YALE UNIVFRSITY LIBRARY THE LIBRARY OF THE DIVINITY SCHOOL THE DALE MEMORIAL LECTURES IN MANSFIELD COLLEGE, OXFORD 1907 THE CITIES OF ST. PAUL THEIR INFLUENCE ON HIS LIFE AND THOUGHT THE DALE MEMORIAL LECTURES IN MANSFIELD COLLEGE, OXFORD 1907 THE CITIES OF ST. PAUL THEIR INFLUENCE ON HIS LIFE AND THOUGHT THE CITIES OF EASTERN ASIA MINOR W. M. RAMSAY, Kt., Hon. D.C.L., etc. PROFESSOR OF HUMANITY IN THE UNIVERSITY OF ABERDEEN HODDER AND STOUGHTON LONDON MCMVII PREFACE The subject of these lectures has proved much larger than was anticipated in my original plan, and I have been obliged to omit the Pauline Cities of the Aegean coasts, important as they were in St. Paul's career, and to refrain from discussing his words and metaphors, as I had hoped to do in Part VII. Parts III. — VI. treat the same subject as was handled in Chapters XII. — XV. of the Introduction to the Historical Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians ; but, whereas there the aim was to collect all the information that could be gathered about the Galatian cities, here the object is to understand the character of each as an experiment in the amalgamation of Asiatic and European in a social organism, and to appreciate the unity which runs through its history from century to century. I add a confirmation of the view stated in p. 204 f. as to the veil being the authority of the woman in vi Preface Oriental society. In the Hebrew marriage ceremony, as it is celebrated in modern Palestine, I am informed that the husband snatches off the bride's veil and throws it on his own shoulder, as a sign that he has assumed authority over her. Considerable parts of this book have appeared as articles, especially in the Contemporary Review and the Expositor. With the large tax levied on my time and strength by college duties in winter and ex ploration in summer, the task of composing a book would be beyond my powers, were I not able in this way to take it in parts, working up each as opportunity offers, but having always the general plan in mind. Several of the articles were written in trains or remote places, but they were composed long before they were written. Most of them have been greatly modified and, I hope, improved in their present form. W. M. RAMSAY. CONTENTS PART I Paulinism in the Gr/Eco-Roman World ^-* § I. Introduction The Pauline Philosophy of History The Pauline Contrasted with the Modern Method St. Paul and Hellenism .... Hellenism and Hebraism .... The Empire as the World's Hope Paulinism in the Roman Empire . § VIII. Conclusion ^1 §111. §IV. §V. §VI. §VII. PAGE 3 3 io 3° 4348 70 78 Tarsus . Si gn. §111. §iv. §v. PART II IntroductionThe Situation of Tarsus Tarsus and the Plain of Cilicia Tarsus, the River and the Sea Tarsus and the Cilician Gates 85 85 9398 i°5 112 vm Contents §VI. §VII. § VIII. §IX. §x. §XI. §XII. § XIII. §XIV. §XV. §XVI. § XVII. § XVIII. §XIX. §xx. §XXI. § XXII. § XXIII. The Ionians in Early Tarsus Tarsus as an Oriental Town Legends of Early Tarsus The Religion of Tarsus The Revival of Greek Influence . Tarsus as the Greek Colony Antiocheia The Greeks in Tarsus-Antiocheia The Jews in Tarsus .... The Jews settled in Tarsus in 171 B.C. Tarsus the Hellenistic City Tarsus as Capital of the Roman Province Cilicia ...... The Oriental Spirit in Tarsus Romans otherwise Tarsians The Tarsian Democracy Athenodorus of Tarsus The Reform of the Tarsian Constitution by Athenodorus ..... The University of Tarsus . Tarsus under the Empire . PAGE Il6 121 131137 157 159 165 169 l8o186 I9II98 205 2142l6 224 228 235 PART III Antioch ... § I. The City and its Foundation § II. The Jews in Pisidian Antioch § III. The Greek Colonists in Early Antioch § IV. The Phrygians of Antioch . 247247 255 259 260 Contents ix § V. Antioch a City of Galatia .... 262 § VI. Character of the Original Hellenic City . 264 § VII. The Roman Colony of Pisidian Antioch . 268 § VIII. Hellenism in Pisidian Antioch . . . 277 § IX. The Religion of Antioch . . . 285 § X. First Appearance of Paul and Barnabas in the Antiochian Synagogue .... 296 § XI. Paul's First Address to a Galatian Audience 299 § XII. The Approach to the Gentiles . . . 303 § XIII. The Door of the Gentiles . . 308 PART IV Iconium ........ § I. Natural and National Character § II. The Religion of Iconium § III. The Territory of Iconium § IV. Iconium a City of Galatia § V. The Constitution of the Hellenic City Iconium § VII. Iconium as a Roman City § VIII. The Roman Colony of Iconium § IX. St. Paul at Iconium § X. The Christian Cults of Iconium 3*7 3i7 33° 334 343 353 360 36237°374 PART V Derbe 385 Contents PART VI PAGE Lystra 407 § I. Situation and Character ..... 407 §11. Character of the Five Cities . . . 418 PART VII St. Paul in the Roman World . . . 423 Notes . 437 ILLUSTRATIONS PLATES FACING PAGE I. Tarsus, the Hill Country behind, and the snow- covered Taurus in the background ... 94 II. Two views of a Triumphal Arch on the Roman Road, twelve miles north of Tarsus : from the south. (A view from the north is given in Pauline and Other Studies, Plate XIII.) . . 96 III. Jonas Pillar and the Cilician Sea, near Issus. The slope of Djebel Nur rises on the right . . 98 IV. Falls of the Cydnus (the new River of Justinian) on the north side of Tarsus .... 108 V. The Cilician Gates . . . . . .108 VI. The desolate site of Pisidian Antioch . . 248 VII. Remains of a Hellenistic building at Antioch . 250 VIII. The Aqueduct of Pisidian Antioch . . -252 IX. Rock-cutting, generally supposed to be the Sanctuary of the God of Pisidian Antioch, perhaps only the site of an Odeon . . . . -254 X. The Plateau of Pisidian Antioch and the Glen of the River Anthios, looking from the north-east . 272 xii Illustrations FACING PAGE XI. Looking across Konia to the Twin Peaks of St. Philip and St. Thekla 272 XII. The Sacred Village and Mountain of the Zizimmene Mother of Iconium ..... 330 XIII. Seat of the Mevlevi Dervishes : the Religious Centre of Iconium .... Frontispiece XIV. The Church of St. Amphilochius at Iconium . . 380 XV. Hadji Baba, the Pilgrim Father, the Mountain Guardian of Derbe .... . 388 XVI. The Site of Derbe 394 XVII. Khatyn Serai and Lystra and the Bridge on the Southern Road ... . 408 XVIII. Mediaeval Bridge on the north side of Khatyn Serai 410 CUTS IN THE TEXT PAGE Fig. 1. Greek Warrior on Coin of Tarsus : Aramaic Letters .... ... 123 Fig. 2. Greek Nymph on Coin of Tarsus : Aramaic Letters 127 Fig. 3. The Baal of Tarsus and the Persian Satrap of Cilicia 128 Fig. 4. The Baal of Tarsus and the Syrian Gates . .129 Fig. 5. Athena on Coin of Tarsus 130 Fig. 6. Lion and Star on Coin of Tarsus . . . 131 Fig. 7. The Goddess, her Lions, and the God, a Lycaonian Relief . . . . . . . .134 Fig. 8. Perseus with the Gorgon's Head on Coin of Tarsus 135 Fig. 9. The Baal of Tarsus 14o Illustrations xiii PAGE Fig. 9A. The Emblem of Tarsus, Lion killing Stag . . 435 Fig. 10. The Baal of Tarsus with Eagle ... 141 Fig. 11. The Anatolian God of Tarsus . . 144 Fig. 1 1 a. The Hellenic City-Goddess . . . facing 1 Fig. 12. The Anatolian God at Boghaz-Keui . . 145 Fig. 13. The Anatolian God of Tarsus as he was borne to the Pyre 148 Fig. 14. Perseus, with the City-Goddess and the People, adoring Apollo of Tarsus . . . . .150 Fig. 15. Perseus supporting Apollo of Tarsus . . -152 Fig. 16. Perseus and the Fisherman of Tarsus . . 153 Fig. 17. The Persian God Ahura-mazda on Coin of Tarsus 154 Fig. 18. Mithras Sacrificing a Bull on Coin of Tarsus . 155 Fig. 19. The Hellenic City-Goddess of Antioch-Tarsus . 160 Fig. 1 9A. The Zeus of Antioch-Tarsus . . . facing 1 Fig. 20. Tarsus with the River Cydnus at her Feet . .188 Fig. 21. The Hellenic City-Goddess and the Anatolian God of the Tarsians . . . . . .189 Fig. 22. The two Imperial Temples at Tarsus . . -237 Fig. 23. The Three Provinces Crowning the City-Goddess of Tarsus ....... 238 Fig. 24. The Crown of the High-priest of the Emperors . 239 Fig. 25. Tarsus between Athena and Nemesis . . .241 Fig. 26. Ship bringing Egyptian Corn to Tarsus . . . 242 Fig. 27. The River Anthios on Coin of Pisidian Antioch . 316 Fig. 28. The Roman Standards at Antioch . -274 Fig. 29. Gordian III. sacrificing beside the Roman Standards at Antioch 275 xiv Illustrations PAGE 276 Fig. 30. Imperial Victories at Antioch Fig. 31. Peace hurrying to Antioch .... Fig. 32. The Genius of Antioch .... Fig. 33. The God of Antioch supporting Victory Fig. 34. The Goddess-Mother of Antioch with her Lions Fig. 35. The Genius of Antioch with Olive-branch Fig. 36. The Genius of Antioch with Horn of Plenty . Fig. 37. Gordian III. supporting the Genius of the City and greeting Antioch .... Fig. 38. Antioch as the Lady of the Limnai Fig. 39. The Statue of Perseus at Iconium Fig. 40. Perseus on a Coin of Iconium Fig. 41. Athena Polias at Iconium Fig. 42. The Hellenic Zeus of the Iconians Fig. 43. The Hero, a Relief at Iconium Fig. 44. Heracles at Iconium .... Fig. 45. The Roman She-Wolf at Iconium Fig. 46. The Good Fortune of Iconium Fig. 47. The Good Fortune of Iconium with River at her Feet Fig. 48. The Empress Poppaea as the City-Goddess of Iconium ....... Fig. 49. The Tomb of Paul the Martyr at Derbe Fig. 50. Heracles at Derbe .... Fig. 51. Good Fortune at Derbe Fig. 52. Victory Writing on a Shield : a Statue at Derbe Fig. 53. The Founder of Lystra Ploughing the Limits of the City 4I3 281 282286 288 289 290 291 292 328329 33i332333 354 365 367368 369 39° 400 401402 Illustrations xv PAGE Fig. 54. The Good Fortune of Lystra .... 414 Fig. 55. The Good Fortune of Barata . . . -415 MAPS I. Cilicia and the Road across Taurus ... 84 II. From Tarsus and the Coast to the Cilician Gates 106 III. The Region of Pisidian Antioch .... 246 IV. The Country of Iconium, Derbe and Lystra . 384 Fig. iia.— Head of the Goddess of Tarsus. Obverse of Fig. n, p. 144- Fig. 19A. — The God of Antioch-on-the-Cydnus (Tarsus). Reverse of Fig. ig, p. 160. ERRATA. Insert references to the above on pp. 144 I, 12, 160 1. 10, 161 1. 15, 187 . Insert on p. 140 1. 12 reference to p. 435. P- 357. 1- 5 : delete 33. P. 358, 1. 4 : for 34 read 33 P. 360, 1. 7 : delete 34. PART I. PAULINISM IN THE GR^CO-ROMAN WORLD. PAULINISM IN THE GR^ECO-ROMAN WORLD. § I. Introduction. My first words must be an apology for the character of my opening paragraph: but the circumstances make an auto biographical introduction the most suitable in this place and in this University, as furnishing an explanation and a justi fication of the choice of subject in these lectures. It has always appeared to me the most fortunate factor in the whole course of my education that in the last part of my undergraduate life immediately after spending a year in read ing with unusual care the most developed stage of Aristotle's philosophy, I was compelled by the Law of the University — much against my own will — to study the letter of Paul to the Galatians, and to learn in practical experience that the ¦Law is a schoolmaster to prepare one for freedom, "rough, but a good nurse of youths," to use the words of Homer, whereas on the contrary a premature entrance into the life of apparent freedom can only be the beginning of a life-long slavery. Freedom, as Paul taught, must be the culmination of a long preparation under servitude to the Law ; otherwise it can only be injurious, and cannot even be freedom, but , only a worse form of servitude. Degeneration is the inevit able result of servitude, whether it be servitude to an external 1 master or to one's own insufficiently educated nature. My subject in the first part of these lectures is mainly to pass (3) I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World under review the form which Paul gave to the ancient theory of the universal degeneration in history, and the cure which alone he judged sufficient to turn degeneration into progressive development. Reading the most remarkable and the most intensely in dividual of the Pauline Epistles as the completion of a study of Greek philosophy, I felt that in Paul, for the first time since Aristotle, Greek philosophy made a real step forward. Such was the impression made during my reading for the schools. Now after thirty-one years I have to state to you the issue of that idea, which seized hold of my mind in undergraduate days and has gripped me ever since. I shall not attempt to treat it with philosophic delicacy and subtlety, for that is beyond my power. I state only the broad rough views of one who looks at what men did and how States rose and fell. While it is impossible to discuss Paul's views on philo sophy or on history without touching on his religious opinions, our subject is primarily historical, and our aim is for the moment to set aside, as far as may be, the religious aspect of Paul's ideas, and to regard him as a force and a leader in history. The main point and issue is this : Ancient civilisation perished almost utterly ; comparatively few specimens of its literature survived ; far the larger part of its institutions and methods in the organisation of society disappeared entirely from practical life, and can barely be guessed at now, as some saner ideas of the ancient world are being recovered. When one looks at the terrible suffering that accompanied the inroads of the worst tribes of destroying barbarians, from the Huns to the Mongols, when one remembers the wanton and reckless£destruction of almost everything that i. Introduction the ancient civilisation had constructed, the utter loss of so much that was useful and beautiful, so much in social life that had to be slowly recovered, and has as yet been by no means all recovered, in order to make life good and healthy and sound, it seems as if history were the game of a wanton child playing with its toys and wasting or throwing them away as it tired of them. What can explain, and what can repair the week-long sack of the greatest city of the Middle Ages by the Mongols, the annihilation by ignorant savages of the biggest collection of the remains of the ancient world, and all that this total wreck means to the civilised world ? Is there reason in this, or mere blind chance and foolish caprice ? To Paul it seemed that there was reason in it. He, like the great Hebrew prophets, foresaw it, denounced its causes, recognised its purpose, and announced the remedy. The sack of Bagdad was but part of the last act in a long course of degeneration. The degeneration had been in process before the time of Paul. It was not the attacks of savages from without that destroyed the ancient civilisation and almost all the many great benefits it had wrought out for mankind; it wasulhe inhejsat.^and. innate faults of that civilisation. A new foundation was needed on which to build up civilised life. Paul showed what the foundation must be. He taught how the transformation of the old system and the improvement of the foundation could be gradually effected. For some centuries it seemed possible that the transformation and regeneration might be effected peacefully. But, as he declared, and as the result showed, there was no alternative except either regeneration or death. He appreciated well, and declared emphatically that the old system had an element of good (§ 2) ; but without funda mental reform it could not be preserved. It was rotten to I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World the heart. So said Paul ; and so must every one feel who studies the innermost character of ancient society ; so most emphatically said the ancients themselves. The Hellenistic kingdoms of the East struck out many admirable devices in society and in administration, or else borrowed them from the older Oriental States and improved them as they took them; the Roman Empire appropriated many of these devices and wrought them into its own vast system of government ; but neither in Hellenistic nor in Roman times did these admirable devices rest on a broad enough and safe enough basis. In the philosophy of Paul, the Eastern mind and the Hellenic have been intermingled in the closest union, like two elements which have undergone a chemical mixture. In every sentence, in every thought, you can feel the Oriental element, if you are sensitive to it, and you are also aware of the Western, if you are perceptive of Hellenism ; but you become aware only of that which you are qualified by nature, by training, and above all by inclination, to perceive. Hence the extraordinarily opposite opinions held by modern scholars about the writings of Paul. The great majority of scholars are sentient only of the Judaic element. They feel the Jew in him. They feel that every paragraph and every idea in his writings is such as only a Jew could have con ceived and composed. And so far they are perfectly right. From first to last throughout the whole fabric of his being Paul was Hebrew. But they err in thinking that this is the whole matter, and that they have understood Paul com pletely when they have been aware of the Hebrew. They have not approached the problem with a wide enough nature. They have come to Paul with their mind dipped in Hebraism and Orientalism, thinking only of this, i. Introduction sensitive only to this side of his character. They seem never to have sufficiently familiarised themselves with the Graeco- Roman world as it was in the first century of our era. They have been educated in the old Hellenism of free Greece, and in the civilisation of Rome. But I rarely find in them any sympathy with, or understanding of, hardly any thought about, the Hellenism that overran the world of Western Asia, adapted itself to Asia, widened itself to the wider sphere, and changed its character profoundly in the adaptation. Nor do they convey the impression that they have thought much about the subtle tinge or flavour that Rome had imparted to the Graeco-Oriental civilisation. Rome had not Romanised or sought to Romanise the Eastern Provinces. Rome was content to organise and to govern them, to preserve peace in an orderly population and make it contribute to the strength of the Empire as a whole. But in doing this it had perceptibly influenced the tone of the Eastern Provinces. Romans were the aristocracy of the Eastern world. For example, glance at two pictures, which Luke passes before us in the Acts, of events which occurred within his own knowledge and in part before his own eyes. Here you have -photographs, as it were, taken from real life as it was lived in the Roman Provinces of the first century after Christ. Nothing more vivid and more informing has been preserved to us in the records of the period. Not to recognise this life like character is to write oneself down as unfit to appreciate and to understand the living world of that age. When two- wanderers. unknown and assumed to be of the poorest class, were imprisoned in a Roman colonial city, the chains fell off them at the words " we are Romans ". A Roman Tribune heard that an Egyptian brigand was being torn in pieces by 8 I. Paulinism in the Grczco-Roman World an infuriated mob in Jerusalem ; he rescued the vagabond in order to exercise Roman justice on him, and as a first step was proceeding to have him flogged, when the prisoner mentioned that he was a Roman by birth; the officer at once became his apologetic protector and friend. No further questions were put in either case ; no proofs were required ; the mere claim was enough, and constraint and ill-treatment were ended. Incidentally the question suggests itself : Was there not something in the very manner and tone of the claim which carried conviction in spite of unfavourable external appearances ? Was there not something Roman about the Roman ? At any rate, this privilege and authority made the rank not merely honourable, but also practically advantageous, and hence rose the keen desire to obtain it which is shown in the Acts xxii. 28. Now in any society the aristocratic class exercises a certain vague, yet very real, influence on the tone of every other class ; and especially must this be the case in a society like that of the Roman provinces, where every person of good position might look forward to the attainment of the coveted rank as a possibility in his career. The Romans at this period gave the tone of society ; it was different two centuries later, when the national and the Oriental spirit had revived and grown powerful. All these varied influences were at work in the Grseco- Asiatic cities of the Empire ; and they produced a type of man and of thought which hardly seems to be dreamed of by those interpreters of Paul, who appreciate the Hebrew element in him and discern nothing else. But, if we first familiarise ourselves with the society in which Paul grew up, in which he spent most of his life, and for which he in his mature years felt that he was specially suited, and if we approach him from that side, we shall feel everywhere in his i. Introduction work the spirit of the Tarsian Hellene. So Canon Hicks, who knows the Hellenic cities of Asia as few scholars do, feels the Hellenic training and experience apparent through out the Pauline letters. So the late Ernst Curtius, the historian of Greece, felt in the letters the Hellenic tone.1 The testimony which struck me most of all was the opinion expressed by two of the most learned Jews of modern time, with whom I happened to be talking more than ten years ago in the house of one of them. The conversation chanced to turn on Paul and on the letters attributed to him. They were both perfectly certain that none of the Pauline letters could be genuine, because there is much in them which no Jew could write. These were scholars whose opinion on any matter connected with Judaism in the early Christian centuries stands very high in the estimation of the whole world. They know old Jewish feeling from the inside with an intimacy which no Western scholar can ever attain to. They appreciated the non-Jewish element intermingled in the writings of Paul. They rightly recognised that no mere Jew could write like that ; but instead of inferring that Paul was more than a mere Jew in education and mind, they argued that he, being (as is commonly assumed and main tained by modern scholars) a pure and narrow Jew, could not have written those letters. The plan of the first part of these lectures is, first to state the fundamental principles of Paul's historical survey ; next to contrast his view with the modern method ; thirdly, to point out that his view in some degree may be regarded as a development of Hellenic thought ; fourthly, to show the relation in which his thought and the cure which he pro posed for the degeneration of society stood to the Roman world of his own and of succeeding time. io I. Paulinism in the Grcsco-Roman World § II. The Pauline Philosophy of History. I should, in the first place, ask you to glance at the Philosophy of History, as Paul declares it. To him the Philosophy of History was the History of religion, for in his view there is nothing real except God, things are permanent and firm only as they partake of the Divine. All else is evanescent, mere illusion and error and uncertainty. It is in his letter to the Romans that Paul gives clearest expression to the view which he took of human history ; but the same view underlies all his thought, and springs inevitably from his attitude towards God and human nature, expressing itself in his perception, gained through Greek philosophy, of the never-ceasing flux and change in all things and of the one law that gives reality and permanence amidst this mutability. His view, as set forth in Romans i. 19 ff., is that there existed in the world from the beginning a certain amount of real perception of and true knowledge about God and His nature and His relation to mankind. By observing, studying, and gradually understanding the facts and processes of the external world, men became aware of the power and divinity of God, which were manifested therein. But the deliberate action of man vitiated this fair begin ning. The reason lay in idolatry. This cause obscures the first true and good ideas of men as to the nature of God ; and thus the Divine Being is assimilated to and represented by images in the shape of man who is mortal, and birds and quadrupeds and reptiles. In idolatrous worship a necessary and invariable accompaniment was im morality ; you can never have one without the other. This grows from bad to worse in physical passions, and corrupts the whole nature and character of man. ii. The Pauline Philosophy of History 1 1 In the following parts I shall try to give a picture of the character of the Eastern Hellenic cities by which Paul was most affected. We must clearly understand at the outset, both the in tensity of Paul's hatred for idolatry, and the reason and nature of that hatred. His view, as we have stated it on his own authority and approximately in his own sentences modernised, is not a mere expression of religiosity, as it is apt to appear to the superficial reader. Nor is it a mere abstract philosophic dictum respecting the great ontological problem of the nature of God. It is, indeed, a necessary consequence of his fundamental view. Since the only reality in the world is God, any serious error about the nature of God, i.e., any idolatry, must distort our conception of the world and of external nature. That is, however, in itself a mere abstract philosophic opinion, and might re main so. Paul abhorred idolatry as the enemy of mankind, because he perceived the law of growth in human nature. This error of idolatry must work itself to its issue in the character and life of the man. As Paul looked over the heathen world, which he knew since his birth practically, both from the inside as a Roman and a Tarsian Hellene, and from the outside as a Hebrew, he saw how it acted in the society where he was born. He saw that it must neces sarily, and that it did actually, work itself out in a distortion of the whole life of society and of the individual, falsifying the political situation, frustrating all preparation for the future, making the whole fabric of the State unhealthy, rendering the life and thought of the individual diseased and decadent. If you examine the history of any nation, you can see how the State becomes unhealthy, how its right development is stopped, how it is prevented from getting 12 I. Paulinism in the Grtzco-Roman World rid of evils and dangers in its constitution, by error as to the nature of God and the true relation of man to God. Such is Paul's view. Accordingly, to the first Pauline principle : The Divine alone is real : all else is error : we can now add Paul's second principle : A Society, or a Nation, is progressive insofar as it hears the Divine voice : all else is degeneration. This second principle throws us into the midst of history, the growth and change of politics, the struggle of man with man and nation against nation. It is the province of the historian to trace the steps and facts of life through which the degenera tion or the progress works itself out and makes itself mani fest. Progress, i.e., the perception of truth, is, according to the Pauline view, open to all men. Men are never so utterly corrupt that a return to truth is impossible. If they only wish it, they can choose the good and refuse the evil. The Gentiles are ignorant of the Law as it was revealed to the Jews, but some of them, through their better nature, act of themselves according to the Law, and are a law unto them selves : the practical effect of the Law is seen in their life, because it has been written by nature in their hearts, and they have a natural sense of the distinction between right and wrong, between good and evil ; and their conscience works in harmony with this natural Law in their hearts, prompt ing them to choose the right action, and making them conscious of wrong-doing if they choose the wrong course (Rom. ii. 14 f.). This beginning of right never fails utterly in human nature, but it is made faint and obscure by wrong doing, when men deliberately choose the evil and will not listen to the voice of God in their hearts. ii. The Pauline Philosophy of History 13 Yet even at the worst there remains in the most corrupted man a sense that out of this evil good will come. The re markable and difficult passage, Romans viii. 19-22, states this emphatically. We all are in some degree aware that evil is wrong, because it is painful, and the pain is the pre paration for the birth of better things. The eager watching\ expectancy of the universe (as of a runner with his eye I fixed on the goal, or of a wrestler about to come to grips I with his adversary) waiteth for the revealing of the sons ofj God. For the creation was subjected to vanity, not of its own will, but by reason of man who subjected it, and in this subjection there arises a hope that the creation itself also \ shall be delivered from the bondage of corruption so as to j attain unto the liberty of the glory of the children of God. / For we know that the whole creation in all its parts is groan-\ ing in the birth-pangs from which shall emerge a better condi-' tion, and we also who are Christians and have already within ourselves the first practical effects of the Spirit's action, are still in the pain and hope of the nascent redemption. This Pauline doctrine bursts the bonds of the narrower Judaism, and rises to a higher and broader outlook. Such a philosophic view could not have been thought out in the form which Paul gave it without a training in Greek philo sophy. It is not inconsistent with the best side of Hebrew thought and prophecy; but it was utterly and absolutely inconsistent with the practical facts of the narrower retro grade Judaism in his time. The man who thought thus could not remain permanently in harmony with the bigoted Pharisaic party in Jerusalem,2 which was inexorably op posed to the early followers of Christ, not because they were Christian, but because they were progressive and grow ing out of the narrow old Judaism. 14 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World It was only in maturer years that Paul became fully con scious of this truth ; but as he became able to formulate it clearly to himself and teach it to others, he also became aware that it had been implicit from the beginning in his thought. He had it in his nature from birth. It was fostered by the circumstances of his childhood. He had come in contact with pagans, and knew that they were not monsters (as they seemed to the Palestinian zealots), but human beings. He was so indebted to them, that he felt bound, in return for what he had learned from them, to go and tell them of the truth which had been revealed (Rom. i. 14). He had learned by experience of the promptings to good, of the preference for the right, of self-blame for wrong-doing, which were clearly manifest in their nature. He had also been aware of that eager longing for the coming of something better, of a new era, of a Saviour, of God incarnate in human form on the earth, which was so remarkable a feature in Roman life before and after his birth. The third principle of the Pauline philosophy of history, therefore, may be thus expressed : All men and every human society can hear the Divine voice ; but they must co-operate ere the communica tion can take place. There was, in Paul's opinion, a certain amount of progres sive force, a certain perception of Divine truth, in the pagan world ; and this was entirely caught up and incorporated in his teaching, which was the complete revelation of God. As I believe, he deliberately and consciously aimed at bringing together on the higher plane of Christian thought and life all that was true and real in the pagan world ; and the passages which I have quoted above from his own writings show that iii. Pauline Contrasted with Modern Method 15 he believed that much in the pagan thoughts and hopes was good and true. It is true that he nowhere defines his intentions with respect to the contemporary world except in the strictly religious point of view. He nowhere clearly states his attitude to the pagan world apart from its religious and moral aspects (which were to him abhorrent and detestable), but he acknowledges that he had learned from it, that he was indebted to it, that he was bound to pay his debt, and that his young Churches should regulate with wisdom their conduct to the pagan world around and buy to the full all that was profitable for them from the opportunity that the world afforded ; '' what soever is true, or holy, or just, or pure, or courteous, or re putable, all excellence, all merit, include these in the account books of your life," from whatever origin they come, they are for you. But it was not his object in any of his writings to set forth such general ideas. They are all occasional writings, devoted to the immediately pressing problems of his corre spondents. Yet from the counsel about details the general principles of his policy are recoverable. Also we may fairly use in evidence the subsequent influence of Paul's teaching as seen in the following centuries. § III. The Pauline Contrasted with the Modern Method. Regarding the Pauline view as a scientific or philosophic theory of the progress of history, one observes at once how diametrically opposed it is to the fashionable modern scienti fic conception about the right method in the investigation of ancient religion. The modern method is based on the assumption that there takes place normally a continuous 1 6 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World development in religion, in thought, and in civilisation, since primitive times ; that such a development has been practi cally universal among the more civilised races ; that, as to certain less civilised races, either they have remained station ary, or progress among them has been abnormally slow ; that the primitive in religion is barbarous, savage, bloodthirsty and low in the scale of civilisation, and that the line of growth normally and usually is towards the milder, the more gracious, and the nobler forms of religion ; that the primitive type of religion can be recovered by studying the savage of the present day, and that the lowest savage is the most primitive. Nowadays we are all devotees of the theory of develop ment : it is no longer a theory, it has become the basis and guiding principle of our thought and mind : we must see development everywhere. But it is necessary to be very sure first of all that we have got hold of the right law of development in history ; and we are sometimes too hasty. We can easily arrange religions in a series from the lowest to the highest, and we are wont to assume that this series represents the historical development of religion from the most primitive to the most advanced. The fetish, the totem and the sacred animals, and so up step by step to Jehovah and the Ark of the Covenant. Is that the true line ? You observe that the assumptions here are very serious. Is the modern savage really primitive? Paul would have said that he represents the last stage of degeneration, that he is the end and not the beginning, that he has lost almost everything that is really primitive, that he has fallen so completely from the ancient harmony with the order of nature and sympathy with the Divine as to be on the verge of death, and an outrage on the world and on human nature. iii. Pauline Contrasted with Modern Method ij Who is right, Paul or the moderns ? For my own part, I confess that my experience and reading show nothing to confirm the modern assumptions in religious history, and a great deal to confirm Paul. Wherever evidence exists, with \ the rarest exceptions, the history of religion among men is | a history of degeneration; and the development of a few Western nations in invention and in civilisation during recent centuries should not blind us to the fact that among the vast majority of the nations the history of manners and civilisation is a story of degeneration. Wherever youi find a religion that grows purer and loftier, you find the prophet, the thinker, the teacher, who is in sympathy with the Divine, and he tells you that he is speaking the message of God, not his own message. Are these prophets all im posters and deceivers ? or are they speaking the truth Is it not the fact of human history that man, standin alone, degenerates ; and that he progresses only where there is in him so much sympathy with and devotion to the Divine life as to keep the social body pure and sweet and healthy ? The appeal must be to facts. Let us cast a glance back over Mediterranean history and the evolution and vicissitudes of its civilisation. On the Mediterranean lands and waters you have for thousands of years the centre of human civilisa tion and knowledge, and there best of all you can detect the principle of growth in human history. The outstanding achievement of the East Mediterranean world, the great service which the peoples of the Levant rendered to mankind, was that they conquered nature and made it obedient and useful to man. The Mediterranean lands are not like the great plains of the Canadian North- West, productive almost spontaneously, gifted by nature [8 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World with a great depth of rich soil. They are to a large extent hilly or even mountainous ; a considerable portion of them is bare and rocky ; where there is soil it is in great part so dry as to be absolutely useless without artificial irrigation ; the rich valleys are rarely extensive, and large part of those valleys was originally marsh. Almost everywhere a vast amount of labour and a high degree of skill, forethought and knowledge had to be applied before the soil became useful to man and able to support a large population. If the old Mediterranean lands are dotted all over with great monuments, mostly of a religious character, graves of large size or elaborately ornate temples, pyramids, etc., which astonish the modern mind as it estimates the amount of work and time and skill that must have been expended on them, it is no less the case that the expanse of ancient history is dotted over with the records of great engineering works serving the uses of man, works which astonish us not only by the vast amount of hand labour performed with simple tools in their construction, but far more by the re sources, the wide outlook, the power of adapting means to gain a far-distant end, the habit of living for the future and expending labour, not to win one's daily bread, not even to provide the year's supply of corn or to acquire immediate wealth, but to achieve works which could be only remotely profitable or serviceable. How was the knowledge acquired which made mankind able to devise and plan out such great schemes as the draining of the Boeotian plain or the Lernaean marsh, the forming of a discharge for the waters of many upland land-locked valleys in Asia Minor and Greece, and later in Italy, the regulation of the course of considerable rivers, the cutting of a carriage road across great mountains like that which goes through the Cilician Gates ? iii. Pauline Contrasted with Modern Method 19 The ancients tell. us that the later works of this kind were done by historical persons like the Emperor Claudius and Curius Dentatus, or by half-historical figures like Servius Tullius. When you go back a few centuries earlier, you find purely mythological names, as, for example, that of Mopsus, Apollo's prophet and the divine guide of Apollo's colonising people, clinging to such great works of improve ment or defence. When you go back to works still more remote in time, you learn that they were performed by the god Lhimself, as for example, Herakles : the ancient mind here felt that it had got beyond human power, and it took refuge with God. On a first glance one might be inclined to say that in the nearer past, to which historical record extended, the man who had achieved the work was remembered and named, and only for the enterprises of a remoter time, of which the record had perished, did the popular fancy create a Divine originator. Up to a certain point this is true. It is a way of stating the facts which is superficially accurate, but which misses the real deep-lying truth. How superficial, how fundamentally untrue it is to say that the Emperor Claudius drained the Fucine Lake. He inherited the knowledge which others had accumulated ; he had learned from the experience of generations and ages past that such enter prises were possible ; he set in motion the mass of skilled labour which had been organised before his time. He de serves all credit for what he did ; he had mastered this lesson of the past. But only in a very modified sense can the draining of the lake be attributed to him. The same is the case with every man who has the credit for any of those great and beneficent works, and who in part deserves the credit. It was the slowly gathered wisdom of the past that 20 I. Paulinism in the Grcsco-Roman World both made those works possible, and taught intelligent administrators what there was to gain in the distant future by the effort and expenditure needed to accomplish them. The treasured and gathered wisdom of the past inspired the design and achieved the execution of all those works. In administration the knowledge of what can be done and what will be worth doing is all-important. And so the ancient accounts, which invoked the aid of the God, expressed, after all, in a certain sense and properly understood, the truth. The God to whom the people looked for guidance and counsel, was, so to say, the imaginative embodiment or personification of the accumulated experi ence and the growing wisdom of the race. Anything that originated from a knowledge wider than the range of man himself was, in a real sense, the work of the God, performed through the Divine impulse and under the Divine guidance. Less striking, but really almost more wonderful, than the great feats of early engineering, is the high development of ancient agriculture, arboriculture, and domestication and improvement of the useful animals. I happened to be talking two days ago to Dr. W. G. Rutherford,3 my con temporary as an undergraduate. He had been reading the old Roman work on agriculture, and was full of admiration of the wisdom and knowledge that lay behind Cato ; what centuries of experience and observation were implied in the rules of agriculture that the old Censor prescribed. r Most impressive of all to me personally is the cultivation of the olive, beyond all others the tree of civilisation. From the day you plant the tree, about sixteen to eighteen years must pass before it begins to produce any return, seventeen years of care, work, and unremunerative preparation. What a high standard of real civilisation, what stability and order, iii. Pauline Contrasted with Modern Method 21 what true wisdom must there be in the society where men can wait so long in full confidence that he who sows will reap. And what wealth is imparted to an otherwise unpro ductive region by the olive. Professor Theobald Fischer, who has studied the geographical and economic botany of the Mediterranean lands with special care, mentions some typical examples of what can be done for a country by the cultivation of the olive. In Southern France, in the Arron- dissement Grasse, one-third of the country is planted with olives and supported a population of 60,000 in the year 1 880, the other two-thirds which grew no olives contained a popu lation of 10,000 ; in the olive-growing district of Tunisia, 150,000 people live in an area of 600 square kilometres, but close by are districts inhabited by five or six people to the square kilometre.4 In agriculture we find the same historical principle of evolution as in the great engineering works, which widened the area of agriculture. Elsewhere I have attempted to trace the religious character of the rules of domestication of animals, agriculture, horticulture, as well as of the rules regulating the conduct of men in their social relation, to ensure the sanitation and cleanliness of town life.5 Every where you come back to the same first cause. The Divine /power and wisdom was popularly believed to have taught, \ nourished and preserved both man and society. God, or rather the Goddess, for early man regarded the mother, their teacher and their guide, as the type of the Divine power in its beneficent character, is wise, bountiful and tutelary ; man is merely obedient and receptive. In the operations of agri culture, unskilled work, such as man could apply, was of small j avail. The really important factor was divinely given, viz., 1 knowledge and skill, prudence and forethought. The mere 22 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World labour of man was useless and unproductive without this guiding wisdom ; and the wisdom was embodied in the rules and ritual prescribed by religion. Thus directed, the labour of many generations raised great tracts of barren land to the highest standard of productiveness. When the guidance ceased, what was the result ? 6 Look for a moment at the present state of the Eastern Mediterranean lands in com parison with their wealth and inexhaustible productiveness in ancient times. Much — indeed the greater part — of the , land which was once so highly cultivated produces little or nothing; it has gone back to its primitive condition. You can traverse coast-lands for hundreds and hundreds of miles continuously, where practically nothing is grown, or could in the present state of the soil grow, except the minimum of wheat and barley to feed a very scanty population and their few poor horses and cattle, and where not a single tree is now cultivated. Yet those very districts were in ancient times proverbial for richness and wealth. Nothing can now be hoped for there — not merely is there no certainty that he who sows will reap, but also capital will in modern times never be used in enterprises where so many years must elapse before any return can be looked for. We must have / quick returns ; but civilisation was not made by people who ' were bent on quick returns. Our survey of the Mediterranean lands reveals no sign of development. It shows us only a process of degeneration and decay, and offers little hope of revival in the present economic system. Now in which state of society is the greater wisdom seen, in the old state which by long toil, directed to a distant future end, made that country rich and populous, or in the present system which necessarily renounces such tasks because the return on outlay is so iii. Pauline Contrasted with Modern Method 23 distant? One of the sure signs of a well-ordered and stable society is that in it the remoter future can be preferred to the immediate profit; and Browning states the true prin ciple : Oh, if we draw a circle premature, Heedless of far gain, Greedy for quick returns of profit, sure Bad is our bargain ! But it is in this period which we have just been contem plating that the modern scientific study of religion expatiates. Here it finds its favourite field for exercise and its most gratifying examples. Here it finds the evolution of religion from the savage to the civilised state by a natural process of growth from the primitive to the higher. When the Mediterranean religion according to the modern fashionable theory was little, if at all, above the religious idea of the modern savage, history7 shows that it was producing the Mediterranean agriculture and prosperity. When it had had plenty of time to develop, the prosperity ceased, and agri culture through neglect became impossible, and civilisation was destroyed over great part of the Mediterranean world. One who looks at the facts must ask whether religion naturally develops from the lower to the higher stage, or whether Paul was not right in declaring that religion tends to degenerate among men. So far as the history of the Mediterranean lands reaches I find only degeneration, cor rected from time to time by the influence of the great prophets \ and teachers like Paul. Whether there lies behind this historical period a primitive savage period, I am not bold enough or skilful enough to judge. I can only look for facts in the light of history. I dare not rush into the darkness that lies behind. The 24 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World primitive savage, who develops naturally out of the stage of Totemism into the wisdom of Sophocles and Socrates, or he who transforms his fetish in the course of many genera tions through the Elohistic stage into the Jehovah of the Hebrews, is unknown to me. I find nothing even remotely resembling him in the savages of modern times. I cannot invent for myself a primitive savage of such marvellous potentialities, when I find that the modern savage is devoid of any potentiality, in many cases unable to stand side by side with a more civilised race, a mere worthless degenerate who has lost even his vital stamina, in other cases, when he can survive, showing at least no capacity to improve except through imitation of external models. If you seek in the modern savage an analogous case to the early Mediterranean beginners of civilisation, you must take your savage as you find him. It is an unscientific process to invent a primitive savage, who resembles the modern in the lowness of his re ligious ideas, but differs from him by a wealth of potential development in religion and civilisation. But, it may be said, in ancient Greece and in early Hebrew history, you find numerous examples of Totemism and other savage religious customs and ideas. That is perfectly true. But, in the first place, these are the dead twigs, the weak offshoots which were unfit to live, on the tree of Hellenism. You may as well seek the explanation of the splendid tree in those failures, which abound everywhere when you examine it closely, as seek the reason for the splendid development of Hellenism and Hebrew religion in those faults and abortions and errors. Hellenism flourished and grew, not in virtue of, but in spite of, those facts which show the mind of the savage and the degenerate. Those facts are all mere instances of degeneration. Degeneration is not confined to the later ages iii. Pauline Contrasted with Modern Method 25 or to any one age of religious history. It lies deep in human nature. It is as old as man. It has been going on in all\ religions and in all ages from the beginning ; and you find I examples of it in all ages down to the present time. Moreover, it is not the case that all superficial appearances, say, of Totemism, are really examples of it. A dear and honoured friend of mine, long since dead too young, under whose tuition I was nearly thirty years ago an enthusiastic student of M'Lennan and devotee of Totemism and all that appertains thereto, used to regard the serpent as the totem of the family of David. I have heard him often converse on this topic with the eloquence, the conviction, and the easy mastery of vast learning that made him almost unique among scholars, while he demonstrated with singular per suasiveness that the Brazen Serpent of the Wilderness was the family totem elevated for the veneration of the nation. But I find nowhere that the modern totem of a family is raised aloft for the veneration of other families : these have their own totems. It is characteristic of all degeneration in religion that the devotees of each cult guard it jealously as a private possession, which they must keep to themselves lest others should share in its possession and diminish the advan tages of its present possessors. Had the serpent been a family totem, it would not have been made national. While I quite admit that the Brazen Serpent was an instance of savage ritual at an early period in Hebrew history, I cannot admit that it was the totem of one family or one tribe. Not all serpent worship is Totemism. Accordingly, consideration of the actual facts leads back to the same beginning as that which Paul assumes. In the remotest period of Mediterranean history to which human research can at present penetrate, if it restricts itself to the 26 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World observation of facts and the drawing of cautious warrantable inferences from the facts — in that earliest period we have come, not to savages and Totemism and all the paraphernalia of primitive religion, as many of the moderns picture it to themselves and to their pupils, but to a theocracy, to an agency of prophets who make known the will of the goddess to her people, to a well-justified belief in the motherly wisdom of the Divine being and the truth-speaking of the prophets. We have come also to many sporadic examples of Totemism and other customs and ideas of the modern savage. The savage has been and is always with us in history. But these are merely the signs and fruits of degeneration. It was not through them that the old religion obtained and kept its hold on the minds of men. As they, in the process of in creasing degeneration, became stronger and more frequent, j the religion lost in great degree its influence, or re- I tained its hold only on the least educated in the form of popular superstitions. Its power to guide, to teach, and to do good was what gave it originally its power over the minds of men. What was true in it made it live : the symptoms of savagery in it made it die. There were bull- roarers and other paraphernalia or savage ritual in the Eleusinian worship, but it was not these that made it a power in Greek life and caused it to be respected and lauded by Sophocles and Socrates. The method of studying ancient , religion which concentrates attention on these signs of l savagery and degeneracy loses sight of everything which \ makes ancient religion worthy of the historian's study. These barbarous and degenerate elements existed, and there was not sufficient vitality in the people and in the religion to eliminate them. The race of prophets died out. The needed sympathy with the Divine nature ceased. The degeneracy iii. Pauline Contrasted with Modern Method 27 spread unchecked, until the coming of Christianity and the jreaction against Christianity imparted a new life and vigour to the old paganism. The modern theory is expressed in its sharpest and most extreme terms by my friend M. Salomon Reinach, in the Revue des Etudes Grecques, 1906, p. 344, where he criticises M. Paul Foucart on the ground that he " a trop perdu de vue, ou n'a peut e"tre pas reconnu le caractere primitif et magique du rituel eleusinien. Tout rituel primitif est a I'origine magique'.' The words which I have italicised go further than some modern scholars who adopt a similar method of study and reasoning would be willing to follow him ; but they are a logical statement of the principle involved in the modern method : Religion begins in magic and gradually elevates itself to a higher stage of thought. On the contrary, the view to which I have found myself gradually driven is that magic is incident to the degradation Cof primitive religion ; religion must either develop to a higher stage or degenerate, but cannot remain stationary ; in a society where the standard of thought and moral judgment is rising amid part of the community, any old religious idea or rite which persists among the unprogressive and uneducated masses tends to lose the higher possibilities which once were latent in it, to be hardened into a lifeless superstition, and to become a magic ritual or formula. Take for example the idea characteristic of early Hellenism that the gods are jealous of too great and outstanding success or power or happiness falling to the lot of any man, and interfere to prevent this even by slaying the man, and that it is wise and prudent for man to propitiate them by voluntarily sacri ficing part of his possessions. This primitive idea is capable t of being either developed in a good way or degraded into *• 28 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World a debased and debasing superstition. On the one hand, it became in the hands of the tragedians the deepest principle of the Greek drama, that great success produces pride, pride crime, crime punishment, and punishment wisdom, which is expressed in various forms in the action of many tragedies. On the other hand, it was degraded into the fear of the evil eye and of baleful influence in other forms, which ever lie in wait for men and must be guarded against by charms and protective symbols or gestures. Such degradation is ex tremely early, and the degraded forms are thought to be primitive by those who assume the principle of development from the lower to the higher ; but they are really secondary, not primitive. This may serve as an example of the general law, which the present writer has attempted to work out in more detail for Greece and Asia Minor, showing how the really primitive religion was a consecration of the rules and practices that were useful for the individual and for society, these rules being determined by the experience and growing wisdom of the race and enforced by the religious sanction, so that " the life of a simple community was ordered and prescribed from birth to death in a series of religious formulas for conduct, personal purity, relation to others in the family and in the community, management of the household and of agriculture and farm economy, etc. " 8 Many causes tended to prevent development to the higher stage, and where not developed such religious formulae become debased and misunderstood, as the most superficial glance into the rules of purity, for example, or the distinction of clean and unclean foods, would show. Yet even so late as the age of Paul a considerable residuum of wisdom and usefulness remained in those ritual istic rules, and convinced him that in the beginning men iii. Pauline Contrasted with Modern Method 29 were sensitive to the Divine truth, until their perception was confused and clouded by idolatry. That Paul was right in regarding this part of the religious law of the Pagans as true and Divine we can hardly doubt or deny, when we observe how much harm has been caused to society by the loss of it. Much of that healthy teaching, which was enforced on all as obligatory religious ceremonial, has ceased in modern time to be known to or practised by the poor and ill-educated classes. This widespread ignorance and neglect of the fundamental principles on which comfort, health and happiness in life depend, is now a serious danger, even among the most civilised nations. It must be acknow ledged that the tendency of the Christian Church to concen trate its teaching on theoretical dogma and Church ritual, and to lose hold on the practical household life of the people, has contributed to spread this ignorance by allowing the ancient stock of household wisdom to fall into oblivion and even actively discouraging it as involved with superstition. It would be easy to quote cases in which modern Christian missionaries have done grave injury to their converts by for bidding them to continue old and wise sanitary practices, because they had been enforced by pagan religious law and took the form of service to a pagan deity. Beginning the study of Greek Religion as a follower of Robertson Smith and M'Lennan, and accepting the Totemist theory as the key of truth, I was forced by the evidence to the view that degeneration is the outstanding fact in religious history, and that the modern theory often takes the last products of degeneracy as the facts of primitive religion. Having attained this view I recognised that it was the basis of the Pauline philosophy. In this Paul adopted the opinion current in pagan society and in pagan philosophy. The 30 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World view practically universal in the ancient world was that decay and degeneration was the law of all things ; that the Golden Age lay in the beginning and every subsequent period was a step further down from the primitive period of goodness, happiness and sympathy with the Divine nature. We are too apt to pooh-pooh this ancient doctrine as merely an old fashion, springing from the natural tendency of mankind to praise the former times and ways. But it was much more than this. It was the reasoned view of the philosophers. It coloured almost all Greek and Roman literature. It lay deep in the heart of the pagan world. It produced the tone of sadness which is hardly ever absent from the poetry of Greece and Rome, heard as an occasional note even in its poems of pleasure. A feeling like this cannot safely be set aside as false. It must be explained ; and the only explana tion is that it arose from the universal perception of the fact Ithat the history of the Mediterranean world was a story of regeneration and decay. § IV. St. Paul and Hellenism. In contrast to the artificial system which modern theory tries to impose on the study of religion, Paul saw the natural land true principle through which alone religion and life can (develop and in the want of which they must degenerate. In the process of history you observe that, in the few nations and periods where there has been progress in any department of life, some impulse and inner power has been at work, some strong desire which incites the mind, forms the character and directs the activity of the nation or of a sufficient number of leading men in the nation. Paul generalised this principle. I He saw that the intense desire for truth and reality is the fundamental fact in life, and that reality is God ; and he iv. St. Paul and Hellenism 31 found in Christ the power that can rouse this desire and make 1 it live among men permanently, instead of appearing sporadi- j cally on rare occasions and for a brief period. The view of life taken by a practical nature like Paul's is determined by and suited to the age and the surrounding facts ; and, in order to understand him rightly, we must recognise how his thought had grown out of Hellenism, how it was related to Judaism, and how it sought to direct the Roman Imperial system. But we must remember that the idea of growth and development conditions his view and gives form to all his thought ; and unless we appreciate this, we shall never comprehend the effect which his teaching had on the world. The Hellenism with which Paul came in contact had greatly changed from the Hellenism of the classical period. It had lost that delicate grace which makes it unique in the world's history, but which was fragile, evanescent and irre coverable, belonging to a certain peculiar collocation of racial and historic conditions, and unable to survive when those conditions changed. But it had become hardier, more practical, more common-place, and more capable of influenc ing the world. The grace of the older Hellenism as it arose under rare conditions, has always been a power that affected only the few. The later Hellenism had adapted itself to the world in general. Since the time of Aristotle, Hellenism had been essaying a new and stupendous task, which was forced on it in the development of Mediterranean history. Greece had gone forth to conquer the East : Greek education and ideals were attempting to establish themselves in Western Asia. The attempt was successful in a remarkable degree, because Hellenism adapted itself to the new problems which it had 32 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World to solve : it did not seek to impose itself in rigid purity on its Asiatic subjects, but profoundly modified itself in the school of practical life. With the armies of Alexander, Seleucus, and Ptolemy marched also the philosophy and the literature and the art of Hellenism. It was merely one symptom of a wider impulse that Alexander carried everywhere with him the poems of Homer. Perhaps it was only a pseudo-historic fancy of later time which invented the story that a bronze statuette of Hercules by Lysippus accompanied all his marches, adorned his dinner-table, and was affected with emotion at his death ; but the tale embodies the historic truth that those marches made Greek art a factor in the de velopment of human life as far East as the Indus and the city of Bactra. Greek philosophy, hitherto circumscribed in its ideals, tried to embrace within its scope the wider problems of a larger world-life ; but the attempt could not be successful at the first essay. Neither Epicureanism nor Stoicism — the one too Greek the other too Asiatic in its tone, but neither of them touching the finest chords of the Hellenic or the Oriental mind — attained a level higher than mere abstract philoso phising. Human thought cannot lead human life ; it must ever lag behind practice, and gather power and truth from the world of real work and the practical solution of real problems. None of those earlier attempts at a fusion of Greek and Oriental thought had any grasp of the principle of development, of which Aristotle in his most advanced stage hadcaught more than a glimpse. Except through this principle it was impossible to unite Greek and Oriental thought. It was equally impossible in practical life simply to amalgamate European and Asiatic society as they were : the two had to grow together into a new organisation. iv. St. Paul and Hellenism 33 Paul is penetrated from first to last with this idea. He looks at everything as in a process of growth, not as a hard stationary given fact. The true life is a making towards perfection through growth, culminating in fruit. How fre quently there appears in his letters this thought of producing fruit, a development leading towards an issue in riches and usefulness. The good seems never to occur to his mind as a | mere quality, but as a law of progress. Even where this thought is not explicitly brought out in the words, the analogy of other places may usually be taken as sufficient proof that, when he is speaking of riches, he thinks of it as the issue of a process of growth : so, for example, Phil. i. 1 1 , " filled with the fruit of righteousness," Phil. i. 22, " to live is Christ and to die is gain," must both be understood as ex pressions of the gradual consummation of a process of living, i.e., of striving towards an end. Phil. iv. 17, " I seek for the fruit that increaseth to your account," gives the picture of the accounts carefully kept in a day-book of the results coming in day by day and steadily increasing as time passes and the growth of character and power proceeds. His whole philosophy rests on this idea of growth and development. The world is always to him fluid and changing, never stationary. But the change is towards an end, not mere flux without law : it is either degeneration towards death or in crease towards perfection and true life ; it is the purpose of God working itself out in the affairs of men, a truly Greek idea which can be traced in the highest expression of its literature, beginning from Homer, who sums up the whole drama of the Iliad as the consummation of the purpose of Zeus (Jto? e'reXeteTO fiovXij, I. 4). After Aristotle Greek philosophy ceased to have any firm grasp of this idea, till it reappears as the determining form of Paul's whole 3 34 I- Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World thought. Moral excellence is to him not a mere quality; it is a purpose to be attained, an end to be reached, a prize to be won by a course. This character in the Pauline thought was what first struck me, as was mentioned already, during my last studies as an undergraduate in this University. It seems to me wholly inconceivable in a mere narrow Hebrew, and wholly inex plicable without an education in Greek philosophy. We find some indication of it in the few scraps of Athenodorus the Tarsian, which have been preserved by Seneca, such as " know that you are free from passions only when you have reached the point that you ask God for nothing except what you can ask openly". Here true freedom of mind is con ceived as an end to be attained, not as a quality naturally belonging to the mind in the beginning ; and another passage of considerable length quoted by Seneca shows distinctly that conception of life as a warfare and a struggle, which both Paul and Seneca express in remarkably similar terms. Now, as was stated at the outset, it is not my purpose to discuss the relation between the philosophy of the Greeks and the philosophy which may be traced as the basis of Paulinism, a task for which the power and the inclination are lacking. The aim of these lectures is to examine how the practical service in the development of mankind which Hellenism performed for the world, was taken up as an element in the Pauline reorganisation of society. Hellenism has led the way of civilisation in many things ; but for the well-being of society there are two pre-eminent services which it has rendered to the world, and in which it stands almost alone : it showed how the freedom of the individual should be consistent with an ordered and articu lated government, and it organised a system of State edu- iv. St. Paul and Hellenism 35 cation. The relation in which Paul stands to both of these Hellenic ideals demands consideration. That the unfettered development of the individual was the aim of Hellenism, and that the cities in which the Hellenic ideal was best realised were those in which freest play was given to the individual to live his own life according to his own judgment, needs merely to be stated ; it is a matter of universal agreement. There you have at once the strength and the weakness of Hellenism in the practical world of government. No other ancient people aimed so steadfastly \ as the Greeks at freedom as the greatest good in life, and \ while it must be confessed that the order and even the safety of the State were sometimes jeopardised in the pursuit of , individual freedom, and the freedom tended to degenerate I into licence and caprice, yet there was a certain atmosphere of liberty in a Greek city which is invigorating to breathe even in the pages of history, and which seems to have lasted even in remote lands and alien surroundings so long as any shadow of Hellenic society remained. We may state a single example, instructive yet too little noticed. The contrast between the easy freedom of a Graeco- Italian city and the rule of the strict and paternal government of a Roman city was still apparent in 95 A.D. This we learn ( from Statius, a poet not of the highest class, yet possessed of a real affinity for and an intense love of the beautiful, alike in external nature, in art, and in human character : he therefore saw what was best in contemporary Italian life, and we get from him a far more favourable as well as a far truer idea of that life, than from Juvenal, a disappointed man, or from Martial with his fondness for all that is ugly. The picture which Statius paints of Neapolis throws a light on the character of real Italian society, which we could never 36 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World get from those two contemporary poets. We gather from it that a Greek-Italian town like Neapolis stood in much the same contrast with Roman system, as the free life, the almost capricious liberty and licence, in an English city shows to life in a German town, admirably ordered but bound by painfully strict rules. He praises in Neapolis the freedom of thought and word such as one finds in the dramatic poetry of Menander, a freedom in which Grecian licence mingles with and is toned by the strict principle of Rome : in Neapolis order reigned without virulence or wrangling in the law-courts, and the people found their law in their own character and practised equity without the compulsion of magistrates like those of Rome. It is especially in writing to a group of Galatian cities that Paul insists on the idea of freedom. He urges them to /stand fast in the freedom with which Christ set them free, land not be entangled again in a yoke of bondage. He re minds them that they were called for freedom. He uses jthe words "free," "freedom," "set free," eleven times in [this short Epistle of six chapters. He has those three words only 7 times in Romans, with 16 chapters 8 „ „ Corinthians, „ 29 2 „ „ the other letters, „ 43 „ While this indicates that there was some special need for insisting on this idea in writing to the Galatians and that freedom of spirit was an element which much required to be (fostered in their character, it also shows that the idea was [an essential and fundamental part of the social order as Paul understood it. The four South Galatian cities were more Asiatic, less moved by long familiarity with freedom of life and thought. In the case of the Romans Paul insists iv. St. Paul and Hellenism 37 less on this idea ; Roman liberty was old in Rome ; and in writing to Greek cities of the Aegean lands, where liberty had been only too apt to degenerate into licence, it was more needful to insist on the importance of order, self- restraint, contentment, abnegation, than of freedom. So, even where Paul treats what is fundamentally the same topic, it is noteworthy that he does it with a different sug gestion according to the character and past experience of his correspondents. But, it may be said, the freedom on which Paul insists as a fundamental part of the Christian life, is only freedom from Jewish ritual ; not freedom generally in political and social and philosophical relations. The reply is that freedom in one direction tends to produce freedom of mind in general, as human nature will have it ; and moreover I would go so far as to maintain that Paul was conscious of the wider idea, even while in the first instance he is talking of its special application to the immediately pressing side of the case. I The illustrations, the reiteration of the contrast between ) freedom and slavery, in the Galatian letter, show that the wider application could not be absent from the mind of either the writer or the readers. It is difficult and dangerous to narrow an idea in the interpretation of a great thinker and statesman, just as it is difficult and dangerous to narrow it in practical life, for a people which is educated to freedom in one direction will widen it all round. No man can set bounds to the growth and generalisation of a fruitful idea in the practical life of the world ; every autocrat has found it so, except if he succeed in a universal massacre, and if he leaves only one survivor, it may be fatal to his intentions. And so likewise in the thought and words of Paul, there is no fallacy of interpretation more dangerous than to maintain 38 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World that he was thinking only of some narrow religious question or controversy, and had no conception of the wider applica tion in the range of life which his words and thought ad mitted. Yet there is no fallacy more common than this among modern scholars, owing to their caution (in many respects a healthy caution) against reading into Paul's words more than was clearly and certainly meant by them. But it must be remembered that Christianity was not a philo sophic theory, where one must be so strict in interpretation, but a power in the life of the world ; that it must grow and widen by the law of its being ; and that a firm grasp of this law of growth is the determining and characteristic fact in the thought of Paul. Here we can appeal to subsequent history. Where Pauline ideas have been strongly operative, there freedom in thought and life has been most conspicuous. Where you have a people enslaved by ecclesiasticism or obedient and devoted to autocracy, there Paul is a mere empty name, a mere Saint who is revered without any attempt to understand him. / Moreover we can trace this Pauline idea back to its origin in the teaching of Christ. No Saying of Christ's has been more frequently quoted than that which is preserved by Matthew alone, xi. 28-30, where the easy yoke and light burden, which Christ imposes on men, are contrasted with the heavy burden which others lay on them. This lis the contrast between freedom and slavery. Man cannot escape the burden ; he must be restricted and tied down in a certain degree; but the bonds and the weight which Christianity ^imposes leave the bearer really free. That this Saying of Christ's was familiar to Paul is proved by the frequency with which he brings together two words which are specially characteristic of it. The words iv. St. Paul and Hellenism 39 are " meek '' and " lowly " : and they are brought together in Ephesians iv. 1, 2, Colossians iii. 12, 2 Corinthians x. 1 : sometimes the adjectives, sometimes the nouns are used, for Paul does not quote the exact words, but. the thought lies in his mind, and moulds his expression. Take for example the last case : " I entreat you by the meekness and gentleness of Christ, I who in your presence am lowly among you ". One cannot escape the inference that the force of this appeal depends on the readers' knowledge that meekness and lowli ness were of the character of Christ, in other words on their knowledge of the Saying. Paul had been blamed by them as poor-spirited : he reminds them that, as Christ was meek, so he himself is lowly. The passage is forcible only to those who knew that Christ had called himself meek and lowly. This Saying guided the expression of those who cham pioned the cause of freedom against the Judaising party in the early Church. Peter protested against putting a yoke upon the neck of the disciples, which they themselves could not bear ; and the Council in Jerusalem resolved to lay upon them no greater burden than these necessary things. The emphatic words are always caught from the Saying, which thus leads up through the Council and its Decree to the Galatian Epistle. Paul, as he encouraged and urged the Galatians on to freedom, was consciously working out the appeal and the encouragement which Christ made in that Saying, Matthew xi. 28-30. A different fate has befallen those words of Christ from the words of Paul. The former have been generally taken in the universal sense, as referring to all the burdens and troubles of life, whereas Paul's freedom has been construed too narrowly as meaning only freedom from the hard and fast rules of the Jewish Law. But the truth is that both 40 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World sayings have the double application, in the first instance to the burden and yoke of the Law and the freedom therefrom, in the second instance to the general idea of all burdens and trials and of wider freedom of life and thought. Christ stated as explicitly as Peter or James or Paul, that the Pharisees' rules bound upon men burdens heavier than they could bear. Christ and Paul alike generalised the thought into a universal principle of freedom and ease. It is because the Saying of Jesus is so patently and undeniably universal, and because it was evidently so much in Paul's mind, that we have the assurance and proof that he too took this contrast of bondage and freedom (which is the leading thought in the letter to the Galatians) in the wider as well as in the narrower sense. We are therefore justified in maintaining that Paul felt a strong sympathy with the freedom of life and thought which marked the Greek society, and amid which he had grown up in Tarsus— which no one that has ever experienced it can willingly abandon ; and we are justified in asserting that the freedom which he champions in the letter to the Galatians jwas the freedom which the world owes to the Greek civilisa- Ition, a freedom, however, " in which Grecian license mingles with and is toned by Christian principle," if I may quote with one modification the description given by Statius. In the second place Hellenic civilisation had formed a system of public education in an unsurpassed and almost unequalled way. The weakness of the Roman State was that it neglected education. The Jews developed a system of home education, in which certain religious and family and national influences were impressed on the child in a marvel lous fashion, so that they permanently moulded his character : and the supreme influence was exercised by the festival, at once a national and a family celebration, of the Passover, iv. St. Paul and Hellenism 41 and the teaching about its meaning and origin which the head of each house on that annual occasion imparted to all members of the household. But Hellenism evolved a national and public education, intellectual and physical, of remarkable character ; and it was in later times and in the Graeco-Asiatic cities that this system can be observed in greatest perfection. There can be no doubt that the vitality of those cities de pended on their careful attention to public education. The character and details of the system belong still to the domain of the archaeologist, for they are only being slowly recovered from the ruins of the Grseco-Asiatic cities. The general principle is clear and certain. The question is, what position Paul took up on this point. Did he regard education as a necessary element in a properly arranged society ? Did he aim at making an educated, or was he satisfied with an uneducated, Church ? The answer follows at once from his ideal of freedom. , Freedom is the growth of education : it does not really exist I for the uneducated man, who cannot emerge from a state of 'servitude. Now true Christianity demands an educated people. It is the religion of educated minds, and it can never appeal to a rude barbarian race with that marvellous effect of instantaneously elevating and ennobling them to a certain degree, which Mohammedanism has often been able to attain. The pure, simple, stern, definite law conveyed in the Mohammedan faith can seize the mind of an ignorant and barbarous race. Christianity seems to miss it, except in so far as it begins by educating it. Above all, that is true of the Pauline teaching. Its very essence lies in education. To say that is simply to repeat in another way what has been already said about Paul's insistence on the fundamental truth that the higher life is a 42 I. Paulinism in the Grcsco-Roman World growth, a development, a process of attaining to an end jdesired and struggled for. This growth is the education of Ithe intellect and the character. The sarcasm that Paul pours forth on the Sophia, the philosophy, of the wise Corinthians, and the contrast that he points between their philosophic subtlety and the simplicity of true religion, have often led to the mistaken view that he disparaged education and preferred an uneducated religion. But this view misses the sarcasm of Paul's Letters to the Corinthians. It is not education that he hates, but false and abstract education ; for no person speaks so harshly about bad education as the educational enthusiast and reformer. What he really says to the Corinthians is that they must strip themselves of their false knowledge, cease to pride themselves on their spurious wisdom, recognise their own ignorance, before they can begin to acquire true education. They had never learned that the beginning of true knowledge lies in the recognition of one's ignorance.9 The work of a true educator was " to fit spiritual words to spiritual ideas, to speak Sophia among the mature, the Sophia of God, the Divine system of true philosophy, the deep-lying scheme in which the intentions of God in the world find expression" (i Cor. ii. 6 f., 12 f.). In writing to the Corinthians Paul was not depreciating the value of education, but warning them against the fault to which they were prone, viz., philosophic verbalism and jug gling with words. It may be argued that Paul refers little to teachers and the organisation of teaching, that the word "teaching" is not a characteristic word in his writings, and that therefore, whatever he may have thought, he showed no care for the practical realisation of his ideas about education. But the formal organisation of teaching was a matter of practical v. Hellenism and Hebraism 43 detail, which lay outside the scope of his letters. In the Pastoral Epistles, where he approaches nearest to the subject of the practical organisation in a Christian society, the word " teaching " becomes a characteristic term, occurring fifteen times in those three short letters, whereas it occurs only four times in all the rest of his writings. Moreover, Paul may well, have been alive to the dangers to which all schools and systems of teaching, lower and higher alike, are exposed : on the one hand they are too apt to become formal, stereo typed, conservative, lifeless ; on the other hand Greek edu cation, in an even greater degree than English, was too literary and abstract, too remote from the world of real life. § V. Hellenism and Hebraism. In the mind of Paul a universalised Hellenism coalesced with a universalised Hebraism. If the Hebrew and the Hellenic ideals are both widened to embrace the whole human race, they must either be able to coalesce or the one must destroy the other : there is no third alternative. That the thought of Paul was intensely and thoroughly Hebrew is, of course, a fixed beginning to start from ; this needs no argument, for it rests on the practically universal agreement of scholars. Yet there exists a widespread opinion that the Hebrew side of Paul's mind is the whole, and that you can comprehend his aims and thoughts fully by ap proaching him solely from the Hebrew side ; and on account of that strong opinion, expressed emphatically for example by Professor Harnack often in quite recent writings, many regard it as mere presumption to state a different view. But I cannot understand Paul as purely a Hebrew : his words and his life present on that supposition an insoluble enigma, and the course of history remains equally unintelligible. 