Gift of

REV. WILLIAM H. OWEN

RECOLLECTIONS

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THE MACMILLAN CO. OF CANADA, Ltd.
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RECOLLECTIONS

BY
JOHN, VISCOUNT MORLEY
O.M.
HON. FELLOW OF ALL SOTJLS COLLEGE, OXFORD

IN TWO VOLUMES
VOL. II

Nein gotft
THE MACMILLAN COMPANY
1917
All rights reserved

COPTBIOHT, 1917,
By THE MACMILLAN COMPANY.

Set up and electrotyped. Published November, 19x7.
Reprinted November, 1917.

Nartjoob WtCM
J. B. CuBhing Co. — Berwick & Smith Co.
Norwood, Mass., U.S.A.

CONTENTS

BOOK III (continued)
CHAP. PAGI1
VI. Ministerial Changes  3
VII. Visits in Ireland  24
VIII. End op Irish Office — Literary Postscript . . 45

BOOK IV
POLICIES AND PERSONS
I. A Tract before the Times  55
II. A Summer in the Highlands ..... 62
III. Policies and Persons  78
IV. Visit to America  101
V. An Easter Digression  113
VI. Liberalism restored  131
BOOK V
A SHORT PAGE IN IMPERIAL HISTORY
I. Changed Horizons  149
II. New Policy foreshadowed . . . ¦ . . 162
v

vi RECOLLECTIONS
CHAP. PAGE
III. Opening Stages op Reforms — Indian Members of
Council  199
IV. Reforms on the Anvil  241
V. Historic Plunge taken by Parliament . . . 291
VI. Weapons from an Old Armoury .... 326

BOOK VI
A CRITICAL LANDMARK
I. A Crisis in Prerogative  343
II. A Word of Epilogue  361
APPENDIX  369
INDEX  373

BOOK III
(Continued)

VOL. II B

CHAPTER VI
MINISTERIAL CHANGES

What a wonderful incongruity it is for a man to see the doubtfulness in
which things are involved, and yet be impatient or vehement in it. —
Butler.

When the Bill had met its fate, its author began chap.
silently to revolve the question of his own continu- ,_J^_
ance in command. A sharp controversy within the 1894.
Cabinet brought the question to an issue. Naval
estimates were proposed by Lord Spencer. The
Prime Minister judged them to be grossly excessive.
The Admiralty was urgent, and Spencer was by
temperament obstinate. He carried a decided
majority of the Cabinet with him. Time passed ; a
series of singular perplexities ensued.
We had a Cabinet on January 9, 1894. Accom
modation on Navy estimates seeming to be out of
reach, was the decision on the ulterior consequence
of the fact capable of delay? Could this be post
poned until February 15? It was decided to adjourn,
and we were informally to consider this point among
ourselves. An item or two from my Diary may
record the course of incident :
"Rosebery took me up to B. Square in his
brougham, and Asquith followed. We talked away
3

4 RECOLLECTIONS
book without saying anything, as men are so curiously
^^^ able to do. The view undoubtedly was that now is
the accepted time for our chief's resignation ; that
it would be against Mr. G.'s honour to remain at the
head of the Government while the estimates of which
he disapproved were actually being framed ; that the
delay in reconstruction would fatally mutilate the
new session ; and all the other arguments.
"To H. of C. A good many Irish questions,
which I answered as I best could. Mr. G. on the
bench, in a perfectly matter-of-fact humour to all
outer seeming. He said to me, 'Pray, come and dine
to-night, if you can. Only the family, and I will
tell you my estimate of the Cabinet.' Much buzzing
among the Cabinet men, coming to my room and
talking things over and over. Most of them were at
this stage of affairs This-Weekers and not Next-
Monthers, i.e. for a definitive Cabinet on Thursday or
Friday followed by the Prime Minister's immediate
retirement. Only one minister, L  , was willing
to entertain Mr. G.'s own plan, or to go against the
Admiralty figures. Presently it came rather more
into our minds that a ministerial crisis and the with
drawal of Mr. G. might let in Lord Salisbury. The
Q. might send for him and he might dissolve, leaving
our Parish Councils Bill planted. Or he might be
emboldened, even if we remonstrated, to spoil the
Bill. That argument began to spread a little. Still,
I don't think it substantially diverted the current in
favour of resignation this week.
"To dine in Downing Street. Armitstead and
Lord Ronald Gower, the only other guests. Mr. G.
not in his gay mood, but still perfectly cheerful and
full of talk, only no flow; it was an atmosphere of

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 5
preoccupation. R. G., by the way, asked him chap.
whether it would not be worth while to publish a VL
life of his uncle, Lord Morpeth, afterwards Lord
Carlisle, the Lord Lt. of Ireland. Mr. G. politely
snuffed the notion out. 'A biography, unless it is of
some very great man indeed, is only sure of a public at
the time of the man's death.' He cited the complete
lack of interest in Sir Robert Peel's papers, just
edited and extremely well edited by Charles Parker.
"After dinner, in the drawing-room, he at once
sat down to backgammon with Armitstead. Mrs. G.
carried me to a sofa behind an ornamental glass
screen, and I then found with a minute of consterna
tion that I was to tell her the fatal news. Mr. G.
had said to her, on his return from the House, that I
was coming to dine ; that he was fagged, and that I
would tell her how things stood. It was as painful
as any talk could be. However, I had no choice.
I told her that the reign was over, and that the only
question was whether the abdication should be now
or in February. The poor lady was not in the least
prepared for the actual stroke. Had gone through
so many crises, and they had all come out right in
the end ; had calculated that the refreshment of the
coming journey to Biarritz would change his thoughts
and purpose. I told her that language had been
used which made change almost impossible. Well,
then, would not the Cabinet change, when they knew
the perils with which his loss would surround them?
I was obliged to keep to iron facts. What a curious
scene ! Me breaking to her that the pride and glory
of her life was at last to face eclipse, that the curtain
was falling on a grand drama of fame, power, accla
mation; the rattle of the dice on the backgammon

6 RECOLLECTIONS
book board, and the laughter and chucklings of the two
^^^ long-lived players, sounding a strange running refrain.
"This, however, was not the end. The final
stage did not arrive for several weeks. Three or four
of them he passed at Biarritz (Jan. 13-Feb. 10), but
with little gain of composure. His colleagues in
Whitehall were in dire perplexity, as the session
rapidly approached. Some of them regaled them
selves with verse. One recalled Johnson's fine lines
on those fortunate men 'who sat unclouded in the
gulf of fate.' Another replied to him as more to the
point Blair's verse : 'Behold him in the evening time
of life. . . . By unperceived degrees, he wears away.
Yet like the Sun, seems larger at his setting.' The
Prime Minister himself suggested an immediate dis
solution. It was curious enough, he argued, that if
it was really desirable that he should appear before
the country at a dissolution, and that should be
now, the Lords had taken the steps that might bring
it now. A prompt submission to the nation of a
group of questions which, taken together, amount to
this, whether the people of this island are or are
not to be a self-governing people. General disfavour
greeted this idea among us at Whitehall.
"I came back from Ireland to meet him on his
return from Biarritz. I went to him at once. It
was a Sunday afternoon. There the old fellow was,
doing what old fellows have done for long ages on a
Sunday afternoon, reading a big Bible. Open on the
table was Taine's final volume — the pages on the
Church. He complained that after three pages of it,
his eyes were done. I thought him looking extra
ordinarily well — quite different from what he was
when I saw him off at Charing Cross.

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 7
"He revived the notion of a speedy dissolution, chap.
I said I was against it, mainly on the ground that ,_I^~
electoral reform was the best field on which we could
try a good square throw with the Lords. Everybody
understands registration and the rest of it; such
things come home to electors. He admitted there
was some force in this, but thought that the wrecking
of the work of a whole session was a neat compact
sort of crime, to make the foundation of a grand
charge. Thought the prospect of our living through
the session extremely doubtful. I demurred. How
are they to turn us out? He could only say that we
should surely find something of a peace party, and
if so, a clever Tory amendment might ensnare them.
I said that I didn't believe this. About my own
position, I put it plainly once more in this way: 'I
stay, because if I were to resign on ships, you would
have to resign on ships too, and that would wreck the
party. If I resign on ships, you cannot resign on eyes
and ears. But that is what, exactly to save the
party, you desired to do. Therefore, on Irish grounds
I stay. . . .' About France he said: 'If I had a
confidential French friend, I should say to him that I
regarded you as holding identical opinions with my
own on France, and her relations with us, and on
foreign policy generally.' After an hour, I went into
the drawing-room. No politics, only weather. After
a few minutes Mr. G. came and took me back for one
more point. It proved to be an explanation of what
line he should take as member of the H. of C. He
did not feel that the same considerations of eyes and
ears which warranted him in leaving office, bound
him to leave Parliament ; he should not attend
often; if his opinion were challenged, he should say

8 RECOLLECTIONS
book he was only answerable to his constituents, and so
^^L, on — a very perilous outlook, I should say.
"We all knew how sure it was to come out that
he was for dissolution, and it was the Cabinet who
feared it. It would of course be said and believed
that he was edged out by the ambition and restlessness
of colleagues. Asquith warned me that I should be
shot at first and foremost — his own familiar friend —
the depositary of his counsels — the sharer of his
deepest thoughts and policies — the man who agreed
with him as to this very issue of the ships and the
millions and the European peace. I suppose that
will prove true, and that I shall be charged with
deserting him and sacrificing my convictions for
office. Well, they may say what they like. I have
to go on living some years, D.V. How could I face
the memory of having a second time been his active
coadjutor in breaking up the party ? And how should
I feel as to Ireland? Ireland, that is my polestar of
honour, even if I were to know that I am driving
straight on to failure.
"On February 1, the Irish view of resignation
was presented to me by one of the leaders. He drew
a terrific picture of the pain and anger that Mr. G.'s
retirement would create in Ireland. Helps one to
realise what he is to Home Rule and to Ireland. 'It
is not the Bill. It is the man. He is the personifica
tion of their cause before Europe and the world.
For him deliberately to step down and desert them
will be regarded as the crowning betrayal of Ireland
by England. By their cause, I don't mean a
Parliament on College Green. It is resistance to
the bullying agents, swaggering landlords, braggart
Orangemen — that is the cause. His voluntary dis-

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 9
appearance would be the triumph of this whole gang chap.
of oppressors.' VL
"A fortnight of curious interludes came next.
There was a Cabinet dinner (Feb. 17). It was
expected that the Prime Minister would tell us that
he was going at once to resign ; on what day ; was
going to say; what we were to set about doing or
not doing. I met a political lady in the afternoon,
driving out of Downing Street. 'Don't you re
member,' she asked me, 'the last scene in Lucrezia
Borgia; they were all feasting and singing, II segreto
per esser felice, and in rushes Lucrezia, telling them
they are all dead men?' Things did not run out
altogether so. We ate our dinners expectantly; the
coffee found the oracle still dumb ; and in good time
a crestfallen flock departed. Six days later (Feb. 23)
a Cabinet. At the close of the business he said in a
quiet, ordinary voice something to the effect that
when the prorogation speech was settled it was
understood that the moment would have come 'to
end his co-operation with the members of the Cabinet.'
The words fell like ice on men's hearts, there was an
instant's hush, and we broke up in funereal groups.
The end came a week later, and the last Cabinet was
held. When the busmess was over Kimberley, as
our senior, said his words of farewell. But almost
in an instant the honest fellow's voice gave way; he
bravely forced out a few broken sentences — good
honest sentences they were — and not without tears
he came to a stop. His unaffected and manly emotion
touched every one of us to the core. Harcourt
followed in words expressive of his feeling of the
privilege he had enjoyed in lightening Mr. Gladstone's
toil, and the grief with which he should realise that

III.

10 RECOLLECTIONS
book the congenial task was at an end. Mr. Gladstone,
who had sat composed and still as marble, closed the
scene in a little speech of four or five minutes — the
sentences of most moving cadence, the voice unbroken
and serene, the words and tones low, grave, and
steady. He referred to differences upon a question
of vital moment, and upon a decision which he could
not but regard as fraught with disaster. But 'those
who could no longer co-operate with honour, could
at least part in honour.' He was glad to know that
he had justification in the condition of his senses.
He was glad, too, to think that in spite of vital
difference on a public question, private friendship
would remain unaltered and unimpaired. Then he
said in a tone hardly above a breath but every accent
heard, ' God bless you all ! '
"The ceremonial of changing seals at Windsor
has often been recorded, and Lord Rosebery kissed
hands as new head of the Government.
"We all, or most of us, met the same evening at
an official dinner given by Kimberley as Lord Pre
sident. No discredit to the host, his kitchen or his
cellar, the meal was not convivial. We were out of
a prolonged and severe ordeal, and even those of us
whose rule of life was never to look back upon action
that could not be revoked, may have mused over the
chances of a future ordeal severer still."

ii
The choice of a successor made an episode that
no one of the prominent actors in it could or can
pretend to look back upon with unalloyed satis
faction. I saw Mr. Gladstone on the afternoon when

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 11
he was starting for Windsor to tender his resignation chap.
(March 2). He had some reason to suppose that the VJ^,
Queen might ask him for advice as to his successor.
"If you were in my place, now, whom would you
advise?" J. M. If I were in your place, consider
ing the difficulties and embarrassments of personal
questions, I should be disposed to decline advice.
Mr. G. No, I could not do that. It would not be
consistent with my view of my duty not to advise if
invited. J. M. Then I am bound to say that, though
it is not ideal, and has many elements of danger to
policies that you and I care for, I should advise
Rosebery. Mr. G. I shall advise Spencer. These
were pretty nearly the exact words used by each of
us, but of course there were longish pauses, and the
delicacy of the matter made us deliberate.
Reconstruction of a ministry necessarily turns
upon personalities, and therefore cannot always be
edifying. For us to throw down the reins would be
as cowardly as it was in Pitt's colleagues, on their
leader's death in 1806. We were under a special
moral obligation to the Irish, because it was reliance
on our fidelity and honour that had induced them
to part company with their own chief. The diffi
culties were obvious. When Lord Derby retired
from his third premiership in 1867, Disraeli was leader
of the House of Commons, and for other reasons
there could be no dispute as to the succession. Mr.
Gladstone left no leader in the Commons. Harcourt
had now no rival in experience of public life, in force
as a debater, in mastery of parliamentary tactics, in
unflinching devotion to his party, in constant atten
tion and industry. "You and I," he once said to
me, who only half deserved the compliment, "are

12 RECOLLECTIONS
book the only regular professional politicians in our camp."
^^ His conversion to the new Irish policy in 1886 had
been as rapid as the conversion of other people; his
adhesion to it in the Cabinet had been undisguisedly
chilling. It would be unjust to Harcourt to compare him
as a colleague with Brougham, though they had
common traits. Some detached observers bethought
themselves of an incident in the life of the wayward
Lord Chancellor of the old days. Brougham, after
he was left out of Lord Melbourne's reconstructed
government in 1835, made a speech in the House of
Lords of such extraordinary vehemence and power
that Melbourne followed by asking how a man
endowed with the singular qualities that made him
capable of such a performance was yet not deemed
by his colleagues of value enough to be retained
among them ! How ill, then, must our own strong
parliamentarian's cards have been played since
the opening of the Parliament in 1892. At that
moment colleagues had begun with every good
feeling towards him, with the natural expectation
that as the senior, the most experienced, and the
most competent for parliamentary purposes of all the
men sitting with him on the Liberal front bench of
the House of Commons, his succession was naturally
to be expected. Yet with full consciousness of the
obvious disadvantages of a premier in the House of
Lords, still they could not agree to take service
under him. How came such gifts, claims, and work
as his to miscarry just when the prospects of his
most natural ambition were so promising? The short
answer is that, though he was a large-hearted man
and a warm-hearted man, and a man of commanding

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 13
parliamentary power, he was daily Hable to moods \ chap.
that made him difficult. The parliament was not<j _J^
to his mind, still less was the size of the majority ;
he was not sustained by enthusiasm for the main
article of policy ; he missed old stable companions, and
did not take to all of the new. Though conscious ,.
of excitability of temperament in himself, he was
not tolerant of either excitability or of the sluggish
lack of it in others. Nobody will wonder if all this
was found especially disconcerting and gratuitous, in
the very hardest weather against which any set of j
British ministers ever were forced to put to sea.
Nothing could go more against the grain with me
than to record these events, but what happened and
why it happened were questions that drew much
comment, and may again. He and I had incessant
conversations of perfect candour, not, I believe, in
the least discreditable to either of us. I reminded
him of Burke's pithy and sensible saying that the
complaints of a friend are very different from in
vectives of an enemy. I reminded him also of what
Scott said of Canning in 1827, that with his immense
talent, wit, and eloquence, he unhappily wanted
prudence and patience. It does not need the genius
of Scott to tell us that a cloudless temper is a wonder
ful asset in the cast of political parts. It needs no
profound observer to realise that public life upon
the summits is apt to have its cruel hours. "Oh, I
know," he said, "but you must blame Nature;
tamen usque recurret." J. M. "I don't presume
to blame either gods or demigods. But business
is business ; and, as some sage has observed, Nature
says, take all but pay." He insisted that honestly
he did not want to be in the first place, or head of

14 RECOLLECTIONS
the Government. In fact it was quite true that in
the sagacious depths of his mind he felt that anything
like party strength and unity was irrecoverable, and
why should he enter into vehement competition for
the first place in association with the wreckage ? Still,
one knew that the ordinary superficial ambitions
are apt to outrun sagacious depths. The leader of
the House of Commons, he said, must be the real
head of the Government when our party is in power,
whoever be the titular head. The reality of authority
must be there. At the same time he did not at all
deny the advantage of the leader of the House of
Commons being also the titular leader of the party.
If it were not that it would sound like advocacy of
personal claims, he should have a vast deal to say on
this : the enormous difficulty of keeping our groups
together, which is barely overcome even by Mr.
Gladstone himself, would be increased tenfold, if there
were not plenary authority in the leader. The new
leader of the House of Commons will have an almost
impracticable task at best. At any rate he was old,
and knew how to distinguish tinsel from substance.
/. M. "My dear Harcourt, forgive me for being
frank. But you deceive yourself. You do want to
be leader. You are a proud man. You are aristocrat
to your finger tips. People may say Stemmata quid
faciunt if they like, but your stemma interests you
immensely. [What is the use of genealogies?] Quite
right too. You have had a Chancellor in your family,
and a Lord-Lieutenant of Ireland, and you'd like to
have a Prime Minister in your family, and no earthly
blame to you. The thing for us and for the party
has a double aspect, how we can best carry on our
fight in the House of Commons between now and the

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 15
dissolution, and how we can offer the best front when chap.
the election comes. From the first point of view ^J^.
you are neither more nor less than indispensable ;
from the second, the advantages are with Rosebery."
This was undoubtedly the dominant view of the
leading junta inside the Cabinet — I mean Spencer, |
Asquith, Acland, and myself — though, as was to be
expected amid so much uncertainty and distraction,
feeling wavered from day to day. But the tremble
was slight, and the hand of the barometer returned
to a steady point. Rosebery, in spite of what would
have been a perfectly natural and justified ambition,
was far too acute not to be fully alive to the
difficulties with which any Liberal prime minister in
the Lords would have to grapple, and far too careful
by temperament actively to covet such a post. It
fell to me to see him constantly through this agitat
ing time. Clearer than any of us, he saw and felt
the force of the various changes in our continental
relations, and the immense difficulty of adjusting
them to the temper of our party. It was wide insight
and no pusillanimity that made him slow to yield
to our pressure. From Mr. Gladstone's last Cabinet,
Rosebery, Spencer, and I walked away together,
on our way to Berkeley Square, where Asquith and
Acland joined us and we had our luncheon. I had
already written to Rosebery in the morning that he
must really let us know firm, whether he was prepared
to form a Government at all costs. It would never
do for me to lead the Irish in a certain direction, if
after all my pains we were in that direction to be
left in the lurch. Spencer now pointedly put this
to him, and Acland pressed it home. Asquith was
of the same mind. Rosebery at last definitely

16 RECOLLECTIONS
book accepted the obligation, and agreed that he would
^J^, under any circumstances undertake to go on with the
task, if the Queen sent for him. Our satisfaction at
this advance towards daylight was somewhat alloyed
the same night by news from the House of Commons.
There was a revolt; a certain group of Liberal
members, with a chartered malcontent at their head,
had come to the senior whip to make a protest
against a peer premier. Asquith and I thought it
of little significance, but Tweedmouth, the whip,
though one of the most courageous of men, was con
siderably perturbed.
In these trying days I had many visits from
the most confidential emissary that Harcourt could
possibly have chosen — in many ways cleverer, neater,
more astute, diplomatic, and far more resolute than
Harcourt himself. He assured me that if my mind
turned that way, nothing would be more exactly
what the Chancellor desired than that I should go
to the Exchequer, and I could either bring in the
budget myself or, to begin with, play the part of
Goulburn to Peel. In this case, if I became the
second man in the House of Commons — the first man,
moreover, being eleven or twelve years older — that
was a clear gain for the cause of Home Rule, and the
Irish would be quite sharp enough to see it. Under
all the circumstances the political reader will agree
that this was a completely honourable and fair-
minded proposal of Harcourt 's, and neither calls for
nor in truth admits a word of cynical comment. It
was very much the arrangement that had seemed most
natural in our Malwood days, before their harmony
was impaired by the untoward experiences of 1893-94.
Sunday, March 4. — A curious move now began

