12, Captain WilHam
Augustus Bowles, and having sent him to Cadiz.^ This
celebrated adventurer was born in Maryland, and when
the War of the Revolution broke out he entered the Eng
lish army at the age of fourteen years. In 1777 he was
dismissed from his regiment for insubordination. He
was at that time in Florida, and he entered the tribe of the
Talapoucbes, or Creeks, and married the daughter of one
of tlie chiefs. In 1781 he reentered the English army and
made Avar against the Spaniards, but he Avas unable to
submit to military discipline, and returned among the
Creeks. For some time he led the life of a corsair, cap
turing several Spanish merchant vessels. He was un
remitting in his hostility against the Spaniards until
taken prisoner by Carondelet in 1792. He Avas kept in
Spain for some time, then was sent to Manila, and in
1797 escaped to England, where he Avas received by the
Duke of Portland and kindly treated by the govern
ment. He returned to America and resumed his hos
tilities against the Spaniards until he was finally cap
tured and sent to Morro Castle in Plavana, where he died.
The life of Bowles is a real romance, and Perrin du Lac
considers him a great man and a patriot,' His influence
with the Creeks, however, was not as great as that of
Alexander McGillivray, the friend of the Spaniards, who
died on February 17, 1793.
In June, 1793, the commerce of Louisiana was favored
with the extension of the commercial franchises that had
been conceded by the royal schedule of 1782, and Caron-

152 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1793
delet relaxed as much as possible the rigor of the Span
ish regulations concerning commerce.* The governor
was endeavoring to promote the prosperity of the colony
by attending to internal improvements, such as the light
ing of New Orleans and the employment of watchmen;
but in 1793 he was placed in an embarrassing situation by
the republican spirit that was manifested in Louisiana.
The great events of the French Revolution exerted an
influence in the province, which was thrown into a state
of agitation by the news of the execution of Louis XVI,
on January 21, 1793. Carondelet forbade the exhibition
at the theater of martial dances to revolutionary airs, and
had six individuals arrested and sent to Havana for
expressing republican principles. In order to guard
against any insurrection or foreign attack, the governor
had new fortifications erected around New Orleans.
Forts, redoubts, batteries, and palisades were constructed,
and deep ditches were dug.
The friendship of the Indians was also secured by an
offensive and defensive treaty made on October 28, 1798,
through Colonel Gayoso de Lemos, governor of Nat
chez, with the Chickasaws, the Creeks, the Cherokees, and
the Alibamons, and twenty thousand Indians, it was
thought, could be opposed, if needed, to the Americans.
Carondelet tried to reduce the expenses of the ad
ministration of Louisiana, and in a long communication
to his Government he gave his opinion about the reduc
tions that could wisely be made." He recommended that
the expenses of the hospital be reduced, and said that the
number of patients attended to every day Avas about

1794] FORTIFICATIONS 153
seventy. He was more generous with regard to the Ur
sulines, and said that the $1896 paid them could not be
diminished in any Avay. The same recommendation was
made with regard to the salaries of the two Spanish
schoolmasters, who received the munificent sum of $1050
— for both. Carondelet was evidently doing the best he
could for the cause of education in Louisiana.
On January 18, 1794, the governor wrote a long and
interesting letter to the Duke de la Alcudia. He men
tioned that Avhen he arrived in Louisiana he found the
province Avithout any protection whatever, as the few
forts were in ruins, and the artillery in poor condition.
As to the river, of which the Ajnericans claimed the navi
gation, it was defended by one single galley (galera),
in poor condition. In less than two years he had placed
Ncav Orleans in a respectable state of defense against the
foreigners, and also against insurgents, as Fort St.
Charles could destroy the city. He built Fort St. Philip
near the mouth of the river, which could prevent foreign
ships, Avhatever their number, from advancing, and
erected also Fort Nogales on the land acquired from the
Choctaws. Six galleys and two galliots (galeotas) pro
tect the Mississippi as far as the Ohio, — that is to say, a
distance of five hundred leagues, — and impress the Avar-
like Indian tribes that dAvell in these regions with the
power of Spain. By a treaty Avitli the Choctaws Avhich
has cost less than one thousand dollars, navigation on
Mobile River has been extended sixty leagues beyond
Fort Tombecbe, and friendship with the Choctaws as
sured. The latter tribe have at least ten thousand war-

154 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1794
riors, and their good will extends the influence of the
King as far as the Yazoo country, which the Americans
are trying to usurp. Carondelet refers again to the ex
traordinary talents of Bowles, then he mentions the tur
bulent spirit of some Frenchmen, whose letters he has
intercepted, and he says the parochial church is unfinished
and hopes that the bishop, who will soon arrive in New
Orleans, will induce Don Andres Almonester to complete
the church. He himself is not on good terms with Don
Andres. Carondelet seemed to be indefatigable. On February
24, 1794, he addressed another communication to Don
Diego Gardoqui, who was now one of the ministers in
Spain. The governor gives the fullest details about
everything concerning the colony. He says the cabildo
house has not yet been rebuilt, and he recommends that a
canal be constructed, half a league long, which would
cost from $25,000 to $30,000, from the city to Bayou St.
John, for drainage and sanitary purposes. If the canal
was not dug, the city would have to be abandoned, as it
would be finally in a hollow from which the waters would
have no egress. The canal referred to was completed in
1796 and named Carondelet by the cabildo, a name that
it still bears. The expenses for propitiating the Indians
amounted annually to $55,209.
In the year 1794 the offices of governor and intendant
were separated, and Don Francisco de Rendon arrived in
Louisiana as intendant.
In 1794 the " Moniteur de la Louisiane " was pub
lished; it was the first newspaper in Louisiana, and its

1794] THE "MONITEUR" 155
appearance indicated that ncAV ideas Avere penetrating
into the colony. Indeed, French Jacobins in Philadel
phia circulated in Louisiana an address in which the
colonists Avere urged to establish an independent govern
ment. At the same time the French mhiister to the
United States, Genet, endeavored to prepare an expedi
tion in the West against the Spanish provinces. His
principal agent in Kentucky was Auguste de la Chaise,
a native of Louisiana, and a man of great intrepidity and
energy, Avho died, in 1803, a general in the French army
at Santo Domingo. Genet's schemes were frustrated by
Washington. The earliest number of the "Moniteur de la Louisiane"
known to be in existence is No. 26." It is dated Monday,
August 25, of the " common year," and is a four-page
octavo paper, two columns on each page. It begins with
a few local notices, such as the following: "A vendre,
deux arpens de terre cultivable, sur 8 de prof ondeur, at-
tenant a I'habitation des Demoiselles Deverges, pres de
la ville dans le chemin du Bayou. Celui qui voudra
en faire I'acquisition, s'adressera aux dites Dlles. qui fe-
ront credit jusqu'a la fin de cette annee." " From letters
worthy of belief " news is given of a battle on April
26 between the French and the Allies, and of the probable
advance of the latter against Paris. " It is certain that
nothing could prevent the army of the Prince of Coburg,
which consists of one hundred and fifty thousand men,
from penetrating as far as Paris, and from causing there
a revolution that would annihilate the barbarous despot
ism of the Robespierres and Barreres under which France

156 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1794
has fallen by a fatality without example." It is evident
that the editor of the " Moniteur " was not one of the
Jacobins wlio were giving Carondelet so much trouble in
New Orleans. The paper then gives news of a storm at
Natchez on August 11, which upset the pirogues on the
riyer and threw down the corn; then European news
through Havana, and an extract from the Gazette of Ma
drid. Among the important news is the following: " On
May 3, the famous Count Destaing terminated at Paris
his brilliant career under the knife of the guillotine."
This number ends with the beginning of a very energetic
letter to " a so-called planter of Bayou Sara," from a
person, evidently a physician, who says that one should
simplify, as much as possible, the instruments and the
remedies, and even know how to substitute at the right
time equivalent means in order to relieve the patient in
interior as well as in exterior diseases. The " Moniteur "
Avas from the press of L. Duclot, with permission and
privilege of " Mgr. le Gouverneur."
On December 8, 1794, New Orleans Avas again dev
astated by a terrible conflagration, as in 1788.' The
fire broke out at two o'clock in the afternoon in Royal
Street; it was started by some boys who were playing in
the yard of Don Francisco Mayronne, next to a hay-store ;
and as there was a brisk wind, the fire became so fierce
that in less than three hours two hundred and tAvelve
houses and stores were reduced to ashes, including a pow
der-magazine. Two stores were also destroyed in which
some soldiers were lodged and where were sixteen hun
dred barrels of flour, the only ones in the town, and

1794] CONFLAGRATION 157
which belonged to the government. The following were
also burned : sixty-seven gun-carriages and other artillery
implements, the prison, the provisional church, the house
in which the Capuchins lived, the barracks of the dra
goons, the stables and servants' quarters of the govern
ment house, and many other buildings. The St. Louis
redoubt suffered considerably, in spite of the efforts of
the troops and of the people, and the fire stopped only
when it lacked fuel. The city, which had just recovered
from the fire of 1788, and had been afflicted within the
past three months with three hurricanes, Avas left in a
deplorable condition, as one third of the houses, the best
in the city, were burned. All the houses and stores of the
merchants were destroyed, except two.
The governor sent for one thousand barrels of flour
from Havana, and procured flour also from Vera Cruz
and from the United States, and endeavored to obtain
voluntary subscriptions from Havana to aid the people
of New Orleans. Carondelet feared that the enemies
of the Spaniards might take advantage of the calamities
of the province to excite an insurrection, and he assured
the people that the King, Avho intended to spend a mil
lion dollars to rebuild the capital of Guatemala, would
be willing to give a certain amount to the unfortunate
inhabitants of Ncav Orleans. In order to avoid such
conflagrations, Carondelet proposed that premiums be
given to those who in rebuilding their houses should cover
them with roofs of tiles. " At present," he said, " the
houses are covered with roofs of shingles, and when they
take fire they spread it to buildings sometimes very dis-

158 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA 11794
tant, and the breaking down of houses adjoining the fire
does not put a stop to it,"
The year 1794 was marked by an event that Avas to
exert a great influence on the welfare of Louisiana ; this
was the planting of sugar-cane by Etienne de Bore, Avhich
was to result in the first successful manufacture of sugar
in the province, at least on a large scale. In 1751 the
Jesuits introduced the sugar-cane into Louisiana from
Santo Domingo; but neither they nor Dubreuil, the
wealthy planter, had been successful in making well-
granulated sugar. Judge Gayarre says : ®
The manufacture of sugar had been abandoned since 1766,
as being unsuited to the climate, and only a few individuals
continued to plant canes in the neighborhood of New Orleans, to
be sold to the market of that town. It is true that two Span
iards, Mcndcz and Soils, had lately given more extension to the
planting of that reed, but they had never succeeded in manu
facturing sugar. One of them boiled its juice into syrup, and
the other distilled it into a spirituous liquor, of a very indifferent
quality, called taffia.
It has been asserted that Don Antonio Mendez, re
ferred to by Gayarre, was the first to succeed in granu
lating sugar, on his plantation in St. Bernard parish.
This, however, has generally been attributed to Etienne
de Bore, and Gayarre, who was his grandson, gives, in
his History of Louisiana, interesting details of Bore's
success. The latter is mentioned also by Judge Martin
as being the first successful sugar-manufacturer in Loui
siana, and there seems to be no reasonable doubt on this
point.

1794] ETIENNE DE BORE 159
The cultivation of indigo had been for a long time the
most remunerative, but, oAving to a succession of hurri
canes, and to the appearance of an insect which had done
great harm to the plant, the crops failed utterly in 1798
and 1794, and the planters of Louisiana saAV themselves
on the brink of ruin. It was then (in 1794) that Etienne
de Bore resolved to cultivate the sugar-cane on a larger
scale than ever in the province."
Jean Etienne de Bore Avas born at Kaskaskia, in the
Illinois district, on December 27, 1741. His father,
Louis de Bore, was of an old Norman family, and his
mother Avas Therese Celeste Carriere de Montbrun. He
was descended from Robert de Bore, who had been one
of the councilors of Louis XIV, director-general of the
post-office department, and one of the stewards of the
King's household. As was the custom in the colony, Jean
Etienne de Bore's parents sent him to France to be edu
cated. He received the training of a military school,
which may account for the self-reliance and firmness of
character that were to render his name forever memor
able in the history of Louisiana. On leaving school he
entered the celebrated corps of the mousquetaires, or
guardsmen, and in 1768 he came to Louisiana, on leave
of absence, to see about his property in the colony. It
Avas the very year when Lafreniere and his brave com
panions had tried to free the province from the yoke of
Spain and to establish an independent government in
Louisiana. Bore returned to France in 1769, and re
ceived from Louis XV his commission as captain of
cavalry. Pie married, in 1771, the daughter of Destre-

160 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1794
ban, ex-treasurer of Louisiana during the French dom
ination, and, as his wife had some property in the colony,
he resigned his commission and returned to Louisiana,
which was beginning to prosper under the mild rule of
Governor Unzaga.
Etienne de Bore settled on a plantation in St. Charles
parish, which he exchanged for one about six miles above
New Orleans. That plantation comprised the land where
were later Burtheville, Bloomingdale, and Hurstville,
merged afterward in the city of Ncav Orleans, and what is
now Audubon Park formed its upper limit. In 1794
Etienne de Bore, like all the planters in the colony, had
lost a great deal of money by the failure of the indigo
crop. He resolved, therefore, to undertake the cultivation
of sugar-cane, being confident that sugar could be manu
factured in Louisiana. Pie bought a quantity of cane
from Mendez and Solis, and planted it on his land, not
withstanding the opposition of his friends and relatives,
and especially of liis wife, whose father had been unsuc
cessful in attempts to manufacture sugar. A gentleman
named Morim, from Santo Domingo, who was then in
New Orleans, went to see Bore, and found him in his field
planting his cane. Morim told him he had come to in
form him that he could not succeed in manufacturing
sugar in Louisiana, because the climate was so cold that
the cane would never be ripe enough to produce a suffi
cient quantity of saccharine matter. Bore listened to him
attentively, and made this characteristic reply: " I am
very much obliged to you, sir, for your kindness in try
ing to induce me to abandon an undertaking which you

1795] ETIENNE DE BORE 161
believe to be rash and injudicious; but, as you see, my
sugar-house is being built, my canes are almost all
jilanted, and I have incurred two thirds of the expenses
necessary for this year's crop, therefore I should lose
much more by abandoning my canes than by attempting
to grind them. Besides, I am convinced that I am right
and that I shall succeed." Moirim, seeing that Bore's de
cision was irrevocable, asked him to take him as his
sugar-maker, and Iiis offer was accepted. In 1795 Bor6
ground his cane, and, after a moment of anxious suspense,
the sugar-maker, says Judge Gayarre, cried out, " It
granulates! " These two words rang through Louisiana,
and in a short time fields green with cane, and sugar-
houses in full operation, could be seen all about. With
his first crop Bore made one hundred hogsheads of
sugar. He sold his sugar at twelve and one half cents
a pound, and his molasses at fifty cents a gallon, and
made a profit of $12,000. Etienne de Bore died on his
plantation, twenty-four years after his great success, and
left a fortune of $100,000 to each of his three daughters.
He became in 1803 the first mayor of New Orleans when
the cabildo was abolished by the Frencli colonial prefect
Laussat.^" During the French domination Louisiana Avas under
the ecclesiastical jurisdiction of the Bishop of Quebec; but
after the Spaniards had taken possession of the province
the jurisdiction was transferred to the see of Santiago
de Cuba, of which the head was Bishop Echevarria, Fa
ther Cirilo was made a bishop and auxiliary to the
Bishop of Santiago de Cuba in 1781, and remained in

102 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1795
New Orleans until 1793. In 1790 the bishopric of Santi
ago de Cuba was divided; the southern portion of Cuba
became an archbishopric, and the northern portion, with
the two Floridas and Louisiana, formed the bishopric of
Havana." In 1793 Louisiana and the Floridas were
formed into a new bishopric, and Don Luis de Peiialver
3'^ Cardenas was appointed the first bishop. He arrived in
New Orleans on July 17, 1795, and St. Louis Church was
made his cathedral. Bishop Peiialver remained in Loui
siana until 1801, when he was made Archbishop of Gua
temala. In 1795 the cabildo asked for the creation of six more
offices of regidor, and the request was granted by the
King in 1797. In the same year (1795) Carondelet was
again actively engaged in intrigues for the separation
of the West from the Union, He employed as emissary
Thomas Power, an Englishman who had been natural
ized a Spaniard, and to further his plans he counted prin
cipally on Wilkinson, Sebastian, Innis, Murray, and
Nicholas, He sent Don Manuel Gayoso de Lemos to
New Madrid to hold a conference with some of the
Americans named above, but Sebastian was the only one
that met Gayoso de Lemos. He proceeded to Natchez,
and then to New Orleans, and went later to Philadelphia
by sea, to return to Kentucky. Martin and Gayarre
say that Wilkinson received ten thousand dollars from
Carondelet through Power, but the writer has seen no
oflicial document confirming this fact. The intrigues
with the West were fortunately brought to a close at that
time by a treaty, which was signed on October 20, 1795.
The principal stipulations were as follows:/^

1795] TREATY OF 1795 168
The second article stipulates that the future boundary
betAveen the United States and the Floridas shall be the
thirty-first parallel of north latitude, from the Missis
sippi eastward to the Chattahoochee River; thence along
a line running due east, from the mouth of Flint River
to the head of the St. Mary's River, and thence doAvn the
middle of that river to the Atlantic Ocean; and that
Avithin six months after the ratification of the treaty, the
troops and garrisons of each poAver shall be withdrawn to
its own side of the boundary, and the people shall be at
liberty to return Avith all their effects, if they desire so
to do.
The fourth article stipulates that the middle of the
Mississippi River shall be the western boundary of the
United States, from its source to the intersection of the
said line of demarcation. The King of Spain also stipu
lates that the Avliole width of said river, from its source
to the sea, shall be free to the people of the United
States. The King of Spain stipulates and agrees to permit the
people of the United States, for the term of three years,
to use the port of New Orleans as a place of deposit for
their produce and merchandise, and to export the same
free from all duty or charge, except a reasonable con
sideration to be paid for storage and other incidental ex
penses; that the term of three years may, by subsequent
negotiation, be extended, or instead, some other point
in the island of New Orleans shall be designated as a
place of deposit for the American trade. Other com
mercial advantages were likewise held out as Avithin the
reach of negotiation.

164 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1795
Large grants of land in Louisiana were made at that
time (1795) to three French royalists — the Marquis de
Maison Rouge, the Baron de Bastrop, and Jacques
Ceran de Lassus de St. Vrain. Carondelet was endeavor
ing, by all possible means, to render the province pros
perous, but it was in great danger from an insurrection
of the slaves in 1795. This began on Julien Poydras's
plantation in Pointe Coupee parish, and the murder of
all the whites was planned. Carondelet, however, re
pressed the insurrection very severely. The cabildo, on
February 29, 1796, requested the governor to ask that
the importation of slaves into the province be prohibited,
and to issue a provisional proclamation to that effect, and
this he did.
On December 1, 1796, the intendant, Don Juan Ven
tura Morales, in a despatch to Don Diego Gardoqui, an
nounced the establishment of a fort in the village of the
Great Osages, at the expense of Don Augusto Chouteau.
This fort was called Carondelet, and was constructed in
1794 by Renato Augusto Chouteau, an inhabitant and
merchant of St. Louis of the Illinois, who, aided by his
brother Don Pedro, represented to the government the
necessity of establishing among the Indians a fort that
might restrain the young warriors, punish murderers, and
effect restitution of stolen property, Chouteau offered
to furnish four cannon and four swivel-guns and a gar
rison of twenty men, for whom the King should pay
one hundred dollars a year for each man. Chouteau was
to be governor of the fort ; and, to compensate him for his
expenses, he was to receive the exclusive right of trade

1796] THE "SERENOS" 165
with the Osages from December, 1794, to November,
1800. These conditions were approved by Governor Ca
rondelet, and Chouteau constructed the fort.
On October 7, 1796, Spain declared war against Great
Britain, and Carondelet displayed great activity in put
ting the colony in a state of defense. In the same month
of October Intendant Morales announced the breaking
out of an epidemic, which had occurred in the latter part
of August, This was jirobably the first appearance of
yelloAv fever in New Orleans, and it produced great con
sternation. In a despatch of Bishop Peiialver occurs the following
interesting mention of the Ursuline nuns: ^*
Excellent results are obtained from the Convent of the Ursu
lines, in which a good many girls are educated ; but their Inclina
tions arc so decidedly French, that they have even refused to
admit among them Spanish women Avho wished to become nuns,
so long as these applicants should remain ignorant of the French
idiom, and they have shed many tears on account of their being
obliged to read in Spanish books their sjiirltual exercises, and
to comply with the other duties of their community in the man
ner prescribed to them.
On October 13, 1795, a French privateer. La Parisi-
enne, captured the Balize, and held it until October 21,
1795. In 1796 Carondelet succeeded in having the city
of New Orleans lighted and patrolled. He had eighty
lamps placed in the streets, and formed a police force of
thirteen serenos, or watchmen.
In November, 1796, the French general CoUot arrived
in New Orleans. He had visited the province and Avrit-

lOG A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1797
ten a description of its military resources and of the cus
toms of its inhabitants, Carondelet, supposing tliat he
had a private mission against the interests of Spain, had
him arrested. He sent him to the Balize, where the gen
eral embarked for Philadelphia, after a stay of nearly
two months at the mouth of the river.
In 1797 Don Diego Gardoqui was appointed ambas
sador to Turin, and his successor as minister of State was
Don Pedro Varelay Ulloa.^^ On March 31, 1797, In
tendant Morales announced to Minister Ulloa that one
hundred and seventy Cherokee Indians had applied to
the commandant at New Madrid for lands within the
limits of the King of Spain's possessions, and also three
hundred and ninety-five Alibamon Indians had made the
same request at Ncav Orleans to Governor Carondelet,
who had established them in the Opelousas district. On
June 30, 1797, Morales announced an inundation of the
Mississippi, which did great damage at St. Genevieve
and almost ruined New Madrid, according to the state
ment of the commandant, Don Carlos Dehault de
Lassus. By the treaty of 1795 between Spain and the United
States, it had been stipulated that commissioners and sur
veyors, duly appointed by each government, Avere to as
certain the line of demarcation betAveen the United States
and the Spanish possessions, and then the troops of
Spain were to be Avitbdrawn from the country north of
the line. Colonel AndrcAV Ellicott Avas appointed com
missioner for the United States, and Don Manuel Gay
oso de Lemos for Spain. Colonel Ellicott went to Nat-

17971

LINE OF DEMARCATION 167

chez and began his observations to establish the line,
but Gayoso and Carondelet delayed the delivery of the
country to the American commissioner, and Carondelet,
on May 31, 1797, issued a proclamation in French, of
which Intendant Morales sent a copy to his government.
It declared that the government, having been informed
by the Spanish minister to the United States that an
expedition setting out from the Lakes was to attack the
Illinois country this year, has judged proper, for the
security of Lower Louisiana, to suspend the evacuation,
already begun, of the posts of Natchez and Nogales,
As these are the only ones that protect it, their evacuation
would enable the English to ravage it, in ease they ren
dered themselves masters of Upper Louisiana, with so
much the more facility as, by an article of the treaty con
cluded later Avitli Great Britain, the United States recog
nize that the English may frequent the posts belonging
to the United States situated on the rivers, lakes, etc, — a
manifest contradiction of the treaty concluded with
Spain, Avliich it appears to annul, as the United States
recognized by that treaty that no other nation could navi
gate the Mississippi without the consent of Spain, Al
though the justice of the suspension of the evacuation has
been communicated to the Congress of the United States,
to the American commissioner, and to the commander of
the detachment of American troops, a detachment of the
army stationed on the Ohio is marching by the Holstein
toward Natchez, and the militia of the Cumberland have
received orders to be ready to march at the first notice.
These hostile dispositions, the threats of the commis-

108 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1797
sioner of limits and of the American commander of the
detachment at Natchez, the rumored rupture between
" France, our intimate ally, and the United States, —
everything persuades us to be ready to defend our homes
with that valor, that energy, which the inhabitants of these
provinces have displayed on all occasions; with that ad
vantage and that superiority which are procured by the
knowledge and the habit of the locality, that confidence
which is inspired by right and justice. If the Congress
of the United States has no hostile intention against these
provinces, let it leave to them the posts of Natchez and
Nogales, the only barriers of Lower Louisiana that can
put a stop to the incursions of the English, or let it give
us securities against the article of the treaty with Great
Britain, which exposes LoAver Louisiana to be pillaged
and sacked as far as the capital. We shall then deliver
the said posts to it, and we shall lay doAvn the arms which
it compels us to take by arming its militia in time of
peace, and sending a considerable body of troops by
roundabout routes to surprise us,"
The free navigation of the Mississippi was conceded to
Great Britain by the United States, bj' the treaty of
London, November 19, 1794, nearly a year previous to
the treaty of Madrid of 1795, and Carondelet's interest
ing proclamation does not appear to have been as truthful
as he pretends. The people of the district ceded to the
United States rose against Gayoso de Lemos on June 9,
1797, and the Spanish commandant was soon confined
to the small compass of the fort. On June 14 he issued
a proclamation promising " a pardon to all who repented

1798] MISSISSIPPI TERRITORY 169
' of their misdeeds, and, as an evidence of repentance, ab
stained from all acts calculated to disturb the public
I^eace." ^"^ The people were highly indignant at the word
" repentance," and opposition to the Spanish Government
became still greater. There were, however, no acts of
violence, and on July 26, 1797, Gayoso de Lemos received
his commission as Governor-General of Louisiana and
Florida. He left Natchez for New Orleans, and ap
pointed Captain Stephen Minor temporary comman
dant of the fort. Carlos de Grandpre was appointed lieu
tenant-governor of Natchez; but as he was not popular
Avith the people. Captain Minor continued to act as com
mandant. General Wilkinson, who had succeeded
Wayne as commander-in-chief, sent Captain Guion with
a reinforcement to take command of the American troops
at Natchez, Finally, in January, 1798, instructions were
received by the Spanish commandant for the evacuation
of Fort Nogales and Fort Panmure at Natchez, and in
March they surrendered to the Americans. By an act
of Congress approved April 7, 1798, the territory sur
rendered was erected into the Mississippi Territory, and
on August 26 General Wilkinson established his head
quarters at Natchez. There had been negotiations be
tween him and Thomas Power in 1797, " but," says
Monette, " General Wilkinson had already proceeded
too far in his treasonable intrigues and correspondence
with the Spanish governor, and the suspicions of his own
government rested upon him. Hence, in the summer of
1797, he had given to Mr. Powers *® a cold reception."

CHAPTER VII
The Last Yeaus op the Spanish Domination —
The TiiEATY or St. Ildefonso

Governor Gayoso de l.cmos- The Duke d'Orleans and his brothers- Fort
Adams— Concordia— Intendant Morales abolishes the "right of deposit" at
New Orleans— Quarrels of Gayoso de Lemos and Morales— Important de
spatches of Morales— Death of Governor Gayoso de Lemos— Governor Casa
Calvo— Sentence against Carondelet by the "judge of residence" — Slaves
from Africa again admitted — Census of Upper Louisiana in 1799— Loui
siana retroceded to France— Failure of the French expedition to Santo
Domingo— Treaty of Amiens— Bernadotte— Victor and Laussat — System
of government for Louisiana.
RIGADIER-GENERAL MAN
UEL GAYOSO DE LEMOS
succeeded the Baron de Carondelet
as Governor of Louisiana and of the
Floridas, Carondelet Avas appointed
President of the Royal Audience of
Quito, Plis administration had been
businesslike, vigilant, and judicious. Governor Gayoso
de Lemos assumed office on August 1, 1797, but did not
publish his bando de buen gobierno till January, 1798,
It contained no important new regulation. He published
also a set of instructions to commandants about grants
of land. Some of the instructions certainly were wise,
such as the following:^ "No grant of land is to be
made to any unmarried emigrant who has neither trade
170

1799] ILLUSTRIOUS VISITORS 171
nor property, until after a residence of four years,
during Avhich time he must have been employed in the
culture of the ground. But if, after a residence of
two years, such a person should marry the daughter of
an honest farmer, with his consent and by him recom
mended, a grant of land may be made to him. In Upper
Louisiana no settler is to be admitted who is not a farmer
or a mechanic."
The following regulations were very intolerant: " Lib
erty of conscience is not to be extended beyond the first
generation; the children of the emigrant must be Catho
lic; and emigrants not agreeing to this must not be ad
mitted, but removed, even when they bring property with
them. This is to be explained to settlers who do not
profess the Catholic religion. It is expressly recom
mended to commandants to Avatch tliat no preacher of
any religion but the Catholic comes into the province."
In the beginning of the year 1798 three illustrious
visitors arrived in New Orleans: they Avere the Duke
d'Orleans and his two brothers, the Duke de Monlpensier
and the Count de Beaujolais. They were the sons
of the late Duke d'Orleans, Philippe — Egalite, who, as a
member of the Convention, had voted for the death of
Louis XVI, the chief of his house, and had himself been
executed during the troublous times of the French
Revolution, Philippe — Egalite was a great-grandson of
Philippe d'Orleans, Regent of France, for Avhom the city
of New Orleans had been named. The descendants of
the Regent of France, now in exile, were received mag
nificently in New Orleans, and were entertained prin-

172 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1798
cipally, during their stay in Louisiana, by Bernard de
Marigny, Julien Poydras, and Etienne de Bore, The
two brothers of the Duke d'Orleans died young, but the
duke himself became Louis — Philippe, King of the
French, in 1830, and reigned until February, 1848.
When the Mississippi Territory was organized by Con
gress, in 1798, WintliTop Sargent was appointed gov
ernor. General Wilkinson, who had established his head
quarters at Natchez, transferred them to Loftus Heights,
or Roche a Davion, and built Fort Adams. Amicable
relations then began between the Americans and the
Spaniards; and the Spanish commandant, Don Nicolas
Maria Vidal, at the post opposite to Natchez, gave the
name of " Concordia " to the fort that was erected on the
west side of the river, opposite Fort Panmure on the cast
side. On account of the increase of the commerce of New
Orleans, Daniel Clark, Jr., was recognized by the Span
ish governor as temporary consul of the United States,
Evan Jones was later appointed permanent consul.
The era of good feeling between the United States and
Spanish Louisiana was not to be of long duration, for
the intendant Morales issued a proclamation on July
17, 1799, concerning grants of land, which was considered
hostile to emigrants from the United States. Morales
also abolished the right of deposit at New Orleans, as
three years had elapsed since the ratification of the treaty
of Madrid, which had guaranteed that right to the Ameri
cans. By the treaty the King of Spain bound himself, at
the expiration of three years, to extend the time, or to de
signate some other suitable point within the island of

[1799 INTENDANT MORALES 173
New Orleans as a place of deposit. Intendant Morales
designated no other suitable point; the Western peo
ple were greatly excited, and President Adams for some
time thought of a campaign against Louisiana. Fortu
nately, the interdict of Morales was disavowed by the
King, and the right of deposit was restored in 1800 by
Don Ramon de Lopez, the successor of Morales.
In 1799 Intendant Morales disagreed with Governor
Gayoso de Lemos, as the commissaire ordonnateur used
to disagree with the governor during the French domina
tion. Morales, in several despatches, accuses Gayoso de
Lemos of being generous at the expense of the. King, and
of abuse of power. Morales mentions also the arrival in
New Orleans of General Wilkinson, who had been called
to Washington by President Adams. He says the two
thousand dollars paid annually to Don Augusto Chou
teau is useless, for his twenty militiamen at Fort Caron
delet among the Osage Indians do not contribute at pres
ent to the defence of the province, as the Americans are
so near. In his despatch of March 31, 1799, Morales men
tions as able sailors Lieutenant-Colonel Don Pedro Rous
seau, Captain Don Guillermo Dupark, and Lieutenant
Don Francisco Langlois. In the same despatch he asks
to be relieved of his office, as he is unable to continue
longer in open quarrel Avith the governor. He refers also
to the permission given by Governor Gayoso de Lemos
to Don Santiago Fletcher to introduce into the province
two hundred negroes (bozales) from Africa. He says
that, after the insurrection of the slaves in 1795, at the
request of the cabildo. Governor Carondelet had forbid-

174 A PIISTORY OF LOUISIANA 1799]
den the introduction of slaves from the French Antilles,
and later from any other place, in order not to increase
the number of enemies of the white race. The present
moment is still less favorable for the introduction of
slaves in the province, on account of the independence
obtained by the negroes of Santo Domingo, but Governor
Gayoso insists upon granting Fletcher the permission.
Morales does not believe the latter will ever be able to
take bis cargo to New Orleans ; but, if he does, the cabildo
Avill have to oppose his landing and even to confiscate the
slaves. On INIay 31, 1799, the intendant asked permission to
spend seven thousand dollars for a building to be erected
at the Convent of the Ursulines for the girls educated
there; and on July 25, 1799, he announced the death,
on July 18, of Governor Gayoso de Lemos. The gov
ernor died of a malignant fever, after a brief illness, and
Avas reconciled to Morales shortly before his death. Col
onel Francisco Bouligny assumed the command of the
military; and the auditor of war, Don Nicolas Maria
Vidal, the civil government.
Governor Gayoso de Lemos died very poor, leaving
only the furniture in his house and a few slaves. Colonel
Ellicott praises him highly. He Avas affable and kind,
and " it Avas frequently remarked of him, as a singularity,
that he Avas neither concerned in traffic, nor in the habit
of taking douceurs, Avhich was too frequently the case
with other officers of his Catholic Majesty in Louisiana,
He was fond of shoAV and parade, in which he indulged
to the great injury of his fortune, and not a little of his

1799] CASA CALVO 175
reputation as a good paymaster. He was a tender hus
band, an affectionate parent, and a good master."
On September 13, 1799, Morales said the Marquis
de Casa Calvo had taken possession of the mifitary gov
ernment of Louisiana, having been appointed to that
ofl5ce by Captain-General Marquis de Someruelos. He
announced also the exi:)losion of a powder-magazine in
the St. Charles redoubt, which caused the death of four
soldiers. In November, 1799, Bishop Pefialver, in a letter to
Don Jose Antonio Caballero, says the province is infested
with adventurers from the West, especially the districts
of Ouachita, Attakapas, Opolousas, and Natchitoches,
bordering on the province of Texas in New Spain, The
bishop adds that the Western people are in the habit of
striking their sons on the shoulder Avhen they are very
•obust and saying to them: " You will go to Mexico," ^
Judge Martin relates an interesting incident that shows
how well the laAvs were observed in Louisiana in 1799:
Gayoso now received and executed a commission of judge of
residence of his predecessor. One act of the Baron's administra
tion was judged reprehensible. He had been led, by an excess
of zeal for what he conceived to be the public good, to take
upon himself the responsibility of condemning to death a slave
who had killed his overseer. The fact was proven that Vidal,
the assessor of government, conceived that the circumstances
which attended it did not bring the case under any law authoriz
ing a sentence of death, and had recommended a milder one. At
the solicitation of a number of respectable planters, and of the
owner of the slave, Marigny dc Mandeville, a Knight of St.
Louis and colonel of the militia, who represented to the Baron that

r

176 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1799
an example was absolutely necessary, especially so soon after the
late insurrection, he disregarded the opinion of his legal adviser
and ordered the execution of the slave. It was thought the life
of a human being, although a slave, ought not to depend on the
opinion of a man in any case where his sacrifice was not expressly
ordered by law. A fine of five hundred dollars was paid by the
Baron. In November, 1799, the cabildo requested the gov
ernor to issue a proclamation suspending the prohibition
of the introduction into the colony of negroes from
Africa, as the cultivation of the sugar-cane required a
larger number of laborers. The King approved the sus
pension of the prohibition.
On December 31, 1799, Don Carlos Dehault de Lassus
presented the following census of Upper Louisiana: St.
Louis, 925; Carondelet, 184; St. Charles, 875; St. Fer
nando, 276; Marais des Liards, 376; Maramec, 115; St.
Andrew, 393; St. Genevieve, 949; New Bourbon, 560;
Cape Girardeau, 521; New Madrid, 782; Little Mea
dows, 49; total, 6005. The white population Avas 4948
souls; the free colored, 197; that of slaves, 860. That
year there were 34 marriages, 191 births, and 52 deaths.
There were in the different settlements 7980 head of
horned cattle, and 1768 horses. The crops amounted to
88,849 minots of wheat, 84,534 of Indian corn, and 28,-
627 pounds of tobacco. The exports to New Orleans
consisted of: 1754 bundles of deerskins, $70,160; 8 bun
dles of bearskins, $256; 18 bundles of buffalo robes,
$540; 360 quintals of lead, $2160; 20 quintals of flour,
$00. Of lead, 1340 quintals were exported to the United

1800] BONAPARTE 177
States, by the Ohio, Cumberland, and Tennessee rivers.
One thousand bales of salt were made yearly.
At the end of the eighteenth century a great event was
preparing for Louisiana, and Bonaparte was the man
who Avas to bring it about. After his campaigns of 1796
and 1797 in Italy, he had gone to Egypt and, in spite
of the destruction of his fleet at Aboukir, had Avon great
victories, and had returned to France in 1799. On the
18th Brumaire (November 9, 1799) he overthrew the
Directory and established the Consulate. The First Con
sul accomplished even greater exploits than General Bo
naparte, and his campaign of 1800 is really wonderful.
He collected a large army, and threw it suddenly over
the Alps into Italy, and at Marengo, on June 14, 1800,
he crushed the Austrian army. Peace with Austria soon
followed this battle, and there was a fair prospect of
making peace Avith England, Bonaparte wished then to
revive the colonial empire of France, and he thought of
Louisiana, which had been ceded to Spain by Louis XV
in 1762,
Charles IV of Spain was a man of good morals and of
sincere piety; but he lacked the ability of his father,
Charles III, and had no force of character. He allowed
his favorite, or rather the Queen's favorite, to govern
the kingdom. Manuel Godoy, Prince of Peace, the
Prime Minister, was the true King of Spain for several
jj^ears. He was a man of some ability, but he was no
match for the First Consul, who easily persuaded him
that if France acquired Louisiana again, that province
would serve as a protection for Mexico and the Gulf.