44 I- Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World I am assuming the possibility of combining in one mind the aims and ideals of the East and the West. Here again I find myself in opposition to a fashionable opinion. There is a tendency in modern times, especially in this country, to consider that the Oriental and the European mind are absolutely contrary to each other, and to regard it as an impossibility that Asiatic and European should mix in a stable and contented common society. " Oil and Water " is the proverb that every superficial observer will quote. This opinion is mainly of modern manufacture. The truth that underlies it, and which some more accurate speakers state plainly, is that you cannot by pure compulsion and domina tion make Orientals into Europeans, any more than you can make Europeans into Orientals. The West cannot simply rule over the East, or the East over the West. The govern ing power must be above both ; and each must approximate to and adapt itself to the other by learning from the other. The most marked and dangerous symptom of degeneration in modern civilisation is the strengthening of racial antipathy, which now exists to an extent that was formerly unknown. In ancient history that deep-seated racial hatred plays little part ; the enmity of Greek and Jew is the worst example of it, and this was never carried to anything like the extreme that the Judenhetze has attained in mediaeval and in modern Europe. But race-hatred and colour-hatred are under present conditions forming barriers far more impassable than ever existed in ancient times ; and the so-called irreconcilability of Asiatic and European is one of those artificial modern products. The war between civilisation and barbarism, the battle between the Gods and the Giants (to use the Greek mytho logical expression of the thought), is always going on : it can v. Hellenism and Hebraism 45 never reach an end. The opposition reappears in new forms, as soon as the old forms are decided ; and this ex aggeration of racial pride and intensification of racial hatred is one of the modern forms which barbarism has assumed in its war against civilisation and progress. You see it in the railway station at Buda-Pesth, where in a great international halting-place there is no inscription permitted in any language except Magyar. You see it in the entrance hall of an American hotel, where the clerk refuses admission to a well-educated and well-dressed man because a tinge of blue in the finger-nails betrays a slight intermixture several generations back of negro blood. You see it on a great scale in India, where the lesson has not been learned, or has been learned to the wrong issue, that permanent rule of one race over another must fail unless they can to some degree approximate and unite. The Roman Provinces in the Asiatic continent furnish one example on a great scale to prove that the modern view is a fallacy. In the great Hellenistic cities of Asia the union of Asiatic and European in an orderly and well-balanced society was accomplished, first by the wise policy of the Greek kings and afterwards by the Roman rule. A high level of adaptive and inventive capacity characterised those great Graeco-Asiatic cities, and among their mixed population many excellent devices for the better ordering of society originated in the Hellenistic age. The narrow limits within which the old and purely Greek ideal of a City-State was confined had made it hard, and it would have remained isolated and barren, unless it had been worked out on a broader stage in the Graeco-Asiatic cities. Under the com pelling power of necessity amid the intercourse of East and West, development began in the realm of fact and life. 46 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World It has never been sufficiently noticed how much of improved Roman method (and even of modern method) in administra tion was taken directly by the Imperial government from Hellenistic models. A rational chronology, based on a national not merely a municipal principle, is, so far as I know, first traceable in Asia Minor and Syria ; and it is one of those simple matters of everyday usage, whose familiarity blinds us to its immense importance. Even alone such a creation of good method is an inestimable service to mankind ; but such a creation never stands alone. The practical sense which does this does many other things. The Imperial system of tax-collection, the substitution of which for the old Republican system of farming by the great financial magnates and corporations was one of the greatest benefits that the Empire conferred on the Roman world, was simply taken over from the Hellenistic states in the Eastern Pro vinces. Numerous devices of the Roman commercial law as developed by the praetors were borrowed from Hellenistic practice with very slight modifications (which were not always improvements), e.g., in respect of wills, contracts, etc. — a fact of which some recent writers on the Epistle to the Galatians and its legal aspect continue to remain ignorant. But far the most important fact of all was that in the mixed Hellenistic Empires, and especially in the Seleucid Empire, the wider idea of a nation and of national patriotism was beginning under the compulsion of necessity to replace | the narrower Greek idea of the City-State and of a purely (municipal patriotism. The wider idea was still faint and weak, but its germ was growing, destined to be taken up and fostered by the stronger and better amalgamated Empire of Rome. Philosophy followed hard on the heels of fact. Greek thought, and especially the Stoic philosophy, was not v. Hellenism and Hebraism 47 insensible to this wider and nobler idea of a unity and brother hood that transcended the limits of a city or a tribe ; but the conception of universal brotherhood remained as yet an abstract and ineffective thought, devoid of driving power to move the world. The Judaic conception was equally narrow with the pure Hellenic ideal, equally hard and barren when it persisted too long in its isolation, but also equally capable of rich growth. ' It saw one people of God, while aTl others were outcasts. The Judaism of the Diaspora was already working its way practically towards demonstrating the irrationality and im possibility of that narrow principle. Every Jewish family, which possessed the right of citizenship in a Greek city or the higher right of Roman citizenship, was in practice deny ing the principle to which its members still clung in theory. The teaching of Jesus rose high above such a narrow idea. The Apostles by slow steps were moving out of it : whether the impulse which forced them on would have been sufficient to raise them entirely above it of themselves cannot be known, for events took another course. The greater idea seized on Paul, penetrated and ruled his whole nature, and made him on a sudden able to see the whole truth and compelled him to live in it. He perceived in a flash of illumination that the universal Hellenism and the universalised Jewish right of inheritance to God's promise and grace, must be co- exten sive ; that each was the complement of the other. He made the other Apostles see this, at least sooner than they would themselves have understood it. The barrier was broken once for all. The universalism of Christianity completed the transformation of Hellenism. 48 I. Paulinism in the Grcecp-Roman World § VI. The Empire as the World's Hope. As has been pointed out in § III., the opinion which was almost universally held in ancient time, alike by philosophers, by poets, and by society in general, was that all history was a progress towards decay, a degeneration from good to bad. In the view of both Greeks and Romans the Golden Age of the world lay in the beginning of history, far back in the remote past; and sincfi then the world had been passing through a series of ages, each new one worse than the pre ceding. There was one remarkable exception to the unanimity of ancient feeling. There existed during the last fifty years before Christ a disposition to regard the rise of the Roman Imperial system as the inauguration of a new and better era in the history of the world. In this respect, as in so many others, the Empire presented itself as the rival of Christianity, attempting to solve the same social problems by means which were superficially similar, however unlike they were fundamentally. It was part of the ancient view that there could be no remedy for the evils of the world except through the help of Divine power. This view was taken both in the Christian and the Imperial hope and in the popular despair. As Paul said, so also those heralds of the Empire maintained, when things are at their worst then comes the divinely sent aid. The hope of a cure through the new Empire was born out of the most desperate straits to which the Mediterranean world had yet been reduced, viz., the Civil Wars and the apparently imminent ruin of the one great remaining power of order in the civilised world. The terrible and widespread suffering entailed by the Civil Wars proved, just as the vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 49 Pauline view declared (§ II.), the birth-pangs of a new hope, which appeared in the form of a deity incarnate in human form upon the earth : on this god, whether he was named Mercury, or Apollo, or Jupiter, rested the salvation of the Roman world. This Imperial hope was undoubtedly fostered and en gineered as a political device. Poets were used and rewarded for singing it, and orators were encouraged to employ it in their public speeches. But it was more than a device of clever party manipulation. It had a natural origin and a basis in human nature and human needs. The best way to understand its character is to examine carefully the poem in which it first appears, the famous Fourth Eclogue of Virgil, which was the first clear and articulate expression of the hope. This poem indubitably exercised considerable influ ence in giving form and definition to the vague emotion which was stirring in the popular mind at the time when the Empire was in preparation, felt by many, and expressed by one great writer. The Fourth Eclogue had its origin in an interesting episode of literary history ; and, if it were regarded solely from the literary point of view, it might almost be called an occasional poem. But what might have been a mere oc casional poem in the hands of a lesser poet, became in pass ing through the mind of Virgil a work of far wider and higher character. The thought must have been simmering in his mind for a considerable time before it was expressed ; though the form was suggested by an occasion in literary intercourse. It is, therefore, essential to a right compre hension of this Eclogue that it should be studied in its origin. Only in this way can its relation to the popular conceptions of the time be understood. 4 50 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World It was through the relations between Virgil and Horace, so friendly and for the latter so important, that this poem of Virgil's took its actual form.10 Horace was an officer, who served in the army of Brutus and Cassius, and took part in the disastrous battle of Philippi, which wrecked the aristocratic and republican party, late in the year 42 B.C. He fled from the rout of Philippi and returned to Italy, where he found that the estate at Venusia which he had inherited from his father had been confiscated and assigned (like many other Italian estates) to the soldiers of the victorious armies. He came to Rome, where, as he says, Bereft of property, impaired in purse, Sheer penury drove me into scribbling verse. The metropolis was the only place which at that time offered a career to a young man conscious of literary power, and compelled to seek a living thereby. Horace had now neither property nor patron nor influential friend. As an adherent of the defeated and unpopular party, the young poet's career was doubly difficult ; and we could not suppose that his republican and aristocratic sentiments were blazoned by him in Rome when he settled there. That he now con cealed his political feelings is proved by the fact that he found employment as a clerk in one of the government offices : a pronounced aristocrat would not have received, and would hardly have asked, such a position. Horace's mind was not that of a zealot or an extremist. He had fought for the side which he believed in, and he accepted the result of the fight. The question for him was settled, and he now accommodated himself unreservedly to the new situation. Moreover, he had unquestionably lost his faith in his former party, from causes at which the historian can guess without any difficulty. He recog- vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 51 nised that it was incapable and dead, and that Rome had nothing to hope from it, even if it had been successful in the fight. Every reader of his works knows that such was his feeling, and such was the widespread feeling of the Roman world. Men recognised that the degeneration of the Mediterranean world had proceeded one stage further, and that the Republic had failed decisively to govern the vast Empire which it had conquered. Horace represents the general opinion of the pagan world. He stands in the world of men, not above it (as Virgil did) ; he expresses its sentiments from a sane, common-sense point of view ; and, as he emerged from penury, he attained a high level of wisdom, propriety and self-respect in his outlook on the world, and a singularly easy and graceful yet dignified expression of popular philosophy and worldly experience. From him we gather the best side of popular sentiment and popular philosophy, as they were trained in the stern school of life. In one of Horace's poems the popular estimate of the situation in which the Roman world was placed found full expression. This poem is the Sixteenth Epode, which stands at the end of the first period of his literary activity, and prepares the entrance on his second period. In the first period he was the hungry wolf, the impoverished and disappointed writer, who had felt the injustice of the world and was embittered by his experience. In the Sixteenth Epode he pours forth unreservedly the disappointment, which he and the people generally felt about the existing situation of the Roman world. The long civil wars had sickened and disgusted the popular mind, except in so far as they had brutalised it into positive enjoyment of the apparently endless series of intestine wars and massacres, 52 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World each more bloody than its predecessor. The Roman Empire and Roman society were drifting steadily towards ruin, and their motion onwards towards the abyss was becoming ever more rapid. This consciousness of degeneration and approaching ruin generally turned to utter despair. No hope was apparent. The Roman people had outgrown its old religion, and had found no new religion to take its place. Hence there was no religious consolation for it, no God to whom it could look for help and salvation. To which of the deities should the Roman people turn : what prayer would avail to importune Vesta and the old Divine patrons of the State and compel them to help the city and the Empire in their need ? So asks Horace in the second Ode of the first book, a poem written at a considerably later date, when he thought he had found a new God and a present help. He replies that a new God was required to save the world. But in the first period of his literary work he had no hope. He had not even a political party to which he could join himself and for which he could fight. He had lost his old faith in the Republican party, and found nothing to replace it; the mind of man craved for the help of God, and there was no God known to it. So Horace consoled himself by an excursion into the land of fancy and of dreams. The Romans, as he says, had now only one chance left. They could abandon their country, and go far away from Italy into the Western Ocean, to find that happy land of which legend tells and poets sing, where the Golden Age of quiet and peace and plenty is always present, because here the degeneration which had affected the whole Mediterranean world had never begun. And so the poet calls upon all true men and good patriots to abandon their country, to desert Rome, and sail forth into the Atlantic vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 53 Ocean, seeking a " new world to redress the balance of the old world " — to dwell in The rich and happy isles Where Ceres year by year crowns all the untill'd land with sheaves, And the vine with purple clusters droops, unpruned of all her leaves ; Where the olive buds and burgeons, to its promise ne'er untrue, And the russet fig adorns the tree, that graffshoot never knew ; Where honey from the hollow oak doth ooze, and crystal rills Come dancing down with tinkling feet from the sky-dividing hills ; There to the pail the she-goats come, without a master's word, And home with udders brimming broad returns the friendly herd. For Jupiter, when he with brass the Golden Age alloy'd, That blissful region set apart by the good to be enjoy'd ; With brass and then with iron he the ages sear'd, but ye, Good men and true, to that bright home arise and follow me ! u Evidently, this fanciful description of the Golden Age in the Western Isles, with the advice to the Romans to take refuge there, does not express any serious belief. Horace and the popular mind generally had no cure to suggest for the malady of the State. To them the world of reality had sunk beyond salvation, and human life had degenerated into a riot of bloodshed and strife. Only in dreamland was there any refuge from the evils of actual life. Horace is here only " the idle singer of an empty day," singing in the brief inter val between the last massacre and the next one. There is no faith, no belief, no reality, in the poem, because the poet had no religion, while the popular mind felt in a vague fashion that God alone could help now, but knew no God to turn to. In this poem despair was seeking a moment's oblivion, and cheating itself with the false words of hope. But, while there is no reality in the proposed remedy, no one can doubt or has ever doubted that the poem is political, and touches on the real facts of the Roman situation. This was what the people thought and felt and vaguely said. The 54 I- Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World old Rome could not stand : the Republican and aristocratic party, which had fought to maintain the old Rome, was mis taken and practically dead, and its policy had utterly failed. The poem is really the expression of a despairing acquiescence in the tyranny of the Triumvirate and the autocracy of the coming Empire. This was the reluctant and despairing view with which Tacitus a century later (and many for whom Tacitus speaks) regarded the government of the Flavian Emperors: a Republican constitution, though theoretically the best, was too good for the Roman people, and the auto cracy was the only government that was practically possible. And, after a similar fashion, in the Sixteenth Epode Horace abandoned definitely his Republican views, to dream about freedom and to acquiesce in the slavery of a military des potism. / For our purpose the most important feature of the Epode is its expression of the general opinion that no salvation could be hoped for except through some superhuman aid. Man, left to himself, had degenerated and must degenerate. As we have already seen, this was the almost universal pagan view. St. Paul makes this view the starting-point of his philosophy and history : God alone can give help and preserve true civilisation. In this the Apostle of the Gentiles agrees with the almost universal Gentile thought. What he adds to it is the evangel of the way, revealed first to the Hebrews imperfectly, now perfectly to all men. We see, then, that the opinion of Virgil stands by itself, practically unprecedented in pagan literature. How did this idea of hope of an immediate and present salvation through a new-born child take form in his mind ? It may be assumed, for the moment, that chronology and general conditions permit the supposition that Virgil's poem vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 55 started from and gave the answer to Horace's.12 The late Professor Kiessling, of Berlin, pointed out that Virgil in this poem caught up and echoed two of Horace's phrases. It seems beyond doubt that nee magnos metuent armenta leones is not independent of Horace's nee ravos timeant armenta leones ; and similarly that Virgil's ipsae lacte domum referent distenta capellae ubera has some connection with Horace's illic iniussae venient ad mulctra capellae refertque tenta grex amicus ubera. Two contemporary poets, known to one another, each (as we may be certain) familiar with the other's work, do not write in this way by accident. The resemblance is inten tional, and was regarded, both by themselves and by the world, as a compliment paid by the imitator to the imitated. The question might be raised, however, which was the imitator; and there is a certain probability a priori that Horace, as the younger and less distinguished, was the imitator ; for we know of other places in which beyond doubt that was the case. But in this instance Kiessling concludes that Virgil was the one who echoed Horace ; and his reasoning from internal evidence seems conclusive. Moreover Virgil's poem was written in the year 40 B.C., and (as is universally accepted) in the latter part of the year ; whereas Horace's poem, which arose out of the horrors and suffering of the bloody Perusian war and expressed the feeling of repulsion excited thereby in the poet's mind, can hardly be placed later than the early months of 40 or the end of 41 B.C. The imitation is a graceful compliment paid by 56 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World the older and more famous poet to his young and as yet little known contemporary. We can appreciate how much the compliment meant to Horace, and understand that the language of the Ode which he addressed many years later to Virgil is not hyperbolic, but perfectly sincere and well-deserved. It was the kind ness and courtesy which Virgil showed to Horace when still struggling with poverty that endeared the older poet to the younger ; and this spirit of kindness and courtesy prompted Virgil to pay this graceful compliment, which may be re garded as the beginning of the friendship between the two poets. That friendship opened the door of society to Horace. After a time Virgil introduced him to Maecenas, who became his patron and intimate friend. In the sunshine of moderate prosperity his character expanded and blossomed into the genial temper of his maturer work. A deep gulf, caused by a profound difference of tone and spirit, separates Horace's later from his earliest work. While he was strug gling amid hard fortune, he was bitter and narrow. What he quickly became after he met Virgil, the world knows and appreciates. Now, looking at the Fourth Eclogue from this point of view, let us place it beside the Sixteenth Epode, and see what meaning it gathers from the collocation. Horace had said that no hope for the Romans existed, except that they should abandon Italy and Rome, to seek a happy life in the islands of the Western Ocean. Virgil replies that the better age of which Horace dreams is here in Italy present with them, now just beginning. The very words in which Horace had described a fabulous island and a legendary Golden Age are applied by Virgil to describe Italy as it will soon be, as the child already born in Italy will see it. What are mere vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 57 fanciful marvels when told about an unknown isle of the Ocean becomes real in the imaginative vision of Virgil, for they are being now realised in Italy under the new rule, through the power of the peace and good order and wise administration, settled government and security of property, which have been established in the country. Reading the two poems together, and remembering that they were written within a year of one another by two friends, one cannot doubt that they were companion and contrasted pieces, responding one to the other. They say to Rome respectively: "Seek your happiness by fleeing far into the Western Ocean " ; and " Your happiness is now being wrought out before your eyes in Italy". A glance suffices to show the intention to any one who has eyes to see. But in literary criticism inability to perceive more than one has been taught and habituated to see is a feature of some of the most learned scholars. Virgil is the prophet of the new age of Italy. He was always thinking about Italy and imagining what it might be made by the application of prudence, forethought, and true knowledge. The object of the Georgics is to describe what Italy might become, if agriculture were wisely and thoroughly carried out. " You have all you need in Italy, the most beautiful and the best country of the whole world, if you will only use it right." The intention of the poem is to force this lesson home to the Roman mind. The practical and skilful administration of Augustus appealed to Virgil. He saw that Augustus had wise plans, and skill to carry them into effect. He was a convinced adherent and apostle of the Emperor ; and in this poem he sets forth the Gospel of the new Empire. The union of science and government had made the Mediterranean world 58 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World fertile. The science had originally been supplied by the theo cratic order, when the accumulated experience and growing wisdom of a people was concentrated at the hieron of each district, where the Goddess educated and guided, nourished and tended her people. The union of science and govern ment was now beginning to make Italy perfect under the new Empire ; that union would soon destroy every noxious plant and animal, produce all useful things in abundance from the soil, tame all that was wild, improve nature to an infinite degree, make the thorn-tree laugh and bloom with flowers : it would naturalise at home all that was best in foreign lands, and thus render Italy independent of imports and so perfectly self-sufficient that navigation would be unnecessary. In this last detail we have one of those startlingly modern touches which so often surprise us in Roman literature. Virgil would have no free trade. The ideal he aimed at was that Italy should depend on itself alone, and not on sea-borne products. His ideal is here different from and narrower than the Imperial. He does not think of binding the lands of the whole Empire into a unity, as the Emperors desired ; he wishes only that Italy should learn to produce everything for itself and that thereafter the " estranging sea " should separate once more the lands, and navigation should cease. He probably had not thought of all that was implied in this ideal. That the Fourth Eclogue stands in close relation with the new Empire is obvious. It is the wise new system of rule that is to produce these blessed results for Italy. But there is as yet no trace of the autocratic idea in the poem. The future Emperor is neither named nor directly alluded to : he was still only one of a small coalition, the Triumvir- vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 59 ate, and his name was Octavianus. The title Augustus was bestowed upon him many years afterwards, in 27 B.C. Virgil thinks of the continuance, in an improved form, of the old Roman system of constitutional government by magis trates (honores), of the political career open to all Romans in the old way, and of the military training which was the foundation and an essential part of the Roman education. War must continue for a time, in order that the young Roman may be educated in the true Roman fashion. But it will be foreign war, carried on in the East ; new Argonauts must explore and conquer and bring under the Roman peace the distant Orient; a new Achilles was now sailing for another Troy in the person of Antony, who was charged with the government of the whole East and the conduct of the Parthian war. The triumvirate, Antony, Octavian and Lepidus, was not in appearance an autocracy : it was, in name at least, a board of three commissioners for establishing the Republic, professedly a temporary expedient to cure the troubles of the State. To speak or think of a single Emperor, or to connect the salvation of Rome with any single human being, was treason to the triumvirate, and was specially out. of place at the momentwhen Virgil was writing, shortly after the peace of Brundisium had established con cord and equality between Antony and Octavian. In the Eclogue a more obvious allusion is, in fact, made to Antony than to Octavian, for every one at the time recognised Antony in the new Achilles who was starting for an eastern war : the provinces east of the Adriatic Sea were under Antony's charge, and a Parthian war was in progress. But, while Antony is more directly alluded to, the thought that incites the poem and warms the poet's enthusiasm is the wise and prudent administration of Italy by Octavian. 60 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World That is the real subject. The enlightened forethought of Octavian and Agrippa made their rule the beginning of a new era in Italy ; and Virgil looked forward to a continuous growth in the country. Still less is there any dynastic thought in the Fourth Eclogue. The idea that an expected son of Octavian, or the son of any other distinguished Roman, is alluded to, is ana chronistic and simply ridiculous. Every attempt to identify the young child mentioned in the poem with any actual child born or to be born has been an utter failure, and takes this Eclogue from a false point of view. The idea of some literary critics is that the poem celebrates the expected birth of a son, who unfortunately for the poet turned out to be a daughter. This idea is really too ludicrous for any one but a confirmed literary and " Higher " Critic. A poet does not work so ; even a " poet laureate " could not work under such conditions. Least of all is there any idea in the Fourth Eclogue of deifying either Octavian personally or a son of his who might hereafter be born. That view is not merely untrue to the existing facts of the conjoint government and the union of Octavian and Antony. It misunderstands and misrepresents the development of the Imperial idea and the growth (or growing perversion) of thought in Rome ; it places Virgil on a plane of feeling far too low ; it is a hopeless anachronism in every point of view. Schaper, in a very interesting paper, pointed out many years ago that the deification of Augustus and his son and his dynasty was wholly inconsistent with the composition of the Eclogue so early as B.C. 40. The paper was convincing and, in a certain way, conclusive. But instead of drawing the inference that the deification of the dynasty is a false idea, read into the poem under the preju- vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 61 dice caused by the development of history in the years following after A.D. 40, he propounded the impossible theory that the poem was composed at a later time, i.e., in the period ending June B.C. 23, when Augustus was governing no longer as triumvir, but as consul, and was practically sole master of the Empire, though maintaining the Republican forms and the nominal election of another consul along with himself. To support this theory, Schaper eliminated the allusion to Pollio's consulship, which fixes the composition to the year 40 B.C., reading Solis instead of Polio (for that, as he maintained, was the correct spelling). To make this theory possible chronologically, and reconcile it with the date of the publication of the Eclogues not very long after 40 B.C., Schaper supposed that the Fourth Eclogue was com posed at a later date and inserted in a revised second edition of the Eclogues.13 These impossible buttresses of Schaper's theory were universally rejected ; the faults of his paper distracted atten tion from its real merits ; and the perfectly unanswerable argument from which he started was tacitly set aside, as if it shared in the error of the theory which he had deduced from it. The truth is that the poem belongs to an earlier stage of thought than the worship of Augustus ; and the Divine idea in it was still so vague that it was readily capable of being interpreted in accordance with subsequent history. But it was equally capable of being developed in a different direc tion and in a nobler and truer style. Had the Pauline idea of Christianity as the religion of the Empire been successfully wrought out during the first century, the Fourth Eclogue would have seemed equally suitable to that line of develop ment. The later popular instinct, which regarded the poem 62 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World as a prophecy of the birth of Christ, was not wholly incorrect. The poem contained an inchoate idea, unformed and vague, enshrining and embodying that universal need which indi cated " the fulness of time " and the world's craving for a Saviour. The Roman world needed a Saviour ; it was con scious of its need; it was convinced that only Divine inter vention could furnish a Saviour for it. Paul was fully aware that this universal craving and unrest and pain existed in the Roman world ; and he saw therein the presage of the birth of Divine trutft. "The whole creation groaneth and travaileth in pain until now." The political side of the Fourth Eclogue is emphatically marked, and was indubitably recognised at the time. The poem suited the situation, and it glorified the wise policy of Augustus. We are not blind to this side of the facts, which (as I believe) suggested to Maecenas and Augustus how much strength might be gained for the Imperial move ment by associating it with the new ideas which Virgil ex pressed. But the significance of this aspect should not blind us to the fact that this alone is insufficient to explain the genesis and the full meaning of the poem. It was not simply a political pamphlet in verse, though it had political significance. What then was the origin of the poem ? Apart from the political idea, the Fourth Eclogue is a vision of the true Italy, of Italy as it ought to be and might be. With the eye of a poet and the certainty of a prophet Virgil sees this new Italy in actual process of coming into being, and describes what he sees. There are two things which determine the evolution of this ideal picture in Virgil's poem. He is perfectly sure that the glorified and idealised Italy of his vision is being vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 63 realised at this very time and before the eyes of living men, and he connects that realisation with a new-born child. These are two ideas to which no real parallel can be found in preceding Greek or Roman literature. The Better Age had been conceived by the Greeks as lying in the past, and the world's history as a progress towards decay. Even where a cycle of ages was spoken of by the Greek philosophers, it was taken rather as a proof that no good thing could last, than as an encouragement to look forward to a better future. Now Virgil's new age, though spoken of in his opening lines as part of a recurring cycle, is not pictured before his view as evanescent ; it is coming, but its end is not seen and not thought of by him. How does Virgil arrive at his firm conviction that the best is last, and that the best is surely coming, nay, that it now is ? We cannot regard it as arising entirely from his own inspiration, springing mature and full-grown, like Athena from the head of Zeus. Rather we must attempt to trace the stages in its development to the perfect form which it has in this poem. Again, the association of a young child with this coming age is something entirely alien to Greek and Roman thought. It springs from a sense of a Divine purpose, developing in the growth of the race and working itself out in the life of other new generations, a thought not in itself foreign to the philosophical speculation of Greece, but developed here in a form so unusual that it imperatively demands recognition and explanation. The idea that the nation may and must look forward to a happier future, pledged by Divine promise, was too delicate for the Greek philosophers, though one finds it to a certain degree in the poets. Nowhere can we find any previous 64 I. Paulinism in the Grcsco-Roman World philosophy or religion that had grasped the thought firmly and unhesitatingly, except among the Hebrew race. To the Hebrew prophets, and to them alone, the Better Age lay always in the future : The best is yet to be, The last of life, for which the first was made. The Hebrews always recognised that the Divine purpose reserved for them a future better than the past, and they alone associated the coming of the Better Age with the birth of a child. We must, I think, look to the East and to Hebrew poetry for the germ from which Virgil's poem developed, though in the process of development ideas derived from other sides determined its growth and affected its character. Looking at the poem from another point of view, we re cognise that it is a metrical experiment, which Virgil tried in this one case and never repeated. Its metrical character seemed to him appropriate to his treatment of this one subject ; but he found no other subject which it suited, and he considered that the true development of the heroic verse lay in another direction. Landor, in his criticisms on Catullus's twelfth ode, has the following remarks on the metrical character of this Eclogue : "The worst, but most admired, of Virgil's Eclogues, was composed to celebrate the birth of Pollio's son in his con sulate. In this Eclogue, and in this alone, his versification fails him utterly. The lines afford one another no support. For instance this sequence (lines 4-6) : — Ultima Cumaei venit jam carminis aetas. Magnus ab integro saeclorum nascitur ordo. Jam redit et Virgo, redeunt Saturnia regna. Toss them in a bag and throw them out, and the}1 will fall vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 65 as rightly in one place as another. Any one of them may come first ; any one of them come last ; any one of them may come immediately ; better that any should never come at all." But in his criticism (apart from the fact that the force of lines 4-6 would suffer seriously if they were trans posed, though grammar and metre might be uninjured) Landor has not observed that Virgil in this poem is deliber ately trying an experiment in order to obtain a special effect. We do not maintain that the ruling metrical form would be suitable for ordinary Latin use, but its employment in this case is obviously intentional, and dictated by the subject ; it is no case of accidental failure in versification. But Virgil recognised that it did not suit the Latin genius, and he never repeated it. He used it here, because the subject was not purely Latin : prophecy of this kind was not akin to the Latin temperament or the Latin language, The two most distinguishing and salient metrical char acteristics of this Eclogue are, first, that the stops coincide more regularly with the ends of lines than in any other passage of Virgil, so that to a large extent each single verse gives a distinct sense ; and, secondly, that in a number of cases the second half of the line repeats with slight variation the meaning of the first half, or, when the sense is enclosed in two hexameters, the second repeats the meaning of the first. These characteristics are unlike any previous treatment of the hexameter. As to the first, it is true that in the earliest stages of Virgil's metre the stops are placed at the ends of lines to a much greater extent than in its later stages. But there is a general agreement among Latin scholars that the Fourth Eclogue is not the earliest; and even compared with the earliest, its metre is seen to be something peculiar and apart. 5 66 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World These characteristics are distinctly those of Hebrew poetry ; and it appears to me that the metrical treatment of this Eclogue can hardly be explained except as an experiment made in imitation of the same original, from which sprang the central conception of the Better Age surely approaching, and inaugurated by the birth of a child. Virgil found the idea and the metrical form together ; that is to say, he did not gather the idea from a secondary source, but had read it (in translation) as expressed by a great writer, whose poetic form dominated his mind for the moment. Only a writer of the loftiest poetic power could have so affected the mind of Virgil. We notice, too, that the peculiar metrical form is most marked where the expression approaches the prophetic type, while in the descriptive parts the metre is closer to the form common in the Eclogues. That such an origin for Virgil's idea is possible, will be doubted by no one who takes properly into account both the width of his reading, and the influence which the strange and unique character of the Jewish nation and religion (and here the religion made and was the nation) already had exerted and was exerting on the Graeco-Roman world. That is a subject over which there hangs, and must always hang, a thick veil ; but enough is known to give us increasing certainty, as time goes on, that the fascination which Judaism exerted on a certain class of minds was very strong, and its influence on Roman society far greater than is apparent in the superficial view which is permitted us in the dearth of authorities. Finally, the often quoted analogies with several passages of the prophet Isaiah afford some indication as to the identity of the great poet whose words, either in a Greek translation or in extracts, had come before Virgil, and influenced the development of his thought. It is true that there are numerous vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 67 points in this Eclogue which go back to Greek models. The ideas taken up by Virgil from a Semitic source are de veloped in a mind rich with Hellenic knowledge and strong with a vigorous Italian life. Virgil is never a mere imitator except in his most juvenile work ; he reforms and transforms everything that he has learned from his great instructors. It is an Italian idyll that he has given us, not a mere transplan tation of a foreign idea, or of any number of foreign ideas.14 The Hebrew idea of a growth towards a happier future through the birth of a Divine child was simmering in his mind, when Horace's despairing poem declaring that no happiness for Rome could be found except in voluntary exile to the Islands of the West caught his attention, and drew from him a reply. As a convinced and enthusiastic supporter of Augustus, he declared that peace and happiness were being realised in Italy by the wise rule of the Triumvir. With this he interwove the almost universal thought of his contemporaries that Divine aid alone could afford real and permanent improvement in the condition of the State ; and this Divine aid expressed itself to him in the form that he had caught from the Hebrew poetry. Whom then did Virgil think of as the child ? He must have had some idea in his mind. There can be no doubt as to this, if we simply look at the genesis of the Imperial cult. The power of that cult lay in a certain real fact, the majesty and dignity and character of the Roman people, which was assumed to be represented by the Emperor as the head of the State. Augustus permitted worship of himself only in the form of a cult of " Rome and Augustus ". To a Roman like Virgil in B.C. 40, the Divine child, who embodies the future of Rome, who has to go through the education of war and magistracies (as the poem declares), could only be 68 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World " Rome," i.e., the Roman people collectively, the new gener ation of Rome, born under happier auspices and destined to glory and advancement in power and in happiness. As Virgil apostrophises the one Roman as typical of the race and its destiny in the famous line, often quoted, tu regere imperio populos, Romane, memento, and as Macaulay imitating him uses the same figurative speech, " Thine, Roman, is the pilum," to paint the Roman racial character, so here the Latin poet, with the Hebrew thought of a child in his mind, can describe the birth and infancy of the future Roman as taking place under the usual natural conditions. A correct appreciation of this poem makes us better under stand the origin and character of the Roman Empire, and the problem which had to be solved in its construction. The poem is the apotheosis of the Empire, but not of auto cracy. The Divine idea in it is wider than the narrow limits of Roman or of pagan thought. But it is vague as well as wide : it is nobler than paganism in proportion as it is vague and wide. Owing to its vagueness it was susceptible of more than one interpretation ; and in the lifetime of Virgil it was interpreted as the Gospel of the Empire ; and it was made the starting-point of a half-artificial, half-genuine literary movement, which set up the New Empire as the Divine power on earth, a movement fostered by Maecenas and brilliantly expressed with more than half-belief by Horace. But the Divine idea of the poem was true enough to be also capable of being developed in a different direction and in a nobler style. The Eclogue stands at the parting of the ways, and has not yet set foot on the worse path which was soon afterwards chosen. In it there lay much more than Virgil was himself conscious of. He did not see, as we now can recognise, that the necessity for a common religion lay vi. The Empire as the World's Hope 69 before the Empire. In fact, as we saw, he did not grasp fully the Imperial idea. His ideal was Italian, not Imperial. In this, as in so many other ways, the Imperial system offered a strange and striking parallel to the Pauline system. They were two attempts to achieve a similar end by means which in some respects strongly resembled each other. The need of an incarnate God to save the world, the gathering up in the new system of all that was excellent in older history, were Imperial as well as Pauline ideas. The unity and brotherhood of the whole Roman world was the goal towards which Imperial policy was consciously tending. To attain the goal a common religion was needed, and Augustus found himself, against his own will and wish, forced to make an Imperial religion. His attempt to restore to life the dead ceremonial of the old Roman worship proved, as he could not but recognise, utterly inadequate. The Provinces could never have been brought to adopt the childish ritual of the Arval Brothers, the Salian priests, the Lares, and so on. The majesty of Rome incarnate in the reigning Emperor was presented to Augustus by the popular choice as the common religion of the Empire. There were in this way two religions proposed for the Empire ; the Imperial cult was demanded by the populace, the new universal religion of Christ was offered by the in sistent voice of Paul. The Emperors, if they refused the latter, must accept the former ; but it was not until the reign of Domitian that the Imperial worship was frankly and ostentatiously adopted, when the Christian alternative had been refused and proscribed absolutely. Augustus, who was forced to organise the Imperial cult in the Provinces as a support of the State, was always a little ashamed and afraid of it ; and he prohibited it in Italy. His successors, with 70 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World the exception of Caligula, a half-insane person, but insane with the idea of autocracy, were affected in some degree by the same feeling. Some regarded it as a mere political fiction. Domitian began to take a real pride and pleasure in it. § VII. Paulinism in the Roman Empire. If Paul was attempting to gather together into his ideal of a Christianised society all that was true and Divine in the older world of thought and life, the Roman Empire was working at the same problem on the practical side. We have just seen how it caught up from the Hellenistic states many excellent devices in administration and wrought them into its own system. That is typical of the Imperial policy. The Empire was universal in its intentions : the Emperor, father of his country the Empire, sought to turn to the advantage of his children all that had been discovered or invented in the past, and to improve upon it. Thus there existed the same antithesis as we have just seen in § V. A universal Paulinism and a universal Empire must either coalesce, or the one must destroy the other. The question which history had to determine was whether the two powers should be hostile or should coalesce. The Empire was trying to weld the separate nations into a great Imperial unity, and to substitute the Roman idea of " Province " for the older idea of " Nation," or rather to make the term " Nation," Ethnos in Greek, the translation of the Latin Provincia. It is needless and impertinent here to describe or praise the skill with which the Empire attempted this task, gradually widening the area of Roman citizenship by taking into it those who stood out conspicuous in the Provinces for ability, public service, education and wealth. vii. Paulinism in the Roman Empire 71 What is pertinent to our purpose is to observe that Paulinistic Christianity offered itself as the power which alone could make the unity vital and effective. It was the soul which might give life to the body of the Empire, a body which the Emperors were trying to galvanise into life by the religion of Roman patriotism, the worship of the Roman majesty as incarnated in the Emperors. It had now to be determined whether the Empire would accept the chance of permanent vitality that was offered to it. The history of the Empire needs to be rewritten from this point of view : the relation of the government to the new universal religion determined the vicissitudes of its fate. The historians who write the story of the Empire devote an occasional footnote, or a paragraph, or a special chapter to what are called the " Persecutions ". They miss entirely the deeper facts of the situation. The one overwhelming factor in the situation of the Empire was its relation to the Church : in their reconciliation lay the only hope of permanent strength for the Roman State : all other considerations were secondary. A large portion of the most hardworking, eager, and resolute people in the most progressive Provinces — in some the overwhelming majority — were estranged from the govern ment and exposed to an intermittent and incalculable risk of suffering, torture and death. This portion was, on the whole, the educated middle class, the real strength of the State. The government, by estranging this class, was throwing itself unreservedly on the support of the soldiers. It is patent to all that the deep-lying weakness and ever- present danger of the Empire was two-fold. In the first place the Imperial authority was originally based on military power; and the soldiers gradually learned that they could make or unmake the sovereign as they pleased. The 72 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World Churches of Paul offered the corrective to this evil, and made it possible to reform the foundations of the Empire by basing it on the support of the educated middle class through out the Roman world, a solid and permanent platform for the State to rest on. The second danger to which the Empire was exposed, and which right policy would have aimed at diminishing and eliminating, arose from the enormous preponderance of an uneducated populace. This danger was all the more serious because the sovereign power nominally lay in the hands of the people, and the uneducated populace formed an over whelming majority of the whole people. The theory of the Imperial constitution was that the people entrusted the supreme power to the Emperor, as Champion of the Com mons in virtue of his tribunician authority, and received back the power from his hands at death or resignation or de thronement, until they chose to entrust it to another. It should have been the prime duty of the Empire to edu cate the populace so that it might become a rational, not an irrational and incalculable force. A government which rested firmly on the agreement of an educated people would have been saved from the ever-present menace of the soldiery, whom the Emperors dreaded while they leaned upon them. The Pauline Church in the Empire would have put an end to the danger, and strengthened the State as it spread. The educated middle class who constituted the Church would have grown, and reached more deeply and widely into the uneducated masses, raising them to its level. The ignorant proletariate would have been automatically diminished, as the Church increased and absorbed into itself the ignorant by educating them. The Roman State possessed remarkable vii. Paulinism in the Roman Empire J 3 elasticity and was quite equal to the task of adapting itself to this progressive development. Such was the Pauline policy. The Imperial policy — apart from some exceptional cases — was to neglect education, but to feed and amuse the populace, a process which steadily degraded and brutalised it more and more. The vital ques tion for the State was which of these policies was to gain the upper hand. The Pauline policy would have saved the ancient civilisation by reforming the State. The policy which was actually carried into effect by the Emperors ruined the State by destroying education. Some of the Emperors were impelled to carry out this ruinous policy by mere ^opportunism and blindness to the future. They saw that the populace must be kept quiet from day to day by catering for its body and its soul. The first necessity for the government was to keep in stock a large enough supply of food in Rome to prevent famine ; this was arranged by a State department, for with the insuffi cient means of transport that then existed, private enterprise could not be relied on (as is possible in modern times) to pour into the city food enough to serve a million of inhabit ants. The people was encouraged to think of nothing but games and amusements, lest it should think of more serious things, and waken to a sense of responsibility. A riot in Rome must at all costs be prevented, for a riot was the one greatest and most immediate and incalculable danger to which the State was exposed. The Emperors were therefore strongly tempted to take this easiest way of staving off the danger by humouring the populace ; but the issue was in the long run fatal. More able and prudent Emperors dreaded the Pauline Church, because they recognised that ultimately it must be a 74 I- Paulinism in the Grcsco- Roman World foe to autocracy. The Christians were, in the last resort, the reforming party: the Emperors felt that reform must affect their own power. Whereas an uneducated populace could never use the power that it nominally possessed, and must entrust it to an autocrat, a people trained to think and to feel responsibility might seek to use it themselves and per haps destroy the autocratic system. The Church, therefore, presented itself to the imagination of the greatest and most far-seeing Emperors as their most dangerous rival ; and, as a whole the Imperial policy was inexorably opposed to the reforming party; the ablest, wisest and most patriotic in spirit of the Emperors approved (though sometimes very reluctantly) the policy of repression and persecution, and the salvation which Paul offered to the Roman State was rejected. As they rejected the salutary policy, the only alternative was to continue the other policy of cajoling and brutalising the people by charity, cheap food and lavish amusements. A certain number of the Emperors were disposed to leave free scope to their great rival, the Pauline Church. Their motives can hardly be determined, and were doubtless vari ous ; modern historians of the Empire, prevented by the fashionable blindness from seeing the real character of the situation, do not even attempt to estimate the motives which prompted these Emperors. Some apparently who had no regard for the Roman glory, were actuated by mere idleness and carelessness, and were disposed simply to let things go. Others perhaps were prompted by a sort of enlightened selfishness: they saw that the danger to the autocracy from the Church would come too slowly to affect themselves, and acquiesced in the aggrandisement of a power which could not do them personally any harm. But there were some cases in which, as I cannot but think, a more vii. Paulinism in the Roman Empire 75 generous and a wider policy was consciously chosen. Some of the Emperors felt that a course of action which was alien ating and trampling upon the educated middle classes of the Empire could not be right or salutary, and attempted on statesmanlike grounds to abandon the persecuting policy and to initiate a conciliation between the autocracy and the re form movement ; but their attempts were in all cases quickly put down. The spirit of Roman determination to brook no rival and accept no reform that came from without was too strong. How far did Paul understand and foresee the issues that were nascent in the Empire during the first century ? Who can say exactly how far a great statesman can foresee in detail the distant consequences of rejecting the salutary measure that he advocates ? It is enough to say that he sees the cure for existing evils, and advocates with all his might the only possible remedy, and warns the State that ruin is the only alternative. So much we can say that Paul saw and did. And the vague mythopoetic perception of the people recognised the statesmanlike intention of Paul, and formed a legend connecting him with the other great contem porary stateman, Seneca, a minister to whom the blindness of modern and the strong prejudice of ancient historians have rendered scant justice. The period of Seneca's tenure of power is marked by a wise and generous tolerance, which would, if continued, have prevented the persecutions and saved the Empire, and which was fully appreciated by Paul and his historian Luke. Such was the spirit of Seneca's brother Gallio, whose decision in the case at Corinth constituted a precedent so important as to be almost a charter for the Christians, until it was overturned by the decision of a higher tribunal. It is a remarkable fact that a Roman Jew 76 I. Paulinism in the Grczco- Roman World of Tarsus and a Roman Phoenician of Spain should between them have come so near to saving the Roman State by the wise policy which the one preached and to which the other allowed free scope and growth. The wise and right policy was begun : it ruled for a time : it underlies the whole of Paul's letters : Luke and i Peter protest against a change of policy. Never was a case where the wise : statesmanship came so near being adopted permanently over the whole civilised world. But it was not to be. That the recklessness of Nero reversed the policy of Seneca was not in itself a serious matter, for all Nero's acts became invalid at his death. But the clear insight of Vespasian confirmed, or rather legally instituted, the proscription of Christianity ; and the ablest and greatest Emperors accepted and enforced the policy of Vespasian, though like him for a long time they did so only in a half-hearted and inconsequent fashion. The Emperors staked their fate against the Church, and they lost. In the third century the character of the question is most clearly seen. Alexander Severus had attempted a reconcilia tion by enthroning Christ in the Imperial pantheon ; Philip the Arabian, Zenobia the Palmyran, aimed at the same end in various ways ; but no conciliation was possible. It was a question between the military power and the thinking middle class, and it became also a question between two rival re ligions. The State worship of the Emperors proved too feeble, as a mere sham religion ; and Mithraism was made the religious banner of the later pagan Empire and the faith of the soldiers. Mithras or the Galilean : such was the later form of the question ; and on the whole the West was mainly for Mithras, the East mainly for Christ. The centre of gravity of the whole Empire shifted towards vii. Paulinism in the Roman Empire jj the East. The city of Rome was no longer the heart and brain and seat of life for the Empire. The Provinces were growing every year in importance, and the East especially so. The pre-eminence of the city of Rome was becoming in some degree a mere popular superstition and an antiquarian survival. Now the Christian Church was the fullest expres sion of this new spirit in the Roman world, the refusal of the Provinces to accept the tone of Rome. Through Christianity the Provinces conquered Rome and to a certain degree re- invigorated the Empire. The shifting eastward of the capital of the Empire was in reality an acknowledgment of the strength of the new religion, for the East was mainly Christian, while the power of the government, and of the army, and of Mithraism, the triune enemy, lay mainly in the West. Diocletian was able to see the fact, though not the reason. Constantine saw both the fact and the reason : he had a truer, because a wider, view. Born and nurtured in childhood in the pagan West, he lived and was educated for many years as a hostage of State in the Christian East. He acquired through this double experience a knowledge of both systems. Like Paul he had assimilated in some degree the spirit both of the East and of the West. Because he understood both, he could judge better between them. He gauged the power of both forces. Whether from far-seeing ability to estimate the future, or from genuine conviction — who shall be able to judge? — he made his choice. Diocletian had moved the capital from Rome into Asia. Constantine founded the New Rome on the Bosphorus, and the Christian Empire began. But it was too late. The policy of massacre on a vast scale, inaugurated by |Decius, had been carried out too thoroughly by Diocletian and his co-emperors ; and it pro- 78 I. Paulinism in the Grceco-Roman World duced its usual ruinous consequences. A State which is supported on massacre is doomed. An official Christianity was victorious, but Pauline Christianity had perished, and Paul was now a mere saint, no longer Paul but St. Paul, forgotten as a man or a teacher, but remembered as a sort of revivification of the old pagan gods. Paulinistic Christian ity disappeared almost entirely from the world for a time ; but it was not dead ; it was only waiting its opportunity ; it revived when freedom of thought and freedom of life began to stir in Europe ; and it guided and stimulated the Protes tants of the Reformation. § VIII. Conclusion. / It seems needless to point out that this Pauline idea is (incomparably wider than Jewish, and that the simple narrow /Hebrew, who is set before us as Paul by many modern j scholars, could never have conceived it. The Jewish mind was content to recognise the infinite power of God and the utter powerlessness of men before Him: He is the potter ;\ we are the clay. What is the manner in which God deals 1 with man, how He works out His purpose in the world, whether there are steps and stages in the process of His action, and if so, what are these stages, of all such questions the Semitic mind seemed naturally careless. It was enough to know the fact ; investigation of the manner was needless and even impertinent : as Abt Vogler says in Browning, so the Jews thought, The rest may reason and welcome : 'tis we musicians know. / Curiosity and investigation of that kind was Greek, not / Semitic ; and there can be no doubt that Paul learned it in { the Greek cities, and above all in Tarsus. This was the viii. Conclusion 79 great debt that he owed to the Greeks (Rom. i. 14). Partly, doubtless, through the formal education needed to fit him for the sphere in which he was born, the Graeco-Roman world, partly through unconscious assimilation of the atmo sphere and spirit that breathed through Hellenised Tarsian society, his mind had been widened far beyond the narrow limits of the stereotyped Judaism. In fully conscious thought Aluring his maturer years he broadened both Judaism and Hellenism till they were co-extensive with the world and co incident with one another. To specify all the influences that worked on Paul in his youth would be to discuss completely the situation of the Jewish citizens in the Graeco-Asiatic cities of the Roman Empire, a task far beyond the present writer's powers, and one that transcends the bounds of known evidence. In brief it may be said that those influences were some theoretical, some practical. The education and method of Greece had I deeply affected Paul's mind, as has just been stated. The I practical surroundings of municipal life in a self-governing free city like Tarsus had also profoundly influenced him.J These forces had been acting on him for generations, for he was heir to all that his ancestors had learned in their position as Tarsian citizens (see Part II.). The habit of electing\ their own rulers, of free sovereign discussion of their own interests in public meeting, of making or voting on their own laws, of living the unfettered life of Greek citizens, moulds the character of men. This we may assume, but we cannot weigh it or measure its effect by any mathematical formula. Our plan will be to describe the Hellenic cities in which Paul lived and worked, to attempt to determine the varying tone and spirit of each, so far as our insufficient knowledge 80 I. Paulinism in the Grceco- Roman World of its history reaches, and thus to show at least the variety of experience through which Paul passed. Jerusalem, of course, does not figure in our list. Its force was reactionary; and the years which Paul spent there in his youth were years during which the Hellenic tendencies in his nature lay dormant and probably were weakened. Syrian Antioch, undoubtedly, exercised considerable in fluence in moulding Paul's mind. There he first came in contact with a young Church of the new kind wider than the Palestinian congregations. But it is not our intention to devote any consideration at present to Antioch. Luke gives us no detail whatsoever about the city. He speaks only of the congregation, and even in regard to it he mentions little except names and generalities. In his narrative at Antioch there is nothing that even remotely suggests personal know ledge and eyewitness. No incident lives before us, until we come to the scene when Barnabas and Saul were sent forth to the first missionary journey ; and here there is nothing that specially belongs to Antioch. It is a universal scene, that belongs to the Church as a whole, not to the city in which it chanced to take place. Moreover, the present writer has never been able to visit the city, and has no personal knowledge of the localities ; and a study at second-hand would be out of keeping with the rest of this book. There remain Tarsus and the four Galatian cities. Luke gives no details about Paul's life in Tarsus. One must con clude that he had no personal knowledge of the city ; and Paul's relation to it would be a blank to us, were it not for what he himself tells about it. The interest of Luke lies in the Aegean lands and on the sea. He is stamped as a Greek by the range and the limits of his personal predilections. Even about the Galatian cities viii. Conclusion he has not very much to relate that is detailed or pictur esque. But the inauguration of the Galatian work at Pisidian Antioch and the scenes at Lystra are in the best style of his narrative, where every word is addressed to the eye as well as to the mind. A study of the Aegean cities would be the fitting completion of the book ; but that task would need another volume. Incidentally, one must ask whether the contrast between the slightness and vagueness of the Syrian and Cilician history, and the fulness and copiousness of detail in the Aegean lands and waters, which were familiar to Luke, does not prove that he had no personal knowledge of Syria and of Cilicia. In regard to an ordinary author, the inference would be unhesitatingly drawn. Why not in regard to Luke? Finally, some inferences will be drawn in the concluding part as to the influence of the Hellenic city life on Paul's personal character. PART II. TARSUS. r v ^~~~% V V ¦t \JL^r fc° 1 O /r 1 5 T£* 2-v V, 'Xi'A \ / y/ * / x / «*> / /y * s-// 5 /S* -o— ^£22» V l tit// 1 *¦ ^ — o ^^ . %/f-! ~y% <* 2 »\ J 5J o a. < V j) v O * 1«* o _ i o a -> \ -> I A vv— \ \ i\ -i V a/\ uo TARSUS. § I. Introduction. In the introductory verses of his Letter to the Galatians — that wonderful preface to the most remarkable letter that\ ever was written — St. Paul gives an historical sketch of his V own life, as he looked back on it with the experience of a lifetime and the insight of a thoroughly reasoned religion to direct and intensify his vision. He describes the chief stages in his life from its beginning. What had been mis guided and ignorant almost sinks out of view : he re members only the steps by which his knowledge of truth and his insight into the real nature of the world had grown. The many years in which he had been a leader and chief among the Jews, with his mind shut up within the circle of Jewish ideas and aspirations, are summed up in a brief sentence; and he passes on to the epoch-making event in his career, the real beginning of his life, " when it was the good pleasure of God, who separated me, even from my mother's womb, and called me through His grace to reveal His Son in me, that I might preach Him among the Gentiles ". It is a widely spread view that in these words the Apostle is merely expressing the infinite power with which God chooses His instruments where He will, selecting persons even the most unlikely and apparently unprepared and unsuited to be His ministers, and putting into them the (85) 86 1 1. Tarsus power to execute His will. But such an interpretation is inadequate and far from complete. It is true that here, as everywhere, Paul lays the strongest emphasis on the limit less power with which God selects His agents and in struments ; but neither here nor anywhere else does he represent this power as being used in an arbitrary fashion, of which man cannot understand the reasons or the method. The choice of himself was the final execution of a design which had been long maturing in the purpose of God, and which was worked out step by step in the process of events. Already before his birth Paul had been chosen and set apart as the Apostle of the Gentiles ; and, when the proper moment had arrived, the revelation took place, and the design of God was made consciously present in the mind and heart of the man. It was not a sudden and incalculable choice of a human instrument. It was the consummation of a process of selection and preparation which had begun before the man was born, but of which he had at first been wholly unconscious — so unconscious that he had spent his energy in fighting vainly against its compelling power. Only in later time, as he reviewed his life, he could see the preparatory stages in the process, beginning before his birth ; the purpose of God had matured its design by the selection through a long period of means useful to the ultimate end. The conception is more Greek than Hebrew. A purely Jewish mind would have been content to emphasise the in finite power of God, who chooses an instrument for His pur poses wherever He will. It is characteristic of the Greek education not to be content with this almost fatalistic con ception, but to scrutinise the manner and the steps by which the Divine purpose works itself out. The Greek mind re- Introduction 87 gards the evolution of the will of God as a process which takes place under the conditions of space and time, i.e., as a process of history. We see this idea running through Greek literature ; and in the same way as the action of the Iliad presents itself to Homer as the series of events by which " the counsel of Zeus wrought out its accomplish ment " (see Part I., § IV.), so Paul conceives the counsel of God working out its accomplishment in the circumstances of his birth. If we attempt to interpret his mystic religious statement in the language of history, it means that the family, the surroundings, and the education of Paul had been selected with the perfection of a Divine purpose to make him fit to be what he was designed to be, the Apostle of the Gentiles. There was one nation, one family and one city, out of which the Apostle must arise. The nation was the Jewish ; but the family was not Palestinian, it was Tarsian. Only "a Hebrew sprung from Hebrews " could be the Apostle of the perfected Judaic faith ; but he must be born and brought up in childhood among the Gentiles, a citizen of a Gentile city, and a member of that conquering aristocracy of Romans which ruled all the cities of the Mediterranean world. The Apostle to the Gentiles must be a Jew, a Tarsian citizen, and at the same time a Roman. If that be not the mean ing of Paul's words, the historian may abandon altogether the task of interpreting them, for they cease to have any historical application. But his words, here and everywhere, are instinct and alive with historical force. Every sentence is a summary of historical development. But Paul sees and speaks on the plane of eternal truth ; and the historian has to render his words, only half seeing, half understanding them, "with stammering lips and insufficient sound," into 88 II. Tarsus those which may describe the steps of that development as they are conditioned by time in the process of history. Tarsus was the city which should produce the Apostle to the Gentiles. Why was that city chosen ? Again we must recognise that the choice was no arbitrary selection of an unlikely and unsuitable place. Tarsus was, through its nature and circumstances, the proper city. That it was the one suitable place has been borne in on the present writer during long study of the conditions of society and the geographical environment of the Cilician land and cities. It was only after the observation of this remarkable adapta tion had gradually fixed itself in his mind, taken root there, and made for itself definite expression in language, that he found the same thought fully expressed in the words of Paul himself. In the Historical Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians, those words were left by the writer un noticed and unexplained, because they were to him still uncomprehended and obscure. Now they appear full of light and historical meaning. Wherein lay the peculiar suitability of Tarsus to educate and mould the mind of him who should in due time make the religion of the Jewish race intelligible to the Graeco- Roman world, and should be able to raise that world up to the moral level of the Hebrew people and the spiritual level of ability to sympathise with the Hebrew religion in its perfected stage? It lay in the fact that Tarsus was the city whose institutions best and most completely united the oriental and the western character. When Greece went forth under Alexander the Great to conquer the East, the union of oriental and occidental was attempted in every city of western Asia. That is the most remarkable and inter esting feature of Hellenistic history in the Graeco-Asiatic I. Introduction 89 kingdoms and cities.1 But none of those cities, though all were deeply affected in varying degrees by their Asiatic surroundings and the Asiatic element in their populations, seems to have been so successful as Tarsus in establishing a fairly harmonious balance between the two elements. Not that even in Tarsus the union was perfect : that was im possible so long as the religions of the two elements were inharmonious and mutually hostile. But the Tarsian state was more successful than any other of the great cities of that time in producing an amalgamated society, in which the oriental and the occidental spirit in unison attained in some degree to a higher plane of thought and action. In others the Greek spirit, which was always " anti-semitic," was too strong and too resolutely bent on attaining supremacy and crushing out all opposition. In Tarsus the Greek qualities and powers were used and guided by a society which was, on the whole, more Asiatic in character. With this idea in our mind, we proceed to study the character and the social conditions of the city of Tarsus. It would be vain and profitless to study the city simply as it was in the childhood of Paul. We can understand its character and influence at that period only by studying its development and the law of its growth. How had it been formed into its condition at the Christian era? What elements were there in its population ? What fortunes had befallen the people and moulded them already before their birth? What influences of sea and air, of plain and mountain, of intercourse and warfare with others, had through many generations affected their nature and deter mined their character ? 