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 17
from the Exchequer. By nine I had a note from chap.
Harcourt begging me to go to see him about our ^J^,
action in respect of foreign secretary in the Lords.
I replied that I was going to use a day of Sabbatic
calm in viewing the whole position, and that I would
come to see him later. By eleven there came a line
from Loulou, urging me to go soon, as his father was
to see Rosebery very shortly. This was to secure the
point that the leader of the H. of C. was to see all
telegrams and dispatches of the F. 0. It was im
portant that he and I should meet first. It would
be better, I said, that we should take independent
action. Harcourt at once drove up to B. Square,
surrendered the point, and generally fell in with a
Rosebery premiership. No doubt, if I had joined!
him in making a protest against a foreign secretary
in the Lords, with a definite refusal to join unless j
that point were conceded, this, as R. afterwards told ,
me, would have broken off the plan, and he would \
have thrown up his task. It seems curious that none '
of us realised how essentially fatal to the very idea
of a sound and workable arrangement was the differ
ence between two schools of imperial policy.
That imperfectly considered step once irrevocably
done with, I enjoyed some hours of peace and soli
tude. I walked round to see a political neighbour,
a shrewd and cool head, with some kind feeling for
me, and capable in spite of shrewdness and coolness
of imagination and ideals. I said bluntly, "Shall I
give up the Irish office ? " At first he took the common
place point of view, that having gone in for politics,
I ought to follow the rules and take every upward
step that came. Gradually, however, we worked
away from this ; began to glow a little ; and at last
VOL. II c

18 RECOLLECTIONS
book took fire, and I walked away full of virtuous resolve
V-_Y_^, to stand to Ireland. j
Towards four in the afternoon Spencer came.
Much alarm felt at B. Square and by himself at the
news brought by Acland that I would not join if
the F. O. arrangement for Kimberley were persisted
in. We argued the matter pretty closely. S. leaned
heavily on the personal point, that Kimberley ought
to be compensated for his supersession as leader in
the Lords. I resisted this. At length he said that
if I did not join, neither would he. I protested
against this responsibility being cast on me, and
began to waver. He proposed that we should go to
Rosebery. R. would have been to see me, but was
beset by business. Just before we started, in comes
Loulou to say that his father had seen R., had dis
cussed terms, and had joined.
Meanwhile off went Spencer and I in a hansom
to B. Square. R. very pleasant. Others came in.
He and I withdrew to the inner room. We discussed
the matter of the F. O. Rather than have a Harcourt
government, I gave way, partly on the consideration
that Kimberley would be a good enough minister,
but mainly because I could not break up the best
scheme of a new administration on a narrow and not
popularly intelligible, though substantially an im
portant, point. He then asked me whether I would
stay in Ireland or go to India. I said that frankly
I was divided. The Irish would really not thank
me ; would not be at all sorry for a change ; Ireland
tosses on her bed and finds relief in change; restive
and restless ; would be all the better pleased to find
a more malleable man. "Would you come and dine
to-night," he asked, "and we can talk it over?" I

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 19
agreed. Meanwhile went to make a call at Downing
Street : Mr. G. gone to church. I said that I rather
wanted to ask him a question which I was pretty
sure that he would peremptorily decline to answer.
Home to dress. My wife urgent that I should
leave Ireland. Pursued me even to my dressing-
room, and plied me with friendly appeals. When I
left the house, I was pretty well fixed for India.
Who would thank me for staying ? Who would think
the worse of me for going? That way the balance
inclined. Political instinct, as I told Asquith yester
day, beckoning one way; weariness of the flesh
tugging me in the other.
I found R. already at table with his two girls,
taking their supper : all absolutely easy and as usual.
The girls went, and we talked over the incidents of
the day and of other recent days. R. "And now
about Ireland. I do hope you will not leave your
post." J. M. (head plunged between his hands).
"Do not ask me that." So we drove into the
arguments, threadbare by now. He naturally looked
at nothing but the convenience and interest of his
government. I cannot blame him. I told him I had
left tears of vexation in my home at the thought.
He offered that I should be Lord President or Privy
Seal, if I thought that would add lustre or importance
to the Irish post. J". M. "No, no, if I take the post,
I want no artificial decorations ; if I take it, I take it.
If I take it," said I, "you will understand that I
bargain that I am not to be asked to take part in any
un-Irish debate, nor to make one single speech in the
country; I will lock myself fast in the Irish back-
kitchen." And so, ostensibly and superficially under
pressure from him, but fundamentally because con-

20 RECOLLECTIONS
book science and instinct were pulling me by secret and
^J^_, resistless force the same way, I agreed, and the decision
was made. He ordered his phaeton, and off we drove
in the darkness and east wind to my house, talking
about all sorts of things. His last word, as I got to
my door, was that he could not tell me how grateful
he was for the service I was rendering and the sacrifice
I was making. I replied that in affairs of this gravity
and moment, it was no question of gratitude. He
had previously said that he would write to my wife
to explain and to palliate. To which I also replied
that these concerns of State were not to be settled
on the principles of the domestic affections. R.
said it would be right to put it in the newspapers
next day, that I might have been a Secretary of State
if I liked. "Do no such thing, I really beg of you,"
cried I, with half-angry sincerity. My protest
notwithstanding, the thing was officially in print
next day; that though offered a Secretaryship of
State I had felt it my duty to decline any post which
at this juncture might separate me from the cause
of Ireland. I found R. and G. sitting up. They
knew very well what to expect. "It's precious hard
lines," cried G. with youthful vehemence. "I knew
you would," said R. with profound vexation in her
voice. The new Government sailed out on the crest of
the wave, and the very next day found itself in the
trough of a boiling sea. The new Premier had let
slip to the Lords a sentence about England being
the predominant partner, whose assent was requisite
for Irish self-government. This made it certain that
our Irish friends would bear down upon us without
loss of an hour.

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 21
March 13, 1894. — At one indued myself in uniform chap.
for the Levee, and so to Berkeley Square. R. not v_^L,
particularly agitated, though he knew pretty well
that he had been indiscreet. "I blurted it out," he
said. "For Heaven's sake," said I, "blurt out what
you please about any country in the whole world,
civilised or barbarous, except Ireland. Irish affairs
are the very last field for that practice." R. "You
know that you and I have agreed a hundred times
that until England agrees, H. R. will never pass."
/. M. "That may be true. The substance of your
declaration may be as sound as you please, but
not to be said at this delicate moment." Neither of
us made any fuss about it, but discussed coolly as
we drove down to St. James's what might be the
proper form of extrication. The D. of York's first
Levee. A great number of nauticals. A few words
with Balfour. He told me that Randolph was going
to make a speech two hours long. "What about?"
I asked. "Heaven only knows," he said. I then
told him that a lady who was a friend of his in the
gallery last night had told me that what most
interested her was my physiognomy while he was
speaking — the look of pride as of an elder brother on
one who knew his busmess and was doing it in good
style. A. B. laughed most joyfully. H. of C. — The
Irish in a wild state of perturbation, anger, and panic
at the unhappy sentence in the Lords. I did my
best motos componere fluctus. Was told Randolph
had come on to this burning ground. Hurried into
House. Found that Redmond was going to follow
him, so made up my mind to forestall, and when
R. C. sat down, I got up, got over the thin ice as I
best could, and uncommon thin it was. As Goschen

22 RECOLLECTIONS
book truly said to me later in the evening, it is much easier
TTT •
^^ to get yourself out of a scrape of this sort, than
to explain away another man. However, I skated
along, listened to with close and painful interest, and
after winding up with a good strong deliverance
about H. R., I sat down amid plenty of cheering.
Not a nice task, but everybody seemed to feel that I
had made the best of it. Redmond followed me in
a very able, slightly wicked speech. We went to
Labouchere's amendment upon the Address, protest
ing against the continuance of the legislative powers
of the House of Lords. This of course was a
demonstration in favour of Harcourt against the new
premier. Ministers were defeated by 2, amid wild
exultation of Radicals and Irish.
Wednesday, March 14. — Cabinet at H. of C. at
11.30. Settled the way out of the scrape of the
rejected Address. In the House Harcourt too solemn.
Balfour in a vein of admirable raillery. Harcourt
moved and I seconded the new Address — a very
unexpected ray of parliamentary glory ! The Par-
nellites plus T. W. R. pounding into me all the
afternoon. Quite like old times.
Thursday, March 15. — Cabinet at noon in the old
room at Downing Street. At Rosebery's desire, I
sat at his left hand. Next to me Asquith. Harcourt
explained Budget. A trifle long, but excellently clear.
Took about an hour. Message from Rosebery to
go to him in Whips' room. Took my hand and kept
it for a minute, thanking me with real feeling for
standmg up for him. "Tush!" said I, "that's one
of the few true delights of political life." He wanted
me to go out with him, but I could not leave the
House. As he fared forth alone, I wondered how it

MINISTERIAL CHANGES 23
was that all of us who pressed him into it against his chap.
own judgment, had failed to realise the isolation of a ^^^^
peer premier — our lobbies all seething, fermenting,
and buzzing. There is another plausible side to it,
though ! A man's judgment may be none the worse
for being away from it all. As is mostly the case in
political questions of this sort, there is no more to be
said than that all depends.

CHAPTER VII

VISITS IN IRELAND

We govern men, and we do not know them : we do not even endeavour
to know them. — Lord Shelburne,

book Limerick, Sunday, July 30, 1893. — Awoke at six
m" or so. Applied myself to a bundle of papers and dis
patched them after breakfast, thus starting with a
clean sheet. Glorious morning. Car at the door with
extraordinary punctuality. Indeed, in the matter of
inns and cars, I must say the Irish are as punctual
as nations with a better name. We had about thirty
miles before us, and I have not often enjoyed a day
more keenly. The sky brilliant, the air keen and
fresh, the green of the fields and woods wonderfully
radiant after parched England; the landscape of
eastern Clare pretty, the people tidy, the knowledge
of what lies under the social surface rather exciting,
and the consciousness that one was doing duty and
busmess all very conducive to contentment. The
D. C, steady, well-informed, and kind. The car-
driver told us of some rough work at Bodyke the day
before. He had driven the agent and his men to
make their seizures, leaving Limerick at three in the
morning; it is he, too, who takes out their supplies
to the constables and the police at Bodyke. The
24

VISITS IN IRELAND 25
consequence was that, as we approached, the women chap.
who passed us on the road in their Sunday best VI1'
jeered and mocked at our friend — not at all ferocious
— rather good-natured than otherwise, though I
daresay the language was unpleasant enough if I
could have understood it through the brogue. He
assured us that he never minded, but I fancy he had
human nature enough not to relish it much. How
should he? At the entrance to the disturbed region,
saw a vedette of a couple of constabulary on a low
hill, one holding his rifle, the other scouring the
neighbourhood with his field-glass. Then we came
on walking patrols — then on two or three cycle
patrols. Every thing looked like alertness and vigi
lance. Got down at the Knocktara protection post,
where some eight of our men were engaged in pro
tecting a couple of people. The sergeant in charge,
wonderfully smart, erect, intelligent — quite young.
Looked at their patrol books. Recalled all the
trouble we had about this post in the winter. At
the barracks met the D. I., a youngster of seven
or eight and twenty, with clear open eyes and
sharp ready bearing. Heard afterwards that he has
the faults of his qualities and his youth ; is too
sanguine, not close enough in details, and like Joseph
IL, and a good many thousands of other persons
alive and dead — apt to take the second step before
he has taken the first. Had some bread and butter
at his little house at Tulla. Passed H. C. on the
road, and had some talk. He has charge of the
patrolling here. A good, strong, firm jowl and a
direct eye — a civil, experienced man, looks as if he
were well up to his business, and as if he minded
that before other things — the beginning of virtue in

26 RECOLLECTIONS
book this world. Saw the low hills from which the people
_j^, fired on the sheriff last autumn. Met an old gentle
man of venerable mien in a white hat, taking his
Sunday afternoon's walk, with a couple of constables
with loaded rifles close at his shoulder. Proved to
be a certain Mr.  . Saw the place where the one
really bad outrage in my reign was attempted. A
Dublin agent was on his way to collect some rents.
Nothing wrong on the property so far as we can
learn. As he drove along, four successive shots were
fired at him by men posted on the left-hand side of
the road, and when he had run this agreeable gauntlet,
two more by men on the right hand. He was wounded,
and so was the horse. One house was close by. Several
others not much farther off. The assassins must
have been six or eight in number. They must have
been for some time in ambush, in full view of these
houses. The hour was about noon. They must have
scampered off over the fields in full view. Yet nobody
would admit that they had seen anything or heard any
thing. As the operations were being explained to me,
three wenches in their Sunday frocks came out of the
house, and giggled in our faces, as if to say "What
fools you are ! You'll never find it out." We have
two prisoners for the affair, but the evidence is weak.
Called at  House, where  was taken after
the shooting. It belongs to his family, and is now
opened by Colonel M., who is guardian for a minor.
A delightful park, rather recalling Panshanger,
and a good house. The Colonel, who had come to
see me in London at the time of the attempt, was
most cordial, and he and his ladies pressed tea.
But we had no time. He never leaves his gate with
out protection. I could not make out what he had

VISITS IN IRELAND 27
done wrong, even according to the law of the League, chap.
He is only there for the summer. No wonder if VI1'
he'll be glad to find himself at Bath or Bayswater.
Next came upon Mr.  's place. He has been
fired at several times — one of them only a few weeks
ago. A protection post of some eight men, with a
sergeant at their head, one of the most candid, keen,
intelligent, and attractive young men I ever saw in
my life. On his shelf I saw Vanity Fair, Macaulay's
Essays, and something of Carlyle. Mr.  came
out to see me. An old man with white beard and
dim eye, but full of pluck ; would like to have a chance
of a good shot at his enemies. "We shall do no good,"
says he, "until we kill one or two of 'em out of hand."
I have not time to write his story. 'Tis as bad as a
Corsican vendetta. His shutters and doors protected
by sheet iron, and he has a hole made by a bullet in
his armchair, as he peaceably sat there one night. It
makes one's blood boil. On the other hand, don't
let us forget that some Clare landlords have been
abominable tyrants.
As we neared Ennis, I got off the car and walked
in, a pleasant sergeant keeping me company. He
had come out with a note to  . It was from the
C. I. to warn him that I ought not to put up at the
County Club. The rough squireens would be sure
to make it unpleasant for me. I am not at all sure
that they are right; but I could not defy their
advice, so went to the  Hotel, where we arrived
about 5.30 or something of that sort. Ennis, as I
have always heard, has two inns ; it matters not to
which you go ; before you've been there five minutes
you'll wish you had gone to the other. Certainly not
inviting. The paint worn, battered, and foul; but

28 RECOLLECTIONS
book let us be just — a clean bed, and a tub with plenty of
v-j^, clean water and towelling.
I dined alone : an honest joint of roast beef and
a good apple pie. The C. I. came in later, and also
H  , the R. M. We had a good law-and-order
talk, and much planning of the next day's route.
The long drive in the fresh air made me desperately
drowsy, and I retreated in good time — not without
nameless misgivings. I slept a dreamless sleep.
Monday, July 31. — Another noble morning.
Started about 10 to call on the Bishop of Killaloe,
who has a pretty place a couple of miles out of Ennis.
The horse-fair in progress. The men all clean, tidy,
and wearing a self-respecting look, though a trifle
dour. No noise nor cheerfulness. The Bishop, who
remembered that he had met me at dinner at Arch
bishop Walsh's two or three years ago, was very
cordial. Talked about the state of Clare. Told the
old story: conversion of tillage into grass; the tre
mendous deportation at the famine ; violent ill-will
consequent ; strength of Fenianism in Clare in 1867 ;
hence the Land League found ground very ready,
just as some find it ready now — a state of things
with which neither priest nor police can cope. This
gave me my opening. I said that I had always,
though no Catholic, looked on the Church as one of
the few things standing in Ireland; its power in
spiritual matters undisturbed. Clare is the most
intensely Catholic county in Ireland. Am I to
believe that along with spiritual supremacy there is
no moral authority, and no control over violence and
murder? I dwelt on the terrible social disorganisa
tion disclosed by such an incident as the attempt to
murder Molony. The Bishop was a soft, smiling sort

VISITS IN IRELAND 29
of man; he evidently took a fatalist view of the chap.
moral state of his flock. I wonder if an energetic vn"
bishop with nerve could do more? Dr. O'Donnell of
Raphoe put down the stills in Donegal. Why cannot
Dr. M  put down moonlighting? There's a
difference, I admit. Everybody knows and admits
that stilling is wrong; but moonlighting has been
the grand protection of the peasant against the
grinding screw of the agent and the landlord, by
terrifying one man from taking another man's farm.
The moonlighting in Clare just now does not, it is
true, seem to be agrarian. The association, however,
remains, and in the minds of the people it is always
innocent, and often laudable. At present it is for the
most part a mere form of petty intimidation. Two
men are after one girl : the one who is getting the
worst of it gets a friend to fire a warning shot under
the window of his rival.
On parting, the Bishop presented me with a
history of Clare written by a priest of his diocese.
Not very good. Then we drove to Corofin, a rough
spot. D. I. a fresh, hearty, intelligent young man.
Had formerly been in Kerry. Enlarged on the
difference between the Clare man and the Kerry man :
the latter all open, talkative, gay, irrepressible; the
former dour, silent, close as wax, not a hint to be
squeezed out of him. The D. I. took us to see a lovely
little lake at the foot of noble, wooded slopes — a
charming scene, midnight murder apart.
By train to Ennistimon. The D. I. a stout, hearty,
jolly fellow. Drove on with us to Kilfenora — a
pretty name for an ugly, lawless place. Saw one M.
driving off into Ennistimon, with his wife bearing a
defiant red parasol. A police-car pelted after him

30 RECOLLECTIONS
book with a couple of men armed with rifles, and a driver
TTT
^^^ with revolver in his pocket. M  , a man of some
means, has taken a property whose tenant was a
popular character, having sided with the people in
the League days. I went to see it. The house a
considerable one. The spacious hall unfurnished. A
dining-room and a drawing-room with an open piano.
A large back drawing-room, where the police slept
— their neat fold-up iron beds, their arms hung
shining on the walls, only signs of order in the place.
The whole an impression of profound squalor,
material, moral, social. M  in extreme danger of
a bullet from one of his predecessor's friends. Never
out of sight of police. House patrolled by day
and night. In the falling afternoon light, the effect
was the dreariest I have seen in Ireland. Drove to
Lahinch and refreshed myself by a good look and
sniff at the Atlantic Ocean. Liscanor Bay is very
pretty in its contour, and there are pretty links. A
tipsy fellow came up and shouted some folly about
releasing political prisoners. These blockheads, tipsy
or sober, may be counted upon to shout for some
thing which they know they won't get. They don't
care what that may chance to be. Parted from
Stokes at Ennistimon, he on his way to Milltown
Malbay. A most sensible man. He told me that
when the police saw that I had said the state of
Clare was a disgrace to civilisation, they said to him,
"The Chief Secretary is getting to know Ireland."
The C. I., D. I., and the sharp little J. dined with me at
my inn — soup, leg of mutton, apple pie, and Giesler !
The carpet still unswept and the attendant unshaven,
unwashed, with a look as if he had slept in the stable,
but the wine, strange to say, worthy of the Trois Freres !