178 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoo
On October 1, 1800, a treaty was negotiated at St. Ilde
fonso by Berthier,'* who was to become the renoAvned
marshal and chief-of -staff of Napoleon. The third ar
ticle was as follows: "Plis Catholic Majesty promises
and binds himself to retrocede to the French Republic,
six months after the full and entire execution of the con
ditions and stipulations above mentioned, relative to His
Royal Highness the Duke of Parma, the colony or prov
ince of Louisiana, with the same extent which it has at
present in the hands of Spain, and which it had when
France possessed it, and such as it should be since the trea
ties passed subsequently between Spain and other States."
The treaty of St. Ildefonso was kept secret, as peace had
not yet been signed with England. On March 21, 1801,
a treaty was signed at Madrid by Lucien Bonaparte
which confirmed that of St, Ildefonso and stipulated that,
on account of the cession of Louisiana to France, the
duchy of Tuscany should be given to the Duke of Parma,
son-in-law of Charles IV, and that he should receive the
title of King of Etruria. Yet it was not till October 15,
1802, that Charles IV signed the treaty of retrocession,
and one of his conditions was that " France must pledge
herself not to alienate Louisiana, and to restore it to
/' Spain in case the King of Etruria should lose his power,"
Preliminaries of peace were signed with England on
October 1, 1801, and Bonaparte thought not only of
taking possession of Louisiana but also of reconquering
Santo Domingo from the blacks. He sent to the island
his brother-in-law. General Leclerc, husband of the beau
tiful Pauline, with a large army; but in spite of the

1802] BERNADOTTE 179
treacherous capture of that remarkable chief, Toussaint
Louverture, the French Avere unable to wrest Santo Do
mingo from the rule of the blacks. Sickness decimated
the army, General Leclerc died, and his successor. Gen
eral Rochambeau, son of Washington's companion at
Yorktown, capitulated on November 18, 1803, The
Pearl of the Antilles remained in the hands of the blacks
and was lost to civilization. Exiles from Santo Do
mingo went to Louisiana to meet their friends who had
already taken refuge there.
The treaty of peace betAveen France, Spain, and Eng
land was signed at Ajniens on March 25, 1802, and Bo
naparte made preparations to take formal possession of
Louisiana. He named General Bernadotte captain-
general; but the latter demanded three thousand soldiers
and a like number of agriculturists, and was so unrea
sonable in his conditions that the First Consul exclaimed :
" I Avould not do as much for one of my brothers." He
appointed Bernadotte minister to the United States, and
the future King of Sweden was on the point of sailing
from La Rochelle when he heard that the peace of
Axniens Avould not be of long duration. Bernadotte re
turned to Paris and said that he would not attend to any
civil functions as long as there should be war.
Bonaparte appointed General Victor captain-general,
Pierre Clement Laussat colonial prefect, and Jean-
Jacques Ayme judge. " In the mind of the First Con
sul," says M. V. Tantet,* " Louisiana Avas to be for the
island of Santo Domingo a kind of storehouse, which
would provide the latter v^^ith proAdsions, lumber, and

180 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
cattle. This is the reason that, in ignorance of the events
that were taking place there, he ordered General Victor,
then at Hellevoetsluys, in Holland, while intrusting him
with taking possession of Louisiana, to enter immediately
into communication with his brother-in-law. General
Leclerc, whose troops, which were to subdue the revolt of
the blacks, were to be sent to Louisiana after the pacifica
tion of Santo Domingo."
The First Consul had provided a complete system of
government for Louisiana. The chief officials were to
be as follows : * A captain-general, salary seventy thou
sand francs per annum. A colonial prefect, salary fifty
thousand francs per annum. A grand judge, salary
thirty-six thousand francs per annum. A sub-prefect
for Upper Louisiana, salary six thousand and seventy-
five francs per annum. The amount of salaries for the
administration of Louisiana was to be two hundred and
eighty-one thousand and sixty-five francs per annum.
In order to conciliate the Indians, two hundred and sev
enty silver medals were struck, at a cost of eighty-seven
hundred and ninety-two francs, to be presented to the
chiefs of the Indian tribes.
As soon as the treaty of Amiens was signed with Eng
land in 1802, General Victor was ordered by Minister
Decres to hasten the departure of his expedition and to
take possession of Louisiana as quickly as possible. But
before Victor had completed his preparations, cold wea
ther set in, and his four vessels were imprisoned in ice.
He remained nearly six months in Holland, awaiting an
opportunity to sail, — frimaire, nivose, pluviose, ven-

1803] LETTER OF VICTOR 181
tose, germinal, and floreal, year II of the Republic, — ¦
that is to say, until May, 1803. In the mean time the
peace of Amiens between France and England Avas
broken, the expedition to Louisiana Avas abandoned, and
Victor never reached the colony of which he had been
named captain-general. Laussat, the colonial prefect,
had already sailed for Ncav Orleans, and it Avas he, as
Commissioner of the French Government, who received
the province from Spain, and shortly afterward trans
ferred it to tlie United States.
In Volume LII, " Correspondance Generale," at the
Ministry of the Colonies in Paris, are several letters
of General Victor to Minister Decres and to the First
Consul. The captain-general complains of the delay in
furnishing provisions for the expedition, and in Novem
ber refers to the excessive cold Aveather. The following
letter from him is interesting: The Hague, 28 Pluviose, year II.
To the Minister of Marine and of the Colonies.
Citizen Minister: The aide-de-camp Avho Avill have the honor
to hand you the present letter goes to you to solicit anew the
replacement of the advances which have been made to the officers,
administrators, and employes of the Louisiana Expedition. The
stay, long, unexpected, and extremely costly, which we are making
in spite of ourselves in Holland has not only absorbed all our
pecuniary means, but has reduced us to distress ; and several
among us, if you do not come promptly to our aid, will be forced
to have recourse to the most unpleasant means to provide for Indis
pensable needs. The request Avhich I have the honor to make to
you for the payment of the salary for the months past, and until
the day of sailing, for all those who form the civil and military
administration of the colony, seems to me entirely just. We are

182 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [imn
employed, and consequently paid, by the government, beginning
with the first frimaire, first date fixed for the departure of the
expedition. The causes of its delay cannot be attributed to
us. By going to our destination, according to our desires, we
should have received our salaries without any difficulty; our
claims are, it seems to me, right; the hindrances which the Expe
dition suffers cannot destroy them ; this supposition persuades
me, Citizen Minister, that you will take into consideration my
request and its motives, and that the officer Avho bears my repre
sentations will return with a favorable decision.
The thawing has begun; it makes us hope that we shall soon
be able to continue the work of our preparations ; but I must
tell you (not to deceive your expectation as in the beginning)
that, however diligent we may be in our preparations, it is utterly
impossible that the Expedition should sail, either partially or
totally, before a month.
The aide-de-camp will bring me the medals if they are ready,
I beg you to have them handed to him.
I have the honor to salute you with respect, VlCTOB,
The medals referred to were those that had been struck
for the Indian chiefs in Louisiana. In this letter Victor
asked for four months' pay for himself and his subor
dinates, or, as he says later, 93,683. 66f francs. The last
letter of the captain-general of Louisiana was dated 27
floreal, year II. He sends back all the letters, docu
ments, and orders concerning tlie Louisiana Expedition,
and also tlie letter of the King of Spain to the Spanish
governor authorizing the retrocession of the province.
The following proclamation of General Victor is inter
esting and curious, inasmuch as the captain-general who
issued it never saw the people to whom it was addressed :

1803] PROCLAMATION OF VICTOR 183
PROCLAMATION
In the navie of the French Republic. Virtue. Country. The
General of Division Victor, Captain-General of Louisiana, to
the Louisianians.
Dear. Louisianians: By a treaty between the French Govern
ment and his Majesty the King of Spain, Louisiana has become
again a property of the French Republic. I come, in the name
of her First Magistrate, the immortal Bonaparte, to take pos
session of your Interesting colony, and to associate its fortunes
with the brilliant destinies of the French people.
Thus far, dear Louisianians, in spite of your wise behavior,
and of all your efforts for the aggrandizement of your colony,
you have only been able to give it the movement of your activity
which you preserve in the narrow circle of your possessions : you
have not been able to take advantage of all the resources that were
offered to you for agriculture by a vast and fertile territory: you
have not been able to use for an enlarged commerce all the Avealth
of your fortunate soil.
I come, in the name of your Government, to offer the means
that are to multiply your happiness : 1 bring you laws that have
caused the glory of the French Nation, as they have also assured
its tranquility and Its happiness. Surrounded by honest and
enlightened magistrates, we shall rival with yours in establish
ing in your midst an incorruptible Justice. A wise and provident
administration will give movement and life to agriculture and to
all the branches of industry and commerce, I bring you, finally,
new brothers, who, like me, knew you well enough, before uniting
with you, to esteem and to cherish you.
Henceforth, all felicitously united, we shall form but one
family, of which all the members will labor for the happiness of
each one and the general prosperity. Having become your
father, I shall have all the tenderness of one: Avlthout ceasing,

184 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoa
I shall awaken the solicitude of the mother country to add what
may be lacking to the colony.
Dear Louisianians: Fear nothing from this imposing mass of
warriors that surrounds me. The glory that they have acquired in
battle has merited your esteem ; the virtues that distinguish them
will induce you to love them. They will respect your rights and
your properties, in* case they are attacked, and I assure you that
you will have cause only to be pleased with their conduct.
As for me, dear Louisianians, I shall have done enough for
my happiness if I can assure yours by my vigilance and by my
care. Victor.
Bonaparte had greatly honored Louisiana by appoint
ing Victor as its captain-general. That officer held in
1802 the high rank of general of division. He was born
in 1764, and entered the army as drummer at the age of
seventeen. In 1789 he obtained his discharge, settled
at Valence, and married; but when the country was de
clared to be in danger he enlisted as a volunteeer in 1792.
He distinguished himself in all the campaigns in which
he took part, Avas named general of brigade for his gal
lantry at the siege of Toulon in 1793, and soon afterward
general of division. At the battle of Marengo in 1800 he
commanded the vanguard with great valor and ability;
and after the battle of Friedland in 1807, where he again
distinguished himself, the Emperor Napoleon gave him
the titles of Marshal of France and Duke de Bellune,
and made him Governor of Berlin. He served with dis
tinction in Spain in 1809, and in the campaigns of 1812,
1813, and 1814,
Wlien Napoleon abdicated in 1814, Victor offered his
services to Louis XVIII, and he remained faithful to

1803] GENERAL VICTOR 185
that monarch on the return of Napoleon from Elba in
1815. He occupied high offices during the reigns of
Louis XVIII and Charles X, and when the latter was
overthrown in July, 1830, the Duke de Bellune refused
to serve the government of Louis-Philippe. He died in
Paris in 1841, and has left an honored name which we are
glad to see connected with that of Louisiana.

CHAPTER VIII

Condition of Louisiana' in the Beginning of the
Nineteenth Century — ^Memoir of Coi.onel
Joseph Xavier Delfau de Pontalba,
September 15, 1801
Tlie Pontalba family— Settlement of Kentucky— States of Kentucky and Ten
nessee — Transportation across the mountains— Importance of Louisiana
with regard to Mexico— Anibignily In treaty of 1783— District of Natchez
altaclied. to West Florida— Spain compelled to yield Natcliez— Two ways
of assuring a rampart to Mexico— Efforts of the western districts for Inde
pendence—Attempts to form an alliance with Spain- Emigralion from
Kcnliicky arrested— Congress gains the affection of the Western people —
Propositions made by Spain— Spain grants free navigation of the river —
Treaty with the Indians in 1783 — McGillivray's treaty not approved — Orders
to receive all emigrants — Louisiana the key to America — Unlimited free
dom of commerce— Loans to emigrants— The United States attempt to
settle the northwest — Defense of New Orleans — Louisiana the key to
Mexico— Importation of negroes forbidden— Cultivation of the sugar-cane-
Indigo— Tobacco— Cotton— Peltries and lumber —Louisiana a burden to tho
metropolis— The memoir sent to General Bonaparte by Minister Decrfcs.
HE name of the Pontalba family
was originally Delfixu, a family from
Quercy, a province of France, of
which the capital Avas Cabors, Fran-
9ois Delfau, born in 1678, was elected
a capitoul of Toulouse in 1740. This
Avas an office that conferred nobility
on the occupant, and Fran9ois Delfau was " ecuyer,
seigneur de la Roque Bouillac Roquefort, contreseigneur
186

1801] CAPTAIN DE PONTALBA 187
de la Baronie de Camboulit." The Delfaus were also
" seigneurs de Belfort, Pontalba, Loubejac et autres
lieux." '
Fran9ois Delfau died in 1757. He left six sons, all
of whom held important offices. His third son, Jean-
Joseph Delfau de Pontalba, arrived in Louisiana in
1732. He was sent to the fort of Natchez, and served
there one year. He was next in New Orleans, then com
mandant at the Tunicas, and in 1730 an officer in Bien
ville's army during the unfortunate campaign against the
ChickasaAvs, He became captain of infantry in 1749,'
after having important military commands, among
others that of Pointe Coupee. He died in New Orleans
in 1760, a Knight of St. Louis. He had married in 1748
Marguerite Magdeleine Broutin, daughter of a distin
guished military engineer. His son, Joseph Xavier Del
fau de Pontalba, author of the important Memoir on
Louisiana that forms the greater part of this chapter,
AA'^as born in New Orleans in 1754. He was sent to
France to be educated, entered the army, served in the
Regiment of Montauban, then in the Regiment of Guade
loupe, and distinguished himself at the siege of Savan
nah, in October, 1779, under the Viscount de Noailles and
Admiral Count d'Estaing, both of whom recommended
him highly, as did also Marshal de Noailles, father of the
viscount. He retired from the French army with the
rank of captain, and departed for Louisiana in 1784.
Captain de Pontalba married in 1789 Jeanne Fran-
9oise Louise Le Breton, daughter of Barthelemy Le Bre
ton, or Le Bretton de Charmeaux, a former musketeer

188 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
of the King of France. He became captain of the Regi
ment of Louisiana in 1790, commander of the militia
companies at the " Cote des AUemands," lieutenant-colo
nel in 1791, and colonel of infantry in the Spanish army
in 1800, after his return to Spain and then to France. In
the French army he received the commission, in Decem
ber, 1802, of adjutant-commandant or staff -colonel, and
was ordered to accompany Victor to Louisiana when the
latter was named captain-general of that province. Colo
nel de Pontalba was made a Knight of St. Louis in 1814,
and died at Mont-l'Eveque, France, in 1834. His only
son, Joseph Xavier Celestin Delfau de Pontalba, was
born in New Orleans in 1791, and was taken to France in
1796. He became a page of Napoleon in 1804, then a
lieutenant in the French army and aide-de-camp of Mar
shal Ney, to whose wife he was related. Pie retired from
the army in 1813, and died in Paris in 1878. He had
married in 1811 Micaela Leonarda Almonester y Roxas,
daughter of Don Andres Almonester y Roxas and of
Louise de LaRonde.
Don Andres Almonester, whose name has been men
tioned often in this history, was born at Mayrena, Anda
lusia, and died in New Orleans on April 26, 1796, aged
seventy-three years. He was buried in St. Louis Cathe
dral, where a marble slab commemorates his benefactions.
He was founder {ind patron of the cathedral, which cost
him $98,988, of the Royal Hospital and Church of St.
Charles, and of a school for girls, and was the builder
of the Casa Capitular, now known as the Cabildo, in New
Orleans. It was believed that Ahnonester had made a

1801] PONTALBA'S MEMOIR 189
gift of the Cabildo building to the city of New Orleans ;
but documents found by the Atriter and by Baron Edou
ard de Pontalba, a great-grandson of the alferez real,
prove that the cost of building the Cabildo was refunded
by the city to Almonester's widow and daughter. The
amount Avas $28,500. Almonester was married on March
26, 1787, and his only daughter, Micaela, was born Avhen
he was seventy-one years old. As Ave have said, she mar
ried in 1811 Joseph Xavier Celestin Delfau de Pontalba.
It Avas she Avho built the Pontalba Buildings at Jackson
Square, the old Place d'Aixnes. Governor Miro's wife
was the aunt of Colonel Joseph Xavier Delfau de Pont-
alba's wife.
The following is an extract from Pontalba's Memoir : "
The chains of the Allegheny and Appalache Mountains divide
into two parts the United States of America; the first, which is
bounded by the ocean, contains the thirteen provinces, between
which communication is easily established by rivers and roads;
the second, known by the name of occidental part or country
of the West, bordering on Louisiana by lines which run from
cast to west, ends at tlie Mississippi, from the forty-second de
gree Avhere is situated Pennsylvania, after which follow, going
south, Maryland, Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, and
Georgia. The establishments of that western part begin at the Monon-
galiela and Allegheny rivers, at the junction of which is Fort
Pitt, 40° 31' latitude; from that point these two rivers united
form the Ohio, which falls into the Mississippi, in QQ° 43', after
a course of three hundred and ninety-six leagues ; and several
other navigable rivers fall into the Ohio from the south, of which
the principal are the Great Kanhawa, the Little Kanhawa, the
Sandy, the Kentucky, the Cumberland, and Tennessee or Che-

190 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
roky, which is the last and the nearest the Mississippi, from which
its mouth is distant only nineteen leagues. All these rivers,
and others less considerable, receive a multitude of small rivers
which water this territory and facilitate the numerous establish
ments that I shall mention.
In 1760 there AVcrc a few inhabitants in the neighborhood of
Fort Pitt, or) the Monongahcla River; but it Avas not till 1774
that the first five families arrived in Kentucky — the principal
settlement of that Avestern part. It begins at the Sandy River,
one hundred and fourteen leagues lower than Fort Pitt, and in
1792 contained fifty thousand men able to bear arms, and to-day
eighty thousand.
The principal districts of these immense countries are, be
ginning at the source of the Ohio, Monongahela Avith a part of the
Allegheny, Kentucky, Cumberland, and Franklin, between Avhich
are scattered, at different distances, other small establishments,
which, as they extend, will probably unite with those of the
above-named States that are nearest to them. The best knoAvn
are Randolph, the Little Kanhawa, Maton, Hoodford, Lincoln,
Green, Bluestone, Logan, and Miro.
The Monongahcla district is between the limits of Pennsylva
nia and Maryland. Kentucky Avas a part of Virginia, but in
1791 that State was declared independent and formed the four
teenth of the United States. Cumberland and Franklin were part
of North Carolina, and form now the fifteenth of the United
States under the name of Tennessee.
Although Monongahela is distant only one hundred leagues
from Philadelphia, the only outlet for its products, the enor
mous cost of transportation across the mountains would absorb
the value, since a barrel of flour of one hundred and eighty pounds
(which is the richest product of that country) is worth in Phila
delphia four dollars in time of peace, and certainly it would cost
much more to bring it there.
It is the same in Kentucky and Tennessee with tobacco, the
principal staple of those districts ; so that all union of commerce

180IJ OUTLET FOR PRODUCTS 191
becomes impossible between the countries on the western side and
those of the Atlantic coast.
All this proves that the only outlet for their products is through
the Mississippi; that Louisiana, holding them in the most abso
lute dependency, will always be the object of their ambition; that
their position, their population, their means, will enable them to
invade that province, whenever they shall wish to undertake it;
and that to preserve It, it is proper to have communication with
those who have the most credit among them, to grant them privi
leges until the province should be in a condition to defend itself
from the torrent that threatens it. There is no doubt that if the
dike breaks, the torrent will carry along everything in its way,
for the inhabitants of Kentucky, alone or Avith those of the other
districts, may, when they wish, and before one could have time to
be informed of their projects, arrive at New Orleans, to the
number of twenty or thirty thousand armed men, in great flat-
boats, such as they construct every day for the transportation
of their products, and a few gunboats, bringing Avith them pro
visions beyond their needs. The rapidity of the current of the
Ohio arid of the other rivers that fall into it, makes this under
taking easy, and their few needs hasten the execution of it. A
powder-pouch, a bag of balls, their provision of cold flour — that is
their equipment. Great adroitness, the habit of living in the
woods and of bearing fatigue, supply what is lacking.
The importance of Louisiana should be the reason for taking
extraordinary means to save it from the irruption with which
it is continually threatened. If one considers it from the point
of view of Avhat it brings at present to the state, one Avill find
that six per cent, custom-house duties for exports and imports,
the only duties imposed, produce not more than one hundred
thousand dollars a year, and the expenses borne annually for this
province by the King of Spain amount to five hundred and
thirty-seven thousand dollars.
What should draw attention upon Louisiana is, that it has a
port on the Gulf of Mexico, in which no other power has any

192 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA iisoi
except the King of Spain. But what should give it still more
importance and value is its position relatively to the Kingdom of
Mexico, of which the Mississippi is the natural barrier. It should
be rendered impenetrable, as that is the surest Avay to destroy for
ever the bold projects with which several persons in the United
States fill their newspapers, designating through Louisiana the
road to the conquest of Mexico ; especially since the disputes that
have arisen about the frontiers.
The long discussion about the boundary between the United
States and Louisiana, which ended in 1797, came from an am
biguity in the treaty of peace of 1783, — an ambiguity introduced,
without doubt, on purpose by England, to leave a subject of
discord between Spain and the United States, without Avhich it
would have been necessary to stipulate that His Catholic Majesty
should order the delivery to the United States of the district and
fort of Natchez, which the King possessed then, after conquer
ing them,
W^hen England possessed the United States and part of the
province of Louisiana, the limits of Georgia being indicated on
the charts, east and west, from the sea to the Mississippi, the
district of Natchez was comprised in it; but the inhabitants of
that post having represented that, for appeal in lawsuits, they
were obliged to go to Georgia, His Britannic Majesty declared
that the Natchez district should be dependent upon the Governor
of Pensacola and form part of the province of West Florida.
This province was thus incrpased as far as the line of Chatcrp6,
which had been drawn by the English and the Chickasaw and
Choctaw tribes, from the territory of Mobile, forty-five leagues
from the fort of that name, to Yazoo river, five leagues from its
mouth in the Mississippi. So that West Florida, having been
ceded to IIis Catholic Majesty by Great Britain, by the treaty
of peace of 1783, Avas ceded in its entirety, with all that depended
upon it at the time of the cession, of which Spain was already
in possession by right of conquest, and which she never had
agreed to surrender.

1801] A RAMPART TO MEXICO 193
The English, in the treaty of peace which they made at the
same time with the United States, abandoned to them all the ter
ritory that in the earlier charts formed part of the provinces
of the United States as far as the Mississippi, without consider
ing what His Britannic Majesty had detached from it and united
to West Florida, and the line that Avas determined in this treaty,
following the middle of the course of the Mississippi, to the thirty-
first degree of latitude, abandoned to the United States all the
east side of that river to a point opposite the mouth of Red
River, in the said river, twelve leagues below Natchez, and fol
lowing west and east from that point to the river St. Mary, left
them all the district of Natchez, the most populous in Louisiana,
and restricted the possessions of Spain near Mobile to a sandy
territory which does not extend two leagues, and the rear of
Pensacola to an untitled soil, which has not an extent of ten
leagues. From the year 1785 the United States wished to take possession
of Natchez and of all the territory that was designated in the
treaty. Spain constantly opposed this, and succeeded, by com
munication with the western provinces of the United States and by
negotiations. In averting the hostilities AvIth which she was often
threatened, and in eluding those Ill-founded claims of the United
States until 1797, when she was obliged to accede to them or be
exposed to the loss of the entire province.
Since the Americans have been in possession of these new limits,
it becomes more important than ever to assure a rampart for
the protection of Mexico. There are two ways to do this: the
first is to people Louisiana so that the inhabitants may defend
her; the second, to form a union with Kentucky and the other
districts of the western country, so that they shall obligate them
selves to serve as a barrier against the United States ; and in the
mean time to preserve peace at any price with the United States,
This is what the Spanish Government has done constantly since
1787, It was aided in this by a powerful landholder,^ who joins
to a great deal of influence among his compatriots great con-

194 A PIISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
slderation acquired by the services he has rendered to the cause
of liberty in the highest military ranks; who, since that time,
has not ceased to serve Spain in her vIcavs, and who will display
the same zeal for France, as he believes justly that a close
union with Louisiana off'ers infinitely more advantage to his coun
try than a union with the United States.
This person, Avhose name I shall not mention, not to compromise
him, but which I shall indicate when his services are needed, came
to New Orleans in 1787. He made known to the Government the
condition in which were Kentucky and the neighboring dis
tricts, and the efl^orts they were making then to obtain their in
dependence and the free navigation of the Mississippi, as well as
the general opinion of offering to Spain to put themselves under
her protection in case of refusal on the part of Congress. On
that refusal this Inhabitant of Kentucky based his hopes, and he
offered then to devote himself to the success of the undertaking,
by declaring himself a vassal of His Catholic Majesty, He
promised as such to give notice of all that might be under
taken by the inhabitants of Kentucky for or against Louisiana,
and proposed, as a second means, to encourage emigration from
the western countries bordering on Louisiana, in order to increase
our forces. He departed with this disposition.
He returned to New Orleans in 1789 to renew to the Govern
ment his proposal to employ all means to procure for his district
of Kentucky Its independence of the United States, by forming
with Spain an alliance, exclusive of all other powers, and at the
same time actively promoting emigration to Louisiana,
(Note. — Four times, from 1786 to 1792, preparations were
made In Kentucky and Cumberland to attack Louisiana, and
always that same person thwarted them by his influence with his
compatriots, I say this to indicate that France should not neg
lect to place him in her interest. )
He announced, in his correspondence in 1791, that his hopes
for the success of his projects had vanished. He attributed the
cause to the fact that Spain had just granted to the inhabitants

1801] EMIGRATION ARRESTED 195
of Kentucky permission to send their products to New Orleans
and to sell tlicm there by paying a duty of fifteen per cent. He
pretended that the fertility of their soil amply compensated for
this duty ; and the following year he announced that, in his dis
trict, all Idea of emigration had been dispelled, since the inhabi
tants of Kentucky knew that His Catholic Majesty had just
declared that in the future His Majesty, instead of buying from
the emigrants two million pounds of tobacco a year, Avould take
in the following year only forty thousand pounds.
It results from all this that Spain has not been able to draw
to her the people of Kentucky. The same motives have arrested
the emigration which could justly be expected, since, without
having done anything to procure it, Louisiana, which contained
only twenty thousand souls in 1782, had forty-five thousand in
1792, and more than seventy thousand to-day, Including the dis
trict of Natchez, which has been ceded to the Americans since
1797. The man mentioned above advised injudiciously that the people
of those districts be made absolutely dependent on Spain, by
forbidding them all kind of commerce with Louisiana, as Avell as
the navigation of the river; and he hoped that the greater part
of the thirteen provinces would consent to it. To succeed in this
manner in putting a stop to the excessive and alarming emigra
tion from the Atlantic coast toward the western countries, he
thought that as the latter were not sustained in their pretensions
by the Federal Government, it would then become easy to induce
them to seek their welfare themselves by throwing themselves into
the arms of Spain.
All these combinations necessarily failed, because, instead of op
posing the pretensions of the above-named districts, the United
States declared themselves very decidedly in their favor, and
formulated in 1792 a demand to the court of Spain, in which they
represented that, unless they exposed themselves to lose half of
their territory, they could not close their ears to the continual
clamors of the inhabitants of the West, who solicited, besides

196 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

[1801

the free navigation of the Mississippi, which nature had given
them, a post on the lower Mississippi, in order that their ships
might receive their products there; adding that the designation
of a place of deposit at New Orleans might give rise to nego
tiations. The Congress, by these means, gained so completely the affec
tion of those people for its government that it was no longer
possible to think of forming the union above mentioned, although
surely those inhabitants would be happier for it. Spain lost also
the hope of having time to people Louisiana before making ar
rangements with the United States. To delay this negotiation,
a thing that exactly suited the court of Spain, it was decided
to make different propositions to the Congress. First it was de
clared that, considering the delicate position of the western coun
tries. His Majesty, through humanity, had permitted them to sell
their products at Ncav Orleans ; and although there was a duty of
fifteen per cent, (paid in products), that was more advantageous
to them than to export them by sea, since they sell at New
Orleans, for eight dollars, a barrel of flour that was worth
three dollars at Monongahela; and that very surely those per
sons, who should come from the Atlantic with ships, to load
them at the Mississippi, would buy at much loAvcr prices ; but
that, to avoid a pretext for contraband and discussion, IIis Maj
esty would permit the free navigation of the Mississippi to the
inhabitants of the western countries, who might easily cause to
be constructed, on the rivers Avhere they are established, schooners
or boats by which they could send their goods to the ports of the
United States, or to those of the foreign colonies that admit
them; a proposition Avhich was rejected, as they persisted in de
manding entrance to the river for any American ship, and the
possession of a port.
This negotiation dragged along again with new propositions,
such as to permit the entrance of the river only as far as the
Plaquemines turn, ten leagues from the Balize at the mouth of the
river, with the prohibition of putting planks on the river to

1801] FREE NAVIGATION 197
load, binding themselves to do so with the flatboats with which
they go down, and which may easily come alongside the ships.
As the Congress was unwilling to abate anything from those
pretensions, Spain, in order not to lose more, saw herself obliged
to grant the free navigation of the river, and, instead of giving
them the port which they demanded, to consent to put them
in possession of the limits above mentioned, AvhIch had been desig
nated by their treaty of peace with England ; which was done In
1797. Since, with these new limits, the United States possess more
than six hundred leagues of the east side of the Mississippi, from
the thirty-first degree, opposite Red River, to the forty-second
degree, it becomes more Important than ever to people the western
side, much more suitable to numerous and flourishing establish
ments, such as New Madrid, the rivers St. Francis, Arkansas,
Ouachita, and Red, and the posts of Natchitoches, Attakapas, and
Opelousas. All these districts, well peopled, might defend the
province, by meeting easily at such point as the circumstances
might require. The lands Avatcrcd by these rivers are the most
fertile In America, and offer the finest territories of an immense
extent, bordering on the Kingdom of Mexico. These are the
points that the court of Spain feared to people, on account
of this neighborhood, and it gave the most precise orders not to
place any family on the Ouachita River, which communicates
most directly with Mexico.
The possession of Louisiana, thus reduced by these new boun
daries, comprises no more, then, on the east side of the Mississippi,
than as far as the thirty-first degree, twelve leagues beloAV Nat
chez, as I have said above; but in spite of that, the United
Stales cannot consider as belonging to them the tribes of the
ChickasaAvs, Choctaws, Alibamons, and Creeks, because those
tribes, Avliich are entirely devoted to us, besides having always
received presents from Great Britain as owner of Florida, have
renewed the sort of dependency to which they submit for the
protection granted to them by Spain. In a congress which the