2 The attempt to put together a picture of Tarsus and its people in the first century after Christ would be entirely 90 1 1. Tarsus vain, owing to the paucity of information, were it not for the intensity of municipal patriotism among the citizens of an ancient city. In modern times that character is not sufficiently remembered by many scholars, who are misled by the modern facts. In most Scottish cities of the present day knowledge of, and interest in, their early history belong only to a few antiquaries : the mass of the citizens know and care nought about such matters. In Aberdeen, for example, the speaker in the Town Council, who wishes to persuade his audience, does not quote early history ; if he were to begin a speech by appealing to his hearers' pride in "the Red Harlaw," some would hardly know what he meant, others would regard him as an amiable enthusiast whose opinion about present business could be of no possible value. Patriotism is far from weak in the heart of such citizens, though they are a little ashamed of manifesting it outwardly, and suspicious of, or amused by, those who show it more openly ; but their patriotism is mainly for their country and their race, not for their own town. But to the ancient Greek citizen his city absorbed all his patriotism. His city, not his country as a whole, was his " fatherland " (yet see p. 46). He was keenly interested in its past, and he actively participated in managing its present government. A citizen who was not active and interested in his own State was disliked and contemned in general opinion ; and the unwillingness of the early Christians to perform the religious acts required in all political duties, and their consequent abstention from politics, intensified the disapproval which the pagan mob felt for them. The patriot ism of the ordinary citizen gained intensity through the narrowness of its scope. All that his patriotism embraced was constantly present to his senses, and forced every day Introduction 9 i and every hour on his attention. He could not get away from its claims. It surrounded him from infancy, educated him in boyhood, and opened to him all his opportunities of activity in manhood. It was to a large extent co-extensive with, and inseparable from, his religion ; in fact, the true Greek theory was that religion should be entirely co-ex tensive with patriotism ; but human nature was too strong for theory, and it was impossible to restrict a man's religion within the circle of his duties towards the State, though the Greek view tended to regard as superstition all that lay outside of, and too deep for, that circle. Only by an effort can the modern mind begin to appre ciate how strong and real was the influence that the more striking facts of past history, and its half-religious, half- political legends, exerted on the ancient citizen. These were to him present and real influences, guiding his action and moulding his mind : they formed the standard to which the orators and philosophers, who wished to move the mind of the citizens, must accommodate their words; and each orator selected from past history with such skill as he possessed the points suitable for his own purposes. One single example will serve to show the enormous in fluence of historical legend on the ancient cities. It was probably a Greek poet of Sicily who invented in the sixth century a connection between ancient Greek history and the young city of Rome, already powerful under its kings ; for Greek views demanded that any strong external State should be brought into relations with old Greece. Thus arose the fancy that Rome was founded by Trojan refugees, fleeing from their city when Agamemnon captured and burned it. Yet this utterly groundless and non-Roman idea became gradually accepted by Rome herself; it was 92 II. Tarsus used as an incident in the great national historical epics of Naevius and Ennius, and finally was made the plot of Virgil's Aeneid, the most perfect literary expression of Roman sentiment and Roman pride. It won its way to the Roman mind, though attributing a foreign origin and a fugitive ancestry to their people, mainly because it was a convenient political instrument. The ancient mind re quired, and always found or invented, a justification in past history and religion for all political action ; and, when the Romans began to exercise influence in the Greek world, they justified their interference by their right, guaranteed by old Greek authors, to carry on to completion the his torical drama which had begun with the war of Troy and their own expulsion by the Greeks. On this ground they justified their interposition to protect their kindred in New Ilium against the Graeco-Syrian king early in the third cen tury (282 B.C.). Legend, half-religious, half-political, is here exhibited as a powerful and vital force in the ancient mind. Popular belief and legends with regard to the foundation and past history of a Hellenic city are, therefore, important as a means of understanding the mind of the people, who believed and circulated them. The example just given shows that the value of the evidence is entirely unconnected with historical truth. What the citizens were saying at any time about their own past reveals what was their mind about present matters at that time, what they prided themselves on, what they claimed to be, what were the topics which might be appealed to by orators and teachers desirous of influencing their action. As at Rome, so in Tarsus and Iconium and other Hellenic cities, totally different and in consistent legends circulated with regard to their origin : these tales came into existence at different times, in different ii. The Situation of Tarsus 93 states of feeling, and among different constituent elements in the complicated fabric of municipal society and politics. § II. The Situation of Tarsus. Tarsus (which still bears its ancient name slightly modi fied, Tersous) is situated in the Cilician plain, 70 to 80 feet above sea level, and about ten miles from the southern coast. Behind it towards the north, fully two miles distant, the hills begin to rise gently from the level plain; and they extend back in undulating and gently swelling ridges, inter sected by deep water channels, until they lean against the vast and lofty range of Taurus, about thirty miles distant to the north. Cilicia lies between Taurus and the sea, and comprises the level sea plain, the undulating alluvial hills, and the front of the ridge of Taurus. The bounds on the north varied in different periods of history. In the Roman time (with which we are here chiefly concerned) they were fixed high up on the face of Taurus, about 500 feet below the summit of the front ridge.2a At this point, and not at the actual summit, is the natural geographical boundary be tween the Cilician land, steamy with the moist heat of its well-watered soil, and the broad, lofty and inclement moun tain region of Taurus, backed by the high central plateau of Anatolia ; and therefore it may rightly be regarded as the true frontier of the country. The exact point is indicated by inscriptions on the rock walls of the narrow pass which is famous in history under the name of the " Cilician Gates". The situation will be more fully described in § IV. The combination of these three kinds of country was highly advantageous to the Cilician cities and people. The 94 II. Tarsus cities, Tarsus and the rest, were situated in the low plains, only a few feet above sea level. The moist heat of the fertile soil and oppressive atmosphere would have been un favourable to vigorous municipal or commercial life. But the considerable extent of undulating ground, often very fertile and generally well wooded at the present time, which intervened as foot-hills between the sea plain and the Taurus mountains, offered a far more pleasant and healthy abode during the summer heat ; while the high glens and plateaus of Taurus were admirable sanatoria. Those foot-hills, therefore, were a valuable part of Tarsian territory, and really essential to its prosperity ; and the remains of ancient life show that the oppor tunity was thoroughly used by the people. There is, in truth, a second Tarsus on the hills, about nine to twelve miles north of the city proper, probably a town which was partly used for summer residence, but still a large and strong town with regular fortifications on a great scale, permanently occupied by a considerable population — indeed a much stronger city than Tarsus on the level plain, which was devoid of any proper acropolis (as Dion Chrysostom mentions). These ruins, which extend westwards from the north road for several miles up to the deep gorge of the river Cydnus, are evidently mainly Roman ; and the very name which was given to them in the third century can be deter mined. On the west edge of the ruins the Roman road leading north from Tarsus to the Cilician Gates is spanned by a triumphal arch, styled with boastfulness characteristic of the Tarsians (see § XXII.) by the Latin term quadriga, though probably no four-horse car was ever placed upon it. This monument gave its name to the whole district PLATE I. Tarsus the Hill Country behind, and the snow-covered Taurus in the background. To face f. 94. ii. The Situation of Tarsus 95 around ; and the name appears in Greek as Kodrigai on coins of Tarsus, struck about A.D. 200. From these coins we learn that games of the Olympian fashion were celebrated in honour of the Emperor Severus at Kodrigai, which is called the " Boundary of the Cilicians," and was therefore on the north side of Tarsus towards the Cilician Gates. Severus had marched south into Cilicia along the road from the Gates, and we may presume that the triumphal arch was erected at the place where the road approached the town. On the plateau near the arch games might well have been held, especially during the heat of summer. This upper town formed a really important factor in Tarsian history. It was mainly instrumental in maintain ing unimpaired through many centuries the vigour and energy of the citizens. Tarsus, lying low in the plain, sheltered by Taurus from the invigorating northerly breezes, which are so important in maintaining the salubrity of Anatolia, would inevitably be a relaxing and enervating place ; but the close neighbourhood of the hills brought an invigorating residence within easy reach of the mass of the population. The healthy condition of ancient Greek cities generally was due partly to the water supply, partly to the cleanli ness which was a matter of religious duty, enforced by the gods of the streets whose images stood there, and partly to the love of the people for country residence and for outdoor life. That, in choosing the sites of the great Greek cities of Asia, much attention was paid to the character of the atmosphere and the neighbourhood of invigorating high ground, is evident to all who have seen and noted their situation. The population of Asia Minor is, and has pro bably always been, appreciative of this character. The 96 II. Tarsus natives even now, unobservant and resigned and careless as they are, will often distinguish between the invigorating atmosphere of one town and the oppressive, heavy air of another at no great distance in a worse situation. In respect of the danger of malaria the case of Tarsus was similar to that of Perga, and even worse. Perga stood on a slightly elevated plateau by the river : Tarsus lay on the dead level plain, only a few feet above the lowest level of the river Cydnus, and exposed to inundation as soon as the water rose in flood. Both are sheltered in the same way by the northern mountains ; both face the sea and the sun. In my Church in the Roman Empire, p. 62 f., this character of Perga is described. A distinguished French scholar has denied that Perga could have been exposed to malaria, on the ground that the thorough cultivation of the soil in ancient times must have made it healthy. It is all a ques tion of degree. Cultivation will do much to diminish the malarious character of a district ; but the Pamphylian soil was so fertile because it is by nature abundantly moist. Irrigation, where needed, is easy. Wherever this abundant moisture and fertility characterise the sea-plain in this ex tremely hot country, fever is prevalent and the climate is depressing, while insect pests make human life wretched for a considerable part of the year. The bad effect is exaggerated by neglect and the increase of marshes ; but it is unavoidable and only partially curable. Now, since the country south of Tarsus has been allowed to relapse into its primitive state of marsh, the climate of the city is doubtless more oppressive and enervating than it was in the Roman time, when the marshes had all been drained and the country was entirely under cultivation. But, at the best, the situation of Tarsus must always have PLATE II. Two views of a Triumphal Arch on the Roman Road, twelve miles north of Tarsus: from the south. (A view from the north is given in Pauline and Other Studies, Plate XIII.) To face p. 96. ii. The Situation of Tarsus 97 made the climate relaxing; and the city could not have retained the vigour that made its citizens widely famous in the ancient world, without the hill town or hill residence so close at hand, which prevented the degeneration of the Tarsian spirit through many centuries. But this hill town was not a place of summer residence only. It seems to have grown from a mere wayside3 station and an open summer resort into a real fortified city, a second Tarsus. The fortifications were probably con structed during the decay of the Roman Empire, when invasions were a constant danger, and a stronger defence than the city of the plain was required. It seems possible that this hill town is the Tarsus which the Bordeaux Pilgrim mentions, twenty-four Roman miles south of the Cilician Gates. This is far too short for the distance between the Gates and the city of the plain. Perhaps the Pilgrim stopped at the hill town, while Tarsus on the plain decayed in the wars, and was rebuilt by Haroun-al-Rashid.4 Tarsus was certainly a very large city in the Roman times. The information of intelligent and observant residents is that, wherever you dig, from the hills two miles north of the present town to the lake and marsh five or six miles south, you come upon remains of the ancient city. With the residents on the hills, the population of the Tarsian State is likely to have been not less than half a million. Thus it was, as Basil describes it, a metropolis for three provinces, a centre of communication for Cilicia, Cappa docia, and Assyria. The fortunes and history of Tarsus were determined by three geographical conditions: (1) its relation to the rest of the Cilician plain, (2) its connection through the river Cydnus with the sea, and (3) its position commanding the 7 98 II. Tarsus end of the principal pass across the Taurus mountains to the central plateau and the western and northern parts of Anatolia, one of the great routes which have determined the history of the Mediterranean world, the pass of the Cilician Gates. § III. Tarsus and the Plain of Cilicia. The country of Cilicia is, roughly speaking, triangular in shape, the apex on the north-east being formed by its mighty boundaiy mountains, Amanus, running due south and separating Cilicia from Syria and Commagene, and Taurus diverging to the south-west and dividing the country from Cappadocia and Lycaonia. Those two great mountain walls approach close to the sea, which forms the third side of the Cilician triangle. If we neglect as less important two narrow strips of coast land at the eastern and western ends of Cilicia, and if we leave also out of count the foot-hills that lie against the mountains and make a full half of the whole land, Cilicia consists of two very rich plains, the upper or eastern, which is divided from the sea by a ridge of hills (Djebel-Nur), and the lower or western, which is in the strictest sense a maritime plain. The eastern plain is the valley of the river Pyramus. The western is the valley of three rivers, the lowest course of the Pyramus, the Sarus, and the Cydnus ; 5 and on the three rivers were situated the three great cities, Mallos on the Pyramus, Adana on the Sarus, and Tarsus on the Cydnus. The mutual relations and rivalries of these three cities have determined the history of the maritime plain of Cilicia. Another side of Cilician life, the opposition between the western plain with its capital Tarsus and the eastern plain with its capital Anazarba, will not concern us much in the PLATE III. Jonas Pillar and the Cilician Sea, near Issus. The slope of Djebel Nur rises on the right. To face p. g8. iii. Tarsus and the Plain of Cilicia 99 present study. It was an important feature of the later Roman period, the second and following centuries after Christ ; but it exercised no appreciable influence in deter mining the character of the Pauline Tarsus, with which we are now engaged. The west Cilician plain has been gradually won from the sea in the course of ages. It was formed mainly by the great river Sarus, which bears through the centre of the plain to the sea the united waters of two great rivers of the plateau, the Karmalas and the Sarus proper. The forma tion of the plain has probably been assisted by several successive slight elevations of the level of the land (shown by a succession of old sea beaches, which mark out the shape of the former gulf, now become the western plain) ; but, mainly, the plain has been deposited by the Sarus. This plain, like the country as a whole, is triangular in shape, with the sea as its base, and its apex in a recess of the hills. It contains about 800 square miles of arable land, with a strip of sand-hills and lagoons about two to three miles wide along the coast. At the apex of the plain, on the north, the river Sarus enters this lower plain, and winds its circuitous way in a great sweep towards the sea, which it now reaches very near the mouth of the Cydnus at the western edge of the plain. At an early period it probably joined the Pyramus, which, entering the western plain by a narrow pass between the Taurus foot-hills and the Djebel-Nur, keeps close at the present day to the base of the latter, and winds back to wards the sea, on the extreme eastern limit of the plain.6 But the Sarus deserted that old junction centuries before the time of Christ, and formed its own way to the sea through the centre of the plain. It probably found entrance ioo II. Tarsus to the sea at different points as the centuries passed by, and its mouth is now, certainly, much further west than it was in the Pauline period. At that time it apparently flowed not directly into the sea, but into a large lagoon, still well marked, about nine miles east of the mouth of the Cydnus and fifteen miles west of the old Pyramus mouth. This lagoon was half divided from the sea by a bar of sand. Thus the Sarus had no navigable entrance from the sea; and a city situated on the river Sarus could have no direct maritime connection. Adana, therefore, the city on the Sarus, was situated far up the river, near the apex of the plain. The river was and still is navigable there, but navigation must have been only for purposes of local com munication, not of sea-going traffic. Taking into consideration the foot-hills as well as the sea plain, we see that Adana lies near the centre of Cilicia, in a very favourable situation for ruling the country when sea navigation is unimportant. Hence it is the natural capital of the country under Turkish rule. A lofty rocky hill forms an excellent and strong acropolis, crowned now by the buildings of the American Mission. From those build ings there is offered a wonderful view ; on the south, across the apparently limitless level plain, the sea cannot be dis tinguished ; on the north and west one looks over the lower foot-hills to the long snow-clad wall of Taurus. Eastwards the view is almost more varied and impressive. From Tarsus no such view can be got. The city lies so low that the mountains are for the most part concealed behind the hills ; and there is no rock marked enough to serve as an acropolis. PI. II. shows the best outlook.7 But from the hills a few miles northward, and especially from the acropolis of the hill city, a marvellous view is pre- iii. Tarsus and the Plain of Cilicia 101 sented, extending along the mountain walls of Taurus and of Amanus, and across the Gulf of Issus to the Syrian mountains and the promontory behind which lie Seleucia and Antioch. Adana and Tarsus are cities of inevitable importance ; and both retain their ancient name to the present day. Mallos, on the Pyramus, has lost its people and its name. Its very site is still unsettled and a subject of controversy. It owed its greatness in early history to circumstances that have long ceased to exist. At the beginning of history it stands forth as the principal harbour of the Cilician land, and the chief seat of Greek influence and trade. The Pyra mus then offered the only well-defined river entrance on the Cilician coast with a natural harbour, whereas Tarsus had to make its harbour, and Adana never could have enjoyed easy maritime communication. As was necessary in primitive times, when piracy was a never-ceasing danger, Mallos was built, not on the sea, but some way up the river. Strabo mentions that it stood on a hill, and thus points out its position, for there is only one hill near the mouth of the Pyramus. West of the ancient mouth and east of the modern mouth a little ridge of hills (now called Kara-Tash) 8 rises on the seashore. This ridge was probably once an island in the Cilician gulf, and after wards it formed the eastern promontory at the entrance to the gulf. As the land rose and the sea receded, the Pyra mus passed out along its northern and western base into the sea. The city of Mallos was situated on the northern slope of the hill, away from the sea and looking towards the river. In this situation, one understands why Scylax regards it as an inland city, up the river, while both Strabo and the Stadiasmus describe it as belonging to the coast, and Strabo pointedly contrasts it with the inner country. 102 II. Tarsus The river Pyramus, like the Sarus, has silted up its former mouth, and now flows in a different channel. About twelve or fifteen miles above the ancient mouth, where the old course turned off towards south-west, keeping close along the northern edge of the Mallos hills, the river now bends sharply back to the east and flows into the bay of Ayash (the ancient Aigeai), which it is rapidly filling up with the soil deposited from its waters. Accordingly the site of Mallos must now be looked for on the western side of the modern river, and at some considerable distance from the bank. Between the rivers Cydnus and Pyramus lies the famous Aleian plain, deposited in large degree by the river Sarus which flows through it and has gradually formed it. A plain formed in this way must in an earlier stage of history have been a succession of swamps and waste land, only half won from the sea, with the Sarus struggling to find a pain ful and devious way through it. Long after the Pyramus had found a well-defined channel down past the site of Mallos to the coast, the Sarus was wending its difficult course through those marshy lowlands towards the sea. Homer has preserved for us in the fifth book of the Iliad the memory of that early time, when he relates the tale of Bellerophon : When at last, distracted in his mind, Forsook of Heaven, forsaking humankind, Wide o'er the Aleian plain he chose to stray, A long forlorn uncomfortable way, This writer evidently understood the Aleian plain to be a melancholy waste, untraversed by any path, uninhabited by man, a scar upon the smiling face of the land, where a melancholic madman might " wander alone, eating his own in. Tarsus and the Plain of Cilicia 103 soul, avoiding the paths of man ".9 But ,in the classical period of history it was a great stretch of especially fertile and rich land. Strabo distinguishes the Aleian plain from the coast-land, because the former was cultivated and rich, while the latter was mere sand and lagoon and cane-brake. The troops of Alexander the Great were able to march right across the plain, which was well suited for the move ment of cavalry in the fourth century before Christ and doubtless during many centuries earlier. In contrast to these accounts the Homeric lines preserve a true memory of more ancient days, brought to the har bours of the west by the early Greek sailors who traded to the port of Mallos ; and the tale probably carries us back to a time far older than the ninth century B.C., and opens before us a page in the history of the gradual forma tion of the central Cilician river and the Cilician plain. How far human agency co-operated with nature by defining and embanking the river channel is a question on which proper exploration would doubtless throw some light. Those great engineering operations by which rivers were regulated and marshes were drained, as e.g., the Yang-tse- kiang, the Po, the Nile, the Boeotian marsh Copais, and many mountain glens in Greece and Anatolia, lie far back at the beginning of civilisation in the southern countries. The Aleian plain was divided between the three great cities ; but undoubtedly the largest part belonged to Mallos. Hence Mallos is probably the harbour which is meant by Herodotus, vi. 95, when he tells that the great army sent by Darius against Greece in 490 B.C. marched to the Aleian plain in Cilicia and encamped there, until the fleet arrived and took them on board. The early history of Tarsus was determined by competi- 104 II. Tarsus tion with its two rivals. It outstripped them in the race at last ; but Mallos was at first the great harbour and the principal Greek colony of Cilicia. An alliance between Mallos and Adana was natural, because the path from Mallos to the north and the inner plateau lay through Adana, and its trade was dependent on the friendship of the inland city. Each had much to gain from alliance with the other. On the other hand the interests of Tarsus were opposed to both Adana and Mallos. Tarsus, as a harbour, competed with the latter, and as commanding its own path to the inner plateau it competed with the for mer. This struggle for superiority continued through the Greek period, and traces of it remain in the orations which Dion Chrysostom delivered at Tarsus in the beginning of the second century after Christ. But Tarsus grew steadily greater and more powerful, while its two rivals seem to have finally been forced to accept a lower rank, leaving the supremacy of the western plain to their more vigorous competitor. If I may judge from the holes which I saw in the ground here and there, the plain near Tarsus consists of a stratum of rich fertile soil resting on a bottom of gravel and pebbles. The stratum of soil is thin at the edge of the hills on the north and gets deeper as one goes south towards the sea. The rivers flow on the gravel and pebbles. Perhaps the same kind of formation may extend over the whole Aleian plain. It is sometimes stated that the ruins of the ancient Tarsus are covered by the silt of the river to the depth of 15 or 20 feet. I could find no proof that any recent river deposit overlies the old level of the city, nor that the remains of ancient life are covered so deep, except on a iv. Tarsus, the River and the Sea 105 sort of hill or mound on the south-west of the modern buildings, which seems to be entirely modern, caused by the earth accumulating over ancient remains. Such a mound always tends to gather over an uninhabited site. But in the inhabited part of Tarsus the modern level seems not to be more than a few feet above the ancient. This may be inferred from the depth at which the pebble and gravelly bottom is struck in digging, for the level of this bottom has probably not varied since the overlying stratum of loam was deposited in the geological process of formation. As regards the command of a large extent of fertile territory, Tarsus though well equipped, was not equal to either of her rivals. The superiority which she ultimately achieved over them was due to other causes. § IV. Tarsus, the River and the Sea. The glory and the ornament of Tarsus was the river Cyd nus, which flowed through the middle of the city. Dion Chrysostom, in the first of his two orations delivered at Tarsus somewhere about A.D. no, makes fun of the pride and affection with which the Tarsians regarded their river ; they loved to hear from strangers the praises of its beauty and of the clearness of its water, and when it flowed dark and muddy, they anxiously explained to visitors the reason. I^e speaks rather depreciatingly of the situation and natural surroundings of Tarsus, and declares that it is inferior to many cities in respect of river and climate and conformation of land and sea and harbour and walls.93 The river, which runs clear and bright among the hills, soon grows muddy after it enters the rich deep soil of the plain. Dion implies that its water as it passed through the city was ordinarily io6 II. Tarsus .TjEHIR Jemrun IClLICIAN Sates S AMCM|IAUe I \3 uns of \Rutr\jj vf Roman din Ali s*< .«*• .-..** .i* 5/> i**- - — y iV *\ \ "C: & %, iv. Tarsus, the River and the Sea 107 clear. This was certainly the case. In its short course through the thin soil north of the city it did not come much in contact with the mud, but flowed in a wide gravelly bed. Only when in flood did it carry down with it mud and soil, and rush through the city in a dark and turbid current. But below the city, where the soil is deeper, it soon became laden with mud, and acquired permanently the yellowish opaque colour of the Tiber at Rome. The question as to the character of the bed of the Cydnus is complicated by the change that has occurred in the course of the river. It was liable to inundation, as it drained a large extent of hill and mountain country, down which its numerous feeders rushed rapidly after heavy rain and poured a sudden flood into the city. Probably the danger was guarded against during the most prosperous period of Tarsian history by operations facilitating the outflow. At least Dion, while he refers to the turbid colour of the river in flood, does not mention the danger of inundation in his very candid and searching enumeration of the natural defects of the city. Afterwards less care was shown in keeping the channel clear and open, and in the time of Justinian, between 527 and 563 A.D., a flood did so much harm to the city, that the Emperor formed a new channel in which the river now runs. Probably this channel was intended merely to divert the superabundant water, for the purpose of keeping the level within the city uniform and safe. But the result was that, in the neglectful times which followed, the channel within the city gradually became choked, and the whole body of water was diverted into the new course. It was not till about the fourteenth or fifteenth century that the process was completed. Earlier travellers saw the river flowing in part through the city, in which its channel can 108 II. Tarsus still be traced (especially in the southern parts) by the de pression in the level, and by remains of the embankments and bridges seen by living witnesses during excavations for building purposes. The modern watercourse on the west side of the town, often mistaken by travellers for the original bed of the river, is wholly artificial and quite distinct from the old channel (as can be seen by following it up to the point where it is taken off from the Cydnus). It was not necessary for Justinian to make a new channel all the way to the sea. A watercourse flowed down parallel to the Cydnus past the eastern side of the city. All that was necessary was to make a cutting from the Cydnus, beginning from a point about a mile north of the modern town, and diverging gradually from it towards the other bed, which it joins on the east side of the modern city. This watercourse was too small for the large body of water that afterwards came to run through it ; and hence in modern times there are annual floods and great part of the country south of the city is sometimes inundated. In May, 1902, we could hardly make our way down by the west side of the Cydnus towards the sea, and the horses had to wade a long distance through fairly deep water that covered the fields. The artificial character of the channel in which the Cyd nus now flows on the north and north-east sides of the city is plainly shown in the so-called " Falls of the Cydnus," a little below the point where the modern course diverges from the ancient bed. The rocks over which the stream falls contain numerous ancient graves, and many of these are underneath the ordinary level of the water and visible only when the river is at its lowest. While the river in its modern course never touches the PLATE IV. Falls of the Cydnus (the new River of Justinian) on the north side of Tarsus. See p. 107. PLATE V. .- ¦ .* -«1 The Cilician Gates. To face p. 108. See p. ir3. iv. Tarsus, the River and the Sea 109 town, and artificial canals carry the water to irrigate the gardens and turn the cotton mills and other machinery in Tarsus, the ancient Cydnus flowed right through the city. Strabo, Dion, Xenophon, and other authorities agree in this statement. About two miles or less below the city there is formed in the wet season a small lake, which generally disappears in summer. This lake forms in a slight depression on the former bed of the river, as the flow of the water is impeded by modern conditions ; but no such lake was per mitted to form when Tarsus was a great city. About five or six miles below the town the ancient Cydnus flowed into a lake. This lake is fed by natural springs in its bed (as I was informed by good authorities), and must always have existed. Its ancient name was Rhegmoi or Rhegma; and the name must be taken as a proof that it was at one time a lagoon, into which the sea broke over a bar of sand. Thus at some remote period, the memory of which was preserved by the name, the river had no proper mouth to discharge itself into the sea (re sembling in this respect the Sarus, as described above, § III.). But in the time of Strabo, and doubtless for cen turies previously, the lake was separate from the sea, and communicated with it only through the lower course of the river. Strabo describes the lake as a widening of the river. There was doubtless then, as now, a belt of sand and dunes between the lake and the sea, though it remains uncertain whether the belt was as broad then as it now is. The lake was the harbour of Tarsus. Here were the docks and arsenal. Here most ships discharged, though light galleys, like that which carried Cleopatra, could be navigated up into the heart of the city. Round three sides of the lake, probably, extended the harbour town, which no II. Tarsus was called Aulai.10 The city did not extend to the southern side of the lake ; not a trace of it has been found on that side ; but the buildings extended in an almost unbroken succession from the lake to the city. The conformation of the country shows that the Cydnus must have flowed in a comparatively straight course south wards through the plain into the lake. The exact line of its old channel cannot always be traced, but its general course is evident. In the centre of the city, however, it made a sharp bend eastwards for a short distance, and then turned south again. Its old channel in this bend is quite clearly visible within the modern town ; and a more careful survey might suffice to place its whole course on a map with exact certainty. The Cydnus flows with a much swifter current down a far less level course than the Sarus. The railway, which passes a short mile north of Tarsus, is a few feet higher above the sea at Tarsus than at Adana (63 feet), and therefore, while the Sarus has a meandering course of fifty or sixty miles from Adana to the sea, the Cydnus falls a little more in its course of about eleven miles. But the fall is greatest above the city, less within it and far less below it. Even the upper lake or marsh cannot be much above sea level, and the lower permanent lake is probably little, if at all, higher than the sea, except when it is swollen by rains and by overflow from the modern river on the east. At an early period of history a great deal of labour and skill must have been expended on the channel of the Cydnus and on the lake in order to regulate and limit them, and to improve the navigation. The once useless lagoon was con verted into a convenient harbour, open to ships through the mouth of the river, yet completely shut in and safe iv. Tarsus, the River and the Sea 1 1 1 against sudden attack from the sea. Nature had aided the work by forming a broader belt of sandy sea-shore and transforming the lagoon into a lake. But engineering skill was required to improve the lower course of the river, to facilitate its flow and prevent inundation, to deepen and em bank the channel and to drain the marshes, as well as to border the lake with the quays and dockyards which Strabo describes. The lake was certainly smaller in ancient times than it now is, and proportionately deeper. The river pro bably issued from it at the south-eastern end and found its way into the sea through the same mouth as at the present day, though the present communication from the lake to the modern river is by a cutting about a hundred yards north of the probable former channel of the river. This brief survey shows what was the foundation on which rested the love and pride with which the Tarsians regarded their river. The Cydnus is very far from being a beautiful or a grand stream. Nature was not originally kind to Tarsus. Nothing can be drearier or more repellent than the stretch of land and river between the city and the sea, as the modern traveller beholds it. No amount of skill could ever make it beautiful. Dion certainly was thoroughly justified when he said to the Tarsians that as regards natural surroundings and advantages, they were inferior to numberless cities. But their river was their own in the sense that their own skill and energy had made it. They had transformed that dreary stretch of half-inundated lands, fringed by sand-heaps along the sea, into a rich, well- drained and well-watered plain, holding in its bosom a vast city through which ran for miles a river capacious of the merchandise of many lands — a city with its feet resting on a great inland harbour and its head reaching up to the hills. H2 II. Tarsus This is only one of the numberless cases in the ancient world in which a great engineering operation lies far away back at the beginning of the history of a city or a district. The effort and the struggle for victory over nature in such cases seem to have started the population on a career of success, teaching them to combine and to organise the work of many for a common benefit, and showing in the result how union and toil could make their city great and its inhabitants respected. When once the Cydnus had been regulated and naviga tion made possible, Tarsus was placed in a very favourable situation. It was (as Thucydides says) a necessity for the early trading cities that they should lie at some distance from the sea in order to be safe from pirates. Tarsus was situated at the head of the navigation of a river, which it had by its own work and skill made navigable ; and it took full advantage of its position. Though not most favourably situated by nature to be the distributing centre for Cilicia, and the road centre for communication with other lands, it entered into competition with rivals that were more favoured by nature, and by another great piece of engineer ing placed itself in command of the best route from Cilicia to the north and north-west across the Taurus mountains. Tarsus cut the great pass, called the Cilician Gates, one of the most famous and the most important passes in history. § V. Tarsus and the Cilician Gates. The broad and lofty ridge of the Taurus mountains divides Cilicia on the south from Cappadocia and Lycaonia on the north. The Taurus is cut obliquely from north west to south-east by a glen, down which flows a river called Tchakut Su, rising in Cappadocia and joining the v. Tarsus and the Cilician Gates 1 1 3 Sarus in Cilicia near Adana. The glen of the Tchakut water offers a natural road, easy and gently sloping through the heart of Taurus. It is generally a very narrow gorge, deep down amid the lofty mountains ; but it opens out into two small valleys, one near the northern end, the Vale of Loulon or Halala, 3,600 feet above the sea, the other about the middle of its course, the Vale of Podandus, 2,800 feet. At the east end of the Vale of Loulon the glen is narrowed to a mere slit barely wide enough to receive the Tchakut water, and the road has to cross a hill ridge for about four or five miles. Apart from this there is no diffi culty, until, a few miles south-east from the Vale of Podan dus, the glen ends before the southern ridge of Taurus, which rises high above it, like a broad, lofty, unbroken wall. The river Tchakut finds an underground passage through this wall ; and the railway will in some future age traverse it by a tunnel, and emerge on the foot-hills in front of Taurus, and so come down on Adana. But the road has to climb over this great wall, and nature has provided no easy way to do this. The earliest road, which is still not altogether disused, went on south-eastwards direct to Adana, ascending the steep ridge and descending again on the southern side : it has never been anything but a hill path, fit for horses but not for vehicles. This was the path by which Mallos and Adana originally maintained their communication and trade with the Central Plateau of Anatolia. The enterprise of the Tarsians opened up a waggon road direct to their own city. A path, which was in use doubt less from the earliest time, leaves the Tchakut glen at Podandus (2,800 feet) and ascends by the course of a small stream, keeping a little west of south till it reaches and 8 114 II- Tarsus crosses the bare broad summit (4,300 feet), where Ibrahim Pasha's lines were constructed in the war of 1836; then it descends sharply 500 feet beside another small stream, till it reaches a sheer wall of rock through which the stream finds its way in a narrow gorge, the " Cilician Gates ". Nature had made this gorge just wide enough to carry the water, and the rocks rise steep on both sides to the height of 500 or 600 feet. Except in flood, men and animals could easily traverse the rough bed of this small stream. But the pass began to be important only when the Tarsians built a waggon road over the difficult hills from their city to the southern end of the Gates, and then cut with the chisel in the solid rock on the west bank of the stream a level path through the gorge. Thus the pass of the " Cilician Gates " became the one waggon road from Cilicia across the Taurus, and remained the only waggon road for many centuries. We naturally ask at what period these great engineering works were achieved ; but no direct evidence is attainable, except that a waggon road leading south across Taurus from Tyana was in existence before the march of the Ten Thousand (401 B.C.), and this waggon road must neces sarily be the road through the Cilician Gates. For my own part, though strict evidence has not been discovered and certainty is unattainable, I feel confident that the waggon way through the Cilician Gates had been cut and a per manent frontier guard stationed there centuries before that time. The probability that this was so will appear in the following sections. This survey of the natural conditions by which Tarsian development was controlled has brought out clearly that the great history of the city was not due to the excellent v. Tarsus and the Cilician Gates 1 1 5 qualities of river, climate, sea or harbour placed at its dis posal with lavish kindness by nature. In those respects it was inferior, as Dion says, to very many cities. It had subdued nature to its purposes, it had made for itself river and harbour and access to the sea, and a great engineered road across the mountains ; and through the kindness of nature it could compensate the stifling moist heat of the plain by the lighter and cooler atmosphere of the hills or the sharper air of the upper Taurus regions. It had learned to conquer nature by observing the laws and methods of nature. It was the men that had made the city. Such was the great inheritance which they bequeathed to their descendants. An inheritance of the fruit of courage and energy like this is a great thing for a people, and a just cause of pride : the Tarsians of the later Greek and Roman times were stimulated and strengthened by the conscious ness of their descent from the men of earlier times. That is clearly implied by the language of Strabo and Dion ; and it is expressed in the words of St. Paul, as may be gathered from Luke's account of the stormiest scene in his chequered and adventurous career, when he replied to the Roman Tribune, " I am a Jew, Tarsian of Cilicia, citizen of no mean city". One would have expected him to claim the Roman rights, as indeed he did a few moments later ; but the first words that rose to his lips came direct from his heart and expressed the patriotism and pride in his fatherland, his patria, that lay deep in his nature.11 The city that was his fatherland and his home mattered much to Paul. It had a place in his heart. He was proud of its greatness. He thought of the men who had made it and bequeathed it to his time as men connected by certain ties with himself (Rom. i. 14). n6 II. Tarsus Who were those men ? Of what stock was the people who thus made their own river and harbour ? § VI. The Ionians in Early Tarsus. According to the view stated above, the formation of that important pass over Taurus, one of the great triumphs of early civilisation over the conditions of nature, was simply a stage in the long struggle between Tarsus and its pair of allied rivals, Mallos with Adana, for control of the markets of the country. From this point of view it becomes clear also that Tarsus first became a harbour and a sea power, and afterwards proceeded to open up the land road as a means of developing its commerce. The conformity of the facts, as thus stated, with the character of Greek trading enterprise at numberless points round the Mediterranean and Black Seas, is striking. Surely the development of Tarsus must imply a mixture of Greek blood and race in the city. This idea is confirmed and definitely proved by the fact that the first station north of Tarsus, on the way to the Gates, bore the name of Mopsou- krene, the Fountain of Mopsus. Mopsus was the religious impersonation and expression of the expansive energy of the Greek colonies on the Cilician and the neighbouring Pamphylian and Syrian coasts. Such colonies always went forth under divine guidance, and this guidance regularly proceeded from a single centre, viz., one of the abodes of prophetic inspiration which the Greeks called Oracles. In the best known period of Greek history the Delphic Oracle was the chief agent in directing the streams of Greek over flow and colonisation in the various lines along which it spread. But the Cilician colonies were founded at an earlier time, when the Delphic Oracle had not yet established such vi. The Ionians in Early Tarsus 117 a widespread influence. The divine guidance that marked out the way to the Cilician land proceeded from an Ionian centre, viz., the Oracle of Clarian Apollo near Colophon. Mopsus is the expression (according to the anthropomorphic method of Greek popular thought) of the orders of Apollo of Claros, in obedience to which trade and settlement on the Levant coasts set forth from the shores of Lydia and Caria. Mopsus was the leader and guide of the expansive energy of Mallos, as well as of Tarsus ; and the town which was founded on the road from Mallos to inner and Eastern Cilicia was called Mopsou-estia, the Hearth of Mopsus. Mopsus was a far more important figure in the religion of Mallos than in that of Tarsus. He slipped out of the latter to such an extent that no other trace of his former exist ence there is known to us besides the village of Mopsoukrene. The reason can only be that the Greek element and the Greek religion were weaker in Tarsus than in Mallos ; and this is shown by other facts. But the presence of Mopsus in Tarsian local nomenclature is a complete proof that the Greek element was influential at a very early time in that city. This Greek expansion was designated in old Oriental and Semitic tradition as " the sons of Javan," i.e., the " Ionian " traders. " The sons of Javan " are the Greek race in its progress along the Levant coasts eastwards, which brought the Ionian Greeks within the sphere of knowledge and inter course of the Semites. The very ancient Ionian connection of Tarsus is set forth in that important old geographical document, preserved to us in Genesis x. 4 f. : " The sons of Javan : Elishah, and Tarshish, Kittim and Dodanim (or better, Rodanim). n8 II. Tarsus Of these were the coasts of the nations divided in their lands, every one after his tongue; after their families, in their nations." The most probable interpretation of this list is still that of Josephus : Kittim is Cyprus (Kition, the leading city of early time), and Tarshish is Tarsus. That Rodanim means the settlers of Rhodes seems to follow naturally (Dodanim being rejected as a false text).12 Elishah has been very plausibly explained as the land of Alasia or Alsa (mentioned in the Tel-el-Amarna tablets), which, as is generally agreed, lay somewhere in the Syrian-Cilician- Cyprian coast region ; and this explanation must, in the present state of our knowledge, supersede all others (though, of course, certainty is not yet attainable on such matters). Bearing in mind the close connection between the Aleian plain and Mallos, and the way in which Herodotus seems to assume as self-evident that Mallos was the harbour of the Aleian plain (see § III.), we must admit the probability of Professor Sayce's suggestion that Alasia is the Aleian plain, with its harbour and capital Mallos.13 This identifi cation would discover in the list of Gen. x. 4 the two great harbours of ancient Cilicia and the two great islands off the south coast of Asia Minor. These four were " the sons of Javan," the four Greek foundations which first brought the Ionian within the ken of the nations of Syria and Palestine. The objections made by modern scholars to the identifica tion of Tarsus and Tarshish, and the rival theories which they propose, seem utterly devoid of strength or probability. To suppose that Tartessos, or any other place in Spain, formed part of the list in Genesis x. 4, is geographically meaningless and historically impossible ; and the theory that the Etruscan people (Tyrsenoi) was meant is nearly as bad. To say that Tarsus was not founded when this docu- vi. The Ionians in Early Tarsus 1 1 9 ment was written is to pretend to a knowledge about the beginnings of Tarsus which we do not possess, and to set undeserved value on the foundation legends stated by Strabo and others (see § VIII.). It is also objected that the Aramaic spelling of the name (as shown on the coins) was with -r z- and not -r s h- ; but great changes and varieties in the spelling of foreign geographical names are frequently found in other cases. This Cilician or Anatolian name was spelt Tarsos by the Greeks, Tarzi- in Aramaic, and Tarshish in the document of Genesis x. It may also be urged in objection that the Greek colonies of Cilicia seem to have been Dorian, whereas Genesis x. 4 speaks of " Ionian ''. But who would venture, in the face of the recent discoveries which have upset all our old ideas about early Greece, to dogmatise about the meaning of "Ionian" in the second millennium B.C., or to say that " Ionians " could not have founded colonies in Cilicia so early as that ? We cannot say anything more definite than that " the sons of Javan " were the Greek settlers and traders as known to the people of Phoenicia or Syria, before the distinction between Ionian and Dorian had any existence among the Greeks. On the Dorian character in Cilicia, and its late origin, see § XII. It would be out of place here to discuss the questions that rise out of the various uses of the name Tarshish in the Old Testament ; nor am I competent to do so. But it is important for our present purpose to note that the exports from Tarshish to Tyre included silver, iron, tin, and lead (Ezek. xxvii. 12 ; Jer. x. 9). Silver and lead are found in abundance in the Taurus mountains, close to the route of the Cilician Gates, and the mines have been worked there from time immemorial. Iron has been found and worked 120 II. Tarsus from an extremely early time in the northern or Pontic region of Cappadocia, and it is commonly held by scholars that the use of iron for the benefit of man originated there. The Pontic production was carried south by the Cilician Gates to Tarsus. Tin is, however, not known to be found in Asia Minor. Assuming the identification of Tarshish and Tarsus, we find the same name in various slight modifications, lasting from the second millennium before Christ, through the Assyrian, Persian, Greek, Roman, Arab, Egyptian, and Turkish domination, down to the Tersous of the present day. Tarsus, always half Oriental, adapted itself readily to every Oriental ruler, and preserved its continuous individu ality under all. While it would not be justifiable, in the conflict of opinion, to draw weighty historical inferences at present from the identification, we can at least infer that " the sons of Javan " are allowed by general opinion to have had a footing somewhere on the east Levant coasts in the second millennium at Alasia and Kittim. If so, they must have had landing places or ports in Cilicia, and these can hardly have been elsewhere than on the rivers at Mallos and Tarsus. With this early origin of Tarsus we shall find that all the evidence is in perfect agreement. The reasons for thinking that the early Tarsus was one of " the sons of the Ionian " are as strong as can be expected in that period of history. But this expression must be properly understood. It is not intended to mean that Ionian Greeks were the first people that formed a settlement at Tarsus. Tarsus was doubtless one of those primeval towns, like Damascus and Iconium, which have been such since settled habitation and towns began to exist in the countries. It is, indeed, highly prob- vii. Tarsus as an Oriental Town 1 2 1 able that the earliest Tarsus was situated on the outer hills, about two miles north of the present town, because defensive strength was one of the prime necessities for early towns, and only on the hills could this be attained. Nor do we mean that the early Ionian Tarsus was in habited solely by Ionian Greeks. There was rarely, if ever, a case in which Greeks formed the sole population of a city which they founded in a foreign land. The strength and permanence of the Greek colonies were due to their power of assimilating the native population, and imparting to it something of their own genius and aspirations ; but a mere settlement of unmixed aliens on a foreign shore would have been unable to maintain itself against the untempered hos tility of a native population nearly as high in capacity and vigour as the aliens themselves. All analogy points to the conclusion that this Ionian colony was a mixed town, not a pure Ionian settlement. With regard to that early time, we must content ourselves for the present with analogy and indirect argument. Until Cilicia is better known and more carefully studied, its earliest history must remain almost a blank, just as its mediaeval history also is enveloped in obscurity. § VII. Tarsus as an Oriental Town. As has been stated in § VI., it seems to be certain and admitted that the ancient document in Genesis x. bears witness to an extension of Ionian, i.e., very early Greek influence along the Asiatic coasts in the second millennium B.C. ; for modern authorities are agreed that some at least of " the sons of Javan " are to be found on the south coast of Asia Minor, or in the Levant islands. The following millennium shows a retrograde movement in the extent of 122 II. Tarsus Greek influence, and a distinct strengthening of the Asiatic power and spirit, in this region ; and this strongly affected the fortunes of Tarsus. Such ebb and flow in the tides of influence of East on West, and West on East, has always characterised the move ment of history in the borderlands, and especially along the land roads across Asia Minor, that bridge of nations stretch ing across from Asia to Europe, and along the sea-way of the southern coast. At one time Europe sweeps over great part of Asia, and seems on the point of overrunning the whole continent ; but always Asia recruits its forces, rolls back the tide of conquest, and retaliates by engulfing parts of Europe. If Alexander marched to the Indus and his successors ruled over Bactria and Afghanistan, the Arabs marched to the banks of the Loire and the Turks to the walls of Vienna, and all of them made only evanescent con quests. Europe cannot permanently subdue Asia, nor Asia Europe. Thus from an Ionian colony Tarsus became an Oriental city, and in this character it is revealed to us in the oldest historical records in which it is mentioned. The earliest reference to Tarsus occurs on the Black Obelisk of Shal- maneser, king of Assyria : he captured this with other towns about the middle of the ninth century B.C., and at this time may be dated (so far as evidence or probability reaches) the first entrance of a thoroughly Asiatic race into the country west of Mount Amanus. Neither the domination of the Assyrians, nor that of the Medians afterwards,14 nor the rule of the Persians from the sixth century onwards, was likely to cause much change in the organisation of the country or the character of the cities. Those Oriental states, only loosely knit together even near vii. Tarsus as an Oriental Town 123 the centre, exercised their power over such outlying pro vinces chiefly by means of governors, who represented the king in his suzerainty over the native chiefs and townships, while the latter retained much of their old authority within their own territories. The change that occurred in the state of Tarsus was due not to the governing foreign empire, but to internal causes and especially to the decay of the Greek element, which was absorbed into the native population. The reinvigoration of Orientalism, or rather the weaken ing of the Western spirit of freedom and self-assertion in Fig. 1. — Reverse of coin struck at Tarsus by the king of Cilicia shortly before 400 b.c. ; inscribed Tarz in Aramaic letters. Cilicia, is marked by the growth of a native Cilician dynasty of petty kings, who ruled Cilicia under the Persian kings as overlords; thus the Cilicians were the servants of the servant of the Great King. Kingship, which was alien and repellent to the ancient spirit of the European races, was congenial to an Oriental people. So, for example, when the last king of a Cappadocian dynasty died, the Romans offered the people their freedom. The Cappadocians, who did not know what freedom was, begged for a king. The Romans marvelled that any people could prefer slavery to 124 II. Tarsus freedom, but treated them after their own character and appointed a king to rule over them. Accordingly in 401, when Xenophon crossed Cilicia with the Ten Thousand Greeks of the younger Cyrus's army, he found a king Syennesis, whose capital was apparently Tar sus. A Cilician king of the same name had co-operated with the king of Babylon in making peace between Cyaxares the Mede and Alyattes the Lydian in 585 B.C., a second is mentioned about 500 B.C., and the same or a third Syen nesis fought in Greece under Xerxes in 480 B.C. On the other hand, when Alexander the Great entered Cilicia in 334 B.C., there seems to have been no king of Cilicia, but only a Persian officer directly governing the country. The kings, therefore, must have been put down ; and this in all probability was due to the growth of stricter organisa tion in the Persian empire, and stricter exercise of the power of the Great King in the outlying provinces through his representatives or satraps. The action which Syennesis and his queen Epyaxa took in 401 in favour of Cyrus against king Artaxerxes may perhaps have shown the danger in volved in suffering Cilicia to be governed by subordinate tributary kings, and led to the suppression of the kings and the introduction of a new system with more direct control. At any rate, it may be stated with confidence that the Persian kings inherited the system from the Assyrian (and perhaps the Median) domination, and, after permitting it to continue for fully a century and a half, put an end to it soon after 400 B.C. As to the character of the Cilician kingdom, and the constitution of Tarsus as its capital, nothing is recorded. The repetition of the name Syennesis has suggested to some modern inquirers that this name was, like Pharaoh, a vii. Tarsus as an Oriental Town 125 title mistaken by the Greeks for a personal name. It seems however quite probable that the Cilician kings may have been really priest-dynasts, such as are known to have long ruled at Olba among the Cilician or Isaurian mountains, and at other places in the eastern regions of Asia Minor.15 The priestly power naturally tended to grow greater in times of disorganisation ; and the Assyrian kings may probably have found it convenient to rule through the leading priest, who was quite ready to suit himself to their requirements and buy temporal power at the price of service to a foreign sovereign. Now the priest's authority was based originally on his position as representative on earth of the supreme god of the district : the priest wore the dress and bore the name of the god.16 If the origin ^of the Cilician kingship were of this kind, it may be thought probable that Syennesis was a Divine name, rather than a title, and that the kings at their accession lost their own name and assumed the priestly name taken from the god, as e.g., the priests at Pessinus assumed the name of Atis. The coinage of this Oriental Tarsus, while showing the strong influence of the Hellenic element in the population, also reveals the weakening of that influence. The coins belong to the fifth and fourth centuries, and were evidently struck, not by a self-governing city of the Greek kind, but by kings and by Persian satraps.17 Yet even here a certain Greek character is apparent. Some of the earliest coins are more Hellenic in feeling than the later. Occasionally there occurs a revival of Hellenic character, accompanied by the use of Greek letters on the coins ; but the latest coins of Tarsus under the Persian domination, though imitated from Greek models, were strongly Oriental in character, wholly devoid of the true Hellenic spirit, and bore purely Aramaic legends. 126 II. Tarsus The earliest coins attributed to Tarsus are as old as the sixth century, and prove that the city had "commercial relations with Lydia or the Ionian coast-towns," which is in harmony with the views stated in § VI., as to the character of the old Ionian Tarsus. But as the attribution to Tarsus of these coins (which are usually left unclassified) is not uni versally accepted,17a it is best to leave them out of reckoning here. These coins are more thoroughly Greek than the Tarsian coinage of the following centuries ; but this is pre cisely what a study of the city's history leads us to expect. The warrior armed in the Greek fashion, shown in Fig. i , is a common type on the coins struck under the Cilician kings; the figure still retains much of the Greek spirit, though the name of Tarsus is written in Aramaic letters. On the obverse of the coins the king himself is shown, quite in the Oriental style, as a horseman galloping, wearing the Persian head-dress. A coin like this reveals much. There is the regal government symbolised by the king, who wears on his head the authority granted by his overlord the Persian Great King. That some share of the old Greek spirit remained in the population appears from the warrior on the reverse. The city had still some shadow of in dividuality and in a sense independence, i.e., it was not a mere unit in the dominion of the king, but retained some thing in the way of self-administering authority : this seems to be shown by the legend, which names " Tarsus," not " Cilicia". But the government was Oriental, like the letters of the legend, not Greek. All this suits well, and even necessitates, the supposition, that a free constitution had once existed in Tarsus and was gradually dying out under Oriental rule. A free constitution could not have originated at that period, except through the influence of Greek coloni- vii. Tarsus as an Oriental Town 127 sation. Civic freedom was unknown and inconceivable in Oriental towns; it was a gift of the Greeks to the world. The double character of the city, as at once Cilician and Persian, is shown by a coin (Fig. 17 in § IX.) with the Tarsian god and the Persian god occupying each one side : it was struck under the satrap Tiribazus, 386-380 B.C. This coin is described in connection with the religion of Tarsus, § IX. Pharnabazus, satrap of the regions near the Hellespont from about 412 B.C. onwards, struck many coins in Cilicia, Fig. 2.— Coin struck at Tarsus by Pharnabazus, 379-374 b.c The inscrip tion, Pharnabazus Cilicia, on the reverse is in Aramaic ; but the heads of the goddess and the warrior are of the Greek type. doubtless at Tarsus, when he was on duty occasionally in that province, arranging the expedition against Egypt be tween 379 and 374 B.C. There is a marked recurrence to Greek types on these coins. The head of the goddess or nymph on the obverse, with necklace and earrings, her streaming hair bound by a sphendone (a band resembling a sling), was imitated from the famous and lovely representa tion of Arethusa by the artist Kimon on coins of Syracuse. The head of a warrior, wearing a highly ornate crested Attic helmet, with a chlamys fastened by a brooch round the neck, 128 1 1. Tarsus is also of the Greek type. The long intercourse of Pharna bazus with the Greeks of the west coast of Asia Minor made him employ Greek artists and types ; but the legends are in Aramaic letters, with some few exceptions which bear the name of Tarsus in Greek. It would be out of place to seek for any specially Tarsian character on coins struck by a non- Cilician satrap on such occasional sojourn in the land. On the coin of Datames, satrap of Cilicia, 378-2 B.C. (Fig. 3), the reverse type is wholly Oriental. A Persian archer, Fig. 3. — Coin struck by the satrap Datames, 378-372 b.c. Obverse : the Lord of Tarsus with his name Baal-Tarz in Aramaic letters. Reverse: the satrap in Persian costume with his name, Datames, in Aramaic. The letters are read as Tarkamos by some writers, a name very suitable for a native of East Anatolia, but hardly for a Persian satrap. doubtless the satrap himself, wearing the Oriental trousers and long sleeved tunic under a cloak, sits on a chair, examin ing an arrow which he holds in both hands, while his quiver lies on his lap and his bow is before his knee. In front of him is the winged solar disk in Persian form. Behind him is his name in Aramaic letters. The Oriental character of this type is evident by comparison with the Parthian coins of many centuries later, on which the Parthian king is repre sented by a figure in many respects similar ; an example is vii. Tarsus as an Oriental Town 129 shown in the Letters to the Seven Churches, p. 59. But on the Tarsian coin the art has not wholly lost its Greek skill : on the Parthian coin it is thoroughly barbaric. The reverse of this coin shows the Baal of Tarsus. The figure is of Greek attitude and Greek origin ; but it had long been naturalised in Tarsus, and the accompaniments are Ori ental, like the name and the letters in which it is inscribed. The memory that this was the representation of the Hellenic Fig. 4.