VISITS IN IRELAND 31
Tuesday, August 1. — Sauntered about Ennis all chap.
the morning. Looked over the police barrack— a JJ^,
fine old house with pleasant grounds. Long talk
with the D. I. — an Oxford man — keen and intelligent,
genial and civil. Gave us the best argument for
change of venue, that you can get a conviction where
the evidence is police evidence. Otherwise, of course,
the testimony of neighbours will no more be forth
coming with change of venue than without. Statue
of O'COnnell — from the pedestal of which Parnell
made his famous boycotting speech of September
1880. Saw a rough squireen leaning over a bridge,
filling his pipe. "That's Mr.  ," said my con
stabulary cicerone, "who was shot at a few months
since." Saw a big, heavy, respectable-looking man
smoking at a shop-door and talking to the shop
keeper. "That's Mr.  , the poor-law guardian of
So-and-so, whose house was fired into the other
day." Such is life in Clare. Yet the little town had
every look of peace and prosperity. No rags and
no beggars. Substantial things in the windows —
clothes, provisions, ironmongery. Three banks. It
was again fair day. The streets pretty full. The
farmers well-clad and well-looking. I had plenty of
monstrari digito. I don't think more than three or
four men raised their hats, or bade me the kindly
Irish welcome. The Young Ireland Society (Par-
nellite) wished to present me with an address. I sent
for the president, a publican of whom the police
spoke well. He was a clean, smart fellow of say
five and thirty : told me that he had served for some
years in the Cape Mounted Rifles. He seemed straight
forward, and to be sufficiently knowing without being
too cunning. Said they would rather go without

32 RECOLLECTIONS
book H. R. than be ungrateful to Parnell — meaning, I
^^^ suppose, rather than co-operate with those who had
been ungrateful. Say they would never forget that
I was the one English leader who had never attacked
Parnell. What should we do after the Lords had
thrown out the Bill? They feared we should hang
it up and go on to English Bills. I said we should
see when the time came. What about "political
prisoners" ? I could give him no comfort here.
Then it was for me to take up the line of interroga
tion. What were they doing to put down moon
lighting? Did he not see that every outrage in
Clare was a nail in the coffin of the Irish cause?
Why did he not remonstrate with the rough fellows,
when they came into Ennis and came to his house?
He assured me that he did his best; but as there
was nothing at all like a general organisation for
crime, it was not easy to reach individual offenders,
or small local knots. The local members ought to
come down. H. had told him at the Parnellite Con
vention in Dublin that he meant to come down and
tell the moonlighters to be quiet. And so we parted.
Meanwhile he at once rushed to a reporter, and told
him something which he had much better have let
alone. The Bishop, by the way, told me that the
folk of Clare had been warmly Parnellite : of course
because Parnellite is anti-priest. Parnell himself was
not anti-priest, he was in fact indifferent ; though when
his catastrophe overtook him, the Romish prelates
in Ireland like the nonconformists in England were
bound to back the ten commandments against him.
Reached Kingsbridge at 6.30 to the minute, and
drove in a swift car to the Castle. Found deputation
of some forty gentlemen waiting in the Privy Council

VISITS IN IRELAND 33
Chamber, about the Queenstown mail. Heard their chap.
story; told them I was as good an Irishman J!^^
as could be made out of an Englishman, and that
I did not mean to let Ireland lose any sort of
advantage by land or sea if I could help it. Then
I went down to Kingstown, where  and I dined
together at the Yacht Club. Talked about Clare
but nothing new to say, either of us. He said
that what constabulary and all officials wanted was
a chief who knew his business and their business ;
who could guide them in a fix and tell them what to
do in an emergency ; who could keep them out of
scrapes. H. is certainly not a bit of a /cdXaf, but
he remarked that it was no joke to follow a man of
Balfour's calibre, and now in my second year without
stumble or broken knee.

n
Nov. 17, 1894. — Was to have gone to lunch with
Lord Wolseley, but. the Castle pressure was too great,
driving at it until time to start from Kingsbridge for
Abbeyleix. Horrible journey. No wind, but drenching
rain. Got-there in time for tea. Long talk with Lady
de Vesci before dinner. Plunged into the thick of
Ireland in five minutes. Most interesting to see how
the picture looks from the other point. She is quite
the reverse of bitter; likes Ireland and the Irish;
has never played absentee ; spent ten months of last
year here; de Vesci gives equally to Protestant
pastor and parish priest ; he has been eighteen years
Chairman of the Board of Guardians. Most inter
esting account of the troubled times. It brings home
to one what a storm means in Ireland. Of Irish
VOL. II D

34 RECOLLECTIONS
book "want of moral courage in these times" — "easy to
,J^_ talk about, but not so easy either for tenants or for
landlords to practise, nving isolated and apart, with
gangs of men with guns stalking round your cabin
or your mansion." Intelligent, moderate, fair, kind.
If most of the Irish gentry had only resembled these
good people, there would never have been our Irish
question, though there might have been some other.
Agreeable talk and music in the evening.
Sunday, Nov. 18. — Deluge of rain, but we got a
walk in the afternoon. The land flat ; some fine
trees ; the bog cut far off ; the swift flood of the
Nore the most interesting feature. Much talk with
my admirable host and a rural neighbour of his about
tenants' improvements, rents, subletting, and all the
rest. Full of instruction. The thing becomes real
and alive, not the hortus siccus of a blue-book.
Monday, Nov. 19. — Started at 9 from Abbeyleix.
Met  in the train. Told me at Ballyragget that
we were in Jonah Barrington's country. Talked
about our Land Report. They mean mischief, I fear.
At Kilkenny. Met by the Divisional Commissioner
and other officers. An interesting old city in a small
way. The Castle, overhanging the Nore, finely
placed. A gallery with some paintings of Ormonds
of old and modern time, and other good works by
Van Dyck, Caracci, etc. An old cathedral and a
new one, the new one belonging to the old church,
and vice versa. The Protestant dame who was
custodian showed us the ancient Ionic chair, and told
us how the Catholic primate had brought the new
Catholic bishop and had solemnly seated him in the
chair, and addressed solemn words to him, and
regretted that he could not plant him there, crozier

VISITS IN IRELAND 35
in hand. Low mass going on. Thin, squalid flock, chap.
But the thing brought the poor dead town into vn'
relation with history, with faith, with Jerusalem and
Greece and Rome, and far-off things long ago. Talk
with the constabulary officers on business, as we
trapesed in the mud from antique to antique, they
wondering, doubtless, what on earth I found in such
mouldering rubbish. Perhaps I hardly knew what
I did find, except the pleasurable and most rare
sensation of being able to piece Ireland on as it were
to the main of Western civilisation. She usually
stands out in people's minds in isolation, apart from
the common association of Europe. 'Tis seldom
Ireland strikes an Englishman's historic sense. A
modern tablet, put up in 1888, to mark the spot
where the Confederation of 1642 had met. Have
forgotten about that. What's the use of a historic
sense if you don't recollect your history ?
in
Next to Waterford. The Suir a fine stream; big Curragh-
ships able to come up to the quays that line one side more"
of the river, while on the other side rise wooded slopes.
The day was murky, but I could see that in some
lights the scene must be striking. More R. I. C.
officers ; extremely polite and pleasant.
Reached Fiddown station about half -past three;
the Waterford carriage met me, and by five I was
at the tea-table at Curraghmore. I took a great
fancy to him [Lord W.] : fine, open, manly, observant,
knowing one side of the Irish ground thoroughly.
The best specimen of a dominant caste — the old
masterful Irishman — but seeing that his power is

36 RECOLLECTIONS
book gone, or as good as gone. We agreed vastly on the
^~r^ ground that the Irishman needs a strong hand — the
Beresford name has stood for a strong hand of a sort
in Irish government. We had a grand participation
of ideas as to the clouds that overhang the Land
Question. How will subdivision be prevented without
the landlord? That was his one great and useful
function. After dinner most pleasant talk with Lady
W. The hostess had feared storm from this rencontre,
as she is very excited against H. R. Lo, we got on
divinely ; talked about music — she composes and
sings pretty things — about Irish character, and about
the probability that the English are one of the lost
tribes ! ! So happily did I dissemble my absolute want
of earnest interest in the lost tribes ! ! If people have
made up their minds to meet an unspeakable ogre,
it is surprising how easily they are pleased. I had
some instructive talk with her about the Irish. Her
tone was deeper and severer than my hostess of
yesterday. She had come over full of illusions ; they
had slowly been dispelled. Call the Irish imaginative !
So they are on one side, or on the surface ; in sub
stance, they are not imaginative at all; they are
sordid and prosaic. Look at marriage — love no part
in it, 'tis an affair of so many cows ; sentiment, not
a spark of it ! The woods in the park open for the
public on summer evenings — do you ever see lads
and lasses in lovers' pairs? never, never. They are
actors, and they all know they are actors ; and each
man knows that the man to whom he is talking is
not only playing a part, but knows that he knows
that he is playing a part. They cannot help lying,
and they have no shame, not merely in being found
out, but in being known to be lying as the words come

VISITS IN IRELAND 37
fresh from their lips. Man, woman, and child, they chap.
are soaked and saturated in insincerity. I listened VIL
with the patience required by manners.
This terrible picture she painted without heat, or
anger, or contempt, or desire for political moral one
way or another. Her short, strong sentences went
straight to the heart of the object. I remembered
on the point of marriage and the lack of appropriate
tenderness once being with M. O'B. at a cabin talking
to the old dame dwelling therein. The usual cate
chism was put — how many acres, what rent, what
cows for dower. A pretty, shy young woman
was standing by, the bride of the son of the house.
She modestly gave him the figure. "Cows d'ye
call them?" screeched the mother-in-law with
ferocious contempt; "bones of cows, ye mane."
After dinner, Lord W. and I had much talk about
the Land Question in the library; a cigar; pleasant
chat from the ladies as they sat working. Telegram
from Harcourt, that my presence at the Cabinet
was thought by him to be necessary. So my visit
here must be cut short.
Tuesday, Nov. 20. — At Lord Waterford's desire,
as soon as I got up, I went into the bedroom adjoining
mine to see the view. Most glorious. The sky was
characteristic of this fair land and its volatile people :
radiant with blue and sunshine one moment, dashed
with black rain-clouds the next, and then all brilliant,
glistening, verdant, smiling, gracious once more.
In the distance, the lovely line of the Comeragh
Mountains : noble woods rising in grand, embosomed
slopes; and in the immediate foreground under the
windows superb and spacious terraces, far surpassing
any that I ever beheld before in England or abroad.

38 RECOLLECTIONS
book They were planned by Louisa, Lady Waterford, of
^1^ whom all the world has been reading in these days
in the Story of Two Noble Lives.
After enjoyjng this glorious vision, I set to the
prosaic work of a pouch from the Castle, which I
despatched in capital style, as we did not breakfast
until 10. Not many minutes were spent upon the
meal, as Lord W. was anxious to drive me through
the Park while the elements were still propitious, and
a grander drive I should never wish. The weather
splendid; the variety extraordinary and most pleas
ing; great woods, vast stretches of grassy lawn,
mountains, the bright, swift-flowing Clodagh — a
princely place. We were attended by my satellites
on a police-car, for they had been told to keep a strict
eye upon me. Lord W. an able, straight, frank,
masculine mind. I enjoyed his company exceedingly.
They say that he is of a dictatorial turn. Perhaps ;
I don't mind that; it does not prevent liim from
being a good observer, a man of sound, clear sense,
and decidedly a fine fellow. His hearty, straight
ways rather a relief after the ecclesiastical ambiguities
of my last fortnight. He pressed again and again
that I should devise an automatic apparatus for
raising rents. This is the real thing — to save all this
incessant litigation. It was effective in the Act of
1887 : why not extend it ? As for Evicted Tenants,
I might be perfectly certain that the Lords would
never stand compulsion in any form, nor would H.'s
amendment suffice for them. Why should I go for
compulsion ? I had tried that plan ; Parliament would
not have it. Why not now go for the practicable,
and the really practicable is the extension of Section
13? If I put that into the Bill, it would cover all

VISITS IN IRELAND 39
the effective cases, and with an automatic plan of chap.
rent-fixing, that would carry the Bill, in spite of other J^,
provisions which he and his friends might think
objectionable. This was about the practical upshot
of what he said, but it was full of interesting detail,
and I naturally felt the value of a frank interchange
of views. A sharp lunch at one, and then off.
Waterford particularly cordial when he said good-bye.
I shall never forget this princely theatre, with its
accessories of useful politics, scenic surroundings.
[Alas, the Cloaked Shadow was lurking very near.]
Travelled by the afternoon train from Fiddown,
through the valley of the Suir, past Carrick-on-Suir (a
place with many blackguards in it, as the District
Inspector confided to me) ; Clonmel, Tipperary
(scene of a too famous exploit of which I was once
the unwise spectator) ; there joined by another D. I.,
who travelled with me to Limerick Junction — a
capable fellow. At one of these places imprudently
bought a newspaper, which told me that we had lost
an election in Forfarshire. It was not good for
enjoyment of the really delicious scenery. At
Limerick Junction caught the limited mail from
Cork; forged away at an admirable speed, until I
found myself alongside the boat at Kingstown Pier
at 7.30. R. met me with letters, and Dowdall with
a question or two needing immediate settlement.
All in desperate bustle. I was hungry and tired, so
not sorry to find myself quietly seated in the saloon
of the steamer, munching the familiar salt junk and
cabbage boiled in sea-water. Soon turned into my
bunk and asleep in a trice.

40 RECOLLECTIONS

IV

book Monday, Oct. 15, 1894. — Called at 4.30. Spence
_^-^_, Watson and I off by 5.20. Glorious daybreak at Kings
town. Just in time to see the Holyhead boat come
forging in. Londonderry by 11.10. Grand approach
up the Foyle. But the city unlovely in plan, buildings,
colour. The Cathedral — very dull: a couple of old
monumental tablets, and a big shell cast into the city
during the siege. All the rest except the outer walls
of the church brand new. Then we perambulated
the famous walls. They ought to command a noble
prospect, but factories, etc., have been built up to
the walls, and all is unlovely. Saw over the barrack
of the R. I. C. : chat with the County Inspector and
his D. I. Lunch at Prof. Dougherty's, and long
pleasant chat over the fire. Went over Magee
College : tidy, but very small. Talked about educa
tion, how the priests aim patiently and steadily at
getting it into their hands. At 5 to Letterkenny.
Prettyish scenery in the soft falling fight. The C. I.
met us and dined with us.  's Hotel. Not
bad, and not good. Planned our route bravely.
Tuesday, Oct. 16. — After breakfast to see the
schools. Some Presentation Brothers in charge.
Protestant children there, but all the rules of the
National Board observed. The Administrator came
in. Kindly, but the early morning razor much needed
among the Irish clergy. Left card on the Bishop :
from home. Started at 10 in a wagonette with
pair of horses for Gweedore. Capital drive. Chat
with R. I. C. on the road. Fine, smart fellows. Also
with harvestmen returning from Peebles and other

VISITS IN IRELAND 41
Scottish places, after three months' absence. Cheery, chap.
quiet, responsive. We could not but contrast their ^J^L,
free and fluent speech with a labourer in Somerset or
Surrey. Call the Irish unthrifty ! Why, they live as
hard as hard, in order to carry their five or eight
pounds home from Scotland or England. Met
my friend, the Bishop of Raphoe, of all people
in the world, travelling in apostolic fashion on the
common car with a servant and her box for fellow-
passengers. We stopped our cars and exchanged
most cordial greetings; deplored that he could not
show hospitality, and so forth. Got to Gweedore
Hotel at 3. Clean, warm, and hospitable, with a
most neat and willing handmaid. Hotel much
patronised by salmon-fishers.
After excellent luncheon, set off on a car with
a rattling horse to Derrybeg, a desolate spot on the
shore, the home of Fr. Macfadden and the scene of
the horrid death of the District Inspector, Martin,
three or four years ago, of which the story has been
already told. The famous little priest at home;
showed us in detail the circumstances of the tragedy
on the spot. A piece of pure insanity. The priest's
sister — a homely, kind body — gave us excellent tea.
Has never quite recovered her nerve since she saw the
hapless man mashed to death at her door. Fr. M.
told me that one of the four men whom I let out of
prison had said to him: "Well, between ourselves,
Father, we had famous times in the prison; always
plenty to eat ; never cold, and not much to do."
In fact, this population never has plenty to eat, and
often is close to starvation. Fr. M. keen for a railway
to Gweedore. To my horror he let out that he and
his flock were going to give me a demonstration that

42 RECOLLECTIONS
book night with band. I begged him urgently to stop
<J^^, this: the grateful Moonlight Sonata would never
have done. With quick excitement the little man
seized the point, excused himself for a minute or two,
and I presume passed the hard word among the sorry
cabins on the shore, and thence onward through his
district, that I was to be let alone. The sergeant,
who came for an hour's chat after dinner, told us that
the priest is an austere despot; won't let them go
sitting and talking in one another's cabin of a night,
as they would like to do — to smoke and tell of all the
things that have happened in the world; won't let
them have any balls or dancings. When he was
locked up for his sins in Derry Gaol, his poor sheep
went astray and had a dance or two. On his return
he poured out vials of wrath upon them. One of
the strangest scenes that I have ever beheld, these
sorry cabins and rough patches of land and stretches
of intractable stone, the ocean with its low moan,
and the light all gone out of the grey sky, and the
fiery, indomitable little priest. Then there was the
thought of the slain man, and my share in bringing
a glimpse of mercy and common-sense into the mourn
ful place.
In the evening, the sergeant, as I have said. Such
a fine, bright, handsome, well-mannered young fellow.
A Catholic. Said they had one Protestant among
the five in the station. Did religion make any
difference? Seemed quite shocked at the bare idea.
They never speak of it; sure it would never be
permitted ; sure it would never be thought of — fervent
in his disclaimer. Such alacrity ; such a merry eye ;
a famous young fellow. Then a Protestant parson,
wanting something or other for his son. He, too,

VISITS IN IRELAND 43
had plenty of zeal and sacrifice. Last Sunday had chap.
twice crossed over to an island out in the sea there, J^
and twice back, to preach his glad tidings to a minute
congregation. Most interesting day. Abounding in pictures for
the inward eye. The green patches pushing up the
mountain sides; the mournful tarns; the great
wet bogs, with that soft golden colour of theirs, and
dark brown cuts in them; the poor, dim little
schoolhouses, where the rushlight of learning flickers.
Women driving vagrant cows out of the cabbages.
Girls plashing barefoot over the bog. Peaceful inlets
from the sea running up into the land. The great
floor of waters outside, mournful, wild, careless of
poor man, the atom of a day.
Wednesday, Oct. 17. — Up at 6, start at 7. Errigal,
with the thin mists hiding seams and scars of him,
and turning him into the sublime and beautiful.
The pale blue peat smoke curling up out of the cabins
into the fresh morning sky; the moon still hanging
high and silvery in her firmament ; the air exhilarating
as wine from banquet of the gods and demi-gods.
Thin, light, sweeping showers for five minutes, followed
by half an hour of glorious sunshine ; and so on all
through the drive from Gweedore to Glenties, the
rain-drops glistening on the bog grass. Capital
horses, sensible and friendly driver. By Dunglee,
over the Gweebarra river. Talk with sergeants,
D. I.'s, etc., on the road. All very quiet, they
say, though secret societies may spring up any
day. Lawless manufactures of poteen put down
by the strong hand of the Bishop. The Rosses — a
perfectly incredible tract of stone-strewn land. Yet
here, too, people are thick on the ground fighting

44 RECOLLECTIONS
book for bare life. "Grand heart must a man have,"
II
^-^ cried Watson, "to fight his battle here." x
At Glenties they had promised to send us an
engine to convey us on the new unopened line.
Stevenson and two or three directors met us with
engine and carriage, the first ever seen in the Finn
valley. One of Balfour's light railways. These must
do good for civilisation like General Wade's roads in
Scotland. Wanted us to go to Killybegs and stay all
night. On reflection declined, as we were engaged
to dine with Fr. Healy next night.
On to Strabane. Abercorn Arms: good, very.
Dozed, dined, and read until 10. I turned over the
memoirs of Castlereagh prefixed by his brother to
the speeches.
At 10 got into the night mail. They had made
up a first-class compartment for us, not uncom
fortable. Thursday, Oct. 18. — Dublin at 5. Hung about
Westland Row until 6. At the Eagle of Killiney
by 7 — the grandest morning that ever was seen.
Lounged, chatted, and did a little work. At night
dined at Fr. Healy. Excellent fare and witty in
teresting company.
1 The reader may well turn to Miss Lawless's Grania, a story of these
desolate lands — a masterpiece worthy of George Sand at her best. The
feel of the sea as wonderful as Toilers of the Sea, though without Hugo's
mighty drama of the elements.

CHAPTER VIII
END OF IRISH OFFICE — LITERARY POSTSCRIPT

The parliamentary impression of my share in Irish chap.
administration was all that friends could wish. At VIIL
the end of May 1894, when Harcourt seemed to be
more serious than usual in his threats of retirement
from leadership, I reported some of his language to
this effect to Asquith as we sat upon the bench.
"Then," he said, "you will have to take his place.
That is clear." I deprecated any such conclusion.
"No matter. You'll have to do it. The last two or
three months have made it quite certain."
On the other hand, self-esteem was happily reduced
to juster dimensions by proof positive in Irish prints
that I had "completely failed to be either a Lincoln
or a Bismarck." Why had I not overturned Dublin
Castle until not one brick remained upon another?
Not a brick had stirred. Why had I not flung down
the reins, rather than allow a single man of the Royal
Irish Constabulary to go to an eviction? As if even
Bismarck himself, exalted from his Wilhelmstrasse
to be Irish Secretary, could have refused to let police
attend evictions, after the Queen's Bench had firmly
warned him that if he did he would be attached for
contempt in refusing force for executing decrees at
45

46 RECOLLECTIONS
book night ! And how could either of these two giants of
m' history pull down Dublin Castle, without at the same
time sweeping away the mass of vested interests
guarded by Statutes, Treasury Minutes, Orders in
Council, and all the other bulwarks and bastions of
the civil service? And this drastic work was all to
be carried through with a shaky majority of five and
thirty in one House of Parliament, and loud obstinate
defiance in the other as truculent as good manners
would allow.
Liberal journals at home were better satisfied.
For the first few years of the Irish Secretary's parlia
mentary life, it seemed nearly everybody was agreed in ruling
him out as a possible leader of the House. He had oratorical
power, a turn for illuminating a situation by the spoken
word, a character devoid even of the capacity for intrigue,
and a temperament nervous and sensitive, but tending to
harden under the workaday life of politics. In the House
he was never at his ease, and, like the earlier Balfour, seemed
to move apart from, and with much distaste for, his environ
ment. This Session has undoubtedly witnessed a change.
He has begun to speak with perfect ease and great fire, and
with a certain ready play of temper, and command of his
subject which have never been witnessed before. On the
other hand, his estrangement from the Labour party and
his unhappy views on the eight-hours question have put him
out of the running where men like Lord Rosebery and Mr.
Acland and Mr. Asquith have all been able to associate them
selves with the living movements of the hour.
It was not long before a lady of quality, an
uncompromising Millite, dealt faithfully by me.
"You know what people are beginning to complain
of? They say three things. You are too haughty.
You are not at heart a real democrat. You are not
half ambitious enough." Who knows?