198 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
Government of Louisiana held in May, 1783, at Pensacola, with
the Creeks, and in June, at Mobile, with the other tribes, a treaty
was made to that eff^ect, in thirteen articles, which was approved
by the court. The United States will reply to this that they
also have made treaties with the Chickasaws and Choctaws at
Hopewell and Seneca in 1786; but those treaties are imaginary.
On the side of the Chickasaws an Indian chief, Avith a small num
ber of warriors, went to Hopewell, and a few Choctaw chiefs,
the only ones who had not brought back the English medals to
the Spanish Governor, went to Seneca, none being authorized by
their tribes. This is what was declared by those same ChoctaAV
chiefs who have since come to deliver the medals to the Govern
ment, and to take some from the King of Spain. The King
of the Chickasaws and his principal chiefs disapproved also the
action of the above-mentioned chief.
It is very important that these tribes should remain under the
protection of France, as they were under that of Spain, because
they serve as a barrier against the United States, In a space
of three hundred leagues Avhich one would have to cross among
them, to come from the provinces of Georgia and South Carolina,
I have no doubt that the Americans will oppose it with all their
might, as they have always done, by sending every year com
missioners to endeavor to detach them from Spain. They havc
never as yet succeeded. They have kept on their side only the
Chickasaw chief above mentioned, and his village. None of the
others allowed themselves to be persuaded by the letters that were
written to them by the Minister of War, Knox, Dr. Franklin,
and even General Washington ; they delivered the letters to the
Governor of Louisiana, as a proof of their fidelity. But as it
Avas possible that the United States might compel thciii, and as
it is against international law to prevent them from choosing their
protector, it is just, and to the interest of France, to offer them
a support in such a case.
If ever it happened that the United States should wish to un
dertake to form establishments in the territory of the above-

1801] THE INDIANS 199
named tribes, as they have already tried to do, it is not doubtful
that they will oppose this with all their power and that they will
call then to their aid the Government of Louisiana, which should
sujiport them Avith all its might, not to run the risk of seeing
itself deprived of such an essential barrier.
These tribes have always been disposed to repel by force any
undertaking to Invade their territory. This Is Avhat happened
between the Cherokees, the Creeks, the Talapoucbes, and the
United States. The former Avant for a boundary the Cumber
land River, the latter the Okony. It is for that reason that they
fought constantly until 1791, when the half-breed Alexander
McGillivray was called to New York by President Washington,
with several Creek chiefs. They made then a treaty of peace,
Avliich the tribe refused to approve, because McGillivray had
ceded more land than he was authorized to cede, AvhIch was even
contrary to the thirteen articles of the congress held at Pensa
cola in 1784 with the nation of tiie Creeks. By this cession
McGillivray abandoned to the Americans a considerable part of
the best lands of the Creeks, who refused to give possession.
France must uphold them. It is even proper. In order to succeed,
that in taking possession of Louisiana, the French Government
should call at Pensacola a council of the above-named nation.
Although this operation is costly, — for, in such a case, the cus
tomary presents must be given to them, and provisions must be
furnished them during their stay and for their return, never
theless, the means employed by the United States to draw them
to their side render this measure indispensable. In that con
gress the French Governor will know what influence McGillivray
has kept over these people since they disapproved his treaty.
He will make them feel how much more advantageous to them is
the protection of France, which they have not forgotten, than
that of the United States, which are only seeking to invade their
lands. The Choctaws and Alibamons, seeing the Creeks called in
council, will ask for one in their turn; it avIU be indispensable

200 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
to grant it, to destroy the continual attempt which the neigh
boring states are making to detach them from the Government
of Louisiana, which they like, and under whose protection they
have always been.
At the time of the French domination the Governor of New
Orleans called these nations in council every year at Mobile ;
therefore the old men among them always mention that epoch
Avith pleasure, and will see the arrival of their former protectors
with as much satisfaction as they look upon the United States
Avith distrust.
In spite of the advantages that the United States have ob
tained by the new boundaries, what will always keep the western
inhabitants of the United States dependent upon Louisiana, and
Avhat will render emigration advantageous to them, although their
lands are also very fertile, is the difficulty of procuring what
they need, at a distance so remote, in exchange for their goods,
although they havc the liberty of the navigation of the river ;
for the most valuable products they have for sale are tobacco
and flour, which are held at a low price on the Atlantic coast,
so that if ships went from these to the Mississippi to buy those
articles from the inhabitants of the West, the latter would be
obliged to sell them at a low price, in order that the ship-owners
might cover their expenses. Besides, the sellers cannot receive
merchandise in exchange, on account of the great expense of
going up the Mississippi to the Ohio, for there are six hundred
and thirty-three leagues from the post of Plaquemines, ten
leagues from the mouth of the Mississippi, to Louisville, the first
establishment in Kentucky, The road is still less passable by
land, although shorter by half ; so that the only thing the Inhabi
tant of Kentucky can do is to sell his goods cheap for money to
the American ships, go to Philadelphia, buy there the merchandise
he needs, transport it one hundred leagues by land to Fort Pitt,
and thence descend two hundred and thirty-five leagues by the
Ohio to his home.
It certainly cannot be expected that any farmer could under-

1801] INVASION OF LOUISIANA 201
take such an operation, or that any merchant could speculate on
the handling of these goods. How much more advantageous it will
be to the inhabitants of the west, to come nearer by the Mississippi,
or at least to unite with Louisiana, and have the right to sell tlieir
products with great advantage at Ncav Orleans,
These circumstances present very powerful motives to the in- !
habitants of Kentucky, whose example would soon be followed
by the other western districts, to separate from the United States,
to form an alliance with France, binding themselves to defend
Louisiana In case of attack by the United States,
As Spain has granted them all that they have demanded, and
as it is to be presumed that they will undertake no hostility,
France will have time to elaborate that project, and the inhabi
tants of Kentucky to be convinced that they cannot be happy
without this alliance or the conquest of Louisiana, One of these
events is demanded by the circumstances of these countries; it
is for France to attend to the one, to ovoid the other. To suc
ceed, a man should be employed who knows the importance of
that result, as avcU as the situation of those provinces, with regard
to Louisiana and the United Stales, and who should renew the
communication that the Government of Louisiana had with the
person of whom I have spoken.
While this project is attended to, it will be of the highest
importance lo employ extraordinary means to people Louisiana,
so that she may defend herself, which, once accomplished, would
render less necessary, perhaps even useless, the alliance desired,
or rather Avould make the districts mentioned solicit it. At first
sight it seems dangerous to people Louisiana with foreigners;
but her singular situation with regard to the people on the Ohio
is such that they should be considered as al home, for we may
assume that, from those districts, those inhabitants have more
facilities for invading Louisiana than they would have for revolt
ing, if they were established there, with this difference, that,
in the first case, the invasion would be glorious, and embarking on
the Ohio, favored by the swiftness of the current, they would find

202 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
themselves in Louisiana before any one knew they had thought of
it ; Avhile, once emigrated and received among us with promise of
fidelity to the Republic, those who should undertake a revolt, not
being able to do so without its being known, would risk everything,
and, far from finding glory, would only expose themselves to con
demnation as traitors. Besides, one cannot presume that people
who have lived under a precarious government, Avhich did not pro
tect them, continually surrounded with dangers from the Indians,
deprived of all kinds of commerce, will become disloyal when
they see themselves, by their own choice, established under an
other Government, which protects them, assures an outlet for
their products, burdens them with no imposts, and settles their
quarrels without meddling with their domestic operations any
more than with matters of religion.
As soon as, by such means, the affection of the first generation
has been won, the following ones will know no other country ; and
afterward those who govern them must endeavor to impress the
tender minds of youth with ideas of patriotism and justice.
Similar motives decided the King of Spain, in 1790, to give
orders to the Governor of Louisiana to receive there all emi
grants who should present themselves from those provinces, to
give them lands, and to establish districts, six leagues distant
from each other. In the centre of which there should be a church,
a house for a commandant, and an Irish curate, but with orders
not to trouble them in their creed.
My most important aim is to indicate means of peopling
Louisiana. These will be based upon the purchase of the tobacco
crop of the emigrants, and the most unlimited extension of com
merce. If my propositions appear excessive, let them be at
tributed solely to my conviction that Louisiana is the key of
America, and consequently of the highest importance ; that in
this respect she has been for a long time the object of tlie
ambition of the United States, Avhich will experience the greatest
anxiety at seeing her in the possession of such a power as France,
and which Avould have invaded her long ago if they had thought
that she Avould ever belong to that poAver.

1801] PURCHASE OF TOBACCO 203
The purchase of tobacco from the emigrants cannot be a bur
den to France. Spain employed this means before the war, and
took from them at New Orleans two million pounds out of each
crop, although she consumes but little of it. I have been informed
very positively, by the administrator intrusted personally with
this duty In Spain, that after the quantity needed In Spain,
which is only sixty thousand pounds a year, because it can only
be used for snuff tobacco, he had sent every year to Holland and
to France a few million pounds that remained to him, and that,
according to the accounts he had received, a considerable benefit
to the royal treasury resulted from the sale. Tills leads me
to propose this means as the one that promises most success with
out being onerous to the Republic.
The tobacco crops were received in the years 1790 and 1791
at eight cents a pound in Louisiana by the Spanish Government,
which found a profit In it, and the inhabitants derived so great
an advantage that I know positively, from themselves, that they
would consider themselves very fortunate if the Government
should take the tobacco now at the moderate price of six cents a
pound, instead of eight; and If that purchase were extended to
four million pounds a year, that would be sufficient to attract
many Inhabitants ; for, from Red River to New Madrid, it is the
only product that can benefit the cultivators — a circumstance
which has convinced me that the purchase of that tobacco would
be a powerful means of peopling that part of Louisiana,
Since the purchase of tobacco gave a profit to Spain, which
paid eight cents a pound, France, paying only six cents, will be
able, while selling it cheaper, to find easily a market for these
four million pounds, in France, in Spain, or in Holland.
The following is an abstract of Pontalba's Memoir:
An arrangement could be made with Spain by which
tAVO hundred and forty thousand dolkrs Avould be sent
every year to Louisiana from Vera Cruz for the purchase
of tobacco, and France would reimburse Spain in Europe.

204 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
The commerce, limited to the ports of France and her
colonies in times of peace, and extended to the ports of the
United States in times of war, is sufficient for the ordi
nary purposes of trade, but not to increase the population
rapidly. The best way to people Ijouisiana in a few
years would be to extend the freedom of commerce and
allow it with all nations. Commissioners should be ap
pointed who would make known everywhere the condi
tions on which foreign families Avould be received in
Louisiana, and regulations should be given to captains of
ships, who would receive those who might wish to settle in
that province. With an increase of population, the impost
of six per cent, already established would soon amount to
more than the five hundred and thirty-seven thousand dol
lars which the administration of the province costs.
As soon as it should be known in the western portion
of the United States that commerce with Louisiana was
unlimited, that tobacco would be purchased by the govern
ment, and that it was " the intention to develop in this
province the degree of splendor of which it is capable,"
there can be no doubt that emigration would be as consid
erable from the West to Louisiana as it was from the East
to the West, A great inducement for immigration is the
fact that France is the only power that may obtain for
Ijouisiana freedom of commerce with the ports of the
Gulf of Mexico,
Thus far, the means suggested for peopling Louisiana,
instead of being a burden, would give rise to a profit. A
more powerful attraction would be, to appropriate about
three million francs for loans to the emigrants from the

1801] IMMIGRATION 205
West. To each person one hundred francs should be lent,
payable in three years. In this way, in less than two
years, thirty thousand persons would be attracted to Loui
siana. Little money Avould be lost in this operation, Avith
a great increase in the amount paid for duties. The peo
ple who should come from. Kentucky and adjacent dis
tricts, all active and laborious agriculturists, would sell
their lands and obtain others in Louisiana for nothing,
and would soon be in a condition to reimburse the money
lent them by the government.
That is not all. After granting everything to Loui
siana, France would yet have done nothing for her if she
did not give her, to govern her, a man, honest, loyal, just,
and kind, whose conciliatory spirit should know how to
win the affection of the inhabitants. They are gentle,
sensitive, and, above all, grateful.
" After they had done more than was then permitted to
French subjects, and bad seen the solicitations of their
delegates rejected, the inhabitants of Louisiana delib
erated whether they should not have recourse to their cour
age, and the expulsion of the Spanish Governor, Ulloa,
Avas the result.
" O'Reilly arrived with an army, he heralded words of
peace, of indulgence, of oblivion of the past. The in
habitants, abandoned by their country, believed they no
longer owed it a love which it rejected. They hoped their
lot would be bearable, and they received their new mas
ters without resistance. The conduct of O'Reilly is but
too well known ; it exasperated all hearts and caused the
new domination to be abhorred.

206 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
" Count de Galvez appeared, and with him confidence,
affability, gentleness, frankness, justice, and kindness.
Soon the whole colony Avas devoted to him. He received
in 1779 the news of the declaration of war against the
English; he called the inhabitants together; he exclaimed:
' Let him who loves me follow me ! ' and the next day
fifteen hundred Creoles, among whom were many fathers
of families, pressed around him. The English were at
tacked before they Avere aware of the march against
them, and all their establishments on the Mississippi were
captured before the artillery, which was following us,
had gone over half the distance."
The United States tried to settle the territory north
west of the Ohio. Five hundred families were allured from
Paris, and established themselves on the Scioto River;
but the Indians harassed them in such a manner that
nearly all abandoned their settlements. The American
Government constructed a fort on the Little Miami, and
undertook Avithout success two expeditions against the
Indians, There are, therefore, few settlements at present
in that region. With regard to the defense of Louisiana,
there are only Iavo points to be protected from attacks by
sea — Mobile and Ncav Orleans. Two hundred and fifty
men are sufficient for the first, and two thousand fiA'e hun
dred for the second. With a battery of four guns at the
Rigolet, opposition can easily be made to gunboats that
might endeavor to pass through Bayou St. John, and the
entrance to Lake Pontchartrain can be defended by the
two boats that are there now. The essential point of de
fense, from the mouth of the river, is the Plaquemines

1801] THE KEY TO MEXICO 207
bend, ten leagues from the Balize. A fort has been estab
lished there, on the left bank, of which the fu'e crosses that
of a battery on the opposite bank. The works cannot be
attacked by land, on account of the miry ground, and
ships and gunboats would have great difficulty in ap
proaching them, on account of the swiftness of the current
and contrary winds. Besides, the deepest pass at the
mouth of the river has only thirteen feet of water, so that
ships carrying many heavy guns could not enter. If,
hoAvever, the Plaquemines bend were forced, the English
Turn, fourteen leagues above, would present an impreg
nable point of defense.
It is useless to keep up considerable fortifications at
Pensacola, for its sterile and sandy soil is not favorable
for a large population. Expenses there may be reduced
by one hundred thousand dollars, and forty guns may
be withdrawn which would be more useful elsewhere.
In the hands of France, Louisiana may be called to
the most brilliant destiny, and be a source of riches for
the metropolis. Her immense soil is exceedingly fertile,
and insures to the agriculturist twenty-five per cent.
profit on his capital. New Orleans is the only outlet to
an immense extent of country. By possessing Louisiana,
France holds in her hands the key to Mexico, as her
western limits, beyond Natchitoches, extend as far as the
post of San Antonio. France Avill be better able to
protect Mexico from invasion than Spain, and for that
service will obtain from Spain freedom of commerce for
Louisiana with the ports on the Gulf of Mexico. The
province will then offer so many advantages to immi-

208 A PIISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
grants that in less than ten years it Avill have a large popu
lation. " Almost all the Louisianians are born French or are of
French origin. It is Avith rage in their hearts that they
have ceased to be French ; and although the truly paternal
domination of the King of Spain has, since an honorable
catastrophe (the taking possession of the province by
O'Reilly), brought them happiness, although it has pro
tected them from such disasters as have devastated Santo
Domingo, they Avould again become French Avith enthu
siasm if they had no fears about the system to be estab
lished among them with regard to the negroes. Their
freedom Avould destroy all fortunes, annihilate all means
of existence, and be an omen of the greatest misfortunes,"
The number of negroes would have increased consider
ably if the activity of the planters had not been suspended
for several years. On hearing of the devastation at
Santo Domingo, the negroes in Louisiana attempted to
revolt against their masters, but they were subdued, and
the leaders were punished. It was then thought prudent
to forbid for some time any importation of negroes into
the province. As the number of whites increased con
siderably by immigration, negroes from Africa have been
alloAved lately to enter the colony. The inhabitants of
Louisiana, if reassured with regard to their slaves and
to imposts, would be delighted to return under the French
domination. The necessaries of life are very cheap in Louisiana.
The posts of Attakapas, Opelousas, and Natchitoches
furnish cattle by thousands, and a beef carcass of seven

1801] PRODUCTS 209
hundred or eight hundred jjounds costs only four
dollars. Flour comes from the West in such abundance
that bread is not much dearer in Ncav Orleans than in
France. A barrel of rice of one hundred and eighty
pounds costs four or five dollars, and a barrel of corn
from forty to fifty cents, and this is the chief food of the
planter and his negroes. Game is abundant and very
cheap. The only costly thing in the province is labor,
and such is ahvays the case when the population is small.
The products of Louisiana are sugar, indigo, tobacco,
cotton, rice, buckAvheat, common peltries, lumber of all
sorts, and boxes for Plavana sugar. The failure of the
indigo crop for several years, and the small value of the
other crops, have induced the planters to try again the
cultivation of the sugar-cane, which formerly had not suc
ceeded. The cane, which in the islands takes eighteen
months to mature, takes only seven months in Louisiana.
It begins to groAV in March and is cut at the end of Oc
tober. It was thought possible to manufacture the sugar
only in November, and in part of December Avlien the
winter was mild, and this would have required a very
large number of negroes. It was found that the cane,
which in Santo Domingo becomes sour in tAvo days after
it is cut, can be kept in Louisiana, when covered with
its straw, until the time comes for making the sugar.
In 1795, with thirty negroes, the first sugar plantation
Avas established, and the planter derived tAvelve thousand
dollars from his crop. The quality of the sugar was as
good as that of Martinique, and noAV there are more than
sixty sugar plantations in Louisiana, which produce four

210 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
million pounds annually, and give a profit of twenty to
tAventy-five per cent, on the capital invested. In times
of peace this industry will increase considerably. The
sugar-cane can be cultivated with as much success at
the posts of Attakapas, Opelousas, Vermilion, and La
fourche, as on the banks of the Mississippi.
The production of indigo is diminishing every year,
on account of insects that destroy the crop, and is now
only one hundred thousand pounds annually. It is be
lieved that the sugar-cane destroys the insects, and that
land that has produced cane for a long time will be again
suitable to the cultivation of indigo.
The post of Natchitoches is almost the only one that
produces tobacco to-day, since Natchez has been deliv
ered to the Americans. About two hundred thousand
pounds of tobacco are produced, which is sold mostly in
France, and at Vera Cruz and Campeche.
Tlie exports of cotton do not exceed two hundred thou
sand pounds, but since the invention of machines to take
out the seed, this crop offers sufficient profit to those who
have not enough means to cultivate cane. The cotton
is fine but short, and in times of peace is sold entirely in
France. Louisiana exports every year one hundred thousand
dollars' worth of peltries, principally deer. The colony
provides Santo Domingo Avitli lumber of all kinds, but it
cannot be sold as cheap as from the United States, where
labor is not so costly and the wood not as hard. The
quality of the lumber from Louisiana is infinitely better,
and the ships from that province return from Santo Do-

1801] TRADE 211
mingo with cargoes worth three or four times the value
of the lumber, which proves that it is to the advantage of
Santo Domingo to encourage that trade.
The trade that occupies the largest number of ships
is that of the boxes furnished to Cuba for its sugar.
Havana alone takes two hundred thousand boxes, Avhich
form fifty cargoes. These boxes, at fifty cents apiece,
bring to the planters about one hundred thousand dol
lars, to the ship-oAvners as much, and to the merchants
twenty-five thousand dollars. Besides, all the ships carry
(contraband) to Havana a certain quantity of French
merchandise, and the profit is considerable. The boxes
Avere formerly made in Havana of cedar wood, but Spain,
to favor Louisiana, has allowed that province to furnish
Cuba and other posts on the Gulf of Mexico, and the
manufacture of boxes in the Spanish settlements has
ceased, as the wood is much harder there and not as cheap.
About thirty saAvmills for planks for sugar-boxes have
been constructed on the river in the neighborhood of
New Orleans, and the privilege of that trade Avith Cuba
should continue. Spain should be reminded that free
dom of commerce with France was granted to the Loui
sianians to reward them for the zeal they displayed in
the campaigns of General Galvez against Baton Rouge,
Mobile, and Pensacola, and they should not be deprived
of the trade in sugar-boxes for Cuba, which they have
enjoyed the thirty-eight years that they have been under
the Spanish domination.
Ten thousand barrels of rice are exported every year
from Louisiana to Santo Domingo and Havana. The

212 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1801
principal resource of the province, however, is the money
the government pays to its employes. Three ships,
which arrive at intervals of four months, bring annually
from Mexico five hundred and thirty-seven thousand
dollars, and this amount is divided among such a large
number of employes that it is soon spread among the
farmers who nourish them and the merchants who pro
vide for their needs, and the whole amount soon returns
to commerce.
Louisiana is still a burden to the metropolis, and costs
at least four hundred and thirty-seven thousand dollars
more than the revenue derived from the imposts. If we
deduct one hundred thousand dollars spent uselessly at
Pensacola, a deficit of three hundred and thirty-seven
thousand dollars still remains, Avbich Avill be covered in a
few years merely by the progress of the sugar plan
tations. The planter does not economize ; Avhatever be the prod
uct of his crop, he uses it to improve his plantation. lie
is ambitious and active, and needs only encouragement.
The only duties imposed in Louisiana are six per cent.
on all exports, and six per cent, on imports of foreign
goods. Spain has kept the province only for political
reasons, for it has always been burdensome to her, as it
Avas formerly to France. While trading with the posts
on the Gulf of INIexico, the inhabitants of Louisiana in
troduce there, by smuggling, about one hundred thou
sand dollars' worth of French goods, such as silk, ribbons,
muslins, laces, lawns, and jewels.
If, by the cession of Louisiana to France, Spain should

1801]

VALUATION 213

close to the province her ports on the Gulf of Mexico, the
colony would languish until the population should in
crease to such an extent tliat the value of the exports be
came greater than that of the imports. " It is only hands
that are lacking. People it, it will become an inex
haustible source of wealth for France. In one way or
another, people it."
The folloAving is the valuation of the trade and prod
ucts of Louisiana: " 4,000,000 pounds of sugar, at eight
dollars a hundredweight, $320,000; 4000 barrels of syrup,
at fifteen dollars, $60,000; 100,000 pounds of indigo,
$100,000 ; 200,000 pounds of tobacco, $16,000 ; sundry pel
tries, $100,000; Louisiana may furnish Santo Domingo,
in time of peace only, lumber, species, etc, for $50,000;
200,000 boxes are sent every year to Havana, and bring
in return $225,000; 10,000 barrels of rice are exported
every year to Santo Domingo, the ports of Cuba and
Campeche, at the current price of five dollars, $50,000;
the King of Spain pays every year in this province to his
employes, $537,000; the extraordinary expenses of the
government absorb the amount of the custom-house du
ties, which are not more than $100,000; the value of the
merchandise that the ships from Louisiana introduce by
smuggling into the Spanish ports of Havana and on the
Gulf of Mexico amounts to $500,000; the total is $1,-
958,000," In times of peace the trade is with Bordeaux, Mar
seilles, and Nantes, and is done by vessels from those
ports. As soon as they have discharged their cargoes in
New Orleans, they go to Havana and Vera Cruz and

214 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
carry there boxes for sugar, and never fail to carry also
(in contraband) French goods. On their return to New
Orleans, they find their cargoes for Europe ready.
As the war with England did not permit trade with
France, commerce with neutral nations has been allowed,
and Louisiana has hardly suffered during this long war.
France should prohibit the importation of lumber from
the United States into the French colonies, and this
Avould give a great impetus to the lumber trade of Loui
siana. Paper money of any sort would cause the ruin of the
province, and would be burdensome to any government,
and profitable only to a few speculators who are always
interested in proposing its issue. The government can
easily procure funds there without being obliged to send
any by issuing bills of exchange on the national treasury.
" It is needless to say that this resource would no longer
be available from the very moment they should cease to
be paid on becoming due." The friendly relations be
tween France and Spain would make it practicable to
procure dollars from Vera Cruz, to be reimbursed in
Europe. " This is the information that I have acquired, during
a residence of eighteen years attached to the government
as a superior officer, on the situation of Louisiana and her
natural enemies, the means of improving the colony so
that it may defend itself, its commerce, and its actual
products. I shall be satisfied if the First Magistrate of
my new country pays some attention to this long and per
haps tedious detail upon which I have been obliged to

1801] END OF THE MEMOIR 215
enter, to give a perfect knowledge of that immense coun
try, and of its dangerous neighbors, and if the means I
propose to save it give sufficient enlightenment to de
termine Avliat should be done for its prosperity, to which I
shall always be eager to contribute.
" Paris, 29 Fructidor year 9 (September 15, 1801).
" Joseph Pontalba.
" At Croisy near Chatou."
In the margin of the Memoir or Notes are these words :
" To the General," signed " Decres." Although Bona
parte had already acquired Louisiana for France by the
treaty of St. Ildefonso, signed in 1800, when he received
Pontalba's interesting Notes, he must have appreciated
highly the important information furnished to him in
1801.

CHAPTER IX
Neav Orleans in 1802 and 1808, and the
Transfer to France

Life in New Orleans— Merchant vessels— Advertisement of a school— Houses
and plantations for sale— Foreign commerce— John McDonogh — D'Hdbd-
court's school — A hook-store— Confectioners and dentists — Miniature-paint
ers-Imports and exports— I^aussat arrives — Rigid police regulations— A
professor of drawing— Two new schools— Commissioner' Casa Calvo —
Names of streets in 1803 — Cession of I-ouisiana announced to England —
A teacher of mathematics and navigation— Governor Salcedo — Addresses of
the inhabitants of New Orleans and of the planters of Louisiana— News
from Santo Domingo— Extracts from Laussat's letters — Transfer to France
— Laussat's proclamation — Laussat establishes a municipal government.
O give an idea of life in New Orleans
in the beginning of the nineteenth
century, we shall consult a volume of
the " Moniteur de la Louisiane,"
from August 1 4, 1 802, to November
26, 1808— Nos. 804 to 871.'
On August 14, 1802, the tariff
price of bread was a loaf of fifty-six ounces for one esca-
lin (tAvelve and one half cents).
From August 7 to August 14 four vessels reached New
Orleans — one from Providence, two from Jamaica, and
one from New York. From August 11 to August 14 one
vessel left New Orleans for Gonaives.
There is an interesting advertisement of a French
216

1803] FOREIGN COMMERCE 217
school for young ladies, kept in Philadelphia by Mme.
Rivardi, who announces that " she believes it superfluous
to add that she will watch incessantly over the health and
morals of her pupils."
There are advertisements of houses and plantations
for sale, the latter on Bayou Road, near the city, and an
announcement of a sale at auction of several negroes,
horses, and two carriages. Ncavs from Europe is given,
but no local ncAvs Avhatever.
From August 12 to August 21 four vessels reached
New Orleans from Bordeaux, Campeche, and Philadel
phia, and five sailed from New Orleans to Guadeloupe,
Baltimore, Havana, and the Cap Fran9ais. In the
next ten days thirteen vessels arrived and one de
parted. The places from which they came were New
York, Havana, La Guayra, Bayonne, New London, Ja
maica, St. Christopher, Cap Fran9ais, and Matanzas.
The foreign commerce of New Orleans in 1802 was im
portant, and it is interesting to note that nearly all the
vessels — brigs, schooners, and frigates — were American.
A curious advertisement is that of M. Alpuente, who
notifies the public that eight barrels of flour have been
left at his house, during his absence, by a teamster whom
he does not know. He invites the owners of the flour to
come and get it, provided they can prove ownership and
pay the cost of the advertisement.
Another proof of the absolute honesty of the Louisi
anians in 1802 is the notice for sale by Honore Fortier
and Paillet of a negro cook who is " such a stammerer
that he renders impatient those who listen to him,"

218 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA 11803
With No, 307 of the " Moniteur," September 4, 1802,
begins a supplement, in which are to be found local no
tices but no political news as yet. An interesting notice
is the dissolution of partnership of the firm of Mc
Donogh, Jr., and Payne, on August 27, 1802. Every
thing concerning John McDonogh, the benefactor of
the school-children in New Orleans, is important.
In 1802 the parish of St. Charles was called " St,
Charles des AUemands," White sugar from Vera Cruz
was sold from ten to tAvelve cents. And Mme, Andre,
at the Place d'Armes, kept always on hand tablets of
rouge for ladies. Also, to please the ladies principally,
we may believe, M. Lafon, architect, announces to the
public that he intends to build a theater in the center of
the city. He invites the public to take shares in the enter
prise, and issues an eloquent manifesto :
It appears to me superfluous to set forth the utility of comedy.
There is no doubt that the theater is an amusement, and without
diminishing in anything the entertainment it furnishes, it has a
powerful influence on morals ; it serves to extend the empire of
reason and the sentiments of honesty; it represses the follies
and corrects the vices of man. No one, it is said, is corrected by
theatrical scenes. Woe to him for whom this principle is a truth !
But if, indeed, the disposition is incorrigible, the exterior, at least,
is not so. Men touch one another only by their surface, and every
thing would be in order if we could induce those who were born
vicious, ridiculous, or wicked, to be so only within themselves. This
is the aim which comedy proposes to itself.
In nearly every number of the " Moniteur " there are
notices about runaway slaves. The description of the

1803] EDUCATION AND ART 219
slaves is given, and the African tribes to which they be
longed are mentioned, such as the tribes of Nago and of
Nar. One of the slaves, Pierre-Marc, from Senegal,
aged thirty years, is said to be able to speak Mobilian,
Spanish, French, and English.
On November 27, 1802, the Sieur D'Hebecourt an
nounces that he has just opened a school where will be
taught Latin, French, English, Geography, History,
and Mathematics ; also, if requested, the " agreeable tal
ents " of music, draAving, and dancing, Mercier and
Company announce that they have just received a lot of
ncAV books — very modern novels, works relating to the
French Revolution, travels, etc. Everything pertaining
to the Revolution and its results was interesting, and
sabers soi-disant a la Bonaparte are offered for sale.
Two confectioners, on January 1, 1803, offer their
goods to the public ; and one, named Laplanche, wishes to
sell preserves, liquors, Bologna sausages, and children's
playthings. Another curious combination is that of M.
Lartigue, dentist, who announces that he continues to
practise his profession, and Avill receive in a superb M-
vane horses or cattle at one dollar a liead.
On February 5, 1803, the Sieur Duval offers his ser
vices for miniature portraits. He was probably the au
thor of the admirable miniatures to be found in every
Creole family in New Orleans. Ambroise Pardo, who
calls himself a painter, was his contemporary.
On March 5, 1803, the " Moniteur " gives a complete
fist of the articles imported into New Orleans in the year
1801; the largest imports were coffee, 314,867 pounds

220 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [leos
and soap, 322,500 pounds. The exports for 1801 are also
given on March 12, 1803; the largest were sugar, 1,333,-
880 pounds, and cotton, 375,137 pounds. Of indigo, for
a time the chief staple, only 80,572 pounds were exported.
There were 44,294 pounds of tobacco from Kentucky,
and 80,880 pounds in " carrots " from Louisiana, and
large quantities of peltries of all kinds. The exports
given did not include those in transit from American
territory. On March 8, 1803, the intendant forbade the export
of flour, rice, dried vegetables, salt and smoked meats,
lard, and bear's grease. Vessels were allowed to take only
what they needed for their provision.
In March, 1803, the arrival of Captain-General Victor
and his troops Avas expected at any moment, and the
" very illustrious cabildo " thought of providing the peo
ple of the city with meat by selling that privilege at
auction, provided the successful bidder bound himself to
keep in the neighborhood of New Orleans a herd of one
thousand heads of cattle, and to pay tlie usual taxes for
butchering. Victor and his troops never reached New Orleans ; but
the colonial prefect, Laussat, entered the passes of the
Mississippi on board the brig Le Surveillant, on March
21, after a voyage of fifty-eight days, having touched at
Santander and Cap Fran9ais.
On March 18, 1808, Governor Salcedo published very
rigid police regulations. No one was permitted to be
in the streets after ten o'clock at night without a light,
and no more than three persons could be together after

1803] ARRIVAL OF LAUSSAT 221
that hour. Vagabonds Avere ordered to leave the city
within three days, and the province within a month; and
the negroes, both slaves and free, were rigidly Avatched.
By a decree of the Consuls, Louisiana was to be gov
erned by three magistrates — a captain-general, a colonial
prefect, and a commissioner of justice. The captain-
general Avas to have under his immediate orders the land
and sea forces, the militia, and the police. He Avas exclu
sively intrusted Avith the interior and exterior defense of
Louisiana. The colonial prefect was exclusively in
trusted Avith the civil administration and the police of the
colony; and the commissioner of justice was to attend to
the prompt administration of justice.
As soon as Governor Salcedo heard that the colo
nial prefect was coming up the river, he sent to meet him
his oldest son, Don Manuel, a captain in the Spanish
army, and Lieutenant Calderon; and the intendant, in
his turn, sent Don Raphael Ramos, the commissioner of
Avar, in the sloop of the custom-house. Laussat entered
the city on Saturday, March 26, at four o'clock in the
afternoon, and went to the governor's house, amid the
firing of the artillery of the forts. Governor Salcedo
received the colonial prefect, surrounded by his staff,
the officers of the garrison and other troops, and the eccle
siastical and civil authorities. Laussat Avent afterAvard
to the house of Bernard de Marigny, Avliere he Avas to
reside, and the governor almost immediately returned his
visit. On the following days the prefect received the
visits of the different official bodies and of the principal
inhabitants, and in all his addresses he expressed the in-

222 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
tention of the French government to attend to the pros-
jierity and the happiness of the colony. He announced
that the captain-general would probably arrive by the
middle of April, and he spoke in such a way of General
Victor's character and vicAVS that his arrival was awaited
Avith impatience. The prefect spent the rest of the week in
visiting the public buildings and stores and in preparing
with the governor provisions and quarters for the troops
that were to accompany Victor. Mme. Laussat and her
daughters arrived in sloops of the custom-house and of
the government, and both the governor and the intendant
endeavored to receive the prefect in a Avay worthy of his
government and of theirs.
The following proclamation by Laussat is very in
teresting : ^
PROCLAMATION.
In the name of the French Republic. Laussat, Colonial Prefect,
to the Louisianians.
Louisianians; Your separation from France marks one of the
most shameful epochs of her annals, under a government already
weak and corrupt, after an ignominious Avar, and as the result of
a shameful peace. By the side of a cowardly and unnatural
abandonment, you offered the contrast of a heroic fidelity and
courage. All French hearts Avere touched, and they have never
lost the remembrance of it. Tliey exclaimed then, and have never
ceased to exclaim since, that their blood flowed in your veins.
As soon as they had recovered their dignity and reconquered their
glory, by the Revolution and by a prodigious series of triumphs,
they again turned their eyes toward you ; you entered into their
first negotiations ; they wished that your retrocession should sig
nalize their first peace. The time for it had not yet come. It

1803] PROCLAMATION 223
was necessary that a man should appear to whom nothing that is
national, great, magnanimous and just would be strange or im
possible; who, to the most eminent talent for winning victories,
sliould unite the rarer talent to derive from them and to fix all
the happiest results ; who should give at once, by the ascendancy
of his character, to enemies terror, and to allies confidence; who,
with a penetrating genius, should perceive the true interests of
his country ; and who, with an Immutable will, should embrace
them ; who should be born finally to replace France on her founda
tions, to reestablish her in the entire extent of her limits, and to
wash out all stains from her annals. That man presides to-day
over our destinies, and from this moment, Louisianians, he as
sures yours. In order that they shall be beautiful and happy, it is
sufficient to second, on this fortunate soil, the prodigalities of
nature: such are the intentions of the French Government.
To live In peace and In friendship with all your neighbors, to
protect your commerce, to encourage your agriculture, to people
your deserts, to favor labor and industry, to respect properties and
habits and opinions, to render homage to religion, to do honor to
probity, to preserve to laws their empire, and to correct them only
with moderation and with the light of experience, to maintain a
diligent and firm police, to introduce a permanent order and econ
omy in all the branches of public administration, to bind more
closely every day the bonds which a common origin, the same cus
toms, the same inclinations, establish between this colony and the
mother country — that Is, Louisianians, the honorable mission upon
which your Captain-General (the General of Division Victor),
your Colonial Prefect, and your Commissioner of Justice (the
Citizen Ayme) congratulate themselves Avith being Intrusted here.
The reputation of the Captain-General has preceded him. He
was a companion in arms of the First Consul, and Avas distin
guished by him from the beginning of the campaigns of the
famous Army of Italy, In less fortunate days he astonished
SuvaroAv, by precipitating his flight. He was finally one of the
beutenants of Bonaparte at the battle of Marengo. But with
those titles that have made his name illustrious, he brings you,

224 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
Louisianians, the sincere desire to render it dear to you by all
the virtues, the cares and the labors that, from the chiefs, may
bring about the happiness of peoples. His ardor for your inter
ests, the purity of his intentions, the correctness of his views, the
affability of his manners, adding new merit to so much valor, and
his military laurels, assure him your affection and your confidence.
He takes to you troops that have caused the earth, even as far
as these distant shores, to resound with the renown of their valor
and their exploits. Batavia, since the peace, has admired their
good conduct and their excellent discipline ; you will admire them
like her. You will find at last, Louisianians, in the Commissioner
of Justice, enlightenment, equity. Impartiality, disinterestedness;
he comes to you, known in advance, and powerfully recommended
by the renown of his talents, of his banishment, and of his mis
fortunes. You will congratulate yourselves, therefore, in every
respect, that you have become Frenchmen again ; you will feel
more, from day to day, the value of this beautiful title, object of
envy over the whole globe.
We know, nevertheless, Louisianians, and we do not wish to
conceal it, that, for thirty years, Spain, by the mildness of a
generous government, has tried to make you forget the bloody
fault of an agent unworthy of this noble nation. It is not we who
will advise you to repay her Avith ingratitude. We shall en
deavor to vie In beneficent efforts with the distinguished chiefs
Avhom she gave you.
Your devotion to the French Republic, our common country,
your gratitude to those Avho reunite you to it and who send us,
the daily spectacle of your growing prosperity, will be the recom
pense to which we shall constantly aspire, for a zeal and trouble
of which the only limits avIU be those of the accomplishment of
our duties and of our wishes.
At Ncav Orleans, 6th Germinal, year XI of the French
Republic. Laussat,
By the Colonial Prefect, the officer of administration acting as
secretary, Daugeeot.