— Coin struck by Mazaeus, 366-333 b.c Obverse : the Lord of Tarsus with the usual Aramaic inscription. Reverse: the Syrian Gates and lion attacking bull ; Aramaic inscription, " Mazaeus (satrap) of Trans- Euphratesia and Cilicia'' Zeus had become very faint in Tarsus, if it survived at all. See § IX., where this figure is more fully described. In this coin the one side is Anatolian, while the other is Persian. The city was Perso-Cilician, and the coin reflects the double character. Several coins of the satrap Mazaeus, 361-33 B.C., are shown in Figs. 4, 5, 6, and 9, 10, § IX. Fig. 4 shows a lion devouring a bull, a favourite Tarsian type (seen also in Fig. 15), with the satrap's name and title in Aramaic letters, and a curious device of two parallel battlemented walls, which is probably to be interpreted as a representation of the " Gates " between 9 130 II. Tarsus Cilicia and Syria. In this congeries of unconnected symbols there is not a trace left of the Hellenic spirit, which made every coin-type express some single idea.17b The Aramaic legend " Mazaeus (governor) over Eber-nahara and Cilicia " may explain the double type, as symbolising the double region over which the satrap ruled. Eber-nahara was " the country beyond {i.e., west of) the river (Euphrates) " ; and the Syrian Gates commanded and guarded the pass leading across Mt. Amanus from Eber-nahara to Cilicia. Fig. 5. — Coin struck by the satrap Mazaeus, 361-333 B.C. This coin may belong to Magarsus, not Tarsus. On the obverse of this coin the Lord of Tarsus is repre sented in very slight variation from the preceding (see § IX.). In Fig. 9, § IX., the type is a variation of Fig. 4. The lion pulls down a stag. Another coin of the same satrap (Fig. 5) shows the head of a goddess, similar in character to the Greek Athena : she wears an Attic helmet with a strange triple crest, also ear rings and necklace. The obverse has another slight variation of the most characteristic Tarsian type, the Baal of Tarsus. The goddess, to the old Anatolian mind the chief envisage- ment of the Divine power, does not remain a prominent viii. Legends of Early Tarsus 131 figure on Tarsian coins ; but she was, doubtless important in the ritual. That she should be an armed goddess, assimilated to Pallas Athena, is characterisic of the East Anatolian religion, as distinguished from the Central Anatolian or Phrygian form [see Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, v., P- 134 (2)]. A third coin of Mazaeus (Fig. 6) shows a lion walking ; above his back is a star ; beneath his feet is a large crescent. The collocation of types is Oriental and not Hellenic. The obverse is the usual Lord of Tarsus, with Aramaic legend. Fig. 6.— Coin struck by Mazaeus, 369-333 b.c The name of the satrap is inscribed in Aramaic letters. The coinage of an ancient city is a miniature of its history ; and in these specimens the transition of Tarsus into a thor oughly Anatolian and Oriental city can be clearly read. § VIII. Legends of Early Tarsus. During fully five centuries therefore Tarsus was merely a town under Oriental domination. The Assyrian rule left a strong impression on the historical memory, which created various legends veiling, but not wholly concealing, the real facts of that time. 132 II. Tarsus Such legends about the early history of a city commonly take the form of foundation narratives : they describe the circumstances in which the city was founded. It is a mis take, however, to understand that they were intended to describe the beginning of the city. The ancients used the term " foundation " in a loose way to indicate any important change, or anything that could be regarded as the beginning of a new period in the history of the city. In honorary inscriptions of the later time the title " Founder " meant little more than benefactor : any person that gave a building or an institution or a donation was styled a founder of the city. As was pointed out in § VI. it is an error to argue that Tarsus did not exist at the time when the document quoted in Genesis x. was composed, because the foundation of the city is assigned to a later period. The city was, in a sense, founded over and over again ; but its beginning goes back to the beginning of human history in Cilicia. When the Assyrians entered Cilicia about 850 B.C., Tarsus was one of the cities that they conquered. It therefore existed in the pre-Assyrian period. Solinus, a writer who often preserves good traditions,18 says that, before it was conquered by the Assyrians, the empire of Cilicia extended to the borders of Egypt and included Lydia, Pamphylia, Cappadocia, Armenia, and Media. This statement, which once would have been thought absurd, is now seen to be a vague memory of the historical fact that the Hittite Empire, with its capital in Asia Minor, once extended from Lydia to the borders of Egypt, and that Cilicia was part of that Empire. And possibly the statement of Solinus may be hereafter still further justified, if it be found that the capital of the Hittite Empire was at one time within the bounds of Cilicia.19 Tarsus was certainly a flourishing city in this viii. Legends of Early Tarsus 133 pre-Assyrian time, which may be called the Anatolian period ; and its religion seems to have retained strong traces of that early civilisation. To that time belongs the early Ionian settlement in Cilicia ; but it is vain to speculate about the history of that period, and we must await the progress of discovery, which seems now imminent. About the Assyrian Tarsus we have no information ex cept in the form of foundation legends. Alexander Poly- histor20 says that Sennacherib, king of Nineveh (705-681 B.C.), was the founder. A more Hellenised form of the legend, related by Strabo and many others, makes Sardana- palus the founder of Tarsus, and tells how he recorded on his tomb at Anchiale, fourteen miles south-west from Tarsus, that he had built those two cities in one day. The story ran that on this tomb was a statue representing Sardana- palus snapping his fingers, with an inscription in Assyrian letters : " Sardanapalus, son of Anakyndaraxes, built An chiale and Tarsus in one day. Eat, drink, and play, for everything else is not worth this (action of the fingers)." The poet Choirilos versified the sentiment, and Aristotle quoted it, remarking that it was more worthy to be written on the grave of an ox than on the tomb of a king. There is some difference among the ancient authorities as to whether this monument was in Anchiale or in Nineveh ; but the authority of Aristoboulos may be accepted that it was really at Anchiale. It was an easy error to transfer the monument of an Assyrian king from Anchiale to Nineveh. The opposite process could not have occurred to any one. The form of this legend shows that it is founded partly on a historical fact, viz., the Assyrian domination, and partly on the misunderstanding of a work of art, probably a relief, in which a male figure was represented with right 134 II. Tarsus hand raised in front of the face. This gesture which ap pears in the relief at Fassiler (Fig. 7), was readily mis interpreted by the Greeks in later time as denoting the snapping of the fingers ; and the words attributed to Sar- danapalus in the legend express the sentiment which, as Fig. 7.— Stele at Fassiler on the border of Lycaonia and Pisidia. The god dess with her lions ; the god plants one foot on her head. later people fancied, corresponded to the gesture in the relief. The "Assyrian" letters were either cuneiform, or, more probably, Hittite hieroglyphics; and were certainly quite unintelligible to the Greeks at the time when this legend took form. viii. Legends of Early Tarsus 135 Thus on a real monument at Anchiale was founded this mere legend, in itself devoid of any truth or historic value, and yet veiling real historical facts. Other legends current locally show that some memory of the old Ionian city was preserved in Tarsus. Athenodorus, the great Tarsian philosopher in the time of Augustus, says that the original name of the city was Parthenia, a purely Greek name, and that it took this name from Parthenius, grandson of Anchiale, the daughter of Iapetos, i.e., Japhet. The Oriental idea that Javan, the " Ionian," was son of Fig. 8. — Perseus in Greek type, as shown on Tarsian coins. Japhet (Gen. x. 2) has been transformed by Greek fancy into this legend, which thus connects the two cities, Anchiale and Tarsus, with Japhet and the Ionians. Strabo, again, says that the people whom the Greeks called Cilicians had borne at first the name of Hypachaeans, but afterwards got the name Cilicians from Cilix, son of Agenor, king of Phoenicia. It is very common to find the successive changes in the history and population of a town expressed in legend as a series of changes of name. In this case the thoroughly Greek-sounding name, Hypachaeans, 136 II. Tarsus is an echo of the old Ionian settlement in Cilicia, and Cilix represents an Asiatic immigration or revival. Other legends current in later time at Tarsus made Perseus or Heracles the founder of Tarsus. Perseus and Heracles seem to be two names applied by the Greeks to a hero or god of the locality, whose influence in very similar forms can be traced very widely through the eastern parts of Asia Minor. This local hero was treated as a religious expression of historical relations and racial facts ; and pro bably it might be found, if evidence had been preserved as to the course of Tarsian history, that the same Anatolian Divine figure was expressed by the Greek element in Tarsus at one time as Perseus (Fig. 8) and at another time as Heracles. The Tarsian legends and beliefs regarding Heracles are unknown. He occurs on coins only in stereotyped Greek forms, and he is mentioned by Dion Chrysostom, speaking to the Tarsians, as " your leader," or " ancestor " ( Archegos, which is used in the sense both of " leader in a migration " and " ancestor and founder of a race "). (Compare Fig. 44.) The legends of Perseus at Tarsus are better attested ; they are often represented on coins of the city, though in an obscure and as yet unexplained form, quite different from the ordinary Hellenic representations of that hero. Perseus (Figs. 8, 14-16) appears sometimes in company with a fisherman, sometimes greeting Apollo or adoring the image of that god, which is placed on a lofty column, or carrying the image on his right hand. These types show a strange mixture of Greek and Oriental ideas ; and there is apparent in the forms a vague suggestion of strangers, viz., an immi grant and a native people, meeting one another. This East Anatolian Perseus has a half Greek look, and he is ix. The Religion of Tarsus 137 found in localities such as Iconium, where no very early Greek immigrants can possibly have penetrated. The choice of name may perhaps be due, in some vague, unreasoning, and now unintelligible way, to the Persian domination. But it is necessary to regard, not only the historical, but also the religious side of these legends and their expression on the coins ; and therefore we must at this point glance at the religion of Tarsus, which was as composite as the population. The religion of such a city was, in a sense, an epitome of its experience and a summary of its entire history ; and there fore a study of its religion is indispensable in attempting to understand its character and its population. § IX. The Religion of Tarsus. The religion of Tarsus is an extremely complicated subject, and the information which has been preserved is far too scanty to permit anything like a satisfactory account of it. Several steps in its development can be distinguished with certainty : others are probable : but many are quite obscure. We have observed in Part I., § II., that Paul recognised in the pagan religion a certain element of truth and Divine insight. This he had learnt in Tarsus. It was in the religion of the city that he had first become aware of cer tain fundamental ideals of good amid the vast accretion of abomination and evil built up round and over those initial ideas ; and this fact lends a special interest to the religion of Tarsus. It is not our object to describe the evil, the vice and the deception involved in it as a practical working factor in the life of the later city. Much of that evil was due to degeneration, part of it was inherent from the beginning, because the initial ideas were after all very imperfect. In 138 II. Tarsus happier circumstances, it might have been possible that a succession of prophets and thinkers should succeed in strengthening the truth and eliminating the evil of the original ideas ; but true development had been denied to the Tarsian cult. As the embodiment and expression of the experience of the people, it had taken into itself the evils of a mixed population, of a rude conquering soldiery and an enslaved populace; and it had long ago ceased to satisfy the minds of the more educated pagans. Yet even in the latest most degraded stage it had not lost entirely the ideas of Divine truth, which had originally given form to it, as the popular perception recognised "the witness of himself" which the beneficent God had granted, " in that he did good and gave from heaven rains and fruitful seasons and filled the hearts of men with food and gladness ". These are the words in which Paul expressed to the rude Lystran people in a simple way, such as they could understand, the thought which he expounded in more philosophic terms in his letter to the Romans. In the growth of an ancient city no religious fact was ever wholly lost. When immigrants or colonists settled there, they brought their own religion with them, but they did not destroy the previously existing religion any more than they exterminated the older population. An amalgamation took place between the religions of the old and the new people ; as e.g., at Athens, when a race of Poseidon- worshippers settled beside and among the older worshippers of Athena, a certain male figure, named Erechtheus, who formed part of the Divine group in the Athena-religion, was in the State cultus identified with Poseidon, and thus Athena and Poseidon- Erechtheus were associated in a joint worship and a common temple. ix. The Religion of Tarsus 139 In Tarsus we can say with certainty that the early Ionian immigrants found an older population and an older religion already in possession. Certain elements in the later Tarsian religion can be distinguished as being in all probability pre- Ionian, others as Ionian. The Assyrian domination doubt less affected the religion of the country. The Persian period left unmistakable traces, which appear on the coins. The new foundation of the Hellenic Tarsus about 170 B.C. must inevitably have given a distinctly more Hellenised aspect to the State cultus, though it had little, if any, effect on its real nature. The Greek element in the new population readily adopted the national cult, identifying their Greek gods with the Tarsian deities, and merging their own rather formal religion in the more real worship of the Tarsian gods. Only the Jewish element remained separate, and did not affect the State religion, though it certainly must have affected strongly the character and views of many individuals, and produced that circle of believing or devout persons of pagan origin, who in every city surrounded!the Synagogue. It was precisely because the Jewish religion was so incapable of amalgamation with the others that the Hellenes of those cities complained : the Jews really stood outside of the city union. In Tarsus, so far as the scanty evidence justifies an opinion, the Jews seem to have been regarded in a less degree than elsewhere as an alien element. The principal deity in Tarsus was the one who is styled on coins with Aramaic legends of the Persian and early Seleucid period, Baal-Tarz, the Lord of Tarsus. He also appears frequently on coins of the Hellenic Tarsus, and sometimes in the Roman Imperial time. He is represented in the character and position appropriated to Zeus in Greek art, sitting on a chair, resting his raised left hand on a long 140 1 1. Tarsus upright sceptre, and holding out in his right hand objects varying on different coins and at different periods, but most frequently either an ear of corn and a bunch of grapes, or a figure of Victory. The latter, which is more Hellenic, is more frequent in the Roman time, the corn and grapes are commonest in the earlier period, and mark this god as the old Anatolian deity, the giver of corn and wine. The censer for fumigation, which sometimes stands beside him (Fig. 3), marks him as the god of purification. On the top of the sceptre, or on his hand, sits often the sacred bird, the Fig. g. — Coin struck by the satrap Mazaeus, 361-333 b.c " Baal-Tarz," the Lord of Tarsus. Reverse : lion killing a stag. eagle. The strange, and quite non-Hellenic border, in which the statue of the god is framed in Fig. 3, is thought to be a rude way of indicating the temple which was his abode on earth. (Figs. 9, 10, see also Figs. 3, 4, 6 in § VII.) Like Zeus in Greek art, this Tarsian god is sometimes represented as standing ; but the regular type is that of the sitting deity. This god represents, beyond all doubt, the old Tarsian conception of the Divine power as male. Under Semitic influence he became Baal-Tarz, under Greek influence he ix. The Religion of Tarsus 141 was identified with Zeus. But he was older than the Aramaic and the Greek name ; and we must look at the original Anatolian envisagement of this god. These symbols, corn-ears and grapes, are carried in the hands of the god, who is sculptured of colossal size on the rocks above the great springs at Ibriz, on the north side of Taurus. He is there represented as the Peasant-God, dressed simply in short tunic, high boots, and tall pointed head dress with horns in front, bearing in his hands the gifts which he has bestowed on mankind by his toil, the corn and Fig. 10. — Coin of Mazaeus " Baal-Tarz ". Reverse : lion killing a bull. the grapes. Sculptured there long before the Hellenic period of Central Anatolian history, he shows only the native character, without a trace of Greek influence, but with a strong Assyrian element. This god of Ibriz is the embodiment of the toiling agriculturist, who by the work of his hands has redeemed the soil for tillage, gathered out the stones from it, conducted the water to it, ploughed it and sowed in it the corn, or planted it with trees and tended them and cleaned them till they bear their fruit.20a But that is not the Lord of Tarsus. The deity who sits 142 II. Tarsus on a chair, wearing simply the loose himation, which could only impede active exertion, and holding the sceptre, is not the Peasant-God, who by the labour of his hands has pro duced the corn and the wine, but the supreme god who gives rain and fruitful seasons and their products, who with out exertion by the simple word of his power bestows his benefits on mankind. This distinction between the supreme deity and the working god was one that lay deep in the Anatolian religion. It was expressed by the rude people of Lystra when they saluted Barnabas and Paul as gods. Paul was to them Hermes, and Barnabas was the supreme god and father Zeus : such at least are the names in the Greek translation, for we unfortunately are denied the names that were em ployed in the Lycaonian language. I cannot illustrate the distinction better than by quoting a few lines written in 1895.21 "The same qualities which mark out Paul to us as the leader, marked him out to the populace of Lycaonia as the agent and subordinate. The western mind regards the leader as the active and energetic partner ; but the Oriental mind considers the leader to be the person who sits still and does nothing, while his subordinates speak and work for him. Hence in the truly Oriental religions the chief god sits apart from the world, communicating with it through his messenger and subordinate. The more statuesque figure of Barnabas was therefore taken by the Orientals as the , chief god, and the active orator, Paul, as his messenger, communicating his wishes to men. Incidentally, we may notice both the diametrical antithesis of this conception of the Divine nature to the Christian conception, and also the absolute negation of the Oriental view in Christ's words to His disciples, 'whosoever would become great among ix. The Religion of Tarsus 143 you shall be your minister ; and whosoever would be first among you shall be your servant ' " (Matt. xx. 26). This distinction was appreciated by the Greeks in their expression of the Anatolian religion. The supreme god is usually called by the name of their supreme deity, Zeus. The working god is in the south-eastern cities of Asia Minor most frequently identified with Heracles, the hero labouring under a cruel taskmaster, who slays monsters, drains marshes, and gives fertile land to agriculture ; but he is also envisaged under other aspects, especially as Apollo the seer of the Divine will, or Hermes the messenger who intimates the Divine purpose to men. But it is never the case that those envisagements of the Divine nature are fixed and stereotyped. On the contrary they are fluid, shifting, often in a way interchangeable, even though they are so strongly distinguished. Thus the supreme god in Anatolia is the giver of signs and revealer of his will, as Zeus Semanticus, and the giver of corn and wine and the fruits of the earth and all things good and beautiful, as Zeus Karpodotes and Zeus Kalokagathios. So the Lord of Tarsus holds in his hands the corn and the grapes, which at Ibriz the Peasant-God bestows upon his votaries. The work ing god, the subordinate, was as a rule conceived as the son, the supreme god as the father. But in the cycle of the life of the gods, the father is the son, and the son the father. " The bull is the father of the serpent, and the serpent of the bull": such was the expression in the Phrygian mysteries ; and it well illustrates the element abominated by St. Paul as the cause of the degradation and hatefulness of the popular religion. But, in spite of the fluid character of these Divine ideas, it is possible in a certain degree to separate them and to contemplate each by itself in the 144 1 1. Tarsus Tarsian religion and the religion of south-western Anatolia generally. We distinguish the young and active deity in a figure of thoroughly Oriental type, common on Tarsian coins throughout Greek and Roman times : he stands on a winged and horned lion, wearing a tall pointed head-dress, with bow- case on his shoulder and sword girt at his side : he holds forward his right hand, often with a branch or a flower in it, while with his left he grasps a double-headed battleaxe. Fig. ii. — Reverse of coin of second or first century b.c The god " of the Tarsians " on winged and horned lion. Obverse : head of the City goddess. The branch marks him out as the god of purification, who teaches the ceremonies and rules for the expiation of guilt and the cleansing of impurity. The flower is perhaps the symbol of curative power, as Mr. J. G. Frazer points out. There is in this representation much that suggests an analogy with the Greek Apollo, the god of purification and of curative power. (See Figs, n, 12.) This representation is an old Anatolian type, untouched by Greek influence. In the holy chamber at Boghaz-Keui a similar young god is represented on the rock wall (Fig. 1 2). ix. The Religion of Tarsus 145 He stands immediately behind the Goddess-mother, as she faces the supreme god in the ceremony of the Holy Marriage. It caused no difficulty to the ancient mind that the young god was, in one sense, to be the fruit of that marriage ; the Fig. 12. — Rock-sculpture at Boghaz-Keui. gods are always living ; they are always with us ; yet they are born and they die. The fluidity and impalpability of the ancient conceptions of the Divine nature cannot be bound down by logic or by the conditions of time. The Holy Marriage takes place every year : it is in a sense the cause 10 1 46 II. Tarsus and the guarantee of the life of Nature. But the gods are outside of time, symbolic, ever changing, and yet ever the same. No more did it trouble the ancient sense of morality that the young god is also, in a sense, the favourite and paramour of the Mother-goddess. It was all symbolic of the life of the changing year : there was no question of morality involved originally, though such questions came to be in volved as the old religious ideas and rites degenerated. The resemblance between this ancient Anatolian type and the representation of the Tarsian youthful god are very marked. There are indeed certain differences in detail. The young Tarsian god often holds in his right hand the same flower, which at Boghaz-Keui is carried by the supreme god who stands facing the Mother-goddess in the Holy Marriage. The tall head-dress (like that of the modern Turkish dervish orders), which the god at Boghaz-Keui wears, is very much shortened in the Tarsian type. But these are unessential changes. The curative power is attributed in the one case to the Divine father (as very frequently in other parts of Anatolia the god identified with the Hellenic Zeus was regarded as the healing power), and in the other case to the son. It might equally be, and often was, assigned to the Mother-goddess. The power of healing was a universal Divine attribute. The addition of the bow to the equipment of the young god at Tarsus may be due to change in the methods of war, and was perhaps made in the Persian time. It will be observed that the chin of the god at Boghaz- Keui is very short, whereas in Greek art the chin was portrayed much more strongly : this is a characteristic of the pre-Hellenic art on the plateau of Asia Minor. It is highly probable that one of those two old Anatolian gods of Tarsus was called Sandon, and the other Tarku; ix. The Religion of Tarsus 147 but it is necessary to guard against assigning too positively one name to one figure. The term Disandan, which is a variant of Sandon, would suggest that Zeus and Sandon corresponded best to one another, and that Sandon was the envisagement of the Divine nature as fully grown, Tarku as youthful. But it must always be remembered that these Divine conceptions pass into one another and are not per manently separate. When Ammianus, xiv. 8, says that Tarsus was founded by Perseus son of Danae or by Sandan a rich noble from Aechium, we may infer that the story in its original form had identified Perseus and Sandon as the immigrant hero who founded Tarsus ; and this implies that Sandon was the youthful active god. Numerous authorities mention that Heracles was identical with Sandon ; and we shall find ourselves obliged to regard the Tarsian Perseus and Heracles as two heroised forms of the same Anatolian deity. But the name was, in the ancient conception, an unimportant detail : the Divine names shifted and changed in a most perplexing way, just as did the attitude in which the god was represented: the god who sits above all as supreme may at any moment become energetic as the Divine power in action, and be represented as standing and putting his power into activity personally. The essential matter was the Divine nature and power : the particulars and details were non-essential and changeable.213 Both Tarku and Sandon (or Sandes) are often found as elements in Cilician personal names. Archaeological discovery has not yet began to throw any light on old Tarsian religion or history. The large unsightly mass of concrete called popularly the Tomb of Sardanapalus is, according to the architect Koldewey,21b the core of the platform that supported a Roman temple. 148 II. Tarsus This Tarsian god is often shown on coins of the Roman Imperial time within a curious structure, which most pro bably represents a portable shrine. It is a pyramidal struc ture resting on a broad platform, and the god on his lion stands upon the pedestal inside the pyramidal covering. On the top of the pyramid often perches the divine eagle. Sometimes the pyramid is shaded by a semicircular canopy supported by two young beardless men wearing tunics : the Fig. 13. — Coins of Tarsus Metropolis, struck under Marcus Aurelius, 161-180 a.d., and under Decius, 249-251 a.d. The god as he was borne through the streets to the funeral ceremony. men stand on the platform on which the structure rests. (See Figs. 13 and 21.) This quaint representation must probably be regarded as an attempt to show in the small space of a coin a large erection, which was a feature in an annual procession in honour of the god. Some of the coins attempt, and some do not attempt, to show the human beings, doubtless young men chosen from the city, who bore a canopy over the holy structure. The whole was carried through the streets on a great platform ; and we must presume that it was drawn by animals or by a train of devotees. ix. The Religion of Tarsus 149 Now there was a festival at Tarsus, in which the burning of a pyre was the chief ceremony ; and this took place in honour of a god, whom Dion Chrysostom calls Heracles. The pyre was constructed for the occasion, and the god was burned in it as the crowning scene of the ceremonial. The periodic burning of the god represented his translation to heaven.22 The eagle, which bore the Trojan Ganymede to heaven, perched on the apex of the pyramid in the Tarsian rite. We are therefore forced to the conclusion that the image of the god, as it was borne through the streets to this pyre, the centre of one of the greatest Tarsian religious festivals, was the object so often represented on the coins of the city. The character of this deity, the weapons which he carries, and his death on a funeral pyre, all combined to force on the Greeks the identification with their own Heracles. This they could not possibly avoid. The Tarsian deity is on the coins generally draped in a long tunic reaching to the feet, but sometimes nude. The former appearance may be taken as true to the actual religious presentation ; the latter is a Greek touch, helping to make out the analogy with Heracles. At the same time the analogies with Apollo, which have been already pointed out, made it quite possible also to identify this Tarsian deity with Apollo. The fluid, wavering religious fancy of the Greeks saw no difficulty in the double identification. These two figures, the Lord of Tarsus and the Sandon of Tarsus, we take as primitive Anatolian, part of the oldest religion of the city, which lasted through all stages of history with little alteration until the Christian period, different gods, yet in reality only two envisagements of the one ultimate deity, regarded as male. i5o II. Tarsus The great number and variety of representations of Heracles on coins of Tarsus and other cities of south-eastern Anatolia may all be interpreted through the play of Greek artistic fancy with the type of the young Anatolian deity. They appear in all periods from the beginning of the fourth Fig. 14. — Coin of Tarsus Metropolis, struck under Gordian III., 238-242 a.d. Archaic image oi Apollo on a tall column : in front, an altar with bull lying before it. Perseus and the City goddess adoring. (See p. 154.) century B.C. downwards. This was the favourite Hellenisa- tion of the native god, but not by any means the only one. Although no early representation of him is known, we must recognise a god of the early Ionian settlers in an Apollo of archaic character, who often appears on coins of ix. The Religion of Tarsus 151 the Imperial time, a nude figure grasping in his hands, one by the forelegs and one by the ears, two dogs (or wolves, perhaps), which hang down to the ground on each side of him. Representations of Artemis and Apollo of this type were common in archaic Greek times. They are rather pre-Hellenic and Oriental than Hellenic in character, and are peculiarly suitable to a really pre-Hellenic people such as the old Ionians were. The animals which Apollo holds are usually regarded as wolves, and the god is styled Lykeios, the Wolf-god, by the numismatists. But it is evident that in the Hellenistic period the animals were considered to be dogs, for Lycophron calls the two prophets Mopsus and Amphilochus, " the dogs of Apollo ". The poet adopted a popular identification of the two Apolline prophets with the two animals whom the god grasps in his hands. We shall probably not err, if we regard this Apollo of the old Ionians as the Apollo with the trident, whom Dion Chrysostom mentions in his first Tarsian Oration. The Tarsian Apollo, as the god of a sea-faring people, bore the trident of Poseidon the sea-god. The life and ways of a people were thus envisaged in their conception and repre sentation of their god. In their god they saw themselves, their own life and their own experience. They regarded this Apollo as the Divine founder of the city, its hereditary god (Patroos) and its helper (Boethos) : see below, p. 156. It may be assumed as highly probable that this old Ionian Apollo, the god of the Clarian Oracle, who had guided the migration by his advice and led it to the Cilician coast-lands across the sea which he ruled with his trident, was brought into connection with the old Anatolian ritual of Tarsus by identification with the native god of purification 152 II. Tarsus and healing power (which is always regarded as a form of prophetic interpretation). We have no direct proof of this, as we have no ancient representation of this Tarsian Apollo ; but the facts speak for themselves. Just as, in the example at Athens, quoted on p. 138, Poseidon the god of an immi grant race was introduced into the old native worship of the goddess Athena by identification with a Divine being of the entourage of Athena, so at Tarsus the god of the immi- Fig. 15. — Coin of Hadriana Tarsus, struck about 120-180 a.d. Perseus holding on his extended right hand the archaic image of Apollo Boethos (as in Fig. 14). The hero wears the chlamys and holds the bent knife called harpe. The Tarsian emblem, lion attacking bull, as in Fig. 4. grant Ionians was identified with the native god of similar character. Moreover, the Tarsian Apollo is on the coins brought into close relation with another impersonation of the native god, viz., Perseus. It is a common thing in religious myth to connect with the god a hero, who is really a sort of repetition of the god on a lower plane nearer the level of human nature : so e.g., Heracles varies in the Greek conception between a god and a hero. All the numerous representa tions of the hero Perseus on coins of the south-eastern region ix. The Religion of Tarsus 153 of Asia Minor are probably to be taken in connection with this young native god. Perseus is the immigrant hero, who is connected artificially with the older religion of the country . He represents a new people and a new power. In him probably are united features both of Persian and of Greek character ; but the Greek element seems to predominate strongly. He comes from the side of the sea ; he is specially connected with Argive legend ; but he comes also as the horseman, who crosses the sea by flying over it. It may be Fig. 16. — Coin of Tarsus Metropolis, First, Greatest, Loveliest, struck under Gordian III., 238-242 a.d. Fisherman showing a large fish to Perseus ; the hero in usual attitude with harpe and chlamys. supposed that a religious envisagement which gave mythical justification to the Persian rule by connecting a Persian hero with the native religion, was caught up by the later Greek colonists in the Seleucid period and Hellenised so far that little was left of the Persian idea. We conclude therefore that the native Tarsian god in his heroised form was identi fied with Perseus by the Greeks of the later Hellenistic Tarsus. The Anatolian Perseus is the mythical envisage ment of the intruding population, which gave religious legali sation to its settlement by this religious fiction. i54 1 1. Tarsus This explanation of the nature of the East Anatolian Perseus will be found to suit his character in Iconium, where also he is an important figure, and (as I believe) in other places. Now the coins of Tarsus often show Perseus in close connection with the old Ionian Apollo. In Fig. 15 he stands holding on his extended right hand the statue of Apollo. Similar examples are common, in which a god envisaged in a later form bears his own image in a more archaic embodi- Fig. 17. — Coin struck by the satrap Tiribazus, 386-380 b.c Ahura-mazda rising from the winged solar disk. The god carries in his hands a garland and a lotos-flower. ment, or stands beside it (see e.g. the Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii., p. 692 f). The obverse of this coin bears the head of Heracles, so that the coin brings together the three connected Divine figures, Perseus, Apollo, and Heracles- Sandon. In Fig. 14 Perseus is represented at an altar performing a ceremony of the ritual of Apollo, whose image is raised on a lofty column. Opposite Perseus is the City goddess, extending both hands towards the image of the god. The subject is perhaps the initial stage of a sacrifice to the god in presence of the Tarsian people (indicated by two ix. The Religion of Tarsus 155 men behind the altar, and the goddess of the city). The ox which is to be sacrificed waits placidly beside the altar ; it was a good omen that the victim should show no reluctance and offer no resistance. The quaint device of Perseus and the fisherman (Fig. 16) is perhaps a representation of some unrecorded Tarsian legend about the hero ; but probably it indicates only that fisheries were an important source of revenue at Tarsus, just as a merchant-vessel is represented on the coins of a city that possessed a harbour and sea-borne trade. The fisher- Fig. 18.— Coin of Tarsus Metropolis., First, Greatest, Loveliest, struck under Gordian III., 238-242 a.d. Mithras with raised dagger about to slay a bull. man is associated with Perseus on the coins, because that hero was brought up by a fisherman, and the Tarsian pre sents his fish to the Divine personage who is most favour able to his craft. A variation of this type, struck about A.D. 230, shows the fisherman and Perseus in reversed position; and Perseus holds up on his left hand the archaic image of Apollo with his two dogs (or wolves). An inscription adds Apollo's title Patr6os. The epithet Patroos, god of our fathers and our 156 II. Tarsus fatherland, was peculiarly appropriate to the old Ionian Apollo, and was frequently given to Apollo by the Greeks. The other epithet Boethos, the Helper, taken in conjunction with this, proves that special sanctity and veneration be longed to Apollo in Tarsus, as the god of the city, its founder and its ever present aid.22a How far Persian influence exercised any permanent effect on Tarsus, it is impossible to say ; but it has left few traces that we can discern. The numerous coins struck by Persian satraps during the fourth century show little distinctively Persian character : but they certainly show that the Asiatic spirit grew more powerful in Tarsus under their rule, and the Hellenic tone grew weaker. As was shown in § VII., they were Oriental with a touch of Persian (some few cases of Greek types being due to exceptional circumstances). One type, however, is thoroughly Persian. The Persian deity Ahura-mazda (or Ormuzd) appears on Tarsian coins struck under the satrap Tiribazus about 386-380 B.C. (Fig. 17). He has the body of a man terminating below in the broad winged solar disk ; he carries a wreath in the right hand, and a flower in the left. The type on the obverse of this coin is the ordinary representation of the Lord of Tarsus with his title in Aramaic letters. We cannot doubt that the intention is to express the equivalence of the two Divine forms : he who to the Tarsians is Baal is to the Persian Ahura-mazda, a veiy characteristic pagan view. Mithras appears in the third century after Christ on a coin of Gordian III. ; but, though of Persian origin, this deity cannot be regarded as introduced by the Persians. He appears in Tarsus under Roman official influence, as the god of the army and of the anti-Christian Empire (Fig. 18). x. The Revival of Greek Influence 157 § X. The Revival of Greek Influence. In a sense this revival begins with the entrance of Alex ander the Great into Tarsus in 334 B.C. We cannot doubt that this event strengthened the influence and numbers of the Greek element, which under the Persian rule was appar ently in process of being slowly eradicated. Yet the revival of the Greek Tarsus was very slow. It is not even certain, though it is probable, that coins with the types of Alexander the Great were struck at Tarsus. At any rate no coins seem to have been struck by Tarsus as a city during the later fourth or the third century. Freedom and autonomy did not fall at that time to the lot of Tarsus. It was evidently regarded by the Greek kings as an Oriental town, unfitted for the autonomy that belonged to a Greek polls. Cilicia was subject throughout the fourth century to the Greek kings of Syria of the Seleucid dynasty ; and those kings were much influenced in their policy by Oriental fashions. They administered the outlying provinces through officers who bore the Persian title of Satrap ; and they were not disposed to encourage generally within their Empire the development of Greek autonomy with the accompany ing freedom of spirit and conduct. Wherever the growth of an autonomous city in the Seleucid Empire can be traced, its origin is found to lie in the needs of the central govern ment, requiring a strong garrison city in a district which was threatened. In such cities the Seleucid kings planted new colonies of strangers and foreigners. The interests of these strangers lay in maintaining the Seleucid power, to which they owed their privileges and their favoured position in their new country. 158 II. Tarsus It is unnecessary here to describe the way in which those Seleucid garrison cities were organised : that has been done sufficiently in the Letters to the Seven Churches, chapter xi. A right understanding of their character is essential to a correct appreciation of the society in the Eastern Provinces during the Roman period — the society in which the Chris tian churches of Asia Minor took their origin. Without a thorough study of those Hellenistic cities, the student of early Christian history of Asia Minor has his view inevitably distorted to a serious degree by preconceptions and pre judices, derived from the classical Greek period and other causes. Almost every city that plays an important part in the early Christian history was founded, or at least refounded and increased in population, by a Seleucid or other monarch from one or another of the various dynasties that ruled over parts of Asia Minor. The cities are easily recognised as a rule by their names, which were almost always derived from some member of the royal family : Antiocheia, Seleuceia, Apameia, Laodiceia, appear with extraordinary frequency all over the Seleucid Empire. In some cases the new dynastic name soon fell into disuse, and the old native name revived, showing that certain cities which had a great early history, clung to their identity with real Greek municipal pride. Tarsus was one of this class. Coins prove that for a time it bore the name of Antioch-on-the-Cydnus. But the pride of birth and past history among the Tarsians maintained the individuality and continuity of the city ; the new citizens, filled with a sense of its dignity and honour, soon made themselves a real part of the ancient city ; and the new name was quickly disused. xi. Tarsus as the Greek Colony Antiocheia 159 § XI. Tarsus as the Greek Colony Antiocheia. During the third century Cilicia lay near the centre of the Seleucid Empire, which extended far beyond it westwards to include Lycaonia, Phrygia and parts of Lydia (during part of the century down even to the Aegean coasts). In this period Cilicia was the helpless slave of the dynasty ; no danger was to be apprehended from it ; and there was no reason to make any of its towns into garrison cities. Accord ingly, none of the Cilician cities struck autonomous coins during the third "century : the imperial Seleucid money was the only coinage. The peace of 189 B.C. inaugurated new conditions in Asia Minor. Lydia, Phrygia and Lycaonia were taken from the Seleucid king Antiochus the Great ; the Taurus was now made the limit of his Empire ; and Cilicia became a frontier country. It was not long till these new conditions began to produce their inevitable [effect. The Cilician cities, espe cially those of the western half of the country, could not but feel conscious of their growing influence. They saw that across the frontier on the north-west there was a much freer country, subject only to the mild Pergamenian rule, and barely to that, for Lycaonia was so distant from Pergamum that the kings could not exercise real authority over it. The very sight and neighbourhood of freedom in others produces an ennobling effect ; and we cannot doubt that some of the Tarsians after their long hopeless slavery began now to remember that their city had once been great, ener getic and free. These changed conditions resulted at last in the reorgani sation of Tarsus as an autonomous state striking its own coinage. This is a decisive event for the whole future 160 II. Tarsus history of the city. The evidence, therefore, must be care fully scrutinised. Fortunately, a brief reference in 2 Mac cabees iv. 30 f, 36, when taken in connection with the rest of the evidence bearing on this subject, enables us to restore with practical certainty the date and circumstances in which the change was brought about. In the first place we notice that the new name, under which Tarsus began its autonomous career, was Antiocheia- Fig. 19. — Coin of Antiocheia-on-the-Cydnus with the head of the City goddess wearing turreted crown. Reverse : Hellenic Zeus sitting ; city name. on-the-Cydnus. It was, therefore, refounded by a king named Antiochus. The coins were struck under Anti ochus IV. Epiphanes,23 and, therefore, the name must have been given either in his reign, 175-164 B.C., or in that of his father, Antiochus III. the Great, between the peace of 189 and his death in 187. It is quite improbable that the effect of the changed conditions would be realised in Cilicia and at the court of Antiochus within so short a time as two years, 189-187: moreover, if the refoundation of Tarsus as Antiocheia took place during those two years, it might reasonably be expected that coins struck under xi. Tarsus as the Greek Colony Antiocheia 161 the founder or his son Seleucus IV, 187-175, would be known.24 The fair and reasonable conclusion is that the refoundation took place under Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, 175-164 B.C., and that it was followed at once, and as it were ratified, by the issue of coins, which demonstrated to all the world the existence of this new city. It required about fifteen or twenty years till the effect of the changed relations between Cilicia and the Seleucid Empire caused by the peace of 189 became obvious and demanded a change in the dynastic policy. The coins are quite Hellenic in character. The autonomy of the city is symbolised by the City goddess. The Greek Zeus takes the place of the Oriental Baal on the reverse, and carries none of the Oriental symbols, which appear on the coins of the Persian time. All this is so natural, and follows so plainly from the facts and coins, that it might have been stated in a sentence as self-evident, were it not for the rigid and almost hostile scrutiny to which everything is subjected that bears, how ever remotely, on the books of the New Testament and on St. Paul. In the second place we turn to 2 Maccabees iv. 30 f., 36. About 171 B.C., "they of Tarsus and Mallos made insurrec tion, because they were given to the king's concubine, called Antiochis.25 Then came the king in all haste to appease matters." . . . "And when the king was come again from the places about Cilicia," etc. It was quite a regular practice under the Persian kings (and doubtless long before the Persian Empire began) for the monarch to give to his favourites the lordship and taxes of some town or towns in his dominions. This Oriental way was followed by Antiochus IV. in regard to Tarsus and 11 1 62 II. Tarsus Mallos: we have already pointed out that various other Oriental customs persisted under the Seleucid kings. It is clear that those two cities were not autonomous, otherwise Antiochus could not have bestowed them on Antiochis. It is equally clear from the resistance which was offered, that the cities were no longer mere unresisting, slavish Oriental towns, resigned to live under the heel and the all-powerful will of a despot. In the third century, so far as we can judge, the word of the king had been the law in Cilicia, and the Cilician towns would necessarily have accepted their fate, which after all was not likely to be worse under Antiochis than under Antiochus : there is no appearance that cities given in this fashion by a king were worse off than their neighbours. But now, in 171 B.C., the Greek spirit of freedom was reviving. Those two cities were precisely the two old Greek settlements in Cilicia, according to the view already stated ; and that view makes the action which now followed seem quite natural.26 The Greek spirit revolted against the indignity of being handed over at the caprice of a despot to be the private property of a woman. Mutiny broke out, and became so dangerous that the king had to intervene in person. Another remarkable feature about this incident is, that there was no thought in the king's mind- — on this point the very clear statement is conclusive — of military force or com pulsion to be exercised against the two cities. The king saw at once that it was a case for arrangement and diplomacy. He went " in all haste to appease matters ". Arguing from the facts stated above, we must infer that the new condi tions in Cilicia had already attracted his attention ; and he had recognised that he had gone too far, and that he must strengthen the feeling of friendliness in Cilicia to himself xi. Tarsus as the Greek Colony Antiocheia 163 and his dynasty by conceding something to the claims of the cities : we must also infer that he saw at once what form his action must take, and that he proceeded to get the con sent of, and arrange terms with, the two cities. Following the account which has been stated above as to the methods of Seleucid policy, we can therefore say with confidence that a compromise was arrived at. Tarsus was recognised as a self-governing city, but a body of new citizens, who owed their privileges to the king and were likely to be loyal to him, was added to the population. Tarsus now obtained the right to strike coins, the symbol of municipal independence and proof of autonomy; and it received the new name Antiocheia-on-the-Cydnus, in re cognition of its loyalty. This name, however, lasted only a few years, till the death of Antiochus. It has a distinct bearing on this subject that Antiochus made sweeping reforms and changes in other Cilician towns. Alexandria-near-Issus begun at this time to strike autonom ous coins ; and Adana, Aegeae, Hieropolis-on-the-Pyramus and Mopsouestia all were permitted to strike coins with the effigy of Antiochus IV. on the obverse, but with their own types and names on the reverse — a privilege beyond what they had before possessed, though much less honourable than the purely autonomous coinage which was permitted at Tarsus and Alexandria-near-Issus. Adana was honoured with the name Antiocheia-on-the- Sarus, but this more purely Oriental city did not receive such a degree of freedom and self-governent as Tarsus. Mopsouestia, at the crossing of the Pyramus, on the one great road leading from east to west across Cilicia, occupied a peculiarly important position, yet one in which it could never become a great city. It was not strong defensively, 164 II- Tarsus and yet it must inevitably be defended and attacked in every war that occurred for the mastery of Cilicia. It barred the road ; but it was too weak in situation to bar it effectively. When, after 189 B.C., the kings began to recognise that they must study and prepare to defend Cilicia more carefully than in the previous century, this guardian city of the road had been the first to attract attention. Seleucus IV., 187-175, perceived its importance, and called it Seleuceia- on-the-Pyramus. The bestowal of this name implies a certain honour and privilege, which we cannot specify. It did not apparently carry the right of autonomous coinage, but beyond all question it was accompanied by a strengthening of the fortifications and improvement of the roads beside the bridge and the city. Under Antiochus IV. Epiphanes, 175-164, this new city struck legal coins on the same foot ing as Adana, Aegeae, and Hieropolis ; the coins at first bore the name of Seleuceia-on-the-Pyramus, but quickly the old name reappeared, and even before Antiochus died the coins began to resume the name of Mopsus. It would illuminate this subject further, if the action of Antiochus at Mallos could be certainly determined. A city named Antiocheia was founded at Magarsus or at Mallos, but the exact situation of this new city, and the relation of Mallos to Magarsus, are uncertain ; probably Magarsus was simply the port-town of Mallos, and the relation between the two was as intimate and to us as obscure as that be tween Notion and Colophon or between Athens and Piraeus. It is certain that Mallos was treated far less generously than Tarsus. Mallos was more remote from the frontier, and less important, than Tarsus; perhaps also the Greek element, always prone to discontent and mutiny, was too strong there 27 ; and Mallos sank into insignificance during xii. The Greeks in Tarsus — Antiocheia 165 this period, reviving again to a small degree in numismatic history about 1 46 B.C. It seems highly probable that Antioch on the Pyramus, like those on the Cydnus and the Sarus, was founded by Antiochus Epiphanes at this time as part of his scheme for pacifying and reorganising Cilicia. It is possible that this new city was founded at Magarsus with the intention of depreciating and ruining Mallos. This long survey of the facts has been necessary in order to prove conclusively the importance of the epoch of re organisation about 175-170. Cilicia was then recast, and its cities were reinvigorated. New life was breathed into a country which for centuries had been plunged in Oriental ism and ruled by despotism. But, of all the cities, Tarsus was treated most honourably (setting aside Alexandria as unimportant). It now stands forth as the principal city of the whole country, with the fullest rights of self-govern ment and coinage permitted to any town in the Seleucid Empire. The Tarsus of St. Paul dates in a very real sense from the refoundation by Antiochus Epiphanes. Now at last Tarsus had the status of an autonomous city, choosing its own magistrates and making its own laws, though doubtless subject in all foreign relations to the king. For its future history much depended on the new citizens and the terms of the new constitution ; and we must ask what evidence there is as to them. § XII. The Greeks in Tarsus — Antiocheia. The events in Cilicia in 171 B.C., described in the previous section of this study, introduced a new period in the history of Tarsus. It was henceforth a Greek City-State, govern ing itself in all internal matters through its own elective magistrates, and exercising certain sovereign rights such 1 66 II. Tarsus as the striking of its own autonomous coins. In various respects, and especially in all relations to foreign states, Tarsus undoubtedly must have been subject to the Seleucid kings : that was a necessity of the Empire. The relation of a free city such as Tarsus now was, to the central govern ment of the Seleucid Empire is, however, quite obscure ; and until some of the cities of this class are excavated and the whole subject carefully studied, it is impossible to speak about details. For our present purposes it is extremely important to determine what was the character of the constituent popu lation of the free city of Tarsus. It would consist of the former population together with a certain body of new citizens, introduced in the manner and for the purpose already described. All that can be learned or conjectured about the older population has been already stated in the preceding sections. It now remains to ask what evidence can be found as to the citizens introduced in 171-170 B.C. It has been shown28 that in their colonial foundations the Seleucid kings were obliged to trust mainly to two peoples, the Greeks and the Jews, " to manage, to lead, to train the rude Oriental peasantry in the arts on which city-life must rest, to organise and utilise their labour and create a commercial system ". This class of colonists was even more necessary than soldiers in those colonies. The Greeks in those Hellenic foundations of Asia Minor were drawn from very diverse sources. The coins, which are our chief authority, mention Achaeans at Eumeneia, Dorians and Ionians at Synnada, Macedonians frequently. We know that Pisidian Antioch was colonised by settlers from Magnesia, and many other examples might be quoted. How and in what circumstances it was that the settlers xii. The Greeks in Tarsus — Antiocheia 167 were selected in each case, no record exists. We can only conjecture in what manner the superabundant population of Greece, finding their own narrow, barren country unfit to offer a career for their energies, poured forth now at one outlet, now at another, as the opportunity was offered in the new foundations established by the Greek kings in western Asia. Such had been the history of Greece in earlier centuries, when Greek cities founded their own colonies. Such is now the case in modern times, when new Greek cities on the Mediterranean coasts can no longer be founded, and still Greek emigrants go forth in numbers to push their fortunes as the trade of the neighbouring countries open up. The Greek settlers in Tarsus and in Cilicia generally at this period seem to have been Argives. Dion Chrysostom addresses the Tarsians as "colonists of the Argives". Strabo, who had visited the city, and Stephanus give the same account. The chief magistrates in Tarsus and in several other Cilician cities bore the Dorian title Demiourgos, which may be taken as a definite proof that the Greek element in the population was mainly Dorian. It is there fore certain that the Tarsians prided themselves on being Dorians of Argos, and that their municipal institutions had something of a Dorian character. It seems also not im possible that some Doric tinge may have marked the Greek that they spoke ; and, though the few late inscriptions show no trace of this, such evidence could hardly be expected. The Koine, the common Hellenistic dialect, would naturally establish itself quickly in a city like Tarsus ; and only a few traces of the Doric dialect may perhaps have lingered. Elsewhere I have used this Doric character in Tarsus as foundation for a suggestion that the origin of the Western 1 68 II. Tarsus text of Acts should perhaps be sought there : 29 the word vaoicopos used for vewicopos in Acts xix. 35 in the Bezan Greek is just such a trace as might have survived in Tarsus. An Argive connection dating only from 171 B.C. did not satisfy the Tarsian pride of antiquity. The Hellenistic cities of that time loved to invent an origin for themselves in remote Greek mythology. The Tarsians claimed to be descended from the Argives who had gone forth along with Triptolemus in search of the lost Io, the beloved of the god, transformed into a cow by the anger of Hera. It belonged to the ancient Greek mind to seek a mythological proto type and Divine guarantee for historical facts ; the first Tarsian Greeks from the Argive land readily believed that they were doing what their ancestors in the heroic age had done ; and this mythological fable soon established itself as the faith of the city. But the same people, who spoke of themselves as descendants of those ancient Argive wanderers, felt no inconsistency in declaring that Tarsus was the foundation of Sardanapalos and an old Oriental city. Both Strabo and Stephanus of Byzantium repeat these diverse legends, as if they were quite harmonious; and, when the Assyrian foundation is understood in the sense described in § VIII., there is no contradiction between a Greek and an Assyrian foundation. Modern writers about Tarsus have usually interpreted the mythological tale as furnishing evidence that Tarsus was really colonised from Argos in the remote beginnings of Greek settlement on the Cilician coast. This is a false view of the nature of Greek myth, and inconsistent with known facts (§ VI.). The primitive Greek settlers on this coast were " Sons of the Ionian," and came to Cilicia under the direction of the Clarian Apollo, a god of the Ionian xiii. The Jews in Tarsus 169 coast. They had necessarily and inevitably melted into the Cilician ground-stock, and Tarsus had long become an almost purely Oriental town, in which there is no reason to think that Demiourgoi or any other Greek magistrates were elected. When the new Hellenic city of Tarsus was founded in 171 B.C., the titles and character of the magis trates were determined by the facts of the situation and the origin of the only Greek population in the city, viz., the newly enrolled Greek citizens — not by mythological inven tions, which grew more slowly and took their tone from the established institutions of the city. The use of the term Demiourgos in other cities of Cilicia suggests that Antiochus established some connection about this time with the land of Argos, and settled bodies of Argives in other Cilician cities whose constitution he re modelled, though in smaller numbers than at Tarsus.30 Only in Tarsus were the numbers and influence of the Greeks sufficient to constitute at this time a really sovereign Greek City-State, so far as imperial control permitted sovereignty in such a city. The inscriptions of Soloi- Pompeiopolis, near Tarsus, contain considerable traces of Doric dialect. § XIII. The Jews in Tarsus. This section is the most important and fundamental, so far as St. Paul is concerned, in the study of Tarsian history. On the results of this section must depend all our ideas as to the position which the Apostle's family occupied in Tarsus, as to his own origin and birthright, and as to many allied questions. It is clearly the presumption in the book of Acts that there was a considerable body of Jews in Tarsus. Paul 170 II. Tarsus was at home there among friends of his own race. That this is true to fact hardly any one is likely to dispute ; and it may seem not worth while to prove it by formal evidence. Yet so jealous and sometimes so arbitrary is the fashion in which the book of Acts is usually treated by scholars that a passage of Epiphanius may be quoted about the Jews of Tarsus. In the first book of this treatise against Heresies, No. xxx. (Migne, vol. 41, Epiphanius, i., pp. 411- 427), he gives an extremely interesting account of a Jew named Joseph, born at Tiberias about A.D. 286,31 whom Epiphanius had himself known, and from whose lips he had heard the whole story of his life. Joseph, who be longed to a family of high standing and influence in Tiberias, became interested in the Christian teaching, but his thoughts were for a long time carefully hidden from his co-religionists ; he was entrusted with the honourable dignity and duties of an Apostle among them, and finally despatched on a mission with letters to the Jews of Cilicia. He collected from every city of Cilicia the tithes and the first-fruits paid by the Jews in that Province. In a certain city he chanced to be lodged in a house beside the church, and he thus became acquainted and even intimate with the bishop. From the bishop he borrowed a copy of the Gospels, and read the book. Now Joseph had exercised the powers of the Apostolate with such strictness that he became extremely unpopular with many of the Jews, who began to scrutinise his conduct carefully in the hope of finding some charge to bring against him. Seeking their opportunity, they rushed suddenly into his abode, and caught him in the act of reading the Gospels. They snatched the book out of his hands, seized him and dragged him with blows and curses and other ill-treatment xiii. The Jews in Tarsus 171 to the synagogue, and there flogged him. The bishop, hearing of this, hurried to the scene and rescued him from the hands of the Jews. On another occasion the Jews caught Joseph while travelling, and threw him into the Cydnus. He was carried away by the current, and they thought with delight that he was drowned ; but he escaped. Shortly afterwards he joined the Christians, was baptized, and afterwards pro moted to the dignity of a count (comes) and member of the Privy Council {amicus) of the Emperor Constantine. In this account Tarsus is not named, but it is mentioned that there were Jews in every city of Cilicia. It is clearly implied, too, that the Cilician Jews were numerous and powerful, otherwise they could not under Christian rule have ventured on such vigorous action against one who was suspected of a leaning towards Christianity. The story plainly shows that no punishment or prosecution took place on account of their assault, though its illegal character is evident (even allowing that considerable freedom was per mitted by law to Jews in dealing with a Jew). The fact that the bishop was able to rescue Joseph as soon as he heard of the first assault proves that even in flogging a presumed Christian convert, the Jews were overstepping the authority of the synagogue: while the second and murderous assault was in any circumstances and with any provocation a serious breach of Imperial law. These facts are inexplicable, unless the Cilician Jews had been a power ful body. Tarsus would certainly be their chief seat in the Pro vince, because it was the centre of trade and finance, and offered the best opportunities for money- making. It would also, naturally, be the place where Joseph took up his abode, 172 II. Tarsus when he went to Cilicia on public duty, for it was the one city from which all the rest could be best affected and where there was most frequent opportunity of coming into contact with the whole of the Cilician Jews. Finally, the Jews of the town where he lived threw him into the Cydnus, therefore they were the Tarsian Jews. They watched their opportunity when Joseph started on a journey towards Mallos or some place on that side, and threw him into the river.32 He must have been travelling in that direction, because the river is not deep enough to carry away a man in its current, except in the lower part of its course, and Joseph would not have touched the lower course of the river, unless he had been going towards Mallos. Why Epiphanius avoids mentioning the name of Tarsus, and merely speaks of " a certain city," I cannot explain. Per haps he wished to avoid bringing such a charge against the city by name. Perhaps it is due simply to his idea of what was good literary style : so Basil of Seleuceia in his history of St. Thekla mentions Tarsus in circumlocutory fashion as the city of Damalis and Sandes.32a In passing we observe several interesting points in the story as told by Epiphanius. In the first place the feeling was very bitter between Jews and Christians, but it was almost as strong between Jews and pagans or Samaritans. The Jews would not permit any Greek {i.e., pagan), or Samaritan, or Christian to live in the district of Galilee where they were strongest ; it had been impossible to build a church in any of the towns or villages there, and especially in Tiberias, Sepphoris, Nazareth, and Capernaum. Such a fact is not favourable to the existence of an unbroken Christian tradition in those towns. On the other hand there was some intercourse privately xiii. The Jews in Tarsus 173 between individual Jews and Christians. Joseph was on friendly terms with the bishop of Tarsus, while he was still a Jewish Apostle. Hillel, the Patriarch of Tiberias, when near death, summoned the bishop who was nearest that city to visit him.33 The pretext was that the bishop's services as a physician were required; but every Jew in Tiberias must soon have been aware that a Christian bishop was attending their Patriarch, even though they did not know that he was secretly administering the sacrament. In later times such a visit could hardly have occurred. We observe, also, that it is assumed by all that the bishop was qualified to act as a physician. The importance of the medical pro fession in the Lycaonian and Cappadocian Church during the fourth century has been described elsewhere.34 It would almost appear that the bishop was expected to possess some medical skill, which should be at the service of his congrega tion and of strangers. There is, accordingly, no doubt that a strong body of Jews inhabited Tarsus. The only question is as to their status in the city : were they merely resident strangers, or had they the full rights of citizens, i.e., of burgesses ? The difference in a Hellenic city was profound. There were in the chief commercial cities of the Mediterranean coasts large bodies of such resident strangers. Many of these became permanent inhabitants of the city, and their families lived there generation after generation. But the descendants of such persons did not become citizens merely by right of their old hereditary connection : they all remained outside of the city (in the Hellenic sense). They had no share in its patriotism and its religion. They could freely retain and practise their own religious rites, however alien these were to the religion of the city where they lived. It 174 II- Tarsus was usual for a group of such resident strangers to form themselves into a religious association for the proper celebra tion of their own ritual. Thus they carried their own re ligion with them into the heart of Greece, and were protected by Greek law in the performance of ritual which was for bidden to true citizens — though that prohibition was rarely enforced and practically almost inoperative. It was in this way that foreign and Oriental religions spread in the Greek cities, though nominally forbidden on pain of death and stigmatised as unworthy, superstitious and un- Hellenic by the more educated among the Hellenes. Jews especially dwelt in considerable bodies in various Hellenic cities, where they did not possess any rights 'as burgess-citizens, but formed a simple association with syna gogue or place of prayer by the seashore or on the bank of a stream (as at Philippi), which aroused attention and attracted proselytes, though it repelled and was hated by the majority of the pagan populace. The question arises whether the Jews at Tarsus were mere resident strangers of this kind. This seems disproved by all that can be gathered about that city. The view which we take is that the Jews of Tarsus were, as a body, citizens with full burgess rights. That does not, of course, exclude the possibility that there were some or even many resident stranger Jews in the city. The right of citizenship could only be got by inheritance from a citizen father, apart from exceptional cases in which it was bestowed by a formal law on an individual as a reward for services rendered to the city ; but such cases were compara tively few in any one city, for the right was jealously guarded. There was no desire to increase the number of citizens, but rather the general wish was to keep the xiii. The Jews in Tarsus 175 number small : philosophers and social theorists taught that the ideal of a city could be attained only in a compara tively limited size, while the ordinary selfish individual thought that the advantages of citizenship would be dimin ished if they were shared with new citizens. There were occasional crises in the history of a Greek City-State, when the number of citizens was enlarged by the incorporation of considerable groups of new members. Such crises were, naturally, exceptional and rare: they occurred from various causes — sometimes on account of a great disaster, which had seriously weakened the State and diminished the body of citizens to a dangerous extent, sometimes through external causes and the interference of a power outside the State. In such cases the body of new citizens was not, as a rule, incorporated in any of the older Tribes of the city, but in a new Tribe or Tribes instituted for the purpose.36 Now there is no evidence, and no probability, that the body of the citizens of Tarsus was ever enlarged in this way, after it had been founded as a Greek City-State by Antiochus Epiphanes in 171. While we are only imper fectly acquainted with the history of Tarsus, there is no sign that any such crisis ever occurred. The reasonable probability is that the foundation of 171 was permanent, and determined the constitution of the city until the time of Augustus, when there was an oligarchic and timocratic movement, limiting the number of burgesses instead of in creasing them, and introducing a money qualification. The reasons for the view that there was a body of Jewish citizens in Tarsus are as follows. In the first place, Paul was a citizen, as he himself asserted most emphatically in very dramatic circumstances at Jeru- 176 II. Tarsus salem (Acts xxi. 39). This implies that he was a member of one of the Tribes into which those Hellenic Colonies were always divided. Now the members of a Tribe were closely bound to one another by common religious rites, which were performed at every meeting of the Tribe. In every Hellenic city the common religion of the Tribe was an extremely important element in the life and the thought and the patriotism of all citizens. No man could be a citizen except as a member of a Tribe; and the tribal bond was intimate and sacred. Now no Jew could possibly become a member of an ordinary Tribe in a Greek city, because he would have been obliged to participate frequently in a pagan ritual, which even the most degraded of Jews would hardly have faced. There was no possible way by which Jews who retained any religious or patriotic feeling or national pride — and what Jew does not ? — could become citizens of a Greek city, except by having a Tribe set apart for them, in which they could control the religious rites and identify them with the service of the synagogue. This method was adopted in Alexandria, where the Jews were all enrolled in the Tribe called " the Macedonians " ; and there can be no doubt that the same method was followed in all the Seleucid foundations, where a Jewish body of colonists was settled. (See p. 257 f.) Accordingly, inasmuch as Paul was a Tarsian citizen and his father before him was a citizen, there must have been a body of Jewish citizens constituting the Tribe in which they were enrolled. There can never have been a single and solitary Jewish citizen of a Greek city : if there was one Jewish citizen, there must have been a group of Jews forming a Tribe, holding together in virtue of their common Jewish religion ; and it may be regarded as practically xiii. The Jews in Tarsus 177 certain that the synagogue was their Tribal centre, where they met not only for religious purposes, but also for judging all cases affecting their tribal union and rights. In this way Joseph of Tiberias was dragged to the synagogue and there flogged, as has just been described. This train of reasoning seems indisputable; and it has been fully accepted by Professor E. Schiirer.36 Yet such indirect arguments, however unanswerable they be, never can carry the same complete conviction to the reader as a definite and direct proof that there was in Tarsus a body of Jewish citizens ; and our next argument is that such a proof is furnished by Romans xvi. 7-21, where six persons are called " kinsmen " by St. Paul. The word can hardly mean here kinsmen by right of birth and blood in the ordinary sense (" kinsmen according to the flesh " in Romans ix. 3); for there is reason to think that the family to which the Apostle belonged had not come over to the Christian Church in such numbers, but rather had condemned his action and rejected him.37 Nor can it here mean simply members of the Jewish nation, for many of the others who are mentioned in this passage without this epithet were un doubtedly Jews. The careful distinction between the various epithets in the passage is very instructive. The writer was deeply moved, and his tenderest feelings were roused, when he was writing the words, and each epithet is full of emotion, a piece of his heart and his life, as it were. There is in this term " kinsmen " an instance of the same strong deep feeling for his native city which is