END OF IRISH OFFICE 47
By and by Ministers suffered a scratch defeat chap.
in the House of Commons. Their official life had J^J
not been of such undimmed felicity as to make any
of the responsible leaders desire its continuance. So
we resigned, and Lord Salisbury for the third time came
into power. The General Election of 1895 followed,
and pride in the victory of 1892 suffered a sad fall in my
unexpected repulse of 1895. In attention to Ireland
I had been negligent of Newcastle; the eight-hours
men had their turn, and the running political currents
helped them to bring me down. The majority was
not large, but it was adequate and sufficient.
On my way home I stayed a night or two at
Hawarden, where I found the illustrious master of
the house in dire wrath at this misfortune. My
comparative serenity and willingness to make allow
ances only added new accents to his anger. "This
is really," he said with something of a snort, "carrying
o-(o(f)po(rvvr) a good deal too far," that being one
of Aristotle's first-class virtues, meaning temperance
and sound-mindedness, what in German, less musical
than Greek, goes as Besonnenheit. A few months
later I had the honour of being invited to become a
candidate for the five Montrose Burghs in Forfarshire,
where, thanks to the zeal of the local leaders and with
the aid of Scottish members who came to speak on
my behalf, I was duly elected (1896), and there I
remained for a dozen years until 1908. The seat had
been filled by a notable man from 1842 to 1855 in
the person of Joseph Hume, the leader who had
succeeded in the virtuous addition of retrenchment to
peace and reform as the Radical watchwords.

48 RECOLLECTIONS

II

book Literary Postscript. — One mortifying incident of
v-_y^ these Irish days tempts me out of the main road.
Just before the fall of the Liberal administration in
1895, we proposed to the House of Commons a vote
of five hundred pounds towards a statue of Oliver
Cromwell. The Irishmen took fire. Drogheda, and
all the other deeds of two centuries and a half before,
blazed into memory as if they had happened yesterday.
Nationalist wrath was aided by Unionist satire. Did
peace Liberals then, we were asked, honour Oliver as
the great soldier, or was it the jingo in international
policy, or the founder of a big navy, or the armed
destroyer of the House of Commons? The debate
was prolonged, the refusal of the money became
pretty certain, and I had the agreeable duty of with
drawing our vote, on the specious ground that it
would in face of opposition so varied and apparently
so hot no longer mean a really national recognition
of the Protector's grandeur. Our capitulation was
greeted with anger and disgust from English Liberals ;
with thick-witted gibes from Unionists who forgot
that Oliver was the greatest Unionist of them all ;
and with wild cries of aboriginal joy from our Irish
friends. The English are not fond of capitulations of
this sort, where they saw a national hero almost as
contumeliously used as when royalists and churchmen
had set his dishonoured head upon a pole at the end
of Westminster Hall.
So for a season public talk laid hold of Oliver;
private munificence set up a stern statue of him within
the most august precincts of the capital; and the
overthrow of the old tradition about Cromwell that

LITERARY POSTSCRIPT 49
the genius of Carlyle had inspired half a century chap.
before, gained a fresh spell of vigorous popularity. VI11'
A learned authority on the Civil Wars has told us that
Carlyle looked at the seventeenth century through
the spectacles of the nineteenth, and so, for that
matter, did some of his high-flying followers. We
know the way in which a great name is dragged into
the polemics of an hour — Luther, for example — ¦ when
it serves the turn either to exalt or to depress him.
So now Cromwell became a name on an Imperialist
flag. It fell in with some of the notions of the
day about representative government, the beneficent
activities of a busy State, the virtue of the Strong
Man, and the Hero for Ruler. It was used to give
a new stimulus to the reaction from Mill's case against
good despots (1860), and diffused a subtle tendency
to deify Violence, Will, Force, even War. It was the
day of Bismarck. People forgot that the master of
Europe before him, and the monarch of violence
and force, was Napoleon III., the man of whom
it was said that he was an ill-bound volume, half
made up of Machiavelli, the other half of Don
Quixote. When Froude took Lord Wolseley to see Carlyle,
the sage bade the laurelled commander lock the doors
of the parliamentary palaver, and walk off with the
key. I once passed a long day with Lord Wolseley
on the field of Naseby, working through the famous
battle with books and maps, and rejoiced to find no
trace in our luncheon talk of any disposition in that
fine-hearted soldier to play a part in the Chelsea
Sage's parliamentary purge. "We can never answer
all the riddles in Oliver," said Wolseley, "but at any
rate he was a great soldier, and knew how to raise,
VOL. II E

50 RECOLLECTIONS
book maintain, and command an army, which no war
^^1^, minister in my day has done."
With no ambition to compose a tract for the
times or latter-day pamphlet, I was led to try a
study and estimate of Cromwell, and was rewarded by
the welcome and approval of the most competent
authority. Dr. Gardiner, our laborious historian of
the epoch, in words of uncommon warmth, testified to
the truth of my portraits of the actors of that time
based on diligent study of original authorities, though
he thinks my final interpretation of the Protector
errs somewhat on the negative side. On the whole
I believe my estimate comes to much the same as
Dr. Gardiner's own, and if not, I should be sure that
I had studied things amiss. His summary words
are not out of season :
Oliver was good, and his government was good, but he
owed his position to military force. If military force was
to settle affairs of government rightly to-day, it might settle
them wrongly to-morrow. England would for ever be at
the mercy of those who held the sword. Happily there was
present to Englishmen the instinct that it was better for a
nation to blunder on, making mistakes as it goes, than to
have the most excellent arrangement forced upon it by external
violence. How constantly we find that to dispute a wrong
claim for a great man is treated as if it were a dispute
of all his other claims, and to deny a special class of
merit as if it were total denial of all merit and any
service. I confess that I find nothing less sound or fair
in this following page of mine, than I thought when
I wrote it :
"It is not enough," I said, "to describe one who has the
work of a statesman to do as ' a veritable Heaven's messenger

LITERARY postscript 51
clad in thunder.' We must still recognise that the reasoning CHAP.
faculty in man is good for something. 'I could long for an VIII.
Oliver without rhetoric at all,' Carlyle exclaims; 'I could ^
long for a Mahomet, whose persuasive eloquence with wild
flashing heart and scimitar is "Wretched mortal, give up
that, or by the Eternal, thy maker and mine, I will kill thee.
Thou blasphemous, scandalous Mis-birth of Nature, is not
even that the kindest thing I can do for thee, if thou repent
not and alter, in the name of Allah?"' Even such sonorous
oracles as these do not altogether escape the guilt of rhetoric.
As if, after all, there might not be just as much of sham,
phantasm, emptiness, and lies in Action as in Rhetoric. Arch
bishop Laud with his wild flashing scimitar slicing off the ears
of Prynne, Charles maliciously doing Eliot to death in the
Tower, Oliver himself knocking friars on the head at Tredah,
the familiars of the Holy Office, Spaniards, exterminating
hapless Indians, English Puritans slaying Irishwomen at
Naseby, the monarchs of the Spanish Peninsula driving
populations of Jews and Moors, wholesale and innocent, to
exile and despair — all these would deem themselves entitled
to hail their hapless victims as blasphemous misbirths of
Nature. What is the test? How can we judge? The
Dithyrambic does not help us. It is not a question between
Action and Rhetoric, but the far profounder question, alike
in words and in deed, between just and unjust, cruel and
humane, rational and short-sighted."
"This action of the English regicides," says
Carlyle, "did in effect strike a damp like death
through the heart of flunkeyism. Cant, and cloth-
worship, or whatever ugly name it have, has gone
about miserably sick ever since, and is now in these
generations rapidly dying." Cant, alas, is not slain
on any such easy terms by a single stroke of the
republican headsman's axe. As if, for that matter,
force, violence, sword and axe never conceal a cant
and an unveracity of their own, worse than any other !
This at least is certain, that the execution of Charles I.

52 RECOLLECTIONS
book kindled and nursed for many generations a lasting
^^, flame of cant, flunkeyism, or whatever else be the
right name of spurious and unmanly sentimentalism,
more lively than is associated with any other business
in our whole national history.
From this summary excursion into an old tale,
with morals that survive it, I hasten back to jottings
of a more actual sort, only adding that I heard with
lively satisfaction of the good opinion of my estimate
as right from Lord Salisbury, who was better versed
than most people both in history and in the ways
and difficulties of public business and the actors who
have to manage them.

BOOK IV
POLICIES AND PERSONS
1895-1905
Politics are not a drama where scenes follow one another after a
methodical plan, where the actors exchange forms of speech, settled
beforehand. Politics are a conflict of which chance seems to be
modifying the whole course. — Sorbl.

53

CHAPTER I
A TRACT BEFORE THE TIMES
Remota justitia, quid sunt regna nisi magna latrocinia?
Put Justice away, and what are your empires but brigandage and
rapine? — St. Augustin.
There is no morality in War, Napoleon said. Is the chap.
same sweeping negative as true of diplomacy? in V-^X_
revolutions and rebellions? in the breaking down
wholesale or bit by bit of great solemn treaties?
Mr. Gladstone once put it much more widely. "The
history of nations is a melancholy chapter; that is,
the history of governments is one of the most immoral
parts of history." The end of the nineteenth century
had come. Within the last half of it we had seen
France turned from republic to empire and back
from empire to republic ; the unification of Italy ;
the unification of Germany; the drift of England
into Egypt (and out of Heligoland) ; the Pope
divested of his temporal dominion ; the Sultan's
empire dismembered; the Far East metamorphosed
into the position of a new Near East; the principle
of Nationality, with all that is vague, confused,
entangled, and intractable in its definition and
application, reared into dominating eminence among
the sentiments or phrases of European peoples. To
what extent had moral motives, constancy in good
55

56 RECOLLECTIONS
book faith, justice, veracity, presided over the various
^_^^ proceedings that brought changes so immense about?
This is a historic question, and as such it has con
summate interest of its own. That may be left to
the historians. But the circumstances in which the
curtain was falling on the drama of the closing century
lent an interest to the heart of the position, that
became most actual and alive.
I need not go over the well-trodden ground of
our difficulties in the Transvaal, or the loose powder
that lay among the European Powers. If ever there
was a moment, it was this, for considering a little
whether a State is bound to use moral means only for
upholding its life and its freedom; whether it is the
ruling business to save the State whatever the cost
to standing notions of right and wrong. Is the safety
of the State the highest law? Are we to make a
division between higher ethics and lower ? — the first
for States in their dealings with one another, the
second for the individual? Is reference to moral
standards in the business of Public Safety as little
to the point as it would be in the navigation of a
Dreadnought? Is the ruler of a State to be bound
by a moral code from which his soldiers are inevitably
set free? The end of such a train of thought and
observation was the production of a discourse on
Machiavelli, eventually delivered (June 1897) as a
Romanes Lecture in the Sheldonian at Oxford ; it
straightway became the text for abundant and
elaborate discussion by peculiarly competent hands
and in the press generally, both home and foreign.
That its design was more than abstract or academic,
and was in fact a tract for the times, could be easily
divined. I was acquitted of dilettantism on the

A TRACT BEFORE THE TIMES 57
one hand, and of antiquarianism on the other ; with- chap.
out cc mplaint it was declared to be packed close with I-
latent or patent realities of the time. The only
grievance was that the writer, who had respectfully
drawn public attention to certain awkward posers
from Machiavelli, had wound up with no firm answers
of his own. I persistently admire the Plaindealer,
while ready to own the Plaindealer is not necessarily
the clear thinker; and I am, moreover, very slow
to assent to Renan's saying that it is a mark of
finesse of mind not to come to conclusions. Surely,
however, a man far less wise than Socrates may
render a service of the Socratic species, by inviting
people to take thought how they stand, in matters
actual and urgent at their doors, as to the famous
Jesuit maxim about end justifying means, and the
profound enigmas related thereto. Some of the
portents of the hour, both literary and political,
seemed to warrant an invitation of this sort. To-day,
at any rate, the majority of Englishmen will admit
that the last words of my address in 1897 were not
wholly out of season — that Machiavellism is a strong
contemporary and abiding influence, "because energy,
force, will, violence, still keep alive in the world their
resistance to the control of justice and conscience,
humanity and right." Finesse of mind apart, to
lift the slide of a dark lantern may be a useful con
tribution even with no map. Greenwood, one of
the few clear-headed and stout-hearted publicists of
his day, pronounced it "the most stirring political
pamphlet that has dropped from the English press
for many a year; partly from its own force of
intention, but more because response to the questions
it evolves was already prepared and eager in every

58 RECOLLECTIONS
book mind concerned with international affairs, and the
IV
^^J^ domestic contention arising therefrom."
Of the debate on the ethics of politics that I had
ventured to think opportune, Frederic Harrison said
that "it interested all, but it was one in which few
cared to speak out frankly"; and he drew his tren
chant blade upon Greenwood, who had with much
ingenuity and robust candour made out that
Machiavellianism was not half so black as it was
painted. It is worth while to reproduce Greenwood's
case. Given a corrupt, a divided, a distracted com
munity, how are you to restore it? This is one
problem, and the one that pressed for solution in the
Italy of Machiavelli's day. Another is this : Given
a sound, settled, well-ordered, ambitious-of-good
community, how are you to secure it? That is the
problem to-day in the older European States. The
Florentine's first answer to the question we find
ourselves forced to accept, though it shades off into
counsel which none of us like and some of us reject.
It is, Be strong to smite, ready to smite, and swift
and willing to smite. Learn to be crafty in approach,
finished in address, unsparing in defence and attack.
In brief, the advice of the lion to the fox, of the fox
to the lion. The second and best-known answer is
the staggerer. It comes to this when rightly and
fairly expressed: If nothing less will serve to secure
the existence of your State in freedom, you may do
anything that a wild animal will do — knowing nothing
of God or devil, or sentiment, or morals, or any sort
of point d'honneur — for his life and liberty. And
you may do anything that a wild animal would do
if he had a finer cunning and no more conscience.
This was Greenwood's beginning.

A TRACT BEFORE THE TIMES 59
Returning to the charge in the controversy between chap.

himself and Harrison — conducted with singular power
and sincerity by both — he works out the vital question
underlying the old Florentine's doctrine, that when
the laws proper to mankind fail for the protection
of a free State, resort may be had to the law of the
beast, a "Nature red in tooth and claw." That has
been taken as equivalent to meaning that morality
in international affairs is either hypocrisy or weakness,
and that in dealing with foreign nations falsehood,
cruelty, and violence are not vices but public virtues.
Greenwood takes the issue to be whether, if there be
no other way of keeping your country from deteriora
tion, you may do all that a wild animal, red in tooth
and claw, may do in like danger. His response is
quite straightforward, such as we may now hear in
every hour of the day, but was presented with a
temper, caution, penetration, and comprehensive
outlook, the like of which War, that by its very
essence is the disintegration of common fundamentals,
has for the moment quite naturally extinguished.
History unhappily does not overthrow him.
Villari, the distinguished Italian historian, particu
larly conversant with both Machiavelli and Savonarola,
doing us the honour to come into our Sheldonian
controversy, argued that all must depend on the
application of your ethical principles to the case for
action. To determine the way and how far (il come,
e il quanto) is uncommonly hard, nay it is often
impossible to do it with anything like precision, and
so there follow obscurities and confusions without
number. To tell a lie is wrong ; the honest man should
hold faithfully to the truth. But when the national
war broke out in Lombardy, if an Austrian officer

i.

60 RECOLLECTIONS
had asked a peasant the whereabouts of the Italian
army, and the peasant had given a true answer with
loss or ruin resulting to his country, and another
peasant by telling a lie had saved his country, which
in these two cases would have been the better morality,
the truth or the falsehood ? The soldier who pretends
to be a deserter, and by cheating the enemy at the risk
of his life, there studies their positions, and tells his own
side what he has seen — is that culpable ? No, Villari
says, but if he had revealed to the enemy the position
of his own force, then he would get absolution neither
in heaven nor on earth. In Hofer's heroic defence
of Tyrol against Bavarian and French, the innkeeper,
Pietro Mayr, by a thousand stratagems drew the
enemy, stronger in force and numbers, into the
mountains to their destruction. Peace was made,
but not agreed to by him and his bands. He still
went on. Brought before a court-martial, he could
have saved himself only by denying that he had
been informed of the peace. He chose rather to be
shot than to lie. Was this to be justified as obedience
to the categorical imperative of the moral law, when
that law was on the other side suspended or sup
pressed ? The brave innkeeper, we may be very sure,
never thought about categorical imperatives and
moral fundamentals, but simply obeyed the habit
of an inveterate conscience. After all, there is no
need of sophistries in these heroic things. Man
could not be free and civilised without the State,
and its preservation and defence at all costs must be
every man's concern. More than his own moral law
it is his concern to save morality for all. Such
is the argument of my Italian critic. In Machia-
velli's phrase — so much admired then, thought, says

A TRACT BEFORE THE TIMES 61
Villari, so sacrilegious and unholy now — a man is chap.
bound to love the safety of his country better than v_^w
the salvation of his soul. A Venetian of earlier date
had said the same. He insisted that the Council of
Ten for War should always be composed of persons
who loved their country better than their souls,
"because it is impossible to regulate Governments
and States according to the precepts of Christian law."
Men have in those dark dilemmas as they arise to
take their own decision between the duty of a citizen
to his secular State, and his duty as citizen and
subject in that civitas Dei where his conscience may
have happened to enrol him. There are awkward
texts about rendering to Caesar only the things that
are Caesar's, and guarding the things of the Almighty
Being from whom Caesar derives his authority. Well
might our Italian critic speak of the numberless
obscurities and confusions that await too great haste
in settling answers to these interrogatories. Let me
end this parenthesis with the faithful sombre words of
Bishop Butler in the sermon that he preached before
the House of Lords in 1741, on the anniversary of the
Martyrdom of Charles I. This famous divine at the
root of his speculations had the solid distinction of
never shutting his eyes to dark facts in human life
and history: "Tyranny and faction and unjust wars
and persecution, by which the earth has been laid
waste ; all this has all along been carried on with
pretences of Truth, Right, and General Good. So it
is men cannot find in their heart to join in such
things, without such honest words to be the bond of
the union, though they know among themselves that
they are only words, and often though they know
that everybody else knows it too."