1803] FEASTS 225
The Argo, a French vessel, arrived in April with muni
tions of Avar, but Victor did not appear. Meanwhile, Gov
ernor Salcedo and Intendant Morales gave splendid
dinners to Laussat, who returned them Avith magnificence.
Several ladies were the ornament of these feasts, and
toasts to the King of Spain and to the First Consul Avere
received with a thousand " Vivats! " which were repeated
by the artillery of the city and of the port. The toast of
the prefect to " the happiness of Louisiana " was received
Avitli rapture and was saluted with tAventy-one guns.
These days, marked with so much cordiality, were ended
with music and dancing.
In April, 1803, C. Baligant, professor of drawing and
chief sculptor of the port of Brest, ai-rived in New Or
leans. In the month of May M. Visinier established a
French and English school, and J. M. Bart an insti
tution which he placed under the patronage of all honest
people. On May 7, 1803, the Marquis de Casa Calvo arrived
to act as commissioner with Salcedo in delivering the prov
ince to Captain-General Victor. Casa Calvo's arrival
was marked by ceremonious visits from all the officials
in Ncav Orleans,
On October 16, 1802, Intendant Morales had again
taken aAvay from the Americans the right of deposit in
Ncav Orleans, but on May 21, 1803, Morales announced
that tlie King had not ratified the interdict. This order
of Morales Avas the last vexatious act against the Ameri
cans, as news of the cession of the province to the United
States Avas soon to reach Louisiana.

226 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
By a proclamation dated May 18, 1808, Don Manuel
de Salcedo and Don Sebastian Calvo de la Puerta y
O'Farrill, Marquis de Casa Calvo, announced that His
Majesty had decided to retrocede Louisiana to the
French Republic, and " that the cession of the colony and
island of New Orleans would take place in the same man
ner in which France ceded to His Majesty the said colony
and island; in accordance with which the limits of the
two banks of the river St. Louis or Mississippi shall re
main as they have remained according to article seven of
the definitive treaty of peace concluded at Paris on Feb
ruary 10, 1768; and, consequently, the establishments
from Manchac or Iberville River, as far as the line that
separates the American territory from the domains of the
King, remain in the power of Spain and annexed to West
Florida." The commissioners promise that the King will continue
the pensions to widows and others, and they manifest the
hope that the French government Avill allow the people
of Louisiana to enjoy all the privileges they had pos
sessed under the rule of Spain. We may remember that
Louis XV, in ceding Louisiana to Charles III, had also
been very solicitous for the welfare of his former sub
jects whom he was compelling to become Spaniards.
It is curious to note the names of the streets in New
Orleans in July, 1808. The house and lot of .lean Gra-
vier, suburb St, Mary, are for sale. There are seven lots
fronting on Rue St. Charles, Rue des Pigeonniers, and
Rue des Fourneaux. In September, 1803, Jean Gravier
announces for sale houses and lots on the following

1803] SCHOOLS 227
streets : Poydras, Calalou, Salcedo, Eviat, Giro, Brique-
terie, Cours du Cirque, Jufie, Gravier, Fortier, and St.
Charles. On May 15, 1803, Rufus King, United States minister
to England, announced to Lord HaAvksbury the acquisi
tion by the United States of the province of Louisiana
from France, as it was possessed by Spain. The answer
of the English government Avas very friendly.
By an advertisement of Bidetrenoulleau, " Place de
I'Eglise," dated September 17, 1803, we may conclude
that the Natchitoches tobacco and the Macouba were the
best in Louisiana at that time. The same number of the
" Moniteur " (No. 361) contains a remarkable announce
ment that a gold coin has been found, and will be re
turned to the owner if he pays the cost of advertising.
We have seen that in 1808 there were several schools
and artists in New Orleans. On October 1, M. Guil-
lamne, pupil of the celebrated Monge, offered his services
to teach arithmetic, geometry, and navigation. He prom
ised to explain facts about the sphere in each lesson. On
October 8 Mme. Perrault opened a school for young
ladies. As the Ursulines' school was flourishing, and the
Spanish school was still in existence in Royal Street, the
people of New Orleans in 1808 had good opportunities
to instruct their children. On October 15, Regnier of
fered to teach the Louisianians the noble art of fencing.
In the same volume of the " Moniteur " the only adver
tisement about amusements, besides that of Lafon's pro
posed theater, is an invitation from Meyere, physicist,
to come and see the " Invisible Woman " or the " Magic

228 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
Box." The last number of the volume, November 12,
1803, contains I'Abbe Roland's advertisement of his
" Academy of Education." We have laid stress on this
point to prove that the Louisianians of 1803 were cer
tainly patrons of education.
Governor Salcedo, who had been mentioned as having
received Laussat on his arrival, had been appointed gov
ernor on October 24, 1799, He had been King's lieutenant
in the island of Teneriffe, and was brigadier-general of
the royal armies. He arrived in New Orleans in June,
1801, and Casa Calvo, who had been governor ad interim
from the death of Gayoso de Lemos, sailed for Havana,
Intendant Lopez also left the province, and was succeeded
by the contador Morales, who appears to have been a man
of little tact. On November 26, 1802, Don Carlos
Martinez Yrujo, Spanish minister at Washington, had
written to Intendant Morales that he had received infor
mation from the Secretary of State that the port of New
Orleans and the navigation of the Mississippi had been
closed to the Americans. The Secretary had called atten
tion to the bad consequences that Morales's order would
produce, and to the claims that might arise for serious
damage to the American commerce. On January 15,
1808, Morales had replied that he assumed sole responsi
bility for the order, as he wished to eradicate the numer
ous obstacles and abuses that resulted from the right of
deposit,^ We have already mentioned Laussat's arrival in Ncav
Orleans on March 26, 1803, and we have related his re
ception by the Spanish authorities. The news of the ces-

1803] ADDRESS TO LAUSSAT 229
sion of Louisiana to France would have been received
Avith greater joy if it had not been that the colonists
feared tlie fate of Santo Domingo,* which had been
ruined by the insurrection of the blacks. Bonaparte had
issued a proclamation in which he said: " Inhabitants of
Santo Domingo, whatever be your valor and your origin,
you are all free, all equal before God and before the Re
public," General Leclerc himself had said, on arriving
in the island: " I promise liberty to all the inhabitants,"
Those fine promises Avere not kept, for shortly afterward
slavery Avas reestablished in Santo Domingo, and negroes
were forbidden to enter France. Nevertheless, the news
from the island was very disquieting to the Louisianians.
In S])ite of these anxieties of the colonists, Laussat re
ceived from the inhabitants of Ncav Orleans, on April
9, 1803, the following address: ^
Citizen Pkefect: France has rendered justice to our senti
ments, in believing in the unalterable attachment which we have
preserved for her. Thirty-four years of a foreign domination have
not weakened in our hearts the sacred love of country, and we
return to-day under her banner with as much joy as we had grief
when we had to part from It, Happy the colonists of Louisiana
who have lived long enough to be witnesses of this reunion, which
they have never ceased to desire and which satisfies their dearest
wishes. In an age so fertile in astonishing events, without doubt, things
greater, more imposing, more memorable have happened, but
nothing perhaps offers a picture as interesting, as touching, as
that of victorious and triumphant France extending a protect
ing hand to children formerly cast away from her bosom by weak
ness and prevarication, and offering to share the fruits of a

230 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoa
glorious peace, which has terminated in such a brilliant manner
the most bloody and the most terrible of revolutions.
You have signalized. Citizen Prefect, the return of the French
Government by an authentic testimonial of its beneficent views.
Your proclamation of the 6th Germinal, in announcing them
to us, has penetrated us with gratitude for its paternal care. The
first benefactions of the French Republic are already felt, the
happy choice of the chiefs whom it puts at our head, and whose
honorable reputation had reached us, the picked troojis it sends
to protect our hearths, arc sure guaranties of the happiness and
prosperity it prepares for us. We offer to it in return our devo
tion, our obedience and our love, and we swear to render ourselves
forever Avorthy of belonging to it.
The French Republic would perhaps attach less value to the
homage of our fidelity, if it saw us relinquish without any senti
ment of regret the sovereign who has lavished his favors upon us
during the time he has reigned over us. This culpable indif
ference is not in our hearts : the regret at losing him occupies a
space beside the joy of regaining our former country; and it is
by preserving an eternal remembrance of his favors, that we wish
to render ourselves Avorthy of the benefits and attachment of the
French Republic.
This address, which Avas written with singular simpli
city and dignity, was signed by the principal inhabitants
of New Orleans, We give here the names of all the
signers: " J, Lanthois, Jh Faurie, M, Fortier, J. G. Dus-
ser, B. Giraudeau, G. Debuys, C. B. Dufau, J. Dupuy,
PI. Fortier, Pierre et Ant. Carraby, A. Peytavin, Ca-
velier pere, F. Duplessis, Labatut, M. Lefebvre, J. Gour-
nier, Paul Lanusse, Jean Archinard, Stephen Zacharie,
Zenon Cavelier, N. Boudousquie, Guerbois, J. B. Dejan,
J. F. Merieult, J, Soulie, Lille Sarpy, Roques, Bougand,

1803] NAMES OF SIGNERS 231
Durel aiiie, Charpin, F. Jacob, Pierre Plardy, Hazeur
freres, Chs Torsty, Galebert, P. Isaac Blois, Fortin, Le
Fort, Bore, P. Paillet, Joseph Gravier, Antonin Jung,
D. Desessarts, L. Caillavet, Sn Ducourneau, A. Harang,
Ths. Poree, Lauve et Gaillard, Joseph Tricou, Vander,
S. Girod, Boutte, Robelot, D, Barran, Ilarrell, Jacques
Guesnon, J, B, Verret, R, J. Ducros, J. Iliriard, J. B.
Passement, Etienne Trepagnier, L, S, Fontaine, Pail
lette, Duplessis, Jean Paillet, Jacques Goujon, Bosonet,
Ariiaud Magnon, P. Cazelare, Mondet, A. Baudin,
Pierre IMillet, Jean Louis Maroteaux, J, Livaudais, Li-
vaudais pere, P. Derbigny, N. Broutin, St, Avid, Ber
nard, Ene Plauche, L, Chabot, Cortes, Ant, Boudousquie,
Fran9ois Blaclie, C. Dejan, Fortier fils, L, Courcelles,
Baritot jeune, L, Cornu, Joseph Piseros, Chs, Parent,
Baptiste Durel, A, Garidel,"
The planters of Louisiana, in their turn, sent an ad
dress to Laussat, dated 16th Germuial, year eleven, as
follows : '
Citizen Prefect: Your proclamation of the 6th Germinal,
giving us the certain assurance of our reunion with the French
Republic, has given our souls the rapture of supreme felicity;
it was the object of our most ardent desires. The old men repeat
on all sides : " We may die now, Ave are French," and the young
men : " The dawn of happiness is rising for us." Already their
young hearts are inflamed with the sentiments that distinguish
true republicans. Our common mother, in sending us some of
the soldiers who have conquered liberty, must expect us to know
how to imitate them when it shall be necessary to defend it. Fol
lowing the footsteps of the warrior of Marengo, we can know
only victory or death.

232 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

[1803

Thanks be to the Hero who directs the brilliant destinies of
France, He has attended to the happiness of the Louisianians,
and Ave reenter the bosom of our country. We shall see floating
on our shores that banner which has guided our brave brothers
in the midst of combats. Our hearts, truly French, have not
ceased to follow them at least by our vows. Wc groaned with
them when the awful reign of anarchy was tearing the bloody
flanks of our dear and unfortunate mother, and we gave our
selves up to the greatest joy on hearing that the Immortal Bona
parte had at last seized Avith a firm hand the helm of the ship of
the Republic, tossed about for so long a time by the storms of
faction. We should be unworthy of that name Avhich brings us glory,
if we did not imitate the example of generosity which you give
us, in acknowledging that we have not to complain of the Spanish
Government. We have not groaned under the iron rod of despot
ism. Our unfortunate relatives and friends have, it is true, red
dened with their innocent blood the soil they wished to preserve
for France. A feeble and unfeeling Government wished to tear
us away from her, but it is only to the atrocious soul of a for
eigner, and to an extreme abuse of confidence, that we owed our
misfortunes.' Plaintive shades, if you still wander in the places
that witnessed your execution, forget your sorrows; your chil
dren, your friends, are recalled in the bosom of that cherished
mother, and their tears of gratitude will wash out the blood you
lost. Long ago we proved to the Spaniards, on the plains of
Baton Rouge, Mobile, and Pensacola, that we do not consider
them accomplices of those horrors. Bonds of relationship and
of friendship unite us to most of them. Let them still enjoy, on
the soil of liberty, all they possess, and let them share with us
the favors of our brothers.
The address of the planters, like that of the inhabi
tants of New Orleans, did justice to the mild and pater-

1803] LAUSSAT'S LETTERS 283
nal government of Spain after O'Reilly's departure
from the colony. It was signed as follows : " A. Trou-
ard, D. Pain. In my name and in that of the planters of
St. John the Baptist parish, second German Coast, Man
uel Aoidry. Jacques Delagroue, Noel Perret, P. St.
Martin fils, L. Foucher, Chs. Perret."
It was General Victor who had been empowered to
receive the province from the Spanish commissioners, and
not the colonial prefect; therefore the latter, in the ab
sence of Victor, was Avithout authority, and Salcedo and
Casa Calvo governed the colony in the name of the King
of Spain. We quote here a few extracts from Laussat's
letters written during his stay in Louisiana.
On his arrival he wrote to the minister : ^
We have been received everywhere, by compatriots either by
birth or by origin, with testimonials of the most expansive and
generous affection. I have found only hearts entirely French,
and, it must be said, entirely Bonaparte. It is impossible to
speak for an Instant of the Republic, of its wars, of its treaties
of peace, of its destinies, without hearing his name continually
mentioned and always in terms of admiration. We Avhom he has
sent are seen in him, and we are received on his account with joy
and hope.
On the 22d Germinal he wrote:®
The population here is extremely active, industrious, and full
of emulation. Everything is to be done, but I am convinced
that It will amply repay the government for its advances and its
cares. The solid policy that has prevailed at the head of France
after several years of an unfortunate experience concerning re
ligious worship, its establishments. Its ministers, its monasteries.

234 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

[1803

its properties, has produced here the most happy effect. One of
the most marked has been the preservation of the convent of the
nuns of St. Ursula, who are the only resource this country enjoys
for the education of girls. From the moment of my arrival this
has been a great event about which public joy has been loudly
manifested. I owe also an honorable testimonial to the customs,
the spirit of toleration, the principles of submission of the eccle
siastical chiefs and notably of the vicar- general. Dr. Thomas
Flassett, Their conduct on this occasion is such as the govern
ment might desire it to be,
Laussat says that everything in New Orleans is so
immoderately dear that his salary of fifty thousand
francs, however large it may appear, will be hardly suf
ficient if he wishes to conform to the dignity of bis of
fice, the intentions and the greatness of his government.
On the 5th Messidor he says very sensibly: ^^
The repeated introduction of negroes in a new colony under the
tropics is, Avithout doubt, a present advantage ; but if this colony
has such a climate and soil that the African race is not indis
pensable to its cultivation, one finds sooner or later that this
introduction has produced great harm. Such is the case with
Louisiana, He adds that white men would have sufficed for the
cultivation of the sugar-cane.
In the summer of 1803 rumors reached Louisiana that
the province had been sold to the United States, Laus
sat would not believie it, and he wrote: "
The news of the cession to the United States is an impudent
and incredible falsehood, and it is only a canard put forth by

1803] LAUSSAT'S DESPATCHES 235
the party which, at this time of elections and on the expiration
of Jefferson's Presidency, has thought, by divulging this news
suddenly, to assist the partisans of the President.
Laussat was mistaken. Louisiana had indeed been
ceded by France to the United States; the treaty of ces
sion had been signed at Paris on April 30, 1803.
Judge Gayarre quotes a despatch from the colonial
prefect, in which the latter seems to be hostile to the con
tinuation of the right of deposit granted to Americans.
Laussat said : ' ^
In conformity with the right reserved by Spain to establish
the place of deposit elsewhere after the expiration of a certain
time, should it be required by her interests, it would be proper
to designate, instead of New Orleans, the Balize, or some other
untenable spot.
Judge Gayarre, hoAvever, does not mention the follow
ing despatch, which appears to indicate that Laussat Avas
much more hostile to the English than to the Americans:"
My positive aim about the Anglo-American deposit Is briefly
this: To favor extremely the Anglo-Americans in their exports
by the river, because they can be only of products and goods of
their Western States; to embarrass them as much as possible in
their imports, because they will always be composed essentially
of English goods. The more the modifications of the treaty of
October 27, 1795, should approach this result, the more would
they be to the Interest of the Republic, either in this country,
where it should seek continually to obtain the affection of the
people, already numerous, by whom the left bank of the Missis
sippi is occupied, or In the entire world, where the Republic
struggles alone against the commercial despotism of its rival —
England.

280 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
Laussat was making fine projects for the development
of Louisiana by encouraging immigration, and he even
asked that families be sent to him from the ncAV Rhine de
partments, if they wished to emigrate. To his great sur
prise, he received from the French Government a letter
announcing the cession of the province to the United
States. In this letter the minister said that he had written the
day before to Laussat, announcing that he had been
appointed commissioner to take possession of Louisiana,
and that full powers had been sent to him, as well as an
order from the King of Spain to the governor of the
province relative to the transfer." A copy was sent the
colonial prefect of the treaty between the Frencli Repub
lic and the United States, and the reasons for the ces
sion of the province were given. These were, briefly, as
follows: The desire of averting war in North America,
of settling some points of controversy between the Re
public and the United States, and of preventing all new
causes of controversy that might have arisen from the
neighborhood of the French colonies; the need Avhich the
latter have of men, agriculture, and aid ; finally, unavoid
able circumstances, forethought, and the intention of
compensating, by an advantageous arrangement, the in
evitable loss of a country which war was about to put
at the mercy of another nation.
The prefect was instructed to call the attention of the
Louisianians to the kind disposition of the First Consul,
as set forth in the treaty. He was informed that he had
been appointed commissioner to deliver the province to

1803] TRANSFER TO FRANCE 287
the United States, and as there were no French troops in
Louisiana, he Avas instructed to proceed, as soon as pos
sible, to the transfer from Spain, and to deliver the prov
ince on the same day to the American Government.
The act of transfer took place on Wednesday, No
vember 30, 1803 (8 Frimaire, an XII), at twelve o'clock.
In the morning, according to Barbe-Marbois, the Span
ish militia and the regular troops were placed in battle
array in the square in front of the city hall, — that build
ing called the Cabildo at present in New Orleans, — which
will be forever celebrated in American history. Within
its walls took place the transfer of Louisiana from Spain
to France, and from France to the United States.
The Spanish commissioners, Salcedo and Casa Calvo,
and Laussat, the French commissioner, arrived at the city
hall at twelve o'clock, and the ceremonies of the transfer
took place Avith great solemnity. Three chairs were placed
in the council-chamber, and Governor Salcedo sat in the
middle one, with Casa Calvo and Laussat in the others.
The French commissioner handed the governor his cre
dentials from the First Consul, and the order of the King
dated October 15, 1802, for the delivery of the province.
These papers were read publicly, and Salcedo, rising
from his seat, handed Laussat the keys of New Orleans.
Casa Calvo then announced that the inhabitants of Loui
siana who should not wish to retire under the Spanish
domination were absolved from their oath of fidelity to
the Catholic King. The three commissioners afterward
went to the main balcony of the city hall, and the Span
ish flag Avas lowered from a high staff in the center of the

238 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA fisos
Place d'Armes, and the French flag hoisted to the top.
Volleys of artillery saluted both flags. The French
troops were represented only by a few officers.
In his narrative of these proceedings Judge Gayarre
says: The square was occupied by the Spanish troops and some of
the militia of the colony. It was remarked that the militia had
been mustered with difficulty, and did not exceed one hundred
and fifty men. It Avas the indication of an unfavorable feeling,
which had been daily gaining strength, and Avhich Laussat at
tributed in his despatches to the intrigues of the Spanish authori
ties. Although the weather had been tempestuous in the pre
ceding night and in the morning, and continued to be threatening,
the crowd around the public square was immense, and filled not
only the streets, but also the wlndoAvs, and even the very tops
of the neighboring houses.
The proces-verbal of the proceedings was drawn up in
French and in Spanish, and signed by Salcedo, Casa
Calvo, and Laussat,
In a despatch to Minister Miguel Cayetano Soler,
dated December 5, 1803, Intendant Morales says:**
On November 30, at 12 o'clock, took place the transfer of the
province. There Avas not a single demonstration of joy when
the French flag was raised, and there were many tears when the
Spanish flag was taken down.
He relates that on December 1 Laussat celebrated the
event with a ball and a supper, when many persons stayed
at his house until six o'clock in the morning of December
,2. Morales says he expressed to Laussat his surprise that

1803] PLEASANT RELATIONS 239
he should have taken possession of the province before the
arrival of the American commissioners, and the colonial
prefect replied that he had done so in order to convince
the cabinet of Great Britain that the transfer had been
formal and not virtual. On December 4 there was a
solemn mass at the cathedral, attended by the prefect
and the French officials and a detachment of militia, and
the prefect required of the bishop '" that, in the antiphone
where prayer is said for the King, the names of the Re
public and of the First Consul be substituted for that of
the King of Spain. The bishop refused to do this, and by
a compromise a French priest who was at that time in
New Orleans sang the mass.
Governor Salcedo received orders,*'' as soon as the
transfer to France should be accomplished, to go to the
Canary Islands to enjoy his retreat, and the Marquis de
Casa Calvo Avas intrusted with the settlement of the
boundaries of the province. From that time, says Laus
sat, the marquis displayed in his relations with him " a
great deal of nobility, of grace, and even of magnifi
cence," and as a proof of these pleasant relations the
prefect sent to Paris copies of invitations to balls given
by Casa Calvo in his honor, and by him in honor of Casa
Calvo,* ^ To give an idea of the customs and manners of
1803, we reproduce here those invitations in the original:
El Marques de Casa Calvo, Comlsarlo de S. M. C, espera mere-
cer de la atencion dc V. se scrvira acompanarle el dia 8 del corricnte
a las siete de la noclie en la Casa de Bayle, en la qual obsequla
al Senor Prefccto Colonial y Comlsarlo de la Republica Francesa
por la toma dc poscsion de csta Provincia.

240 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isps
M. — Le Citoyen Laussat, Prefet Colonial, Commissaire du
gouvernement franyais, pour la reprise de la Louisiane des mains
de I'Espagne et sa remise aux Etats-Unis, vous prie de particlper,
chez lui, Jeudi Prochain, 23 Frimaire (15 Decembre) a une soiree,
qu'il dcdie a M. le Marquis dc Casa Calvo, Brigadier des Armees
Espagnoles, I'un des Commissaires de S. M. C, en retour du noble
et brillant accueil qu'il a fait en lui ces jours derniers au Repre-
sentant de la Nation Franyalse, et en signe de I'union et de
I'amitie qui regnent cntre leurs deux Augustcs et Puissants
Gouvernemcnts. A sept heurcs du solr.
Nouvelle-Okleans, le 19 Frimaire an XII
et 11 Decembre, 1803.
The prefect adds that Casa Calvo's ball is said to have
cost fifteen thousand francs, Laussat himself Avas not
less magnificent in his entertainment, if we believe the
testimony of C, C, Robin, who was in Louisiana at the
time of the transfer of the province, and who gives an
interesting account of the customs and manners of 1803,*"
Speaking of the prefect and his wife, and of the recep
tions given by them, Robin says:
The Louisiana ladles appeared there with a magnificence that
was astonishing In such a colony, and that magnificence could
be compared Avith what is most brilliant in our principal towns in
France. The stature of the ladies, generally tall, and their
fair complexion, Avhich Avas set off to advantage by their light
dresses adorned AvIth flowers and rich embroideries, gave a fairy-
like appearance to these festivities. The last one, especially,
astonished me by its magnificence. After the tea, the concert,
the dances, the guests descended at midnight into a hall where,
on a table of sixty to eighty covers, rose from the midst of

1803] ROBIN'S NARRATIVE 241
rocks the temple of Good Faith, surrounded with columns, and
surmounted by a dove ; underneath was the statue of the alle
gorical goddess. But further, outside of that hall, the brilliance
of the lights attracted the guests under an immense gallery closed
by awnings. Forty to fifty dishes, served in different styles, were
offered to the choice of four or five hundred guests who were
assembled in little groups,
Robin speaks of the products of Louisiana, and says
that in 1802 there were seventy-five sugar-houses in the
colony, producing five million pounds yearly. He cal
culates how much sugar can be produced in Louisiana,
and makes brilliant predictions for the future of that
industry. A century later Robin's predictions were re
alized, and there were in the State of Louisiana planta
tions that produced each more sugar than was produced
in the whole colony in 1802.
The events that took place in 1803 Avere of such deep
significance for the future of Louisiana and of the
United States that, as much as possible, we shall allow the
men of that time to relate their history themselves. On
December 12 Laussat announced the transfer to France
on November 30,"* and added:
Consequently, Citizen Minister, the domination of the Repub
lic is established In fact and in right in Lower Louisiana, which
comprises essentially its population and its cultivation. Louisiana
is in truth only there; there are not twenty soldiers In the upper
posts. Including the Illinois, which are seven hundred leagues
from here. The French name is blessed; that of Bonaparte ex
cites enthusiasm; we are regretted, and we shall be very much
regretted. All repeat it to me and at every minute ; one sees only

242 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
uniforms and cockades of our national guards; but what is due
to our government will be generally felt, and the Louisianians
will remain forever attached in heart to the French,

On the day of the transfer, November 80, 1808, Laus
sat addressed this proclamation to the Louisianians :
The mission that brought me among you across the sea,
through a distance of seven thousand and five hundred miles, that
mission on which I had long rested so many fond hopes and
so many ardent wishes for your happiness, is now totally changed;
and the one Avith which I am now charged, less gratifying but
still equally flattering to me, offers me one source of consolation,
which springs from the reflection that in its results it will be
more advantageous to you.
The Commissioners of His Catholic Majesty, in conformity
with the powers and orders which they and I have respectively
received, have just delivered to me possession of the province.
You see the flag of the French Republic now displayed, and you
hear the repeated reports of her guns, announcing to you, to-day,
on all sides, the return of the French domination. It will be for
an instant only, Louisianians, and I am on the eve of transferring
the possession of this colony to the Commissioners of the United
States. They arc near at hand — I expect them soon.
The approaching struggle of a war begun under the most
sanguinary and terrible auspices, and threatening the safety of
the four quarters of the world, had induced the French Govern
ment to turn its attention to Louisiana, and to reflect on her
destinies. Considerations of prudence and humanity, connecting
themselves Avith those of a more vast and durable policy, — worthy,
in one word, of the man whose genius weighs, at this very hour,
in its scales, the fate of so many great nations, — have given a new
direction to the beneficent intentions of France toward Louisiana,
She has ceded it to the United States of America, Preserve thus.

1803] LAUSSAT'S PROCLAMATION 243
Louisianians, the precious pledge of the friendship which cannot
fail to grow from day to day between the two republics, and which
must so powerfully contribute to their common repose and their
common prosperity.
The third article of the treaty of cession cannot escape your
attention. It says : " That the inhabitants of the ceded terri
tories shall be incorporated into the Union of the United States,
and admitted, as soon as possible, according to the principles of
the Federal Constitution, to the enjoyment of all the advantages
and Immunities of citizens of the United States ; and that, in the
mean time, they shall be maintained and protected in the free
enjoyment of their liberties and property, and in the unrestrained
exercise of the religion they profess." Thus are you, Louisianians,
suddenly invested with the rights and privileges appertaining
to a free constitution and government, secured and guaranteed
by force of arms, cemented by treaties, and tested by time and
experience. You will be incorporated with a nation already
numerous and powerful, renowned besides for its industry, its
patriotism, and the degree of civilization and knowledge it pos
sesses, which by its rapid progress seems destined to the most
brilliant rank that a people ever enjoyed on the face of the earth.
It has been happily blessed with such a position that its success
and its splendor cannot, at least for a long time, interfere with
its felicity.
However benevolent and pure may be the Intentions of a mother
country, you must be aware that an immense distance between
the two secures liability to oppression and exactions, and prevents
the correction of abuses. The facility of concealing these has a
tendency to corrupt the man who at first looks upon them with
aversion and fear. From this day forth, you cease to be exposed
to this fatal and dangerous disadvantage.
By the nature of the government of the United States, and of
the privileges upon the enjoyment of which you immediately en
ter, you will have, even under a provisional goA'ernmcnt, popular
rulers, whose acts you Avill be at liberty to censure, or to protest

244 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [I803
against with impunity, and who will be always in need of your
esteem, your suffrages, and your affection.
The public affairs and interests, far from being Interdicted to
your consideration, will be your own affairs and interests, on which
the opinions of wise and impartial men will be sure to exercise,
in the long run, a preponderating infiuence, and to which you
could not even remain indifferent without exposing yourselves to
bitter repentance.
The time will soon come when you will establish for yourselves
a form of government Avhich, although respecting the sacred
principles consecrated in the social pact of the Federal Union,
Avill be adapted to your manners, your usages, your climate, your
soil, and your peculiar localities.
It Avill not be long before you shall feel the advantages of an
upright, impartial, and Incorruptible administration of justice,
in which the invariable forms and the publicity of judicial pro
ceedings, together with the restraints carefully imposed over an
arbitrary application of the laAvs, Avill cooperate with the moral
and national character of the judges and jurors. In affording to
the citizens the most effective security for their persons and
property. The principles and legislation of the American people, the
encouragement they have given to the interests of agriculture
and commerce, and the progress they have made in those two de
partments of industry, are Avell known to you, Louisianians, par
ticularly from the many advantages you have derived from them
for some years past.
There is not, and there cannot be, a metropolitan government
which will not establish a more or less exclusive colonial monopoly.
On the contrary, from the United States you have to expect a
boundless freedom of exportation, and only such duties on your
imports as may be required by your public wants and the necessity
of protecting your home industry. The result of unlimited com
petition will be to cause you to buy cheap while selling dear, and
your country will become an immense warehouse or place of

1803] LAUSSAT'S PROCLAMATION 245
deposit, affording you unlimited profits. The Nile of America,
the Mississippi, which flows, not through parched deserts of sand,
but through the most extensive and the most fertile plains of the
new world, will soon see its bosom darkened with a thousand ships
belonging to all the nations of the earth, and mooring at the
quays of another Alexandria.
Among them your eyes will, I hope, Louisianians, always dis
tinguish with complacency the French flag, and your hearts will
never cease to rejoice at the sight of its glorious folds. This Ave
firmly hope. I solemnly profess it here in the name of my coun
try and government.
Bonaparte, by stipulating In the seventh article of the treaty
of cession, that the French shall be permitted, during twelve
years, to trade In this province without paying higher duties than
the citizens of the United States, and exactly on the same footing,
had, as one of his principal aims, that of giving to the ancient
relations existing between the French of Louisiana and the French
of Europe sufficient opportunity and time for renewing, strength
ening and perpetuating themselves. A new bond of union will
be formed between us from one continent lo the other, the more
satisfactory and durable from the fact that it will be entirely
founded on a constant reciprocity of sentiments, services, and
advantages. Your children, Louisianians, will be our children,
and our children will be yours. You will send yours to perfect.
their education and their talents among us, and we will send ours
to you to Increase your forces and, by contributing their share
to your labors and industry, assist you in wresting from an un
subdued wilderness its reluctant tributes.
It has been gratifying to me thus to describe, somewhat at
length, the advantages that are secured to you, in order to soothe
your complaints of being forsaken, and the affectionate regrets
which a sincere attachment for the country of your ancestors has
caused so many of you to express, France and her government
will hear of It with gratitude and with corresponding love. But
you will be convinced ere long that, by the treaty of cession, she

246 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
has conferred upon you the most eminent and most memorable of '
blessings. The French Republic is thus the first to give to modern times
the example of voluntarily emancipating a colony, in imitation
of the liberal policy pursued toward those colonies whose existence
we love to recall to memory, as constituting one of the most
brilliant periods of the days of antiquity. Thus, noAV and for the
future, may a Frenchman and a Loulsianian never meet, in any
part of the world, without a mutual feeling of tender emotion, '
and without exchanging the affectionate appellation of " bro
thers " ! May this word hereafter be the only one sufficiently
expressive to convey an adequate idea of their eternal friendship
and reciprocal reliance!
On the same day that Laussat was put in possession of
Louisiana, November 30, 1803, he issued the proclama
tion quoted above and abolished the cabildo. Pie insti
tuted instead a municipal government, as follows: Eti
enne de Bore, mayor; Destrehan, first adjoint; Sauve,
second adjoint; members of the Council, Livaudais, Pe
tit Cavelier, Michel Fortier, Villere, Johns, Donaldson,
Faurie, Allard, Tureaud, and John Watkins. Labatut
Avas treasurer, and Pierre Derbigny was secretary.
The Black Code, given to the province at the time of
the French domination, was maintained by Laussat. The
prefect accepted the services of a company of infantry
for the preservation of order in New Orleans, comprised
of about one hundred and twenty American citizens under
the command of Daniel Clark, the consul. Bellechasse
was made colonel of the militia, and all the officers were
recommissioned by Laussat.
Although Louisiana was soon to be transferred to the

1803] LAUSSAT'S TACT 247
United States, it was important that in the mean time it
should not be left without a government, and the French
colonial prefect administered the affairs of the province
Avith tact and energy. From November 30, 1803, Laus
sat was expecting at any moment the arrival of the Ameri
can commissioners, to whom he had been ordered to de
liver the province. The transfer from France to the
United States was accomplished on December 20, 1803.