found in Acts xxi. 39 (see § III.). The word " kinsman " here means fellow-citizen and fellow- tribesman, for all the six were doubtless Jews and therefore members of the same Tribe in Tarsus. This use of the word "kinsmen" was idiomatically Greek, and seems to have 12 178 II. Tarsus risen in other cases to the mouth of the Greek when his feelings of patriotism were moved.38 Thus, for example, when the Greeks of Ephesus came to Agrippa to ask him to eject their Jewish fellow-citizens from participation in the rights of citizenship,39 they declared that " if the Jews are kinsmen {i.e. fellow-citizens) to us, they ought to worship our gods," i.e. to practise the religion of the city, participa tion in which was the natural and (to the Greek mind) neces sary expression of patriotism and kinship. This kindred and common citizenship was based on religion. It was in the same sense that Paul calls those six men his " kinsmen " in Romans xvi. 7, 11, 21. In the third place, a proof of the existence of a body of Jewish citizens in Tarsus can be drawn from a passage in Philostratus's biography of Apollonius of Tyana, vi. 34. Not long after the end of the Jewish insurrection and the capture of Jerusalem, Titus, as co-Emperor with his father, chanced to be offering public sacrifice on behalf of the State (probably in Rome), when delegates representing the city of Tarsus approached him with a petition about some important interests of their city. These ambassadors must have been, it is needless to say, citizens of Tarsus. Titus answered that he would himself act as their ambassador to his father Vespasian, and lay their case before him. Here upon Apollonius, who was present in the train of his friend Titus, intervened and said to him, " If I prove to you that some of these delegates are enemies of your father and your self, and went as envoys to Jerusalem to promote an insur rection, making themselves secret allies of your most openly declared enemies, what treatment shall they receive of you ? " "What," said Titus, "but death?" "Is it not then dis graceful," replied Apollonius, "to take vengeance on the xiii. The Jews in Tarsus 1 79 spot, but to postpone kindnesses to a later time, to inflict death on your own responsibility, but to reserve favours until you consult another about them ? " This dilemma which Apollonius put to Titus depended for its effect on the fact (which must have been well known) that many Jews were citizens of Tarsus. Apollonius was on bad terms with that city, as Philostratus mentions. Apol lonius on his visit to Tarsus had sternly rebuked the Tarsians for their luxury and wealth, and became extremely unpopu lar in the city. Titus was therefore quite prepared to hear him denounce the Tarsians. Further, as there were many Jewish citizens in Tarsus, he was quite ready to believe that some of the envoys were Jews, and that the suggestion that they had been plotting treason in Jerusalem was seriously intended. No person would have suggested, or believed, that Greeks could have gone on an embassy to Jerusalem to plot treason with Jews : the race hatred was notoriously too strong and bitter. The seeming accusation which Apollonius made with such ready wit must have been a plausible and probable one in itself, otherwise Titus would not have been taken in by it. Its plausibility arose from the Jewish citizen ship in Tarsus, and the known fact that many wealthy and prominent Tarsians were Jews. When Apollonius retorted with his sharp-pointed dilemma, Titus was charmed. Though he had been caught in the act of threatening death as the punishment for a superstitious and pretended crime, he extricated himself from the unpleasant situation with the genial humour characteristic of both his father and him self, granting the Tarsians' petition, and saying that his father would pardon him for yielding to truth and to Apol lonius. After this incident, Tarsian feeling towards Apol- 180 II. Tarsus lonius changed, and he was reverenced as a benefactor and " founder " of the city. (On this use of the term " founder," see p. 132.) All these three arguments unite in this, that each shows us a situation and words which are full of meaning and point, if there were Jewish citizens in Tarsus, but pointless and insipid if there were not. Considering how scanty is the information that has come down to us about the consti tution of Tarsus and the other Hellenic cities of Asia Minor, it is fortunate that on this important matter so much evidence has been preserved, proving that a body of Jewish citizens formed an important element in the Tarsian City- State. § XIV. The Jews Settled in Tarsus in 171 b.c The next question is when this body of Jewish citizens was settled in Tarsus. We have seen that they must have been settled there as a body, and not from time to time as individuals; that the settlement must have formed part of a general reconstruction of the city ; that there was such a reconstruction of Tarsus in 171 B.C.; and that there is no sign or evidence of any later reconstruction having occurred. The natural inference is that a body of Jews was settled in Tarsus by Antiochus Epiphanes, as part of the free self- governing city which he founded in that year. I see no way in which this inference can be evaded. Such a settlement was in accordance with the regular Seleucid practice. Similar settlements of Jews had been made in many other cases by the predecessors of Antiochus, and on an especially large scale by his father in the cities of Lydia and Phrygia not long before. Even if there were no record of Jewish citizens in Tarsus, it would be safe to xiv. The Jews Settled in Tarsus in 171 b.c. i 8 1 speak of the probability that he followed the established Seleucid principle, and settled Jews as citizens there. Professor E. Schiirer, however, though he cannot suggest any way of evading this inference, argues that it " appears very improbable in view of the hostility of Antiochus to the Jews". Antiochus, it is true, became the enemy of the rebel Jews in Palestine ; but that was at a later time. In 171 he considered himself as the best friend of the Jewish race, and was so considered by many of the most influential Jews in Jerusalem. He regarded Jerusalem with special interest, and as a token of his favour bestowed on it his own name. To the Jewish reactionary party, who raised the successful revolt, it seemed an outrage to rename Jeru salem "Antiocheia"; but Antiochus was innocent of any intention to insult the Jews. The truth was that the king merely carried into effect a great scheme of national education in Palestine, the best that the philosophers of the time could conceive; and that the scheme was highly popular with the aristocracy, but hated by the common people of the country. This scheme of national education was not even originated by Antiochus. It had been the settled policy of the Seleucid kings since they became the lords of Pales tine. Antiochus Epiphanes merely walked in the beaten path, the ultimate aim of which was to educate Palestine and all the rest of the Seleucid dominions in Greek civilisa tion, language and manners. Those who still regard the study of Greek as so valuable that it should be enforced in every school in our remote age and land, ought not to accuse Antiochus of outrage and hostility because he wished to teach Greek in Jerusalem and to bring the Jews up to the level of what he and others believed to be the highest civilisation of the time. 1 82 II. Tarsus This way of describing the situation in Palestine before the Maccabaean rising is no frivolous trifling with a serious subject. It is the literal truth, and it is also the spiritual truth. The Seleucid policy, which Antiochus Epiphanes continued, was a noble and generous one, and produced excellent results in Western Asia generally. It attempted, wisely, deliberately, and with full consciousness, to produce a conciliation and amalgamation of Oriental ideas and Western education ; and in many ways it still offers a model of the best method of essaying this most important problem in social development. But the same policy which is wise and beneficial in one country may be unwise and hurtful in another. It is quite true, as Antiochus and his prede cessors saw, that the Jews had much to learn from the Greeks ; but they had more to lose than to gain by being Hellenised, if Hellenisation meant the abandoning of all that was distinctive in Judaism. The Maccabaean rising was guilty of many faults and was far from being an unmixed good to the world ; but it preserved the Jewish race from being merged in Hellenism and kept it free for its great destiny. The unification of the Empire was the aim of Antiochus, as it had been of his predecessors, and as it was afterwards in the Roman Empire. The aim was a worthy and a noble one. As it is stated in I Maccabees i. 41 f., about 167 B.C. " King Antiochus wrote to his whole kingdom, that all should be one people, and every one should leave his laws," i.e., that national differences and customs should be done away with and a uniform Hellenistic system of civilisation and education should be established. So successful had the Seleucid policy already been that the " advanced " party among the Jews urged Antiochus xiv. The Jews Settled in Tarsus in 171 b.c. 183 to take more decided steps. He acted in concert with the Hellenising Jews, who claimed to be the most enlightened and certainly were the wealthy and the powerful part of the community. The passage in 1 Maccabees proceeds, " So all the heathen agreed according to the commandment of the king. Yea, many also of the Israelites consented to his religion, and sacrificed unto idols, and profaned the sabbath." The penalty for resistance to the policy which Antiochus now resolved to enforce was death. But he had been encouraged and prompted to this enforcement of the Hellenising policy by some of the Jews themselves. About 175 Jason, eager to be appointed high priest, offered large sums of money to the king (who was in sore need of money for his wars), "if he might have license to set him up a place for exercise (Gymnasium) . . . and to write them of Jerusalem by the name of Antiochians " (2 Mace. iv. 9). When the king granted permission, Jason " forthwith brought his own nation to the Greekish fashion. . . . For he built gladly a place of exercise under the tower itself, and brought the chief young men under his subjection, and made them wear a hat." This process of voluntary Hellenisation is described as proceeding to great lengths for several years in Jerusalem even among the priests. The building of a Grecian gymnasium, the introduction of the fashion of young men wearing hats and in general making themselves as Hellenised as possible — such were the outrages of which Antiochus had been guilty when the rebellion first began. These cannot be condemned by us as grave offences in themselves ; but they were an attempt to force Hellenic customs on the Jews. The gymnasium implied the Greek fashion of practising athletics naked ; 1 84 II. Tarsus and this fashion was the cause of real evils in Greece. The hat has always been and still is an abomination to the true Asiatic ; it is still the mark of a European in Mohammedan lands ; the uneducated Turks call a European a Shapkali, " one with a hat ". For Jews to wear the hat was to de nationalise themselves. Antiochus, therefore, even after 171, was in no true sense an enemy of the Jews. He was only an enemy of what appeared to him to be a violent and reactionary party among the Jews ; and repression began about 170 with Oriental severity. That party became dominant in Pales tine, and hence arose war with Palestine. But none of this had taken place in 171 ; and the same policy which made the king eager to Hellenise Palestine made him introduce Jewish colonists into Tarsus and doubtless into other Cilician towns. It is, indeed, highly probable that there were already Jews in Cilicia, and that Antiochus both bestowed the rights of citizenship in the remodelled cities on the old resident Jews, and increased their numbers by bringing into the country more families of Jews. Even after the Maccabaean war began, it is not probable that Antiochus ceased to trust or favour the Jews in the north ern part of his realm. He would do so only if they joined or sympathised with the rebellion ; and at first they were not likely to do so, for the extra-Palestinian Jews were rather on the Hellenising side. They could 1 not live in a Hellenic city without learning that many Hellenic customs, hated by the zealots, were harmless and even good. They did not regard games and athletics with such horror as the zealots did. St. Paul draws his metaphors and similes so freely from such Greek customs that it is impossible to think even he, strict Pharisee as he claimed to be, felt any xiv. The Jews Settled in Tarsus in 171 b.c. 185 detestation of Greek games and Greek ideas : had he been the narrow Jew that many scholars fancy him to have been, he must have regarded all those Greek things as an abomination. The conclusion is that Dorian Greeks from Argos and Jews formed the main body of the new colonists settled there by Antiochus Epiphanes. From 171 onwards there was in Tarsus a body of citizens of Jewish blood. They were a privileged class in many ways. Josephus points out emphatically that the Seleucid kings showed great favour to all the Jewish colonists, conceded many things which Jewish scruples required, set them free from all obligation to do anything contrary to their religion and their law. We must therefore regard St. Paul as sprung from one of the families which got the Tarsian citizenship in 171 B.C., and reject the story (in itself an impossible one) re corded by St. Jerome, that he or his parents had emigrated from Gischala in Palestine, when it was captured by the Romans. If the Jewish colonists had been settled so long in Tarsus, and if they were so favourable to a Seleucid king in the beginning, how could they be a strongly Hebraistic and national body, some or many of them strict Pharisees, nearly two centuries later ? That is only part of the Jewish miracle over the whole world. It was strange that they should have survived and revived in Tarsus ; but it is equally strange that they have maintained their national feeling else where for so many centuries. In Tarsus we observe that they were within easy reach of Jerusalem. The restoration of Hebrew nationalism by the Maccabaean revolt must have exercised a powerful influence on them. The family gather ing of the Passover, the household instruction about it origin, 1 86 II. Tarsus and similar influences, kept alive their national feeling, and made them revisit as often as possible the national centre at the ceremony in the month Nisan. Contact with a free Hebrew nation in a Hebrew capital city strengthened their national pride, and fanned it into a flame. § XV. Tarsus the Hellenistic City. In the two centuries which followed the foundation of the new Hellenised Tarsus the surroundings and environment amid which St. Paul was educated were in process of de velopment. But this period of Tarsian history is, if possible, more obscure than the earlier period. It was the fortunate coincidence of literary and numismatic evidence that illumi nated the foundation of Antiocheia-on-the-Cydnus. Hardly a ray of light illuminates any point in the following period, until we come down to the time of the Emperor Augustus and the great Tarsian philosopher and statesman Atheno dorus. A very brief section will suffice for the end of the Greek period. The oblivion into which the Greek name Antioch quickly fell, and the speedy restoration of the native Anatolian name Tarsus, may be taken as indicating that the Greek element had not attained a marked predominance in the newly founded city. The continuity of Tarsian history was not interrupted seriously : the city felt itself to be the ancient Tarsus, and not the new Antioch. Tarsus could never be a thoroughly Hellenised city: Antioch-on-the- Cydnus might have been so. Upon the coins we read the same tale. The few coins struck by Antioch-on-the-Cydnus are thoroughly Hellenic in character: the head of the City (idealised as a Divine figure wearing a crown of walls and turrets) and the sitting xv. Tarsus the Hellenistic City 187 figure of Zeus have on the surface nothing Oriental about them. The sitting Zeus had long been a Tarsian type ; but formerly, even when no Aramaic letters gave him the Oriental name of Baal, there were usually symbols or adjuncts unsuited to the Greek Zeus, which gave an Eastern and non-Hellenic character to the representation.40 In the period 171 -164 the Tarsian Zeus appears almost purely Greek. The symbols of Anatolian character, corn, grapes, and censer, have disappeared. He is Zeus, and not the Baal of Tarsus. There are no Aramaic letters ; but the Greek inscription giving the name of a self-governing people, " the Antiochians beside the Cydnus". (See Fig. 19, § XI.) Even the coins of the following period, on which the old name Tarsus reappeared, were distinctly more Hellenic than those of the older time. On some coins the Antiochian types remained, when the name of Antioch disappeared. Another common type showed the Good Fortune of Tarsus seated on a chair, with the river-god Cydnus at her feet : it was imitated from a famous statue by the Greek artist Eutychides, representing the Good Fortune of Antioch, the Syrian capital. But the Tarsian figure has something about it which stamps it as the Oriental imitation of Greek work. The Greek sculptor had showed the Fortune of Antioch seated on the rocks, at whose feet was the river Orontes : the Tarsian imitator placed his goddess on a chair, with which the Cydnus is out of keeping. The harmony of a Greek ideal is wanting here, but the aim is to show a city seated on the plain. The reverse shows the Hellenic Zeus, not the Anatolian god. It is the coin of a Hellenic city, and the name of a magistrate is inscribed on it (Figs. 20, 23). Another type, which now appears for the first time on Tarsian coins, and which henceforward became very common, 1 1. Tarsus is strikingly Oriental and Anatolian. This is a young male god, who stands on a winged and horned lion, wearing a tiara and holding in his hands sometimes bow-case and sword, sometimes flower and double-edged battleaxe as described above in § IX., and shown in Figs, ii and 13. Such an utterly un-Hellenic figure as this god stands in marked con trast with the Greek head of the City goddess, which ap pears on the other side of the same coins. It is as if the double character and mixed population of the city, Greek and Oriental, appropriated each one side of the coins. Fig. 20. — The Good Fortune of Tarsus ; River-god Cydnus at her feet. She holds ears of corn, wears veil and crown of towers. Magistrate's name, "of Arsaces". Reverse: Zeus sitting. In Fig. 21 an example of this class of coins is shown, belonging to the period following 164 B.C., but probably later than the one shown in Fig. n. The obverse shows the head of the City goddess, the Good Fortune of Tarsus, whose full-length figure appears in Fig. 20. The reverse shows the god of Tarsus, within a pyramidal structure (des cribed in § IX.). But the inscriptions that accompany this thoroughly Anatolian type are purely Greek, the name of the people and the monogram of a magistrate. xv. Tarsus the Hellenistic City 189 Tarsus, with the rest of Cilicia, long remained a part of the decaying Seleucid Empire. The dynasty grew weaker ; disorder and civil war tormented the State ; but the arrogant ambition of princes, who could hardly maintain their position at their capital on the Orontes, still prompted them to seek to enlarge their empire by adding foreign lands to their inheritance, as, for example, when the Egyptian throne was vacant in 123 B.C. The Hellenic grasp on Asia was relax ing. There was little enough of Hellenism at a court like Fig. 21. — Obverse : head of the City goddess. Reverse : the Tarsian god standing on horned lion between two small altars within a pyramidal structure, on which perches an eagle. Name of the city and monogram of a magistrate's name. that of the last Seleucid kings ; yet it was all that remained of the Greek sovereignty in the East. During this period we hear practically nothing about Tarsus ; but it continued to coin its own money as a free city. Between 150 and 100 B.C. silver coins of the Seleucid kings bearing Tarsian types, but not the name of Tarsus, were sometimes struck. In the growing weakness of the sovereignty this can hardly imply that the Seleucid kings were tightening their grasp upon Tarsus : more probably 190 II. Tarsus the choice of Tarsian types was meant by way of compli ment to the city as a main support of the dying Seleucid State. About 104 B.C. the Roman influence, which had been gradually increasing in Asia Minor, laid its grasp definitely on Cilicia, and made part of it a Province. But the history of this Province was for a time complicated by a new factor, the revival of the Oriental spirit under the leadership of Mithridates, king of Pontus. As the Greek element in Asia grew weaker, the Asiatic spirit revived and attempted to throw off the bonds that European domination had placed upon it. About 83 this Asiatic reaction overwhelmed Tar sus. No authority records whether the city was affected in ternally by the revival ; but it seems natural and probable that at least the original native element would be stirred to sympathy with the Mithridatic movement. The Jews, however, were not likely to be deceived by the specious ap pearance of Orientalism, which this purely barbarous and destructive invasion wore. All is, however, mere conjec ture, except the fact that during the following years the armies of Tigranes, king of Armenia, swept over Cilicia and Northern Syria. Tarsus, though not named in the brief record, must have fallen under his power, as did Soloi which lay farther away to the west. Nothing could have happened which was more calculated to strengthen the Western spirit in Tarsus than the conquest by a barbarian like Tigranes. There was inevitably a re vulsion in the city towards Hellenism. Now Roman policy always was directed to encourage and strengthen the hold of Hellenism on the Eastern Provinces. The trained and practical instinct of the Empire did not seek to destroy Greek civilisation in Asia in order to put Roman civilisation xvi. Tarsus as Capital of Cilicia 191 in its place, but treated the two as allied and united in the task of training the Oriental. Hence the reaction from the barbarism of Armenian rule was in favour of Rome as well as of Hellenism. When the European hold on Cilicia was renewed by the issue of the Mithridatic wars, and the East was reorganised in the Roman interest by Pompey the Great in 65-4 B.C., the restoration of the Province was probably welcomed in Tarsus. The Province of Cilicia now became much larger and distinctly more important than before.41 § XVI. Tarsus as Capital of the Roman Province Cilicia. When the Roman province of Cilicia was first instituted about 104 B.C., neither Tarsus nor the Cilician plain was made part of Roman territory. They continued, appar ently, to belong to the Seleucid kingdom, though the hold of the effete monarchy on this now outlying part of its shrunken territories can have been only nominal. This situation of affairs tended to strengthen the municipal govern ment in Tarsus, which would probably deal directly with the overshadowing power of Rome. The Province was instituted chiefly in order to control the pirates of Cilicia Tracheia (the mountainous region west of the level Cilician plain), and to maintain peace on the coasts and the waters of the Levant. Harbours and stations on the land of Tracheia were necessary for this purpose, but the plain and the cities of Cilicia proper were not occupied.42 The Cilician Province was not as yet a strictly territorial district: the term was used rather in the older sense of " a sphere of duty ". The Roman governor of Cilicia was charged with the care of Roman interests generally in the south and east of Asia Minor and on the Levant coasts and 192 II. Tarsus waters. He went wherever the pressing needs of the occa sion called him. He seems, when it was necessary, to have been in the habit of marching through lands which were not as yet in any real sense Roman ; and this implies that some vague right to free movement across those regions had been conceded to, or assumed by, the Romans. The two Pro vinces of Asia and 'Cilicia divided between them the execu tion of Roman policy in Asia Minor ; and apparently the only principle of division was that what did not clearly belong to the Province of Asia fell within the Cilician sphere of duty. The limits of the Cilician Province under the Republican administration were vague and undefined : they varied widely at different times. The governor of Cilicia was sometimes active on the Pamphylian and Lycian coast and in Lycaonia. At one time even great part of Phrygia was detached from Asia and placed in the Cilician Province : such was the case, for example, when Cicero governed Cilicia in 5 1 B.C. This extension, evidently, originated during the time when the pirates constituted a danger so great that Roman ships were afraid to sail along the Levant coasts. The gover nor of Cilicia was then obliged to land at Ephesus and go by road into Cilicia. As he passed across Phrygia it was con venient for him to hold the assizes in the great cities. After Pompey put down the pirates in 67 and opened the sea once more, the connection of Phrygia with Cilicia was main tained for a considerable time, and Cilicia was then the most important of the Eastern Provinces in a political view as well as the largest, for its governor directed the whole foreign policy of Rome on the north-east frontier. The varying character of the Province Cilicia reflected the confused condition of Roman politics and government. Be- xvi. Tarsus as Capital of Cilicia 193 tween 104 and 49 B.C., Roman policy was uncertain in its aims and generally ineffective ; when the Civil War began in 49, there was no policy at all, until the issue of the struggle was determined. In the decay of all the Greek dynasties, which marked the later second century and the earlier half of the first century, there was in Asia Minor no possible rule except either Roman or Asiatic ; and, not unnaturally, the Roman govern ment shrank from the gigantic task of administering the affairs of the East, while it was also reluctant to withdraw its hand and power from the country altogether. The un certainty of Roman aims weakened its power; and the necessary result of the slackening of its grasp was that the Asiatic princes, like Mithridates of Pontus and Tigranes of Armenia, seized the opportunity to assert their freedom against Roman dictation and to enlarge their kingdoms by western conquest. At first they even found allies among the Hellenic states and cities. Dread and dislike of Rome united Hellene and Asiatic. Mithridates not merely over ran the whole of the Province of Asia, but even sent his armies into Greece and was welcomed for a moment as a deliverer by cities like Athens. He had, however, mis calculated his power, and he only succeeded by over-ambi tion in compelling the Romans to exert their strength and in making it clear that no compromise, no partition of Asia Minor between Rome and the Asiatic princes, nothing but war to the knife, ending in either the subjection of Asia to Europe or the ejection of all Europeans from Asia, was possible at that time. The task imposed on the Roman government, however, was too great. It could conquer, but it could not administer. Its general, Pompey, destroyed Mithridates and Tigranes, 13 194 II- Tarsus and regulated after a fashion the East. He set up kings and dethroned kings, founded cities, gave constitutions and laws ; but his work was ineffective when the central govern ment was paralysed. Some fixed purpose and definite policy was needed, but the Roman Senatorial government had no clear ideas in Eastern policy, and was powerless to maintain order. To establish a permanent peace, it was necessary to con ciliate in a single State the warring elements, Oriental and Western. These elements cannot be adjusted and conciliated by any government acting from above and from outside ; but they will work out their own balance and equipoise, if a strong hand simply enforces order — a truth which modern European governments in Asia and Egypt are slow to learn, but which the Seleucid kings from 300 B.C. onwards had roughly understood. Augustus at last, with his clear practical sense, seems to have divined the nature of the situation. Like the Senate, he shrank from undertaking the task of administering the East. He did not at first greatly enlarge the Roman terri tory. He continued the traditional Roman policy of en trusting frontier lands to dependent kings. But he insisted that these kings must maintain order and peace, and that they must administer their charge to Roman satisfaction. He regarded them as agents, entrusted with the duty of civilising and training their subjects up to the level of order liness suitable for incorporation in the Roman Empire as Provinces. So he allowed a large kingdom in central Asia Minor to remain under charge of Amyntas, king of Galatia, until 25 B.C. Then, on the sudden and unexpected death of Amyntas in battle, he took the inheritance of this kingdom, xvi. Tarsus as Capital of Cilicia 195 and formed it into the province Galatia, while the private property of the king, including the vast estates of the god round Pisidian Antioch, were added to his own private fortune. With the formation of this new Province of Galatia the importance of the older Province Cilicia disappeared. For about a century Galatia included the charge of Roman interests and policy in central and eastern Asia Minor, while Cilicia was now made by Augustus a mere adjunct to the great Province of Syria. In the Cilician Province, Tarsus necessarily played its part as the capital ; but its name is rarely mentioned in the Republican time. It exercised little influence on a policy which was frankly Roman and almost regardless of the rights or interests of the subject people. Tarsus is practically unknown to us during the republican period, except as a point on Cicero's journeys through his Province, and a place where he occasionally resided.43 In strong contrast to the policy of the Republican govern ment, the Imperial policy was from the beginning keenly alive to the duty that Rome owed to the subject races. These non-Roman races were to be treated fairly, governed honestly and for their own benefit, educated up to the level of Roman citizenship, and gradually admitted to the citizen ship year by year, now one person, now another, as each individual earned in one way or other this honour and privilege. Such was the ideal which the Empire set before itself, and which the great Emperors, like Trajan, tried to realise. In the Imperial period, accordingly, there was far greater opportunity than before for the prosperity and development in its own line of a provincial city. Both the individual subjects and the cities of the Provinces had a career opened to them in aiding the well-being of the whole 196 II. Tarsus Empire. A provincial city henceforth could have a history of action, and not merely a history of suffering. It would be too little to say that there was general con tentment with the new order. The older Provinces in general, and Tarsus in particular, were filled with enthusi astic loyalty to the Empire, which had brought with it peace, order, justice, fair collection of a not too burdensome taxa tion, and good government generally, in spite of isolated exceptions and failures. It accords with the new spirit of government that with the Empire Tarsus emerges once more into the light of history. We hear of it frequently from the moment that Julius Caesar, the true founder of the Empire, entered its gate for a brief visit in 47 B.C., during his march from Egypt northwards against the Pontic king. Then the feelings and desires of the Tarsians began to appear, and we find that they were frankly and enthusiastically for the Empire and against the Senate. They were so devoted to Julius Caesar, that they called their city Juliopolis, and afterwards they were well disposed to his nephew, the future Emperor Augustus, on his uncle's account. Cassius, acting on behalf of the Senatorial party, compelled the Tarsians and Tarkon- dimotos, the client-king of the eastern parts of Cilicia, to come over to his side in 43 B.C., when he was preparing for the campaign which ended in the battle of Philippi during the following year. But when Cassius marched on into Syria, and Dolabella approached Cilicia in the interests of the Caesarian party, Tarsus gladly joined him and took an active part in the war against Cassius and against the neighbouring city of Adana, which they considered to be favourable to Cassius. On the approach of troops sent by Cassius, however, Tarsus yielded without fighting. The xvi. Tarsus as Capital of Cilicia 197 Tarsians could make war on a rival town, but they dared not resist the Roman soldiers. Municipal jealousies and the old rivalry between Tarsus and Adana (§ III.) were thus mixed with the wider politics of the time, and were with many people more powerful, because nearer at hand, than the larger interests of the great world-struggle. Dion Chrysostom, a century and a half later, speaks of the old feud between Tarsus and Adana. Cassius soon afterwards entered Tarsus, and requisi tioned all the money he could from the State and from private individuals, but did not make any massacre. When Antonius came to the East in 42 B.C. to represent the power of the victorious Triumvirs, in accordance with the arrangement which assigned to him the command of the Eastern Provinces, and to Augustus the command of Italy and the West, Tarsus reaped some reward of its suffer ings. It was complimented for its loyalty ; it was granted the status of a " free city," libera civitas — which implied that while continuing to be part of the Empire, i.e. of the Pro vince, it was governed according to its own laws and not by Roman law — along with the right to duty-free export and import trade. Antony resided for some time at Tarsus, and here occurred his famous meeting with Cleopatra, when the Egyptian queen sailed in her splendid galley up the river Cydnus and entered Tarsus in all the pomp of Oriental luxury. The privileges which Antony had bestowed on Tarsus were renewed or confirmed by Augustus, when he became master of the whole Roman world after the battle of Actium in 31 B.C. Hence it was open to Dion Chrysostom, who naturally ignored Antony and took account only of the 198 II. Tarsus recognised line of transmission of the Imperial authority, to speak to the Tarsians about Augustus as the author of all their privileges. Augustus recognised the importance of Tarsus and treated it with great favour. It is clear from the preceding account that Pompey, Julius Caesar, Antony, and Augustus are all likely to have given the Roman citizenship to a certain number of im portant Tarsians. Those who received this honour from Antony would doubtless have to pay for it. Any Roman Tarsian born about the time of Christ would probably have as his Roman names either Gnaeus Pompeius, or Gaius Julius,44 or Marcus Antonius, for he would bear the praeno- men and nomen of the official to whom he owed the citizen ship (see § XVIII.). § XVII. The Oriental Spirit in Tarsus. It has been pointed out that the balance in the constitu tion of Tarsus depended on the presence of both Greeks and Jews in the State. The older native element (into which the original Ionian Greek stock had melted and been lost) was doubtless the larger numerically, but was prob ably more inert and passive, not guiding but following. The control and guidance lay in the hands of the two enter prising and vigorous races. This 'view implies that the Greeks and the Jews tended to opposite sides in municipal politics. In the Seleucid time it may be regarded as prac tically certain that the Greeks insisted on autonomy and laid more stress on the liberty and right of self-government in the city, while the Jews clung to and championed the Seleucid connection. The Greeks always and everywhere in the world tended to exaggerate the rights of the indivi dual. The Jews were more likely to remember that they xvii. The Oriental Spirit in Tarsus 199 had been placed in the city by the kings, and depended on the kings for protection against Greek dislike and enmity. The sense of common interest made the Jews trusted and trustworthy colonists in the Seleucid founda tions. Now comes the question that is of the most vital im portance for Tarsian municipal history. What form did this balance and opposition between Greek and Jew take in the Roman Tarsus? As always, the Greeks must have insisted on the rights of the individual, and on the freedom of the citizen from external control ; wherever the Greek element is strong the law is weak, and the government is guided rather by caprice than by principles. That has been the fact throughout all history ; the Greeks are more pros perous under almost any other government than they are under their own. This Greek spirit was diametrically opposed to the Roman law-making and law-abiding spirit. We should expect to find that the Roman administration in Tarsus trusted most to the Jewish element as more conservative and more serious, more consistent and less capricious, than the Greek. As regards the Republican period there is no evidence. In the beginning of the Imperial time the city as a whole was agreed in support of Julius Caesar, and afterwards of the Triumvirs, against the Senate. Partly the rivalry with Adana, still more the hatred against the tyranny of the Senatorial government, made the general body of the citi zens unite. The Jews throughout the Roman world seem to have been enthusiastic supporters of Julius Caesar ; Sue tonius45 mentions that in Rome the Jews mourned vehe mently throughout successive nights at his tomb; and naturally they took an active part in the popular move- 200 II. Tarsus ment on his side. Naturally, also, the Jews of Palestine remembered that Pompey had profaned the Holy of Holies, and that Julius Caesar had avenged them of their enemy. There is no reason to think that the Tarsian Jews differed from the rest of their race. The later history of Tarsus, however, as will be recounted in a following section, shows the Greek element about the time of Christ in strong opposition to the policy of Augustus ; and a suppression of popular liberty was carried through by Athenodorus, the friend of Augustus, armed with authority from the Emperor himself. The change in the constitution was emphatically anti-Hellenic in character, and could not but strengthen the Oriental element in the city. That brings up another question : what was the attitude of the large native population, the old Tarsian 'stock, in the Roman time ? We may take Athenodorus as a specimen. He was born in a country village near Tarsus, from which he took his surname Kananites. He was trained in the Greek philosophy, but his school was the Stoic, which had a marked Oriental complexion and numbered among its leaders many men of Oriental birth. He was in strenuous opposition to the democratic principles of the Greeks, who, from eagerness to secure the freedom of the individual, were too apt to sacrifice order, law, and the true liberty of the com munity as a whole. In his struggle against the violence of faction, and his final suppression of popular licence and liberty, he would probably and naturally carry with him the native population, which was strongly Oriental in character, and therefore had little eagerness for that freedom of the individual, which was so dear to the Greeks. The opposi tion which, during the second century B.C., naturally existed xvii. The Oriental Spirit in Tarsus 201 between the old native population and the new colonists, both Hebrews and Greeks, must have gradually disappeared as the generations passed ; and new grouping of the Tarsian parties came into being to suit new conditions. The Oriental element, including both Jews and the old Cilician people, stood over against the Greek element. The latter was distinctly weaker, and the Oriental character in Tarsus must therefore have been strongly accentuated. That this was so is proved by the evidence of Dion Chrysostom in the two orations which he delivered to the Tarsians about A.D. no. He had come with the approval of the Emperor Trajan on an informal mission to several of the great cities of the East ; thus his position was not unlike that of Athenodorus in the time of Augustus. Neither held any regular office or was armed with formal authority, but both carried with them the immense informal influence that the personal friendship and support of the Emperor conferred in the eyes alike of Roman officials and of the provincial population. Dion Chrysostom was a Greek of Bithynia, Greek not by race, but by temperament, by education, and by a really deep and genuine admiration for the ancient Hellenic literature and achievements in all de partments of life. His evidence about Tarsus, therefore, is peculiarly valuable.46 Dion was struck with the non-Hellenic character of Tarsus and of Cilicia in general. He acknowledges that Tarsus was a colony of the Argives ; but its spirit was not Greek ; one asked, as one surveyed the Tarsian populace, whether these people were Greeks or the worst of the Phoenicians. In speaking to the Rhodians Dion praised their Hellenism ; even a barbarian who visited Rhodes would be impressed by the old Hellenic spirit, and would 202 1 1. Tarsus recognise at once that he had entered no Syrian or Cilician city, but one that was truly Greek. In speaking to the Tarsians, on the contrary, he recognised nothing that was Hellenic among them, and little that was good in their manners. Only one Tarsian characteristic does he praise unreservedly, and that he praises, though it was, as he says, utterly different from the Hellenic custom. He was much pleased with the extremely modest dress of the Tarsian women, who were always deeply veiled when they went abroad. As Tarsian ladies walked in the street, you could not see any part either of their face or of their whole person, nor could they themselves see anything out of their path. They were separate from the public world, while they walked in it. Now the difference of spirit between one race and another is nowhere else so strongly marked as in their treatment of women and their customs regarding the conduct and dress of women. The complete veiling of women in the Oriental style was practised in Tarsus ; and thus even this Graeco-Roman city was marked as an Oriental, not a Greek town. The Greek was swallowed up in the Oriental. That seems to be a law of nature : wherever the two elements meet in Asia, either they must hold apart or the Greek is gradually merged in the Oriental. We may notice in passing how strong an effect was pro duced on the mind of St. Paul by his Tarsian experience in this respect. It is, as a rule, the impressions of child hood that rule one's prejudices in regard to the conduct of women ; and the Apostle prescribes to the Corinthians a very strict rule about the veiling of women (i Cor. xi. 3-16). Whereas men are to have their heads uncovered in Church, it is disgraceful for women to be unveiled there. Now it xvu. The Oriental Spirit in Tarsus 203 would be quite possible that a Greek or a Roman should reach this opinion about women's dress and conduct in church. So far as this command goes, it was quite in ac cordance with the ideas of the most orderly and thoughtful among those peoples and quite in keeping with the customs of good society. But there is one little touch in St. Paul's sermon about women that reveals the man brought up amid Oriental custom. He says that " the woman ought to have authority (igovaia) upon her head ". This seems so strange to the Western mind that the words have been generally reckoned among the most obscure in the whole of the Pauline writings. A vast amount has been written by commentators about them, almost entirely erroneous and misleading, and sometimes false to Greek language and its possibilities. Most of the ancient and modern commentators say that the "authority" which the woman wears on her head is the authority to which she is subject — a preposterous idea which a Greek scholar would laugh at anywhere except in the New Testament, where (as they seem to think) Greek words may mean anything that commentators choose. Authority or power that belongs to the wearer, such power as the magistrate possesses in virtue of his office, was meant by the Greek word e^ovo-ia. So Diodorus, i. 47, describes the statue of the mother of the Egyptian king Osymandyas, wearing three royalties upon her head, i.e. she possessed the royal dignity in three different ways, as daughter, wife and mother of a king.47 The woman who has a veil on her head wears authority on her head : that is what the Greek text says. To the European the words are unintelligible ; but that is be cause he is a European. He must cease for a moment to be a European and pass into the realm of life and thought in which the words apply. Then he will understand them. 204 II. Tarsus To the Oriental the words are simple and clear : they describe the ordinary fact of life. Their meaning has been well described by Rev. W. M. Thomson, in his work The Land and the Book, p. 31, in which he has set down the ripe knowledge acquired during thirty years' residence in Syria and Palestine. It was my good fortune not to read this book until I had been visiting Turkey for many years and had learned enough to appreciate the intimate know ledge which guides the thought and expression of the author. The book seems now to be little read ; but scholars would find it far more instructive and educative than many of the more learned and more ignorant works produced by Palestinian tourist savants, who see only the surface of the land and people among whom they make hasty excursions, and then judge about custom and character. I have no prejudice (as many young travellers have) against the tourist who dwells in the tents of Cook. On the tour he learns much, if he has been previously studying the subject ; his ideas gain precision and vividness during a few weeks or months of travelling. But sometimes, conscious how much he has learned in the line of his competence and how much more real the history of Palestine has become to him, he fails to appreciate the limits imposed by the circumstances of his tour. Mr. Thomson puts in his book the intimate knowledge about details that he had gathered in half a lifetime. In Oriental lands the veil is the power and the honour and dignity of the woman. With the veil on her head, she can go anywhere in security and profound respect. She is not seen ; it is the mark of thoroughly bad manners to observe a veiled woman in the street. She is alone. The rest of the people around are non-existent to her, as she is xviii. Romans otherwise Tarsians 205 to them. She is supreme in the crowd. She passes at her own free choice, and a space must be left for her. The man who did anything to annoy or molest her would have a bad time in an Oriental town, and might easily lose his life. A man's house is his castle, in so far as a lady is understood to be there ; without her it is free to any stranger to enter as guest and temporary lord. But without the veil the woman is a thing of nought, whom any one may insult. The true Oriental, if unedu cated in Western ways, seems to be inclined naturally to treat with rudeness, to push and ill-treat, a European lady in the street. A woman's authority and dignity vanish along with the all-covering veil that she discards. That is the Oriental view, which Paul learned in Tarsus. § XVIII. Romans otherwise Tarsians. With Pompey's settlement of the East in 64 B.C. began probably the long series of Tarsian-Roman citizens, one of whom is known to us as " Saul otherwise called Paul ". In the Republican time Roman citizenship was not so fre quently given as in the Imperial time ; but it is natural and probable that Pompey, when he conquered the Cilician plain in 66, may have found some of the leading Tarsians useful to him in regulating the country for the new system, and rewarded them with the Roman citizenship. It was a matter of pride and also of real advantage in various ways for a Roman noble to have clients and connections in the great provincial cities ; he aided them and acted for them in Rome, while they added to his dignity as a Roman and furthered his interests in their respective countries. Such new citizens would naturally take his name, Gnaeus Pompeius, retaining generally as a cognomen or third name 206 II. Tarsus their original Hellenic designation. The Roman name Gnaeus Pompeius would thereafter persist in succeeding generations as a family name, and all male descendants of the family would bear it, being distinguished from one another by their various cognomina or additional names. If we had any lists of Tarsian citizens during the first two centuries of the Empire, we should probably find in them more than one family bearing the name Pompeius. Hence arises a difference between Roman names in strict usage and these Roman names in the Provinces. In proper Roman usage Gnaeus was the name of the individual, Cor nelius or Pompeius or so forth was the name of the gens of which he was a member, and the cognomen was often the name of his family (e.g., Scipio), though sometimes a personal epithet given to himself, as Magnus was to Pompey. But when a large number of families took such names universally as Gnaeus Pompeius, Gaius Julius, Tiberius Claudius, Marcus Antonius, these wholly ceased to be distinctive, and the third name or cognomen alone was individual and distinguishing. Hence the third name was in this latter usage far the most important. A person was generally designated by his cognomen (which in a Hellenic city was usually a Greek name), whereas if he were mentioned by the more dignified appellation of Gnaeus Pompeius, this would leave his personality uncertain, for other members of a good many families were so designated. In some inscriptions it may be noticed that the more familiar part of the name, the cognomen (or even in some cases a fourth name, given as a still more familiar and distinguishing name), is engraved at the top in a line by itself in larger letters, while the full name is stated in letters of ordinary size in the body of the inscription. This, it may be observed, is one out of many xviii. Romans otherwise Tarsians 207 ancient usages, in which large letters were employed to mark superior importance or direct the reader's attention to the words so emphasised (compare Gal. vi. 1 1 ).48 The result was that in the Greek-speaking Provinces the triple name was used only in more formal and compliment ary designation, and especially was required as a legal designation ; but, in the ordinary life of Hellenistic cities like Tarsus, the full name sank almost out of use and out of notice. Hence no full Roman names occur in the New Testament, although it stands (according to our view) in such close and intimate, though often hidden, relation with the Roman life and policy in the Provinces ; because the New Testament moves on the plane of everyday life, and is ex pressed in the common speech, sometimes in quite colloquial style. This is most noticeable in the personal names. In many cases the familiar abbreviated or diminutive form of a name was used in place of the full and correct form, as in Apollos, Silas, Loukas, Epaphras, Priscilla: in some of these the correct form of the word never occurs in the New Testament, in others we find both, as in Epaphras and Epaphroditus, Apollos and Apollonius, Priscilla and Prisca.49 Where both are attested, it will be observed that either the natural tendency to more formal and elaborate politeness made some speakers use the formal correct name, whereas other speakers tended to use the more colloquial and familiar name, or the occasion sometimes demanded more formality from a speaker who at other times employed the familiar name. Thus, for example, Paul uses the formal names Silvanus and Prisca, but Luke always speaks of Silas and Priscilla : Paul uses the name Epaphras in writing to the Colossians and to Philemon, for they were familiar with the personality of their fellow-townsman, but to the Philippians, 208 II. Tarsus who were strangers, he speaks of Epaphroditus. In these examples, which might be multiplied, we see the variations characteristic of ordinary social usage ; some people tend to use diminutives more freely than others, and the same person will designate another according to the occasion, now more formally, now by the diminutive. But the formal Roman triple name was simply not em ployed at all in the ordinary social usage of Hellenic cities. The Greeks never understood the Roman system of names, and when they tried to write the full triple Roman designa tion of one of their own fellow-citizens, who had attained to the coveted honour of Roman citizenship, they frequently made errors (as is shown in many inscriptions). So at the present day foreigners frequently misuse English titles, and speak of Sir Peel or Lord Gladstone. The reason why the Greeks failed to understand the Roman system of names was because they never followed the Roman fashion except under compulsion. Greek custom gave one name to a man, and knew nothing of a family name, still less of the Roman gentile name (such as Pompeius) ; and so all Greeks spoke of their fellow-townsmen who had become Romans by their Greek names, as if they were still mere Hellenes and men of one name. Thus it comes about that, although Paul and Silas and Theophilus,80 and probably various others mentioned in the New Testament, were Romans, the full Roman name of none of them is mentioned. This silence about the full legal name is no proof of ignorance or inaccuracy : it is just one of the many little details which show how close and intimate is the relation between the New Testament and the actual facts of life. But just as certain is it that Paul had two Roman names, praenomen and nomen, as it is that he was xviii. Romans otherwise Tarsians 209 a Roman citizen. No one could be a Roman citizen with out having a Roman name ; and, though he might never bear it in ordinary Hellenic society, yet as soon as he came in contact with the law and wished to claim his legal rights he must assume his proper and full Roman designation. The peculiar character of the double system and civilisation, Greek and Roman at once, comes into play. In Greek sur roundings the Tarsian Roman remains a Greek in desig nation ; but in Roman relations his Roman name would necessarily be employed. If Luke had completed his story and written the narrative of St. Paul's trial in Rome, we may feel confident of two things, first he would probably have mentioned the Roman name at the opening of the trial; and, secondly, he might perhaps have made an error in setting down the name in Greek. The strict legal designation required the father's name and the Tribe to be stated, and these had a fixed order : the Greeks constantly make some error or other in regard to order, when they try to express in Greek the Roman full designation. Not merely had Paul a Roman praenomen and nomen, but he was also enrolled in one of the Roman Tribes. This was a necessary part of the citizenship, just as enrolment in one of the city Tribes was a necessary part of the citizen ship of a Greek city. Now it may seem inconsistent that, after we have in a previous section proved so carefully that it is for religious and patriotic reasons inconceivable that a Jew should ever become a member of an ordinary Greek city Tribe, we should now lay it down as an assured and certain fact that Paul was an enrolled member of an ordinary Roman Tribe. There is, however, no inconsistency. No Jew could become a member of a Hellenic city Tribe, be- 14 210 II. Tarsus cause every such Tribe was a local body, meeting at regular intervals and bound together by common religious rites, in which every member must participate. But the Roman Tribes, though originally similar in character to the Greek Tribes, had long ceased to be anything more than political and legal fictions : they were mere names, from which all reality had long passed away ; their members were scattered all over the Roman world ; they never met, and therefore had no religious bond of union. It is indeed the case that, so long as the Roman people continued to vote, those members of the Tribes who wished to vote and lived near enough to Rome must meet to exercise the vote, and some religious formality must have been practised at this meeting. But few of the widely scattered citizens could meet and vote. The Roman citizenship had other value than mere exercise of a vote, and citizens who lived in the Provinces could never make any use of the vote. Moreover, after Tiberius became Emperor in 14 A.D., the Roman people ceased to meet in comitia, and the popular vote had no longer any existence. In Tribes like these there was nothing to forbid a Jew from having himself enrolled ; and all Jews who became Roman citizens were ipso facto made members of a Tribe, but membership was a mere matter of name and law, free from religious duties. Inasmuch as the Tarsian Jews were citizens of a Hellenic city, their language was necessarily Greek, and all who were citizens bore Greek names (or at least names which were outwardly Greek). In some cases they may have taken names which were Grecized forms of Hebrew words ; but no certain example of this is known to me, though some may be suspected.51 Some Jews in Hellenic cities certainly bore names which were equivalent in meaning to xviii. Romans otherwise Tarsians 2 1 1 Hebrew names, as Stephanus to Atara, Gelasius to Isaac, Theophilus to Eldad or Jedidiah, among women Eirene to Salome: in such cases probably the Hebrew name was used in Jewish circles and the Greek translation in Hellenic society. But the great majority took ordinary Greek names, and hence arises the difficulty of tracing the history of the many thousands of Jewish families who settled in Lydia, Phrygia, and Cilicia. Only in a few cases can we trace a Jewish family through some accident betraying its nationality; for example the curious name Tyrronius, found at Iconium, Sebaste and Akmonia (in all of which Jews were numerous), is proved to be Jewish, and at Akmonia the wealthy pair, Julia Severa and Servenius Capita, who are so often mentioned on coins, were almost certainly Jews.52 But, as a whole, the large Jewish popula tion of those regions disappears from the view of history owing to their disuse of Hebrew names, at least in public. In Roman Imperial times, when the Jews were protected and powerful, there was in some degree a revival of purely Jewish names. The name Moses is perhaps found at Ter- messos in a remarkable inscription of the third century : " I Aurelius Mo[s]es, son of Karpus, having been every where -often and having often investigated the world, now lie in death no longer knowing anything ; but this only (I say) ' be of good courage, no man is immortal '." 53 Another case is Reuben in a long Eumenian epitaph, also of the third century.54 Even in Greek times, however, it is probable that most of the Jews of Anatolia had a Hebrew name, which they used in their private life at home and in the circle of the syna gogue. The Hebrew name was an alternative name, not an additional or second name. The bearer was called by one 212 II. Tarsus or by the other, according to the occasion, but not by both : to use one of the few certain examples, the Jew was " Paul 'otherwise Saul," " Paul alias Saul ". In Greek surroundings he bore the one name, in Hebrew surroundings the other. Whether there was any principle guiding the selection of the two names is uncertain. Sometimes (see above, p. 211) the Greek translated the Hebrew. The topic is part of a wider question, the evidence on which has never been collected and estimated. In the Greek cities and colonies in alien lands, Thrace, Russia, the Crimea, and Asia generally, numer ous examples occur of the alternative name. In many cases these belong evidently to the two languages of a bilingual city, one is Greek, one of the native tongue ; but that is not a universal rule ; there are plenty of cases, especially of a later time, in which both are Greek. The fact seems to be that, as time passed and one language established itself as predominant in the city, the alternative names still persisted in popular custom, but were no longer taken from two different languages. The original rule, however, is the im portant one for our purpose : viz., that in a bilingual society the two names belong to the two languages. It was natural that the Jews should often take the names of those kings who had favoured them so much and opened to them the citizenship of many great cities. Alexander was certainly a common name among them, and perhaps also Seleucus, for both Alexander and Seleucus favoured and protected the Jews ; 55 but we can well imagine that, after the restoration of Jewish power by the Maccabees, the name of Antiochus may have become unpopular among the Jews (though it does not seem to have been entirely avoided). But, allowing that Alexander and Seleucus were popular names among them, it would be absurd to conjecture xviii. Romans otherwise Tarsians 213 that every Alexander in Central Anatolia was a Jew. Even negative inferences are impossible. There is no reason to think that the Jews objected to names connected with idola try, such as Apollonius, Artemas (or Artemidorus), Asklepi- ades, etc. Examples can be quoted of Jews bearing names of that kind, such as Apollonius or Apollos.56 Epigraphy, generally speaking, was public, not private ; and in a Hellenic city public matters were expressed in Greek. Hence, as it is almost solely the public epigraphic memorials that have been preserved, we rarely know more than the Greek names of the Anatolian Jews, only occasion ally the alternative name is stated. In the later , Roman period, when a purely Jewish name was sometimes used in a public memorial, this may imply either that the alterna tive Greek (or Roman) name was disused by the individual, or that he had throughout life borne the Jewish name alone without a Greek name. The examples of Moses and Reuben have been quoted above. When a Jew who was citizen of a Hellenic city was honoured with the Roman citizenship, the matter of nomen clature was complicated by the Roman triple name. As a Greek and as a Jew, such a citizen had a single name in each case ; as a Roman he had three names ; but the third of these names was, as a rule, identical with the Greek name. Thus we find a Jewish Christian at Hierapolis named " M. Aurelius Diodorus Koriaskos,57 otherwise called Asbolos". We may conjecture that Asbolos was the Christian baptismal name, " he whose sins had been black like soot ". Diodorus was the Greek name, M. Aurelius Diodorus the Roman, and the second cognomen is of uncertain character, perhaps a familiar name in private life. The Jews who became Roman citizens might naturally 214 II- Tarsus be expected to have Greek names as their cognomina in ordi nary familiar use ; and especially the earliest of them must assuredly have had such Greek names. Latin cognomina, however, came into use occasionally; and are more likely to have been employed in families where the Roman citi zenship had been an inheritance for some generations. The one early instance which is known with certainty is Paul, whose Roman first and second names are unknown ; his cognomen was Latin, not Greek ; and he had an alternative Hebrew name Saul. Yet he was a citizen of a Hellenic city, and therefore legally a Hellene (except in so far as Hellenic citizenship gave way to Roman citizenship), but in Greek society he passed under his Latin cognomen. As his father, and possibly also his grandfather, had possessed the Roman citizenship, the use of Latin speech and names was an inheritance in the family. § XIX. The Tarsian Democracy. The importance attached to Tarsian citizenship and ex pressed in the hasty words of St. Paul, Acts xxi. 39, quoted in § V., was greatly increased by the changes introduced during the reign of Augustus into the consti tution of Tarsus. The changes were introduced through the instrumentality of Athenodorus, the only Tarsian besides Paul himself who stands out before us as a real person ; and an account of them will make the munici pality of Tarsus more intelligible, and will at the same time illustrate to the reader the personality of a noteworthy Tarsian and the surroundings amid which Paul was born and brought up. Under the careless and corrupt rule of Antony in the East, Tarsus was exposed to suffer from the caprices and xix. The Tarsian Democracy 215 the favourites of an idle despot. A certain Boethos, "bad poet and bad citizen," as Strabo calls him, a native of Tarsus, was patronised by Antony, whose favour he had gained by a poem celebrating the battle of Philippi. The vice of Greek democratic government was the careless readiness to embark in any new scheme that caught the popular taste and to employ any leader who suggested himself as likely to further the enterprise of the moment.58 Boethos knew well how to make use of the Tarsian democracy for his own benefit, and he allied himself with a gang of corrupt associ ates to plunder the municipality. After the fall of Antony in the end of 31 B.C., the personal influence of Boethos in Tarsus was weakened; but the gang evidently had got possession of the machinery of government, and there was no great improvement in the administration. Then Atheno dorus came back to Tarsus, invested with the influence that belonged to a personal friend of the Emperor Augustus, and apparently holding also in reserve a commission from the supreme ruler empowering him to reform the constitu tion of Tarsus as' he might find expedient. The way in which Athenodorus had risen to this high position in the Imperial administration is interesting in itself, and gives a remarkable view of the character of that period and of the importance which then belonged to education. (See § XX.) As to Boethos, nothing is known except what we can gather from the brief account in Strabo. He stands before us a type of the worst product of Greek democracy, the skilful manipulator of popular government for the benefit of a clique of corrupt and unscrupulous partisans. It is true that we know about him only from a friend and admirer of his opponent, Athenodorus ; but the facts stand out so 216 II. Tarsus natural and so life-like in Strabo's pages that they are convincing. Tarsus fell under the control of a ring similar to that Tammany ring which long controlled New York in our own time ; and the situation was the same in both cities. The influence of the more educated body of the citizens was weakened, in the one case through the disorders of the Civil War, followed by the capricious and corrupt rule of Antony, in the other case by the absorption of the educated citizens in other pursuits and their withdrawal from the work of municipal government. The name Boethos might suggest the suspicion that he was a Jew. It is known to have been borne by Jews, and it was undoubtedly favoured by them as a Greek translation of the Hebrew name Ozer or Ezra.59 But there is no reason to think that the name was confined to Jews ; and the skill which Boethos showed in manipulating the machinery of municipal administration, though characteristic of the worst class of Jews, was not, and never has been, confined to that race. This bad poet is perhaps more likely to have been a Greek. It was at any rate through clever handling of the most worthless elements of Greek city life that he obtained his position in history. § XX. Athenodorus of Tarsus. Athenodorus was a citizen of Tarsus born not in the city itself, but in " a certain village " of its territory, as Strabo says. The village origin and the name of his father, Sandon — a thoroughly Cilician name — mark Athenodorus as be longing to the native element in the Tarsian state (see § XVIII.). The name of the village must have been Kanana • and therefrom was formed the epithet Kananites, by which this Athenodorus was distinguished from another Tarsian xx. Athenodorus of Tarsus 217 philosopher, of slightly earlier date, who bore the same name. Both lived long in Rome ; each was the confidential friend of a noble Roman, one of Cato, the other of Augustus ; both were Stoics : and confusion between them was easy.60 The life of Athenodorus extended from about 74 B.C. to 7 A.D. He died in his eighty-second year,61 and he was the teacher of the youthful Augustus at Apollonia in Epirus. Now the residence of Augustus at Apollonia ended in the spring of 44 B.C., and it is hardly possible that Athenodorus was less than thirty years of age at that time. Eusebius, in his chronicle, says that he was famous in 7 A.D. ; this statement must be understood of the culmination of his career in Tarsus (to which he returned in old age), and his death may be placed in the same or an immediately follow ing year, 7-9 A.D. He was born, therefore, between 74 and 72 B.C. ; and the earlier dates 74 B.C. and 7 A.D. are prob ably preferable for the limits of his life (as will appear in the sequel), and as such will be here adopted. Athenodorus is mentioned in such close relation with Posidonius,62 the leader of the Stoic school of philosophy at Rhodes, that he may be confidently called his pupil. He studied, therefore, at Rhodes under that teacher before A.D. 51, when Posidonius migrated, near the end of his long life of eighty-four years, to Rome. After concluding his studies Athenodorus may be presumed, according to the usual custom, to have travelled, completing his education by acquiring experience of the world and life. His writings (as we shall see) prove that his travels extended beyond the Greek world into the Eastern desert. We may also confidently assume that he must have given lectures in some of the great cities of the Mediterranean lands. It was in this way that young aspirants to philo- 218 II. Tarsus sophic distinction made themselves known in educated cir cles, and in time found a home and a career in some part of the Greek world ; and it was as one of those travelling philosophers that Paul afterwards found a hearing in those Greek cities. After some years spent in this kind of proba tion as a lecturer, Athenodorus settled at Apollonia on the coast of Epirus. During his Wanderjahre he acquired so high and widespread a reputation that Cicero, writing from Asia Minor in February, B.C. 50, to Appius Claudius, then censor in Rome, advised him to direct his attention to what Athenodorus, son of Sandon, says about nobility.63 As it seems highly improbable that Athenodorus had come to Rome before 51 B.C. (when Cicero went away to the East), it is evident that the latter must have learned about his opinions from his writings, and advised Claudius to study some treatise by him on moral philosophy. We can hardly suppose that this great reputation had been acquired before he was twenty-three ; and therefore 74 must be assumed as the year of his birth. An earlier date is impossible, for he was living as late as A.D. 7. Athenodorus was lecturing at Apollonia when the youth ful Augustus came there to finish his education in the autumn of 45 B.C. In the six months which Augustus spent there the Tarsian philosopher acquired a life-long influence over his mind. It can have been no ordinary man who so deeply impressed a subtle and self-reliant character like Augustus. When the latter returned to Rome to take up the inheritance of his uncle Julius Caesar in March, 44 B.C., Athenodorus followed him. In November of that year he was consulted by Cicero, and prepared for his use in his treatise De Officiis an abstract of Posidonius's opinions on duty: it is clear from Cicero's words u that Athenodorus was then in Rome. xx. Athenodorus of Tarsus 219 He remained many years in Rome, enjoying a position of trust and influence with Augustus. The relations between them were creditable, to both. Augustus is said to have been guided by the wise advice of the philosopher ; and Atheno dorus never abused the influence that he enjoyed. A story which is related by Dion Cassius, and more fully by Zonaras,65 shows that he had the courage to run serious risk in his determination to rebuke and curb the faults of his Imperial friend. He chanced one day to enter the house of a noble Roman friend, and found the family in affliction. An order had come from Augustus that the wife of this noble must go instantly to meet Augustus in the palace, and a closely covered litter was waiting to convey her. It was not doubt ful that the purpose was a dishonourable one ; but no one in this Roman high-born family dared to think of disobeying the autocrat. It was the village-born philosopher who was bold enough to do so. Athenodorus immediately offered his services. He took his place in the litter, with a drawn sword in his hand. When he had been carried thus into Augustus's chamber and the litter was set down, he leaped out suddenly, sword in hand, exclaiming, "Are you not afraid lest some one may enter like this and assassinate you ? " Augustus was convinced, and Athenodorus's influence was increased by the emperor's gratitude. In this incident we recognize a man who possessed a clear insight into character, quick wit, decision and courage. He knew both what he ought to blame, and how the blame should be conveyed so as to impress the cautious and subtle mind of Augustus. In his old age Athenodorus obtained permission to retire to his native city, and, as he was taking leave and embracing 220 II. Tarsus his old pupil, he imparted his last piece of advice, " When you are angry, Caesar, say nothing and do nothing until you have repeated to yourself the letters of the alphabet ". Here again we observe the watchful affection which noted and tried to guard against the faults of his friend. Augustus, taking his hand and saying, " I have still need of you," detained him a year longer, quoting the Greek poet's word, " Silence, too," i.e. the silence of trusty companionship, quite as much as military service, "brings a reward, gained not through the dangers of war, but in the life of peace ". This was a principle of Augustus's policy, expressed by Horace in the second Ode of the third book (one of a group of six thoroughly political poems), est et fideli tuta silentio merces : 66 the emperor recognised and rewarded two careers of duty, one in war, one in the civil service. As Athenodorus seems to have spent his life near Augustus from 45 B.C. until he retired to Tarsus about 15 B.C., it must have been during those early years which (as we saw) he probably spent in travel, that he visited Petra, in the desert east of the Dead Sea. He related with admiration that, whereas the many strangers whom he saw there, Romans and others, were frequently engaged in lawsuits against one another or against the natives, none of the natives ever were involved in any dispute with each other, but all lived in perfect mutual harmony. Clement of Alexandria quotes from him a statement that Sesostris the Egyptian king, after conquering many peoples among the Greeks, brought back artists with him to Egypt, and thus explained the origin of a statue of Sarapis. He may, therefore, have visited Egypt as well as Petra, and thence derived illustrations for his philosophical writings and lectures.67 xx. Athenodorus of Tarsus 221 Athenodorus is called a philosopher of nature (tpvcnicos) by Eusebius, and with his master Posidonius, he is twice quoted by Strabo for his opinions on the ocean and tides.68 Whether he or the other Athenodorus of Tarsus was the author of a work on his fatherland, quoted by Stephanus Byzantinus, is uncertain ; but as the work gives a different account of the origin of Tarsus from that which is stated by Strabo, the friend of our Athenodorus, Muller infers, with much prob ability, that the author was a different Athenodorus. The work by which he impressed the world was in the department of moral philosophy; and in his treatises he embodied a noble and dignified view of human life and duty. On that account he was commended by Cicero and quoted by Seneca, from whom is derived the little that we know of his teaching. Seneca, when he mentions that in society some reckon to our account the social attentions which we pay them as if they were putting us in their debt by admitting us to the privilege of their acquaintance, quotes the saying of Athenodorus that he would not even go to dine with a person who would not think the guest was conferring an obligation by resorting to his house (de Tranquill. Animae, 7). In another place Seneca quotes at considerable length his opinion that, in a better state of society, it would be the best way of life to exercise and strengthen one's character by engaging in public life ; but, as society is at present con stituted, since ambition and calumny are rampant, and the simple, candid person is constantly exposed to misrepresen tation, a noble nature is bound to abstain from public life : yet even in private life a great mind can find free scope, and be useful to private friends and to the whole body of the people by wise speech and good counsel (de Tranquill. 