CHAPTER II
A Summer in the Highlands
11 ne faut pas faire une distinction absolue entre le temps ou Ton
travaille, et le temps oil l'on ne travaille pas.
We should make no absolute distinction between the time when we are
at work, and when we are not. — Pasteub.
book From Machiavelli it was natural to go on to his
IV- contemporary and friend, of whom Cavour said that
he had the better grasp of the two in the realities of
public things. Guicciardini's name commonly does
no more than recall the jesting story of the evil-doer
who was allowed to choose for punishment between
reading Guicciardini's History and going to the
galleys ; he got as far as the Pisan War, then cried out
loudly for the oar in preference. Undoubtedly the
History is no light reading, but his thought and
observation on the characters of men and the course
of our human affairs are sagacious, deep, truthful,
interestmg, and the injustice done to him, following
that excellent man and critic, Dean Church, I tried
to do something to repair. So I took him with me
for a summer holiday.
Kincraig, Inverness-shire, Saturday, July 31, 1897. —
Read Paruta and began to analyse Guicciardini's
History of Italy. Wrote a page or two. Made slow
way. View over the Loch extremely lovely.
Sunday, August 1. — Paruta, Bacon, Guicciardini,
62

A SUMMER IN THE HIGHLANDS 63
Reumont. Corrected the type-written version of chap.
what I have so far done. Will want much working _J^
over, and it shall have it. Have not read Bacon's
Essays for many a long year. What massive thinking
and watching. Walked on to the moors behind us.
One of the grandest panoramas I ever beheld. Not
sure I would not call it the grandest, outside of
Switzerland. Monday, August 2. — Did a very good
forenoon and not bad afternoon. Bacon's 8th book
of De Augmentis. How excellent. Paruta, excellent
but wordy. A few thoughts in my head about this
denunciation of German treaty. Chat with Gilbert
Murray about res Hellenicae. Tuesday, August 3. —
Read Ricordi over again, and noted afresh. Wrote two
or three pages of new matter. Considering the sultry
weather, I was not dissatisfied. I do not feel as if I
had got near the easy coulant touch of men like Scherer,
Ste.-Beuve, Faguet, etc. Wednesday, August 4. —
Horribly hot, but managed to get some work done
with good effect, though the everlasting reflection
recurs, how much more time everything takes than
one expects. Read two of Stubbs's lectures on
Mediaeval and Modern History.
Thursday, August [5. — Worked well ; did some
pieces of Italian translation. Wrote sundry letters,
including one to Chamberlain about treatment of
aborigines in W. Australia. Didn't get a flow of
thought. Friday, August 6. — Polishing up the Ricordi.
Ought to make more of it somehow; seem terrified
at the two dangers of Twaddle and Pharisaism.
Began the Egoist. Admirable comedy. Saturday,
August 7. — Stuck to my task all day, bad weather
favouring. Greenwood's article in Cosmopolis on
Machiavelli in Modern Politics. A good, stout, deep

64 RECOLLECTIONS
book piece. Tuesday, August 10. — Opens with dark skies
IV' and sousing rain. As it opened, so for the most part
it went on, but I managed an hour's walk. Wrote a
goodish page of Guic, and revised the rest ; strikes
me as dull and heavy. Must prune and polish.
Decided not to join yacht before Saturday at any
rate. Young Murray came in, and by the space of
an hour exhorted me to take down my political
sword from the wall. He is a fine fellow. I'd give
much to have him by my side.
Thursday, August 12. — Worked at Guic. revising.
It seems to me to drag ; lacks unity and order. Much
wiring about joining Rendel's yacht. Settled to
go on Saturday. Such a divine vision on the bridge
about 7 o'clock : water, wood, heather, crags, far-
off hills, bathed in magic light. Italy cannot surpass
it. Dined with my young neighbours. Herbert
Fisher, a clever Fellow of New, there. Is to write
Napoleon for Acton.
Friday, August 13. — A day wholly by myself ;
family off on a trip. Read a good quantity of old
Guic. Also a few pages of Sallust, whom I have
not opened for years. Easier reading than Guic.
High wind. After dinner read some of Meredith's
Egoist. Rather palling.
Saturday, August 14. — Worked at Guic. Read
a bit of Cicero de Oratore. Murray and Fisher in for
an hour ; most pleasant. Fisher quite an acquisition.
August 15-21. — Started at 8 ; sorry to leave my
two little dogs. Longish journey — reaching Strome
Ferry about three, where Rendel met me and took
me aboard, and there I remained until Saturday.
The weather was changeable — but one day, Wednes
day, was quite superb enough to make up for all

A SUMMER IN THE HIGHLANDS 65
disappointments. We had nine or ten hours steaming chap.
from Isle Ornsay to Oban — up Loch Hourn, etc. ^_Y__
More glorious scenery I have never beheld. Somehow
by way of contrast there came into my mind Scott's
storm-piece in an early chapter of The Pirate, where
the violent forces of wind, rain, hail, ocean roar,
gather themselves into a blind relentless frenzy of
impersonated rage in a scene that not even Victor
Hugo has surpassed. But Orkney was far off, and the
elements were here at rest. The prospect from the
little harbour of Isle Ornsay surpasses by far in form,
colour, majesty, tenderness, the lines of Capri and
Ischia at Naples. The weather perfect, lovely films
of vapour, great sweeping bursts of sunshine, dark
iron mountains, gleaming slopes of verdure, glistening
crags, strange evanescent veils of cloud and luminous
curtains of rain, the fresh tumbling sea. The gulls,
with their hoarse cries, wheeling in great flocks ; the
little puffins ; the strange pairs of guillemots battling
with the water, ducking and diving — the hand of
man or history counting for nothing in the scene.
This for one thing marks it out from Naples, where
is history enough, or too much. This is the Nature
from which we came, to which we return. These are
the scenes that might well fill the inward eye in the
last hours. We are one with all this — atoms in the
wild whirl. Don't let us suffer it to be blotted out
by wearying thoughts about our souls — and their
shortcomings. They are not for a day like this.
The vision purges us of self.
At Oban went on board Lord Inverclyde's yacht.
Splendid ! Brings us back to earth with all its
luxuries, pleasant levities, and wonderful ingenuities.
One night at Ballachulish. . . .
VOL. II

66 RECOLLECTIONS
book Kincraig, Sunday, August 22. — Glorious day.
,J^w Sauntered about and talked with Fowler of Corpus
all day. Forty years ago we used to have Sunday
walks together in Scotland, when I was an under
graduate and he my tutor. Such a good fellow all
the time. We talked about Bacon, whose Novum
Organum he edited : about the Fathers, heresies, etc.,
and the two great lines of controversy, first the nature
of the Godhead; second, the relations between the
Godhead and man, free-wiil, predestination, etc. :
about historians, among whom 'he puts Gibbon far
the first in one order, and Thucydides in the other :
it seems as if Froude were going up in the world,
rather than down ; thinks Froude roughly and
generally right about Henry VIII., etc. : Aristotle
a theist, but not a believer in personal immortality —
rather death an absorption or re-absorption of the
individual in the anima mundi. Much about Oxford
— reaction there all along the line. After dinner Sir
John Austin came in ; talk about Local Veto. I
thought that Fowler, like all such Unionists, had
dropped much of his general Liberalism when he
resisted H. R.
Monday, August 23. — Fowler left early. Sorry to
lose him. Worked all day, or was it dawdling?
Read a good deal of Stubbs. Not a good writer ; has
no power of phrase, but he is a master of knowledge.
His generalisation about Force, Right, and Idea
interesting, but he does not go to the root of the
matter. Fowler told me, by the way, that Stubbs
was loud in praise of my Machiavelli, praise worth
having. In the afternoon went a walk with my
neighbour, Austin. To my discomfiture, found him
armed for sport. My first and last venture in that

A SUMMER IN THE HIGHLANDS 67
line, even as innocent onlooker. Turned up Scott's chap.
story in Lockhart. "Time has been," Scott said, ^J^_
"when I did shoot a good deal, but somehow I never
very much liked it. I was never quite at ease when
I had knocked down my black-cock, and going to
pick him up, he cast back his dying eye with a look
of reproach. I don't affect to be more squeamish
than my neighbours, but I am not ashamed to say,
that no practice ever reconciled me fully to the
cruelty of the affair." Well did Carlyle call Scott
the healthiest of men.
Tuesday, August 24. — Wrote pretty freely and got
over some ground. Walked to Alvie and back, to call
on a minister, a very agreeable man. His church
dates, so he vows, from the sixth century. Thought
of old Carlyle's speech to Edward Irving about
Dunscore Church. "Christ dying on the Cross began
the building of the church at Dunscore," etc. True
history is the art of rapprochement — bridging dis
tances of place and circumstance. Read Cicero de
Oratore for an hour after dinner. Also the news
papers. Preferred Cicero.
Wednesday, August 25. — Sailed on pretty steadily,
but composition is not a rapid art with me. Decided
to address my constituents in October. Read some
Cicero. Wonder how he would have liked to speak
in Newcastle Town Hall.
Thursday, August 26. — Finished provisionally my
second half of Guic. and despatched for typing. Will
still need much revision. Began Renan's Averroes.
There is such a mixture of scholar and writer as no
longer exists to my knowledge. And what a mix
ture it is, when the world is so lucky as to find it.
Indian news not very comfortable. Extraordinary

68 RECOLLECTIONS
book enthusiasm at Petersburg for the French President.
^J^_, Russian bands loud with "Aux armes, citoyens!"
Is this Holy Alliance or Unholy? Misused an
hour on Gissing's Whirlpool. One of the men of
marked talent, who unhappily just misses.
Tuesday, August 31. — Started at 3 for Dunkeld.
Wasted the three hours of the journey on a book
about Grammar Schools before Ed. VI. An im
portant and laborious book, but bearing on no earthly
task of mine. Dunkeld after 6, up at Butterstone
by 7. Found Mr. Gladstone dozing. He soon
wakened up and was extremely cordial. Not at all
shaken by bis long journey of yesterday. His voice
extraordinarily strong, and his whole mind apparently
full of energy. Very interested in my account of
James Martineau and his visit to me the other day —
with his 93 years and well-preserved faculty. Armit-
stead had said to Mr. G. in the course of the day,
"Oh, sir, you'll live ten years to come." "I trust,"
he replied gravely, "that God in His mercy will
spare me that." He evidently thinks and feels
keenly about old age, and counts it little desirable.
Recounted to me a symptom of infirmity — he now
lies awake an hour or more in the middle of the night.
At dinner we had a stout, pleasant talk. Thinks
we had a strong breed in England in the sixteenth
century. Henry VIII. , Tunstall, Gardiner, etc., etc.
Told him I had been turning Burnet over again ; what
an enlightened fellow I found him. Have we got
much beyond the chapter called Conclusion in liber
ality and temper even now? I ought to have known
that he would not rise to this. Much interested by
a story told me by the minister at Alvie last week :
how the only Catholics in his parish were a father

A SUMMER IN THE HIGHLANDS 69
and mother and daughter; the girl died, to the chap.
great sorrow of all her neighbours; the father came VJ[^
to him and asked him if he would consent to come
to the house and perform such service as was his
wont in the case of his own flock; how he did so,
then accompanied the mourners to the churchyard,
where the Catholic priest went through his own
service ; and when all was at an end priest and
presbyter walked away together. How such things
melt us, and warm the heart !
Mr. G. much interested in Tennyson, having
thought English much finer than Italian in variety
of sound. Monotony of a's in the first lines of Inferno :
compare monotonous endings in wv at the beginning
of Iliad XIII. When asked what he meant by some
early lines, Tennyson felt inclined to answer with
Goethe, "You probably know better than I do,
being young."
Wednesday, September 1. — Went to Mr. G. about
11. Reposing in his chair and reading Horace
Walpole. Then we fell to, and had an animated
talk for an hour and a half. He was in first-rate
condition. Thinks the result of Salisbury's policy
most lamentable. (1) It has set the Turk up higher
than he has been since the Crimean War. (2) It has
weakened if it has not ruined Greece, the most Liberal
of the eastern communities. (3) England has become
an object of suspicion to Europe, as an aggressive
power. No. 3 follows naturally from immense ex
penditure on armaments, talk about armaments,
and so on. What would Peel, Aberdeen, etc., have
thought of such things — of the possibility of England
figuring as a great aggressive power? Of course,
one answer to Mr. G. is this: Were you not eager

70 RECOLLECTIONS
book to plunge us into a single-handed conflict with the
^^, Turk, and if you are going in for such things, how
can you do without armaments? Talked much
about his having been turned out by Spencer and
Harcourt — turned out of the Cabinet. ' I had spoken
of the difference that might have been made if he
had remained in active public life. "I had lost
power in my own Cabinet."
I mentioned to him that on our bench in H. of C.
nobody had a Cabinet life of more than three years,
except Harcourt, C. B., and me, and C. B. and I
were hardly three and a half years. None of the
others quite equal to three. It interested him, and
of course fell in with his own view of the reasons for
thinking our chance of getting public confidence when
an election comes the reverse of bright. Active,
pleasant talk over dinner. After dinner Mr. G. to
backgammon, and I to read Harrison's article on
Machiavellism in Nineteenth Century. Very good
indeed. Friday, September 3. — Weather as cold as Christ
mas. An hour's talk with Mr. G. ; marvellously
cheerful and alive. Told me that Harcourt's stoiy
about his (Mr. G.'s) proposing to resign public life
in 1885 was moonshine. I mentioned one or two
circumstances supporting Harcourt. Then he said
that he could not be positive without consulting
his little jejune diary, as he called it. I fancy he
has abstained rather deliberately from keeping a full
diary: a full diary contains things which afterwards
one would as lief have a sound excuse for forgetting.
Also he may have trusted to his prodigious memory.
The proper memory for a politician is one that knows
what to remember and what to forget.

A SUMMER IN THE HIGHLANDS 71
Quite untrue that he had ever thought of Church, chap.
that most excellent of men and writers, for the ,_J^
archbishopric ; but has hoped that he might be
induced to take a bishopric. This, however, was
after the deanery, not before, as I have often heard
said. The only bad things in character and conduct
of which he believed himself incapable were two,
ambition and gambling. I intimated some slight
incredulity as to the first, but he held to it. I told
him that somebody had said that the three men
who had gone quickest into Cabinet after entering the
H. of C. were Mr. Pitt, Goschen, me. He promptly
disputed, and named Sir George Murray, whom the
Duke of Wellington had made Colonial Secretary
after the Canningites had been despatched. [He
was wrong, for Murray had been five years in Parlia
ment. When I sent him a card to this effect, he
replied by return of post, "Then try Lord Henry-
Petty," and this was right, and the trio of whom
he made so light were deposed.] Said he had had
seventy Cabinet colleagues ; only Pam. had more.
He, Mr. G., was fourth in length of time in which he
had been Prime Minister: (1) Walpole; (2) Pitt;
(3) Liverpool ; (4) Mr. G. ; (5) Lord North. Pam.'s
Cabinet life just on twenty-eight years. His own con
siderably less. Enormous admiration for Sir James
Graham. Mr. G. consulted him much, right up to
the time of his death. Talked about his own voice.
In 1860, after he had brought in the Budget in a
long speech, Clay, an M.P. and an operatic expert,
came to him and said, "You must take great care,
or else you'll destroy the colour in your voice." We
discussed the exact meaning of the phrase. Had
done his vocal chords some considerable damage at

72 RECOLLECTIONS
book an open-air speech at Cupar. By the way, said that
^^^ he was not of those who thought Caesar's style
perfect or near it ; thought it crabbed. I understand
bald, but why crabbed? Much interested in what
I told him of an old patriarch for whom I had
opened a park in my burgh of Forfar. He was 94,
shrewd and lively as ever. "Sensuality, Vanity,
Avarice," he said to me, "these are the three things
that destroy a man." I never heard him say a word
about another world, or the Creator of this : shrewd,
generous, kindly, rationalistic. When I rejoined
Miss G. and our host, I said, "Well, we've had a
set-to once more." She said, "He likes talking to
some other people, but somehow he never talks to
anybody else exactly as he talks with you." Said
Armitstead, "'Tis partly because he talks to you
with absolute freedom."
When I went to bid him farewell, he was quite
extraordinarily cordial, and said how he would
rejoice if I soon went to them again. "I look for
ward," he said, "to our continuance in sympathy
and communion." Drove away at noon, after a
visit which I am especially glad to have made.
[It was my last sight of him, while he was still
himself, and before a long spell of cruel pain had
slowly dulled and quenched the light.]
Three hours' journey back to Kincraig. Read
at leisure a long article on me in Contemporary. The
sunshine, the hills and moors, the flash of the running
waters, helped me to put the thing into a back place.
It has some sense and some nonsense : it uses the
ill-natured word for a defect, when the good-natured
word would have done quite as well. I daresay I
have done just the same thing myself a thousand

A SUMMER IN THE HIGHLANDS 73
times. On the whole it comes to this, that there is chap.
no reason why I should have "the ear of the nation," ^^_
yet somehow I have it ; that though my work is sour,
desiccated, without art or genius, etc. etc., yet the
sight of the writer is stimulating, dramatic, and
heroic : though I have no message, yet I stand apart
in public esteem. Well, I don't know that I at all
dissent from the criticism; in poor young Prince
— 's rumoured words, "I am not worth all this
coil that's made for me." So be it : Amen and
amen !
Saturday, September 4. — Walk in the afternoon
with my family. The morning had been dull and
wet, but after noon the whole scene broke out into
incomparable splendour of light and colour. Began
Sallust's Jugurtha. The first sentence is blamed by
Quintilian for being eppvdfi.ov, too metrical ; just
the fault I found with a certain sentence in my
Machiavelli — "He uses few of our loud, easy words
of praise and blame, he is not often sorry or
glad, he does not smile and he does not scold, he
is seldom indignant and he is never surprised."
Read Prescott — the Great Captain's rout of the
Garigliano — death of Isabella (1504). Capitally
written. Turned over the newspapers.
Sunday, September 5. — Much waste of time to-day.
Read Jugurtha. Sallust has good phrases, but lacks
depth of judgment ; has neatness, but not power.
Capricious weather, so I got some reading done :
a good piece of Jugurtha, and after dinner two hours
of Oratore. The latter most interesting indeed.
Capital distinction in Cicero between disertus and
eloquens, the pointed and accomplished speaker
dealing in the accepted commonplace of mediocrity,

74 RECOLLECTIONS
book and the orator who adds splendid decoration and
^^, enlargement to his sources in plain fact.
Wednesday, September 8. — At 3 started for Roch
dale, by Preston and Manchester. Read Prescott
so long as day lasted. Coldish at night. Bed at
Manchester by 4. Thought of my first journey
there with my father when I was twelve years old
(1850) — the first time I was ever in a railway train.
No line from Blackburn ; we posted to Bolton. My
first vision of Queen Victoria, and my only vision of
the Duke of Wellington, who drove in the procession
with her. I see him now — the old bent figure as
he sat with folded arms in the open carriage, the
prime object of interest and enthusiasm, as he might
well be.
Saturday, September 11. — Such glorious golden
weather. Wrote a few letters. At noon we all
went off on a picnic with the Murrays to Loch-an-
Eilein. Most delightful in every way. Murray and
I called on old Dr. Martineau. Wonderful old
fellow. Is 93; comes down soon after 8 and does
not retire until midnight, but has plenty of dozing
in the day. Can walk up a hill that would wind
most of us. Is deep in Harnack's History of Christian
Literature up to Eusebius. Lent me a funeral sermon
by Harnack on Frau Lisco. Alas, he gave me a
piece of funeral news that filled me with sorrowful
and affectionate thoughts; he had heard that day
that poor Hutton is dead: "a most tender-hearted,
upright, and truth-loving man," said the old man
truly. He was indeed all that, and we have lost a
fine English critic and a beautiful character. Read
Martineau on Death again. Excellent writing, but
unconvincing as argument.

A SUMMER IN THE HIGHLANDS 75
Thursday, September 30. — At Bervie, one of my
burghs on the coast of Kincardineshire. One of the
most delightful days of my life. Superb sunshine,
broad and flashing on the floor of waters ; sea, skies,
air, all vivid. I banished politics and spent most
of the day sauntering on the shore, with Wordsworth
and Arnold in my pocket. Before I rose from bed, I
had read a little memoir of a pious woman, who must
have been a fine character, intense religiosity (what's
the word?) for the base of it. In one way it made
me as remorseful as Atys in Catullus. But that
cannot be helped. I, for one, am never really de
pressed or sad when something serious fills the mind.
Visited three or four constituents. One of them,
a most intelligent fellow, told me all about the ways,
superstitions, etc., of the fishermen at Gourdon.
Learnt afterwards that my intelligent fellow, a boat-
builder, had wrecked himself on whisky. At night
to Montrose. My good host of the Star dined with
me, and we had a pleasant evening together. So ends
a day to be often recalled. Bervie hereafter a name
of blessing.
Friday, October 1. — Montrose. Paid about a dozen
visits, including one to an Independent minister, a
young man fresh from Oxford and Mansfield. Highly
intelligent and cultured ; knew six languages ; re
gretted to be so far from centre of intellectual or
literary activity. Nay, said I, but the only centre
of such activity is your own study, whether Montrose,
Oxford, or London. "Here or nowhere is thine
America," as Goethe said to the intending literary
emigrant. A banal bit of solace, but, as I'm always
finding, the commonplace is the true essential. It
did me good, though, to think of a bright light of

76 RECOLLECTIONS
thought, knowledge, interest, burning away on this
far-off shore. At the end of my visits, sauntered for
half an hour on the sands — too tired for much active
meditation. Late in the afternoon to Arbroath. Read a story
of A. Hope's. Dined alone at the hotel. Then at
8 had five or six trade unionists for a couple of
hours to discuss the lock-out, etc. Capital fellows !
When will some man arise to lead and command
Labour? I doubt if he will come from their class.
Some man with Mr. G.'s genius, devoted to social
ends. Saturday, October 2. — Thought of a few sentences
for the business of the day. Strolled on the shore
with my agent. At 4 presided over the ceremony
of the presentation to my predecessor, and returned
thanks for a toast of Parliament at a banquet later.
Then out to Webster's. Sunday, October 3. — Grand
day. Worked at notes for to-morrow's speech. Talk
all day with Webster, Sinclair, C. Martin, etc., about
politics, lock-out, etc. Monday, October 4. — Leisurely
work at speech. Then after lunch to Forfar. Saw
to a little local business. R. arrived from Kincraig.
A very excellent meeting. Fear I gave them little
but broken bottle-glass and sawdust : too delibera
tive, too grave. The passage on the lock-out cost
me a good deal of thought. In the end, I was
decently satisfied. Tuesday, October 5. — Intensely
relieved to think the heavy corvee is at last really
over. The Spectator agreed with me that we were going
too fast everywhere with annexation, but the British
elector was too profoundly conscious of his own
ignorance to make an election cry of that. So — the

A SUMMER IN THE HIGHLANDS 77
writer concludes — though I had knowledge, and chap.
could see many subjects in a large point of view, the ^J^,
little Scottish tour must be called a failure, not from
my demerit, but because official Liberalism was out
of touch with popular sentiment. Most likely.
Nabochlish, nabochlish !