CHAPTER X
The Cession to the United States
Withdrawal of right of deposit —Absolute need of the Mississippi— Living
ston's prophetic words — Excitement in the United States — Jefferson's mes
sage-James Monroe sent to France— Address of Ross in the Senate-
Debates — Bonaparte renounces Louisiana— Livingston's conversation with
Talleyrand and Barb^-Marbois- Bonaparte prepares article third of the
treaty- The treaty signed— Spain objects.
E have mentioned the order of In
tendant Morales, dated October 16,
1802, withdrawing from the Ameri
cans the right of deposit at New Or
leans, which had been granted by the
treaty of 1795. Although the King,
on March 1, 1803, disapproved of
the order of Morales, the excitement in the West occa
sioned by the intendant's injudicious order brought
about finally the cession of Louisiana to the United
States. As the news of the cession of the province to
France was now generally known, it was believed that
the withdrawal of the right of deposit had taken place at
the request of the French government, which desired
to exclude the Americans from the port of Ncav Orleans.^
For some time there had been causes of dissension be
tween the two republics. Corsairs had been permitted by
the Directory to capture American ships in the ports of
Si8

1802] ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON 249
the French colonies, and in 1799 the Government of
the United States had retaliated by sanctioning the cap
ture of French vessels. Bonaparte, fortunately, put an
end to those hostilities by an agreement signed on Sep
tember 30, 1800. It was stipulated that indemnities
should be paid for any illegal captures; but in 1802 the
" spoliation claims," as they were called, had not yet been
settled, and the dissension with France still existed.
The population east of the Mississippi in 1802 com
prised about eight hundred thousand souls, and they had
an absolute need of the naAnigation of the Mississippi.
They declared that the river belonged to them, that its
tributaries flowed through their lands, and that its mouth
Avas the only outlet for their waters. They said that if
Congress did not protect them, they would take measures
to protect themselves, and threats of taking possession of
New Orleans Avere freely made.
Robert R. Livingston had been sent as minister to
France in 1801 ; but he had been unable to obtain any
definite information about the cession of Louisiana to
France, and on May 1, 1802, Secretary of State Madi
son wrote to bun to inquire into the extent of the cession,
" particularly whether it includes the Floridas as well as
Ncav Orleans." The minister Avas also instructed to
" endeavor to ascertain the price at which these, if in
cluded in the cession, would be yielded to the United
States." " It Avould be," added Madison, " a most pre
cious acquisition."
Livingston prepared a memoir on Louisiana to show
that it would not be to the interest of France to acquire

250 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1802
the province, and he gave a copy of his memoir to Joseph
Bonaparte, who showed it to the First Consul. The lat
ter read the paper and expressed his desire to be on good
terms with the United States. Meanwhile, Livingston
Avas writing prophetic words to James Madison:
I have every reason to believe that the Floridas are not included.
They will, for the present at least, remain in the hands of Spain.
There never was a government with which less could be done by
negotiation than here. There is no people, no legislature, no
counselors. One man is everything. He seldom asks advice, and
never hears it unasked. His ministers are mere clerks ; and his
legislature and counselors parade officers. Though the sense of
every reflecting man about him is against this wild expedition,
no one dares to tell him so. Were it not for the uneasiness it ex
cites at home, it would give me none ; for I am persuaded that
the whole will end in a relinquishment of the country, and transfer
of the capital to the United States,
Daniel Clark arrived in France at that time and saw
General Victor, who had been appointed Captain-Gen
eral of Louisiana, Clark appears to have obtained little
information from Victor; and Madison, on November 27,
wrote to Charles Pinckney, the American minister at
Madrid, with regard to the order of Intendant Morales
concerning the right of deposit at New Orleans. Speak
ing of the Western people, Madison said : " The Missis
sippi to them is everything. It is the Hudson, the Dela
ware, the Potomac, and all the navigable rivers of the
Atlantic States, formed into one stream."
Livingston, in Europe, had obtained little satisfaction
from the French government Avith regard to its inten-

1802] JEFFERSON'S MESSAGE 251
tions concerning Louisiana. In the United States the
excitement and the interest in the matter were growing,
and on December 15, 1802, President Jefferson, in a
message to Congress, expressed himself as follows:
" The cession of the Spanish province of Louisiana to
France, which took place in the course of the late war,
Avill, if carried into effect, make a change in the aspect of
our foreign relations, which will doubtless have just
weight in any deliberations of the legislature connected
with that subject," Again, on December 22, 1802, in a
message to the House of Representatives, the President
said he was " aware of the obligation to maintain in all
cases the rights of the nation, and to employ for that
purpose those just and honorable means which belong to
the character of the United States." To this message the
House of Representatives answered that they relied with
perfect confidence on the wisdom and vigilance of the
Executive, and that they held it to be " their duty to ex
press their unalterable determination to maintain the
boundaries and the rights of navigation and commerce
through the river Mississippi, as established by existing
treaties." It was not known, says Barbe-Marbois, whether France
would attempt to claim new frontiers to its province
and revive old titles contrary to the interests of the
United States. The harm done to the inliabitants of New
Orleans by Morales's prohibition order caused the inten
dant to modify it, and he rendered it practically inopera
tive, but still the alarm caused by it continued among the
Western people. There were persons in the United

262 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [I803
States who were more friendly to England than to
France ; but Jefferson believed it would be to the interest
of the American Republic to be on good terms with the
French government, and he was confident that the diffi
culty about Louisiana could be settled amicably. He
resolved, therefore, to send an envoy extraordinary to
Paris. He chose for that mission his friend James Mon
roe, and on January 10, 1803, asked him to accept it as
a great sacrifice, expressing the unbounded confidence
which the administration and the people of the West had
in him.
In the Senate of the United States there were animated
discussions about Louisiana in February, 1803, and
James Ross, of Pennsylvania, delivered a vehement ad
dress on the subject, February 14. He said, among
other things:
To the free navigation of the Mississippi we had an undoubted
right from nature, and from the position of our Avestern country.
This right and the right of deposit in the island of Ncav Orleans
had been acknowledged and fixed by treaty in 1795. That treaty
had been in actual operation and execution for many years ; and
now, without any pretense of abuse or violation on our part, the
officers of the Spanish government deny that right, refuse the
place of deposit, and add the most offensive of all insults by
forbidding us from landing on any part of their territory and
shutting us out as a common nuisance.
He maintained that the command of the navigation of
the river ought to be in the hands of the Americans, and
added :

1803] DEBATES IN THE SENATE 253
Why not seize, then, what is so essential to us as a nation?
Why not expel the wrong-doers? — wrong-doers by their own con
fession, to whom by seizure we are doing no injury. Paper con
tracts, or treaties, have proved too feeble. Plant yourselves on
the river, fortify the banks, invite those who have an interest
at stake to defend It; do justice to yourselves when your adver
saries deny it; and leave the event to Ilim who controls the fate
of nations.
On February 15 a confidential message was received
by the Senate from the House, transmitting a bill passed
by that body, by Avhich two million dollars were placed at
the disposal of the President for the purchase of the
island of Orleans and the provinces of East and West
Florida, On February 16 Mr, Ross introduced in the
Senate a series of resolutions, very warlike in tone, Avhich
authorized the President to take immediate possession
of the island of Orleans or the adjacent territories, and
to call into active service the militia of South Carolina,
Georgia, Ohio, Kentucky, Tennessee, or the Mississippi
Territory, ,
On February 22 Samuel White, of Delaware, sup
ported the resolutions of Mr, Ross and read a paper
signed by Carlos de Grandpre, which declared that he
had received orders from the intendant not to allow any
commerce between the citizens of the United States and
the subjects of the King of Spain. Among the opponents
of the resolutions Avas James Jackson, of Georgia, Avho
was in favor of trying every possible method of obtaining
redress before going to war. He spoke of Bonaparte in
this interesting and curious manner:

254 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
Sir, we have been told much by the gentleman from Delaware
of Bonaparte; that he is the hero of France, the conqueror of
Italy, and the tyrant of Germany, and that his legions are in
vincible. We have been told that we must hasten to take pos
session of New Orleans whilst in the hands of the sluggish
Spaniards, and not Avait until it is in the iron grasp of the Ctt;sar
of modern times. But much as I respect the fame and the ex
ploits of that extraordinary man, I believe wc should havc little
more to fear from liiin, should it be necessary in the end to con
tend with him for the possession of New Orleans, than from the
sluggish Spaniards. Bonaparte, sir, in our Southern country,
would be lost, Avitli all his martial talents; his hollow squares and
horse artillery would be of little service to him in the midst of
our morasses and woods, where he would meet, not with the cham
paign country of Italy, with the little rivulets commanded by his
cannon, which he could pass at leisure, not with fortified cities
which command surrounding districts, but with rivers miles wide,
and swamps, mortal or impenetrable to Europeans. With a body
of only ten thousand of our expert riflemen around him, his
laurels would be torn from his brow, and he would heartily wish
himself once more on the plains of Italy.
Gouverneur Morris, of New York, was in favor of vio
lent measures, but his colleague, Mr. Clinton, spoke in
favor of peace. His words seem strange to us who have
•witnessed the CA'^ents of 1898. " Of all characters," said
he, " I think that of a conquering nation least becomes
the American people. What, sir I shall America go
forth, like another Don Quixote, to relieve distressed
nations, and to rescue from the fangs of tyranny the
powerful states of Britain, Spain, Austria, Italy, the
Netherlands? Shall she, like another Phteton, madly
ascend the chariot of Empire, and spread desolation and

1803] BARBE-MARBOIS 255
horror over the world? Let us, sir, never carry our arms
into the territory of other nations, unless we are compelled
to take them up in self-defense. A pacific character is
of all others most important for us to estabfish and main
tain." On February 25 the resolutions of Mr. Ross were re
jected, and milder ones were adopted. They had been
Iirepared by Mr. Breckenridge, of Kentucky.
In spite of the excitement in Congress and in the West,
Jefferson acted with moderation and wisdom and had
great confidence in Monroe's mission to France. He had
foreseen the rupture of the peace of Amiens, and under
stood the influence which this event Avould have on the
destiny of Louisiana. James Monroe sailed from New
York on March 8, 1803.
In Europe hostilities between France and England
were again imminent, and Bonaparte knew that, in case
of war, Louisiana would be at the mercy of the English.
Pie knew that France would lose the province, and he
resolved to prevent that loss from being to the advantage
of the English. He wished, however, to be enliglitened
on the subject, and he consulted two of his ministers who
had resided in the United States — Barbe-Marbois and
Decres. The latter had served in the French army dur
ing the war of the American Revolution, and the former
had served in a diplomatic capacity in the United States.
Barbe-Marbois had married an American wife. We
quote freely from his account of these important events:
On April 10, 1803, Easter Sunday, after attending to the
solemnity of the day and the exigencies of the ceremonial, he

256 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoa
called those tivo counselors, and spoke to them with that vehe
mence and that passion which he exhibited especially in political
affairs. " I know all the value of Louisiana," said he, " and I
have Avished to repair the error of the French negotiator who
abandoned it in 1763. A few lines of a treaty have given it
back to me, and hardly have I recovered it when I must expect
to lose it. But if I lose it, it will be dearer one day to those who
compel me to abandon it than to those to whom I wish to deliver
it. The English have successively taken away from France —
Canada, Cape Breton, Newfoundland, Acadia, the richest parts of
Asia. They are agitating Santo Domingo. They shall not have
the Mississippi, which they covet. Louisiana is nothing in com
parison with their aggrandizements all over the globe, and yet
the jealousy which they feel at the return of that colony under
French domination announces to me that they Avish to take pos
session of it, and it is thus that they will begin the war. They
havc twenty vessels in the Gulf of Mexico, they sail over those
seas as sovereigns, while our affairs at Santo Domingo have
grown worse every day since the death of Leclerc. The conquest
of Louisiana would be easy if they merely took the trouble to
land there. I have not a moment to lose if I wish to place it out of
their reach. I do not know that they are not there already. It
is their custom, and as for me. If I were In their place, I should
not have waited. I Avish, if it is still time, to take away from
them even the thought of ever possessing that colony. I am
thinking of ceding it to the United States. Hardly shall I be able
even to say that I am ceding it to them, for it is not yet in
our possession. If I leave any time to our enemies, I shall trans
mit only a vain title to those republicans whose friendship I
seek. They ask me only for one city of Louisiana ; but I con
sider already the entire colony as lost, and it seems to me that
in the hands of this growing poAver it will be more useful to the
policy, and even to the commerce, of France, than if I attempted
to keep it. Give me both of you your opinion."

1803] BONAPARTE'S DECISION 257
Barbe-Marbois agreed entirely with Bonaparte, but
Admiral Decres was of a different opinion. The First
Consul did not malce knoAAm his intentions, and dismissed
his counselors late at night. The next morning, at day
break, he sent for the minister Avho had advised him to
cede Louisiana and shoAved him despatches from London
announcing great preparations for war on land or on sea.
The English [said Bonaparte] ask of me Lampedusa, which
does not belong to me, and at the same time they wish to keep
Malta for ten years. That island, where military genius has
brought the resources of defense to a perfection that one can
not perceive if one has not seen it, would be for them another
Gibraltar, To leave It to them would be to deliver to them the
commerce of the Levant, and despoil my Bouthcrn provinces. They
Avish to keep that possession, and that I should evacuate Holland.
Uncertainties and deliberation are no longer seasonable. I re
nounce Louisiana, It Is not only New Orleans that I wish to
cede, it is the whole colony, without reserving anything of it, I
know the value of what I abandon, and I have proved sufficiently
the importance that I attach to that province, since my first
diplomatic act with Spain was for the object of its recovery, I
renounce it, therefore, with great regret. To insist upon its
preservation Avould be madness, I direct you to negotiate this
affair with envoys of Congress. Do not even wait for the
arrival of Mr. Monroe; have an interview this very day with
Mr. Livingston. But I have need of a great deal of money for
this Avar, and I should not hke to begin it Avith new contributions.
For a hundred years France and Spain have been Incurring ex
penses for improvements in Louisiana, whose trade never has
indemnified tiicm. Large sums have been lent to companies, and
to agriculturists, and they will never be reimbursed to the treasury.
The price of all these things is justly due to us. If I were to

258 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

[1803

regulate my terms on what these vast territories will be worth to
the United States, the indemnities would have no limits. I shall
be moderate, in consideration of the necessity to sell in which I
am. But remember this well: I want fifty millions, and for less
than this amount I shall not treat. I would rather make a
desperate attempt to keep these beautiful countries, To-morroAV
you will have full powers,
Barbe-Marbois says he made a fcAV general observa
tions on the cession of the rights of sovereignty and on
the abandonment of what the Germans call souls, as if
they could be the object of a contract of sale or of ex
change. The First Consul answered him :
That is, indeed, in all its perfection the ideology of the right
of nature and of nations. But I must have money to make war
against the nation that has the most money. Send your doctrine
to London; I am sure it avIU be the subject of great admiration,
and yet no great attention is paid to it when it is a ques
tion of taking possession of the finest countries in Asia. Per
haps, also, it will be objected that the Americans may be found
too powerful for Europe in two or three centuries ; but my fore
sight does not embrace those remote fears. Besides, one may
expect in the future rivalries within the Union itself. The con
federations that are called perpetual last only as long as one of the
contracting parties does not find it to its advantage to break
them, and it is the present dangers to which we are exposed by
the colossal power of England that I wish to remedy.
Barbe-Marbois did not reply, and the First Consul
continued :
Mr. Monroe is on the point of arriving. This minister, going
a thousand leagues from his constituents, must have received from

1803] BONAPARTE'S FORESIGHT 259
the President, after the latter had defined the object of his mis
sion, secret instructions more extensive than the ostensible author
ization of Congress for the payment to be made. Neither that
minister nor his colleague expects a resolution that surpasses in
finitely what they are going to ask of us. Begin Avithout subter
fuge to make the overture to them. You will inform me, day by
day, hour by hour, of the progress you make. The cabinet of Lon
don is informed of the resolutions taken at Washington, but it
cannot suspect the one which I take. Observe the greatest
secrecy, and recommend it to the American ministers; they have
no less interest in it than you. You will correspond with M.
de Talleyrand, who alone knows my intentions. If I took his
advice, France would limit its ambition to the left bank of the
Rhine and would make war only to protect the weak, and not
to be dismembered. But he admits also that the cession of
Louisiana is not the dismemberment of France.

On April 10, 1803, Bonaparte had made up his mind
to sell Louisiana to the United States, and, in his conver
sations on the subject Avith Barbe-Marbois, we see his
wonderful judgment of men and of things and his
promptness in arriving at a decision and at a fulfilment
of his projects. At one glance he could see all sides of a
question, just as he could discern all the movements of
the enemy on the battle-field; and his extraordinary ca
pacity for action enabled him to accomplish in an incredi
bly short time the greatest deeds in statesmanship and in
Avar. During his consulate Bonaparte appears to have
been infallible in his judgments, except when he ordered
the execution of the Duke d'Enghien. If Napoleon,
the Emperor, committed mistakes, it was because his won
derful achievements had led him to believe that every-

260 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [I803
thing was possible to his genius. He considered that nei
ther nature nor man could be an obstacle to his projects,
and he fell finally, overcome both by nature and by man.
In 1803 Bonaparte was still First Consul, and in the
cession of Louisiana to the United States he disjilayed
keen foresight — we might say prophetic instinct — ^when
he indicated the vast consequences of that act to the
American Union.
When we see, in Barbe-Marbois's Plistory of Loui
siana, that Bonaparte had fully decided upon the ces
sion of the province, it is curious to read Robert R.
Livingston's despatches to his government, in which he
speaks of his efforts to persuade the First Consul and his
ministers to cede New Orleans and the Floridas to the
United States, On April 11, 1803, Livingston wrote to
Secretary Madison :
M. Talleyrand asked me this day, when pressing the subject,
whether we Avished to have the whole of Louisiana. I told him,
no; that our wishes extended only to New Orleans and the Flor
idas; that the policy of France should dictate (as I had shown
in an official note) to give us the country above the river Ar
kansas, in order to place a barrier between them and Canada, He
said that if they gave New Orleans, the rest would be of little
value ; and that he would wish to knoAV " what we would give for
the whole." I told him it was a subject I had not thought of,
but that I supposed we should not object to twenty millions, pro
vided our citizens were paid. He told me that this was too low
an offer, and that he would be glad if I would reflect upon it
and tell him to-morrow, I told him that, as Mr. Monroe would
be In town in two days, I would delay my further offer until I
had the pleasure of introducing him. He added that he did not

1803] JAMES MONROE 261
speak from authority, but that the idea had struck him, I have
reason, however, to think that this resolution was taken in council
on Saturday,
We notice in this communication of Livingston the
usual duplicity of Talleyrand, and the latter's extraordi
nary statement that, without Ncav Orleans, the rest of the
country would be of little value. That rest now corn-
prises several populous, wealthy, and progressive States.
James Monroe arrived in Paris on Ajiril 12, 1803, and
on April 13 Livingston wrote that on that same day, while
JVIonroe and several other gentlemen were at dinner with
him, he observed Barbe-Marbois walking in his (Living
ston's) garden. On being invited to join the company,
the French minister said he Avould return when they had
dined. He came in while they Avere taking coffee, and
had a free conversation Avith Livingston in a room next to
that in Avhich the company Avas assembled, and also that
same evening at Barbe-Marbois's house. The latter said
the First Consul had told him: " Well! you have charge
of the treasury; let them give you one hundred millions
of francs, and pay their own claims, and take the whole
country." Livingston adds very judiciously: " I noAV
plainly saAv the whole business : first, the Consul Avas dis
posed to sell; next, he distrusted Talleyrand, on account
of the business of the supposed intention to bribe, and
meant to put the negotiation into the hands of Marbois,
Avhose character for integrity is established." Livingston
then told Marbois that the United States would be per
fectly satisfied with New Orleans and the Floridas, and
that they would be ready to purchase, provided the sum

262 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

11803

was reduced to reasonable limits. Barbe-Marbois finally
si^id that " if we would name sixty millions of francs,
and take upon us the American claims to the amount of
twenty more, he would try how far this would be ac
cepted." Livingston replied that this was far beyond the
means of his country, and he and Monroe, after a few
days, offered forty millions, including the debts due the
Americans, and afterward fifty millions. The French
negotiator said, according to Livingston, that such an
offer could not be accepted.
Marbois tells us that when Monroe arrived in Paris,
Livingston gave him little encouragement for the success
of their negotiations, and told his colleague that the best
thing to do was to take possession of Ncav Orleans first
and to negotiate afterward. It happened, however, that
the three negotiators — Livingston, Monroe, and Barbe-
Marbois — ^liad known one another in the United States,
Livingston, as Chancellor of New York, had adminis
tered the oath of office to Washington at his inauguration.
He remained in Europe until 1805, and was highly es
teemed by Napoleon, Monroe had been governor of
Virginia. Barbe-Marbois had occupied a diiilomatic post
in the United States during the War of the Revolution,
and he says that the two American negotiators and he,
on seeing one another, remembered that they had been
associated in a design conceived for the happiness of
men. They labored, therefore, in perfect harmony.
The negotiation had three subjects: first the cession,
then the price, and finally the debts due from France
to citizens of the United States, With regard to the

1803] THE CESSION 263
cession it Avas evident that Livingston and Monroe were
not authorized to purchase the whole province of Loui
siana, but it Avas impossible to obtain furtlier instructions,
as hostilities between France and England Avere on the
point of breaking out, and delay in the negotiations
Avould only have served to make of Louisiana a colony
of England, For the same reason it was not possible to
consult the inhabitants about their Avisb in tlie matter,
a fact that Avas deeply regretted by the three negotiators.
It Avas so clearly to the interest of the United States to
acquire the Avliole province, instead of Ncav Orleans and
the Floridas alone, that Livingston and Moni'oe assumed
the responsibility of treating for the whole, and the first
article agreed upon Avas as follows:
Whereas, by article third of the treaty concluded at St. Ilde
fonso, the 9th Vendemiairc, year 9 (1st October, 1800), between
the First Consul of the French Republic and His Catholic Majesty,
it was agreed as follows: "His Catholic Majesty promises and
engages, on his part, to retrocede to the French Republic, six
months after the full and entire execution of the conditions and
stipulations herein relative to His Royal Highness the Duke of
Parma, the colony or province of Louisiana, with the same ex
tent that it now has In the hands of Spain, and that It had when
France possessed It; and such as it should be after the treaties
subsequently entered Into betAveen Spain and other States, — ^And,
whereas. In pursuance of the treaty, and particularly of the
third article, the French Republic has an incontestable title to
the domain, and to the possession of the said territory : The First
Consul of the French Republic, desiring to give to the United
States a strong proof of his friendship, doth hereby cede to the
said United States, in the name of the French Republic, forever
and in full sovereignty, the said territory, with all its rights and

264 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [I803
appurtenances, as fully and in the same manner as they had been
acquired by the French Republic in virtue of the above-men
tioned treaty concluded with His Catholic Majesty."

The limits pf Louisiana, as established by article first
of the treaty, were very uncertain with regard to the
North and Northwest, and to Florida, and all parties to
the negotiation were aware of that fact. When Barbe-
Marbois called Bonaparte's attention to it, the Consul
exclaimed: "If the obscurity was not there, it would,
perhaps, be good policy to put it there."
Article third of the treaty was prepared by Bonaparte
himself, and the Louisianians should be grateful to him
for providing with so much foresight for their future
happiness. The article is as follows:
The inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated In
the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible,
according to the principles of the Federal Constitution, to the
enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citi
zens of the United States ; and in the mean time they shall be main
tained and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty,
property, and the religion which they profess.
The First Consul added, says Barbe-Marbois:
Let the Louisianians know that avc part from them with regret ;
that wc stipulate in their favor everything that they can desire,
and let them hereafter, happy in their independence, recollect
that they have been Frenchmen, and that France, in ceding them,
has secured for them advantages which they could not have ob
tained from a European power, however paternal it might have

1803] THE TREATY 265
been. Let them retain for us sentiments of affection; and may
their common origin, descent, language, and customs perpetuate
the friendship.
Bonaparte said also:
This accession of territory strengthens forever the power of the
United States, and I have just given to England a maritime rival
that will sooner or later humble her pride.
The treaty of cession was signed in Paris on the 10th
Floreal, eleventh year of the French Republic (April
30, 1803).^ On the same day two conventions were
signed and annexed to the treaty. The first convention
referred to the price of the cession. Barbe-Marbois says
it had not been included in the treaty because it had been
felt embarrassing to express the fact that, at the same
time, an abandonment of the sovereign domain was be
ing made and a sale for money of that domain. The
First Consul had said that he counted on fifty million
francs. Barbe-Marbois, without any further explana
tion with Bonaparte, told the Ajnerican ministers that
the price stipulated was fixed at eighty millions, and that
it would be useless to propose a reduction.' Livingston
and Monroe finally accepted the price proposed by the
French minister, on condition that twenty millions should
be deducted from the eighty in consideration of the debts
due by France to the citizens of the United States, con
tracted before September 30, 1800. The question of the
debts was considered in the second convention annexed
to the treaty of April 30, 1803.

206 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
The contracting parties Avould have Avished to obtain
the concurrence of Spain to the negotiation, as that power
by the treaty of St. Ildefonso had reserved the right of
preference in case of the cession of the province. But it
Avas thought impossible to wait for the deliberations of the
cabinet at Madrid, and the Sparjish government refused
to approve the treaty. It was only on February 10, 1804,
that Don Pedro Cevallos Avrote to Mr. Pinckney, the
American minister that " the opposition of His Catholic
Majesty to the alienation of Louisiana Avas withdraAvn,
in spite of the solid reasons on which it was founded, and
His Majesty had wished in this circumstance to give a
neAv proof of his good Avill and kindness for the United
States." The following extracts from a letter of Livingston
and Monroe to Madison, dated May 18, 1803, are
interesting :
An acquisition of so great an extent was, we well know, not
contemplated by our appointment; but we are persuaded that the
circumstances and considerations which induced us to make It, will
justify us in the measure to our government and country, . . .
By this measure we have sought to carry into effect, to the utmost
of our power, the wise and benevolent policy of our government,
on the principles laid down in our instructions. The possession
of the left bank of the river, had it been attainable alone, would,
it is true, have accomplished much in that respect ; but it is equally
true that it would have left much still to accomplish. By it our
people would have had an outlet to the ocean, in which no power
would have a right to disturb them; but while the other bank
remained In the possession of a foreign power, circumstances
might occur to make the neighborhood of such power highly in-

1803] A JUDICIOUS MEASURE 267
jurlous to us in many of our most important concerns. A divided
jurisdiction over the river might beget jealousies, discontents, and
dissensions, which the wisest policy on our part could not prevent
or control. With a train of colonial governments established
along the western bank, from the entrance of the river far into
the Interior, under the command of military men, it would be diffi
cult to preserve that state of things Avhich Avould be necessar}^
to the peace and tranquillity of our country. A single act of a
capricious, unfriendly, or unprincipled subaltern might wound
our best interests, violate our most unquestionable rights, and in
volve us In war. But by this acquisition, which comprises within
our limits this great river, and all the streams which empty into
it, from their sources to the ocean, the apprehension of these dis
asters is banished for ages from the United States. We adjust
by it the only remaining known cause of variance with this very
powerful nation; we anticipate the discontent of the great rival
of France, avIio Avould probably have been ivoundcd at any stipula
tion of a permanent nature which favored the latter, and which
it would have been difficult to avoid, had she retained the right
bank. We cease to have a motive of urgency, at least, for In
clining to one power, to avert the unjust pressure of another.
We separate ourselves in a great measure from the European
world and its concerns, especially its Avars and intrigues. We
make. In fine, a great stride to real and substantial independence,
the good effect whereof will, avc trust, be felt essentially and ex
tensively in all our foreign and domestic relations. Without ex
citing the apprehension of any power, we take a more Imposing
attitude with respect to all. The bond of our union will be
strengthened, and its movements become more harmonious by the
increased purity of interest Avhich it will communicate to the sev
eral parts which compose It,
The considerations expressed by Livingston and Mon
roe were so eminently wise that on July 29, 1803, Secre-

268 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
tary of State Madison wrote to them: "In concurring
with the disposition of the French government to treat
for the whole of Louisiana, although the western part of
it was not embraced by your powers, you were justified
by the solid reasons which you give for it; and I am
charged by the President to express to you his entire ap
probation of your so doing,"
The original treaty of cession was drawn up in the
French language, and afterward translated into English.
Barbe-Marbois said that after the three negotiators had
signed the treaty they rose and shook hands, and Living
ston expressed the satisfaction of all at the completion
of their labors. He said this was the finest work of their
whole life, and that from this day the United States were
numbered with the powers of the first rank, and by
them would be reestablished the maritime rights of all
the nations of the earth, now usurped by one only. He
added that the treaties they had just signed were pre
paring centuries of happiness for numberless generations.
Only twelve years after the treaty of cession of Louisiana
to the United States British invaders were repelled from
the soil of Louisiana and a British army totally defeated
at the battle of New Orleans.