222 II. Tarsus Animae, 3). This passage, with its lofty view of life, bears a distinct resemblance to that conception of life as a warfare against evil, which Seneca and Paul express in remarkably similar terms.69 Again, in his Moral Epistles, i. 10, 5, Seneca quotes from him the striking sentiment, " Know that you are free from all passions only when you have reached the point that you ask God for nothing except what you can ask openly," and he goes on to say, in the spirit if not in the words of Atheno dorus, " So live with men, as if God saw you ; so speak with God, as if men were listening". He wrote a treatise addressed to Octavia, the sister of Augustus, of which nothing is known, but which may, per haps, have been a consolation on the death of her son, Marcellus — a kind of work which was reckoned specially appropriate for philosophers in Roman society, and of which Seneca's Consolation to his own mother Helvia may be taken as a specimen. In this summary of the few known events of his life Athenodorus stands before us as a personage of real distinc tion and lofty character, no mere empty lecturer and man of words, but a man of judgment, good sense, courage and self-respect, who stooped to no base subservience to a despot, but rebuked his faults sharply, when the greatest in Rome were cowering in abject submission before him, a man of affairs who knew what were his limits and did not overstep them, and a writer, every one of whose few preserved say ings is noble and generous. The opinion has been stated in St. Paul the Traveller, p. 354, and is still maintained by the writer, that the remarkable resemblance, both verbal and in spirit, which has often been observed between the sentiments expressed by Seneca and the words of St. Paul 70 xx. Athenodorus of Tarsus 223 is due at least in part to the influence exercised on both by Athenodorus ; and if this be true, every one must admit that no writer of antiquity, so far as we know, better de served, both by his life and by his sentiments, to exercise such an influence on two of the greatest figures in the history of the first century after Christ. Paul can hardly have been more than an infant when the greatest of pagan Tarsians died. But the influence of Athenodorus did not die with him. He was long worshipped as a hero by his country,71 and his teaching was doubtless influential in the University of Tarsus after his death. This account has been strictly confined to the exact facts that are recorded. It would be possible from the analogy of other cities and from the general circumstances of con temporary history to restore something like a picture of Athenodorus in his Tarsian activity — for his retirement from the work of a teacher in Rome was merely the beginning of a new period of practical work. But that imaginative way of picturing what is likely to have occurred belongs to the province of historical romance rather than of history. Athenodorus was succeeded in his commanding position in the Tarsian state by Nestor, another Tarsian philosopher (of the Academic, not the Stoic, school), who had risen at Rome to influence and trust in the Imperial family and had been tutor to Augustus's nephew and intended successor Marcellus about 26-23 B.C. Nestor lived to the age of ninety-two and was still living when Strabo wrote about A.D. 19. He had doubtless been recommended by Atheno dorus to Augustus. Thus Tarsus was swayed in a critical period of its history by a succession of philosophers, who com bined the learning of the schools with that practical sense which alone could have won the confidence of Augustus. 224 II- Tarsus § XXI. The Reform of the Tarsian Constitution by Athenodorus. It is not possible to fix the time when Athenodorus returned to Tarsus; but, as he was an old man (so both Plutarch and Strabo say), it can hardly have been earlier than 1 5 B.C., when he was in his sixtieth year ; and it is not likely to have been much later, as he found Boethos still influential in the city and busied with his gang in harrying the State. The terms in which Strabo describes the situa tion when Athenodorus returned, suggest that the interval since the fall of Antony had not been very long. In Tarsus it was a case of democracy run to seed, emancipated from the limits of order and even of decency, contemptuous of obedience or principle : such was always the result of Greek institutions when divorced from a general sentiment of patriotism and religion (the two were almost the same in the Hellenic thought), which might enforce a certain standard of public action and morality. Greek democratic government demanded a high level of education and thought among the population, and quickly resulted in anarchy when this condition was not supplied. The demand for education was strong in the democratically governed cities and the care taken to provide it was the best feature of their administration ; but the amalgamation of democratic government and the capricious autocracy of Antony had been fatal. Athenodorus tried, first of all, the method of constitutional agitation for reform, attempting by reason and argument to restrain Boethos and his gang, and to reintroduce a higher standard of municipal morality. After a time, finding that such means were unavailing, and that his appeals were only xxi. The Reform of the Tarsian Constitution 225 met with the grossest insult, he made use of the supreme powers 72 with which he had been armed by Augustus and which, at first, he had apparently kept private. He con demned the whole gang to exile and ejected them from Tarsus, and revolutionised the constitution of the city.73 This event may, perhaps, be dated about 10 B.C., allowing a space of five years (which is probably the extremest possible limit to the patience of the philosopher). Strabo does not state the character of the new system which Athenodorus introduced, but merely describes the intense love for education which characterised the Tarsians in his time — he was writing about -A.D. 19 — and evidently regards the reforms of Athenodorus, who was his personal friend, as having been extremely successful. The general character of the new constitution which was introduced into Tarsus can be determined from the tone of the Imperial policy throughout the Empire and from the slight references made incidentally in the two speeches which Dion Chrysostom addressed to the Tarsians about A.D. 112. Although the Roman Imperial system was es tablished through the victory of the democracy, it was a democracy led by a dictator ; and Augustus recognised from a very early stage in his career that he must found his autocracy on oligarchy, not on democracy. His aim was to substitute for the old oligarchy of Roman nobles, who had formerly opposed him and could not be trusted to support his rule, a new oligarchy of official service and merit.74 He did not try to force his policy on too rapidly, and he was ready and eager to admit into the new oligarchy all members of the old oligarchy, who could be induced to accommodate themselves to it ; but he and the rest of the early Emperors were fully aware that their greatest danger lay in possible IS 226 II. Tarsus rivals among the old nobility, and they encouraged and de veloped the rise of an official class, whose career should lie within the limits of the Imperial system, and who should be servants, not rivals, of the reigning Emperor. A bureaucratic oligarchy is the necessary accompaniment of an autocracy, which cannot maintain itself alone without some body of devoted agents and servants to rest upon ; but an educated people is its enemy .74a Thus when the popular party under the leadership of a dictator had triumphed, the power of the people ended ; and a narrow oligarchy aided the Imperial despot to rule over and for a people among whom education gradually died out. The saving grace of the Empire was the memory of its origin and the compelling force of that memory. Centuries elapsed before the Emperors were able quite to forget that they had been placed in power as the champions of the people, and that the theoretical expression of their authority was the Tribunician power by which the years of their reign were reckoned. In numerous edicts the Emperors expressed their conception of their prime duty, to be ever on the outlook for opportunities to benefit their people, to think for them, and to direct them for their own good ; but it was no part of the Imperial duty to educate the people up to the level of thinking for themselves and governing themselves. In the cities of the Empire the same process was en couraged : the power of the people was curtailed, and an oli garchical regime was gradually introduced. Tarsus was one of the first examples of the new system, and Athenodorus was the instrument through whom the Emperor acted. A certain property qualification was required for citizenship. Those who had less than the requisite fortune were degraded from the roll of citizens. In the time of Dion Chrysostom xxi. The Reform of the Tarsian Constitution 227 these unclassed people of Tarsus were called " Linen- workers," probably a cant name which had gradually established itself in common use. They were the plebeians of Tarsus, in a sense citizens, because they were inhabitants of the city, but yet (as Dion says) not citizens, because they had not the civic rights. The citizens or burgesses of Tarsus, therefore, were a timocratic aristocracy, whose status rested on a property qualification, and who exercised the power of government and held the right of election and voting generally. Within this oligarchic body, again, there was an inner aristocracy consisting of the Roman citizens, viz., the families which had raised themselves so conspicuously in the city by wealth or by high office or, as was usually the case, by both, as to be admitted into the governing class of the Empire. In estimating the position of the young Paul, as he grew up in Tarsus, this privileged and aristocratic position [which he inherited must be taken into account. As a general rule it was from the local aristocracy that the leading figures in Anatolian history during the Roman period sprang. The lower classes were cut off by a chasm difficult to cross from the opportunity of gaining the educa tion that was indispensable to advancement. For example, the aristocratic tone of Basil and his brother Gregory, during the fourth century, makes itself clearly felt in their writings. They belonged to the class of landed proprietors whose fortune opened to them the path of education. The scorn of Gregory for the low birth and poverty of the heretic Eunomius is quite as conspicuous as his hatred for the heter odoxy of his opponent's religious views.75 Education was indispensable to advancement and influence under the Em pire ; even a soldier could rarely rise without education ; a 228 II. Tarsus civilian practically never. The vice of the Imperial system was that the distinction of educated and uneducated became a matter of birth and caste, and that the lines of class dis tinction grew harder and deeper until they became impass able barriers. The able freedmen were only partially an exception ; they could make money, and a career was open to their sons ; but their opportunities were in considerable degree due to the aristocratic families of which they were dependents. § XXII. The University of Tarsus. No evidence about the relation of the Tarsian city govern ment to the higher education of the inhabitants has been preserved. From the analogy of other Greek and Graeco- Asiatic cities we may infer with confidence that the State exercised some authority over education, and that systematic arrangements were made to ensure that a proper supply of teachers and lecturers was ready to meet the requirements of the people : the intention was to provide public instruction by qualified lecturers in all the branches of science and literature 76 recognised at the time. This involved financial responsibilities to meet expense incurred by the State, officials of various kinds, in short a certain organisation ; but of the details of this organisation in Tarsus we are entirely ignorant. There are some isolated facts mentioned in in scriptions regarding other cities, but this is not the place to attempt to collect them and to use them in illustration of the facts recorded in literature, especially in the biographies of the Greek philosophers. In general terms it may be stated that in accordance with the Greek ideal of city life, the sole ultimate authority over the University lay in the hands of the people. All teaching in the city was for the benefit xxii. The University of Tarsus 229 of the people, and the popular assembly alone had the right to dictate the manner and the terms according to which it should be given. This authority was similar to that which Parliament exercises in the last resort in our country, but more direct and practically effective ; and the State was then much less willing to permit a University corporation to regulate its own affairs in ordinary course. Such regulation as did then exist was to a much greater degree exercised by the municipal authority than is now the case. Edinburgh University, in its close subordination to the Town Council — as was the rule until about the middle of the nineteenth century — showed more resemblance than any other of our Universities to the old Greek system. How the authority was exercised in Tarsus we have no means of determining. The story of Athenodorus (see § XX.), who was undoubtedly authoritative in the University and in the city alike, shows that there was a real connection between them ; but it was only under exceptional conditions that a man who ranked primarily as the leading man in the University could exercise such influence in the city. When he returned to settle in Tarsus he tried the experiment of relying on the natural influence which a man of his stand ing and experience enjoyed in a free community ; and this experiment was a failure. He then had recourse to the ex ceptional and unconstitutional powers which the Emperor had entrusted to him. In the Greek cities generally, to a much greater extent than with us, the lecturers in the University looked directly to the city authority, so far as they looked to any controlling power. To a much greater extent than with us they attained their position by a sort of natural selection and survival of the fittest. A lecturer was permitted to enter any city as a 230 II. Tarsus wandering scholar, and might begin publicly to dispute and to lecture (as Paul did in Athens and in Ephesus and else where), if he could attract an audience. The city could, if it thought fit, interfere to take cognisance of his lecturing, and either stop him, if it seemed advisable, or give him for mal permission to continue. Apparently there was no de finite or uniform rule in the matter, but each individual case was determined on its own merits. Any person was free to call attention in the public interest to a new lecturer ; that was a practically universal rule in ancient cities : the State depended on individuals to invoke its intervention. When thus called upon, the State authority decided whether there was any need to take cognisance of the matter : the decision would depend partly on the information laid before it and on the weight which the informer carried, partly on the appearance made by the newcomer when he was examined. All that is a universal and necessary feature of Greek city government; and it implies that there was some public board or council or individual magistrate before whom in formation could be laid. In Athens it seems certain that the court of Areopagus was the authoritative body. In Ephesus it may possibly have been a court of Asiarchs, Acts xix. 3 1 , men of the highest standing, though not officials of the city. As to Tarsus we have no information. If the new lecturer, when attention was called to him, was found suitable and approved, this must have given him a regular and legal standing. If disapproval were expressed, he would probably find that it was advisable to try his for tune in another city. Paul apparently did so even when his case was adjourned for further consideration ; and possibly in such cases that verdict may have been understood as one of mild disapproval. In cases where grave disapproval was felt xxii. The University of Tarsus 231 the city had always the right to expel any person whose pres ence was for its disadvantage ; though, under Roman rule, such right of expulsion was certainly liable to revision at the hands of the Imperial officials, if the expelled person was sufficiently influential to be able to appeal to a high Roman officer. As to the position of a lecturer who had been approved, we have very little information ; and practice doubtless varied in different cities. In some cases he enjoyed a salary from the State. How far he was allowed to charge fees is un certain ; probably there was no uniform rule ; Paul charged no fees, and his practice was probably not unique, but he certainly makes rather a merit of the fact that neither in dividuals nor communities were put to expense by him, and he distinctly states it as a general rule, that the labourer was worthy of his hire and that payment for instruction was deserved. It would however be in accordance with the spirit of ancient life that the lecturers depended for their livelihood more on special gifts from grateful individuals than on fees charged universally for the privilege of listening. To speak about the University of Tarsus is to a certain degree a misnomer, applying a modern name to an ancient institution. But there are really quite as great differences in character among the various modern Universities as there are between a typical modern and a typical Greek University. The essential facts of University life, freedom for the teacher to give instruction, freedom for the disciple to listen, to study and to learn, were Hellenic ; and the restriction of that freedom in various ways in many modern Universities might with greater justice be deemed a good reason for re fusing the title to them, than the looseness of organisation in an ancient Hellenic University for denying it the same title. Strabo, who is practically our sole authority, gives a very 232 II. Tarsus sympathetic and favourable picture of the University of Tarsus. He was perhaps biassed to some extent by his friendship for Athenodorus ; but he was an eye-witness and an authority of the first value. He praises highly the zeal for philosophy and the whole range of education which characterised the people of Tarsus in his time. In this respect they surpassed Athens and Alexandreia and every other seat of learning, for they not merely formed the entire audience in their own University (to which no students ever came from outside), but also sought to complete their edu cation by resorting to foreign Universities; and those who educated themselves in that way were glad to remain abroad and few of them returned home. On the contrary, other educational centres attracted many eager students from out side, who remained there gladly ; whereas few of the popula tion in those centres sought education either abroad oi at home. Only Alexandreia both attracted many foreign students and sent forth a large number of her own young citizens to study abroad. This account is far from suggesting that the Tarsian Uni versity was one of the great Universities of the Hellenic world. On the contrary, Strabo evidently regarded it as a young seat of learning, rather provincial and obscure, situated in a great commercial centre, where there was an eager desire for knowledge, and where people had the travelling instinct strongly developed, so that they filled their own University and after gaining from it all that it could give went forth in large numbers to study in the more famous Universities and often to settle there permanently. Yet it is sometimes stated by modern writers that the Tarsian school of philosophy at the beginning of our era surpassed those of Athens and Alexandreia ; 77 it surpassed them only xxii. The University of Tarsus 233 in respect of the eagerness of its students and in filling its class-room with its own people, but it did not surpass them in equipment or in standing and fame as a seat of learning. Nor is it even correct to say that Tarsus was one of the three great University cities of the Mediterranean world.78 It may perhaps be inferred from Strabo's words that Athens and Alexandreia were the two outstanding Universities of the Hellenic world ; but it is clear also that various other Universities were known to him, which drew foreign students to study in their halls. While Strabo shows clearly that Tarsus was not one of the great Universities in general estimation, he shows also that it was rich in what constitutes the true excellence and strength of a University, intense enthusiasm and desire for knowledge among the students and great ability and ex perience among some at least of the teachers. The collision between Athenodorus and the gang of Boethos (as already described) may be taken to some extent as a struggle for mastery between the University and the uneducated rabble, which had attained power partly through exceptional cir cumstances and partly through the deep-seated faults of the Greek democratic system. The coarseness and vulgarity of the latter ought not to be quoted (as they have been quoted by Dean Farrar) as an example of University conduct and life in Tarsus. Strabo's account of the Tarsian enthusiasm for Hellenic education is very different from the picture given by Dion Chrysostom, who describes Tarsus about a century later as essentially a non-Hellenic and Oriental town, devoid of all the true qualities of Hellenism, and possessing only one excellence, viz., that it enforced the strictest and closest veiling of women when they walked in the streets. Strabo 234 II- Tarsus suggests in his rather highly coloured picture that the Tarsians crowded their own and foreign Universities. Rome itself " was full of Tarsians," some of whom exercised a real power in Roman history through their personal influence with the Imperial family, and with other Romans of high rank. Besides Athenodorus and Nestor, already mentioned, the older Athenodorus, surnamed Kordylion, was the friend of the younger Cato, and died in his house. Strabo names many other Tarsians who had been distinguished in literature and philosophy, Antipater, head of the Stoic School in Athens and the chief opponent of Carneades, Ploutiades and Diogenes, both much-travelled philosophers, the latter also a poet, Artemidorus and Diodorus, and also a tragic poet Dionysides, one of the seven writers called " the Pleiad ". Later, Plutarch mentions Diodorus as having visited Britain and Egypt and the Erythraean Sea and the land of the Troglodytes, led by his scientific curiosity. Philostratus, however, writing at the beginning of the third century, gives a very unfavourable picture of the Uni versity of Tarsus in the reign of Tiberius (about the year that Strabo was writing), and mentions that Apollonius of Tyana, when he went to study there, was so offended with the manners of the citizens, their love of pleasure, their in solence, and their fondness for fine clothing, that he left the University and went to continue his studies at Aegae, on the Cilician coast farther to the east. But the work of Philostratus is unhistorical ; in some degree he may be ex pressing the opinion entertained about the wealthy Tarsus in his own country and time, but to a large extent he was guided, I think, by the criticisms which Dion Chrysostom freely uttered in his two Orations to the Tarsians ; and can not be seriously weighed against Strabo's authority. xxiii. Tarsus under the Empire 235 Tarsus in the reign of Augustus is the one example known in history of a State ruled by a University acting through its successive principals. For that reason alone, as a unique experiment in government, it has a permanent interest for modern scholars. Unfortunately, it is not easy to determine whether the experiment worked well. According to Strabo, a singularly good witness, it succeeded. The facts of history show that the city was extraordinarily prosperous for cen turies afterwards. The faults which Dion describes in it are those that accompany overflowing prosperity ; and the lack of the Hellenic spirit, which he blames, was really a proof that Hellenism had met and accommodated itself to Orient alism. It is characteristic of the general tendency of Univer sity life in a prosperous and peaceful Empire, that the rule of the Tarsian University was marked by a strong reaction towards oligarchy and a curtailment of the democracy : that also belongs to the Oriental spirit, which was so strong in the city. But the crowning glory of Tarsus, the reason for its undying interest to the whole world, is that it produced the Apostle Paul; that it was the one city which was suited by its equipoise between the Asiatic and the Western spirit to mould the character of the great Hellenist Jew ; and that it nourished in him a strong sense of loyalty and patriotism as the " citizen of no mean city ". § XXIII. Tarsus under the Empire. For several centuries after the time of Augustus Tarsian history is a monotonous record of even, uneventful prosperity and peace. The faults which Dion Chrysostom blames in his two Tarsian orations are those which are fostered by too great prosperity, viz., haughtiness, unwillingness to obey the govern ment, and disposition to quarrel with rival cities : the last 236 II. Tarsus fault was common to most of the great Graeco-Roman cities of the East. There was little real and healthy competition between Tarsus and the cities which it regarded as rivals, Mallos and Adana in the first century, Anazarbus at a later time. Municipal quarrels were chiefly empty rivalry about titles and dignity and precedence, and were calculated rather to make the cities a subject of contemptuous ridicule in the estimation of the Romans than to stimulate them to surpass their rivals in real magnificence and great public works. Yet even under these foolish quarrels there lay a basis of reality, as Anazarbus represents a new growth in the upper Cilician plain, Mallos at least a historical memory. In truth Tarsus during the first century was the one great city of Cilicia. The others were quite secondary. The coinage of Tarsus far surpasses in mass that of all the other cities of the Cilician plain combined. Strabo mentions that it ranked as metropolis (of Cilicia) ; and it continued to be so throughout the Imperial time. During the greater part of the first century Cilicia was not a separate Province, but an adjunct to Syria. Syrian troops were employed there in case of need, and the supreme authority rested with the Imperial Legate of Syria. The Province contained three parts, united in loyal service to the Emperors and in the ritual of the established Imperial religion as " the Commune of Syria- Phcenice-Cilicia". In the time of Vespasian, probably, this union was dissolved : in 74 A.D. the dependent kingdom of Tracheia Cilicia was taken into the Empire as a Province conjoined with the Cilician Plain, and Tarsus was metropolis of the Province. The organisation and the civilisation of the Roman Empire laid a strong and compelling hand upon the country, and produced remarkable results in the way of a balance and equi- xxiii. Tarsus under the Empire 237 librium between the opposing forces of East and West, which were thus united in a mighty harmony. The two forces, the Oriential spirit and the Western, continued each in full strength, after the East had revived and begun to influence the Empire anew in many ways, by peaceful interpenetra- tion, in art and in religion. The first attempt of the earlier Empire to impose European character on the land and its Provinces was abandoned definitely by Hadrian. It was in all probability under his rule, about 130-35, that the south- Fig. 22. — The Two Temples at Tarsus " Common to Cilicia " with a gar land above them ; both are hexastyle. Coin struck under the Emperor Commodus. The city bears the names of Hadrian and Commodus. eastern region of Asia Minor was reorganised as the Triple Province Cilicia-Isauria-Lycaonia. Tarsus was the metro polis and president of the " Three Eparchiae ",79 This title appears for the first time on its coins under Septimius Severus, 195-21 1 A.D. ; but there is no reason to infer that the title was then first instituted ; on the contrary, there is every probability that Tarsus was metropolis of the Triple Province from the beginning. It was only in the third century that the habit of inscribing long boastful titles on the coins of the city was carried to such an extreme. The 238 II. Tarsus Three Eparchiae were never united in a single nation politi cally or a single Commune in the Imperial religion. The Koinon (Commune) of Lycaonia was distinct from the Koinon of Cilicia, and the latter probably included all parts of Cilicia. Temples of the Cilician Commune were erected at Tarsus,80 which in the time of Commodus places on its coins the type of two temples " Common to Cilicia " ; these temples evi dently were dedicated to Hadrian and to Commodus, and they carried with them the title Neokoros, and Twice Neokoros (Fig. 22). s 'n a inn' TilHCV; ttfl'lAWJA f(j> Rfl r%jj viv , r& Fig. 23. — The Three Eparchiae, Cilicia, Lycaonia, Isauria, crowning the Goddess of Tarsus. Coin struck under the Emperor Gordian, 235-238 a.d. Tarsus bears the names of Hadrian and Severus. On the coin shown in Fig. 23 the three Eparchies, Cilicia, Isauria, Lycaonia, approach the enthroned genius of Tarsus to do homage. The city is represented seated on the rocks, not on a chair, as in the older coins (Fig. 20 and p. 187). There can be no doubt that a statue of the City goddess adorned some public place in Tarsus. The nature of the Commune as the organised provincial cult of the Emperors, so to say the " State Church " of the Province, was shown on the golden crown which the pro- xxiii. Tarsus under the Empire 239 vincial high priest wore. It was adorned with busts of the Emperors, which stood up from the golden circlet round the head of the wearer. On some coins of Tarsus, one of which is given in Fig. 24, this crown is shown. The artist was unable to represent properly the form of the crown, or the position of the busts above the circlet : one must understand that the Imperial heads rose straight from the circlet and fitted close round the high priest's head. There were certainly more Imperial heads than six on the crown. The deified Emperors Fig. 24. — The Crown of the Chief Priest of Cilicia in the Imperial Religion ; a circlet of gold surmounted by busts of the Emperors. Coin struck under the Emperor Gordian, 235-238 a.d. of the past, and the reigning Emperor or Emperors, should all have a place ; but on coins exactness in such details is not to be expected.81 The figure of Victory holding a garland, also, is an addition made by the coin engraver, and does not belong to the real crown. Such was the crown worn by the high priest and high priestess of every Province throughout the Empire. Such was the crown worn by the Galatarch, the high priest of Galatia, when he met St. Thekla in the street of Pisidian Antioch and rudely accosted her.82 Here on a coin of Tarsus 240 II. Tarsus it denotes the office of Kilikarch or high priest of Cilicia, and the word Eparchikon, in the genitive, within the crown, is to be construed with the word Kilikarchia, which is implied by the crown. It means that in compliment to Tarsus the office had been held by Governors of the Province. The same compliment is mentioned in the inscription quoted in note 79, where it is recorded that Tarsus alone of all the cities of the Province had been honoured by having Governors filling the offices of Demiourgos and Kilikarch. It must be under stood that the various cities had in succession to supply a person or a married pair to fill the Kilikarchate ; besides being a great honour, this was a great expense to the holder, and few could afford to take the office. More than once, when Tarsus had to supply a Kilikarch, provincial Governors had paid the city the compliment of accepting the nomination. The rivalry between Anazarbus and Tarsus belongs to the third century. It had its origin in the growing divergence of character and interests between the Western sea plain with its three great cities and rivers and the upper or eastern plain on the Pyramus : the divergence grew more marked until at last it compelled Imperial recognition, and brought about the division of Cilicia Prima with its capital Tarsus from Cilicia Secunda with its capital Anazarbus about 395-9 A.D.83 Anazarbus on its coins arrogated many titles, which Tarsus also used, e.g., " Metropolis of the Nation," i.e., the Province Cilicia, where the word Nation is the translation of the Latin Provincia : 84 it called itself " First, Loveliest, Greatest " : it claimed to be a meeting-place of the " Free Council of the Commune of the Province". But it never claimed to be " Metropolis of the Three Eparchiae " ; that title was reserved for Tarsus alone ; and this abstinence must be regarded as a proof that to Anazarbus had been formally granted the title xxiii. Tarsus under the Empire 241 of " Metropolis of the Province Cilicia," with the right to be a meeting-place of the Provincial Commune, but not the higher title, which was reserved for Tarsus. It was a great occasion for Anazarbus when Elagabalus honoured it by ac cepting the office of Demiourgos, as the chief magistrate was called. It boasted of this unique title about 218-220; and Tarsus could record no similar honour on its coins for some years, until Alexander Severus accepted the magistracy of the city.85 The loyalty of Tarsus to the Emperors was obtruded on Fig. 25. — Athena and Nemesis surrounding the Fortune of Tarsus, " First Loveliest, Greatest ". Coin struck under the Emperor Gordian III. the notice of the world by the titles which it assumed with the permission of the Imperial government. It was Hadriane under Hadrian, Kommodiane under Commodus, Severiane under Severus, Antoniniane under Caracalla,86 Makriniane under Macrinus, Alexandriane under Severus Alexander. Some of these titles were long retained, especially Hadriane ; but most of them were dropped at the accession of a new Emperor. Fig. 25 is an example of the quaint groups of allegorical figures which were fashionable in later art. The Good 16 242 II. Tarsus Fortune of Tarsus stands between Athena and Nemesis. Nemesis has a cubit-rule in one hand, and plucks at the shoulder of her tunic with the fingers of the other. At her feet a griffin places his right fore-foot on a wheel at the feet of Fortune, who carries the horn of plenty and the rudder, the symbols which are appropriated to her in numismatic art. Athena wears her usual crested Corinthian helmet, and is armed with spear and shield. The purport of the associated three figures is evident. The picture of a ship under full sail, which appears on Fig. 26. — Ship carrying from Egypt the "Corn of Tarsus" Coin struck under the Emperor Caracalla, 211-217 a.d. some coins of Tarsus, " Antoninian Severian Hadrianian," in the time of Caracalla, might be interpreted as alluding to its possession of a harbour (for that is the usual meaning of this type on coins of a city, e.g., at Ephesus in the coin pictured on p. 229 of the Letters to the Seven Churches). But at Tarsus it is only by inadvertence or from want of space that the legend "Corn of Tarsus" is omitted in some coins, though it occurs on most of them (Fig. 26). The legend " Corn of Tarsus " with the type of a ship implies that the corn which is meant was borne across the sea. One of xxiii. Tarsus under the' Empire 243 the interesting economic facts in the administration of the world-wide Empire was that scarcity in one Province was compensated by bringing into it the harvest of another Pro vince. Egypt had been in Hellenistic times the granary of the Eastern Mediterranean ; but under the Empire this source was closed to the Provinces, because the Egyptian harvest was reserved for the capital, and Egypt was under the absolute personal control of the Emperors. In some rare cases, how ever, the Emperors as a special favour gave a supply of corn from Egypt to some city — probably on occasion of a bad harvest. This favour was granted twice at least to Tarsus, once under Caracalla and once under Alexander Severus. The situation is clearly explained by comparison of two other coins. One bears the same type of the ship under sail ; but the legend is " The Gift of Alexander to Ta(rsus) Metro polis)," and the Emperor represented is Alexander Severus. The other is a coin of Caracalla with the reverse type of Triptolemus in his car drawn by winged dragons, carrying over the world the knowledge of husbandry, and the legend " Corn from Egy(pt) for Tarsus ". In coins the small space available for lettering could con tain only one statement ; and on each of these coins one fact of a complex situation was singled out for commemoration. By combination of the various legends the whole situation is comprehended. The corn was a gift by the reigning Emperor, who was the lord of Egypt as his private property. He gave one or more shiploads to relieve the need of his dutiful city of Tarsus. The ships were the large transport vessels, which ordinarily conveyed the corn from Alexandria to Puteoli. In ordinary years the rich land of Cilicia doubt less produced sufficient corn for its inhabitants ; but an occasional failure of the harvest had to be met by importing 244 II- Tarsus corn from abroad. In Egypt itself there sometimes occurred a famine, when the Nile failed ; and the remote Pisidian town of Pogla, far from the sea, boasts in an inscription of having on one occasion sent corn to Alexandria.87 Even when the harvest was short in Egypt, the corn for the city of Rome must be provided, and Alexandria had to import from a different Province. Pogla was an Imperial estate at that time, and the Emperor relieved the scarcity of the Egyptian city by sending corn from his Pisidian property, but did not interrupt the regular Roman transport service. The Tarsian artists were not attentive to detail in repre senting ships. In many cases they picture the ship with the large sail swelling out towards the stern ; but in this case, Fig. 26, the artist represents the sail rightly impelled by the wind towards the prow. He always represents the ship as moving under the force of sails and oars combined ; but the large corn transports were certainly moved by sails alone, oars would be of no use in ships of that size. PART III. ANTIOCH. The Region of Pisidian Antioch. ANTIOCH. The history of Pisidian Antioch falls into three periods : first, the early Hellenistic city from 300 to 25 B.C.; secondly, the Roman Colonia Caesareia Antiocheia during the first three centuries after the Province Galatia and the Colonia were in stituted ; thirdly, the re-Hellenised metropolis Antioch, after Roman language and custom died out and the Oriental spirit (but Orientalism modified by long contact with Hellenic and Roman customs) revived, probably somewhere about or soon after A.D. 212. Some would add an earlier period and the history of a pre-Hellenic and Phrygian town ; but this de pends on a doubtful interpretation of Strabo's description of Antioch, which we cannot accept. There was a Phrygian population around, and an important hieron of the Phrygian religion in the neighbourhood; but there is no reason to think that a city existed on the site before the Seleucid foundation about 300-280 B.C. In Antioch we shall find elements of population similar to those which we have been observing in Tarsus, chiefly Anatolian, Greek and Jewish ; but, owing to the difference in the proportion of the elements and in the general circum stances, there is a marked difference in the character and spirit of the two cities. § I. The City and its Foundation. The situation of Antioch is very fine, but the locality is now deserted, forlorn and devoid of ruins that possess any (247) 248 III. Antioch interest or beauty. The city occupied a low oblong plateau, varying from 50 to 200 feet above the plain that lies in front. It is lowest on the west side, where it faces the plain, and highest on the east, where it rises very sharp and steep from the bank of the river Anthios. The surface of the plateau has been so much transformed by the needs and works of life in a great city, the cutting down of hills, the doing away with slopes that were too steep, the filling up of hollows, the scarping of the outer edge to strengthen the defences — which always take place on a site long inhabited by a civilised and ingenious population, partly from plans of city improvement, partly from the action of nature — that in wandering over the site of Antioch in 1905 the writer was unable to form any conception of its original form before the transforming hand of man was applied to it. It lies about 3,500 to 3,800 feet above the sea level. In shape the plateau of the city approximates to a rect angle. On the east (one of the long sides) it is bounded by the deep, narrow, slightly curving glen of the river Anthios, which has chosen to cut its way from N.N.E. to S.S.W. between this outlying plateau and the higher hills that rise sharp from its opposite bank. The long glen of the Anthios is very picturesque, and in time of flood must present an impressive spectacle, when the waters rise high and fill the bottom of the narrow glen, far down below the edge of the plateau. The plateau must be nearly two miles in cir cumference, and as it presents a fairly steep outer face, even where it is lowest, it must have been an imposing fortress when high strong walls crowned the outer face on all sides. Coins of Antioch give a picture of the river-god ANTHIOS (p. 316) in the form consecrated by Greek art to the repre sentation of the god of a river. He reclines resting his left ggf-t^^jSg •5s*--. -r. The desolate site of Pisidian Antioch. To face p. 248. See p. 249. i. The City and its Foundation 249 arm on an urn turned sideways, out of which water pours. Behind him grows a reed. On this coin, and on many others, the river-god's body is more erect than in statues of the same type ; and this change sacrifices in some degree the gentle slope of the figure from the raised head down wards to the feet, an artistic expression of the gentle down ward flow of the stream. But the change accommodates itself better to the shape of the coin : a figure which is too much elongated does not fill the field of a coin so well as one that is more -bent. The strength of the fortress was needed to withstand attack from the Pisidian mountaineers, an unruly and dangerous race. Antioch was calculated to present an almost impregnable front to such raids and sudden attacks as enemies of that type were likely to make. The ordinary water supply was by an aqueduct which conducts the water from a distance of several miles away in the Sultan- Dagh, partly by an underground conduit, but for the last mile borne on arches above ground.1 It would, of course, be easy in case of war for besiegers to cut the aqueduct, and divert the flow ; but this would not cause more than great incon venience to the besieged city. The river Anthios flows for a long distance close under the city wall, and it would hardly be possible for besiegers to prevent the garrison from ob taining water out of the river in sufficient quantity for the necessities of life. The photographs reproduced on Plates VI. -X. give some idea how desolate the site of Antioch now is. Plate X., taken from the north, shows the entrance to the gorge of the Anthios, looking over the fertile and level ground towards the northern edge of the city-plateau (which rises towards the river), the cleft through which the Anthios finds its way, and 250 III. Antioch the higher hills on its left bank. In Plate VI. the featureless character of the site is painfully evident. Plate VIII. shows the scanty remains of the only Hellenic building of any con sequence that we saw on the plateau. It is on the western side of the site, towards the north end ; and the view, which is taken looking to the south-east, shows how high the plateau rises on the eastern side towards the river. Plate VIII. reproduces a photograph of the best preserved part of the aqueduct, a work of the best period. In Plate IX. is shown the unsightly ruin, which Hamil ton 2 thought might be the principal temple of Antioch, the shrine of the God Men. Near the highest part of the city, which is on the north-east part of the plateau, a semicircular hollow has been cut in the rocky side of the hill in such a way that the rock walls of the semicircle rise quite perpendi cularly at the back, to the height of nearly 30 feet in parts, while the front is open, except that a large mass of rock 20 feet square, with a square chamber cut in it, has been left in the centre. There is a row of holes, rather more than a foot square, cut all round the rock walls, and it seems evident that these holes were intended to receive beams. These beams reaching inwards towards the central square must have formed a level platform. It appeared to me in 1905 that some sort of an Odeon or small Theatre must have been constructed in this hollow, though I could not understand why a floor stand ing nearly 8 feet clear of the ground was wanted. Hamilton saw also the remains of a portico in front, "with broken columns, cornices and other fragments," and regards the whole place as " the adytum of a temple ". But a portico would have been needed in front of a Theatre or Odeon. Most of these remains have since Hamilton's time been carried away for building purposes ; and the same fate has happened PLATE VII. To face p. 250. Remains of a Hellenistic building at Antioch. i. The City and its Foundation 251 to the remains which he saw in the hollow, " masses of highly finished marble cornices, with several broken fluted columns, 2 feet 8 inches in diameter ". The town has been much enlarged during the last few years, and a good waggon-road has been built to connect it with the Anatolian Railway at Ak-Sheher (Philomelion), while the road to the Ottoman Railway terminus at Dineir (Apameia) was also much improved. These useful works were executed, not by the government, but in great part by the railway companies, competing for the trade of the district. The modern town of Yalowatch is also situated on the Anthios, a little lower down and on both sides of the stream. It is a widely scattered town, divided into twelve separate quarters (called Mahale in Turkish). Professor Sterrett suggests very ingeniously 3 that these correspond to twelve divisions or vici in the Roman city ; and this may be regarded as highly probable in view of the permanence of ancient religious facts, for the political division in ancient times had always a religious foundation. This modern town extends nearly up to the edge of the ancient site, but from the middle of the modern town to the centre of the ancient site the distance must be quite a mile and a half. Beyond doubt the ancient population of Antioch lived a good deal in the open country. The land is pleasant, part of it is rich and fertile, part contains high-lying pastures, and the territory stretches from the lofty range of Sultan- Dagh on the north-east away down in the direction of the great double lake called Limnai, about fifteen miles or more to the south-west. It is, however, doubtful whether An- tiochian territory reached so far as the Limnai. The lake shore seems to have been occupied with villages, scattered 252 III. Antioch over the great Imperial estates which will be described in a later section. Those estates had originally been the property of the god, and Antiochian territory had been part of the estates, until the first Seleucid king gave part of the god's land to the garrison city which he founded on this magnificent site. It is, however, possible that the city terri tory touched the Limnai at some point ; but this depends on the interpretation of an uncertain symbol on a coin (Fig. 38), described in § IX. Nothing is recorded about the date and circumstances of the foundation ; but there can be little doubt that the city owed its origin to'the first of the Seleucid kings, Seleucus Nikator, who named it after his father Antiochus, the deified head of the royal family. An inscription4 shows that the worship of Seleucus Nikator was established in the valley of Apollonia (which opens to the west from the Limnai) ; and, as this cult lasted into the Roman period, it must have been founded on a considerable scale with an insured revenue. This establish ment proves that Seleucus took an active interest in the important route which runs from Apameia through the valley of Apollonia by Antioch to Syria. On this road the critical point is Antioch, where the path turns round the Limnai, and a sovereign who was strengthening his hold on the road could not miss this point, unless he chose some other place in the neighbourhood. The water supply determined the exact site chosen ; other defensive points could easily be found, but they were all disqualified by their weakness in respect of water during a siege. The foundations made by the first Seleucus were intended to be a means of establishing and glorifying the whole family and not merely his single self. They were certainly PLATE VIII. To face p. 252. The Aqueduct of Pisidian Antioch. Seep. 249. i. The City and its Foundation 253 laid out on a comprehensive plan to bind together the whole Empire, and they were to be dynastic, not personal monuments. Hence the later Seleucid rule, that the city bore the name of the king who founded it 5 or of his royal consort, does not apply to the cities of Seleucus Nikator. Some he called after himself, but the most important bore the name of his father Antiochus as the head and guardian genius of the family ; one at least on this same road took its title from Apollo 6 as the patron god of the dynasty (the successive kings being considered as manifestations of Apollo in human form on the earth), others of his mother Laodice and his wife Apama. The inclusion of the latter was signi ficant, for it was she, an Asiatic, who conveyed the right of succession in Asia to her husband.7 Antioch was thus surrounded by a sea of purely Phrygian population and custom. The situation was, of course, similar in all Seleucid garrison cities : they were founded to be strongholds of the royal power, of a more Greek type, though far from purely Greek, amid Asiatic peoples. But it remained characteristic of the Pisidian Antioch that it continued to be the one centre of the Seleucid form of civilisation for a very large territory, as well as a bulwark against the whole strength of the Pisidian mountain tribes, while the land around continued to be mainly Anatolian and Phrygian in manners and religion, hardly affected even in the most superficial way by Hellenic influence (p. 294 ff.). This situation, by isolating the Seleucid colonists in Antioch so thoroughly, must have made them even more vividly conscious than the colonists in many Seleucid garrison- cities were of their dependence on the support of the kings and of the Seleucid capital Antioch in Syria, more opposed to their ever-present enemy the Phrygian and Pisidian 254 HI- Antioch barbarian, and more devoted supporters of the Graeco- Asiatic type of civilisation which they represented. The evidence, scanty as it is, points in this direction. We have spoken of Pisidian Antioch as surrounded by Phrygians and bordering on the Pisidian land. Such are the topographical facts, and such are the accounts given by the ancients, Strabo, Ptolemy, etc. In an inscription of the city it is called " Mygdonian," from the old Phrygian chief or king Mygdon. Thee, Dionysios, here (in marble), the city Mygdonian Antioch has [adorned with] the garland symbolic of justice and peace.8 The ornament of a garland, symbolical of the peace which Dionysios, a soldier acting as chief of police for the Region round Antioch, had produced by his good service, was placed on the basis which supported the statue of Aurelius Diony sios, Regionary Centurion. The text belongs to the third century, and is in Greek, though dedicated to an officer of the Roman service. By that time Roman Antioch had reverted to the former condition of a Hellenic city, and even the official documents had come to be expressed in Greek, whereas during the first and second centuries Latin was (as we shall see below) the language not only of official documents but also to a large extent of private inscriptions. In another inscription the city is said to be in Phrygia. Not until the Province Pisidia was formed about A.D. 295 was Pisidian Antioch in any strict sense a city of Pisidia. Under the Romans it was geographically a city of Phrygia, politically a city of the Province Galatia. It is our first task to determine to what race belonged these Seleucid colonists of Antioch. It was they who de termined the character of the city. PLATE IX. ft. ..<#>!»' *1 Rock-cutting, generally supposed to be the Sanctuary of the God of Pisidian Antioch, perhaps only the site of an Odeon. To face p. 254. See p. 250. ii. The Jews in Pisidian Antioch 255 § II. The Jews in Pisidian Antioch. In the other Pauline cities the presence of Jewish in habitants is either proved by the authority of the Acts alone (as at Derbe and Lystra), or confirmed by clear evidence from other sources, but their status and rights in the city are either unknown or demonstrated only by indirect arguments. Even at Tarsus, where the evidence is most complete, the proof that there was a body of Jews, possessing the full rights of citizens and burgesses, results from a series of con current arguments, all pointing towards the same conclusion ; but no record of any family of Jewish citizens remains except the family of Paul himself. The deficiency in this last respect may seem serious only to those who are on the outlook for opportunity to throw discredit on the trustworthi ness of Acts ; but, as a matter of fact, epigraphy rarely records such matters, and moreover hardly any Tarsian in scriptions have been preserved. In Iconium, Lystra and Derbe it remains uncertain whether the Jewish population had the status of resident aliens or of citizens ; the former being more probable in Lystra, the latter in Iconium, while Derbe is wrapped in' complete obscurity through absolute lack of evidence. In the case of Antioch alone complete evidence has sur vived, and that in a curiously accidental way. The fact of citizenship is not often formally recorded in the epitaphs of any city, and, when it is recorded, there is usually some special reason ; moreover Jews can rarely be traced in the epigraphy of such cities, because the men usually adopted Greek or Roman names, and thus have become undistinguishable. The inscriptions of Antioch are wholly taken up with matters of other kinds, and in none of them 256 III. Antioch can any Jew be identified with certainty ; but an epitaph of Apollonia reveals a Jewess of Antioch by her name Debbora. It belongs to the late second or the third century after Christ. An Antiochian [by race], sprung from ancestors who held many offices of state in the fatherland, by name Debb6ra, given in marriage to a famous man Pamphylus, [I am buried here,] receiving this monument as a return of grati tude from him for my virgin marriage.9 The evidence given in this brief inscription is singularly complete. Debbora was an Antiochian citizen by race, but was married to Pamphylus of Apollonia. That Debbora was a Jewess seemed placed beyond reach of doubt by her name. The spelling is that of the Septua gint, whereas the spelling Deborah in the English Version is taken from the Hebrew text. Debbora, an Antiochian citizen by descent, did not reside in Antioch, and the formula is therefore used which indicates the real citizenship of a person who resided in an alien city.10 In her case the situation may possibly have been complicated by an additional fact ; Pamphylus, her husband, may have been a citizen of Apollonia ; and if that were so, the question of the right of intermarriage between citizens of the two cities would come up. This is a most difficult subject, and information fails us. If there were such right of inter marriage, Debbora would take the citizenship of her husband, and cease to be an Antiochian. But it is quite uncertain whether Pamphylus (whom we may suppose to have been a Jew,11 probably) was a citizen of Apollonia : he may have been only a resident alien. It is also uncertain how far Roman custom or law interfered to permit intermarriage between citizens of different Eastern provincial cities ; but after 212 A.D., when all citizens of provincial cities became Roman ii. The Jews in Pisidian Antioch 257 citizens, intermarriage certainly must have been legal. The epitaph of Debbora, however, to judge from the form of the letters, cannot be later than 212. From whatever cause it resulted, the fact seems clear that Debbora did not become a citizen of Apollonia, but remained a resident alien, " Antiochian by race ",12 The most significant words in the epitaph are the two which describe Debbora's ancestors as "having held many honours of the fatherland " (TroXvTeifiow; TrarpT/?). The term " honours " (rt/jbai honores) was regularly applied to the higher magistracies in self-governing cities. The word which we have rendered "ancestors" (firJT7)<;) is mentioned,15 but only during the fourth century or later, when the Hellenic City- State had lost almost all its nature and power ; while during the Roman time, perhaps, there was in the villages of this class only a " first man of the village " (7rpwTo? t»)? Ktofir)?), who possessed a certain influence by rank and seniority without definite official position. The exact status of the Iconian villages is, however, not quite certain. In certain cities of Asia Minor the villages seem to have retained more iv. Iconium a City of Galatia 343 of their individuality than in the true Hellenic City-State ; such cities, however, were hardly so strongly or early Hel lenised as Iconium seems to have been ; Hierapolis, near Laodiceia on the Lycus, is an example, and it was apparently strongly Anatolian in character as late as the time of Au gustus.16 The evidence at Iconium, though too scanty to permit certainty, favours the view that the villages were of the Hellenised type, mere outlying parts of the central city : see the account of the village Salarama in § IV. § IV. Iconium a City of Galatia. That Iconium in the time of St. Paul was a city of the Province called Galatia, is now admitted by every one, even by Professor Schiirer, the most stubborn opponent of Galatic provincial unity. The question now is, how long that con nection lasted. The view has been stated in my writings on this subject that Iconium and Lystra were included in Galatia until the reorganisation of the provinces in the latter part of the third century. Monsieur Imhoof-Blumer, on the contrary, in his great work on the coins of Asia Minor, places Iconium in the Eparchia Lycaonia, which was ^formed (as we saw in § II.) about 138 A.D. No one, as a rule, is more accurate in such matters than the great Swiss numismatist ; but the evidence is here against him. That Iconium belonged to the Province Galatia until the end of the third century can be proved, not indeed with the conclusive certainty with which the date of the colonial foundation has been demonstrated in § II., but at least with an approximation to certainty much closer than is possible for many universally accepted facts of ancient history. The best authority for the limits of the Province about the end of the third century is the very brief Acta of St. Eusto- 344 IV. Iconium chios in the time of Maximian. Eustochios was a pagan priest at Vasada, who adopted Christianity after seeing the steadfastness of the martyrs, and came for baptism to Eudoxius, bishop of Antioch. Afterwards, as a Christian presbyter, he went to Lystra, where he had relatives. He was arrested, taken to Ancyra, tried and executed with his relatives and children. It is here clearly shown that Vasada was subject to the bishop of Antioch, and that Lystra was in the Province of Galatia, of which Ancyra was the capital.17 Had Lystra been reckoned as a city of Lycaonia, a prisoner arrested there would have been taken for trial to the metro polis of the Province, whether this was some Lycaonian city, or (as is more probable) Tarsus in Cilicia.18 Now, if Vasada and Lystra were in Galatia, much more must Iconium, which lay directly on the way from both cities to Ancyra, have been in Galatia. On this saint see also p. 378. Some writers may refuse to be convinced by this evidence, as the tale of St. Eustochios is not preserved in an in dependent form, but is merely related in Greek Menaea under 23 June, and the Menaea are confessedly not an au thority of high character. But, although the form in which the tale has been preserved is quite late, it must rest on some good and early authority. Somewhere about the end of the third century Lystra ceased to be under Ancyra ; and after that time such a tale could not have been invented. Moreover, other authorities confirm the Acta of Eustochios. Ptolemy indeed is confused and self-contradictory : he says quite rightly that Vasada and Lystra were in the Province of Galatia, but he assigns the district Lycaonia to the Pro vince of Cappadocia, and gives in it seven cities, one being Iconium. This absurd and utterly unhistorical classification is due to his mixing up authorities of different periods. His iv. Iconium a City of Galatia 345 Galatian list is good ; and, though not a complete enumera tion, is correct so far as it goes, whereas the Cappadocian list is full of inaccuracies and blunders, to explain which so as to gain any knowledge from the list involves elaborate argument and a good deal of hypothesis. We therefore leave Ptolemy aside for the moment. All doubt, however, is set at rest by a milestone, found at Salarama close under the south slope of the Boz-Dagh in Iconian territory (§ III.). It was erected at the order of the governor of the Province Galatia, C. Atticius Strabo, in 198 A.D. It is unquestionable that this milestone originally stood on Galatian territory ; and we may confidently say also that it stood from the beginning close to its present position in the plain below the Iconian end of the pass. There was here a village or settlement under Iconian jurisdiction, and the ruinous old Turkish khan,19 in which the milestone is built, has been constructed out of the stones of this village, in the same way as Zazadin Khan (see § III.) was built. The name of the village was (as will be shown below) pro bably Salarama. It is true, indeed, that stones are often carried from a con siderable distance to be used in modern buildings ; but the stones which are thus brought are chosen because their shape and size make them suitable for the purpose ; and moreover transport is now more necessary because the supply close at hand has been exhausted. But any observant traveller — few archaeological travellers, however, are observant in such matters — can in almost every case determine whether the stones in a large building, situated in a now lonely and isolated situation like this khan, have been transported from a distance or found on the spot. Such evidence should 346 IV. Iconium always be noticed and recorded ; but how rarely is it that any explorer condescends to observe details of this kind. Yet out of such details history is built. A milestone, obviously, is the kind of stone which no one would carry far, especially over a mountainous pass, to build a wall : an irregular column, very rough in surface,v thicker at one end, large and weighty, it is as unsuitable for building purposes as any stone can well be. Not far from it is a large flat slab, on which once stood the altar or table in the village church : it shows the four square holes at the four corners and a larger central hole, circular, surrounding an inner smaller square hole, in which the five supports of the sacred Trapeza were fitted, with a dedicatory inscription on the front edge, " the vow of Cyriacus ". Had this stone been transported from a distance it would have been broken, either for convenience of transport, or from accident by the way. If it were broken into small fragments, too, it would be far more useful for building ; but, as it stands, it is nearly as unsuitable as the milestone. The mere weight of these stones is prohibitive. They were put into the walls, in spite of their inconvenient shape, because they happened to be lying near at hand, and it entailed less trouble to utilise them as they were than to break and trim them, or to trans port other more suitable stones from elsewhere. Still more important and conclusive evidence is got from another huge block, in the wall of the khan, which must weigh many tons and could not be carried far by Turkish builders. It bears the Greek epitaph of C. Aponius Firmus, who had served as a cavalry soldier in the Roman army and attained the rank of a petty officer. Aponius belonged to a family which lived in this village of Iconian territory, and he was buried in the family burying-place here. It was a family iv. Iconium a City of Galatia 347 of some wealth and importance, as can be gathered from the facts : this huge block of fine limestone must have belonged to a large mausoleum, and the inscription extended over two blocks at least, and is engraved in large finely-cut letters of the second or third century. Considerable expense was re quired in constructing such a tomb, as the limestone must have been carried a good many miles : such transport was commonly practised in Roman times, though Turkish engineering was rarely capable of it. Moreover the "large letters" of the inscription20 imply some pretension and a desire for conspicuousness. Another fine limestone block (not so big or weighty as this) from the same village cemetery, perhaps part of the same mausoleum, certainly from the grave of a member of the same family, has been carried seven or eight miles south across the plain to another old Turkish Khan, called Sindjerli. It was the gravestone of C. Aponius Crispus, who had been duumvir (i.e. supreme magistrate) of the colonia Iconium somewhere about 155-170 A.D. It also is written in Greek.21 The family of Aponius was therefore possessed of, and resident ordinarily on, a property in this northern part of the Iconian territory. Members of the family entered the Imperial service, and held office in their own city ; but their burial place was at their country residence, about twenty-five miles north-east from Iconium. The relation of the villages in the Iconian territory to the central city has been treated in § III., and this Aponian family furnishes an excellent example. It received the Roman citizenship, and took the name of a Roman family, well known in the first and second centuries,22 some member of which had been in relations with the first member of the Iconian family that attained the citizenship. The name and the rights were transmitted to 348 IV. Iconium his descendants in the usual way. This family has nothing of the village character about it : it was evidently Iconian in one generation after another, using the Greek language, and following the usual course of municipal office, like other members of distinguished Iconian families. Another inscription in Sindjerli Khan, a dedication to Zeus Salarameus, shows the local name. This Zeus, accord ing to a common custom, derived his name from the locality, and as both inscriptions are likely to have been brought from one place,23 there is every probability that the village at the foot of the pass was Salarama. Thus our argument has afforded a decisive proof that the village at the south end of the pass formed part of the Iconian City-State, and that the whole State, like this part, was still included in the Province Galatia as late as A.D. 198 ; and this practically means that the connection between Iconium and the Province Galatia lasted unbroken from the institution of the Province in 25 B.C. until about the end of the third century after Christ. Incidentally, this result gives a pleasant confirmation of the trustworthiness of the Acta of Eustochios ; and it is to be hoped that some fuller record of the martyrdom may hereafter be discovered ; in all probability the Acta would throw some welcome light on the condition of Vasada and Lystra about A.D. 270-300. It may appear immaterial as regards the Pauline period, whether Iconium was Galatian in the second and third centuries after Christ; but such a way of looking at the case is essentially superficial. Though the point does not directly concern the interpretation of Acts, it has indirectly an important bearing on it. You cannot get a proper conception of the character of a Hellenic city by looking at iv. Iconium a City of Galatia 349 it in one period alone : you must regard it as a living organism, you must understand the history and law of its growth, and to do so you must " look before and after " the period that immediately concerns you. In regard to Iconium the critical question in recent dis cussion undoubtedly has been whether its incorporation in the Province Galatia was merely nominal and external, or was a real and vital fact of Roman organisation which would affect the character of the city, i.e., of the Iconian people. In thinking of a Hellenic city one must always keep clearly in mind the principle of city life as stated by Thucydides : a city is constituted not by walls and buildings but by men. The Hellenic city was an association of free citizens, taking action voluntarily for the common good by choosing individuals out of their number to whom they should entrust for a limited time certain powers to be exer cised for the benefit of the whole city, leaving the indi vidual citizen free and uncontrolled except in so far as all by common consent curtailed their own rights in order to make the city safer and stronger. The question as to the Galatian character of Iconium, then, really amounts to this — was the Roman provincial organisation in the first century a mere fetter on the free Hellenising development which had begun in the city at least two centuries earlier, an institution too alien in char acter to touch the heart and spirit and life of the citizens ? or was it a real influence affecting their thoughts and life and conduct ? The answer to that question is of prime consequence both for the historian and for the student of the New Testament. The character and the measure of Roman influence on Western Asia is involved in it : the meaning of the terms 350 IV. Iconium " Galatia " and " Galatians," with all the numerous conse quences for the life, chronology, sphere of influence and direction of missionary effort of St. Paul, turns upon it. In the first place we observe that, if the influence of the Roman organisation on Iconium and the rest of the group of the Pauline cities of South Galatia had been so essen tially weak as writers like Prof. E. Schiirer and Professor Zockler represent it to have been, it must have been evanescent and could not have lasted. As we have seen, Hadrian modified the organisation of south-eastern Asia Minor, to give freer play and stronger effect to the racial and national spirit. There was then a favourable oppor tunity to separate Iconium from the Province Galatia, if the connection had previously been only external and fettering. But, inasmuch as the connection of Iconium with the Province Galatia persisted through the reorgani sation, the probability that the connection was strong and real is much increased. The Romans had hitherto always thought and spoken of Iconium as situated in the half- barbarian, half-Romanised Lycaonia, one of the component parts of their Province Galatia. But about 130-138 A.D. they separated it from Lycaonia, and left it in the Province Galatia, at the time when they were forming a Commune of the Lycaonians in a new Province to attach them more closely to Rome. The Iconians themselves had all along distinguished themselves from Lycaonia as being citizens of a Phrygian Hellenic city ; and now the Romans recognised Iconium as a Roman colony, with the highest class of Roman rights permissible for a city of the East, in their old Province of Galatia. Secondly, Iconium had been attached to the Galatian State before the Roman Province of Galatia was constituted. iv. Iconium a City of Galatia 351 Amyntas, king of Galatia, ruled over it ; and the view has been maintained elsewhere that Iconium was taken by the Gauls about 165-160 B.C.24 Now, it is true that very few references to the Galatian connection have been found in Iconium : but extremely few inscriptions of Iconium are known earlier than the colonial foundation, and the only document which bears on the provincial connection mentions the Galatic Province. In considering whether the people of a city in the Galatic Province would accept for themselves the address " Gala tians," we may appeal to the analogy of another city of the same region. Take the case of Apollonia in Pisidian Phrygia, far further distant from northern Galatia than Iconium was, handed over by the Romans to Amyntas, the last Galatian king : the Galatian connection must inevitably have been far weaker there than in Iconium. Yet at Apollonia in A.D. 222 a citizen spoke of his city, in an in scription that has fortunately been preserved, as his " father land of the Galatians,"25 and mentioned his son's career of honourable municipal office among the noble Trokmians. It is> not necessary to remind the reader that the " father land," to the Greek mind, was one's own city, and not a country or a region. Moreover, in a monument exposed to public view in Apollonia it was impossible to speak of any place except Apollonia as " fatherland ". Apollonia, therefore, geographically a Phrygian city, by education a Hellenic city, was politically so thoroughly a Galatian city in the third century, that an ordinary citizen could speak of its people in this simple and direct way as Galatians ; to hold a magistracy in Apollonia was " to be glorified among the Trokmoi ". In this last phrase the name of one of the three Galatian tribes is used as a mere poetic variation of " Galatai " ; a 35 2 IV. Iconium second term was needed both to avoid the repetition of Galatai in two successive lines and for metrical reasons.26 Now, if in Apollonia people could speak in this tone and spirit, there cannot exist a doubt in the mind of any one who is guided by evidence and not by antecedent prejudice, that in the southern cities of the Province generally the Romanising spirit was strong enough to affect thought and expression, and to make the address " Galatai " acceptable to an audience gathered out of several Galatian cities. It may be objected that the actual examples which can be quoted are rare, one in Iconium, and one in Apollonia ; but this is a valueless argument. These are the only cases which exist, there are no other cases to quote on the other side, and these are of the kind where one is practically as good a proof as a score, for one shows what was the familiar public custom. Thus from these details, recovered one by one through many years of travel and study — during which the isolated facts, insignificant and almost worthless in themselves, have acquired meaning and value through juxtaposition with one another — there is gradually built up a unified conception of Iconium as a city of Hellenised character, situated in the extremest corner of the Phrygian land (where the Phrygians had encroached on what was in a geographical view really part of the great Lycaonian plain),27 but so strongly pene trated with Roman feeling and loyalty that it was honoured with the Imperial name about A.D. 41, and finally raised to the dignity of a Roman Colony about A.D. 135. It always held aloof from its Lycaonian neighbours and fellow-pro vincials, and clung to its first Roman connection with the Province Galatia for more than three hundred years, for Galatia was much more thoroughly Romanised than the v. Constitution of the Hellenic City Iconium 353 " Three Eparchies ". Its coins show that in the first and second centuries it boasted especially of its semi-Greek origin from the Greek hero Perseus conquering the native popula tion. Later a more distinctively Phrygian origin seems to have been claimed in popular legend. But through all times and authorities the mixed character of the city is apparent. § V. The Constitution of the Hellenic City Iconium. The number of Tribes in Iconium is shown by the strange expression employed in an inscription, " the four stemmata of the Colony " 28 ; these stemmata must be interpreted as the four garlands of honour placed upon the monument by the four Tribes into which the Colony was divided, and the number apparently corresponded to the four elements out of which the population was composed. Unfortunately the names of only three of the Tribes are known, and some of them only in later forms of Imperial character. One was the Tribe of Athena Polias. Now a dedication to Minerva Zizimmene has been found at Iconium,29 which proves that, as has been already stated in § I., the Athena or Minerva of Iconium was merely a Hellenised form of the Phrygian Mother-Goddess ; and therefore there can be little doubt that the Phrygian part of the population was enrolled in the Tribe of Athena. This would be in point of numbers a very large tribe. Another Tribe bore the name Hadriana Herculana, and a third was styled Augusta. It is impossible to say what racial elements were incorporated in these Tribes, but perhaps the Roman citizens were placed in the Augustan Tribe. There are analogies that favour this supposition. The Roman citizens, however, could not have been suffici- 23 354 IV. Iconium ently numerous under Augustus to constitute even a small Tribe, and other racial elements may have been incorporated in subdivisions of the Tribe. This Augustan Tribe was doubtless an older institution renamed in honour of Augustus. It may have contained also some new population introduced when Iconium be came a Hellenised self-governing city. Iconium was in the territory granted to the Pergamenian king Eumenes by the Romans in 189 B.C.; and it was the invariable custom of those Greek or semi-Greek kings to maintain their power Fig. 44. — Heracles at the Colony Iconium : coin struck under the Emperor Gallienus. by establishing Hellenised cities, with an accession of popu lation devoted to the founders' interests, as centres of Hel lenism.30 It is, however, practically certain that Lycaonia, though given to Eumenes, was too remote to be firmly held by him or his successors ; and thus Iconium was likely to acquire that self-centred and individualised character, differ entiating it from other foundations of the Pergamenian time, which is apparent in the scanty records of its con stitution and history.31 The Tribe Hadriana Herculana was evidently an old v. Constitution of the Hellenic City Iconium 355 Tribe, united in the worship of Hercules, which received an additional title in honour of Hadrian. On coins of Iconium Hercules appears in a purely Greek form, as the hero with the club and lion's skin (Fig. 44). But in those regions the Hercules who was actually worshipped was an Oriental deity who gave a new name, Heracleia, to the Cappadocian town Cybistra, and was similar in character to the Cilician Sandon. No evidence justifies even a conjecture as to the character of this Tribe. The name of the fourth Tribe is unknown ; but when we take into consideration the long Galatian connection, be ginning probably about 160 B.C., and remember that a monastery "of the Galatians" existed at Iconium,32 the probability is evident that a Galatian element was intro duced into Iconium, and this element naturally must have been formed into a distinct Tribe, whether that of Hercules, or some other. The ancient Phrygian origin and the new Hellenism of Iconium stand out clearly in the foundation legends. But those legends are not to be misinterpreted as giving any trustworthy information about the primitive history of Iconium. They show what was popularly thought about Iconian history at the time when they were current in the city and in that part of the Iconian population among which they circulated. The Hellenes talked of their origin from the conquest by Perseus, the hero who represented the immigrant population : the Phrygians prided themselves on their antiquity and doubtless on their autochthonous origin. This latter detail is not mentioned in the brief record ; but it cannot be doubted that in ancient times a people who believed they were settled under the rule of kings before the Flood, also believed that they were sprung from the earth. 