CHAPTER III
POLICIES AND PERSONS
8ia<l>ep6vTws Tc58e ^M*" &""« roKp,S.v re ol airol p.&\uTTa Kt>\ irepl S>v
brixetp/iaopcv {ic\oyl&o-8ar 6 tois dXXois d/ioWo piv dpaaos, Xo7io>ds 5£
6kvov <p£pei.
We have this peculiarity: we enter on bold adventure and we
calculate beforehand, but the rest of the world take courage from thought
lessness, and calculation only makes them hesitate. — Thucydides.

book One day in Scotland, turning over Sallust I hit on
TV- the famous passage in the Jugurtha that Sallust
borrowed from Thucydides, which I have prefixed as
motto to this chapter. Occasion soon arose for
musing over contemporary applications. When the
Liberals came into office in 1892, and foreign policy
came to the front in the first week of Mr. Gladstone's
new Cabinet, an important member of it said to a
friend that it was the most exciting week of his life.
The minority showed itself to contain "the last
remnant of the Manchester School : Harcourt and
Morley from conviction strong; Mr. G. in a lesser
degree. The Old Man is far the most susceptible
to new influences." How the cloven hoof of Little
England was revealed this particular week I do not
remember, nor is it worth trying to recall. What
was the battle about? It was not purely an affair
of party, for Disraeli has less credit than he deserves
for his insight into the principles of non-intervention.
78

POLICIES AND PERSONS 79
Chamberlain always said that Little Englandism was chap.
not a term of reproach; it only means a particular ^^,
view of policy. Imperialism means a totally different
view. This ought to have been recognised as true,
for after all there may be two different ways of
loving one's country. The worst of it is that in
foreign affairs everybody thinks it a duty to have a
point-blank opinion, and the nearer it comes to pure
guesswork on complex and obscure affairs, the more
violent is the point-blank. With Chamberlain love
of country now gave commanding prominence to
recognition of the self-governing oversea dominions as
part of the British Empire, united by ties of kindred,
religion, language, and joined to us by the seas that
formerly seemed to divide us. He became the para
mount voice in forcing imperialist doctrine where
Dilke, Rosebery, and Forster had led the way before
him, and Seeley had given it literary form in one
of the cardinal books of the time. In respect of
territories not self-governing, the sense of possession
has given place to the sense of obligation, justifying
our rule by bringing security, peace, and comparative
prosperity to lands that never knew them before ;
here we are fulfilling our national mission. Russia
and the American Union are nothing in comparison
with the Empire with which we have to deal. " I am
not prepared to say that we have any right to be proud
of all the steps that have been taken in the acquisition
of the Empire. But it is a great potentiality; the
greatest that was ever given to man." Well, nobody
would deny either that Chamberlain's language on
this sentiment was noble, or that it expressed his own
heartfelt aspiration, though when we remember the
quarrels as to suzerainty, paramountcy, and the other

80 RECOLLECTIONS
book juridical mysteries of English claim that led to the
Iv' Boer War, misgiving as to the virtues of sovereign
potentialities may well arise. Be that as it may,
common-sense prescribed some qualification to Im
perialism of these dimensions. The very word empire
is in history and essence military; emperor means
soldier; all modern history and tradition associate
empires with war.
Asked at a meeting what I meant by a Jingo, I
tried to define the genus mocked by that terse desig
nation as men who held that territory was territory,
and all territory was worth acquiring without regard
to cost. We held the purse of Fortunatus, and were
free to fling our millions abroad, with the certainty
that benignant fairies would by magic make them
good. We were not to disown our share in the
collective responsibility of civilised peoples, and if
the real or supposed interest and aspiration of
another people claimed our aid, it would be unworthy
of imperial greatness to compare the value of the
object with the price, even if that price meant the
insensate horrors of War. The advancement of the
people of our own country in the note of civilised well-
being was important but comparatively secondary.
With less than his usual substance and precision
Asquith defined an Imperialist as one who believed
in such expansion only as carried with it advantages
not out of proportion to its obligations. Lord
Salisbury suggested a graduated scale of wrong in
conquest, apart from its abstract morality: (1) The
worst where the motive was greed of empire, as the
seizure of Alsace by Louis XIV., or of Silesia by
Frederick. (2) A paler tinge where self-preservation
forced aggression. (3) Lighter still is the responsi-

POLICIES AND PERSONS 81
bility of Powers forced to conquer large territories chap.
in the course of resistance to unprovoked attack, as IIL
is the history of most of the acquisitions made by
England in India. (4) Where the conquest rests
upon some ancient claim, common race, or creed, or
sympathy with the sufferings of its inhabitants ; as in
the conquest of Calais by the French or of Granada
by the Spaniards. All this is luminous and actual,
but on the whole, the art of definition does not seem
to carry us far as a beacon for practical purposes.
The theory of new Liberalism did not seem much more
piquant or fertile than the respectable old. As it
happened, in the fulness of time our distinguished
apostles of Efficiency came into supreme power, with
a share in the finest field for efficient diplomacy and
an armed struggle, that could have been imagined.
Unhappily they broke down, or thought they had
(1915), and could discover no better way out of their
scrape than to seek deliverance (not without a trace
of arbitrary proscription) from the opposing party
that counted Liberalism, old or new, for dangerous
and deluding moonshine. n
The mischances of the Government that had
fallen in 1895 naturally left the Liberal party restless,
disconcerted, and inclined to blame. The blame was
distributed between the two leaders, Rosebery and
Harcourt, and found uncomfortable vent in leading
articles, caucus motions, and those incessant flying
murmurs that are never busier than when the material
for them is scantiest and most purely conjectural.
Rosebery, the late Prime Minister, formally with
drew (October 1896) from his station as head of the
VOL. II G

82 RECOLLECTIONS
book party, on two grounds. One was dissent from Mr.
_^rlw, Gladstone about Armenia; the other, that he had
not received the exceptional support, exceptional
loyalty, and exceptional co-operation, without which
no peer had any fair chance as leader. The language
was guarded, and what by diplomatists is called
correct. But personal implications are not easy in
the popular eye to dissemble. A political party,
strange as this may seem, is at the same time both
the roughest, and one of the most delicate, of human
machines. Ever so slight a new personal element
suffices at the shortest notice to awaken suspicions,
preferences, exclusions, exaggerations, bits of small
malice, all multiplied daily and swollen in geometric
progression by gossip. In this case personal par
tialities were undoubtedly identified with honest
differences of political leaning. It needs no great
knowledge either of English politics or of the heart
of man to realise the murky atmosphere in which
the Liberal leaders had now to work.
A second resignation followed tolerably soon.
Harcourt's withdrawal from the leadership of our
party in the Commons (1898) took the form, after
much discussion between us, of a letter to me. He
and I, he said, had rallied our shattered ranks in
1895, but it was now a party rent by sectional dis
putes and personal interests; this meant a party
that no man would lead either with credit to himself
or advantage to the country. He was not, and would
not consent to be, a candidate for a contested position.
He would be no party to such a degradation of the
tone of public life in this country.
In my reply to Harcourt's letter I confirmed his
repudiation of personal proscription. "I know well

POLICIES AND PERSONS 83
enough that there have been whispers about your chap.
singling out this personage or that as men with whom m-
you could not co-operate. I know how baseless they
are ; how precisely the reverse of the truth they are ;
how certain it is to anybody in accurate possession
of the facts, that it was not from you, at any rate,
that attempts at proscription, as you call it, have
proceeded. You and I have not always agreed in
every point of tactics, or of policy, since you have
been the working leader of the Liberal party. For
Government and Opposition alike, the times have
been difficult and perplexing, and diversity of views
on sudden issues was not on either side of the House
unnatural. But I am confident that every colleague
we have, who has shared our party counsels since the
disaster of 1895, will join me in recognising the
patience, the persistency, and the skill with which
you have laboured to reconcile such differences of
opinion as arose, and to promote unity of action
among us. We are now to dismiss all this from
our minds for no other reason that I know of than
that you have not been able to work political miracles
and achieve party impossibilities." On this he wrote
me more than once in words of characteristic warmth.
The language in my public reply he would regard as
"a lasting memorial of our long friendship at a very
critical period." "I shall never cease to be grateful
for the generous way in which you have stood by me
in this, the last crisis of my life" (Dec. 14, 1898).
Of course there was in this case no repetition of
the cry after Mr. Gladstone's more famous resignation
in 1874, that the sunshine had gone out of politics.
It would have been childish to anticipate it. Among
our colleagues the most important, as time showed (I

84 RECOLLECTIONS
book mean Campbell-Bannerman), assured Harcourt he was
Iv' not at all surprised at his withdrawal. Two others,
""* hardly less important, thought he could not have been
reasonably expected to do otherwise. All were kind
as could be expected, though two or three were dis
composed, as was also to be expected.
Comments of a highly disingenuous species from
quarters of nominal friends were good illustrations
of the spirit that Harcourt found fatal to an effective
lead. They unmasked batteries. The Times, on the
other hand, more openly hit their nail on the head,
by imputing the alleged want of loyal party support
to what they called our crude, unpopular, and anti-
national ideas, and to profound divergence of policy,
aim, and temper in imperial affairs. This, let me say,
was with the usual discount for bad language by no
means wide of the mark. We had not very long to
wait before mere party issues exploded on an imperial
scale. A new leader was found in Sir Henry Campbell-
Bannerman, far too sagacious and experienced a man
not to be wide-awake to the formidable difficulties to
which his sterling sense of public duty was exposing
him. I saw him described the other day, by one with
a right to an opinion, as the sincerest Liberal of our
time. This may not be the best way of putting the
truth, but truth it is that with no other leading
Liberal of our time did diplomacy, transitory tactics,
expediency of the hour, weigh lighter in the scale
against principle. No other choice was practicable.
He knew that from his fountains sweet and bitter
waters alike would be expected. The cross currents
that had displaced Harcourt from the helm began
to run more violently than ever. The fatal quarrel

POLICIES AND PERSONS 85
with President Kruger began, and by and by it chap.
opened the door to an energetic revival of the conflict m"
between rival catchwords and discordant policies
in the Liberal party in England. Machiavelli came
into full season. Greenwood, who had no tenderness
for that party or sorrow for its discords, had
spoken, like the honest man he was, of the unlucky
raid against President Kruger in this way: "In
the joint and several qualities of deceit, hypocrisy,
and violence, the design against the Transvaal
Government might have been concocted from a
recipe drawn from the eighteenth chapter of The
Prince." In the labyrinth of all these affairs — com
mittees, curious orders of reference, unmeaning
reports, strange standards of honour — it would be
unedifying to try to find a way, and here, at all
events, no way is needed. The two most important
of Liberal leaders allowed themselves to be drawn
too closely into concert with Chamberlain in this
labyrinth. hi
A critical moment on the eve of the declaration
of war found me deep in the Hawarden archives."
The facts, points, arguments, and some of the South
African actors, were all well and even intimately
known to me. Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman was
away at Marienbad. So the Manchester Liberals had
recourse to me with an urgency that I could not
resist. As the occasion made some mark at that
anxious moment, and no public meeting held in
Manchester for many years excited such interest
(Sept. 15, 1899), I may perhaps be forgiven for an
epistolary version of it :

86 RECOLLECTIONS
BOOK We left home after luncheon, I, as usual, very uneasy lest
words should not be put into my mouth. We reached
Manchester towards five. Friends met us, not less uneasy
than I was, for the very different reason of apprehension lest
the enemy should insist that any words the Lord might put
into my mouth should not come out therefrom. The war
party had publicly advertised and encouraged attempts to
smash the meeting, and young men were earnestly exhorted
in patriotic prints at least for one night to sacrifice their
billiards and tobacco, for the honour of their native land.
The huge St. James's Hall was packed as it never had been
packed before. Aggressive music of various kinds was loud.
The Chairman was Bright's eldest son, but not a word was he
allowed to utter by an audience of between eight and ten
thousand people. Then my turn came, and for ten minutes
more I had to face the same severe ordeal. At length they
allowed me for an instant to launch the single, wholly indis
putable truth in my whole budget, namely, that I was a
Lancashire man. This talisman proved my salvation. After
an hour of a judicious mixture of moderation, breadth, good-
temper, with a slight guarded Lancastrian undertone of
defiance, which they rather liked than resented, I sat down
amid universal enthusiasm. The grand potent monosyllable
with which I wound up was not to be resisted. "You may
carry fire and sword into the midst of peace and industry :
it will be wrong. A war of the strongest government in the
world with untold wealth and inexhaustible reserves against
this little republic will bring you no glory : it will be wrong.
You may make thousands of women widows, and thousands
of children fatherless : it will be wrong. It may add a new
province to your empire: it will still be wrong. You may
give buoyancy to the African stock and share market : it will
still be wrong," etc. etc. Courtney, who was only a Cornish-
man came next, and made up for his sadly defective place of
origin by a strong dish of sound arguments, spiced with the
designation of Milner as "a lost mind."
The audience slowly poured itself away — both sections
much mystified, one because they had been ruefully prepared

POLICIES AND PERSONS 87
for the wicked triumph of physical force, and lo ! physical CHAP.
force was on their side as well as moral, and even oratorical II1-
force; the other because they had found a wholly unexpected
quietus. Well may Carlyle talk of the unspeakable import
ance of man to man, though he spoils it by the qualification
that the cry of a million voices is nothing; it is the response
of the individual soul gives force and encouragement. True,
true, but if, unlike Carlyle, you have something definite to
get done, the cry of the million voices is by no means nothing.
We had a railway journey to Chester, then in a slow horse-
drive in sousing rain to our Red House at Hawarden, where
we found a welcome meal. And so to bed at 1 a.m. with a
really clear conscience.
Much condemnatory correspondence on this pro
ceeding followed in the columns of the Times. The
Transvaal Republic declared war in October. Har
court was full of instant approval of what I had done.
"I envy you the honour of having led the Liberal
host into action, and rejoice that I am now able to
bring up the reserves in your support." It was a
great satisfaction that "we should have been able
to strike a common blow in so just a cause" (Sept. 22,
1899). With a truly friendly consideration he wrote
to my wife to tell her of my reception by the Liberals
in the House of Commons on October 19, and how
clearly it showed that "the real majority of the Liberal
party remain true to their principles, and the feeble
and faint-hearted are shown up in their true colours."
This proved, as national ill-luck would have it, a
grievously sanguine interpretation.
I did my best to deserve Chamberlain's compli
ment in the House of Commons when he referred to
my speeches made in the country on the Boer War, as
"speeches of great moderation, and of great courage,
because I had been championing what was un-

88 RECOLLECTIONS
book doubtedly an unpopular cause." He was right in
Iv' calling the cause unpopular; and some of the ultra-
elect of my own party only ran their heads against
stone walls, when they acted as if the walls were
really the softer of the two. I am not sure, for that
matter, that any war has ever been unpopular in
this country at its start. The resolute opposition
to Palmerston's intentions as to Denmark in 1864
— and they were very near to being engagements —
was cabinet and parliamentary rather than popular;
and a speech of Mr. Gladstone's was only just in time
to keep the sword in its sheath. Argument has little
chance after war has once got under full way. As
John Adams put it, in 1776, a Torrent is not to be
impeded by Reasoning, nor a Storm allayed by
Ridicule. Bright said something of the same kind
after the Crimean War, when his wisest utterances
did not shake public opinion by a hair's breadth.
The sensible saying, Inter arma silent leges — grossly
misconstrued as it is by war governments — has an
application of its own to the platform. That is the
worst of war : it ostracises, demoralises, brutalises
reason. Even Nelson, our glorious and most lovable
of heroes, swore that he would like to hang every
Frenchman who came near him, Royalist and
Republican alike. Hate takes root as a tradition,
and lasts.
The demand on the bravery of the new Liberal
leader was soon aggravated by the formal organisation
of a new and detached League of Liberals, adopting
a line from which he was well known to dissent, and
a public continuation, with a repaired banner, of the
old cleavage in opinion and tendency. What was
called the neo-Palmerstonism of Lord Rosebery had

POLICIES AND PERSONS 89
powerful supporters, with ideals of imperial duty and chap.
expansion in which they seemed to outdo the moder- ^J^_
ate type of the Unionists themselves. They assumed
the flag of an independent section, permanently and
clearly distmguishing themselves from other Liberals
whose opinions were declared to disqualify them from
controlling parliamentary action in a world-wide
community of nations. This was too extravagant
even for the steady patience of Campbell-Bannerman.
With a touch of wholesome anger he pronounced the
harmony in four-fifths of the Liberal party, as to
imperial policy, to be absolute, and the attempt to
drive out of the party anybody whom the remaining
fifth might choose to proscribe was nothing short
of intolerable. Yet at no time did he spare pains,
alike by personal and private appeal to leaders of
the dissentient minority, against both the tactics
and the spirit of their operations. He and I con
stantly took counsel together, and Harcourt, as all
might have been very sure he would, gave him
valiant support. Speeches of power and ambition
were made, for few political cases are so mistaken as
to be quite naked of all argument ; but constructively
little came of the League. In a war no middle section
gets a real hold. The neo-Palmerstonians were con
fronted, and, in fact, overwhelmed, by the peculiar
genius, the fire, and the popularity of Chamberlain,
now risen to a commanding position, not merely in
the struggle against the Boers, but as the effective
oracle of Imperialist ideals. Ministers had an easy
task in parliamentary defence, for they had only to
answer the argument of one member of Opposition
by the contradictory argument of another member
sitting by his side ; and the Leaguer's ingenuity was

90 RECOLLECTIONS
book employed in sharply criticising Government, while
IV" sedulously washing his hands of pro-Boers. As
usual, events had a great deal more effect than
spoken words. The General Election of 1900 con
firmed the ministerial policy. Military mishaps, the
profusion of some two hundred and fifty millions of
money, the cruel losses of our own men, the stubborn
gallantry of the enemy, made no difference in the
general resolution not to repeat what was styled in
cheap irony, the magnanimity of Majuba.
In this election an affection of the vocal chords
reduced me to silence, but the constituency stood
firm in spite of my absence, or as good-humoured
opponents said by reason of it. We had now to
wait from 1900 to 1905 for the disappearance of the
Balfour Government, the end of our own disunion, and
the seeming recovery of sound and tested principles.
Among other things, free trade had successfully
repulsed the first grand attack since its acceptance
by the country sixty years before.

IV
If you have a book on your hands, Goethe said,
nothing thrives near it, and that was my case for
these three or four years. To quote a man as illus
trious in fame as Goethe, "I will do as you wish,"
said Cicero to his friend, "but oh, when shall I
find time to live?" In May of 1898 a great light
went out of national life. The attempt to tell the
story of Mr. Gladstone's character and career was
proposed to me. My nearest friends, public and
private, men of much experience both in books and
in affairs, and well acquainted with the ground to

POLICIES AND PERSONS 91
be covered, were unanimous in discouraging. The chap.
first sight of the huge mountain of material at IIL
Hawarden might well make the stoutest literary
heart quail. Then the perusal of parliamentary
debates is not the most attractive or nutritious
branch of literary industry. It is a nice question
whether old debates in Parliament or long protocols
in diplomacy are the more tedious, among other
reasons because we know the end. Mr. Gladstone's
life was immersed in parliamentary debate. The
duties with which new constituents had just entrusted
me could not be neglected. The general expectations
from the history of a man who had for more than
sixty years filled a place of shining fame in the eye
of the world, would be hard to satisfy. On the other
hand, the confidence that he had reposed in me for
some years during the most critical episode of his life,
left a charge that I could not without something both
of ingratitude and cowardice evade. So to work I
went. Explorations in the crowded archives, with
their two or three hundred thousand pieces, began
in 1899. Two lieutenants gave me willing and valu
able help : for the first half, Mr. Hirst, afterwards so
well known as publicist and economist ; for the
second half William Stead, too soon taken from his
friends, admirably trained by his wonderful father in
all those arts of close attention and minute accuracy
that were required by such work as he now under
took. Though the subject was inspiring, it was no
occasion for high attempts in literary expression.
The difficulty was of another kind. The first quality
required was architectonic ; it lay in distribution of
periods and phases, the right scale for a thousand

92 RECOLLECTIONS
book episodes, right proportions among wide and varied
IV' fields of incessant public policy and personal activity.
To overmaster and compress the raw material, and
to produce from it the lineaments of a singularly
subtle and elastic mind, and the qualities of one of
the most powerful and long-lived athletes that ever
threw himself into the parliamentary arena — hie labor,
hoc opus ! I was much pressed to place the book
before the public in instalments — a counsel only less
pernicious than the more urgent protest against any
publication at all within forty or fifty years, when
everybody who knew, and most who might be sup
posed to care, would be dead. That my judgment
should frequently be found erroneous by political
opponents might be inevitable, but then this was
at least as likely to happen with a biographer a
generation or two later as to a contemporary now;
nor did it matter. The task occupied four years of
pretty vigorous exertion. It was by no means un
relieved. The recollection of our unbroken sym
pathy in great tasks, the well-remembered voice, his
gestures, traits of manner, the flash from his falcon
eye, accompanied and sustained me through it all.
I was not wholly withdrawn from the daily round
of duties in Parliament ; and in the attempt to
stem the tide of public opinion upon the Boer
War, I did my best to fight the fight. The book
went on, and grew far larger than I either expected
or liked. But there was no hitch. The volumes
appeared on the appointed day in October 1903, as
punctually as if by Act of Parliament. It was
no common satisfaction for me to try to pay
a debt by inscribing the book to the electors of
the Montrose Burghs, in grateful recognition of the

POLICIES AND PERSONS 93
confidence and indulgence with which they had chap.
honoured me. m-
The public was vividly interested, as with so
renowned a hero might have been expected. There
were reasonable critics and no enemy. The sales for
the first year were over 30,000, and the price being
high, this was thought excellent. Cheaper editions
followed in the autumn of next year; 30,000 copies
went off in a week, and by the end of ten years
130,000 copies had been absorbed in all. They
invited me to unveil a statue of Mr. Gladstone in
Manchester, and another near Temple Bar in London.
I cannot part company with this book better than by
transcribing once more, by way of valedictory, a few
of the words I used at Manchester, in 1901 :
I came on a letter the other day where somebody wrote
to him — and the words were true, " You have so lived and
wrought that you have kept the soul alive in England."
When he died Lord Salisbury said of him, "He was a great
Christian." Yes ; and I would add that he was not a Christian
for nothing. He must many a time have used to himself the
language of Wordsworth, one of the inspirers of his life —
Earth is sick
And Heaven is weary of the hollow words
That States and Kingdoms utter when they talk
Of truth and justice.
He, at all events, in face of the exigent demands of practical
politics, did his best to bring truth and justice into the minds
and hearts of his countrymen and of those with whom they
had to deal. His language would not indeed be mine, but the
signal truth remains that, when he saw nations stumbling
into paths of wrong, he felt sure of moral retribution. He had
in his soul a vision high in the heavens of the flash of an
uplifted sword and the gleam of the arm of the avenging
angel. The thought with which he rose in the morning and

94 RECOLLECTIONS
BOOK went to rest at night was of the universe as a sublime moral
v theatre, in which an omnipotent Dramaturgist uses kingdoms
and rulers, laws and policies, to exhibit sovereign purposes
for good. This was the thought that lighted up the prose
of politics with a ray from the diviner mind, and exalted his
ephemeral discourse into a sort of visible relation with the
counsels of all time.
When he died, the tributes to his name not only
at home but from foreign lands, awoke men to the
fact that no other statesman on our famous roll had
touched the imagination of so wide a world ; never
had so far-spread and honourable a pomp attended
a British statesman to his grave. This is no excess
of a funeral oration, but the literal truth. So here
let me bid his great shade farewell and farewell.
If those are right who say that the worth of a
biography depends on its being done by one with
whole-hearted and candid attachment to the man
whose life he writes, then I am safe, aut laudatus aut
excusatus. In biography the old rule for imaginative
creation holds equally good — all depends upon the
subject. Years devoted to such commemoration
cannot have been ill employed.