CHAPTER XI
The Ratification of the Treaty or Cession, and
THE Transfer to the United States

Bonaparte raliAcs the treaty- Jefferson calls an extra meeting of Congress-
Debates in the Senate — Opposition of the Federalists — Boundaries of Loui
siana—The transfer to the United Slates— Laussat's " Memoirs " —Message
of Jefferson— Claiborne's proclamation and address— Census of 1803.
N May 22, 1803, Bonaparte ratified
the treaty of cession, without waiting
for the ratification of the United
States. On the same day hostilities
were begun between France and
England, but Louisiana could noAV
be considered as being already an
American possession, and as such was protected from the
Britisli. The latter could ill afi'ord to be on bad tcnns
Avith the United States at the very moment when war had
again broken out between them and France, which was
then ruled by the greatest captain of modern times.
The treaty of cession ratified by the First Consul
reached Washington on July 14, 1803. The Spanish
minister, Yrujo, protested against the cession to the
United States, and declared that the act was null, as the
French government had bound itself not to retrocede the
269

270 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
province to any other power, and had not obtained, as
agreed upon, the recognition of the King of Etruria by all
the courts of Europe. It was thought by some that
France and Spain were acting in concert, and that Loui
siana Avould not be transferred to the United States. Such
a supposition was absurd, and President Jeff'erson issued
a proclamation on July 16, 1803, calling an extraordinary
session of Congress for October 17, 1808. In his message
of that date he said :
Congress witnessed at their late session the extraordinary agita
tion produced in the public mind by the suspension of our right
of deposit at the port of New Orleans, no assignment of another
place having been made according to treaty. They were sensible
that the continuance of that privation would be more injurious
to our nation than any consequences which could flow from any
mode of redress; but, reposing just confidence in the good faith
of the government whose officer had committed the wrong, friendly
and reasonable representations were resorted to, and the right of
deposit was restored. Previous, however, to this period, we had
not been unaware of the danger to which our peace would be per
petually exposed whilst so important a key to the commerce of the
Western country remained under foreign power. Difficulties,
too, were presenting themselves as to the navigation of other
streams which, arising within our territories, pass through those
adjacent. Propositions had therefore been authorized for obtain
ing on fair conditions the sovereignty of New Orleans and of
other possessions in that quarter interesting to our quiet to such
extent as was deemed practicable, and the provisional appropria
tion of two million dollars to be applied and accounted for by the
President of the United States, intended as part of the price, was
considered as conveying the sanction of Congress to the acquisi
tion proposed. The enlightened government of France saw with

1803] DEBATES 271
just discernment the importance to both nations of such liberal
arrangements as might best and permanently promote the peace, *^
friendship, and interests of both, and the property and sover
eignty of all Louisiana which had been restored to them have on
certain conditions been transferred to the United States by instru
ments bearing date the 30th of April last. When these shall have
received the constitutional sanction of the Senate, they will without
delay be communicated to the Representatives also for the exercise
of their functions as to those conditions which are witliln the
powers vested by the Constitution in Congress. Whilst the
property and sovereignty of the Mississippi and its waters secure
an independent outlet for the produce of the Western States and
an uncontrolled navigation through their whole course, free from
collision with other powers and the dangers to our peace from that
source, the fertility of the country, its climate and extent, promise
in due season Important aids to our treasury, an ample provision
for our posterity, and a wide spread for the blessings of freedom
and equal laws.
On October 22, 1803, Jefferson sent a message to the
Senate and House of Representatives, announcing that
the conventions entered into for the cession of Louisiana
had been ratified, with the advice and consent of the
Senate, and Avere communicated for the consideration of
Congress in its legislative capacity. The debates in the
Senate on this question were animated. On November 2
Samuel White, of Delaware, spoke of the uncertainty
of Spain's alloAving the French prefect in Ncav Orleans
to deliver the province to the United States ; then he spoke
of the evils that would ensue if " this new, immense, un
bounded world " should CA^er be incorporated into the
Union. The citizens of the United States would leave

272 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
their present territory and cross the river and " will be
removed to the immense distance of two or three thou
sand miles from the capital of the Union, where they will
scarcely ever feel the rays of the General Government;
their affections will become alienated; they will gradu
ally begin to view us as strangers; they will form other
commercial connections, and our interests will become dis
tinct," Mr. White then declared that " fifteen millions
of dollars was a most enormous sum to give."
William Hill Wells, of Delaware, shared the opinion
of his colleague, and opposed the bill, which was to au
thorize the creation of a stock to the amount of eleven
million two hundred and fifty thousand dollars. James
Jackson, of Georgia, favored the bill, and said that
the frontier people Avould not cross into Louisiana; that
the Southern tribes of Indians could be persuaded to go
there, and their place would be filled up with settlers from
Europe. He concluded his remarks with words that
prophesied the defeat of the British at New Orleans in
1815: We have a bargain now in our power, which, once missed, we
never shall have again. Let us close our part of the contract by
the passage of this bill ; let us leave no opportunity for any Power
to charge us with a want of good faith; and having executed our
stipulations in good faith wc can appeal to God for the justice
of our cause; and I trust that, confiding in that justice, there is
virtue, patriotism, and courage sufficient in the American nation,
not only to take possession of Louisiana, but to keep that pos
session against the encroachments or attacks of any Power on
earth.

1803J DEBATES 278
Robert Wright, of Maryland, asked why the Presi
dent was distrusted, he who had been so " very much alive
to the peaceful acquisition of this immense territory, and
the invaluable waters of the Mississippi." He added that
the Louisianians would not be less disposed to loyalty to
the United States than they had been to the prefect of
France. " Can they be so unwise as to prefer being the
colonists of a distant European poAver to being members
of this immense empire, with all the privileges of Ajneri
can citizens? "
Timothy Pickering, of Massachusetts, discussed the
question from a constitutional point of view, and declared
that the incorporation of the inhabitants of Louisiana in
the Union could not be effected without an amendment of
the Constitution. " He believed the assent of each indi
vidual State to be necessary for the admission of a
foreign country as an associate in the Union: in like man
ner as, in a commercial house, the consent of each mem
ber would be necessary to admit a new partner into the
company. He had never doubted the right of the United
States to acquire new territory, either by purchase or
by conquest, and to govern the territory so acquired as a
dependent province; and in this way might Louisiana
have become territory of the United States, and have re
ceived a form of government infinitely preferable to that
to which its inhabitants are now subject."
Jonathan Dayton, of New Jersey, Pierce Butler, of
South Carolina, and John Taylor, of Virginia, favored
the bill, and the latter argued that it was constitutional.
Uriah Tracy, of Connecticut, spoke rather bitterly

274 A PIISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
against the bill, and said that universal consent of all
the States was necessary, " and this I am positive can
never be obtained to such a pernicious measure as the
admission of Louisiana — of a world, and such a world,
into our Union. This would be absorbing the Northern
States, and rendering them as insignificant in the Union
as they ought to be if, by their own consent, the measure
should be adopted."
John Breckenridge, of Kentucky, spoke at great
length, and paid a high tribute to Jefferson's adminis
tration: But if my opinion were of any consequence, I should be free
to declare that this transaction, from its commencement to its
close, not only as to the mode in Avliich it was pursued, but as
to the object achieved, is one of the most splendid which the annals
of any nation can produce. To acquire an empire of perhaps
half the extent of the one we possessed, from the most powerful
and warlike nation on earth, without bloodshed, without the op
pression of a single individual, without in the least embarrassing
the ordinary operations of our finances, and all this through
the peaceful forms of negotiation, and in despite, too, of the op
position of a considerable portion of the community, is an
achievement of which the archives of the predecessors, at least,
of those now in office, cannot furnish a parallel.
Wilson Carey Nicholas, of Virginia, and William
Cooke, of Tennessee, spoke in favor of the bill, which was
carried by a vote of twenty-six yeas to five nays. In the
House of Representatives the debates were very long,
and by a vote of ninety yeas to twenty-five nays a resolu
tion was adopted to make provision for carrying into

1803] OPPOSITION 275
effect the treaty and conventions concluded at Paris on
April 80, 1808.
Jefferson, like some members of Congress, had been
somcAvhat puzzled by the question whether it Avas consti
tutional to acquire foreign territory bji- purchase; but he
had approved the action of Livingston and ]\Ionroe, and
had called a meeting of Congress to consider the treaty
of cession and the conventions annexed thereto. The
Federalists opposed the measure violently, and tried to
shoAV Avhat an immense sum of money fifteen million
dollars was. No one, however, knew exactly what Loui
siana Avas, and ridiculous stories were told about the prov
ince. The most absurd was the statement that there was
a vast mountain of salt, a thousand miles up the Missouri,'
"The length was one hundred and eighty miles; the
breadth was forty-five ; not a tree, not so much as a shrub,
Avas on it; but, all glittering white, it rose from the earth,
a solid mountain of rock-salt, with streams of saline
water flowing from the fissures and cavities at its base I "
Fortunately, the magnificent explorations of MeriAve-
ther Lewis and William Clark were soon to make known
the vast regions of the West as far as the Pacific,
We have seen that Louisiana was ceded to the United
States in 1803 with rather obscure boundaries. The
Floridas, Oregon, and Texas were claimed as included
in the Louisiana Purchase, In 1819 a treaty Avas signed
by Avhich all claim to Texas west of the Sabine River
was given up by the United States, and the Floridas were
received from Spain, That treaty was the Avork of John
Quincy Adams, avIio was convinced that the claim to

276 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
Texas was just, but who relinquished it for reasons of ex
pediency, Mr, Henry Adams believes also that Texas
formed part of Louisiana in 1803, but Professor John
R. Ficklen has given proof to the contrary. He says : ^
The Floridas and Oregon, which at various times were claimed
by the United States as portions of the Louisiana Purchase, have
been declared by the sober judgment of history to have formed
no part thereof, A similar judgment, it may be predicted, Avill
finally be pronounced in the celebrated case of the Louisiana
Purchase vs. Texas,
Jefferson had appointed General James Wilkinson
and William C, C. Claiborne, Governor of the Missis-
sijipi Territory, commissioners to receive Louisiana from
Ijaussat, the French commissioner. Claiborne had also
been appointed governor of the new American territory.
As it was feared that Spain might attempt to prevent the
transfer of the province to the United States, part of the
militia of Ohio, Kentucky, and Tennessee received orders
to hold themselves ready to march at a moment's notice.*
The military force in the West assembled at Fort Adams,
and five hundred militiamen of Tennessee came as far
as Natchez. Claiborne ordered the volunteer company
of horse of the Mississippi Territory to prepare to ac
company him on December 10. Wilkinson and Clai
borne met at Fort Adams, and on December 17 they
camped within two miles of Ncav Orleans, with their
troops. On December 81, 1803, the former Spanish in
tendant. Morales, wrote to Minister Cayetano, as fol
lows :^

1803] THE TRANSFER 277
Only twenty days did the capital remain in the power of the
French Republic. On the sixteenth General Wilkinson arrived
with three hundred men, and camped In the vicinity of the city.
On the seventeenth. Governor Claiborne arrived with the remain
der of the troops, which with the militia (cavalry and infantry
of Natchez) amounted to six hundred men. On December 20
the transfer took place with the same ceremonies as on November
30. The Americans manifested their joy when the banners Avere
raised and pulled down. In the sala consistorial Governor Clai
borne delivered an address, and he published a proclamation. The
Americans, on the days following the transfer, showed distrust
of the Spaniards. At present they appear satisfied with the
courtesies shown them.
Narrative of Laussat, dated " an XII, 8 Nivose ": '
The American commissioners, Claiborne, Governor of the Ter
ritory of Mississippi, and Wilkinson, brigadier-general in the
army of the United States, were together on the 26th Frimaire
at Marigny Point, on the bank of the river, Avliere General
Wilkinson had placed his camp. Messrs. Claiborne and Wilkin
son sent Major Wadsworth to me to ask whether 1 could receive
them on Sunday at noon. I answered affirmatively, and sent the
Major of Engineers VInache, the Colonel commanding the militia
Bellechasse, and the French citizen Blanque, my friend, to meet
them in my carriage.
They arrived in the yard with an escort on horseback of about
thirty volunteers from Natchez, and they were saluted on their
approach by a volley of nineteen guns. After a few minutes
given to etiquette in my parlor, they passed Into my cabinet.
We had there a conference of an hour. They manifested a de
sire to delay the taking possession until Tuesday, to have time for
preparations. It was sufficient for me to announce, after their departure, that
the next day, at eleven o'clock in the morning, I would return

278 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
their visit on horseback in their camp, to have at half-past ten
(Avithout any further attention on my part) a military cavalcade
in my yard of about sixty men to serve as an escort. That will
make known to the government the feelings of the Louisianians
and the mettle of their character.
On Tuesday I had all the militia drawn up in battle array on the
square in front of the City Hall. The crowd was immense, and
the most beautiful weather favored that ceremony. The com
missioners of the United States arrived at the head of their troops
and were saluted outside the gates by the company of grenadiers
of the militia. The troops of the United States were placed in
line of battle on the square, opposite those we had there, and their
entrance into the city was announced by volleys of twenty-one
guns fired from the forts.
Having gone to the large hall of the City Hall, the commis
sioners of the United States, Claiborne and Wilkinson, handed
mc their powers in public meeting, and these were read. I caused
then to be read the treaty of cession, my OAvn powers, and the
proces-verbal of the exchange of ratifications. I proclaimed the
delivery of the country to the United States ; I added to it that
of the keys of the city to Mr. Claiborne ; and I declared absolved
from the oath of fidelity to the French Republic any inhabitant
of the country who preferred to remain under the new domination.
We went to one of the balconies of the City Hall. Then the
French flag was seen to descend from the top of the staff in the
middle of the square, and the American flag was seen to rise.
When they met at the same height, one cannon was fired as a
signal, and immediately began the volleys from the land batteries
and from the harbor.
The commissioners of the United States came with me to the
militia, the command of which I delivered to them, and they caused
our posts to be relieved immediately by their troops. I had been
constantly accompanied during these ceremonies by a great num
ber of Frenchmen and Louisianians, members of the municipality,
militia, and others.

1803] THE TRANSFER 279
Judge Martin says that when the flag of the United
States rose to the top of the staff in the square, and
the flag of France was lowered, " a group of citizens
of the United States, who stood on a corner of the
square, waved their hats, in token of respect for their
country's flag, and a few of them greeted it with
their voices. The colonists did not appear conscious
that they Avere reaching the Laiium sedes ubi fata quietus
ostendunt." Barbe-Marbois says that fifty former French sol
diers had constituted themselves the guardians of the tri-
colored banner, and that when it was lowered from the
staff they received it in their arms. They manifested
their regrets, tlie sergeant-major Avrapped the banner
around his body, and a parade took place around the city.
The little troop was saluted Avith military honors by the
American soldiers, and Avent to the French commissioner's
house, accompanied by the officers of the militia, who
were all French by birth or by descent. They addressed
Laussat as f oIIoavs : " We have Avished to give France
a last proof of the affection we shall ahvays maintain for
her. In your hands we deposit this symbol of the bond
that had attached us again to her temporarily." The
commissioner answered, " May the prosperity of Louisi
ana be eternal! "
In a letter to his government Laussat said : '
I have only to congratulate myself on the events during the
tAventy days that the French Republic has commanded in these
countries. It seems to me also that the inhabitants have not found
too long the duration of her domination.

280 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
A little later he said:
The United States surely do not pay dear for this interesting
and magnificent country. They do not even pay half of what
New Orleans alone will be worth to them, and by their tariff they
will derive from Its custom-house one million dollars (five mil
lion francs) before four years.
An exceedingly rare book has lately been discovered
at Pan ; it is the " Memoirs " of Laussat, in which he re
lates in detail the events that took place during his stay
in Louisiana. We shall give here his narrative of the
incidents relating to the transfers from Spain to France
and from France to the United States.^
At a quarter to twelve, on November 30, 1803, I went on foot
to the City Hall, escorted by about sixty Frenchmen. The brig
Argo saluted us as we passed. There was a considerable crowd
on the square. The Spanish troops were on one side, and the
militia on the other. The drums were beat when I passed by the
guard-house. The commissioners of His Catholic Majesty ad
vanced to meet me to the centre of the hall. M. de Salcedo sat
in the middle in an arm-chair, I on another at his right, and the
Marquis de Casa Calvo on a third to the left. I presented my
credentials and the order of the King of Spain. The Secretary,
Don Andres Lopez de Armesto, was ordered to read the credentials
of the commissioners of his nation, and Daugerot, marine clerk,
under my orders, read my own credentials. The Marquis de Casa
Calvo declared in a loud voice that the subjects who should not
choose the Spanish domination were by right from this moment
freed from their oath of fidelity. The governor handed to me,
at the same time, in a silver dish, the keys of the forts St. Charles
and St. Louis. He left his seat, and I took it.

1803] LAUSSAT'S "MEMOIRS" 281
In all other accounts of the transfer it is said that the
keys of the city were presented to Laussat. The latter
says expressly that the Spanish governor, Salcedo, pre
sented to him the keys of the forts.
After receiving the keys and signing the proces-
verbal of the transfer, the three commissioners went to
the balcony of the City Hall and witnessed the loAvering
in the square of the Spanish flag and the raising of the
French flag. The Spanish commissioners then left the
City Hall, and Laussat accompanied them to the top of
the staircase. His secretaries and officers on his staff
accompanied them down the stairs, where the Spanish offi
cers had received the French commissioner.
Laussat Avent then to the square, and, standing in front
of the militia, he presented Bellechasse to them as their
commander, and said : " I confide to you, in the name of
the French Republic, these banners: you will defend
them, you Avill honor them; they rise in your midst for
the good of 5'^our country ; they are here as on their native
soil : French blood floAvs in the veins of most of you."
During these ceremonies cannon were thundering on
all sides. When the Spanish flag Avas loAvered from Fort
St. Charles it was saluted with tAventy-one guns by the
fort and twenty-one by an eight-pounder that had been
posted expressly in front of the prefect's house. When
the French flag Avas raised above the fort it Avas saluted
with tAventy-one guns from the fort, tAventy-one from the
French brig, and twenty-one from the battery at the
prefect's house.
On December 1, 1803, Laussat received visits from

282 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
Governor Salcedo, the Marquis de Casa Calvo, Inten
dant Morales, the clergy, and the principal military offi
cers. After a quarter of an hour, he went in his turn to
the governor's house, found there the persons who had
called on him, and resolved to give a great festival in
honor of the French flag.
He invited to dinner seventy-five persons — Spaniards,
Americans, and Frenchmen. There was card-playing for
heavy stakes, and during the dinner three toasts were
drunk: the first, with white champagne, to the French
Republic and to Bonaparte; the second, with rose-colored
champagne, to Charles IV and to Spain; the third, with
white champagne, to the United States and to President
Jefferson. Three salutes of twenty-one guns corre
sponded to the toasts. It was then night, and a last and
noisy toast was drunk to the ladies.
The weather, which had been unsettled on November
30, was fine again, and a north wind, the coldest of the
Avinter, had dried the ground. The wind, blowing with
great force, somewhat disarranged the illuminations.
Nevertheless, big fire-pots gave a brilliant light in front
of the prefect's house. The doors had been removed, and
a hundred women, elegantly dressed, and a hundred
and fifty to two hundred men Avere in the rooms. There
Avas one English contra-dance to three French dances.
The Marquis de Casa Calvo opened the ball by a minuet
with Mme. Almonester; there Avere also character dances
and waltzes. Mme. Livaudais and Mme. Bore, who had
given up dancing, took pleasure in it again on this occa
sion. Supper was served at three o'clock, and at seven

1803] LAUSSAT'S "MEMOIRS" 288
the danse des bateaux and the galopade were still to be
danced. At eight o'clock in the morning the last persons
left the house.
Laussat says that Casa Calvo spoke to him of the limits
of the province, and that he answered that he would trans
mit the country, according to the terms of the treaty,
without considering at all the application of these terms,
Avliich Spain Avould define Avith the United States.
Laussat told the members of the ncAV municipal council
that it Avould have been much easier for him to make lise
of the existing establishments in the transfer of the col
ony, but he had wished to render a great service to the
Louisianians and to give them a signal proof of attach
ment and interest, by taking advantage of " that flash
of power and of reign to deliver to them in some sort
the fortresses, and to introduce into them the elite of the
Louisianians." On December 8 Casa Calvo gave a ball in honor of
Laussat, and on December 16 Laussat returned the com
pliment. ^ Unfortunately a fire broke out at a short dis
tance, and a panic ensued, caused by the remembrance
of the disastrous conflagrations of 1788 and 1794. At
ten o'clock the fire was extinguished, and Laussat and
Casa Calvo returned to the ball, which was most brilliant.
For twelve hours there were boleros, gavottes, French and
English contra-dances, and high playing. The rooms
were illuminated with twenty " quinquets " and two htm-
dred and tAventy wax candles, and for supper there were
seats at the large table for sixty persons, for tAventy-f our
at the small table, and for one hundred and forty-six at

284 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i303
thirty-two round tables, while hundreds of persons ate
standing. Different kinds of gumbo were served ; among
others, with sea turtles. During the night there was an
abundant buffet, with tea, coffee, chocolate, consomme,
and bavaroises. The officers of the Spanish corvette
Desempeno delayed their departure, attended the ball,
and stayed at Laussat's house until half -past nine in the
morning. The French commissioner heard at his ball that the
American commissioners, Claiborne and Wilkinson, had
landed with their troops at the Mather plantation, and
Colonel Watson, temporary secretary, asked him when
he would like to receive them. Laussat indicated De
cember 19, between twelve and two o'clock. Twenty-four
dragoons preceded Claiborne and AVilkinson, and they
were received with a salute of nineteen guns. Claiborne
was tall and had an American complexion and bearing.
He appeared gentle, and conversed well. Both he and
Wilkinson wore scarfs. The next day Laussat called on
the American commissioners in their camp. In his de
spatches he relates this visit in detail.*
The day that was to be the first of a ncAV era for the
banks of the Mississippi came at last. On December 20,
at half -past ten o'clock, many officials and persons of all
classes and professions met at Laussat's house and ac
companied him to the City Hall, whither he went on foot.
The day was beautiful, and as mild as in the month of
May. Pretty women and well-dressed men adorned all
the balconies around the square, and at none of the pre
ceding ceremonies had there been so many spectators.

1803] LAUSSAT'S "MEMOIRS" 285
The eleven balconies of the City Hall were full of beauti
ful women. The American troops appeared, and with
drums beating marched by platoons and placed them
selves on the river side of the square. Facing them, on the
other side, were the militia.
The commissioners, Messrs. Claiborne and Wilkinson, were re
ceived at the foot of the stairs by Vinache, major of engineers,
Livaudais, major of militia, and by Secretary Daugerot. I ad
vanced toward them to the middle of the meeting-ball, Claiborne
Bat in an arm-chair at my right, and Wilkinson in another at my
left, I announced the object of the ceremony. The commissioners
presented to me their credentials, and their secretary read them
in a loud voice. I ordered to be read afterward: (1) the treaty
of cession; (2) my credentials; (3) the exchonge of ratifications,
I then declared that I delivered the country to the United States,
repeating sacramentally the terms in which my powers were ex
pressed, I handed the keys of the city, adorned Avith tricolored
ribbons, to Mr, Wilkinson, and immediately I released from their
oath of allegiance to France such inhabitants as wished to remain
under the domination of the United States,
After the reading of the proces-verbal, in French by
Daugerot and in English by WadsAvorth, it Avas signed by
the commissioners and by their secretaries. Claiborne,
Wilkinson, and Laussat went to the principal balcony of
the City Hall, and the French flag Avas hoisted. Captain
Charpin, with his company of French citizens, had
guarded the French flag since morning. Their sergeant-
major, Legrand, received the flag from Naval Ensign
Dusseuil, Avho had lowered it. Legrand Avrapped it
around his body, and with drawn sword, escorted by two

280 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
officers of the company, went back to his place in the
center of the company. Laussat left the City Hall, and,
standing before the militia, addressed them as follows :
Militiamen, you have given proofs of devotion and zeal for the
French flag in the short time it has floated over these regions.
The French Republic shall be informed of it. I present to you
my thanks in the name of its government. You pass at this
moment under the domination of the United States, which has
become your sovereign. I deliver the command over you to its
commissioners. Obey them as its representatives.
Laussat went then to the flag, and with drums beating
marched with Captain Charpin's company. He says he
will never forget this touching and august scene. Fifty
French citizens, twenty-five hundred leagues from their
country, rallied voluntarily to do homage to its flag, —
" that flag, carried to these regions for a long domina
tion; that flag, Avhich, for twelve years, has not ceased to
march forward and to spread afar the glory of France,
retrograding voluntarily to-day, and falling back in the
direction of Europe,"
Captain Charpin's company was comjioscd of men Avho
had served in the French army from the beginning of
the Revolution, Their soldierly appearance and calm
demeanor produced a great impression among the spec
tators, and tears were shed when the French flag disap
peared from the shores of Louisiana. The American
troops presented arms as Laussat and his soldiers passed
by, and the flags and the officers saluted.
In the evening of December 20 Laussat gave a dinner

1803] LAUSSAT'S "MEMOIRS" 287
and a ball. The officers of the militia wore the tricolored
cockade, and they said to the French commissioner: " We
present ourselves to you, decorated with it. It AVill be for
ever dear to us, as will also the remembrance of your
short stay in these regions," Tliere Averc tears in their
eyes, and Laussat was so much moved that he was able
to say only a few words, and ran into his office. At the
ball and at the dinner there were Spaniards, Frenchmen,
and Americans, and, Laussat adds, " American women
whose charms Ave had not yet celebrated." Supper was
served at one o'clock, and tfie entertainment was ani
mated and brilliant.
Many marks of interest and regret were shown Laus
sat, and in concluding his narrative of the events of De
cember 20, 1803, the French commissioner says very feel
ingly: When I reflect on what I wished and on Avhat I did during my
reign of twenty days, I am not dissatisfied. I shall leave these
shores without fearing the remembrances of mc that will remain
here. I have described In detail all the circumstances that accom
panied successively this double revolution, Avhcncc were to arise
such marvelous changes In the destinies of a people of French
origin and of a vast country explored and made known to the
world by France.
The American commissioners questioned Laussat about
the limits. " They are," says the latter, " in a great error,
Avhich exists voluntarily or in good faith at Washington,
from which place it has been communicated to them."
They even claimed Mobile, but the French commissioner

288 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
disabused them, while declaring that he had no instruc
tions on that point.
A beautiful ball was offered to Laussat's wife by the
City Council. Four commissioners — Mayor Bore and
Councilmen Michel Fortier, Faurie, and Derbigny — did
the honors. In the midst of the supper, a turtle-dove,
perched on a branch of roses, alighted before Mme. de
Laussat, and in a note in the bird's beak were the follow
ing verses, which we give in French to show what was
municipal poetry in 1808:
POUTEAIT DE MaDAME DE LaUSSAT.
On voit rdunis en cllc
Lcs vertus et Ies attraits ;
On voit Ic portrait fiddle
De son ame dans ses traits.
Affable, sensible et bonne,
Vertueuse sans fierte,
Et belle sans vanite :
Tout est charme en sa pcrsonne.
A curious incident happened at the ordinary public
ball on Sunday, January 8, 1804. Two quadrilles were
formed at the same time, one French and the other Eng
lish. An American threatened a musician with his cane,
and a great tumult arose, Claiborne did not interfere
at first, but Clark induced him to make use of his author
ity. Not being able to speak French, he was embarrassed
and weak, and used persuasion rather than force with the
American, who was an ordinary army surgeon. The
French quadrille began again, but the American inter-

1804] LAUSSAT'S "MEMOIRS" 289
rupted it Avith an English quadrille. Some one then ex
claimed : " If the women have a single drop of French
blood in their veins, they will not dance." All the women
immediately left the room. The Marquis de Casa Calvo
Avas playing cards and laughing in his sleeve. He ordered
gumbo to be served to two or three women who had taken
refuge by him, and then he derisively continued his game.
Laussat told Claiborne that in the incident at the ball
he had an intimation of the sentiments of the people of
Louisiana, and advised him to see that these sentiments
were not displayed in grave matters. Claiborne an
swered, " The Louisianians loved France very much, I
have proofs of this every day." Laussat adds that it
would require a very able American statesman to erase,
by the gentleness of the new government, this tender pre
dilection. On Sunday, January 22, 1804, there were again troub
lous times at the public ball, and this incident gives a good
idea of the customs and sentiments at the time of the
transfer of Louisiana to the United States. We follow
Laussat's narrative.
On January 11, there appeared in the " Telegraph "
a letter signed " Philadelphian," which denied the asser
tion that, at the moment when the French flag was
lowered, with the exception of a little applause from a
group of Americans, there were tears and sadness. The
company of French citizens was insulted. The printer
was called upon to say who was the author of the letter.
Pie declared that it had been brought by Relf, of the
firm of Chew and Relf, which was said to be Clark's firm.

290 A PIISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isot
Relf denied that he was the author, and the company
of citizens published a reply in the next number of the
" Telegraph." Clark was the concealed author of the
letter, and Laussat speaks harshly of him.
When the ball of January 22 began, the people were
excited. The municipal authorities had ordered that
there should be two turns of French quadrille, one turn
of English quadrille, in companies of twelve dancers, and
one turn of waltz. This order was followed, although,
in the English quadrille, fourteen or fifteen dancers had
slipped in. Another set, which had only twelve dancers,
among whom was General Wilkinson, had hardly finished
its turn Avhen some complaints Avere made. One of the
municipal commissioners, charged with the management
of the ball, cried: "French quadrille 1" It began, and
all at once murmurs and complaints arose. General Wil
kinson was seen conducting with a friendly air toward
the police a French citizen named Gauthier. The rumor
spread that this young man was arrested. Wilkinson
mounted on a bench and mingled a few words of bad
French with English sentences. Claiborne stood on the
same bench by the side of the general, and pointed with
his finger at Mr, Lebaleh, health officer, who had just ar
rived from Santo Domingo. Wilkinson having asked:
"What do they want?" Lebaleh had answered: "The
execution of the regulations posted." Thereupon Wil
kinson had endeavored to arrest Lebaleh. St, Avid took
his part, as well as Teilh, and they were both beaten and
bruised. General Wilkinson began to sing: " Hail Co
lumbia!" accompanied by the music of his staff, then

1801] LAUSSAT'S "MEMOIRS" 291
" God save the King! " and the Americans uttered loud
hurrahs. The French, on their side, sang " Enf ants de la
Patrie," then " Peuple Fran9ais, peuple de freres," and
cried "Vive la Republique!" The noise was dreadful
for some time, but finally Wilkinson and Claiborne with
drew, and quiet was restored. The next day the sensible
Americans invited the Frenchmen to a " banquet of rec
onciliation," and the latter, after some hesitation, ac
cepted. Thus Avas ended that curious ball-room war.
In March, 1804, Laussat began to prepare for his de
parture. He called on all the persons who had been kind
to him, and Avent to Bore's plantation to dine with him.
His visit to Casa Calvo was conducted with minute Span
ish etiquette, as well as the latter's return of the visit.
Laussat called also on Wilkinson and Claiborne, and
spoke to them as follows :
After being intrusted with a public duty by my nation in a
matter concerning your nation, in such a memorable circumstance,
I come to-day. In the name of the French people, to salute the
American people in the person of its commissioners, I shall con
gratulate myself on having taken part in this event, because, Avitii-
out doubt, Louisiana, dear to France, will find its happiness in it,
and our respective nations new reason to love each other. It Is
pleasing for me to think that such sentiments are in the hearts,
not only of the present members of the government of the United
States, but also in the heart of every American citizen,
Wilkinson and Claiborne answered very graciously,
and half an hour later returned in great pomp the French
commissioner's visit. Laussat ends his narrative of these

292 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
interesting events with the following flattering words
about Louisiana: "Let us leave this country; it grieves
me too much to have known it and to part from it."
Before leaving the province,® Laussat gave a curious
and interesting testimonial of his satisfaction to the Loui
sianians who had most displayed their love for the country
of their ancestors. Knowing that they were all ardent
hunters, and that they had always sought in preference
French powder, the commissioner thought he could not
make a better use of a small quantity of powder left
than to distribute it among the following persons, who
were the most eminent in Louisiana: " To Messieurs:
Bore, mayor of the city, forty-five pounds; Bellechasse,
colonel of militia, forty-five pounds; Destrehan, first
adjoint, member municipal council, thirty pounds; Li
vaudais, major of militia, thirty pounds; Sauve, second
adjoint, thirty pounds; Robin de Logny, proprietaire,
thirty pounds; Livaudais phre, member of the munici
pal council, thirty pounds; Boisdore, aide major, cap
tain en second of the militia, thirty pounds; Fortier,
member of the municipal council and captain of the ar
tillery company, thirty pounds; Rillieux, captain of mi
litia, thirty pounds; Villere, member of the municipal
council, thirty pounds; Petit, member of the munici
pal council, thirty pounds; Faurie, member of the muni
cipal council, thirty pounds; Allard fds, member of the
municipal council, thirty pounds; Ducourneau, thirty
pounds; Ilaseur (three brothers), sixty pounds; Bois-
blanc, thirty pounds; Lanthois, thirty pounds; Sibeur,
thirty pounds; Labatut, treasurer of the city, thirty

1804] DEPARTURE OF LAUSSAT 293
pounds ; Bernard Marigny, thirty pounds ; Charpin, cap
tain of the company of French citizens, forty-five pounds ;
Bougaud, captain of French volunteers, thirty pounds.
The total Avas seven hundred and sixty-five pounds.
On April 21, 1804, the French colonial prefect and
commissioner left Louisiana for Martinique, Avhere he
served bis government as colonial prefect. The colonial
archives in Paris contain a letter Avritten by Laussat from
INIartinique, in which he expresses his gratitude for the
marks of satisfaction of His Imperial Majesty, trans
mitted by the minister, with the manner in which he had
fulfilled his mission to Louisiana. Bonaparte, the First
Consul, had become " His Imperial Majesty," and in
Laussat's letter Ave see no longer the republican and fa
miliar " Citizen Minister," but the ceremonious " Mon
seigneur " and " His Excellency Viee-Admiral Decres,
Minister of Marine and of the Colonies." We cannot
blame Laussat for this change in his letters when Ave con
sider that kings and emperors Avere soon to bend the knee
before the Avonderful soldier of fortune who had placed
on his head the crown of Charlemagne. The island of
Martinique was attacked by the English on February 8,
1809, and Avas surrendered on April 24. Laussat was
taken prisoner, and was exchanged, on December 28,
1809, for Alexander Cockburn, consid-general at Ham
burg. He arrived in Paris on January 4, 1810. He Avas
appointed maritime prefect at Antwerp and remained
there two years. He went then, as prefect of the de
partment of Jemmapes, to Mons, Avhich he left on Feb
ruary 4, 1814, when the Allies invaded Belgium. His

294 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
son, who was an officer in the French army, was wounded
in Cliampagne and received the cross of the Legion of
Honor. During the Plundred Days, Laussat was named
baron and prefect of the department of Pas-de-Calais,
but, as he was in the Pyrenees, he did not have time to go
to the Pas-de-Calais before the fall of Napoleon. He
was elected a member of the House of Representatives,
but never took his seat in that body. Plis son served val
iantly at Waterloo.
During the Restoration, in 1819, Laussat was ap
pointed by Louis XVIII commandant and administra
tor of French Guiana. He stayed there until 1828. In
1819 he received the cross of St. Louis, and in 1821, on
the occasion of the baptism of the Duke of Bordeaux,
his title of baron, given him by Napoleon, Avas rcncAvcd.
On January 1, 1825, he was placed on the retired list, with
a pension of thirty-six hundred and seventy francs. His
faithful secretary, Daugerot, died of yellow fever at
Martinique. Laussat, the colonial prefect of Louisiana,
like Victor, the captain-general, was a man of merit and
of honor.
The preface to the Memoirs is dated Bernadets, near
Pan, August 1, 1831. The book not only is interesting
as a historical work, but is well written.
The folloAving documents, referring to the transfer of
Louisiana, are highly important and interesting :
January 16, 1804.
To the Senate and House of Representatives of the United
States: In execution of the act of the present session of Congress
for taking possession of Louisiana, as ceded to us by France, and

1801] THE PRESIDENT'S MESSAGE 295
for the temporary government thereof, Governor Claiborne, of
the IMississippi Territory, and General Wilkinson, were appointed
commissioners to receive possession. They proceeded, with such
regular troops as had been assembled at Fort Adams from the
nearest posts, and Avith some militia of the Mississippi Territory,
to New Orleans. To be prepared for anything unexpected which
might arise out of the transaction, a respectable body of militia
Avas ordered to be in readiness in the Stales of Ohio, Kentucky, and
Tennessee, and a part of those of Tennessee was moved on to the
Natchez. No occasion, however, arose for their services. Our
commissioners, on their arrival at New Orleans, found the province
already delivered by the commissioners of Spain to that of France,
Avho delivered it to them on the 20th of December, as appears by
their declaratory act accompanying this. Governor Claiborne,
being duly invested with the powers heretofore exercised by the
Governor and Intendant of Louisiana, assumed the government
on the same day, and, for the maintenance of law and order, im
mediately issued the proclamation and address now communicated.
On this important acquisition, so favorable to the immediate
interests of our Western citizens, so auspicious to the peace and
security of the nation in general, which adds to our country
territories so extensive and fertile, and to our citizens new
brethren to partake of the blessings of freedom and self-govern
ment, I offer to Congress and our country my sincere con
gratulations.
Th : Jefferson.