356 IV. Iconium The legend of Perseus was firmly rooted in the Iconian belief before 50 B.C., for it affected the earliest coin-types (which belong to that time). About the time of Christ Iconium was a Hellenic city, proud at once of its ancient pre-Greek origin at the very beginning of history, and of its transformed and thoroughly Hellenic character. Its free, self-governing constitution is marked by the magistrate's name, which appears on some of its early coins, Menedemos son of Timotheos. The spirit here is Greek. Whereas the Phrygian was quite Oriental in character, a slave of government, submitting to the rule of a king or of the god through his priest, the Greek was a free citizen, master of his own life, joining by vote and lively interest in the administration of his own city, his fatherland. How and when the transformation of Iconium from an Oriental town to a Hellenic self-governing city was actually accomplished in history is unknown. , That Greeks must have gradually settled as residents in the town from the time of Alexander the Great onwards may be assumed as certain. That process was going on all round the Eastern Mediterranean lands, and Alexander's victory made Asia Minor easily accessible. But this alone does not account for the transition in government that came about. It may be regarded as improbable that the Seleucid kings made any formal refoundation at Iconium, such as they made at Laodiceia, twenty-seven miles to the north. Lycaonia was not a frontier land, where it was important to attach the people by favour and gratitude to the sovereign (see Part II., § XL). Before 189 B.C., a large tract of country reaching far to the west of Lycaonia belonged to the Seleucid Empire. In that year Lycaonia was taken v. Constitution of the Hellenic City Iconium 357 away from the Seleucid sovereign along with all the other districts beyond Taurus. Whether the Pergamenian kings made any formal refoundation of Iconium is uncertain : no evidence remains of such action, and some evidence would have been likely to survive.33 It seems probable that Iconium, situated so far from the seat of government and containing a considerable Hellenic population, partly Greek by origin, partly Hellenised Ana tolian, wrought out for itself a constitution and widened the citizenship. The Pergamenian kings, whose authority over that distant region was only nominal, would readily acquiesce in the change. This change was the triumph of the Hellenic system over the native Phrygian system, shadowed forth in the legend as the victory of Perseus. The peculiar form of this legend in Iconium seems to require a supposition of this kind. In Tarsus, where Perseus represents a body of colonists introduced all at one moment into a mixed State, the legend has a different form. Iconium attracted settlers gradually. The best parallel to the Iconian legend is found at the ancient Celaenae, where at an early time without any formal colony Greek population and manners gradually established themselves, and the transformation of the Phry gian town into the Hellenic city was shadowed forth in early legend as the victory of the Greek Apollo over the Phrygian Marsyas. This legend was far older than the refoundation of Celaenae as the Seleucid city Apameia (Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia, ii., p. 414). The want of any coins of the second century B.C. might be used as an argument against the theory that the Helleni sation of Iconium occurred so early as that period ; but the weakness and uncertain status of the slowly growing Iconian 358 IV. Iconium constitution render the argument weak. Moreover, northern Lycaonia with Iconium seems to have fallen under Galatian rule about 164 B.C., and to have been named "the Acquired Land " (irpoaeiXrifjifiAvri) VA ; and it is probable that Iconium was part of a Galatian Tetrarchy, and therefore incapable of striking its own coins. It is, however, quite possible that a certain degree of home rule should prevail in the city under the loose tribal Galatian system, without the higher sovereign rights. The Hellenisation of Iconium is, as we have seen, clearly marked in its earliest coins. Zeus and Dionysos are the principal types, two Hellenised expressions of the principal native deity. Perseus holding the Gorgoneion or the Gor goneion alone are the reverse types. The names and letters on the coins are Greek, like the subjects, showing that the victory of Hellenism in the city was complete. The pre sence of a magistrate's name in some cases (as above men tioned) proves the existence of a constitutional form of city government. The period to which these coins belong is probably about the middle of the first century B.C. or slightly later. Iconium, with at least central and southern Lycaonia, had been taken over by Rome and incorporated in the enlarged Province Cilicia (perhaps by Pompey in 65-4 B.C., perhaps even earlier). The relaxing of Roman authority during the Civil Wars after 49 B.C. may have encouraged Iconium to assume the sovereign right of coinage. In 40 B.C., when Roman power was reviving under the tyranny of the Triumvirs, Antony (to whose share the East was assigned) gave Iconium and a large kingdom comprising part or the whole of southern Lycaonia and Tracheia Cilicia to Polemon. This sovereign seems to have proved incapable of ruling his large realm, v. Constitution of the Hellenic City Iconium 359 which was to a great extent peopled by unruly Isaurian tribes of mountaineers ; and in 37 he was transferred to Pontus. The more able and warlike Amyntas of Galatia was entrusted with the government of Lycaonia and Pisidia, while Tracheia Cicilia went to swell the vast kingdom which Antony presented to Cleopatra. The robber Antipater, an acquaintance of Cicero's, had made himself master of Derbe and Laranda ; but these were soon conquered by Amyntas, armed with Roman authority and Galatian troops. In 25 B.C., however, Amyntas was killed in battle ; and his whole kingdom, including North Galatia, Lycaonia, and Pisidia, was formed into the Roman Province Galatia. The right of coinage was confirmed to Iconium by Augustus ; and the coins just mentioned might be assigned to this period, were it not for the magistrate's name. The cities of Galatia seem not to have been per mitted to put the names of their magistrates on their coins, a right which was enjoyed by all 'the cities of the Province Asia.34 Iconium was now a Grseco-Roman city; and Rome in accordance with its usual policy made no attempt to intro duce the Latin language and custom, but accepted the Hellenism of the Graeco-Asiatic cities as a friendly power. It is therefore one of the many slight and almost accidental examples of accuracy in details, which abound in the book of the Acts, that Luke gives the name Hellenes to the popula tion of Iconium, alone among the Galatian cities. In Lystra and Antioch the people are called " the multitude," 6'yXoi and o^Xo?. This term, used as the Greek translation of the Latin plebs,™ was suitable for the people of Roman Colonies. If the modern German scholars had been right in making Iconium a Claudian colony, the term Hellenes used in Acts 360 IV. Iconium xiv. would be unsuitable. Luke rightly uses the same term about the people of Thessalonica, Corinth and Ephesus. That a body of Jewish settlers existed at Iconium is certain ; but whether these Jews were citizens or merely resident strangers is as yet unknown. If they were citizens, they could hold the right only as a distinct Tribe or as a special and exclusive division of a Tribe.34 Evidence is still very defective ; but any day may reveal a decisive document. The names of the three Tribes just enumerated, and the fact that the Tribes had each a. prostates as its official head, were revealed by inscriptions discovered in 1905 and still unpublished. Previously the constitution of Iconium was wholly unknown. § VII. Iconium as a Roman City. The Emperor Claudius paid a good deal of attention to the organisation of Lycaonia (see Part V., p. 387). It is a sign and a result of this attention that he gave three Lyca onian cities the right to add his name to their own. Thus we have Claudio-Derbe, Claudiconium, and Claudio-Laodi- ceia. This of course does not imply that those cities become Roman coloniae, for those names are Greek and unknown in Latin usage. It might seem hardly necessary to guard against such a mistake, yet a number of highly dis tinguished German scholars have made the error ; and it seems hardly possible to eradicate it. It is stated in the fundamental German text-books, which are in every one's hands, that Claudius refounded Iconium as Colonia Claudia Iconium ; and this groundless and false statement is repeated by one writer after another, Marquardt, Pauly-Wissowa's Encyclopaedia, Zahn, and most of the recent commentators on the Acts and the Epistle to the Galatians : the older vii. Iconium as a Roman City 361 commentators are free from it ; the blunder is one of the triumphs of recent scholarship ; but Professor Knowling carefully disclaims it, and the leading numismatic authorities are free from it. The title Claudia Iconium is a fiction of Marquardt's, adopted on his authority by his followers ; 36 the title never occurs in that form. The constitution of Klaudeikonion continued to be that of a Greek city ; and the powers of the State were exercised by the Demos, the Greek assembly of all citizens. Had the city been a Roman Colony, the public authority would have been exercised by the Colonia, i.e., the body of Coloni in assembly.37 The language of public documents continued to be Greek. If the city had been a Roman colony, Latin would have been used on coins and in inscriptions erected by the State. It is true that a Roman Procurator who held office under Claudius and Nero was publicly honoured by the Demos as " Founder," 88 and this has been quoted as a proof that he had founded the Colony ; but the title " Founder " was given very widely, and in honorary inscrip tions means little more than "benefactor" (Part II., p. 132). Moreover, a mere Procurator would not have founded a Colonia. That honour would have been reserved for an officer of higher rank. While it is wrong to infer from the titles Claud- Iconium, Claudio-Derbe, that those cities were Roman Coloniae, yet the assumption of such a title implies a great deal of Roman feeling and an enthusiastically demonstrative loyalty in the population. To understand how significant such titles are, a modern example is helpful. Let us imagine Queen Vic toria bestowing on the Irish capital the title Victorian Dublin, or the Irish people accepting such a title. If such giving or accepting had been possible, how utterly different would 362 IV. Iconium Anglo-Irish history have been during the nineteenth century. Under the Roman Empire such things were possible; and the necessary inference from this must not be ignored. § VIII. The Roman Colony of Iconium. The Greek city Klaudeikonion retained its character and status until the time of Hadrian, 1 17-138 A.D. Most of the Iconian coins struck in his reign are of the Greek city ; but some few are of the Roman Colonia. It is therefore clear that at some time in the later part of his reign Iconium was elevated to the rank of a Colonia, the highest dignity which could be conferred on a provincial city. It then began to use officially the Latin language on coins and in public inscriptions. It disused the honorary title derived from Claudius, and recurred to the simple ancient name ; and its full style was Colonia Aelia Hadriana Augusta Iconiensium (or Iconensium). The time when Iconium became a Roman Colonia is demonstrated conclusively by an inscription found in 1905, which records the career and public services of the first supreme magistrate of the Colonia (duumviro primo Col- onice).i0 His name was M. Ulpius Pomponius Superstes, and he was son of M. Ulpius Valens. The names are sufficient proof of the date. Evidently the father Valens received the Roman citizenship under Trajan, 98-117 A.D., and took his Roman name, M. Ulpius, from the Emperor. It must therefore have been some time after A.D. 1 30 before the son of M. Ulpius Valens could be of legal age to be appointed duumvir of a Roman colony. The son M. Ulpius Pomponius, as a leading Roman of Iconium, was appointed one of the two chief magistrates in the year that the Colonia was founded, 130-138 A.D. viii. The Roman Colony of Iconium 363 The course of events which led up to the foundation of the Colonia was probably as follows : Hadrian, during his second eastern journey, A.D. 130, formed the plan of re organising south-eastern Asia Minor. He saw that the older principle of provincial division, on which Asia and Galatia especially had been formed — disregarding national divisions, in one case breaking up one nation among two provinces, in another uniting many nations in one province, with the apparent intention of trampling on national pat riotism as non-Roman, and substituting the Roman unity, Asia or Galatia Provincia, for the national unity — he saw that this principle had failed, and that national feelings were gradually reviving. He was not prepared to reorganise the whole eastern world ; but he made some changes of the provincial arrangements in the direction of paying more respect to national distinctions and feelings. About the last year of his reign he instituted the new Province of the Three Eparchiae, Cilicia-Isauria-Lycaonia. As the name and organisation show, these Eparchies were to be really three Provinces conjoined under a single head, each retaining its individuality and national character. Thus there was a separate Koinon or provincial Council of the Lycaonians, and no common Council of the three Eparchies. Iconium was not included in this new Triple Province. For the sake of convenience it had to be left in the Province Galatia ; which, without that city, would have consisted of two separate parts, far distant from one another, Pisidia and North Galatia. But, as a compliment to Iconium, it was made a Colonia, and thus received the highest privileges and rank permitted to a provincial city. No Italian population seems to have been introduced into Iconium by Hadrian. His foundation of the Colony was 364 IV. Iconium purely a compliment and an honour, which undoubtedly con ferred on the citizens some advantages and improved rights. This kind of merely complimentary Colonia had been un known in Republican and early Imperial times, when Coloniae had a Roman purpose and were formed by a body of Roman colonic Hadrian made Iconium a Colonia by a species of legal fiction. As might be expected from its former loyalty to Rome, the city had such a lively sense of the honour conferred on it by Hadrian, that the municipal government tried to act as if the city were genuinely Roman. They abandoned the use of Greek and employed only Latin in official documents, coins and inscriptions (and doubtless also in documents written on more perishable materials, like paper, though these have all perished, and positive certainty is therefore not attainable). This remarkable fact shows how real the distinction was between a Greek and a Roman city, and how much, as regards the pride of Iconium and patriotism and sense of dignity, was involved in the question whether it was a Greek city or a Roman Colonia in the time of St. Paul. The account which is given of Iconium in my Church in the Roman Empire 42 and in St. Paul the Traveller would be fundamentally inaccurate if it had been a colony founded by Claudius. The people, of course, could not change their language so easily as the municipality could. They continued to speak Greek and to write in Greek. The epitaphs, with the rarest exceptions, are Greek after 138 A.D., as they were before. In this respect Iconium offers a strong contrast to Pisidian Antioch (where the epitaphs were for the most part Latin throughout the first two centuries of the Empire), and even to Lystra, where Latin epitaphs are quite as viii. The Roman Colony of Iconium 365 numerous as Greek, the Greek epitaphs being later and the Latin older. The Roman city or Colonia Iconiensis formed a new ideal for itself. The statue of Marsyas, the emblem and pledge of Roman rights and liberty, was erected in the Iconian forum, and represented as a type on its coins. The other usual Colonial types, the she-wolf with the twins and the founder of the Colony guiding the plough, blazoned the Roman character of Colonia Iconiensis. The type of the Fig. 45. — The Roman Wolf at the Colony Iconium : coin struck under the Emperor Gallienus. she-wolf was imitated from the famous Roman statue by many, perhaps by all Roman colonies, and a copy of the statue was probably placed in the forum of Iconium. The last type represents the ceremony of founding the Colony. After the auspices had been taken, the high official who was charged with the duty marked out the limits of the new city and the line of the foss by ploughing a furrow. Every detail of the solemn religious act had to be performed with the due ritual. The plough was drawn by a yoke of bull and cow, both white : the cow was on the left, the bull on the right. The 366 IV. Iconium officer wore the toga girt in the ancient fashion called after the old Latin town of Gabii, and a fold of it was passed over his head like a veil; Fig. 53 shows the same type at Lystra, and it occurs also on coins of Colonia Antiochia. The name of the Roman Senate (S. R.), which is inscribed on Iconian coins of the third century, recalls the Roman connection. The same initials are placed on the coins of Antioch in that century. Mallos places on its coins after it became a Colonia either the full legend SACRA SINA- TUS, misspelt and ungrammatical, or the letters S. C, "by decree of the Senate ". These facts point to some new arrangement whereby the Roman Senate was granted some rights in connection with the coinage of these eastern Coloniae in the third century, showing how real their re lation to Rome was throughout the Imperial time. It was a point of honour in those Coloniae to claim recognition of their character as no ordinary provincial cities, but outlying parts of Rome itself. Yet the Greek character was not expelled, and could not be expelled, for Iconium had been too strongly affected by Greek education and feeling ; it was still a Greek-speaking city (except perhaps among the humbler classes, where the Phrygian language may have still lingered), and so far as it contained works of art, they were Greek works. The later coins reflect this side of the city's life, when they occasionally employ Perseus as a type, or show us the three Graces (probably taken from a group of statuary in one of the public places or halls). Athena, too, was the chief Divine type, and not any Roman god. The Emperors were the sufficient envisagement of Roman divinity. But the native Phrygian character found no admission on the coins, in spite of its growing strength among the viii. The Roman Colony of Iconium 367 people. It remained always inarticulate, strongest among the uneducated, living in the popular heart. We can only dimly trace it on the lips of the people, as when the Iconian Hierax, a slave in Rome condemned as a Christian in 163 A.D., informed the Prefect who was trying the case that he had come from Iconium of Phrygia; or when Bishop Firmilian mentions that the Council of 232 A.D. was held at Iconium in Phrygia (doubtless repeating the description which he heard in the city, when he attended the Council). Fig. 46. — The Good Fortune of the Colony Iconium : coin struck under the Emperor Gordian III. Yet the national character was not eradicated. Hellenism was here only a superficial stratum. The deep-lying char acter gradually re-emerged. The revival of the national Anatolian character after the first century of our era is a general and striking feature in Asia Minor. The Hellenistic character grows weaker and the Oriental stronger ; or perhaps it would be more correct to say that a new and mixed type was developed, in which Oriental, Greek and Roman characteristics were all blended. The name of the city reflects its character. It never abandoned its ancient name : it held too firmly to its glory 368 IV. Iconium as the oldest of cities to give up the name that marked its origin. Similarly in Lydia the ancient capital Sardis never abandoned its name and its Lydian primeval fame; but Philadelphia, a Grecised refoundation of an old Lydian town, changed its name to Neocaesareia (though this did not last long), and Hiera Kome permanently assumed the name Hiero-Caesareia. Sardis indeed added an epithet to mark its Roman character and its favour with the Emperor Tiberius, and styled itself " Caesarian Sardis " ; and for the same reason Iconium styled itself " Claudian Fig. 47. — The Good Fortune of the Colony Iconium : coin struck under the Emperor Gordian III. Iconium ". In both cases the epithet lasted for a time, and gradually passed out of use. But such epithets indicate the tenacious clinging to the character of the Greek constitutional state : Sardis or Iconium was still a Greek city qualified by a Roman honorary appellation, a Greek constitution modified by Roman admixture. While the Phrygian religion never appears in the coinage, it affects the ideal representation of the city. The Good Fortune of Iconium appears always as a matronly figure seated on a throne, after the fashion of Cybele (Figs. 46, viii. The Roman Colony of Iconium 369 47) ; she wears the Kalathos on her head and the full dress of a Greek lady ; supported in one arm is the cornucopia, while her other hand holds the rudder ; under her chair is the wheel. These are the usual attributes of Good Fortune ; but the ordinary Roman type shows the goddess standing. The Iconians preferred the seated figure, under the influence partly of Cybele representations, partly of the established Hellenistic figure of the Good Fortune of the city. The standard of this last type was the statue of Syrian Antioch, seated on the rocks with the river Orontes issuing from Fig. 48. — The Empress Poppaea as the Goddess of Iconium, a.d. 60-62. beneath her feet. From Antioch this type spread through Tarsus to Lystra and to Barata in Lycaonia, and was more faithfully imitated in those Lycaonian cities than in the Cilician metropolis (p. 187). It was certainly the influence of the widespread An tiochian type that made the Iconian artist sometimes add the river-god at the feet of the city goddess : this adjunct is doubly unsuitable at Iconium, for not merely is the river out of harmony with the chair (as at Tarsus, p. 1 87), but also there is no river at the city. Several small streams flow out of the western mountains, but even the nearest and largest 24 370 IV. Iconium is exhausted for irrigation purposes before reaching the walls. The Tcharshamba Su, which is far distant on the extreme limits of the city territory, is the only Iconian river of any consequence. Accordingly the Good Fortune of Iconium is a sort of compromise between the Roman type and the Hellenistic. This Iconian type shows that the portrait of Poppaea on coins struck under Nero (Fig. 48) represents the Empress under the form of the city goddess, holding the sceptre in the right hand, and flowers, perhaps poppies, in the left : compare the Antiochian goddess, Figs. 34, 38. § IX. St. Paul at Iconium. The account of Paul's work at Iconium is couched in very general terms — a period of successful work, followed by a riot and expulsion from the city. But even in this vague outline it is clear that the circumstances were markedly different from what happened at Antioch. The Apostles resided a considerable time at Iconium ; the stress laid on this point implies that they stayed there longer than at any other place on this journey. Future history shows that Iconium was one of the most influential seats of the new religion in Asia Minor. Through inscriptions we can trace the ways by which a uniform type of religious custom was diffused over a very large region of central and southern Anatolia, and Iconium was indubitably the centre from which it spread.43 May we suppose that the long residence in Iconium was more permanently effective than the sudden rapid impression produced in Antioch? Or shall we prefer to think that the importance of Iconium as a centre from which Christianity spread was due to the ease of communi cation between it and the country round ? Perhaps both ix. St. Paul at Iconium 371 causes had some share in the result ; but personally I feel inclined to lay some stress on the first. It must also be observed that there was no ruling oli garchy in Iconium, like the Roman colonists in Antioch. Iconium was a Hellenic city, where the power lay in the hands of the whole body of citizens. In Antioch Paul's Jewish enemies accomplished their object by appealing privately to the oligarchy through the ladies of high rank who were within the influence of the Synagogue. In Iconium they gained the same end by gradually working on the feelings of the masses. " The Jews that disbelieved stirred up the souls of the Gentiles and made them evil affected." This was a slow process, and during it Paul "tarried there a long time, speaking boldly". Gradually " the population of the city was divided and part held with the Jews and part with the Apostles ". There can be little doubt that the uneducated mob was the part that held with the Jews ; that is shown both by the example of Lystra and by the issue in Iconium. One must observe the art with which the method of narration brings out the slow gradual growth of the dis affection : the Jews begin it, thereafter occurs a long period of work, and then at last a popular riot breaks out. The Bezan editor misunderstood the method of the narrative ; and, through the comments which he adds to the text, de scribes two riots in Iconium : one was stirred up by the Jews when they began to excite the minds of the mob : soon this was pacified, for "the Lord quickly gave peace": there after followed the period of successful work, and then the great second riot which expelled the Apostles. In Pisidian Antioch the expulsion was produced by magis terial action; in Iconium it was brought about by mob 37 2 IV. Iconium violence, for it may be assumed that the attempt at stoning the Apostles came from the lower classes under Jewish in stigation. One sees how well the difference corresponds to the contrasted characters of the two cities, one governed by a Roman aristocracy, the other by a Hellenic body of citizens. Taking into account the character of ancient life and city government, we have material in the narrative of Luke to form some picture of the expulsion of the Apostles from Iconium. In judging about such a situation as this, one must bear in mind the great difference between ancient and modern facts. The magistrates of an ancient city were the bearers of sovereign power. During their term of office they exer cised the authority which belonged to an independent, self- ruling, supreme people, and which that people had entrusted to them by free election. In particular, large and unde fined powers of acting to preserve order rested in their hands. The safety of the people was the supreme law. If the magistrates considered that the presence of any stranger was a cause of disturbance, they were empowered in the interest of public order and safety to eject the stranger by summary process, without formal trial ; public opinion en tirely justified this kind of action, and even regarded it as a proof of good spirit in the magistrates. Roughly speaking, the magisterial power, being sovereign, was such that all action not expressly forbidden to them was permitted, always supposing on their part the good intention to main tain order and authority and peace. In modern times, on the contrary, all action not expressly permitted to magis trates is forbidden to them, for their power is not sovereign. In thus expelling obnoxious individuals the ancient magis- ix. St. Paul at Iconium 373 trates were quite justified in summarily inflicting personal chastisement. Much depended on the character and standing of the persons expelled ; the humbler they were in station, the more likely was it that expulsion would be accompanied by blows and even regular flogging. Thus, on one side, the power of the ancient city-magis trates was immensely wider than that of modern magistrates. On another side, it was more restricted. Their action had merely temporary effect : it was not a lasting condemnation of persons or of teaching. It was also narrow in its sphere : it applied only to one town, and carried no force beyond. Further, this expulsion, being merely ordered by the magistrates in virtue of their power to do what they con sidered needful to preserve order in the city under their charge, carried with it no permanent disqualification from returning to Iconium. It did not always imply that the persons expelled had done anything wrong ; but their presence in the city had been productive of discord, and the quickest and easiest way of quieting the discord was to remove the cause outside of the city territory. The disorder in Iconium had arisen because of the coming of these strangers : if the strangers were expelled, the disorder would cease. Such was the easy way of administration, which sought peace, not justice. It would depend on the personal feelings of the magistrates whether or not the expulsion was accompanied by personal chastisement. Such an expulsion was simply an order to move on ; though it was likely to be repeated if Paul and Barnabas returned to Iconium while the matter was still fresh in the magistrates' memory. But, after a reasonable interval, and especially after a new year had begun and new officers had come into power, the Apostles were not likely to be inter- 374 IV. Iconium fered with, except on a fresh occasion if other disturbances began and fresh complaints were made against them. Accordingly, considering the excellent opening offered in Iconium and Antioch, one would not be surprised that the immediately following journey was regarded by Paul not so much in the light of a new enterprise, but rather as a useful way of spending the interval that must elapse before he could return to Iconium. § X. The Christian Cults of Iconium. Iconium, with its neighbourhood, is the one place in Asia Minor where the pre-Turkish ecclesiastical system remains in force to the present day with little change. The Christian population has remained in continuous possession of its own shrines, free to practise its own religious ceremonial with little restriction. In the Seljuk realm there was no tendency to oppress or ill-treat the Christian population, on which the industry and trade of the Mohammedan state largely de pended. A Greek built the most beautiful college (Medresse) in Sivas, a leading city of the Seljuk Empire, and his name Kaloyan (i.e. Kalo-Yanni or Joannes) is inscribed upon it. The Christian heretics, who abounded in Phrygia and Lycaonia, preferred the mild Seljuk rule to the persecuting bigotry of the Orthodox Emperors. Hence the ritual of Iconium was not actively interfered with by the Moslems, while Konia lay too far apart from the Christian world to have its old customs modified by change of religious feeling or by the growth of new needs. In such a city as Smyrna, the existing facts of religion cannot safely be taken as evi dence of the Byzantine system ; for there foreign influence and close relation with other Greek ecclesiastical centres have caused a certain amount of change (it cannot well be x. The Christian Cults of Iconium 375 called development) in the local church arrangements. In Konia, on the contrary, we can confidently regard the present facts as preserving the Byzantine ecclesiastical ritual. Hence a sketch, even imperfect, of the chief Greek ceremonial at Konia presents some interest as a record of historical sur vival. There are four popular festivals (panegyris) among the Orthodox of Konia. 1 . St. Chariton has a monastery, now uninhabited, except at the time of the festival on 28th September. The build ings, however, are kept in repair by a custodian (who is not a monk, but a layman). They are situated in a narrow rocky glen, which extends up from the plain of Konia into the mountains, about five miles north-west of the city, and close under the hill of St. Philip (Takali Dagh). This glen is parallel to the one in which is situated the large village of Sille, inhabited by many Christians and a smaller number of Mohammedans ; but the glen of Sille is nearly a mile further north. The monastery of St. Chariton, situated under a perpendicular precipice on the north side of the glen, is re garded as holy even by the Moslems ; a small mosque stands in the centre of it ; and the Tchelebi-Effendi, the chief of the Mevlevi Order of Dervishes, makes a donation of olive oil every year. The legend explaining the origin of the Turkish veneration is mentioned in Pauline and Other Studies, p. 188; but according to the best form of the legend it was the son of a former Tchelebi Effendi, or of the founder of the Order, Djelaled-Din himself, who fell over the precipice and was caught in his fall by the saint and so preserved. (See Plate XIII.) St. Chariton was a real personage, but the biographical details which are preserved about him (Acta Sanctorum, 376 IV. Iconium 28th September, p. 575) are wholly legendary. The only facts that can be trusted are that he was born at Iconium and that he founded a famous monastery near Jerusalem. His date is stated under Aurelian (about 272 A.D.) by most authorities, which is impossible, under Julian (363-5 A.D.) by one, which may be correct. Besides the Turkish mosque there are in the monastery shrines of the Virgin, of St. Saba, and of St. Amphilochius. The last was much venerated in Iconium also (see below). St. Saba also was a founder of monasteries in Palestine ; and therefore he was suitably associated with St. Chariton in this monastery. 2. St. Philip has given his name to the nearer of the twin peaks, which tower above Iconium about six or seven miles to the north-west. In the photograph, Plate XI., their height is dwarfed, because the view is taken too close to the city. From a distance of ten or twenty miles, St. Philip seems to stand over Konia like a guardian. The broad and lofty summit of Loras Dagh alone is in some respects an even more striking feature of the scenery ; but about the religious ideas which were doubtless connected with it I have learned nothing. The hill of St. Philip had, beyond all question, religious meaning and awe for the Iconians of pre-Christian times ; but about this nothing is known. The great Byzantine fortress, which crowns the mountain, has obliterated all signs of pagan work. The Turkish name, Takali Dagh, is evidently identi cal with Dakalias, as the Arabs of the ninth century called a great fortress near Iconium.44 In July, 1907, I heard from one informant that the name Gevele is also applied to Takali ; but had not the opportunity of verifying this report. Gevele is the modern form of the ancient name Kabala or Kaballa.45 x. The Christian Cults of Iconium 377 The panegyris at the hill of St. Philip is in my notes dated 24th November ; but this must be due to a slip on the part either of my informant (who made several other small inaccuracies, which he afterwards corrected) or of myself. The day of St. Philip the Apostle is 14th November in the Eastern Church, ist May in the Western. That St. Philip of Iconium was the Apostle, not the Deacon (whose festival was on 6th June), seems certain. It is possible that tradition told of the journey of St. Philip to Hierapolis and to Ephesus by way of Iconium ; and there is in fact a probability that a missionary would prefer the land route to the sea way, and the longer road through the Christian cities to the short "Syrian Route" from the Cilician Gates by Savatra. Why St. Philip should be pre ferred to St. Paul as the guardian of Iconium is a matter of local superstition, which is always capricious and irrational. Possibly Loras Dagh, which overhangs St. Paul's road for many miles, was connected with the great Apostle of Iconium. So far as I could learn, no other cult of St. Philip exists near Konia except on the mountain, where he is cer tainly the successor and heir of a pagan deity. 3. St. Eustathius has a small church on the western out skirts of Konia: it is of late mediaeval or early modern time and possesses little architectural interest, except that it is restored or rebuilt from an older church. How the worship of St. Eustathius was become connected with Iconium, it is impossible to tell. According to the legendary biography, which is quite untrustworthy, Eustathius was the Christian name given at baptism to an official at Rome under Trajan. He was converted through the appearance of Christ to him when he was hunting ; and his wife and two sons followed his example. In order to avoid partici- 378 IV. Iconium pation in the celebration of Trajan's Persian victories, he fled by ship to Egypt with his family. He was expelled from the ship, and came to a place named Badyssus, where he lived fifteen years, when he was brought to Rome and roasted with his wife and sons in a brazen bull, like that of Phalaris (Acta Sanctorum, 20th September, p. 123). This Iconian cult is an enigma; the celebration of the festival on 20th September distinguishes it from the wor ship of St. Eustochius of Lystra and Vasada on 23rd June (p. 344) ; yet the Bollandists have remarked on the possi bility of confusion between the two names ; but I found out nothing further regarding it. It is noteworthy that the name Badyssos is distinctly Anatolian in type. 4. St. George of the Car, Araba-Yorgi, is a local form of St. George of Cappadocia, the patron Saint of England. The reason of his association with the waggon at Iconium I cannot explain from Christian causes. Saints on horse back are common ; but a saint on a car is unknown to me. This St. George on the Car is a remarkable, and so far as my knowledge goes, unique figure. He is apparently a revival of the Sun-God, Helios, who was worshipped on mountain-tops, and who generally takes in Greece the Christianised form of St. Elias, the saint usually worshipped on the summit of hills. Helios was the god on the car; the usual representation of him shows him in a four-horse chariot. On the mountain five hours north of Iconium St. George takes the place which in Greece was given to St. Elias. The festival of Araba-Yorgi on 23rd April is celebrated on a mountain above Ladik. I have not visited the spot, but it seems to be not far from Sizma, and the cult may be regarded as the Christianised form of the religion of the x. The Christian Cults of Iconium 379 Zizimene Mother. On this mountain at sunrise milk and water flow in a dry place : such is the story told me by a Greek who had not himself been present at the annual miracle. The legends of St. George may be found in the Acta Sanctorum, 23rd April, p. 123 ff. (See Plate XII.) The Christian festival takes place at sunrise on 23rd April, when a new year and a new summer are beginning. That milk should, on this occasion, flow in a dry place is a familiar pheno menon in pagan religion, an illustration of the bounty and power of the god. Usener has collected examples of this religious belief (as Professor Strzygowski reminds me) in an article on "Milk and Honey," printed in the Rheinisches Museum, 1902, p. 177 ff. In the panegyris on the mountain north of Iconium (if my informant is correct), water takes the place of honey ; but in a land where water is so precious, and where artificial irrigation is absolutely necessary for agricul ture, a bountiful flow of water was as valuable and divine a gift as nectar or honey. In fact there is a great ancient dam for storing water, a work of wonderful size, in the plain on the north side of the mountain, some hours east of Laodiceia. Usener has given many examples of the effect which this old pagan belief exercised on Christian ritual, where it even affected in some cases the Eucharist, so that bread and wine with milk and honey were given to the communicants. Besides these four popular festivals (all doubtless Chris tianised forms of older pagan feasts), there are many churches and holy places which are indubitably survivals of Byzantine cults. Amphilochius was made Archbishop of Iconium, when it was raised from the position of second city of the Province Pisidia to be metropolis of the new Province Lycaonia, about 371 A.D. He retained a high place in the veneration 380 IV. Iconium of the Iconian populace, probably not so much on account of his literary eminence and personal character, as because of his opposition to the Arians and support of Basil. The firm hold which the struggle against the Arians had on the popular mind is shown by the inscriptions on a Cappadocian rock-church, specimens of which are published in the Supple mentary Papers of the Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies, i., p. 22. These rock-churches are certainly much later than the time of Basil and Amphilochius; yet they apostrophise the Arian Emperor Valens as if he were still living. Besides the shrine in the monastery of St. Chariton, St. Amphilochius has a church on the acropolis of Iconium, which is architecturally the oldest and the most interesting in the city (Plate XIV.). The quaint legend connected with the transformation of the church into its present form is told in Pauline and Other Studies, p. 170 f. Thekla was the earliest Iconian saint. Her name is a common personal name in Lycaonian inscriptions of the fourth and fifth centuries, and has been given to one of the twin peaks near Konia, which rises behind the village of Sille. At the southern edge of the ravine in which the village stands, also, there is a ridge of rocks in which the place is pointed out where Thekla was received into the sheltering bosom of the mountain. On the opposite side of the ravine is a rocky hillock that bears the name of the Syrian Saint Marina. The worship of Thekla has its origin not in the historical personage, but in the desire of the Anatolian people for a female impersonation of the Divine power.46 The same feeling leads to the worship of St. Marina, and above all to that of the Virgin Mother of God, the Panagia, who has a church in Sille, besides her shrine in the monastery of St. Chariton. She had also a church at PLATE XIV. *''¦# **ya&&sgL^_- The Church of St. Amphilochius at Iconium. To face p. 380. x. The Christian Cults of Iconium 381 Konia on the way out to St. Eustathius ; but it fell into ruin, and has disappeared. Plate XI. shows the twin peaks of St. Philip and St. Thekla rising behind Konia (p. 272). There is, moreover, a cult of St. George of old standing at Konia, and a church of the Holy Transfiguration on the acropolis. The great mosque of Ala-ed-din on the acropolis *s also said to be a renovated church of St. Sophia ; but this seems a little doubtful. A garden called Aimanas, on the south side of Iconium, perhaps retains the name of Ai (Hagios) Mannes, a martyr mentioned in an inscription on a column in the Mosque of Ala-ed-din. At Sille there is a church of the Archangel Michael, the construction of which is attributed by tradition to Constantine and Helena. But Michael, the commander of the heavenly hosts and protector of the Christians, was more probably introduced into the worship of Iconium in the time of the Arab wars, when the populace turned to St. Michael the Stratelates as their saviour during the terrible raids made every year by the Moslems. There are also churches or holy places of the Prophet Elias, of Ayios Panteleemon and of St. George, and a place called Ayanni (St. John) close to St. Marina. These remains of Iconian ecclesiasticism take us back, not to early Christianity, but to the Byzantine time, the fifth century or later. There is not a trace of anything that can be called early ; even the hills of St. Thekla and St. Philip are probably connected rather with Byzantine superstition and the rehabilitation of paganism in Christian form than with the real historical personages whose name they bear. The one fact that remains in the local legend of St. Thekla is that she was received into the rock ; an evident piece of 382 IV. Iconium old pagan belief. The Panagia cult was doubtless later than the Council of Ephesus, 43 1 A.D. ; and that of St. Amphilochius is evidently later than his death, about 400 A.D., perhaps a good deal later. Considering the character of the Mevlevi Dervish estab lishment, which is in many respects non-Mohammedan, and has (as we saw) a connection with the monastery of St. Chariton, it is probable that their sacred centre with its splendid pile of buildings (shown in Plate XIII.) has taken the place of a Christian foundation. The holy colour of the Mevlevi is not the Moslem green, but the Christian blue. They do not regard themselves as debarred from drinking the juice of the grape, but openly and publicly offer and drink wine. It is disappointing that in a place where the Christian power was continuous and the tradition unbroken from the earliest time, there should be such an utter want of early memory. The fact forms one more proof to confirm the general opinion that the Byzantine period was divided by an untraversable gulf from the true old Christian tradition, or rather that the old tradition was overlaid with a vast stratum of paganising superstition of a local Anatolian character, which had never been eradicated from the minds of the uneducated native population. The Orthodox church lost its hold on education. The unchanging East remained : all else had proved evanescent and transitory. PART V. DERBE. Isaurian Mountain qIsaura Country 7" AuK , >7< T,».w (O^ j -, lusTR» "jy.s The Country of Iconium, Derbe and Lystra. DERBE. The determination of the exact site of Derbe was for a long time a most serious want in the geography of the New Testament. In a general way the situation was practically certain, and the credit for first pointing it out belongs to my friend Professor Sterrett, now of Cornell University, who has done so much to pave the way towards a right know ledge of the topography of this whole country. The terri tory of all these Lycaonian cities was extensive, and must have been dotted over with villages, which stood in the same relation to the city as we have described above in the case of Iconium.1 The territory of Derbe was on the extreme south-eastern edge of the Lycaonian plain. It was bounded on the west by the Isaurian hilly country, and on the south by the Taurus mountains. Perhaps it included a consider able tract of the mountain land ; but so far as we saw the nearest mountains in ascending one of the front hills of a spur of Taurus, they are singularly rough, rocky, and value less — in contrast with many parts of Taurus and other mountain regions of Asia Minor, where the glens are often productive and valuable. Further back among the mountains, when the broad, lofty plateau of Taurus is reached, these uplands are probably much more valuable; but there we come to another land, and pass beyond the limits of Derbe, which was essentially a city of the Lycaonian plain (as Strabo describes it), and not of the Taurus mountain-region. The (385) 25 386 V. Derbe site of the city must lie either in the plain or on one of the front peaks of Taurus commanding the plain. On the east the land of Derbe was bound by the two Lycaonian cities of Laranda (which now bears the name of the Seljuk prince Karaman, and continues to be, as it was under the Romans, the principal city of the whole region) and Ilistra (which still retains its ancient name). On the west, as Strabo says, Derbe bordered on the Isaurian country ; on the north-west it touched the territory of Iconium, and on the north-east that of Barata, the city of the Black Mountain (the volcanic mass of Kara-Dagh, which rises like an island in the Lycaonian plain). The exact limits towards Iconium are unknown. Towards Barata we followed the boundary stones for a considerable distance. This line of demarcation is unique in my experience, so far as its extent is concerned : even single boundary stones are comparatively rare, and are mostly of Roman time, but here we have a line extending for several miles with no break worthy of notice. It consists of a long series of stones at intervals of about 1 50 feet.2 Most of the stones are from one to two feet high, some are flat, a few are not visible, being presumably covered by the soil and sparse scrub of the plain.3 On the stoneless, dry, dead level soil of the plain, the line of the boundary stones is quite conspicuous ; and even where they now barely protrude above the soil, examination by the aid of the spade would probably prove that they have been carried to the spot and placed there by the hand of man. A few stones belonging to a similar series of termini were discovered in 1901 in Pisidia. The material is harder in them, and they retain the original Latin numbers, showing that they were placed in the Roman time. They probably marked the boundary between the Colonia Parlais and the V. Derbe 387 Antiochian estates, which passed from the god to the kings and from them into the possession of Augustus and his successors.4 The Lycaonian line of stones marks the limit between Derbe and Barata, and was probably placed in the period when Derbe was a frontier city of the Roman Empire, either under Augustus soon after 25 B.C., or under Claudius soon after 41 B.C. (assuming that the bounds were settled at the beginning of one or other of the two periods) ; and the latter is more probable, as Claudius directed special attention to this district and granted both to Iconium and to Derbe the honourable title of " Claudian ". The line would have been the boundary of Roman territory from 25 B.C. to 74 A.D., if the Kara-Dagh was included in the part of Lycaonia which was granted to King Archelaus from 25 B.C. to 17 A.D., and to King Antiochus, 41-74 A.D. But while this assignment is quite probable, it is very far from certain ; and in the map attached to a detailed topographical study of Lycaonia6 I indicated the doubt by making the boundary pass through the city of Barata and along the crest. The title may have perhaps been bestowed when the demarcation of Roman territory (with Imperial properties involved) as well as of the two cities was made. (See p. 360.) The boundary line crosses the Bagdad railway between the stations of Arik-Euren and Mandasun. Only a few stones can be seen west of the railway ; but on the eastern side they stretch for several miles straight to a black volcanic cone called Davdha-Dagh, which protrudes from the plain south of Kara-Dagh. We did not follow them the whole way, as no mark of any kind could be seen on any of the first seventy ; and the material is so poor and liable to disintegration that marks could not be expected to last long. 388 V. Derbe Mr. Mackensen, the Director of Construction of the Bagdad Railway, first mentioned to me the existence of this line of stones, for which he desired an explanation ; and he made one of his engineers mark them on a survey plan of the railway from Konia onwards, which he kindly gave me. But even without the plan, no traveller who crossed the boundary could have failed to observe the long straight line of stones. The fact that it remained unobserved until Mr. Mackensen noticed the stones and wished to understand their purpose, was because none of the principal lines of road crosses or goes near the line, and therefore no traveller came within sight of them. This is not the only case in which the railway, by diverging from the commonly used lines of road, has brought interesting memorials of ancient life within the range of knowledge. Any one who now travels by the Bagdad Railway, must be struck with this boundary line, if he watches the country, instead of devoting his attention to a guide-book or a novel. The thin low scrub which covers the plain is characteristic of Lycaonia generally. Looking from a little distance, one might imagine that the ground was thinly covered with grass ; but there is in reality hardly anywhere a blade of grass on the plain, but only low-growing plants of several kinds, mostly sweet-smelling, the commonest of which is like thyme. But, wherever there is a slight depression in the level of the plain with signs of underground moisture near the surface, grass grows more or less luxuriantly. Sheep and goats find good food in these shrubs ; and the plain is still traversed by immense flocks of these animals, as Strabo describes it, when it gave pasture to the great herds owned by Amyntas, the last king of Galatia. We must understand that the flocks passed, with the rest of his inheritance, to Augustus and the PLATE XV. To face p. 388. Hadji Baba, the Pilgrim Father, the Mountain Guardian of Derbe. See p. 389. V. Derbe 389 succeeding Roman Emperors and formed part of their vast properties in Asia Minor. The most striking natural feature of the land of Derbe is the lofty conical peak, 8,000 feet or more in height and snow-clad until after the end of June, which overhangs it on the south. This beautiful mountain is conspicuous in the view from Iconium and most parts of Lycaonia, until one crosses Boz-Dagh and gets into northern Lycaonia; and, if one goes far enough north, it again rises into view above the bare, bald ridge of Boz-Dagh. It is called Hadji- Baba, " Pilgrim Father," a name in which the imagination of some of the modern Greeks in Lycaonia finds a remini scence of the travels of St. Paul ; nor can any one regard as impossible the theory that the Turkish name is a translation of a Pauline name attached to the mountain in the Christian time. We remember that the conical peak, about 5,300 feet high, which is the most striking natural feature beside Iconium, bears among the Greeks of Konia the name of St. Philip, and that this name must be regarded as a relic of Byzantine nomenclature,6 and may fairly be treated as evidence that Iconian tradition made Philip travel from Palestine to Hierapolis and Ephesus by land and not by sea. We remember also that Ephesus stretched from the hill of St. John to the hill of St. Paul. We remember again the probable reminiscence of the journey of St. Paul across Pisidia contained in the modern name Bavlo. In fact, it needs no proof, since many examples are known, that there was a tendency in Anatolia during the Christian period to regard certain prominent peaks as endowed with something of the nature and personality of the Apostles, over whose travels they had stood as silent witnesses. Doubtless the sacred character thus attributed to these peaks had belonged 39Q V. Derbe to them long before the Christian period, and the Apostle in each case merely took the place of an older deity to whom the peak had previously been consecrated : so, for example, the hill of St. John at Ephesus had belonged to the Goddess of Ephesus, the hill of St. Paul to Hermes. We are in pre sence of the same phenomenon which constantly attracts MHCAN n AONTON T Y P A N V AP MX S^ ZJy± S" 10" Fig. 49. — Paul the Martyr of Derbe. our attention in Asia Minor, viz., the continuity of religious belief and the permanent attachment of religious awe to special localities, to hills, to hot springs, to great fountains, and to other places of various kinds, where the Divine power was most clearly manifested to men.7 (See Plate XV.) V. Derbe 391 In the territory of Derbe remains of city life are chiefly collected along the southern border of the plain, and the site of the actual town must be looked for in this part. They begin on the east at Bossala Khan, under the shadow of the " Pilgrim Father," an early Turkish building with some wretched huts around it, and extend at intervals for about seven miles west, to a mound called Gudelisin. Losta, a village about two miles west of Bossala, contains a great many relics of the late Roman and early Byzantine time ; and several rising grounds between Bossala and Gudelisin are crowned with groups of scattered blocks of cut stone, sometimes covered with Greek inscriptions. The most in teresting of these groups is on a sloping ridge, gently rising from the plain about a mile and a half west of Losta. Here there must have stood a church of very large size, and pro bably other buildings of early Byzantine time. The hillock may be regarded as the site of an ecclesiastical foundation, whose character is to be gathered from the following in scription : — Nounnos Novwos and Vale Kal OuaA.e- rius decor pios e/coV- ated Pau It.'no'av Wom- lus the Mar \ov tov Mdp- tyr rvpav in remembrance M.X. The term "decorated" was used commonly in Lycaonia during the third and fourth centuries (perhaps even during a longer period) in the sense of" made the tomb of". This in teresting monument, therefore, marks the grave of a Christian martyr, whose body was piously honoured by two of his fellow-Christians, perhaps his pupils. The explanation given 392 V. Derbe by the Greeks of the district8 — that the monument com memorates the Apostle Paul, and is a proof that he passed this way and was remembered here — cannot be accepted. We have here the inscription on a real grave, not on a cenotaph. Moreover, the monument belongs to so late a period that it cannot be connected with the Apostle. The lettering is of the third century, rather than of the first.9 This monument evidently belongs to the pre-Constantinian age, while Christianity was still proscribed. We should hardly be justified in dating it so late as the time of Dio cletian about 300 A.D., for persecution was then so syste matic and energetic that the corpse of a martyr could not have been taken and buried in the ordinary fashion, with a tombstone of the usual type, and an epitaph openly com memorating the facts and names. The incident belongs either to one of the minor persecutions of the third century or to the severe but short persecution by the Emperor Decius, 250 A.D. Several other monuments found in Phrygia have been interpreted with more or less certainty as placed over the graves of martyrs of this period ; but in none of them are the facts stated so plainly and simply as on this Lycaonian gravestone. The memory of Paul the Martyr of Derbe had not perished when Christianity became legalised and supreme in the country ; and this incidentally confirms our dating in the third century, for martyrs of the first or second century seem rarely to have been remembered in later times as real personalities at the place of their burial. The hill became the seat of an ecclesiastical foundation, including a church of large size, and the pious perhaps chose a burial place near the martyr, according to a general Christian custom. V. Derbe 393 The tombstone of Paul the Martyr has also an interest of another kind. It is ornamented with a pattern of the regular Isaurian type, described by Miss Ramsay in Studies in the History of the Eastern Provinces, p. 23 ff : a central pointed pediment flanked by two round pediments, all supported on four columns.10 Nounnos and Valerius purchased the tomb stone ready made, and had the inscription engraved between the central columns. As the letters required more room than the space afforded, the engraver chiselled away part of the column on the right of the central space, and some of the letters extend into the space under the right hand pedi ment. The date which has just been assigned to this monument confirms in a most satisfactory way the principle of dating which was stated in Miss Ramsay's article. The origin of the Isaurian scheme of decoration was there assigned to the middle of the third century. As the tombstone of Paul is, plainly and indubitably, an example of an already current and conventional type, we should, on the principle there stated, be bound to infer that it belongs to a date rather later than 250, and that Paul perished in a minor persecu tion of the period, perhaps under Valerian. Such seems the most probable opinion on a review of all the facts. The wide extent of the ancient remains that still lie in or close to their original position increases the difficulty of fixing the precise site of Derbe; and the only view that explains the facts seems to be that there were more sites than one. Either Derbe changed its place (as Ephesus was moved more than once u), or there were two towns in the locality, with sepulchral monuments lining the way between them. The latter opinion is confirmed by various facts, and the name of a second town can be determined. This 394 V. Derbe was Possala or Passola,12 which is mentioned as a bishopric in some documents of the fourth century, and later ; and the name has remained to the present day in Bossala Khan. It is not necessary to suppose that the Khan stands exactly on the site of the old town. The Khan is on the direct road from Iconium to Pyrgos (Cassaba) and Laranda, and the town stood a little way west from the road at Losta, which is plainly an ancient site ; but doubtless buildings and graves extended along the whole way from Losta to the Khan and the great road, so that Losta and Bossala together represent one ancient town. Why the Khan should preserve the old name and the village should lose it, we cannot tell with certainty: it is one of those freaks of nomenclature which are common. The centre of population may have changed its name when its people and its religion changed, while the old name clung to the now separate Khan on the road, along which trade passed, and where Christians were more active and old memories were stronger. In Losta an old Turkish Tekke, a round edifice of religious nature, superior in architectural character and in sanctity to a mere village mosque, indicates the continuity of religion between the ancient Possala and the modern Losta. We notice all over the country that (as a rule) no religious fact was lost in the transition from Christianity to Moham medanism in Asia Minor. I have seen many cases in which the only evidence of life and human nature still persisting on an otherwise utterly dead and deserted ancient site is the religious awe attaching to some ruinous old Turkish sacred building ; the name of some Mohammedan hero or saint is remembered, who lies buried there, for in Anatolian religion there seems always to have been a grave at the central point of the divinely chosen locality ; and the inquir- PLATE XVI. The Site of Derbe. To face p. 394. See p. 395. V. Derbe 395 ing traveller can detect some signs of a belief in the healing Divine power that resides at the sacred spot. At such places the Byzantine Christians used to worship by the grave of a saint, and the Turks now show the grave of one of their "Dedes". The outward appearance and the sacred name change ; the essential religious fact persists. Every ancient city had its religious unity centred at some definite locality, and this lives on in the minds of men, and the sick and ailing remember it in their trouble, while the strong and healthy pass by without a sign of recognition. Fully five miles west of Losta was the greatest centre of ancient life in this neighbourhood. Here at and around a very large mound, called Gudelisin, and chiefly on the low ground west of the mound, there are plain traces of an ancient city of moderate extent. Most of the Byzantine or early Turkish buildings which were seen on the mound by Professor Sterrett in 1885, and by us in 1890, and which are dimly visible in the photograph taken then by my travelling companion, Mr. Hogarth (published as Plate XVI.), were de stroyed to build two refugees' villages, one on the south-east edge of the mound, and the other at a distance of two miles to the south-east, soon after 1890. Even the larger ancient cut stones have mostly been carried away. Few sites in the country are more utterly destroyed ; but the surface is covered with fragments of pottery of all periods from pre- Hellenic time onwards. In 1901 my wife and I searched carefully for any scrap of cut stone that might be attributed to the Greek or the early Roman period, and found only two, one a small piece of an Ionic volute in marble, the other a tiny fragment of an inscription with two or three letters in a good and early style of Cambridge. In 1901 Mr. Cronin and Mr. Wathen made some excavation in the mound with 396 V. Derbe eight workmen employed for a day ; but they were not fortunate in finding any positive result, and no negative inference follows from investigation on so small a scale. I believe that here was situated the Derbe where Antipater entertained Cicero, and where St. Paul found refuge and friends, and that much might be learned by excavation even on a moderate scale. The stones and inscriptions from this site, which have been carried westwards to Elmasun three miles away, are Byzantine and late Roman ; and the Greek and early Roman work, still more the pre-Greek remains, may yet be found by excavation on and near the mound. It may be regarded as certain that Derbe was the im portant centre of population in the Roman period, while Possala was originally a mere village of the territory of Derbe. A Roman road led from Laranda by Derbe and Lystra to Pisidian Antioch. A Roman milestone on this road was found by us in 1 890 at a bridge over Tcharshamba River, about fifteen miles north-west from Derbe and twenty or twenty-five south of Lystra. Others have been found close to Lystra, and at intervals on the way to Antiocheia. Only the interval of about twenty-five miles north-west of Lystra still remains unexamined and unknown : 13 the dis covery of a milestone in this section would be a welcome completion to our knowledge. Iconium lay off the line of this road, which was built by Augustus and bore the name Via Sebaste, " Imperial Road," as several of the original milestones show; this term was translated into Greek as fiacnXiKr) 6$6<;, and in this form survives in the legend of Paul and Thekla.14 The original purpose of the road was to connect the two Roman Coloniae, Antiocheia and Lystra, and thus to strengthen the defence of the Province Galatia V. Derbe 397 against the Isaurian and Pisidian mountaineers, especially the Homonades. The road was built in 6 B.C., about the time when Quirinius, Legate of Syria, was engaged in subduing that people. The " Imperial Road " served only a temporary purpose, and was not in accordance with the natural conditions. Iconium is marked out by nature as the chief centre of life and trade for Lycaonia, and a road which left Iconium to one side could not serve the needs of communication. Thus the direct road from Laranda to Iconium was necessarily more important commercially than the " Imperial Road " ; and, as military needs became unimportant after the Isau rian lands were pacified and formed into a Roman Province in 74 A.D., the situation of the village Possala near the principal road gave it growing importance. But Possala and Derbe were always recognised as parts of one state, never as separate cities. The same bishop administered both places, and in the earlier records he is styled Bishop of Derbe, in the later of Possala. The change marks the growth of the latter town and the gradual decay of Derbe. That Possala was the later representative of the decayed Derbe is recorded in a gloss attached to the name of Derbe in a list of bishoprics published by the late Professor Gelzer ; and some list or other record may yet be found in which the full title is given : " Bishop of Derbe and Possala" (6 Akp- /3>7S ical Uoa-aKoiv)}6 Professor Sterrett's view approximated to that which has just been stated, and he has the merit of being the first to detect that this locality was the land of Derbe. In his Wolfe Expedition to Asia Minor, p. 22, he says : " I consider that the ruins of Bosola and Zosta,16 being so near together, represent one and the same ancient city . This city I should 398 V. Derbe like to call Derbe. Stephanus Byzantinus says Derbe was a fortress of Isauria, a designation which would suit this site well enough. Of course, little can be argued from St. Paul's itinerary as to the site of Derbe, but in reading the account, one is impressed with the idea that Derbe cannot be far from Lystra, and Lystra has been found to be at Khatyn Serai." The objections to his view are conclusive. Not merely does it leave out of consideration the important site of Gudelisin ; it also ignores the companion town of Possala. Now, if Losta and Bossala represent one and the same ancient city, as my friend and I are agreed in thinking, it cannot be doubted that Possala was the city in question. As to Gude lisin, he merely says : " Here a large mound, in every way similar to the Assyrian Tels, shows many traces of an ancient village or town. Most of the remains must be referred to Christian influence." 17 The last remark is true of the build ings which he saw on his visit, but not of those below ground or of the pottery on the surface. Another village of the territory of Derbe attained some importance. It stood about four miles north from Derbe on the straight road to Iconium ; and the modern name Utah. Kilisse, " Three Churches," together with the ruins of some large buildings, prove that it possessed considerable import ance in the Byzantine time. The place is now an uninhabited mass of ruins, all of a late period, so far as they are visible above ground : one of the buildings was a church. Professor Sterrett, who discovered these remains, appreciates their character rightly ( Wolfe Exped., p. 29).1S The description of the roads given above illustrates well the narrative of St. Paul's journeys. On his second journey he came from Syrian Antioch (doubtless through the Cilician Gates) to Derbe, next to Lystra, and thence to Iconium, V. Derbe 399 which was about eighteen miles north-north-east of Lystra and a little way off the " Imperial Road " to Pisidian Antioch. But, on the first journey, he fled from Pisidian Antioch along the " Imperial Road ". According to the legend of Paul and Thekla (as interpreted in the Church in the Roman Empire), when he reached the point where a branch road diverged to Iconium, a few miles distant, he found Onesiphorus waiting for him. Onesiphorus, who had been warned in a dream of his coming, recognised him from the description given of his personal appearance, and invited him to his own house, which was next door to that of Thekla's parents. From Iconium, Paul fled naturally first to Lystra and thence to the more distant Derbe (Acts xiv. 6). Little is said about Derbe in the Book of Acts, and little is recorded of it in other ancient documents. It was one of the rudest of the Pauline cities, education had made no great progress in it, and therefore it was not fitted to produce a strong impression on the history of the Church or of Asia Minor. Its inscriptions are late in date, and show little trace of contact with the Roman world. It had, however, a certain importance about the time of St. Paul as being the frontier city on a Roman " Imperial. Road," and therefore a station for customs and frontier dues ; 19 and, as it profited so much by the Imperial system, it had even stronger reasons than most other Lycaonian towns for strenuous loyalty to the Empire and for strong Roman feeling. Owing to this temporary importance it was honoured with the Imperial title Claudio- Derbe ; but it struck no coins until a much later period. Although the coins of Derbe are late, they may be quoted as proofs that Greek art and Greek ways were not alien to the city. The native Lycaonian inhabitants were educated 400 V. Derbe in the Greek language, and in all probability regarded them selves as Hellenes in virtue of their education. As a city on one of the great roads, many traders must have passed through it or resided in it, amongst others Jews. There is no trace of any refoundation of the city, at which Jews might have been enrolled in a Tribe as citizens ; and we may probably regard the Jews of Derbe as resident aliens. The bestowal or assumption of the title Claudian Derbe does not imply any fundamental change in the constitution, such as took place at Tarsus in B.C. 170 (see Part IT., § XI.). Fig. 50. — The Heracles of Derbe : coin struck under the Emperor Antoninus. The Heracles of Derbe (Fig. 50) is a Hellenised form of a native god, and proves nothing as to real Hellenisation of the religion. Just as the name Heracleia was applied to Cybistra, not because the Greek god was worshipped there, but because a native god who superficially resembled Heracles was the great god of the region — the peasant-god who is represented on the rock at Ibriz — so Derbe and Iconium and many other Anatolian cities placed Heracles on their coins. But other types are more indicative of Western feeling. V. Derbe 401 The Good Fortune of Derbe (Fig. 51) is represented en tirely in the Roman style; and the use of such a type is a proof that Roman custom was not unknown in Derbe. The most interesting of the types used at Derbe, however, is thoroughly Hellenistic ; a figure of Victory writing on a shield, which she balances on her raised left knee. The attitude and the down-slipping drapery clinging round her middle are strikingly like the Victory of Brescia and the so-called Venus of Melos (the chief ornament of the Greek Galleries in the Louvre), which was certainly adapted from, Fig. 51.