In the autumn of 1904, with a painful shock, I
learned one afternoon that Harcourt was no more.
For nearly twenty years our intercourse had been
constant, close, and not unimportant. He was an
affluent and entertaining correspondent, and even in
days of difficulty, the exchange of letters between us
was unbroken. I had the pleasure, too, of many a
visit on intimate terms at Malwood, a chosen spot

POLICIES AND PERSONS 95
among the glades of the New Forest, a house and chap
garden his own cherished creation and delightful. ^^^^
So, too, was his abounding solicitude for the comfort
of his friends. In conversation he had most copious
play of topics, the power of argument without con
tention, wit and humour exuberant, plenty of general
literary knowledge, with special knowledge of one
or two periods of English political history, and of
the fine and powerful world of London for his own
generation. He always thought there was much
force in Disraeli's saying, "The great thing in politics
is the personal." Serious or gay, you had an im
pression of force, though it was force entirely temporal
and secular. He had no pretension to the rare type
of those who by accost or glance or tone awaken and
stimulate. He did not make disciples nor seek them,
but he made many friends, and transitory bouts
apart showed himself a warm and genial comrade.
It was said of Wilkes that he spoke to nobody on his
daily walk from his home at Storey's Gate to the
Guildhall, who did not part from him with a smile or
broad laugh. That was just as true of Harcourt.
In domestic affections he was the most devoted of
men. He enjoyed his pleasant ironies. Like Fox,
whom he resembled also in strenuous regard for
Whig principles, he had a right to say of himself, in
spite of ready showers of potent sarcasm, that he
was not a "good hater"; nor was it any habit of
his to refuse the proffered hand. What passed for
cynicism was in truth the air taken by his intellectual
pride: of this quality, be it vice or virtue, he had
his share. The judicious reader will not confuse
pride of intellect with literary vanity, for one is com
patible with a great mind and the other is not ; though

96 RECOLLECTIONS
book the immortal case of Cicero, who was both great and
^^^ vain, may make us hesitate in making our dictum
too positive. As militant pamphleteer Harcourt
was of the first order — as good as Junius or Swift or
Bolingbroke, in weight, scorn, directness, trenchant
stroke. When any ecclesiastical pretensions irritated
the Erastianism that was the deepest and most un
dying of his political tenets, his pen made prelates
and their crosiers shake.
He always exulted in declaring himself a thorough
eighteenth-century man. He applauded Sir Robert
Walpole's "fine and brutal antagonism to 'the
nonsense which is now sometimes called the spirit of
the age.' It was all absurdity about his corruption :
he paid the fools to do what the wise men told them
— a very good bargain. It was the Philistines who
made England." As might have been expected, he
was no admirer of Cromwell. Oliver's work perished
with him, so he maintained. "I am like Clarendon
and Burke, too much of a conservative." I suspect
that the other Cromwell, with his famous Act of
Supremacy, would have been more in favour, for
his work at any rate by no means perished with
him, and its durability was the object of Harcourt's
most strenuous care all through his career. In
foreign policy he admired Bolingbroke's dictums, as
that of a good via media jingo: "We must always
remember that we are not part of the continent, but
we must never forget that we are neighbours to it."
He knew much more, and some thought that possibly
he even cared more, about what was once the ever
lasting theme of the Peace of Utrecht, than about
Pitt's Act of Irish Union, which is also an everlasting
theme. He had his own strong views of history, to

POLICIES AND PERSONS 97
which he had attended more than he took the trouble chap.
to show. He liked my Machiavelli, and suggested IIL
a more extended examination of the public moral sense
of the last three centuries, adding casually on his
own account as one of the keys to begin with that the
Italy of the sixteenth century poisoned France through
the Valois race, and less directly the Stuart regime in
England. The Renaissance to his mind was worse
than the brutality of the fifteenth century. In
physical science, though he knew its importance, and
valued and respected its explorers, he was not pro
ficient, nor in fact was any other political leader,
unless as acute and appreciative learner it be Mr.
Balfour. Nor had he any concern in abstract
political theory; that was no part of his business.
He did not much believe in mending the House of
Lords. There are two things, he said, that you can
neither mend nor end : the House of Lords is one,
the other is the Pope of Rome. He once was bold
enough to say, to me of all men, that he looked upon
Mill as the most unsound of all authorities on finance
and economics. I felt reasonably avenged when he
came later on to his celebrated saying, "We are all
Socialists now."
Like other politicians, he professed to keep the
politics of the day at a distance, but business was
business, and he took good care not to miss any
practical point that might turn up even in the recess
for motions, resolutions, amendments, and all the
apparatus of contention. In this respect Malwood
was unlike Hawarden; there, except for purposes of
large counsel, politics were almost out of order, and
there was not, I think, a volume of Hansard in the
house. In the autumn of 1897 Harcourt describes
VOL. II H

98 RECOLLECTIONS
book himself as "vegetating at Malwood, thinking of a
IV" speech." Whether his fallow would or would not
produce a crop he did not know: "I am waiting for
a ram in the thicket, but you and Asquith will have
slain the whole flock."
The questions for a party leader, when he hears
one of the pieces of news with which his attention is
so necessarily invaded, are whether it matters and
how much it matters. Harcourt was by temperament
apt to miss proportion, but he had immense reserves
of strong sense, and when he was away from the
fretful fever of clubs and lobbies his qualities of
judgment had their best chance. He was never of a
disposition to refuse a challenging glove thrown at
his feet. "In politics boldness is generally the wisest
thing and the safest." But then, with a seeming
inconsistency that no sensible politician can ever
escape, he next week says that the great need is
always "caution, caution, caution." Of course, and
nobody knew better that both his maxims hinge on
circumstance. Days at Malwood naturally recall St. Anne's Hill,
where Fox spent .his happy days of political exile
disappointed, never soured. We may amuse ourselves
by imaginary dialogues, manly and splendid, between
this most doughty pair of great Whigs. Was Fox
right when he declared that the party system is the
best security for liberty and wisdom in government ;
does most for the morals and happiness of mankind,
and by teaching men to hold responsible counsel with
other men, and to depend upon one another; is the
only way in which a rational man can hope to stem
the power and influence of the Crown? So much on
one side. I can picture the imperious energy with

POLICIES AND PERSONS 99
which Harcourt would have explained to Mr. Fox chap.
that the power and influence for rational men to stem IIL
no longer resided in the Crown, but in the strange,
subtle forces called Public Opinion; that public
opinion is apt to involve fatal contentment with
simple answers to complex questions; money freely
laid on a flashing favourite this week, deep curses
on what has proved the wrong horse the week after;
the creation, through a thousand seen and unseen
channels, of Great Finance — the field where Harcourt
showed such splendid insight, skill, and courage.
Then we may conceive the disputants next day seeking
easier ground in Fox's proposition that if a man's
object is public speaking, Euripides ought to be his
constant study, scarcely less than Homer himself.
Perhaps Harcourt would have told him that Euripides
and Homer alike had long followed the power of the
Crown in our modern senate. Never again will either
House hear a Minister declaim the solemn hexameters
of Lucretius, among the noblest in all poetry ; or
the verses where Virgil describes the husbandman
turning up with rake and plough the rusty javelins,
empty helms, and mighty bones of a forgotten battle
field of long ago ; or like Pitt in his glorious speech
against the Slave Trade, inspired by the shooting
of a beam of the rising sun through the windows
of the House to the most beautiful and apt of
recorded parliamentary impromptus in the two Latin
lines: Nos . . . primus equis Oriens afflavit anhelis,
Illic sera rubens accendit lumina Vesper.
This disappearance of a once admired parliamentary
habit, if anybody will lay it to heart, is significant of

100 RECOLLECTIONS
book a great many more important things than a casual
IV' change in literary taste. Not that literary taste was
absent. Harcourt was the last of that long train of
reasoners, debaters, orators, law-makers, great from
Somers and Sir Robert Walpole onwards. New
elements of feeling were edging their way into the
public mind. The old plain, hard, secular, common-
sense, after the Reform Bill of 1832 had revolution
ised the foundations of parliamentary aristocracy,
has become deepened and enriched, but changed.
Harcourt was the last stout-hearted representative of
the parliamentary polity of a long and not inglorious
era.

CHAPTER IV

VISIT TO AMERICA
I have grown to manhood and am now growing old with the growth of
this system of government in my native land. ... I have been an ear-witness
to the forebodings of wise and good and timid men, and have lived to see
those forebodings belied by the course of events, which is apt to show itself
humorously careless of the reputation of prophets. — J. Russell Lowell.

In the course of the summer of 1896 I went to chap.
receive the coveted honour of a D. C. L. at the Oxford IV'
Commemoration. Here is the pleasant memory as 1896.
recounted, I hope without undue elation, to a friend :
Tuesday, June 23. — The long-expected day arrived, and
at three o'clock I found myself in my well-loved Oxford, full
of pleasurable anticipations, and with a thousand touching
associations and recollections floating through my head.
Drove to Corpus, where my good friend, the President, and
my old tutor, gave me his heartiest welcome. We took an
easy walk round Christ Church meadows, chatting about old
friends, the Government, Oxford politics, and so on. At 7,
I put on my Master's gown, and we went to dine in the
old College, with the Rector and Fellows : a large party at
the high table, and plenty of pleasant talk about nothing
in particular. The hall was rather haunted with ghosts —
Pattison, Morison, Bradshaw, and above all, the ghost of
your good friend J. M. Walked home in the cool night.
Read Arnold's two lovely Oxford poems. Went to bed with
the harmonious feel proper for the occasion.
101

102 RECOLLECTIONS
BOOK Wednesday, June 24. — Breakfast party — Pelham, A.
IV- Sidgwick, etc. Reasonably pleasant. At noon donned my
grand robe with a thought or two on Sartor Resartus, and
went with Fowler to the V. Chancellor at Queen's. All the
company assembled. Marched in procession to the theatre.
Waited in divinity school (Lords sat here when the Caroline
Parliament met in Oxford) until called in. Had very good
reception, but J. C. was the hero. He and I were cheek by
jowl all the time — easy and affable as we ought to be. The
theatre was amusing enough in its curious small way. Great
scenes have happened there. Luncheon in the noble library
at All Souls, with the statue of Blackstone at the end. A
scene to remember. Plenty of talk. Dinner at Christ Church :
a superb hall indeed, one of the most glorious things in Oxford
or in England. I sat between Mowbray and Marsh, the
American philologer : much conversation with the first about
the rejection of Mr. Gladstone thirty years ago, the mis
management of the present Government, and other miscellanea.
Mowbray is a fine parliamentary type of the shrewd,
experienced, plain-spoken, upright man. The Dean proposed
the toasts ; spoke well, with fluency, point, and force.
Chamberlain responded for the House of Commons, better
than he spoke at Cambridge in 1892, when he and I were
made doctors together and spoke together. Mr. Bayard and
I replied for the new doctors. It was certainly pleasant, as
I told them, that they should have conferred this coveted
honour on one whose opinions, whether in politics or deeper
things than politics, Oxford does not favour. Very honour
able to them and not dishonourable to anybody else. On
the whole, I enjoyed the "festal light in Christ Church HaU"
best of all the work of the day : the hall, the long series of
historic portraits (including my old chief), the plate, the
scarlet robes — truly festal.
Thursday, June 25. — Left Oxford betimes. Travelled up
with Goschen. Very pleasant, as always. Papers very civil
about Chamberlain and me — "The two most respected men
in England to-day," said one. I have not purged myself of the
bad habit of looking to suffragium alienum, or else this scarlet

VISIT TO AMERICA 103
gown would not give me half so much pleasure as it does. CHAP.
But then is regard for suffragium alienum wrong in democracy ?
Phocion thought so, but Phocion came to a bad end.
At some later date, Sir William Anson, that most
attractive and capable of Oxford heads, who united
the ways of a liberal-minded country gentleman to
effective work in legal and constitutional studies,
joined his colleagues at All Souls in electing me to
be an honorary fellow in succession to Acton. One
more wreath of laurel in the academic sphere was
placed upon my brows in 1908, when they chose me
to succeed the Duke of Devonshire (himself the
successor of Lord Spencer) as Chancellor of the
University of Manchester, the capital city of my
native land. I made a complacent note of it to
my Indian viceroy :
This is only an apology for not writing you a letter.
I have been having a rather fatiguing piece of work in the
shape of my installation as Chancellor of Manchester Univer
sity in succession to Spencer and Devonshire — a post of which
I am particularly proud for many reasons. You are more
accustomed than I am to high ceremonial; two hours of
bows in a hot summer day, and apt compliments, and academic
exhortations, in a heavy robe with any quantity of gold lace
(il faut souffrir pour etre beau!), are no joke. If you had seen
me officially inspecting the University volunteers, you would
have been really impressed. Haldane kindled their martial
ardour by his usual trumpet-note. Balfour gave us a charm
ing speech. Curzon was silent, but wore a stately look as
Chancellor of Oxford. Though tiring, it was a most pleasant
holiday, just as for you if you had shot a brace of tigers.
I'll be back at the Himalayas, the Ganges, Simla, and all
the rest of you, in an hour or two.
One evening in August 1902, after a long day's
cruise with Carnegie in the Moray Firth, I was

104 RECOLLECTIONS
book greeted by my hostess with the daily paper announc-
J^^, ing that King Edward had instituted an Order of
Merit. To my unfeigned surprise, and the warm
contentment of the kind-eyed friends around me,
my name was found upon the list. The initial
group only contained a dozen members.1 Of the
twelve only three after fifteen years survive. Of
such decorative things Browning in some lines under
the inoffensive title of Respectability, hit the right
moral : " The world's good word ! — the Institute !
Put forward your best foot !"

n
At the end of 1904 I accompanied my friends,
the Carnegies, on their return home to America. I
had been there before in 1868. America had under
gone a thousand changes in the intervening years,
and so on a microcosmic scale had the visitor. Most
memories of that distant date had grown paler.
Charles Sumner, who played a conspicuous and
indefatigable part in the mighty struggle that had
just come to an end, showed me much kindness.
He more than once took me into the Senate, where
among other things I heard a fierce vituperation of
my own country from a senator who had made a
speciality of that subject, not, however, without some
sympathy from his hearers, as if they privately found
his words a relief to their feelings as well as his own.
The dangerous question of the Alabama claims was
still fuliginous and ready to break into open blaze.
I had talks with the northern generals from Grant
1 Roberts, Wolseley, Kitchener ; Rayleigh, Kelvin, Lister ; Admiral
Keppel, Lecky, Morley, Huggins, Watts, R. A., Admiral Sir Edward
Seymour.

VISIT TO AMERICA 105
to Sherman downwards, including General Butler, chap.
whose doings in New Orleans had been rather vio- IV'
lently misunderstood in England.
By way of the humaner letters, I had half a dozen
saunters through the streets of Washington with
Walt Whitman, then a clerk not very high up, I
think, nor very highly paid, in the office of the
Attorney-General. I had come to the new world on
the look-out for new things, and assuredly without a
whiff of what Lowell about that time scourged as
condescension in foreigners, which made them think
the worse of Lexington for not being in Greece, or
of Gettysburg because its name was not Marathon.
But I was fairly ready for any amount of novelties
in reason ; still, Whitman's doctrines of art without
apparel did not at once conquer me. I liked the
kindly geniality of his ways, but he could not persuade
me that Emerson, Hawthorne, Holmes, and their
school had none of the real secrets of life and nature
to tell, and that the future masters of song and
imaginative truth must at once begin afresh alike in
thought and form. I was more than content to stop
at Emerson, and I was not any less content as years
passed. The figure of Thoreau had quitted its
strange place in American life a few years before, if
he and his Walden can be said to have had a place.
Else I should have sought a sight of that clear-eyed
and untrimmed embodiment of the life with nature
on which men muse when they are sick of convention
and imposing drapery.
I made the acquaintance of important editors
of all political colours, from Gordon Bennett of the
Herald up to Godkin, who was just beginning his
important start with the Nation. I had interesting

106 RECOLLECTIONS
book conversations with the writer whose accounts of the
Iv' economic and social conditions of the Slave States on
the eve of the Civil War are hardly, if at all, less in
teresting than Arthur Young's travels in France on
the eve of the Revolution. Olmsted, the author, was
a man of remarkable capacities of more kinds than
one, and people who have little taste for social records
may, none the less, when they wander in the Central
Park of New York, admire his genius as landscape
gardener. I was wise enough in 1868 to leave the
country without venturing, with such meteoric short
notice, in spite of many urgent demands, on a single
original idea as to the institutions of the American
Union, their durability, or the sort of pattern they
were destined to supply for democracy in Europe.
The date of my second pilgrimage was lucky, for
I was at the great amorphous city of Chicago on the
day of the polling for the President, when Mr. Roose
velt won his famous landslide victory. It was all a
curious contrast to electoral scenes in palmy fighting
days upon the Tyne : no speeches, no genial tumult ;
voting papers half a yard long, and embracing all the
offices, including judges and magistrates. The last
was a momentary shock, until I bethought me how
much the appointment of justices of the peace, and
even in some cases of judges of the land, had been
rightly open to radical question in my own country.
At a non-political banquet in the evening there was
much friendly animation as the Chairman read out
from time to time the telegram with a new poll —
a thoroughly enjoyable occasion for an expert in
elections. Next day I found myself at Washington,
the guest of the conquering hero at the White House.
No words are needed for that rare and most attractive

VISIT TO AMERICA 107
personality. Not often have I passed a week so chap.
interesting in the chief figure and the striking cir- cir
cumstances around him. It was impossible, and we
did not try, to be unconscious of the fact that some
thing or another had drawn him and me into two
different political schools. The President had shown
himself both student and writer enough to have been
a power in professional letters, if he had liked. His
political premises and axioms, as I ventured to think,
came from overpowering energy of physical tempera
ment rather than from firm or exhaustive ratiocination.
For those at Cambridge and elsewhere who bore the
name "mugwumps," he had as disrespectful a feeling
as their ugly Algonquin designation might be thought
to deserve. It rather recalled the sort of contempt
expressed to me by poor Walt Whitman six-and-
thirty years before for writers of the same breed.
When I found myself among men of this stamp, like
Dr. Eliot of Harvard and my well-loved friend of
many years, Charles Norton, I felt that there was
more room for the pure milk of the Millite, Cobdenite,
Gladstonian word, than in the energetic gales of the
presidential home of my new friend at Washington.
That did not matter : the President cheerfully allowed
me to wave my drab-hued flag and to testify at
my pleasure. He left nothing undone to bring me
into contact with the heads of departments, and to
illustrate the variety of stocks that were making the
new America who had that week chosen him to be
her chief man.
As I stood on the deck of the steamer that was
to carry me home, there was the usual band of mis
cellaneous inquirers. "What is it that has impressed
you most during your visit?" J". M. "Undoubtedly