City of New Orleans, December 20, 1803.
Sir: We have the satisfaction to announce to you, that the
province of Louisiana was this day surrendered to the United
States by the commissioner of France, and to add that the flag of
our country was raised in this city amidst the acclamations of the
inhabitants. The Inclosed is a copy of an instrument of writing,
which was signed and exchanged by the commissioners of the

296 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
two governments, and is designed as a record of this interesting
transaction. Accept assurances of our respectful consideration.
William C. C. Claiborne,
James Wilkinson,
The Hon. James Madison, Secretary of State,
City of Washington.
The undersigned, William C. C. Claiborne and James Wilkin
son, commissioners or agents of the United States, agreeable to
the full powers they have received from Thomas Jefferson, Presi
dent of the United States, under date of the thirty-first of Octo
ber eighteen hundred and three, and the twenty-eighth year of
the Independence of the United States of America (Eighth Bru
maire, twelfth year, of the French Republic) counlcrsignud by
the Secretary of State James Madison, and Citizen Peter Cleiiicnt
Laussat, colonial prefect and commissioner of the French Gov
ernment for the delivery, in the name of the French Republic,
of the country, territories, and dependencies of Louisiana to
the commissioners or agents of the United States, conformably
to the powers, commission, and special mandate which he has re
ceived in the name of the French people from Citizen Bonaparte,
First Consul, under date of the sixth of June eighteen hundred
and three (Seventeenth Pralrlal, eleventh year of the French
Republic), countersigned by the Secretary of State Ungues
Maret and by his Excellency the minister of marine and colonies
Decrfes :—
Do certify by these presents that on this day, Tuesday the
tAvcntlcth December eighteen hundred and three of the Christian
era (Twenty-eighth Frimaire, twelfth year of the French Repub
lic), being convened in the Hall of the Hotel de Ville of New Or
leans, accompanied on both sides by the chiefs and officers of
the army and navy, by the municipality and divers respectable
citizens of their respective Republics, the said William C. C.
Claiborne and James Wilkinson delivered to the said Citizen

1803] LETTER TO MADISON 297
Laussat their aforesaid full powers by which it evidently appears
that full power and authority has been given them jointly and
severally to take possession of and to occupy the territories ceded
by France to the United States by the treaty concluded at Paris
on the thirtieth day of April last past (Tenth Floreal), and for
that purjiose to repair to the said Territory and there to execute
and perform all such acts and things touching the premises as may
be necessary for fulfilling their appointments, conformably to
the said treaty and the laws of the United Stales.
And therefore the said Citizen Laussat declared that in virtue
of and In the terms of the powers, commission, and special man
date dated at St. Cloud the sixth of June eighteen hundred and
three of the Christian era (Seventeenth Prairial eleventh year
of the French Republic) he put from that moment the said com
missioners of the United States in possession of the country,
territories, and dependencies of Louisiana, conformably to the
first, second, fourth, and fifth articles of the treaty and the two
conventions concluded and signed the Ihlrtlcth of April eighteen
hundred and three (Tenth Floreal, eleventh year of the French
Republic) between the French Republic and the United States
of America, by Citizen Fran9ois Barbe-Marbois, Minister of the
Public Treasury, and Messieurs Robert R. Livingston and James
Monroe, Minister Plenipotentiary of the United Slates, all three
furnished with full powers, of which treaty and two conventions
the ratifications made by the First Consul of the French Republic
on the one part and the President of the United States, by and
with the advice and consent of the Senate, on the other part, have
been exchanged and mutually received at the city of Washington,
the twenty-first of October eighteen hundred and three (the
twenty-eighth Vendcmiaire, twelfth year of the French Republic)
by Citizen Louis Andr6 Piclion, charge d'affaires of the French
Republic near the United Slates on the part of France, and by
James Madison, Secretary of State of the United States, accord
ing to the proces-verbal draAvn up on the same day.
And the present delivery of the country is made to them to
the end that, in conformity with the object of the said treaty, the

298 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isos
sovereignty and property of the colony or province of Louisiana
may pass to the said United States under the same clauses and con
ditions as it had been ceded by Spain to France in virtue of the
treaty concluded at St. Ildefonso on the first of October eighteen
hundred (ninth Vendemiaire, ninth year of the French Republic)
between these two last powers, which has since received its execu
tion by the French Republic into possession of the said colony
or province.
And the said Citizen Laussat has in consequence at this present
lime delivered to the said commissioners of the United States in
this public sitting the keys of the city of New Orleans, declaring
that he discharges from their oaths of fidelity towards the French
Republic the citizens and inhabitants of Louisiana who shall
choose to remain under the dominion of the United States.
And that it may forever appear, the undersigned havc signed
this prods-verbal of this important and solemn act in the French
and English languages, and have sealed it with their seals, und
have caused it to be countersigned by their secretaries of com
mission, the day, month, and year above written,
William C, C. Claiborne, Laussat,
Jas. Wilkinson. Le Secretaire de la com-
By order of the Commissioners missaire du Gouvt. fran9al3
on the part of the United Par le Prefet Colonial Com-
States, mission, Daugerot,
D. Wadsworth, Secretary of
the American Commission.

PROCLAMATION.
By His Excellency William C. C. Claiborne, Governor of the Mis
sissippi Territory, exercising the powers of Governor-General
and Intendant of the province of Louisiana.
Whereas, By stipulations between the Governments of France
and Spain, the latter ceded to the former the colony and province

1803] PROCLAMATION 299
of Louisiana, with the same extent which it had at the date of the
above-mentioned treaty in the hands of Spain, and that It had
when France possessed it, and such as it ought to be after the
treaties subsequently entered Into between Spain and other States ;
and whereas the Government of France has ceded the same to
the United Stales by a treaty duly ratified and bearing date the
30th of April, in the present year, and the possession of said
colony and province is now In the United Stales, according to
the tenor of the last-mentioned treaty; and Avhereas the Congress
of the United States, on the 31st day of October, in the present
year, did enact that until the expiration of the session of Con
gress then sitting (unless provisions for the temporary govern
ment of the said Territories be sooner made by Congress), all
the military, civil, and judicial powers, exercised by the then ex
isting government of the same shall be vested In such person or
persons, and shall be exercised in such manner, as the President
of the United Slates shall direct, for the maintaining and protect
ing the inhabitants of Louisiana in the free enjoyment of their
liberty, property, and religion ; and the President of the United
States has by his commission, bearing date the same 31st day
of October, invested me with all the powers, and charged mc with
the several duties heretofore held and exercised by the Governor-
General and Intendant of the province.
I have, therefore, thought fit to Issue this my proclamation,
making known the premises, and to declare that the Government
heretofore exercised over the said province of Louisiana, as well
under the authority of Spain as of the French Republic, has
ceased, and that of the United States of America is established
over the same ; that the inhabitants thereof will be incorporated
in the union of the United States ; that, in the mean time, they
shall be maintained and protected In the free enjoyment of their
liberty, property, and the religion which they profess; that all
laws and municipal regulations which were in existence at the
cessation of the late Government remain in full force ; and all civil
officers charged with their execution, except those Avhose powers

y

800 A HISTORY OP LOUISIANA [isos
have been especially vested In me, and except also such officers
as have been intrusted with the collection of the revenue, are con
tinued in their functions, during the pleasure of the Governor
for the time being, or until provision shall otherwise be made.
And I do hereby exhort and enjoin all the inhabitants, and other
persons within the said province, to be faithful and true in their
allegiance to the United States, and obedient to the laws and
authorities of the same, under full assurance that their just rights
Avill be under the guardianship of the United States, and will be
maintained from all force or violence from without or Avithin.
In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand. Given at
the city of New Orleans the 20th day of December, 1803, and
of the independence of the United States of America the 28th.
Wm. C. C. Claiborne.
TIIE GOVERNOR'S ADDRESS TO TIIE CITIZENS OF
I,OTIISIANA. New Orleans, December 20, 1803.
Fellow-Citizens of Louisiana : On the great and interesting
event now finally consummated — an event so advantageous to
yourselves, and so glorious to united America — I cannot forbear
offering you my warmest congratulations. The wise policy of
the Consul of France has, by the cession of Louisiana to the
United States, secured to you a connection beyond the reach of
change, and to your posterity the sure inheritance of freedom.
The American people receive you as brothers ; and will hasten to
extend to you a participation in those inestimable rights which
have formed the basis of their own unexampled prosperity. Un
der the auspices of the American Government, you may confidently
rely upon the security of your liberty, your properly, and the
religion of your choice. You may with equal certainly rest as
sured that your commerce will be promoted and your agriculture
cherished; in a word, that your true Interests will be among the
primary objects of our national Legislature. In return for these

1803] CENSUS 801
benefits, the United States will be amply remunerated, if your
growing attachment to the constitution of our country, and your
veneration for the principles on which it is founded, be duly pro
portioned to the blessings which they will confer. Among your
first duties, therefore, you should cultivate with assiduity among
yourselves the advancement of political information; you should
guide the rising generation in the paths of republican economy
and virtue; you should encourage literature; for without the ad
vantages of education, your descendants will be unable to appre
ciate the intrinsic Avorlh of the Government transmitted to them.
As for myself, fellow-citizens, accept a sincere assurance, that,
during my continuance in the situation in which the President
of the United Slates has been pleased to place me, every exertion
will be made on my part to foster your internal happiness, and
forward your general welfare ; for it is only by such means that I
can secure to myself the approbation of those great and just men
who preside in the councils of our nation.
William C. C. Claiborne.
Judge Martin gives the following census made in 1803
by the consul of the United States at New Orleans, from
the best documents he could procure : " In the city of Ncav
Orleans, 8056 ; from the Balize to the city, 2888 ; at Terre-
aux-Boeufs, 061; Bayou St. John and Gentilly, 489;
Barataria, 101; Tchoupitoulas, 7444; parish of St.
Charles, 2421; parish of St. John the Baptist, 1950;
parish of St. James, 2200 ; Lafourche, 1094 ; Lafourche,
Interior, 2064; Valenzuela, 1057; Iberville, 1800; Gal-
veztoAvn, 247; Baton Rouge, 1513; Pointe Coupee, 2150;
Attakapas, 1447; Opelousas, 2454; Washita, 861; Avoy
elles, 432; Rapides, 753; Natchitoches, 1681; Arkansas,
308; Illinois, St. Louis, etc., 6028; Mobile, 810; Pensa-

/

302 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1803
cola, 404; total, 49,478." This census did not inchide the
Indians, and was not thoroughly reliable. The number
of Indians in the whole province was still considerable.
In what is now the State of Louisiana the tribes existing
in 1808, but greatly reduced in number, according to
Martin, were as folloAvs: The Oumas, the Tunicas, the
Chilimackas, the Chetimachas, the Attakapas, the Choc
taws, the Biloxis, the Pascagoulas, the Alibamons, the
Cunhates, the Cadodaquious or Cados, the Arkansas, and
wandering parties of Creeks. The Choctaws were by far
the most numerous tribe.
Robin, who was present at the ceremonies attending the
transfer of liOuisiana to the United States, expresses
eloquently what he felt when he heard Laussat absolving
all who desired it from their allegiance to bVance.'" He
asks how it was possible that a man's own native land
might ever cease to be his fatherland, that he might be
come an enemy to his country and no longer think of it.
This remark of Robin's indicates what must have been the
feelings of the Louisianians when they saw themselves
tossed about from one country to another, becoming
Spaniards, Frenchmen, Americans, without being con
sulted, without any regard for the most sacred feelings
of mankind. They were required three times to tear from
their hearts their love for their country, and yet they
were always found loyal to their oath of allegiance.
Whether under the French, the Spanish, or the Ameri
can domination, they were always in the front rank when
called upon to defend their beautiful and beloved Loui
siana.

1803] A SECURE HAVEN 803
Our ancestors were indeed tossed about by the caprice
of kings and rulers from one domination to another, just
as a ship is thrown by the tempest from one insecure haven
to another. Fortunately, our ship of state, our Louisiana,
has at last found a deep and broad harbor in Avliich to
cast her anchor ; and there, in these United States, will her
children see to it that no storm shall ever break the cable
and turn the ship adrift again. Our pilot is no longer a
European despot; we guide our vessel ourselves, and,
with the help of God, we shall continue to do so to the
end of time.

CHAPTER XII
Uppee Louisiana — St. Louis

Kaskaskia and Fort Chartres— The six early settlements— The British take
possession of Fort Chartres— Expedition of Colonel Clark in 1778 — Ter
ritory east of tlie Mississippi ceded to the United States in 1783— Founda
tion of St. Louis — The Spaniards arrive — The early houses— Customs —
Fortiflcations — Floods — The government mansion — Laussat authorizes Cap
tain Stoddard to take possession — Arrival of the American troops-
Address of Dc Lassus to the Indians— Population in 1803 and 1801— Con
clusion of the history of colonial Louisiana.

N the course of this narrative we have
frequently had occasion to refer to
the Illinois country and to Upper
Louisiana, but we shall give further
account of that section.
The route of the early explorers
of the Mississippi valley lay through
the Illinois country, and we remember La Salle's Fort
St. Louis in that region. At the end of the seventeenth
century " Old Kaskaskia " was founded in the " terres
trial paradise " and soon became a village of some impor
tance.^ In 1720 Fort Chartres was begun, and it was
completed in eighteen months. It became the headquar
ters of the commandant in Upper Louisiana and, says
Monette, the most celebrated fortress in all the valley of
the Mississippi.'' In the vicinity of Fort Chartres were
304,

1803] THE EARLY SETTLEMENTS 805
built Cahokia, Prairie du Rocher, and other villages. In
1721 a college and a monastery of the Jesuits were estab
lished at Kaskaskia, Avhich became a chartered town in
1725, and was very prosperous during the French
domination. There was a lucrative trade, under the
French regime, betAveen the Illinois country and Lower
Louisiana. Post St. Vincent, on Wabash River, op
posite the old French toAvn of Vincennes, was erected in
1735. " The Illinois country," according to Monette, " east
of the Upper Mississippi, contained six distinct settle
ments, with their respective villages. These were: 1, Ca
hokia, near the mouth of Cahokia Creek, and nearly five
miles below the present site of St. Louis; 2, St. Philip,
forty-five miles beloAv the last, and four miles above
Fort Chartres, on the east side of the Mississippi; 3,
Fort Chartres, on the east bank of the Mississippi,
tAvelve miles above Kaskaskia; 4, Kaskaskia, situated
upon the Kaskaskia River, five miles above its mouth,
upon a peninsula, and within two miles of the Mississippi ;
5, Prairie du Rocher, near Fort Chartres; C, St. Gene
vieve, on the Avest side of the Mississippi, and about one
mile from its bank, upon Gabarre Creek." * All these
settlements were still in existence in 1804, when Upper
Louisiana was transferred to the United States, except
St. Philip. Kaskaskia at that time was reduced to about
forty-five families. With the exception of St. Gene
vieve, which was west of the Mississippi, all the settle
ments just mentioned became British territory by the stip
ulations of the treaty of Paris of 1768, by which France

306 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [i7G4
ceded to Great Britain the territory east of the Missis
sippi, from its source to Bayou Iberville or Manchac.
For two years after the date of the treaty of Paris
the British did not take possession of their new pos
sessions, and St. Ange de Bellerive, at Fort Chartres,
continued in command.^ In 1765 Captain Stirling was
appointed commandant of the Illinois country by Gen
eral Gage, and took possession of Fort Chartres. The
French commandant then withdrew to St. Louis, which
had been founded in 1764.
By a proclamation dated New York, December 30,
1764, General Gage announced that His Britannic Maj
esty " grants to the inhabitants of the Illinois the liberty
of the Catholic religion," and " agrees that they may
retire in full safety and freedom, wherever they please,
even to New Orleans, or any other part of Louisiana."
The inhabitants who chose to remain were to enjoy the
same rights and privileges as the old subjects of the King,
and they were commanded to take the oath of fidelity
and obedience. They were to conduct themselves like
good and faithful subjects, and to act in concert Avitli
His Majesty's officers. " By this means alone they Avill
spare His Majesty the necessity of recurring to force of
arms, and will find themselves saved from the scourge
of a bloody war." A domination begun with threats
soon proved oppressive, and many of the French inhabi
tants retired west of the Mississippi. They hated the
British and dreaded the " Bostonais," as they called the
Americans, who Avere then fighting for their indepen
dence.*

17T8] GEORGE ROGERS CLARK 807
The Illinois country Avas included Avithin the chartered
limits of Virginia, and in 1778 Governor Patrick Henry
and the Executive Council determined to take posses
sion of the British posts on the Upper Mississippi and the
Wabash — " the fountains of Indian massacre." Colo
nel George Rogers Clark, at the head of an expedition
consisting of not more than one hundred and fifty-three
fighting-men, marched through the wilderness and ar
rived unperceived at Kaskaskia on July 4, 1778. The
town Avas taken by surprise and captured, as Avell as
Fort Gage, Avliere the commandant, Rocheblave, was
captured in his bed sleeping. In a short time all the posts
and settlements on the Upper JMississippi and on the
Wabash Avere secured by Clark and his brave companions,
and in October, 1778, the Illinois country became the
county of Illinois in Virginia. The British, hoAvever, de
termined to reconquer the posts captured by Clark, and in
December, 1778, Governor Hamilton left Detroit at the
head of eighty regular troops, a fcAV Canadian militia, and
six hundred Indian warriors. He recaptured the post at
Vincennes, but was himself defeated and taken prisoner,
in February, 1779, by the intrepid Colonel Clark. From
that time the Americans were no longer molested by the
British, and the territory east of the Mississippi Avas
finally ceded to the United States by the treaty of Ver
sailles in 1788, Avhich ended the Avai* of the American
Revolution." In 1762- a license Avas granted Laclede Liguest, An
toine Maxent & Co., by the Governor of Louisiana, to
establish an exclusive trade Avith the Indians of the Mis-

808 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [noi
souri and all nations residing west of the IMississippi, for
the term of eight years.'' Laclede left New Orleans on
August 8, 1763, and arrived in the Illinois country on
November 3. St. Genevieve, being west of the Missis
sippi, had not been ceded to the British, but it did not
suit Laclede, because it was too far from the Missouri.
Nyon de Villiers, commandant at Fort Chartres, offered
the trader a place for his goods, but the latter decided
to form a settlement of his own. He examined the coun
try carefully, and chose a place, where he marked some
trees with his own hand, and he said to Auguste Chou
teau: " You will come here as soon as navigation opens,
and will cause this place to be cleared, in order to form
our settlement after the plan that I shall give you."
He was enthusiastic about the situation he had chosen
for his settlement, and predicted for it a great future.
On March 15 Chouteau began to build a shed for La
clede's provisions, and cabins for the thirty men whom
the latter had sent with Chouteau. Laclede arrived at
the settlement in April, 1764, laid the plan of the village
he desired to found, and named it St. Louis, in honor
of Louis XV, says Chouteau, but more probably for the
great and pious ancestor of the Bourbons, King
Louis IX.
Chouteau relates in his Journal that while they were
at work at St. Louis, in the beginning of the settlement,
the whole tribe of the Missouris arrived among them. The
savages numbered about one hundred and fifty warriors,
while the French numbered only thirty or thirty-five
men. There was great danger to the new village, but

17GI] NYON DE VILLIERS 809
Laclede succeeded in persuading the Indians to depart.
The savages had feared an attack from the English, who
Avere expected at every moment to come to take posses
sion of Fort Chartres. Nyon de Villiers withdrew the
garrisons from all the posts ceded to the Britisli, and
Avent doAvn the river with the troops, says Chouteau, " and
all the employes of the government, and a large part of
the inhabitants of the villages of Fort de Chartres and
Prairie du Rocher, for Avliom he promised to obtain free
grants of land near Ncav Orleans for the sacrifices they
Avere making of their property in order to go and settle
in Lower Louisiana, under the French Government,
rather than remain under the dominion of the English,
who were heretics."
" But," adds Chouteau, " the real motive of Monsieur
de Nyon Avas, to take Avith him a numerous train, and to
descend the Mississippi in triumph, to make the govern
ment believe that all these people followed him for the
great esteem Avhich they had for his person; thereby to
gain the confidence of the autliorities, in order to obtahi
a place that he had hi view. But when he heard, on ar
riving at Ncav Orleans, that the country Avas ceded to
Spain, he determined to return to Europe. He forgot
all the promises that he had made to these poor, credu
lous people, who remained upon the strand without know
ing where to lay their heads, and the government troubled
themselves but little about them, because they knew that
the colony would soon change masters." Some of these
people settled in Lower Louisiana, and a fcAV returned
to the Illinois, where they received the aid of Laclede.

810 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [ues
Nyon de Villiers, the commandant of Fort Chartres,
was a brother of the officer who had had the honor of
compelling Washington to capitulate at Fort Necessity
in 1754. When he went to New Orleans in 1764 he left
the command of Fort Chartres to St. Ange de Bellerive,
Avho, as we have seen, surrendered it to the British in
1765. The famous Indian chief, Pontiac, is mentioned
in Chouteau's Journal as having offered his help to St.
Ange against the British. He said to the tribe of the Illi
nois who hesitated to take up arms with him: " If you
hesitate one moment, I will destroy you, like the fire which
passes through a prairie; open wide your ears, and re
member it is Pontiac Avho speaks,"
Billon, in his " Annals of St. Louis in its Early Days,"
gives the names of the thirty men who, on March 15, 1764,
were, with Chouteau, the pioneers in the settlement of the
town. In 1765 several families left the country ceded
to the British and established themselves at St. Louis.
They had dismantled their houses, and had brought with
them everything that could be removed. The village of
St. Philip was deserted by all the inhabitants, except by
one family, who were compelled to remain, as they could
not dispose of a mill they owned, and as the head of
the family was the captain of the militia of the village.*
Laclede was considered the legal proprietor of the new
village, but in 1766 a civil government was found to be
necessary, and Louis St. Ange de Bellerive, former com
mandant of Fort Chartres, was unanimously elected tem
porary governor by the inhabitants of St. Louis. Joseph
Lefebvre was associated with him as judge, and Joseph

[1767 CAPTAIN RIOS 811
Labusciere, foiTner King's attorney, became acting secre
tary of the temporary government. St. Ange and La
busciere were Canadians, and Lefebvre was a native of
France. At the close of the year 1767, Captain Francisco Rios
arrived at St. Louis, with about tAventy-five soldiers, to
establish the authority of the King of Spain on the west
side of the Mississippi, Avhich had been ceded to Charles
III by the secret treaty of Fontainebleau, November 8,
1762. The inhabitants of Upper Louisiana Avere as dis
appointed as those of Lower Louisiana had been to see
their country pass under the Spanish domination, and
they received Captain Rios with no enthusiasm. The
latter, seeing how unAvelcome were the Spaniards, de
termined to erect a fort that Avould serve as quarters for
his soldiers and as a protection against the Indians. He
chose a high, rocky bluff, fourteen miles north of St.
Louis, and began the construction of a work, which he
called " Fort Prince Charles." Rios acted in Upper Loui
siana with much more tact than Ulloa in New Orleans,
and Avas respected by the inhabitants. When Ulloa was
expelled from the province by the Revolution of 1708,
Captain Rios left St. Louis and his fort and went to
Ncav Orleans with his soldiers.
The Spanish domination was established on May
20, 1770, by Captain Pedro Piernas, Avho had been
sent for that purpose by General O'Reilly with tAvo
companies of the " Stationary Regiment of Louisi
ana " (el regimiento fixo), of which Don Luis de Un
zaga was the colonel. This was one of the regular

312 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1770
Spanish regiments of infantiy and was assigned by
O'Reilly to the permanent occupation of Louisiana.
The headquarters of the regiment were at New Or
leans. There Avas one company at St. Louis, with squads
at St. Genevieve and at New Madrid." The popu
lation of St. Louis, at the beginning of the Spanish dom
ination, in 1770, was about five hundred souls. There
were in the village, at that time, one hundred houses of
wood and fifteen of stone.
With regard to the authority of the Spaniards in Up
per Louisiana, Billon makes a statement that applies
in almost every particular to Lower Louisiana and is very
interesting:
During the thirty-four years of Spanish authority succeeding
the first six years of French rule, the place continued to be French
in every essential but the partial use of Spanish in a few official
documents ; the intercourse of the people with each other and their
governors, their commerce, trade, habits, customs, manners, amuse
ments, marriages, funerals, services in church, parish registers,
everything, was French; the governors and officers all spoke
French, it was a sine qua non in their appointment; the few
Spaniards that settled in the country soon became Frenchmen,
and all married French wives ; no Frenchman became a Spaniard ;
two or three of the governors were Frenchmen by birth ; the wives
of Governors Piernas and Trudeau were French. With the ex
ception of the Spanish officials and soldiers, not more than a
dozen Spaniards came to the place during the domination of
Spain; Governor de Lassus was born in France, and Trudeau
Avas of French stock, and nearly all the papers In the archives
were in the French language. The country was only Spanish
by possession, but practically French in all else.

1770] CUSTOMS 818
Religious services were held in a tent from 1764 to
1768, and in a log chapel from 1768 to 1776, when the
first church was built. " About four fifths of the early
houses," says Billon, " were of posts set in the ground, the
best of them hewed about nine inches square; the others
of round posts set about three feet deep; a fcAV of the
best of these houses were of hewed posts set on a stone
Avail from four to five feet high above ground. The
largest portion of these houses were from tAventy to thirty
feet in size, divided usually into two, and some of them
into three rooms." The household furniture was scant
and very plain; the Avater generally used for drinking
Avas taken from the Mississippi; agriculture, besides
vegetables, consisted in a little corn and wheat; the amuse
ments for the men were billiards, cards, and pony races
— " rarely anything staked " ; for the women, " fiddling
and dancing and the usual amount of gossiping and
small-tallc." As the Sabbath was considered over at noon,
after high mass, the principal dancing parties were on
Sundays, and the judgment sales, by decree of the gov
ernor, took place on that day at noon, Avhen all the people
had assembled to hear mass. There Avas little coin in the
country, and the circulating medium Avas furs and pel
tries. Captain St. Ange de Bellerive, first military comman
dant and acting governor of Upper Louisiana, on May
20, 1770, delivered possession of that part of the province
to Don Pedro Piernas. The latter had married a French
Avoman from Ncav Orleans — Felicite Robineau de Port-
neuf. His administration as heutenant-governor of

314 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1778
Upper Louisiana was as mild and beneficent as that of his
superior at New Orleans, Governor Unzaga; and when
he retired from office, on May 20, 1775, the principal in
habitants of St. Louis expressed to him their respect and
gratitude. The successor of Captain Piernas Avas Lieutenant-
Colonel Francisco Cruzat. On May 19, 1776, Father
Bernard de Ijimpach, the parish curate, arrived from
New Orleans. The first regular curate was Father
Valentin. Father Bernard bore credentials from our old
Capuchin friend. Father Dagobert, who conferred on
him " the curacy, or parish church, of St. Louis, of Illi
nois, Post of Pain-Court." '"
Don Francisco Cruzat, who was a very estimable man,
was succeeded "in 1778 by Captain Fernando de Leyba.
The latter had been appointed lieutenant-governor by the
brilliant Bernardo de Galvez.
On June 20, 1778, Pierre Laclede Liguest, the founder
of St. Louis, died at the mouth of the Arkansas, on his
way to St. Louis from New Orleans." He was the junior
partner of the firm of Maxent, Laclede & Co., of Avhich
Colonel Antonio Gilberto Maxent, Indian agent at New
Orleans, was the senior partner. Laclede's first house,
where he transacted his business, was long occupied by the
lieutenant-governors, and was finally bought by Auguste
Chouteau in 1789. Chouteau was related to Laclede, and
up to the latter's death Avas his chief clerk. Laclede did
not leave a large estate ; his mill was bought by Chouteau
for two thousand livres, and his farm by Chouteau's
mother for seven hundred and fifty livres.

1780] COLONEL CRUZAT 815
On May 26, 1780, a party of savages, from the east
side of the Mississippi, crossed the river and massacred
seven men. The Avidow of one of these men married John
B. Trudeau, " who was," says Billon, " the only village
schoolmaster of the Spanish days, and who continued to
teach his little French school for almost half a century
until near his death in 1827."
Don Fernando de Leyba died on June 28, 1780, and
was buried in the village cliurch of St. Louis. Don Silvio
Francisco de Cartabona, commandant at St. Genevieve,
acted as Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Louisiana until
the arrival, on September 24, 1780, of Don , Francisco
Cruzat, who was reappointed to that office by Governor
Galvez. On account of the massacre of May 26, 1780, Cruzat
directed Chouteau to make a plan of fortifications for
St. Louis. These Avere begun, but never completed.
In the year 1784 there were terrible floods of the Missis
sippi and of the Missouri, and the village of St. Gene
vieve Avas destroyed. It was rebuilt, in 1785, two miles
above the original village. In 1788 Lieutenant-Governor
Cruzat abandoned the old Laclede mansion, and bought
a stone house for his residence and government business.
He sold it to Auguste Chouteau in 1787, but it remained
the government mansion until the cession to the United
States. On November 27, 1787, Don Francisco Cruzat was
succeeded by Captain Manuel Perez, who was appointed
by Governor Miro. Perez was succeeded on July 21,
1792, by Don Zenon Trudeau, a captain in the Regiment

316 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [1799
of Louisiana and a Canadian by birth. The Lieutenant-
Governor of Upper Louisiana was often called " com
mandant-in-chief of the western part of the Illinois." In
1794 some works of defense and barracks were completed.
They are called by Billon the " Fort on the Hill."
Lieutenant-Governor Trudeau was succeeded on Au
gust 29, 1799, by Colonel Carlos Dehault de Lassus,
who had been commandant at New Madrid for the pre
vious three years, and whose appointment, says Billon,
was made by express orders from Spain.
Don Carlos de Lassus was born at Lille in 1764. He
belonged to an old family of the French nobility in
Hainault. He entered the Spanish service at the age of
eighteen, in the royal regiment of guards, was appointed
lieutenant-colonel, in 1798, for distinguished services, and
in 1794 was ordered to the command of a battalion of the
King's body-guard at Madrid. His father having been
driven from France during the Revolution, Colonel de
Lassus requested to be transferred to the Louisiana Regi
ment, of which he became lieutenant-colonel. In 1796
he was appointed commandant of New Madrid, and in
1799 Lieutenant-Governor of Upper Louisiana. He
became full colonel of the Louisiana Regiment in 1802,
and some time after the transfer of Louisiana to the
United States he succeeded GoA'^ernor de Grandpre at
Baton Rouge, where he appears again in 1810, at the
time of the revolution in West Florida.
In the year 1802 Colonel de Lassus had some trouble
with the Mashcoux Indians, who called themselves Tala-
poosa Creeks. Five of them were captured and taken

1804] COLONEL DE LASSUS 817
to Ncav Madrid, Avliere, by order of the Governor-Gen
eral of Louisiana, De Lassus had the principal culprit
executed. On December 80, 1808, Casa Calvo and Salcedo, the
Spanish commissioners, Avrote to Lieutenant-Governor
de Lassus that they had delivered the province of Loui
siana to the French commissioners on November 30,
1803, and requested him to deliver to the agent or officer
of the French prefect the post and dependencies under the
orders of De Lassus.
On January 12, 1804, Commissioner Laussat wrote to
De Lassus that he had forwarded to Captain Stoddard
documents authorizing him to receive the civil and mili
tary possession of Upper Louisiana, in virtue of the
treaty of St. Ildefonso, in the name of the French Re
public, and to keep possession of it for the United States.
Pierre Chouteau Avas appointed by Laussat to make an
inventory and appraisement of the buildings and houses
that belonged to the King of Spain.
On Friday, March 9, 1804, the American troops crossed
the river from Cahokia, under the command of Lieuten
ant Worrall; and Captain Stoddard, accompanied by
Captain MeriAvether Lewis and others, went to the gov
ernment house, and was received by Colonel de Lassus,
in the presence of the officials and prominent citizens,
some of the inhabitants being assembled in the street.
De Lassus then issued the following proclamation :
March 9, 1804.
Inhabitants or Upper Louisiana: By the King's command,
I am about to deliver up this post and its dependencies. The flag

018 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
under which you have been protected for a period of nearly thirty-
six years is to be withdrawn. From this nioineiit you are released
from the oath of fidelity you took to support it. The fidelity
and courage with which you have guarded and defended it will
never be forgotten; and in my character of representative I en
tertain the most sincere wishes for your perfect prosperity.
Colonel de Lassus then delivered to Captain Stod
dard " the full possession, sovereignty, and government
of Upper Louisiana, with all the military posts, quarters
and fortifications thereto belonging or dependent there
of." The proces-verbal of the transfer was executed in
triplicate and signed by De Lassus and Stoddard, with
Captain Meriwether Lewis, Antoine Soulard, surveyor-
general, and Charles Gratiot, as witnesses.
Captain Stoddard replied to De Lassus, and then the
Spanish troops at the Fort on the Hill fired a salute or
dered by the lieutenant-governor. " Upon the conclusion
of the proceedings at the government house," says Billon,
" the American troops were marched up to the Fort on the
Plill, where they were received by the Spanish troops
under arms, and after an exchange of salutes received
possession, and Avere quartered therein, the Stars and
Stripes being displayed on the staff in place of the stan
dard of Spain." The posts surrendered Avith St. Louis
were these: St. Genevieve, Ncav Bourbon, Cape Girar
deau, New Madrid, Carondelet, St. Andrew, St. I^'erdi-
nand, St. Charles, Portage des Sioux, Maramek, and
Missouri.^ ^
At the request of Captain Stoddard, Colonel de Las
sus delivered an address to the Delawares, Abenakis,

1801] ST. LOUIS IN 1804 819
Saquis, and other Indian tribes, amiouncing the transfer
of the province to the United States. He concluded his
address with the following words :
For several days past we have fired olT cannon-shots to an
nounce to all the nations that your Father the Spaniard is going,
his heart happy lo know that you Avill be protected and sustained
by your new father, and that the smoke of tho powder may ascend
lo the Master of Life, praying him to shower on you all a happy
destiny and prosperity In always living in good union with the
whites. The population of Upper Louisiana in 1803, accord
ing to the census made by the American consul at New
Orleans and quoted by Judge Martin, was 6028 ; and of
the whole province, 49,473. Captain Stoddard, how
ever, gives the following figures for 1804, Avbich seem
exaggerated: Upper Louisiana, 9020 whites and 1820
blacks; Lower Louisiana, 41,700 Avhites, 88,800 blacks;
total for the whole province, 90,840.
Stoddard gives a description of St. Louis in 1804 which
is interesting."
The situation of the town is elevated ; the shore is rocky, which
effectually prevents the encroachments of the river. It has two
long streets running parallel with the Mississippi, with a variety
of others Intersecting them at right angles. It contains about one
hundred and eighty houses, and the best of them are built of
stone. Some of them, including the large gardens, and even
squares, attached to them, are inclosed with high stone walls ; and
these, together Avilh the rock scattered along the shore and about
the streets, render the air uncomfortably warm in summer. A
small sloping hill extends along in the rear of the town, on the

320 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA [isoi
summit of Avhich is a garrison, and behind it an extensive prairie,
which affords plenty of hay, as also pasture for the cattle and
horses of the inhabitants.
In his " Sketches of Louisiana," Stoddard mentions an
attack upon St. Louis in 1780 by the English comman
dant at Michilimackinac. He had with him about fifteen
hundred Indians and one hundred and forty English, and
in the attack sixty of the inhabitants were killed, and
thirty taken prisoners. Colonel Clark came to tlie help
of the people of St. Louis, and the invaders withdrew.
The expedition had not been sanctioned by the English
court, says Stoddard, " and the private property of the
commandant was seized to pay tlie expenses of it; most
likely because it proved unfortunate."
On taking command of Upper Louisiana, Captain
Stoddard published to the inhabitants a judicious and
patriotic circular address, which he gives in full in his
" Historical Sketches of Louisiana." Speaking of Jef
ferson, he said: " And the merit derived from the acqui
sition of Louisiana, Avithout any other, will perpetuate
his fame to posterity." With regard to that part of the
province of which he was to be the commandant, Stod
dard uttered these prophetic words: " In fine. Upper
Ijouisiana, from its climate, population, soil, and pro
ductions, and from other natural advantages attached
to it, will, in all human probability, soon become a star
of no inconsiderable magnitude in the American con
stellation." Billon, in his " Annals of St. Louis," gives the folloAv
ing information about Captain Stoddard, the first Ameri-

180*]

CAPTAIN STODDARD 821

can civil and military commandant of Upper Louisiana :
He was born in Massachusetts, and was appointed cap
tain of artillery in 1798 by President Adams. On July
1, 1804, Major James Bruff became military comman
dant at St. Louis, but Captain Stoddard remained civil
conunandant until September 80, 1804, when he Avas re
lieved by General William Henry Harrison, Governor
of Indiana Territory. Captain Stoddard was then or
dered to the South, and while there he was promoted
to the rank of major in 1807. During the war with
England he was mortally wounded at Fort Meigs in
Ohio, on May 5, 1813. Major Stoddard's " Historical
Sketches of Louisiana" are an interesting and valuable
contribution to American history.
Here we conclude the history of Colonial Louisiana.
We have related many heroic events, from the first dis
covery by the Spaniards to the cession of the immense
province to the United States. In our next volumes we
shall give the history of American Louisiana, and we shall
see that it is not less interesting and heroic than that of
French and Spanish Louisiana.