— The Good Fortune of Derbe : coin of the Empress Faustina the Younger. if it should not actually be restored as, a Victory in this attitude. That wings should be added in the coin is due to the striving for pictorial effect. The figure is a noble and striking one in Lycaonian coinage, and may confidently be regarded as taken from a statue in the city (Fig. 52). Claudio- Derbe was a city of the Province Galatia till about A.D. 130-135, when it was incorporated in the new triple Pro vince of the "Three Eparchiae," Cilicia-Isauria-Lycaonia. An inscription of the third century at Losta was dedicated to the Emperor Gordian by the three Provinces or Eparchiae.20 26 402 V. Derbe During this period Iconium and Lystra continued to form part of the Province Galatia. About A.D. 295 the " Three Eparchies" were divided. The southern part of Lycaonia (including Derbe) was now assigned to Isauria, the western and central part (including Iconium) to a new Province Pisidia ; while the northern towns continued attached to the Province Galatia. From an authority of the fourth century Stephanus gathered his description of Derbe as " a fortress of Isauria ". Finally, about 372, Lycaonia was made a Pro vince by itself, and Derbe was included in it. Fig. 52. — Victory writing on a shield: a statue at Derbe. Coin struck under the Empress Lucilla. One more point requires notice regarding the site of Derbe. The possibility that the city might have been situ ated on one of the hills on the southern edge of the plain was alluded to above. We inquired carefully into this, and learned that on one hill only are there any ruins. The second hill west of Hadji-Baba has a huge lump of rock protruding conspicuously out of one side of its summit. This was described to us as covered with walls and houses, built of small stones, with no marble and no inscriptions. The description did not suggest any hope that the Roman V. Derbe 403 Derbe could have been situated there, but rather that a Byzantine fortress had been built on this lofty point during the troubled times of the Arab raids. In order to leave no doubt however, we ascended the hill. The Kale, as it is called, is about 1,200 feet above the plain. The ruins cover an oval space of about 150 to 200 yards long by 80 to 100 broad. The walls are not Byzantine work. They are built of small stones, splintered off the native rock, entirely uncut and undressed. The stones are of two sizes. The larger stones were used to form the outer and inner faces of the wall, and rarely, if ever, measure more than a foot in any direction. The smaller stones were mere scraps, piled loosely in to fill up the space between the faces. Not a trace of mortar or any other binding material could be seen in the walls, except that two cisterns for holding rain-water were faced inside with some hard kind of cement. The small size and wretched character of the fortress and the tiny huts of stone inside it were enough to show that this was not Derbe. But the work is early, not late. The im pression of date, suggested by the walls, was confirmed by examination of the numerous fragments of pottery scattered over the surface of the ground. Some of these are evidently pre-Hellenic, belonging to a class which is found widely over ancient sites in Asia Minor, ornamented with alternate zones of darker and lighter hue, yellowish or brownish in tint, analogous to some classes of early Grecian pottery which are roughly and not quite accurately described as Mycenaean ; others are certainly of Hellenistic time. One might well imagine that this fortress had been the first stronghold of "the robber Antipater," as Strabo ex pressively calls him in his brief, incisive way, before he succeeded in making himself master of Derbe, about 60 B.C. 404 V. Derbe But it is likely to be even earlier in origin, and may have seen the city of Derbe grow and decay again. In conclusion, it seems right to add that the merit and thoroughness of Professor Sterrett's exploration stand out all the more markedly, when one remembers that two skilful and highly-trained French scholars travelled through the same country about the same time, and placed Lystra at Losta. They argued partly from the name and partly from a short inscription in the village which mentions "Titus and Gaius, brothers, men of Lystra," as the archi tects of a building. Titus and his brother, however, must have carried their activity and skill from their native Lystra to Possala. Yet the wrong identification might have been accepted on this very specious and tempting argument, had not Sterrett found conclusive proof of the true position of Lystra. (See p. 411.) Coins of Derbe are extremely rare, and seem to exist only in the cabinets of the Bibliotheque Nationale at Paris. PART VI. LYSTRA. LYSTRA. § I. Situation and Character. THE modern village of Khatyn-Serai, the " Lady's Mansion," lies in the acute angle formed by the confluence of two small streams, which flow down out of the Orondian and the Isaurian hill-country, one from the north-west, the other from a little south of west. They are divided by low hills, which sink very gently to the meeting of the waters. The village lies partly on the point of the hills, partly on their southern side. The water-supply, unusually lavish for the Lycaonian land, keeps the environs green, and makes the trees grow with a luxuriance known nowhere else in Lycaonia, except in the gardens of Konia and the mountains of Kara-Dagh. Khatyn-Serai, therefore, suits the Eastern taste and the Eastern love of quiet gardens and flowing water better than any other village of Lycaonia; and doubtless this is the reason for its name. Either it was in Seljuk time appropri ated to the enjoyment of some great lady (such as the Sultan's mother for example), or the name has a quite general sense, "Mansion such as suits a lady". Two Turkish bridges, mainly built of ancient cut stones, many of them inscribed, cross the two streams, one on the road to Iconium and the north, one on the road to the south-east, and indicate to the explorer, as he approaches by either of the roads along which travellers come, that an ancient city lay somewhere close at hand. The actual site (407) 408 VI. Lystra lay on the opposite bank of the northern stream, about a mile north-west from Khatyn-Serai, on a small elongated hill in the centre of the valley and in the low ground south and east of the hill. In such a locality as this a centre of population must always have existed. It is constituted by nature the most charming and productive site in the northern hill-region of Isauria, lying near the open Lycaonian plain, possessing a considerable extent of fertile soil in the valley well watered by the two streams, as well as a large tract of low hilly ground. But the town stands apart from the main roads that traverse the country and are the natural paths of trade. The valley in which it lies is secluded and restricted in development : a great city, known and open to the world, could not grow in so sequestered a spot The site is marked out by nature for a small rustic town, where the people and the customs would be national not cosmopolitan. Considering the character of almost all other Pauline cities, the great places of the Eastern world, most of them centres of international intercourse and progress, one must wonder how Lystra came to be one of the list. How did the cosmopolitan Paul drift like a piece of timber borne by the current into this quiet backwater ? Beroea is, of all the Pauline cities, the one most closely resembling Lystra in general character, a small rustic town, Macedonian not cosmopolitan. To Beroea Paul retired when obliged to leave Thessalonica ; but as we know from himself, he was eager to return at the earliest opportunity, and Beroea was perhaps a place to wait in, rather than an object in itself. Lystra may perhaps have been regarded similarly as a place of refuge for the moment from which it might be possible to return to Iconium (see pp. 372-4). Thus Paul PLATE XVII. To face p. 408. Khatyn Serai and Lystra and the Bridge on the Southern Road. See p. 407 I. I. Situation and Character 409 and Barnabas came to be settled for a time in this small Lycaonian town, which in respect of situation is not unlike Barata (as described in the Expositor, Sept.-Oct., 1907). Hence also it is natural to find that in the narrative of Luke Lystra is the only city in which Paul is brought into immediate contact with the uneducated Anatolian populace, ignorant of Hellenic culture, speaking the Lycaonian tongue, though not wholly ignorant of Greek, for the Apostles appealed to them in that language with some effect, and must therefore have been understood by many of them. But the striking events which occurred at Lystra are associ ated mainly with the humbler class of the Lycaonian popu lace ; and it is the only city of Asia Minor in which a native language is mentioned. Here, alone, the native Anatolian gods and the native religion are confronted with the new faith. Everywhere else Paul's address was directed to the classes which had shared to some degree in Greek education and were familiar with the Greek tongue. The adventures of the two Apostles at Lystra have already been described by the present writer in St. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen in some detail, and it seems un necessary to repeat what is said there. Inasmuch as Iconium ranked itself as a city of Phrygia, Lystra and Derbe stood forth as the two cities of Roman Lycaonia in the time of St. Paul. Besides them there was a large Lycaonian territory which contained no constitutionally organised city, but only villages of the Anatolian type. On the west, in the hill-region of Northern Isauria, there were several places which at a later period ranked as cities and bishoprics, but at that time they either were reckoned to Pisidia or ranked only as villages. On the east Lycaonia contained more than one city ; but Laranda, Ilistra and 410 VI. Lystra others were not in Roman territory. They were part of the kingdom of Antiochus IV., one of those client-kings who were doing the work of governing outlying regions and pre paring the inhabitants to become subjects of the Empire at a later date. Accordingly, when it is said in Acts xiv. 6 that Paul and Barnabas, being expelled from Iconium, " fled to the cities of Lycaonia, Lystra and Derbe, and the region round about," this is exactly equivalent to saying that they took refuge in the Roman part of the country of Lycaonia, in which there were two cities and a region where the Anatolian village-system prevailed : in the technical language of politics and administration the Roman part of Lycaonia was called Galatic Lycaonia, i.e., the part of Lycaonia which was included in the Province Galatia. The use of the term "region" here is similar to that which was described in Part III., when Antioch was called the centre of a " region " (Acts xiii. 49 and inscriptions). In this territory, Galatic Lycaonia, there were two cities : the term city must here be understood in the strict sense, as a self-governing town with sovereign rights exercised by elected magistrates. How had these two places alone been more or less Hellenised and Romanised, while the rest re mained of the ordinary Anatolian type ? As regards Derbe, we have seen in Part V. that the change was due to the Roman Imperial influence, and to the importance of this point on the frontier of Roman territory, which made it a customs-station and a centre of Roman business and official life. The development of Lystra was due to its being selected as the seat of a Roman Colony, which required the con struction of a Roman road to connect it with the other Coloniae and especially with Antioch, the capital of Southern PLATE XVIII. To face p. 410. Mediaeval Bridge on the north side of Khatyn Serai. Set' p. 407 f. i. Situation and Character 411 Galatia. This road, constructed at first for military reasons, passed near the real trade-centre of Lycaonia, viz. Iconium ; and thus it became a trade-route as it was continued to Derbe and Laranda, and was thereby connected with Cilicia and Syria. It was, however, never more than a secondary road on the commercial side, and its military importance died out as the mountain tribes were subdued and the country became thoroughly peaceful. In the time of St. Paul, Lystra was still of some consequence from its colonial rank ; and we must suppose that both Hellenes and the uneducated Lycaonians of the town were sensible of the dignity and the advantages derived from this rank and from the Roman road (called in inscriptions and in the Acts of Paul and Thekla the " Im perial Road "), which connected it with Antioch on the one side and with Derbe on the other. What has been said above regarding the influence of colonial dignity on the prosperity of Antioch and on the minds of all its inhabitants applies also to the sister Colony of Lystra, though in a much diminished degree. Not merely was Antioch a capital for the southern half of the Province, but also it was an older foundation than Lystra. Now time is needed to plant deeply and strengthen the pride of city-dignity : successive genera tions have to grow up with this consciousness in their minds ; and Lystra, as a Colonia, had only two generations to look back on, while Antioch had three. We must therefore infer that Lystra was a much weaker reflection of Antiochian feeling and municipal pride. The coins of Lystra are very rare. One was bought on the spot by Professor Sterrett in 1884 ; and his discovery of an inscription in addition to the coin revealed the hitherto unknown fact that Lystra was a Roman colony, and confirmed the brilliant conjecture of the great geographer Leake that 412 VI. Lystra it was situated at Khatyn-Serai : Leake travelled in 1800, and did not see this site. In company with the late Sir Charles Wilson I visited it in 1882 for one night. We were on the outlook for some evidence to test Leake's opinion; and I inferred from the large proportion of Latin inscriptions that a Roman Colonia had stood on this site, and that there fore Lystra, which was not a Colonia, could not have been situated here.1 This argument supplies a good example of the gradual nature of discovery and of the way in which an inference which at first seems perfectly conclusive and in evitable may be set aside by the irony of fate as knowledge progresses. Indirect evidence is always subject to this chance : it may be set in a quite different light by new discoveries. If the colonial coins of Lystra had been dis covered a few years earlier, the observation that Khatyn- Serai was the site of a Colonia would have at once furnished the needed proof that Lystra was situated here; but the idea that Lystra could have been a Colonia was so unimagined and so improbable that, when I communicated Sterrett's discovery of the first colonial inscription to the greatest epigraphic and historical scholar in Europe, he at first ex pressed his disbelief in the trustworthiness of the copy, as the copyist was then unknown to him ; and it was only when I assured him that the copyist was known to me as practised and reliable that he began to think of the con sequences which must follow from Professor Sterrett's dis covery. At the same time a coin published by the late M. Waddington and Sterrett's new coin placed the matter beyond the reach of cavil or hesitation. A firm footing in Lycaonian history was now at last reached. What had been dark and unintelligible was now brought within the range of historical study, though still much work and many journeys Situation and Character 413 were needed before light was thrown on this subject in an even moderate degree ; and much still remains to do, before we shall be able to see clearly. Excavation at Lystra is urgently needed in the interests of history and of New Testament study ; but the expense would be very consider able, as the accumulation of soil is great and the land is agriculturally valuable. Moreover, permission to excavate can now hardly be gained except through strong Govern ment pressure, and Germany is the only country in Europe Fig. 53.— The Founder of Colonia Lystra tracing the limits of the new city with plough drawn by a yoke of bull and cow. which habitually makes the acquisition of knowledge an interest of Government,2 while public opinion even among scholars in our country is entirely devoid of interest in the life and fortunes of this unimportant Lycaonian town and third-rate Roman Colonia. The colonial character of Lystra is similar to that of Antioch, only less marked and more evanescent. But, as we saw on p. 280, Lystra presented a statue of Concord to her sister Colony of Antioch, somewhere about the end of the second or the beginning of the third century. A gift like 414 VI. Lystra this implies that the smaller and poor colony still retained some pride in her rank and her Roman character ; and yet so faded was her memory of her Roman dignity that the inscription was written in Greek, and Latin had evidently ceased to be spoken or known in Lystra. The few coins of Lystra are all colonial. Any little importance which the city possessed arose from its connection with the Roman State and the Roman administration and defence of the Province Galatia. But with its foundation as a Colonia, by Augustus, probably through Cornutus Aquila, governor of Fig. 54. — The City goddess of Lystra sitting on the rocks, with the crescent on her head and corn-ears in her hand ; a river at her feet. Galatia about B.C. 6, its coinage and its rank as a city of the Roman world began. The coins, so far as yet known, belong to the reigns of Augustus, Titus, Trajan and Marcus Aurelius. Latin and Roman ideas probably ceased about the end of the last-named Emperor's reign (see p. 281). Yet the only strictly Roman type is the one shown in Fig. 53, the founder ploughing the furrow that marked the limits of the Roman Colonia, as already described (p. 365). The other known types are more or less Hellenic in charac ter, either Hellenised representations of religious ideas, or Situation and Character 415 imitations of works of Hellenistic art. In Fig. 54 we have an example of the influence of the famous statue of Syrian Antioch by the sculptor Eutychides, a type which spread through Tarsus into Lycaonia and Cappadocia. Fig. 55 shows the same type at Barata ; and it occurs also at Tyana. This diffusion of an artistic type from Tarsus to the north and north-west recalls and supports the theory advanced first by the writer in the Revue des Etudes Anciennes, 1901, p. 358, and quoted in Studies in the Art and History of the Eastern Provinces, p. 60, that a widespread type in the Fig. 55. — The City goddess of Barata sitting on the rocks with a river at her feet. She carries the cornucopia, and in her right hand an uncertain object. earliest Christian art of Lycaonia and Isauria came from Tarsus along the same path. Professor Strzygowski informs me that he is disposed to regard Syrian Antioch as the ultimate source of the type; and the example of Euty- chides's statue is quite favourable to his view. We observed that Tarsus and Iconium, cities of the plain, modified the Syrian type so far as to make the City goddess sit on a chair. Barata and Lystra follow the original type in making her sit on the rocks. Barata was a city of the mountains, Lystra was a city of the hilly country. The City 41 6 VI. Lystra goddess of Lystra wears the crescent moon upon her head, and carries corn-ears in her hand : this shows a certain modi fication of the borrowed type, either to suit the local re ligious ideas, or possibly (as Mr. G. F. Hill suggests) to identify the City goddess with Isis. The form of the name Lustra on some, if not all, of the coins and the Latin inscriptions, shows the attempt to Romanise a Lycaonian city. There can be no doubt that the name is Lycaonian, or rather East Anatolian, for Kilistra and Ilistra in Lycaonia, Kybistra and Kizistra in southern Cappadocia, prove that the form is native to this region along the north side of Taurus, and that the nearest approach to a correct rendering in Latin letters would be Listra : doubtless Ilistra is the same word pronounced with a slight vowel sound escaping through the mouth before the L. But the Greeks called it Lystra to suggest a derivation from the Greek verb Xveiv, and the Romans named it Lustra to give it an apparent connection with the Latin Lustrum : in each case false popular etymology sought to find a fortunate meaning for the name in its own language.3 The colonial constitution was doubtless the same as at Antioch (p. 268 ff.) ; but few details are preserved. From fragmentary inscriptions we learn that there were probably duumvirs as the supreme magistrates, and twelve divisions of the burgesses : the name of these divisions is given in a Greek inscription as Tribes (tpvXai), but the name in Latin is not attested.4 The evanescence of Roman influence and language and the predominance of Hellenic types in the coinage point to the conclusion that the Roman element in the population of the Colonia was not nearly so strong in Lystra as in Antioch. Lystra was a Lycaonian town with a small admixture of i. Situation and Character 417 privileged Roman Coloni. Dr. Olmstead of Cornell, who has been making a study of the pottery found on these sites, informs me that only a few fragments of Roman pottery were found on the site : the rest was native, of Hellenistic period or earlier. The colonial character of Lystra cannot be traced in Acts, as it can be clearly seen at Antioch ; but the comparative weakness of the Roman municipal consciousness, which ap pears in all the rest of the scanty evidence, fully accounts for this. Besides the Roman colonists the population of Lystra consisted of the class which was educated in Greek manners and the Greek language, and the uneducated Lycaonian population. Not a trace of the Roman aristocracy can be detected in the narrative of Acts. They apparently stood completely outside of the influence of Paul and Barnabas, as we saw was the case with the Romans of Antioch, who were appealed to by the Jews as the ruling oligarchy of the Colonia (see pp. 313, 371). In Lystra the Roman burgesses make no appearance in the troubles which led to the expulsion of the Apostles. The riot was engineered through the mob, as at Iconium (Part IV., § VIII.). This confirms the view above stated on other grounds that the Roman element in Lystra was scanty and unimportant. The Greek-educated inhabitants were called Hellenes' They would naturally be the well-to-do part of the native- born population. There is no trace of any Hellenistic re foundation in Lystra, and Greeks by race are not likely to have existed there in any numbers. The term Hellenes expresses an educational, not a racial character. These Hellenes would not be fully qualified citizens; only the 27 41 8 VI. Lystra Roman Coloni were burgesses of Lystra at this period (see p. 271) ; all the rest of the free inhabitants were mere resi dents (incolae). But these Hellenes of Lystra may be assumed to have been the educated class of the city, some wealthy, others at least belonging to successful commercial families or to any local native aristocracy which may have existed in Lycaonia. Timothy, whose father was a Hellene, therefore belonged to the well-to-do or the wealthy classes of the non-Roman population. Even without this evidence the fact that the father was accepted as the husband of a Jewess may be safely assumed to prove that he was a person of some standing in Lystra. This is only an example of the general law that the important leaders in the Church of Asia Minor belonged to the better class of local families and not to the humble and uneducated classes : on this see Pauline and Other Studies, p. 375 f. The uneducated Lycaonian population seems to have been unusually numerous in this secluded town, and has been already mentioned. §11. Character of the Five Cities. The history of each of these cities presents a study of amalgamation, more or less thorough and more or less successful, between the European and the Asiatic races. The proportions and the results differ in every case. There is an infinite variety in the study of the great Graeco-Asiatic cities, and yet the elements are to a large extent the same. Tarsus is far the most Oriental. So it has been through out history, and so it is still ; as you travel over Central and Eastern Asia Minor far and wide, you are aware of the Oriental spirit in the population everywhere ; but it is only when you reach Tarsus that you feel at last that you have ii. Character of the Five Cities 419 entered a really Oriental city. On the other hand, Pisidian Antioch was a Hellenic city, or rather colony ; yet even there the Anatolian tone grows stronger and becomes supreme as we come down to the fourth century. But there is one difficulty in this study which must always be borne in mind by the reader. While directing attention for the moment to the Oriental or the Occidental element in any of the cities, one has to leave the other element too much out of sight ; and after a time, when one turns to the other side of the picture, there may appear to be some inconsistency. In one section the city might seem to be described as mainly Anatolian, in another as Hellenic, in another as Semitic, as the evidence bearing on each topic is treated separately. The reader must compensate one section by another. Moreover, time makes a difference. The Western spirit, active and busy, seems at its first entrance to carry every thing before it. The city becomes in outward show entirely Hellenic and Roman during the first century after Christ. But the Oriental nature lies deep and strong under the surface. It revives during the second and third centuries, and becomes predominant in the fourth. The unchanging East swallows up the West, unless the latter is constantly reinforced either by fresh immigration, or by the maintenance of a high education. A true system of education raises both Asiatic and European to a higher level, on which they can mix and meet, each preserving his own individuality, yet respecting and appreciating that of the other ; and this is the platform on which Christianity, alone among the religions of the world, claimed in the beginning to move and to work, though too often it has allowed its ideals and its aspirations to sink to a lower level. PART VII. ST. PAUL IN THE ROMAN WORLD. ST. PAUL IN THE ROMAN WORLD. In a subject like this, so wide, so important and so much discussed, it is impossible to avoid an apparently too dog matic statement of opinions which would not be generally accepted at the present time. The appearance of dogma tism is due to the desire of brevity : it is easy for the reader to find other views stated by more distinguished scholars. It is not my aim to give a history of opinion, or to balance and weigh the views of the learned. Any small value which this book may have is due to its expressing a judgment formed fresh from the original documents and the actual localities, not from a study of the modern authorities, many of whom I find so antipathetic that they have little for me. Yet many opinions, to which no allusion is here made, have been pondered over long, before they were re jected. Some I held at one time as a convinced disciple of their leading champions; and I have grown out of them through the force of unconscious life under the impulse of experience, rather than reasoned myself out of them through conscious argument. But it is the penalty of stating a new view of history that one must inevitably fail to carry conviction at first, however confident one is that the world will one day be convinced. To support a new reading of history, there are needed many subsidiary studies which can be made only by a co-ordinated (423) 424 VII. St. Paul in the Roman World group of scholars, a school of students working in unison, cor recting and completing one another, but looking at all the questions of history from the same point of view, and thus building up by organised co-operation a harmonious study. A body of reasoned investigation must form the basis of any new view of history ; and that cannot be wrought out by a single person within the limits of human life. The true historian cannot now exist except by founding a school to co-operate with him. One may see, or think one sees; but one cannot by mere brief statement of opinions make others see who have been habituated to a different point of view. The solitary historian at the present day is doomed to failure. Yet I can at least emphasise and reiterate that the history of the Roman Empire has to be re-written from the point of view which I have tried, however inadequately, to set before you in outline in the first part of this work and to exemplify in some individual cases in the following parts. Before passing from this subject it seems best to give one example, bearing on the conduct and the writings of St. Paul, and showing how easy it is to miss the right point of view in studying the position of the Church in the Empire, and how much the judgment of the most learned historians and the most respected scholars may thus be distorted. The contrast between the Apocalyptic view and the principles which rule in the letters of Paul is certainly great. Yet sometimes one finds that this contrast is exaggerated in modern opinion and made to appear as if it were a contra diction. I have seen the statement printed by a good scholar that, if Paul had lived to read the Apocalypse it would have broken his heart. Such a statement seems to VII. St. Paul in the Roman World 425 originate from a one-sided view of the position of the Apostle in the Roman world, and a failure to estimate com pletely the various forces which were acting on him, and among which he had to steer a steady course. A study of the situation in its entirety must, I think, lead to the conclusion that Paul would have been in perfect sym pathy with the Apocalypse of John, if he had lived to the epoch when it was written, and would even have written his own Apocalypse. Nay, I would even go so far as to main tain that there was an Apocalyptic period in the teaching of Paul, before he had fully understood the position which the Church occupied in the Roman world, and that he has given us an outline of his Apocalypse ; but it is so original and so unlike the traditional Jewish Apocalyptic style that its significance is not properly recognised. John was so im bued with the spirit and affected by the form of the earlier Jewish Apocalypses, that very wild theories have been ad vanced as to the nature of his book ; but John was brought up in Palestine. Paul stood beyond the influence of this class of literature, thanks to his Hellenic education. He shared in the views of John, but he expressed them differently. The attitude which the first Christians ought to take to the Roman Imperial Government was not one that could be easily determined or clearly defined in a body of rules. The judgment of individuals must have differed consider ably: the judgment of the same individual would almost inevitably vary from time to time according to changes in the prevailing tone of administration and alteration in the personal point of view. The attitude of Paul himself altered materially during the period of his life that is best known to us. On the one hand the Imperial system was based on the 426 VII. St. Paul in the Roman World most glaring and flagrant form of idolatrv. the worship of a, living man as the incarnate, god on earth; it was the direct enemy of Christ: its system was like a parody of the Christian Gospel. How could Paul do anything but hate it and condemn it ? On the other hand it saved the world from worse evils : every one who lived in those times knew that the Emperor and the Imperial Government alone stood between the civilised world and destruction, and restrained the power of disorder.jvar and savagery, which had recently nearly overwhelmed society and put an end to civilisation. Something, nay much, was due to the Emperor, and the Lord's command was clear and definite, " Render to Caesar the things that are Caesar's ". It was a delicate position for the adviser who had to counsel new converts not very well educated in moral judgment, as to how they ought to regard the Imperial system ; and one can well understand that Paul's earliest words to a young Church should require subsequent interpretation and explanation. Moreover, Paul at Thessalonica had found the Roman administration the enemy of the Gospel. He was accused of treason to the Emperor and of setting up a rival Emperor, and was practically condemned in absence by the magistrates. Their action, covered by the name of loyalty to Caesar, made it impossible for him to return soon to Thessalonica, eager as he was to do so. This hindrance he speaks of as " Satan '' ; and his language approximates to calling the Imperial system by that name (St. Paul the Traveller, p. 230 f.). The treatment which he had experienced in the Roman Coloniae, Philippi, Lystra and Pisidian Antioch, in all of which he suffered severely and was probably beaten with the staves of the lictors who attended on Roman magistrates, was cal culated to confirm the unfavourable opinion which at one VII. St. Paul in the Roman World 427 time he seems to have entertained of the Imperial Govern ment as the enemy of the faith. The Coloniae were outlying parts of Rome, peopled by Romans (for the non-Roman inhabitants were merely residents, not citizens) and governed by Romans ; and for years these represented to him the feeling of the Roman State towards the Gospel and its adherents. That he endured violence at Pisidian Antioch as well as at Lystra, and that the vague words of Acts xiii. 50 conceal severe bodily suffering, seems clear from the language of the Apostle himself, 2 Timothy iii. 11 : " persecutions, sufferings : what things befell me at Antioch, at Iconium, at Lystra; what persecutions I endured". It was only in Coloniae that he could be beaten with the lictor's staves ; and as he had so suffered thrice, and he had been only in three Coloniae, we must infer that his expulsion from Antioch and Lystra had been preceded by chastisement administered by the lictors (which in itself may be assumed as customary when disorderly persons were ejected from a Roman town). Hence, at Philippi, Paul and Silas did not at first claim the rights of Roman citizens. Paul had not as yet begun to feel that Rome and Roman law might be a pro tection against barbarism and cruelty. In Corinth we find that Paul's attitude towards the Imperial Government had altered. The decision of Gallio (which owing to the force of precedent in Roman administra tion was practically a charter of freedom for Christians to preach and teach, valid until reversed by some higher tribunal) had something to do with the change in his attitude towards the Government ; but, probably, a more important cause lay in the development and the widening of his own views, as he better understood the problem of the Roman world. He realised that the Empire was for the present the vehicle 428 VII. St. Paul in the Roman World destined to carry the Christian Church, and that the Imperial Government was in a sense necessary to the Church. Further, he had learned that the Empire was tolerant of the Church ; and there seems to have arisen in his mind the idea that Christianity might ultimately make itself the religion of the Empire. But that ultimate aim could not possibly blind him to the inevitable fact that there must be war against the great and crowning idolatry of the Imperial cult, which was the keystone of the Imperial arch, the basis of the Imperial unity. Such was the dilemma with which Paul was confronted ; and his letters to the Thessalonians are to me intelligible only on the view that he was fully conscious of the dilemma. The Empire was the servant, the bearer, the instrument of the Church, and yet it was also its irreconcilable and inevit able foe. There could never be permanent peace between the Church and the Emperor, " who sitteth in the sanctuary of God, setting himself forth as God ". But that war had not yet actually begun : much had to occur before it should begin. As yet the Emperor did not stand before them re vealed in his real character. He was still the restrainer of a worse evil, the instrument of God. Ultimately he should be revealed as he really was, the man of sin, the son of perdition, the enemy of God ; and then should come the great and final war. In that future time the Emperor, who now restrains the forces of disorder and barbarism, shall be disclosed as himself the great power and leader of barbarism and the enemy of all that is good. Every enemy of the truth shall then be allied against the Church, in the great battle which the seer of the Apocalypse foresaw at Har-Megiddo. But that is not yet. Such was the way in which the relation be tween the Empire and the Church developed during the VII. St. Paul in the Roman World 429 following centuries, and so Paul foresaw with the eye of a statesman and a prophet. This is the cryptic message of explanation to the Thessa lonians, 2 chap. ii. That message had to be expressed in very cautious and enigmatic language, significant only to the initiated. It was a dangerous truth, which might bring death to the young Church in Thessalonica ; the letter might fall into the wrong hands, and such a truth must not be so plainly written that every person could understand it. Is it too great a stretch of imagination to attribute to Paul such insight into the future course of history, and to recognise in the mystic words of that letter an anticipation of the Apocalypse of John ? Surely not. We have seen in p. 73 f. that the Imperial policy as defined by the ablest among the Emperors anticipated the inevitable approach of that con flict with the Church, and recognised the Church while still young and weak as the great enemy of the Imperial system in the future. Paul was much more likely to see the character of the Empire than the Emperors to comprehend the nature of the Church. It is in truth as inconceivable that Paul could be insensible of the nature of the Imperial system, as it is that he could consent to any compromise with the Imperial worship. A purified Empire was the Pauline idea \ but a purified Empire meant the elimination of the God- Emperor. One must therefore guard against the tendency to ex aggerate the contrast between the spirit of recognition of and allowance for the Empire, shown in Luke, most of the Pauline letters, and 1 Peter, and the spirit of defiance and detestation that animates the Apocalypse of John. The con trast is a very real one ; but it indicates no deep difference of opinion between the various writers. The difference of 430 VII. St. Paul in the Roman World tone is due to change of circumstances. Paul's hatred of the enthroned lie, the Imperial false god, was as deep and strong as John's; and he knew equally well that in the end the Church must destroy the Imperial tyranny, or be killed by it. But he was content to wait till the future developed. In the meantime the power that maintained peace and order in the world was, in a sense, the friend and protector of the infant Church. Now as I have begun to speak of the Apocalyptic side of early Christian thought, I should conclude this study by an analysis of a passage in the Apocalypse of John, which rightly understood shows how closely one of his most Hebraic visions approximates to the Pauline point of view, though superficially it seems as far from it as East is from West. In a vision of the Apocalypse (Rev. vi. 2 ff.) John saw Conquest riding forth with War, Ravage or Scarcity (which is its result and not distinguished in Hebrew thought from it), and Massacre in his train. Conquest is imagined after the fashion of the Parthian King, a bowman, mounted on a white horse. The person of the others is not described, but only their work. War is thought of as a combination of discord and slaughter, carrying a great sword and mounted on a red horse. Ravage or Scarcity, the name is indifferent, sits on a black horse and holds a balance. Massacre, whose name is Death, and who is followed by Hades, rides on a pale horse. The imagery is bold and simple. Conquest rides forth as the great king, clad in glory and holding the might of the bow. But horror and terror attend on the glory of the conquering sovereign : Battle with its bloodshed, Ravage that produces famine, and Massacre go with him. Yet there VII. St. Paul in the Roman World 431 is a measure to their power. In war there is a stricken field and a fight between combatants. In the most bloody of battles many even of the defeated army escape. The limit here lies in the nature of the case, and there is no need to specify or describe it. Far more terrible are the other two figures; but to them a definite limit is fixed. Massacre has authority over the fourth part of the earth : three-fourths of the conquered country is spared. Ravage carries his own measure with him, for he holds in his hands a balance ; and a voice proclaimed, " A measure of wheat at the price of a denarius, and three measures of barley at a denarius ; but harm not the wine and the oil ". The crops are to be destroyed to the limit of extreme scarcity, until wheat is sold at seven times and barley at four times the ordinary price ; but the vine and the olive trees are to be left uninjured. In interpreting a series of allegorical figures like this, the general purpose rules the whole. That Conquest brings with it the three companion terrors was the law of life and of war in the Mediterranean world, as it must always be ; but a limit to their action existed in every case. The limit set to the Ravaging of the land calls for some explanation. The Ravaging is confined to the annual crops ; but the country is spared the almost irretrievable ruin which would have resulted in the Mediterranean lands from destruction of the vine and the olive. In the northern lands, where fruit-trees are of small account, we do not easily sympathise with or comprehend an image like this. Destruction of the trees means little to us, until we have understood the economy of the Mediterranean world. But there to cut down the olive tree or to burn the vineyards is the last extreme of savagery, which only the rudest and worst of barbarians 432 VII. St. Paul in the Roman World. would perpetrate in the land which they had conquered. The loss of the harvest of wheat and barley means scarcity and high prices ; but a new year brings new crops. The loss of olives and vines means lasting ruin, for new olive trees take about seventeen years to grow, new vines also need a good many years, and in times of uncertainty and danger no one dares to spend labour for a result so remote. In the long series of curses pronounced in Deuteronomy xxviii. against degenerate Israel, the ravaging of the land by savages from the remotest parts of the earth, who shall not leave corn, wine or oil, is described in terrible detail. Only one horror remains to put the climax on the destruction wrought by those ignorant savages, viz., cannibalism, of which a hideous picture is drawn. The noble savages of the Crusading armies, knights and lords and bishops, cut down the olive trees of the Holy Land, and involved it in lasting ruin. In the picture of the Apocalypse this horror and utter destruction is forbidden : a measure is observed : there is extreme cruelty, much bloodshed, but not the utter savagery of wanton destruction of all property, all means of livelihood, and the entire foundations on which civilised life rests. The bearing of this on the design of the Apocalypse it is not our present purpose to discuss ; surely it is plain. But it falls within the scope of these lectures to indicate the place in history which this idea occupies, and its bearing on the topic of degeneration, which in the present condition of historical investigation is forced on the attention of every student of the Pauline philosophy ; for, as we have seen, the very first question which the Pauline student must answer is whether degeneration or progress is the ordinary law of human history. Paul says degeneration is the usual and VII. St. Paul in the Roman World 433 normal tendency of man : the sciences of comparative re ligion, comparative mythology and folklore and anthropology generally, as they are now conducted, assume at the outset and throughout that progress is the ordinary and natural law of human history, and that the phenomena observable in the world past and present ought to be classified on the principle that the rude, the barbarous, the ugly and the brutal is early and primitive. This part of the vision in the Apocalypse expresses, not an individual opinion or an isolated phenomenon, but the conception of the law of war, which lay deep in the nature of the Mediterranean peoples as far back as we can see. It is bloody and cruel, it has little care for human life and it takes no thought for the wounded, but it is not savage, for it recognises limits and it conserves the permanent pros perity of the land. It was not a written law, produced by diplomatists and conventions ; it was the unwritten law of God, binding men by the sanctions and the terrors of re ligious awe, stamped deep into the nature of men through many generations, until it had remade the form of their minds and become the unconscious law of their action. Contrast, for example, the conquest of Palestine by Joshua with that by the chivalry and the religion, an external and unfelt religion, of Europe in the early Crusades, as regards the permanent well-being of the country and the world. The Israelite conquerors, a race partly nomads of the Arabian desert, partly serfs from Egypt, overran a land peopled by nations, much more civilised on the whole than themselves : it was a cruel and bloody conquest, in which the more civilised inhabitants were slain, or reduced to serf dom ; but the land and its powers of production remained practically uninjured. The Crusades reduced Palestine 28 434 VII. St. Paul in the Roman World almost entirely to the condition of waste land, and so destroyed its recuperative power that it continues to the present day in very large part waste, only a few scat tered districts being well cultivated near the few centres of population. A later period understood the conquest by Joshua differ ently ; the later taste demanded that the purpose and result of the Hebrew conquest should be a universal massacre, and called for the isolation of the people of God in a land where all older population had been destroyed, and it partly ex plained by the trick of the Gibeonites the obvious fact that the previous population was not annihilated, partly shut its eyes to the actual condition of Palestine, where a con siderable remnant of the older races did actually remain. Here you find, as in every case, that, when you get back to the early stage of Mediterranean history you do not reach a condition of savagery : you get back to a religious law, to a state where order, international ordinances and social or ganisation were recognised. This vision is no prophecy for future ages to unfold : it is a declaration of the truth and the law of the world in the emblematic fashion that Oriental thought always loves : it is a statement in the Hebraic style of certain deep-lying principles, which governed the evolution of Mediterranean history. Paul with his Hellenic training would have ex pressed those principles in more scientific form ; and it is to me unintelligible how so many distinguished scholars in modern times can read his letters and continue to main tain that he was a narrow Jew, ignorant of Hellenic thought and training. But perhaps they read Paul little : one some times suspects that they are so busy reading the vast array of modern treatises about him that they have no time to VII. St. Paul in the Roman World 435 read his own words. The volume of modern comment on Paul is so enormous as almost to bury the original, and we are in danger of neglecting the text while we study the com mentary : which is a good reason for bringing this book to an end. (Reverse of Fig. g,p. 140.) Fig. ga. — The Emblem of Tarsus : lion killing stag. NOTES. ST. PAUL. 1 E. Curtius, Gesammelte Abhandlungen, ii., p. 531 ff. ; E. L. Hicks, Studia Biblica, iv., p. 1 ff., and Classical Review, i., pp. 4 ff., 42 ff. 2 Pauline and Other Studies, p. 72 f. 3 Since the words were uttered, we have to mourn his too early death. 4 Fischer, der Oelbaum, seine geographische Verbreitung, seine wirtschaft- liche und kulturhistorische Bedeutung, Gotha, Perthes, 1904, p. 2. A fuller discussion of the subject is given in Pauline and Other Studies, p. 219 ff. 6 In an account of the Religion of Greece and Asia Minor, in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, v., pp. iog-56. 6 The subject of the destruction of agriculture in Asia Minor and its possible restoration was discussed in the Contemporary Review, Dec, 1906, pp. 786-800. 7 1 use the term history, not in the narrow sense of history that rests on the written ancient sources, but in the wider sense of all attainable know ledge of the past, whether dependent on literary or on archseological evi dence. 8 The quotation is from the article already mentioned in Hastings' Dic tionary, v., p. 133. 9 The subject is discussed more fully in the Expositor, Feb., igoo, p. 91 ff. 10 The thought must have been simmering in the mind of Virgil, but the form was suggested as a reply to a poem of Horace. My own personal view is that the two poems inaugurated the personal relations and intimate friendship of the two poets. 11 From the translation of Sir Theodore Martin. 12 The Book of Epodes was not published collectively till 30 B.C. ; but it is a well-established fact that important single poems like this were known earlier. 13 Two others, the Sixth and the Tenth, were also supposed by Schaper to have been composed for the enlarged second edition. 14 Professor J. B. Mayor collects the resemblances to Isaiah in the Expositor, April, igo7, p. 28g ff., and suggests an origin in the Sibylline Books, not in knowledge of Isaiah's writings. I have discussed this in Expositor, June, igo7. The present section is based on a paper read to the first international meeting (437) 438 Notes of the Franco-Scottish Society, 1894, anQl buried in its Transactions. Monsieur S. Reinach discusses I'Orphisme dans la IVe Eglogue de Virgile in his Cultes, Mythes et Religions, ii., pp. 66-84 '• there is much worth study in his paper, and an element of truth in his view, but it is pushed to extremes and is confined to one side of the case. TARSUS. 1 Preface to The Letters to the Seven Churches, with chapters xi., xii. 2 It will be convenient here, once for all, to mention various articles in which the writer has studied Tarsus from other points of view. In an article, " Cilicia, Tarsus, and the great Taurus Pass," Geographical Journal, October, 1903, pp. 357-413, there is given a study in considerable detail of the geo graphical and commercial conditions which helped to determine the history of the three cities of the lower Cilician plain. Two papers in the Athenceum, 6th December, 1902, and ist August, 1903, contain a description of the situation and surroundings of Tarsus, and of the topography of the district A paper in which the attempt was made to estimate the importance of the relations between sea valley and central plateau, and to classify " the geographical conditions determining history and religion in Asia Minor," Geographical Journal, September, igo2, pp. 257-282, bears on the history of Tarsus among other places. The article "Tarsus "in Dr. Hastings' great Dictionary of the Bible, gives a summary of the history of Tarsus. I have also written a detailed study of Mallos, the great rival of Tarsus, but refrained from printing it until the opportunity of visiting Mallos may present itself, so that the topographical view expressed in it (which is quite opposed to the opinions, differing from one another, recently advocated by M. Imhoof Blumer and by Messrs. Heberdey and Wilhelm) may be tested by actual experiment ; but in the present study the truth of the view advocated in this unpublished paper must be assumed. We visited Tarsus, my wife and I, in igo2 and in i8gi. In August, i8go, also I passed through it, without stopping, when hurrying to catch a steamer at Mersina, the modern port of Tarsus. 2* That the bounds about a.d. 200 were at the Cilician Gates, as here stated, and not farther south, seems proved not only by the nature of the case but also by the inscription "Opoi Ki\(xav engraved on the rocks there. But Strabo (p. 673) says that the boundaries of the Cilicians were only 120 stadia (15 miles) from Tarsus ; and this brings us about the northern edge of the high ground on which stand the late city and the triumphal arch, where we consider that certain Tarsian games were held (see p. 94 f.) : now those games are stated on coins to have been held iv KoSpiyais Spois Ki\Lkwv, " at the triumphal arch, the boundary of the Cilicians," and this agreement between Strabo and the coins furnishes irresistible evidence for his time. Yet the defensive point for Cilicia was at the Gates ; and in earlier times, as when Alexander the Great invaded the country, the only attempt at guarding the country had its station there. Notes 439 3 I take it to be mansio in monte, mentioned in the Peutinger Table. 4 The only alternative to this hypothesis is to alter the text. 5 The Cydnus rises on the southern face of Taurus : the other two are rivers of the central plateau, which force their way through the Taurus in deep gorges offering wonderfully picturesque scenery, and thus reach the sea. 5 The Pyramus formerly joined the sea farther to the west, as is de scribed in a subsequent paragraph. 7 So Dion Chrysostom says, Or. 33, p. 13, § 39. 8 Kara-Tash, Black-Stone, is the name both of the hills and of a village situated on them. 9 So also Alcmaeon, when struck with madness after he had slain his mother, could find no rest or peace or home, until he went to a place which was neither sea nor land. Such a place he found in the swampy delta of the Acheloos. Bellerophon, afflicted also with madness by the Divine wrath, found his lonely refuge in the marsh land of the lower Sarus. I am indebted to Miss J. E. Harrison, LL.D., for the illustration. 9a See Dion, Or. 33, § 24 ; Professor T. Callander on the two Tarsian Orations in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1904, p. 62. 10 It is an error of Ritter's to call the harbour town Anchialos. The sole foundation for the great geographer's opinion seems to lie in the derivation &-yxL tobsi "near the sea''- The references of the ancients show clearly that Anchialos was about twelve miles south-west of Tarsus on the road to Soloi-Pompeiopolis, and a little way inland from Zephyrion, which was situated at Kara-Duwar, on the coast about two miles east from Mersina, the modern harbour which has taken the place of Zephyrion. 11 1 may refer here]to the fuller discussion of this scene in my Pauline and Other Studies, pp. 59-62. 12 Another proposed identification of Kittim with the people of Ketis in Cilicia Tracheia keeps the name in the same region. The Hebrew text of Gen. x. 4 has Dodanim, the Septuagint Rodanim : both texts have Rodanim in r Chron. i. 7. 13 The omissioniof the letter s between vowels is a common phenomenon in Greek : hence Alasia became 'AX^tov. 14 No definite proof is known that the Median Empire included Cilicia, but, as it extended to the Halys, it is likely to have embraced Cilicia, though that cannot be assumed as certain, for an extension of Median power across the Eastern Taurus to the Halys without touching Cilicia is quite possible. 15 The phrase Svyatrreiwv is used of one Syennesis ; and that word was appropriate to priest-kings in western Cilicia. 16 " Religion of Greece and Asia Minor" in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, v., p. 128. 17 We omit entirely some coins of the sixth century, which have been very doubtfully attributed to Tarsus. 440 Notes 17a The attribution to Tarsus is proposed by M. Six, and accepted by Mr, V. Head {Hist. Num., p. 612), two of the highest authorities. 17b Some scholars, desirous to find some unifying idea in the group of separate types on this coin, understand that the battlemented walls are the fortifications of Tarsus, and that the type of lion and bull, a Tarsian emblem, is placed above to give the name of the fortified city. But two parallel lines of wall seem an unsuitable way of portraying a city. At the " Syrian Gates " there were two parallel lines of wall ; other features of the Gates are omitted in this small picture. 18 See Lehmann-Haupt, Klio, 1907, p. 2gg, n. 5. 19 As Herodotus and others show, the name Cilicia was formerly applied to a much larger territory, reaching as far north as the Halys and including the two most important cities of southern Cappadocia, Tyana and Mazaka. 20 Quoted by Eusebius, Chron., i., p. 27 (Ed. Schoene). ffla See Plate IV. in Pauline and other Studies, and an article on the Peasant-God in the Contemporary Review, December, igo6. aSt. Paul the Traveller and the Roman Citizen, p. 84. 21a Disandon in Syncellus, Desanaus in Eusebius. The authorities are fully given in the important articles by K. O. Mullerin Rhein. Museum, iii., p. 22 ff. ; Meyer in Zft. d. deutschen morgenlaend. Gesellschaft, 31, p. 736 ff. ; Wernicke in Robert, Aus der Anomia. That Sandon was Anatolian, not Semitic (against Muller), may be regarded as certain : the name was specially characteristic of Cilicia. 21b In Aus der Anomia, p. 178 ff. ^Fraser, Adonis Attis Osiris. 22b M. Imhoof Blumer considers that both •epithets belonged to Perseus, not to Apollo (Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1898, p. 172 ff.). Mr. G. F. Hill sees that Patroos must belong to Apollo (Catalogue Brit. Museum, p. lxxxix.). The fact that where Perseus appears without Apollo no epithets occur, but where the same scenes are represented with Apollo on the hand of Perseus, the epithets are added, suggests that the titles are Apolline. Greek religious ideas point strongly to this connection, and are unfavourable to attributing the epithets to Perseus. 23 The dates of the coins are, of course, taken from the numismatic authorities, and need no discussion. 24 The possibility that Antiocheia-on-the-Cydnus was founded under Seleucus IV. and named after his father, may be set aside as too remote : it is an accepted rule that cities which were named after one of the Seleucid kings must be presumed to bear the founder's name. The arguments for this are overwhelming. Clear evidence must be given for any theory of an exception to the rule (p. 253) ; and in this case the evidence is in favour of the rule, for several other Cilician cities were refounded and began to strike their own coins under Antiochus IV., as will be shown below. Notes 441 25 There is some doubt as to the status of Antiochis. It is possible that she was legally the second wife of the king, and that the disparaging term in 2 Maccabees is due to Jewish hatred of their enemy. 26 It would have been much harder to understand the facts if such purely Cilician and non-Greek cities as Adana and Anazarba had begun the in surrection. 27 The rich coinage of Mallos, thoroughly Greek in character during the sixth and early fifth centuries, as M. Imhoof Blumer was the first to recognise it, proves how much more Greek Mallos was than Tarsus. The Greek ele ment in those colonies had to be counterbalanced by a strong Oriental element, before it was sufficiently amenable to Seleucid requirements. 28 Letters to the Seven Churches, p. 130. 29 The Church in the Roman Empire, p. 154. 30 It is, however, possible that the term demiourgos spread from Tarsus to other Cilician cities, which may have imitated its constitution when they acquired autonomy. 31 See M. Clermont Ganneau in Quart. Statement Pal. Expl. Fund, igoi, p. 382. 32 The supposition that the Jews of some other city followed Joseph for such a distance as to be able to throw him into the Cydnus is too violent to be accepted. ffia Some prefer to interpret this as a designation of Dalisanda in Cilicia Tracheia. 33 The Latin translation in the Migne edition calls him the bishop of Tiberias ; but this is a false rendering of the Greek. No Christians were allowed to live in Tiberias. 34 Expositor, Jan., igo6, p. 42. 35 On the "Tribes" into which the population of a Hellenic city was divided, see the Letters to the Seven Churches, pp. 146-150, or any work on Greek Antiquities. 36 See his article on the Jews of the Diaspora, in Hastings' Dictionary of the Bible, v., p. 105. 37 St. Paul the Traveller, pp. 35 ff., 310-12. 38 An examination of the meaning and use of avyyevijs and avyyiveta in Greek is much needed. The lexicons, even Steph. Thesaurus, rarely give any help in such matters. 89 See Josephus, Ant. Jud., xii., 3, 2, § 126, and Letters to the Seven Churches, p. 152. 40 Such as grapes and corn-ears, which marked the giver of corn and wine. 41 The history of the Province Cilicia in this century is treated more fully in Historical Commentary on the Epistle to the Galatians, p. 105 ff. 42 Appian, Syr., 48. 43 It is only twice named in his writings, AU., v., 20, 3, Fain., ii., 17, 1 ; 442 Notes but it is implied as the place where he was residing during certain events ; but no light whatsoever is thrown by this Roman governor on the condition of the capital of his Province. He was wholly taken up with Roman matters. 44 Augustus had the same family names as his uncle the Dictator, who had adopted him. The name Gaius Julius Paulus occurs once, Julia Paula twice, in early Christian inscriptions of Lycaonia. 45 Suetonius, Jul., 84. 46 It is collected by my friend and old pupil, Professor T. Callander, in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, igo4, p. 58 ff. 47 e%ovK6pos, Kal reretpriflfVTi p.l>vt\ ot)jxLovpy{ais re Kal KiXiKapxlais iivapx^wv i\tvd£ptp Koivo&ovXiq Kal Grepais irXdarais Kal ^pyiarais Kal i^aiperois SupeaTs, see Waddington in B.C.H., 1883, p. 281 f. 80 We should expect that, after Anazarbus became a meeting-place of the Commune, and was able like Tarsus to place on its coins the term Koinobou- lion (place of deliberation of the Koinon), it also would have had a temple " Common to Cilicia," and would have been Neokoros; but no coin mentions such a temple, and the title Neokoros, which has been read on one coin, is not accepted with perfect confidence. But probably coins may yet be found which mention both honours. 81 See Hill in the Austrian Jahreshefte, i8gg, p. 245 ff., where several illus trations, taken from marbles, show the form of the crown fitting round the heads of high-priests and high-priestesses. 82 Church in the Roman Empire before 170, p. 3g7- 83 "Tarsus Cilicia and the great Taurus Pass" in Geographical Journal, igo3, p. 357 ff. ; above, § v. ; on Cilicia Secunda Mommsen in Sachs. Acad. Abhandl., ii., 25g. 84 The same usage occurs often : Asia Provincia, i) Asia rb edvos, in Dion Cassius, liv., 30, shows how far the term Nation was from a racial term in this expression ; Asia was the most mixed of Provinces (Stud. Bibl., iv. p. 30). 85 Mr. Hill infers from the shape of the garland worn by Commodus and by Caracalla on some coins of Tarsus, that these Emperors accepted the,Demiourgia there ; but this seems a narrow basis for such an opinion ; had this been so, we should expect that the fact would be mentioned on the coins. 86 Also Antoneinoupolis and erroneously Antoniane. 87Rostowzew in the Austrian Jahreshefte Arch. Inst., 1901, p. 37 ff. (Beiblatt). ANTIOCH. 1 It is described with illustrations by G. Weber in Arch. Jahrb., 1904, p. g6f.2 Hamilton, Researches in Asia Minor, i., p. 474. 8 Epigraphic Journey in Asia Minor, p, 143. Notes 445 4 Sterrett, Wolfe Expedition, p. 402 ; see my Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces (igo6), p. 360. 6 See Part II., § xi. 6 Apollonia, see Studies in the History of the Eastern Provinces (rgo6), p. 360 (against the opinion of G. Hirschfeld, who regarded this city as a Pergamenian foundation). 1 Pauline and Other Studies, pp. 169, 187. 8 Sterrett, Epigr. Journey, No. 92, where read peyeavdpiov and 'Av[ri6xeia] ircf[Ais] and [o-Jre^a (double accusative) ; see my Studies in the Art, etc., p. 278. 9M. Chamonard's copy in Bull. Corr. Hellen., 1893, p. 257, is more com plete than Professor J. R. S. Sterrett's Wolfe Expedition, No. 550. In in scriptions of the Roman time, when divorce was so easy and frequent, it was often added to the epitaph of a married woman that she had only one husband and was univira : this is expressed in the last line. 'AvTi6xur(ra [yevos] irdrpris yovewv iroXvTelfioiv ofoofia Aeftfiwpa, avBpl oodela'a kAvt^j TIafi.(pv\i!) . . . [TOKui/ir)TT)s in this sense ; but in igo4 I found in this region another example of the term, evidently used in this sense, at Serai-Inn, a village in the territory of Laodiceia. 16 Cities and Bish. of Phrygia, i., p. g7 ; on the villages of Hierapolis see Anderson in Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1897, p. 411 f. 17 Ptolemy in the middle of the second century likewise places both Vasada and Lystra in the Province Galatia (as Antioch was). 18 So, for example, Claudius, Asterius, and their companions were arrested at Laranda in Lycaonia in 285 a.d., and carried before the proconsul, who ordinarily resided in Cilicia : they were taken about in his progress through Notes 449 Cilicia and finally executed at Aigai, many miles east of Tarsus (Acta Sanc torum, 23rd Aug., p. 567). The Province of the Three Eparchiai, Cilicia- Lycaonia-Isauria, existed as late as 285. 19 The name has been almost forgotten. Professor Sterrett in 1884 got it as Dibi-Delik, I in igo4 and igo5 as Kutu-Delik ; but Monsieur Cousin in 1898 was told that it was Sindjerli-Khan (as I was by careless informants): there is a village Sindjerli about two hours to the south, and Sindjerli-Khan is near the village. Since this paragraph was written I copied in Tilki Khan, at the southern end of another pass over Boz-Dagh on the road from Iconium to Psebila, a milestone of the year igg a.d. It belongs to the same series as the one mentioned in the text, but does not contain the name of the provincial Governor. The omission may perhaps be due to the carelessness of the engraver ; but, while this series of milestones shows great ignorance of Latin usage, a more probable reason is that Strabo's term of office expired while the roads were in process of reconstruction, between the time when the milestones at Salarama and Psebila were cut in 198 and the time when the work progressed as far as Tilki-Khan. 20 See Gal. vi. 11 ; Histor. Comm. on Gal., p. 464 f. 21 The name in this case is spelt Apponius. 22 The best known is Aponius Saturninus, a prominent supporter of Vespasian in the war of a.d. 6g, who afterwards was Proconsul of Asia. 23 Thus, for example, the disc overy of Savatra in 1901 resulted from the report that many stones for the Tchelebi Effendi's country house beside Iconium had been brought from a village twelve hours distant. 24 Studia Biblica, iv., p. 51. 25 See Lebas-Waddington, ng2. 26 In Studia Biblica, iv., p. 52 f., failing to observe the " poetic licence," I inferred that this region of the Galatic Province was incorporated in one of the three Galatian tribes ; but that inference seems less probable than the explanation now suggested. I also misinterpreted the date, being afraid, like Waddington, to follow the rule that cities of these regions dated from the organisation of the Province (Asia or Galatia, as the case was) ; the correct dating does away with one of the witnesses called to prove the scarcity in the days of Claudius, and therefore requires the deletion of three lines also in St. Paul the Trav., p. 4g, Christ Born in Bethlehem, p. 252; but I am glad that in all three places I spoke of the dating as uncertain, so that the strength of the argument in them is unaffected. I saw this inscription for the first time in igos, and recognised that it must be placed 150-250 a.d. 27 So regarded by Strabo, Cicero, Pliny in some passages, and the Romans generally. Pliny's variation is due to his dependence on different authorities. 28 Tots riaaapaw o-Tenfiairiv ttj[s] Ko[Kw]vlas (C.I.G., 3gg5*, where T7J[s] oIko- [So/i]las is restored meaninglessly) : the term prostatai, which follows, denotes the heads of Tribes, and proves that the stemmata represent four tribes of the four-headed Colony (Hist. Comm. Gal., p. 2ig) : stemma at Antioch, note 8. 29 45° Notes 29 It is published in .C.I.L, iii., No. 13638. 31 Letters to the Seven Churches, chaps, xi., xii. 32 Studia Biblica, iv., p. 32. 33 See note 24. 34 On coins of Parlais, before Augustus made it a Roman colony, the name of Diomedes occurs. This is a case like Iconium, and the coins must be placed similarly, either about 50-40, or with some special privilege contrary to the custom of the Province immediately after 25 B.C. ^Studies in the History of the Eastern Roman Provinces, Hodder & Stoughton, igo6, p. 308. It is, of course, not meant that o^Aos is used every where in the Acts as translation of plebs. It is applied to the mob of purely Greek cities, as at Thessalonica, Beroea and Ephesus. But the fact remains that Hellenes is used at Iconium and not at Antioch and Lystra. 36Marquardt, Roem. Staatsverw., i., p. 364 (ed. ii., 1881) ; Kornemann in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopaedie, igoo, iv., p. 551 ; Zahn, Einleitungin das N.T., i8g7, § n, n. 5, and at length with arguments, Kommentar zum N.T. : Galater, 1905, p. 13. Numismatists, on the contrary, almost all take the right view, e.g., Head, Hist. Num., p. 593 ; Hill, Catalogue Br. Mus. Lycaonia, p. xxiv. ; Macdonald, Hunterian Collection, ii., p. 524 ; Imhoof-Blumer, Klein- asiatische Muenzen, ii., p. 418. 37 See, e.g., Sterrett, Wolfe Expedition, No. 352, and C.I.L. , iii., 6786, where the Colonia Lystra passes such votes. 88SeeC./.G., 3991. 40 The inscription (which I sent to Dr. Wiegand, of the German Institute in Constantinople, through my friend the German Consul in Konia, Dr. Loytved, for publication) contains many points of interest. Two impressions were also sent him, one made by Dr. Loytved, one by myself. To make assurance doubly sure I consulted also my friend Professor O. Hirschfeld, in Berlin, the leading authority on Latin Epigraphy, who considers the meaning of the phrase quoted to be indubitable. 41 Kornemann in Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopaedie, iv., p. 566. 42 It is called " a Roman City," p. 45 note ; but this phrase means only, as the context shows, a city of the Empire and of the Province Galatia (in contrast to Dr. Farrar's statement that it was excluded from the Province). 43 In the Expositor, Dec, 1905, Jan., Feb., igo6, there is given a first account of the early Christian inscriptions of Lycaonia. We observe also that on coins of the Colonia the spelling is sometimes Iconiesis, instead of Iconiensis. This false spelling is due to the Greek rendering of the Roman adjective: after the Colonia was founded the older Greek ethnic 'iKovieiis was liable to be replaced by '\Kovii)iAi7nni)(rio!, the transcription of the Latin Philippenses : Histor. Comment, on Galatians, p. 321) ; and Greek speakers not very well accustomed to Latin made the Latin adjective like the Greek rendering. Notes 45 1 44 See " Lycaonia " in the Austrian Jahreshefte (Beiblatt), igo4, p. 121, where I conjectured that the fortress Dakalias guarded this road, but did not observe the identity with Takali : also Histor. Geography of Asia Minor, p. 359. 4S See Lycaonia, p. 69. 46 Pauline and Other Studies, pp. 133 f., 158 f. DERBE. 'P. 340 ff- 2 1 paced a number of the intervals successively, as follows : 130, 137, 140, 67, 68, 140, 66, 134, 6g, 67, 73, 60, 65, 68, 62. The five larger measures are where intermediate stones have been destroyed 01 hidden from view. The intervals, therefore, vary from 60 paces to 73 ; and the stones must have been placed roughly according to eyesight, and not by measurement. I paced the short interval 60 twice, and measured it with the tape-line, 148 feet. ' Probably most of them might, with care, be traced. The lost stones occur mostly near the point where I began to pace the distances, when I was on the outlook only for taller stones. 4 These stones have been described and published by my friend the Rev. H. S. Cronin in the Journal of Hellenic Studies, 1902. On the topography, however, it is necessary to consult my paper in the Annual of the British School at Athens, 1902, on " Pisidia and the Lycaonian Frontier," incorpor ating the results of more recent discoveries. 5 See the Austrian Jahreshefte, igo4, p. 67 (Beiblatt). 6 Konia and the neighbouring village Sille have preserved a continuous Greek population, and continuity in the tradition may therefore be expected, and can almost certainly be traced in the church of St. Amphilochius and the monastery of St. Chariton, etc. See Part IV., § ix. 7 See the chapter on " Ephesus " in the Letters to the Seven Churches; the articles on the Ephesian goddess and " The Permanence of Religion, etc.," in Pauline and Other Studies, p. 125 ff. 8 The few Greeks, who are met with in this neighbourhood, are all strangers engaged in trade. The Christian population of this part of Lycaonia was entirely exterminated or expelled after the Turkish conquest. There is, therefore, no continuity in the local tradition ; and no one among the Greeks knows that Derbe was situated in the neighbourhood. 9 There is no absolute impossibility that it might be of the second century ; but, personally, I should not be inclined to date it so early. 10 The most ornate example of this type was republished in Pauline and Other Studies, p. 216. The whole series is published by Miss Ramsay in Studies in the Art and History of the Eastern Provinces, p. 22 ff. 11 Compare the chapter on Ephesus in the Letters to the Seven Churches. 12 The chief facts about this name are gathered together in my paper on Lycaonia, in the Austrian Jahreshefte, igo4, 73 f. 452 Notes 13 A general account of it is given in my Preliminary Report of a Journey in 1905, Studies in the History and Art of the Eastern Provinces, p. 241 ff. 14 See the Church in the Roman Empire, chap. xvi. 15 For particulars, and for the spelling of the name, see the Austrian Jahreshefte, 1904, 73 f. (Beiblatt). 18 Professor Sterrett uses here this form of the name ; but I heard only Losta, and so also MM. Radet and Ouvre\ 17 Wolfe Expedition, p. 29. 18 He also was, I think, the first traveller that observed the ruins of Gudelisin. 19 Xi/ii)v was the name for such a station, whether it was a coast-town and harbour, or an inland city like Derbe. Stephanus Byz. is the only au thority who has recorded this fact, which he gathered from some lost authority, who described the city as it was between 41 and 74. ^Sterrett, loc. cit., p. 23, where the author has not observed that Pro- vincie is a plural, and that the names of two of the Eparchiae are lost at the end of the inscription. He mentions that the letters are faint. LYSTRA. 1 Bulletin de Correspondance Hell'en., vii., p. 318 f. 2 The new Turkish law regulating antiquarian research and excavation is so strict as to be almost prohibitive without strong Government support. 3 Lustra occurs in the only two Latin inscriptions which give the name, C.I.L., iii., 6786, 12215. The same form is used in the only legible coins that I have seen ; but they are mostly worn and the letters uncertain. M. Babelon prints Lystra in a coin of Augustus (Coll. Waddington, No. 4790) ; but a mis print may be suspected here. 4 See Cronin in Journ. Hell. Stud., 1904, pp. 113, 115. THE ABERDEEN UNIVERSITY PRESS LIMITED.