NOTES

NOTES
CHAPTER I
* Spanish Manuscripts In the custody of the Louisiana Historical
Society. ^ Gayarre, Histoire de la Louisiane, Vol. II, Appendix.
' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
* Martin and Gayarre give the name of St. Denis instead of
Trudeau. " Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
" Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
'' Gayarre, History of Louisiana, Vol. III.
' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society,
CHAPTER II
^ Kindly placed at the disposal of the writer by his cousin, Mrs.
Albert Baldwin, of New Orleans, a descendant of Francisco
Bouligny. * About Paincourt, see note 10, page 341.
CHAPTER III
* Martin's Louisiana.
' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
° Spanisli Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
" Forticr's Louisiana Studies, p. 197.
' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
'' Gayarr6, History of Louisiana, Vol. III.
' Peter J. Hamilton, Colonial Mobile.
' The letters were all copied from the Colonial Records in London
by Mr. William Beer, of New Orleans. 325

826 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA
*" Hamilton's Colonial Mobile.
^^ " Diario de las operaciones de la cxpedicion contra la Plaza dc
Panzacola concluida por las Armas dc S. M. Catolica baxo las ordenes
del Mariscal de Campo D. Bernardo de Galvez." Kindly placed at
our disposal by Mr. William Beer, librarian of the Howard Memorial
Library, New Orleans.
" Diario.
^' Diario.
CHAPTER IV
* Martin's Louisiana.
' Monctte's Valley of the Mississippi.
¦ Monette's Valley of the Mississippi.
* Pickett's History of Alabama, Vol. II.
" Archives Ministry of the Colonies, Paris.
• Gayarre's Louisiana, Vol. III.
' Placed at our disposal by Mr. William Beer, of New Orleans.
* In a book printed in Mexico, in 1787, the true date of the death
of the heroic conqueror of Pensacola is given — 1786. The title of
the book is " Recopilacion Sumaria de todos los autos acordados de
la Real Audencia y Sala del Crimen de esta Nueva Espafia, por el
Doctqr Don Eusehio Bentura Belefia, del Consejo de S. M." The
author dedicates his work to Don Miguel dc Galvez y Saint Maxent,
Conde de Galvez y Comendador de Bolaiios en la Orden de Calatrava,
the five-year-old son of Galvez. On the first page is a pretty picture
of the hoy, to whom the author says that, as the early death of the
viceroy has deprived him of the satisfaction of dedicating his book
to the fatlier, lie dedicates it to the son. He quotes then four letters
written by the Audencia to the King and his ministers about Galvez.
In one of the letters it is said that the viceroy died at the town of
Tacubaya, on November 30, 1786, at the very moment when the
King expressed his Intention to maintain him in his office, and his
satisfaction at his prudent and active conduct as viceroy. This letter
of the King, dated August 18, 1786, disproves the assertion made
by Gayarr6 that when Galvez died the King was on the point of
removing him from his office in New Spain, as he was thought to
be planning the establishment of an independent government. The
King granted n pension of fifty thousand reales to the widow of

NOTES 827
Galvez, Doila Felicltas Saint Maxent, six thousand reales to his
daughter, Dofia Matilda de Galvez, four thousand to his step-daugh
ter. Dona Adelaide Detrehan, twelve thousand to his posthumous child
if a son, and six thousand if a daughter. His son Miguel was
named " Comendador de Bolanos en la Orden de Calatrava."
° Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
'° Martin's Louisiana.
^^ Monette's Valley of the Mississippi.
^^Gaspar Cusachs, Publications of the Louisiana Historical So
ciety, VoL II, Part II (1898).
" Martin's Louisiana.
^* Gayarre's Louisiana, Vol. III.
^' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
'" Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
" Martin's Louisiana.
CHAPTER V
^ Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society, Despatch of
Miro, February 20, 1788.
' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
* Monette's Valley of the Mississippi.
" Martin's Louisiana.
° Monette's Valley of the Mississippi.
' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
° Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
" Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
" Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
^* Judge Gayarre, in his history of the Spanish domination of
Louisiana, relates a conversation that took place between the Com
missary of the Inquisition and the officer sent by Miro to convey
Father Antonio dc Sedella on board the ship that was to take him
to Cadiz. The writer has based his narrative of this curious incident
on tlie same documents that Judge Gayarre had in his possession —
the very important copies of documents in the custody of the Louisiana
Historical Society — and yet no mention of the conversation is made
in the two despatches that refer to the dismissal of Father Antonio.

828 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA
It is probable that the latter himself related to Judge Gayarr^ his
conversation with the Spanish officer. Judge Gayarr6, who was born
in 1805, must have known many persons who played an important
part in our history, and must have learned from them facts which
are not found in the Spanish documents which were at his disposal
and which are now at ours.
^^ Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
^^ Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
^* Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
*" Martin's Louisiana.

CHAPTER VI
^ Martin's Louisiana.
" Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
" Perrin du Lac, Voyage dans lcs deux Louisiancs.
* Gayarr6's Louisiana, Vol. III.
' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
' Reproduced in facsimile, with the permission of the owner, Mr.
W. H. Wilson, of New Orleans, in Publications of the Louisiana His
torical Society, Vol. I, Part IV, 1896.
^ Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society. Despatch of
Carondelet, December 10, 1794.
* Gayarre's Louisiana, Vol. III.
• Charles Patton Dimitry, in Bouchereau's Louisiana Sugar Re
port, for 1895-96, says it was in 1795 that Bor6 began his prepara
tions for his crop. This assertion is borne out by Pontalba in his
memoir presented to Bonaparte in 1801.
^^ The writer is indebted for details about Bore to the late Charles
Le Breton, who was a great-grandson of Bore.
^' Father P. M. L. Massardier, in Times-Democrat, September
13, 1902.
^^ Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, Vol. I.
"Gayarre's Louisiana, Vol. III.
^* Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
*° Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, Vol. I, Book IV.
" Called " Power " in all other histories.

NOTES 829
CHAPTER VII
' Martin's Louisiana.
" In English in the text. » TRAITE
Preliminaire et secret entre S. M. C. et la Republique Frangaise
touchant I'aggrandissement de S. A. R. I'lnfant Due de Parme
en Italic, et la retrocession de la Louisiane.
S. M. Catholique ayant toujours temoigne beaucoup de sollicitude
a procurer a S. A. R. le Due de Parme un aggrandissement qui mit
ses Etats en Italic sur un pied plus conforme h sa dignite; et la
Republique fran9aise de son cote ayant depuis longtems mani-
feste a S. M. le Roi d'Espagne le desir d'etre remise en possession de
la Colonic de la Louisiane, lcs deux Gouvernemcnts s'^tant com
munique leur but sur ces deux objets d'interet commun, et Ies circon-
stances Icur permettant de prendre h cet egard des engagements qui
leur assurent autant qu'il est en eux cette satisfaction mutuelle, ils ont
autorise a cet elTet, 393 voir, S. M. C. Don Mariano Louis d'Urquijo
Chevalier le I'Ordre de Charles III et de celui de St. Jean de Jerusa
lem, Son Conseiller d'Etat, Son Ambassadeur Extraordinaire et
plenipotentiaire nomme pres la Republique Batave, et son Premier
Secretaire d'Etat, par interim, et la R6pubUquc fran9aisc Ic Citoyen
Alexandre Berthier, General en Chef, lesquels apres avoir fait
I'echange de leurs pouvoirs sont convenus, sauf ratification, des
Articles ci-apres. AtlT. V'
La Republique fran9aise s'engage a procurer en Italic h. S. A. R.
I'lnfant Uuc de Panne un aggrandissement de tcrritoirc qui porte
ses Etats k une population d'un Million h. douzc cent mille habitans
avcc le litre dc Roi et tons lcs droits, prerogatives et pre6inincnces,
qui sont attachecs k la dignite royale; et la Republique fran9aisc
s'engage a obtcnir h cet effet I'agrdment de Sa Majesty I'Empereur
et Roi, et celui des autres Etats interess^s, de mani^re que Son
Altesse I'lnfant Due de Parme puisse sans contestation etre mise

880 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA
en possession des dits tcrritoircs h la paix h intcrvcnir cntre la R6-
Iiublique fran9aise ct Sa Majest6 Impcriale.
Art. 2;
L'Aggrandissement a donner a S. A. R. la Due da Parme pourra
consister dans la Toscane, dans le cas oil las negociations actuellcs
du Gouvernement fran9ais avec S. M. I. lui parmattroiant d'an dis
poser. II pourroit egalemant consister soit dans las trois Legations
Romaines, ou dans toutes autras Provinces continentales d'ltalie
formant un Etat arrondi. Art. 8?
Sa Majaste Catholique promet el s'engage de son cote a retroceder
a la Republique fran9aise six mois apres I'axecution pleine at entiere
des conditions et stipulations ci-dassus, relatives a S. A. R. le Due
de Parme, la Colonic ou Province de la Louisiane, avec la mama
etendue qu'elle a actuellement entre las mains de I'Espagne, et
qu'clle avoit lorsque la France la poss6doit, ct telle qu'cllc doit etre
d'apr^s lcs trait^s pass63 subsdquemmcnt cntre I'Espugnc et d'autrca
Etuts. Akt. 4?
S. M. C. donnera las ordres necassaires pour faire occupar par la
France la Louisiane au moment ou Ies Etats qui devront former
I'aggrandissement du Due de Parme seront remis entre Ies mains de
S. A. R. La Republique fran9aise pourra selon ses convenances dif-
ferer la prise de possession. Quand celle-ci devra s'effectuer Ies
Etats directement ou indirectement interesses conviendront des con
ditions ulterieures que pourront exiger Ies interets communs et celui
des habitans respectifs. Abt. 5f
S. M. C. s'engage h livrer a la Republique fran9aise dans lcs Ports
d'Espagne en Europe, un mois apres I'execution de la stipulation
relative au Due de Parme, six vaisseaux de guerre en bon etat, perces
pour 74 pieces de canon, armes et grees et prets a re9evoir des
Equipages et des approvisionnemens fran9ais.
Art. 6'
Les stipulation du present traite, n'ayant aucune vue nuisible et
devant laisser intacte les droits de chacun, il n'est pas a prevoir

NOTES 831
qu'elles portent ombrage a aucune Puissance. Neanmoins, s'il en
arrivoit autrement, et que les deux Etats par suite de leur execution
fusscnt attaques ou menaces, les deux Puissances s'engagent a faire
cause commune pour rcpousser I'aggrcssion comme aussi pour prendre
les mesures conciliatoires propres a maintenir la paix avec tous leurs
voisins. Art. 7?
Les engagemens contenus dans le present traite ne derogcnt en
rien a ceux qui sont enonces dans le traite d'alliance signe a St.
Ildefonse le 18 Aout 1796 (2 Fructidor an 4'). Ils lient au con-
traire de nouveau les interets des deux Puissances et assurent les
garanties stipulees dans le traite d'alliance pour tous les cas oil elles
doivent Stre appliqu^es. Art. 8?
Les Ratifications des presens Articles preliminaires seront expe-
diees et echangees dans le delai d'un mois ou plutot si ccla se peut
i compter du jour dc la signature du pr6sent trait6.
En foi de quoi Nous Soussignes Ministres, plenipotentiaires, de
S. M. C. et de la Rdpublique fran9aise en vertu de nos pouvoirs
respectifs avons signd les pr6sens articles pr61iminaires et y avons
nppos6 nos cachets.
Fait k St. Ildefonse le premier Octobre 1800 (9 Vendemiaire an
9 de la Rdpublique fran9aise).
Mariano Luis d'Orquijo. Alex. BERTiiiKn.
(LS.) (L.S.)
Bonaparte, Premier Consul, au Nom du Peuple Fran9ais, Les Con
suls de la Republique ayant vu et examine le Traite conclu, arrete
ct signe a St. Ildefonse le Neuf Vendemiaire an neuf de la Republique
Fran9aise (Premier Octobre mil huit cent) par le Citoyen Alexandre
Berthier, General en Chef, en vertu des pleins Pouvoirs qui lui
avaient cte conferes k cet effet, avec Don Mariano Louis d'Orquijo
dgnlemcnt muni de pleins pouvoirs, duqucl Traite la tencur precede:
Approuve le Traitd ci-dessus en tous et chacun des Articles qui y
sont contenus. Declare qu'il est accepte, ratifie et confirme et Promet
qu'il sera inviolablement observe.
A Paris le
* V. Tantet, Survivance de I'Esprit Fran9ais aux Colonies perdues.
" Colonial Arcliives, Paris.

882 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

CHAPTER VIII
* From notes kindly furnished by Baron Edouard de Pontalba,
Senlis, France.
' Notes et Documents, Louisiana Historical Society.
° General James Wilkinson.
CHAPTER IX
^ Kindly placed at our disposal by Dr. Josepli Bauer, of New
Orleans. "" PROCLAMATION.

AU NOM DE LA REPUBLIQUE FRANfAISE.

LAUSSAT,
Pr£fet Colonial,
aux louisianais.
LOUISIANAIS,
VoTHE separation de la France marque une des epoques les plus
honteuses de ses Pastes, sous un Gouvernement deja faible et eor-
rompu, aprfes une guerre ignominieuse et a la suite d'une paix
fletrissante. A cote d'un abandon laclie et denature, vous offrites le constraste
d'un amour, d'une fidelite et d'un courage heroiques.
Tous les coeurs Fran9ais en furent attendris, et n'en ont jamais
perdu la mdmoire: ils s'ecrifercnt alors, avec orgucil, ct ils n'ont
depuis cessd de repeter que leur sang coulait dans vos veines.
Aussitot qu'ils ont eu repris leur dignite et reconquis leur gloire,
par la Revolution et par une suite prodigieuse de triomphes, ils
ont reporte sur vous leurs regards: vous etes entrds dans leurs
premieres negociations; ils voulaient que votre retrocession signalat
leur premiere Paix.
Le tems n'en 6tait pas encore venu. II fallait qu'un Homme
parut, k qui rien de ee qui est national, grand, magnanime et juste,
ne fut ni etranger, ni impossible; qui, au talent le plus eminent des
vicloircs, unit le talent plus rare d'cn tirer ct d'en fixer tous les

NOTES 888
hcurcux rdsultats; qui commandat k la fois, par I'asccndant de son
cnrnctferc, aux Enncinis la tcrrcur, et aux Allids la confiance; qui,
d'un genie penetrant, apper9ut les vdritables interets de son pays,
et, d'une volontd inebranlable, les embrassat; qui fut nd enfin pour
rasseoir la France sur ses fondemens, la rdtablir dans I'eteridue entiere
de ses limites, et laver toutes les laches de ses Annates.
Cet Hoininc, il preside nujourd'hui k nos Dcstindes, ct, dis cc
moment, LOUISIANAIS, il vous repond des votres.
Pour qu'elles soient belles et heureuscs, il suffit de seconder, sur
ce sol fortund, les prodigalitds de la nature: tels sont aussi les des-
scins du Gouvernement Fran9ais.
Vivre en paix et en amitie avec tous vos voisins, protdger votre
commerce, encourager votre culture, peupler vos deserts, accueillir
ct favoriser le travail et I'industrie, respecter & les proprietes et les
habitudes et Ies opinions, rendre hommage au Culte, mettre la probitd
en honneur, conserver aux Lois leur empire et ne les corrigcr meme
qu'nvec mcsurc ct au flambeau dc I'cxpdricncc, mnuitcnir une police
vigilante ct fcrmc, introduirc un ordre ct une dconoinic pcrmancns
dans toutes les branches de I'administration publique, resserrer chaque
jour les iiffiuds qu'une meme origine, les memes moeurs, les memes
inclinations dtablissent entre cette Colonic et la Mere-Patrie: voila,
LOUISIANAIS, I'honorable mission dont votre CAPITAINE-
GENERAL, (le General de Division Victor,) votre PREFET
COLONIAL et voire COMMISSAIRE DE JUSTICE, (le citoyen
Ayme,) sc fdlicilcnt d'etre chargds nu milieu dc vous.
La reputation du Capitaine-gdndral I'y a devance: Compagnon
d'armcs du premier Consul, il s'cn fit distingucr d&s le commen
cement des campagnes de la fameuse armee d'ltalie; dans des jours
moins brillans, il etonna Suwarow, en precipitant sa fuite; il fut
enfin I'un des Lieutenans de Bonaparte, A LA BATAILLE DE
MARINGO. Mais avec ces litres qui ont illustrd son nom, il vous
apportc, LouisiANAis, le vif dcsir dc vous le rendre chcr par toutes
lcs vertus, lcs soins ct lcs travaux qui, de la part des chefs, pcuvent
coneourir au bonheur des Peuples. Son ardeur pour vos interets, la
puretd de ses intensions, la justesse de ses vues, ramdnite et raffabilite
de son acces et de ses manieres, relevant encore tant de vaillanee et de
lauriers militaires, lui garantissent votre affection et votre confiance.

884 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA
II vous amfcne de ces Troupes qui ont fait rctentir la Terre jusqucs
meme sur ces rivages recules et lointains, du bruit le leur bravoure
et de leurs exploits: la Batavic, depuis la paix, a admird leur bonne
conduite et leur excellente discipline ; vous les admirerez comme elle.
Vous trouverez enfin, Louisianais, dans le Commissaire de la justice,
lumi^res, equite,, impartialite, desinteressement: il vient a vous, connu
d'avance et puissamment recommande par la renommee de ses talens,
de sa proscription et de ses malheurs.
Vous vous applaudirez done tous les rapports d'etre redevenus
Fran9ais: vous sentirez de jour en jour, davantage, le prix de ce beau
litre, objet aujourd'hui d'envie sur tout le Globe.
Nous Savons meanmoins, Louisianais, et nous ne voulons pas le
dissimuler, que, durant trente ans, I'Espagne, par la douceur d'un
gouvernement reparateur et genereux, s'est eiforcee de vous faire
oublier la faute sanglante d'un Agent indigne de cette noble Nation.
Elle est I'amie etroite et fidele de la notre: ce n'est pas nous qui
vous inspirerons dc la payer d'ingratitude.
Nous taelierons de rivaliser d'efforts bienfaisans, avec les Chefs
d'dlitc qu'cllc vous donnait.
Votre devoument k la REPUBLIQUE FRANGAISE, notre com
mune Patrie, votre reconnaissance pour ceux qui vous y rallient et qui
nous envoient, le spectacle journalier de votre prosperite croissante,
seront, Louisianais, la recompense que nous ambitionnerons sans cesse,
pour un zfele et des peines dont les seules homes seront celles de I'ac-
complissement de nos devoirs et de nos voeux.
A la Nouvelle-OrleanSj le 6 Germinal, An XI de la Republique
Fran9ai8e. Laussat,
Par le Prefet Colonial,
L'O'fficier d'administration, faisant
fonctions de Secretaire, Daugerot.
° Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
* Barbd-Marbois, Histoire de la Louisiane.
° Notes et Documents, Louisiana Historical Society, p. 847.
" Notes et Documents, Louisiana Historical Society, p. 850.
^ O'Reilly.
* Victor Tantet, Survivance de I'Esprit Fran9ais dans les Colonies
Perdues.

NOTES 835
" Colonial Archives, Paris. Copied by the writer.
^'' Colonial Archives, Paris. Copied by the writer.
^^ Colonial Archives, Paris. Copied by the writer.
^''Gayarre's Louisiana, Vol. III.
^° Notes et Documents, Louisiana Historical Society.
^* Tantet, Survivance de I'Esprit Fran9ais.
^' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
^° There was no bishop at that time in New Orleans.
*' Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
^' Colonial Archives, Paris. Copied by the writer.
^° Robin, Voyages dans I'lntdrieur de la Louisiane.
'" Colonial Archives, Paris. Copied by the writer.
CHAPTER X
* Barbe-Marbois, Histoire de la Louisiane.
' 1803. 30 Avril.
(10 Flordal, An XI)
TREATY BETWEEN THE FRENCH REPUBLIC AND THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA.
The first Consul of the French Republic in the name of the French
people and the President of the United States of America desiring
to remove all source of misunderstanding relative to objects of dis
cussion mentioned in the second and fifth Articles of the Convention
of the Eight Vendemiairc an neuf thirtieth of Sep'. 1800 relative
to the rights claimed by the United States in virtue of the Treaty
concluded at Madrid the twenty seventh of October 1795 between his
Catholic Majesty and the said United States & willing to strengthen
the union and friendship which at the time of the said Convention
was happily established between the two nations have respectively
named their Plenipotentiaries — To Wit the First Consid in the name
of the French people Citizen Francis Barbd Marbois Minister of the
public Treasury — and the President of the United States of America
by & with the advice and consent of the Senate of tlie said States
Robert R. Livingston Minister Plenipotentiary of the United States,
& James Monroe Minister Plenipotentiary and Envoy extraordinary
of the said States near the government of the French Republic who

886 A PIISTORY OF LOUISIANA
after having respectively exchanged their full powers have agreed to
the following articles.
Art. I.
Whereas by the Article the third of the Treaty concluded at St.
Ildefonso the ninth Vendemiaire An ninth (first October 1800) be
tween the first Consul of the French Republic & his Catholic
Majesty, it was agreed as follows —
" His Catholic Majesty promises and engages on his part to cede
to the French Republic, six months after the full and entire execu
tion of the conditions and stipulations herein relative to his Royal
Highness the Duke of Parma, the Colony or province of Louisiana
with the same extent that it has had in the hands of Spain & that
it had when France possessed it, such as it should be after the
Treaties subsequently entered into between Spain and other States."
And whereas in pursuance of the Treaty and particularly of the
third Article the French Republic has an incontestable title to the
domain & to the possession of the said Territory, the First Consul
of the French Republic desiring to give to the United States a strong
proof of his friendship. Doth hereby cede to the said United States
in the name of the French Republic for ever and in full sovereignty
the said territory with all its rights and appurtenances as fully and
in the same manner as they have been acquired by the French Re
public in virtue of the above mentioned Treaty concluded with his
Catholic Majesty. Art. II.
In the cession made by the prccecding article arc included the ad
jacent Islands belonging to Louisiana, all public Lots, Squares, Va
cant Lands, & all public buildings, fortifications. Barracks, and other
edifices, which are not private property. The archives, papers and
Documents relative to the domain and sovereignty of Louisiana and
its dependencies will be left in the possession of the Commissaries
of the United States, and copies will be afterwards given in due
form to the Magistrates & municipal officers of such of the said
papers and documents as may be necessary to them.
Art. III.
The inhabitants of the ceded Territory shall be incorporated in the
Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible accord-

NOTES 88T
ing to the principles of tlie Federal Constitution to the enjoyment of
all the rights, advantages and immunities of Citizens of the United
States, and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected
in the free enjoyment of their Liberty, property and the Religion
which they profess. Art. IV.
There shall be sent by the government of France a Commissary to
Louisiana to the end that he do every act necessary as well to receive
from the officers of his Catholic Majesty the said Country and its
dependencies in the name of the French Republic, if it has not been
already done, as to transmit it in the name of the French Republic
to the Commissary or Agent of the United States.
Art. V.
Immediately after the ratification of the present Treaty by
the President of the United States and in case that of the first
Consul's shall have been previously obtained, the Commissary of
the French Republic shall remit all the military posts of New Or
leans & other parts of the ceded territory to the Commissary, or
Commissaries named by the President to take possession. The
troops whether of France or Spain, who may be there shall cease
to occupy any military post from the time of taking possession and
shall be embarked as soon as possible, in the course of three months
ofter the Ratification of the Treaty. Art. VI.
The United States promise to execute siich Treaties and Articles
as may have been agreed between Spain and the Tribes & Nations
of Indians until by mutual consent of the United States & the said
Tribes & Nations other suitable Articles shall have been agreed upon.
Art. VII.
As it is reciprocally advantageous to the Commerce of France & the
United States to encourage the communication of both Nations for
a limited time in the Country ceded by the present Treaty until
general arrangement relative to the Commerce of both Nations may
be agreed on, it has been agreed between the contracting parties that
the French ships coming directly from France or any of her Colomes

338 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA
loaded only with the produce & manufactures of France & her said
Colonies, & the ships of Spain coming directly from Spain or any of
her Colonics, shall be admitted during the space of twelve years in
the Port of New Orleans, and in all other legal ports of Entry
within the ceded territory, in the same manner as the Ships of the
United States coming directly from France, or Spain or any of their
Colonies without being subject to any other or greater duly on the
merchandise, or other or greater Tonnage than that paid by the
Citizens of the United States.
During the space of time above mentioned no other Nation shall
have a right to the same privileges in the ports of the ceded Terri
tory. The twelve years shall commence three months after the ex
change of Ratifications if it shall take place in France, or three
months after it shall have been notified at Paris to the French Gov
ernment if it shall take place in the United States. It is however
well understood that the object of the above Article is to favour the
manufactures Commerce Freight & Navigation of France and of
Spain, so far as it relates to the importations that the French and
Spanisli shall make into the said Ports of the United States without
in any sort affecting the regulations that the United States may
make concerning the exportation of the produce & merchandise of
the United States or any right they may have to make such Regu
lations. Art. VIII.
In future and forever after the expiration of the twelve years the
Ships of France shall be treated upon the same footing of the most
favored Nation in the ports above mentioned.
Art. IX.
The particular Convention signed this day by the respective Min
isters having for its object to provide for the payment of Debts
due to the Citizens of the United States by the French Republic
prior to the thirtieth of Sep"^. 1800: Eight Vendemiaire An ninth is
approved, and to have its execution in the same manner as if it had
been inserted in this present Treaty, and it shall be ratified in the
same form and in the same time so that the one shall not he ratified
distinct from the other. Another iiartieuhir Convention signed at

NOTES 889
the same dale as the present Treaty relative to a definitive rule
between the contracting parties is in the like manner approved &
will be ratified in the same form & in the same time & jointly.
Art. X.
The present Treaty shall be ratified in good nnd due form, & the
Ratifications shall be exchanged in the space of six months after
the date of the signature by the Ministers Plenipotentiary, or sooner
if possible.
In faith whereof the respective Plenipotentiaries have signed these
Articles in the French & English languages, declaring nevertheless
that the present Treaty was originally agreed to in the French lan
guage & have thereunto put their Seals.
Done at Paris the tenth day of Flordal the Eleventh year of the
French Republic — the thirtieth of April One Thousand Eight hun
dred & three.
Barbe Marbois Rob''. R. Livingston
(Seal) (Seal)
Ja^ Monroe
(Seal)
With regard to the date of the treaty of cession, Barbd-Marhois
makes a curious statement. He says that, at the moment of signing
the treaty and the conventions, the Americans asked that the three
instruments should be drawn up in English and in French. They
recognized, however, that it was impossible to have two original
texts in two languages, and il was declared, as had been done in
1778, that the original had been drawn up in the French language.
It took three days for the translation, and the treaties, concluded
on April 30, 1803, and which bear that date, were in reality signed
only four days later.
° By Article III of the first convention, attached to the treaty of
cession, the dollar was declared to be worth 5.3333 francs. Eighty
million francs were, therefore, equivalent to about fifteen million
dollars.

340 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA

CHAPTER XI
' McMaster's History of the People of the United Slates, Vol. II,
. 631.
^Publications of the Southern History Association, 1902.
" Martin's Louisiana.
^ Spanish Manuscripts, Louisiana Historical Society.
" Notes et Documents, Louisiana Historical Society, p. 857.
" Colonial Archives, Paris. Copied by the writer.
'The full title of the work is as follows:
Mdmoircs
Sur ma Vie,
A mon fils.
Pendant les anndes 1803 et suivantes.
Que j'ai rempli des fonctions publiques, savoir:
A la Louisiane,
En qualitd de coimnissuirc du gouvernement Fran9ttis pour la
reprise de possession dc ccltc colonic et pour sa remise aux
Etats-Unis;
A la Martinique,
Comme prefet Colonial;
A la Guyane Fran9aise
En qualitd de commandant et administrateur pour le roi,
par M. de Laussat (Pierre-Cldment)
Vixi et quern dederat ciirsum fortuna peregi.
Virgile  Oen. Lib. 4.

Pau.
E. Vignancourt, Imprimeur Libraire.

1831.

* Laussat makes a mistake in dates in relating the events pre
ceding the transfer on December 20.
* Notes et Documents, Louisiana Historical Society, p. 845.
" C. C. Robin, Voyage.

NOTES 841

CHAPTER XII
* Monetle's Valley of the Mississippi, Vol. I, p. 158.
^ It was Pierre Dugue de Boisbriant, a cousin of Bienville, who
built Fort Chartres and was the first commandant of the Illinois
country. " Stoddard's Historical Sketches of Louisiana, p. 232.
* Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, Vol. I, p. 409.
" Monette's Valley of the Mississippi, Vol. I, p. 414.
" The following interesting note was kindly furnished by Mr.
Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis:
While not a part of Louisiana's history, the conquest of the Illinois
by Colonel George Rogers Clark in 1778-79 was the most potent
factor in shaping its destinies. By this campaign the American com
missioners to the Congress of Paris in 1783 were enabled to establish
and maintain that a government de facto as well as de jure had been
established, thereby defeating the contentions of the foreign gov
ernments, and placing the western boundary of our young republic
on the Mississippi River. The Creoles of Louisiana have a pardon
able pride in the part taken by their ancestors in this campaign;
and tliat Clark was not unmindful of the services rendered by the
Creoles is evidenced by the bountiful manner in which offices of
honor and trust were conferred on them after the acquisition of the
territory by the United States.
' Fragment of Colonel Auguste Chouteau's narrative of the settle
ment of St. Louis, placed at the author's disposal through the kindness
of Mr. Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis, a descendant of Laclede and
of Auguste Chouteau, founders of the city.
' Billon's Annals of St. Louis, p. 21.
" Billon's Annals of St. Louis, pp. 75, 76.
"With regard lo the expression Pain-Court, the writer has received
from Mr. Pierre Chouteau, of St. Louis, the following interesting
information : " The sobriquet of Pain-Court and Vide-Poche arose
in pleasantry between the inhabitants of St. Louis and Carondelet in
the following manner: St. Louis having flour-mills long before
Carondelet, the inhabitants of the latter village were obliged to come
to St. Louis for supplies. Not always being prepared to pay for

342 A HISTORY OF LOUISIANA
the same, they became known as les Vide-Poche. Our Carondelet
brothers retaliated by calling us Pain-Court."
^' Billon says that Pierre Margry fixes Laclede's birth about 1724,
in the parish of Bedons, in the valley of the Aspre, diocese of Oleron
in Bdarn, about fifteen leagues from Pau, capital of ancient Navarre.
^^ Referring to the transfer of Louisiana to the United States at
New Orleans on December 20, 1803, McMasler (Vol. Ill, p. 13)
says: "In this transfer Upper Louisiana was not included. Indeed,
it was not till March 9, 1804, that Major Amos Stoddard, as agent
of the French Republic, received Upper Louisiana from the repre
sentatives of Spain. On March 10, 1804, Major Stoddard delivered
the Upper Province lo the United States."
The following note was kindly furnished by Mr. Pierre Chouteau:
" The ceremonies of the transfer of Upper Louisiana at St. Louis,
March 9 and 10, 1804, were not as elaborate as those at New Orleans,
but were none the less impressive. Captain Amos Stoddard, of the
United States army, was commissioned on the part of France to
receive the territory from the Spanish lieutenant-governor; and in
deference to the French Republic and the wishes of our people,
he ordered the tricolor to proclaim the sovereignty of France over
Upper Louisiana for one day. On March 10 he completed the
transfer of Upper Louisiana, begun the previous December in New
Orleans." ^^ Stoddard's Historical Sketches of Louisiana, p. 226.

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