108 RECOLLECTIONS
book two things, the President and Niagara Rapids." If
^3^ ^ey had asked me what quarter of the vast continent
I should have chosen for my place of exile in case of
deportation from my native island, I think I might,
apart from low temperature, have said Quebec. It is
picturesque; the heights up which Wolfe clambered
with Gray's Elegy in his pocket recall one of England's
most heroic military exploits; the unlucky French
commander's brave and magnanimous spirit was to
match; the French of Bossuet and Louis the Four
teenth was interesting and, with all respect, not
unamusing to an ear only used to the Parisian boule
vards and the Comedie Franchise. Finally Quebec
might have helped to show us how to settle the Irish
question. M. Arnold ten years before declared that
he found Quebec far the most interesting thing on
that continent.
Hospitality was unbounded, always kind, con
siderate, and on more than one public occasion
resplendent. I had the honour to attend a powerful
public feast one evening at New York, on which the
comment next day was that Demosthenes and Cicero
were great orators, but neither of them ever addressed
an audience good for a millionth part of the minae,
drachmae, sesterces, or whatever else stood for the
dollar in the currency of Greece and Rome, repre
sented in the assemblage addressed by Mr. Morley
last night. It was no business of mine to discuss
the right of a man to be rich, or of a community to
admire wealth acquired, as the most stout-hearted of
Roman sages put it, agendo, vigilando, consulendo.
This at least was clear to the most casual observer
with any knowledge of the contributions of the
magnates round the tables towards endowment for

VISIT TO AMERICA 109
great common purposes, that private munificence chap.
moved by the spirit of high public duty has never IV'
been shown on a finer scale than by American pluto
cracy working in a democratic atmosphere. Material
ist, practical, and matter-of-fact as the world of
America may be judged, or may perhaps rightly judge
itself, everybody recognises that commingled with
all that is a strange elasticity, a pliancy, an intel
lectual subtlety, a ready excitability of response to
high ideals, that older worlds do not surpass, even if
they can be said to have equalled it.
As for oratorical glory and the ancients, it would
have been in place for people who, like most of us, live
on faith in Progress to recall that at any banquet
adorned by Demosthenes or Cicero the dishes would
have been cooked and served by slaves, though there
was difference enough between them and the black-
faced slaves of Georgia and Carolina. They might,
either of them, well have envied Bright the English
orator who described the glorious conflict that ended
slavery in America — "how the ground reeled under
four years of agony, until at last, after the smoke of
the battlefield had cleared away, the horrid shape
which had cast its shadow over a whole continent had
vanished and was gone for ever." After all, it was
the America who was thought to admire overmuch
the mountains of drachmae and sesterces, that had
written this benignant and decisive chapter in the
annals of mankind.
I felt no need to remind them that the population
of Attica was only 350,000, yet was mother of arts
and eloquence. Nor did I preach any sermons on
the text that neither plutocracy nor democracy, nor
both together, were necessarily the same thing as

110 RECOLLECTIONS
book progress. It was interestmg, by the way, to hear
IV' from more than one quarter that it would be fatal
to a man's chance in American politics to be a de
clared free-thinker. That seems to be true. We had
better not praise or blame Republics for this, when
we consider France, where the exact opposite is too
near the truth. Jefferson and Franklin at any rate
were pretty declared free-thinkers in their important
time. I came home after a delightful visit planned by
two of the most cordial and ingenious of hosts and
entertainers, having heard much about all the
"problems," and made friendly acquaintances of
most of those who have them in their minds and on
their hands. Mr. Carnegie had proved his originality,
fulness of mind, and bold strength of character, as
much or more in the distribution of wealth as he had
shown skill and foresight in its acquisition. We had
become known to one another more than twenty
years before through Matthew Arnold. His extraor
dinary freshness of spirit easily carried Arnold,
Herbert Spencer, myself, and afterwards many others,
high over an occasional crudity or haste in judgment
such as befalls the best of us in ardent hours. People
with a genius for picking up pins made as much as
they liked of this : it was wiser to do justice to his
spacious feel for the great objects in the world — for
knowledge and its spread, invention, light, improve
ment of social relations, equal chances to the talents, the
passion for peace. These are glorious things ; a touch
of exaggeration in expression is easy to set right. His
early effusion on the Gospel of Wealth excited vigorous
and sympathetic interest in Mr. Gladstone, and Car
negie's name speedily came to be associated in a wide

VISIT TO AMERICA 111
world with lively discussion. Feel for great objects chap.
has not been all. Millions of money have not been IV-
all. He is an idealist who lives and works with his
ideals, and drudges over them every day of his life.
He mamtamed the habit of applying his own mind
either to the multifarious projects that flooded in upon
him from outside, or to elaborating the independent
notions that sprung up within him from his observant
common sense in union with the milk of human kind
ness. Rapidity, energy, confident enthusiasm, were
the mark of his days. As he said to one of those to
whom he was attached, "Don't look as if you were
overwhelmed with gravity; don't let people think
you have got as much as you can carry. It is not
so much for a superior man that he suffices for his
day's work, as that his day's work suffices for him."
High spirits are to be no small part of the whole
duty of man. Invincible optimism, either as to the
whole world's progressive course, or the disappearance
of obstacles to any wise enterprise in particular,
sometimes provoked impatience in those of a less
mercurial temperament. It was in fact his key to
life when he said that, having retired from all other
business, his business had become to do as much
good as he could in the world. Optimism was more
than a theory in a man who had been a successful
fighter through life, and had made so many others
sharers in his victories.
Much too shrewd to suppose one man competent
by himself to perfect and administer all the many
schemes to which his name belongs, it is impossible
not to admire the pains he has taken in inducing the
right men to co-operate as trustees and in firing
them with sympathy. Without them miscarriage

112 RECOLLECTIONS
book would have been certain. It has been his just pride
^~^ and pleasure to find men capable of his own zeal,
and to give their time and attention without reward
except the reward of conscience and public duty.
As might have been expected, no inquiry was to be
made as to what any beneficiary might think about
future life or kindred dogmas. His enthusiasm for
Burns and his radiant knowledge and love of Shake
speare are good testimony to his fine gaiety of heart.
A strenuous disputant, yet he knows how to keep
himself in order by quick, racy, and superabundant
sense of humour. A man of high and wide and well-
earned mark in his generation.

CHAPTER V

AN EASTER DIGRESSION
Of all the views of the world possible to a poetical mind in the Caesarian
age this waB the noblest and most ennobling, that it is a benefit for men
to be released from a belief in the immortality of the soul, and thereby
from the evil dread of death which steals over men like terror creeping
over children in a, dark room. — Mommsen. ,

The approach of Easter had tempted us towards the chap.
scene of a poet's musings on the same day years ^^,
before — "the great sinful streets of Naples." But
time was too short, hygienic memories of a last visit
were not seductive, and weather seemed more pro
pitious to such changes of mind as a library might
promise. So, with Hobbes's warning at heart, that
we should either work or play, but never loiter, I
stayed in my library, my Penseroso from beneath his
helm-like bonnet watching with what Ruskin calls
that ghostly vitality of his.
I began a holiday by turning over a little sheaf of
desultory collectanea, including a slender volume of
Les grands hommes qui sont morts en plaisantant, and
another on students killed in climbing from their
ladders to high bookshelves. I took out some of them
that had a sort of connection with one another, bound
by the mortal link that must concern us always, holi
days and workdays alike. Here are one or two of my
scattered specimens ; they will at least do no harm.
VOL. II 113 I

114 RECOLLECTIONS
BOOK Queen Elizabeth. (Philosophy of the man of action.) —
J As for me, I see no such great reason why I should either be
proud to live, or fear to die. I have had good experience
of this world. I have known what it is to be a subject, and
I now know what it is to be a sovereign. Good neighbours
I have had, and I have met with bad; and in trust, I have
found treason. I have bestowed benefits on ill deservers ;
and where I have done well, I have been ill reputed and
spoken of. When I call to mind things past, behold things
present, and look forward to things to come, I count them
happiest that go hence soonest. Nevertheless ... I am armed
with better courage than is common in my sex, so that what
soever befalls me, death shall never find me unprepared.
Leighton. (The Scotch divine of the time of the Restoration,
indifferently episcopal and presbyterian, the friend of Bishop
Burnet who reports this of him.) — There were two remarkable
circumstances in his death. He used often to say that if
he were to choose a place to die in, it should be an inn, it
looking like a pilgrim's going home, to whom this world was
all an inn, and who was weary of the noise and confusion of
it. He added that the officious tenderness of his friends was
an entanglement to a dying man, and that the unconcerned
attendance of those that could be procured in such a place
would give less disturbance. He had his wish.
Swift. (His tragic letter when he heard in London that
Stella was dead or dying.) — "If you believe," he writes, "she
cannot hold out till my return, I would not think of coming
to Ireland. ... I would not for the universe be present at
such a trial of seeing her depart. She will be among friends
that upon her own account and great worth will tend her
with all possible care, where I should be a trouble to her, and
the greatest torment to myself. ... I am of opinion that
there is not a greater folly than to contract too great and
intimate a friendship, which must always leave the survivor
miserable." Sib William Temple. (To the Countess of Essex, 1674,
on her grief at the death of her only daughter. A long eloquent

AN EASTER DIGRESSION 115
letter, of which this is the wholesome kernel.) — Your complaints CHAP.
ought to be turned into acknowledgments, for the goods or x
blessings of life are usually esteemed to be birth, health,
beauty, friends, children, honour, riches. Now when your
ladyship has fairly considered how God Almighty has dealt
with you in what He has given you of all these, you may be
left to judge yourself how you have dealt with Him in your
complaints for what He has taken away. But if you look
about you and consider other lives as well as your own, and
what your lot is in comparison with those that have been
drawn within the circle of your knowledge ; if you think how
few are born with honour, how many die without name or
children, how little beauty we see, how few friends we hear
of, how many diseases and how much poverty there is in the
world, you will fall down upon your knees, and instead of
repining at one affliction, will admire so many blessings as
you have received at the hand of God.
Gladstone. (Cranmer at the stake.) — Do you remember
Jeremy Collier's sentence on his bravery at the stake, which
I count one of the grandest in English prose? "He seemed
to repel the force of the fire, and to overlook the torture by
strength of thought." Thucydides could not beat that.
Sir Heney Vane. — " Death holds a high place in the
policy and great communities of the world. ... It is the
part of a valiant and generous mind to prefer some things
before life, as things for which a man should not doubt nor
fear to die. . . . True natural wisdom pursueth the learning
and practice of dying well, as the very end of life, and indeed
he hath not spent his life ill that hath learned to die well.
It is the chiefest thing and duty of life. The knowledge of
dying is the knowledge of liberty, the state of true freedom,
the way to fear nothing, to live well, contentedly, and peace
able. ... It is a good time to die, when to live is rather a
burden than a blessing, and there is more ill in life than
good." When his hour came, Vane's actual carriage on
Tower Hill was as noble and resolute as his words.

116 RECOLLECTIONS
BOOK Plutarch. (Death of Pericles.) — When he was near his
end, the best of the citizens and those of his friends who were
left alive, sitting about him, were talking of the greatness of his
merits, and his powers, and reckoning up his famous actions,
and the number of his victories. They talked thus together
among themselves, as though he were unable to mind what
they said, and that his senses were gone; he took notice of
every word, and speaking out among them, said that he
wondered they should commend and take notice of things
which were as much owing to fortune as to anything else, and
at the same time should not make mention of that which was
the most excellent and greatest thing of all. "For," said
he, "no Athenian, through my means, ever wore mourning."
La Fontaine. (Death and the Woodcutter.) — Bent under
the weight of his faggots and the long toil of years, striving
for his hovel of a home, at length he casts down his logs,
and thinks of his hard lot. What pleasure has he ever had,
often without bread, always without rest — his wife, his children,
soldiers, taxes, debts, forced labour. He calls aloud for Death.
Coming in an instant Death bids him say what it is he wants.
"To help me," entreats the Woodcutter, "to hoist the load
up on my back again ; it won't take you long." Better go on
suffering than to die. Such is ever the motto of mankind.
Montaigne. — Look on earth and at the poor people
scattered over it, bowed and bent, intent on their work,
knowing nothing of Aristotle or Cato, either of example or
precept; from them day after day nature exacts lessons of
constancy and patience, purer and more unsophisticated than
those we study with such care in the school; how many of
them do I regularly see who make little of poverty; how
many who would fain die, and who pass death without fright
or affliction. The man there digging my garden has this
morning buried his father or his son. The names by which
they call their maladies take off their edge and soften them;
phthisis is for them a cough, dysentery only a looseness,
pleurisy no more than a stitch ; and as they name them gently,
so they bear them; they must be grievous indeed to stay

AN EASTER DIGRESSION 117
their everyday toil; they never keep to their beds save CHAP.
to die. "¦
Victor Hugo. (Death on the midnight field at Waterloo.) —
Si quelque chose est effroyable, s'il existe une realite" qui
depasse le reve, c'est ceci : vivre, voir le soleil, etre en pleine
possession de la force virile, avoir la sante et la joie, rire
vaillamment, courir vers une gloire qu'on a devant soi e"blouis-
sante, se sentir dans la poitrine un poumon qui respire, un
cceur qui bat, une volonte qui raisonne, parler, penser, esperer,
aimer, avoir une mere, avoir une femme, avoir des enfants,
avoir la lumiere, — et tout a, coup, le temps d'un cri, en moin3
d'une minute, s'effondrer dans un abime, tomber, rouler,
ecraser, etre e'crase, voir des epis de ble, des fleurs, des feuilles,
des branches, ne pouvoir se retenir a, rien, sentir son sabre
inutile, des hommes sous soi, des chevaux sur soi, se debattre
en vain, les os brises par quelques ruades dans les tenebres,
sentir un talon qui vous fait jaillir les yeux, mordre avec rage
des fers de chevaux, etouffer, hurler, se tordre, e'tre la dessous,
et se dire : tout a l'heure j'etais un vivant.1
Scott (on a rule of nature). — We speak freely of her
whom we have lost, and mix her name with our ordinary
conversation. This is the rule of nature. All primitive
people speak of their dead, and I think virtuously and wisely.
The Highlanders speak of their dead children as freely as
of their living members, how poor Colin or Robert would
have acted in such or such a situation. It is a generous and
a manly tone of feeiing.
1 "If anything in the world is frightful, if there exists a reality that
exceeds dream, 'tis this : to be alive, to see the sun, to be in full possession
of a man's strength, to have health and gladness, to laugh in brave spirits,
to hasten towards a glory in full front of you, dazzling ; to feel in your
breast a lung that breathes, a heart that beats, a will with reason ; to speak,
to think, to hope, to love ; to have a mother, to have a wife, to have children,
to have light . . then all at once the time for a cry in less than a minute,
to crash down into an abyss, falling, crushing, crushed; to see wheat-
stalks, flowers, leaves, branches ; to find nothing to cling to — to feel your
sword no use; men beneath you, horses on top of you. To struggle in
vain, bones all broken by rearings in the dark; to feel a horse-hoof that
makes your eyes burst out, to bite the horse-shoes in mad rage, to writhe,
shriek, stifle ; to lie there and to say : A moment ago and I was a live
creature."

IV.

118 RECOLLECTIONS II
book- I took it into my head that I might do worse than
give a day or two to reviving memories of Lucretius,
the ancient poet who fits in so closely with leading
thoughts, and contests of thought, in our present day,
to say nothing of Helvetius, d'Holbach, and others,
on whom I had exercised mind and pen of old. It
evidently matters much what book, prose or verse,
lays hold of a man and of what book he happens by
temperament, teaching, training, or accident to lay
hold. The Nature of Things can hardly be called a
book to live with, but it is full of grandeur, sym
pathetic feeling, sublime sonorous music, that a reader
may be glad and all the better for having near him.
Lucretius like Machiavelli is one of the great figures
in literature who have gone through long spells of
what is called immortality, bearing all the time a
bad name. Singular is his story. His life was
"invisible and dim." His one poem was never
completed. Its duration hung upon a single manu
script. The manuscript appeared and disappeared
for successive centuries. Whether his influence per
sisted in traces obscure and rare through the theologies
and philosophies of the Middle Ages, scholars earnestly
dispute. Some contend that in influence he was only
second to Aristotle, and in continuous popularity only
second to Virgil. Poet, savant, philosopher, he claims
a place in three spheres. Nobody, I should think,
reads his unique poem literally through. Mommsen
finds Lucretius as savant absolutely unreadable.
Others measure the poet, and insist that if you take
a round figure for what you have a right to call
poetry, you come to no more than 1800 lines out of
7400. More fastidious persons will have it there are

AN EASTER DIGRESSION 119
only 700 really fine or memorable lines in the whole chap.
six books. About numbers this quarrel, like so many V-
if not most quarrels of taste, is trivial. Even those
who firmly choose to skip three-quarters still are
conscious of the sound of a voice that is sublime,
and the might of an imagination that soars on
triumphant pinions beyond the flaming ramparts
of the world. Whatever definition of poetry we
may borrow from the poets themselves — whether "a
speaking picture" or "invention" (Johnson) or
"articulate music" (Dryden) — the tense, defiant,
concentrated, scornful, fervid, daring, and majestic
verse of Lucretius is unique and his own.
It is not hard to see why he should have had this
bad name. He was vehemently unorthodox on sacred
fundamentals — a pagan, without religion, or the
feefing for it. This last is what mankind are slowest
to forgive. It is curious that, as I think, Dante finds
no place for Lucretius in any of his three spheres of
the other world, Inferno, Purgatory, or Paradise.
Again, to readers who did not go much below the
surface, he was what in our days is loosely, and some
what promiscuously, labelled Pessimist. Pessimism —
which, let us recollect, is a very different thing from
misanthropy — has many a shape, and voices beyond
counting. A learned Grecian of our time has assured
us that Aeschylus, though a strictly religious pagan,
like Pindar, may well be called a pessimist, nay, "the
very patriarch and first preacher of pessimism," and
of this the Grecian finds his illustration in Prometheus,
who redeems men from the low estate in which they
were born, instructs them in all art and knowledge
to lift them up from their sorry plight, discovers
without disparagement or blame that they listen

120 RECOLLECTIONS
book without hearing, and in the end is repaid by cruel
^_^^ exile in iron chains upon the frosty Caucasus. How
ever this may be, pessimism ranges from the passionate
laments of Israel; the clear-eyed melancholy of the
Greek; the savage and unholy imaginations of the
man like Swift, who on his birthday ever read
Job's third chapter; the crystal lustre of Leopardi's
unchangeable despair and lacerating irony; the
transitory effusions of German Weltschmerz, or the
effronteries of Zarathustra. Lucretius stands alone
in the controversial force and energy with which the
genius of negation inspires him, and transforms into
sublime reasons for firm act, so long as living breath
is ours, the thought that the life of a man is no more
than a dream of a shadow, the generation of men no
more than the generation of leaves, putting forth to
air and sky, then scattered by autumn winds to
earth. His philosophy was borrowed from a Greek, but
Lucretius was Roman, and the furious havoc of Rome
in his day may well have awakened in him energetic
thought on the problems of the world, such as may
happen even to men with none of his commanding
genius in any age, ancient or our own, who have the
misfortune to be brought into sight of the like ruin
of distracted States and insensate men.
Among the most singular of those who have tried
their hands at turning Lucretius into English must
be counted the wife of the famous puritan, Colonel
Hutchinson. She turned him into verse, as she says,
out of youthful curiosity to understand things she
heard so much discourse of at second-hand. In time
the admirable woman grew to be as angry with
Lucretius as if he had been an episcopalian royalist,

AN EASTER DIGRESSION 121
with his "foppish casual dance of atoms," and the chap.
other senseless superstitions. v"
Later than Jeremy Taylor a verse translation by
a writer, now unknown for other things, was printed
by Creech in 1682, and went through many editions.
Then the task fell by way of experiment into mightier
hands. Having, with much ado, got clear of Virgil,
Dryden undertook some pieces of Lucretius, in whom
he found as his distinguishing character a certain
kind of noble pride. Our untold debt to Dryden as
the most splendid master of English prose, can by
no means content us with the verse into which he
Englished some of the finest lines in poetry :
'Tis pleasant safely to behold from shore
The rolling ship and hear the tempest roar. . . .
And so forth, in a style that has no note of either the
vigour or the music of its original.1
Crossing a long tract of time, from the seventeenth
1 The French ecclesiastic, famous in his day for erudition, polite and
skilful diplomacy, and for a collection of Roman antiques, which Frederick
the Great bought for Berlin, came across Bayle, who was the purest sceptic
of his own, or perhaps of any age. "I am a protestant," said Bayle to
Polignac, "for in my soul I protest against all that I hear said, and all
that I see done." Among other things he much impressed the cardinal
by his references to Lucretius. Polignac, a sincere and honest man, set
to work on a Latin poem, Anti-Lucrice (1747), which made a great stir in
the literary world all over Europe. Voltaire in a thoughtless moment too
handsomely complimented its author as a mixture of Virgil and Plato, the
avenger of heaven and the conqueror of Lucretius. By and by Voltaire
changed his mind, and the work speedily became a poem without poetry
and philosophy, without reason, a thing of dry bones which everybody
praised and nobody could read. Some said that the simplest anti-Lucretius
was to be found in his own poem and its pretty palpable incoherences, and
perhaps the same point might have spared us many elaborate volumes of
animadversion on many other books besides The Nature of Things. Even
of great Aristotle one of his translators has said that no progress can be
made in the study of him by an art of interpretation which aims only at
reconciling an author with himself. At any rate Anti-Lucrece no more
extinguished The Nature of Things than Frederick's Anti-Machiavel
extinguished The Prince. The world had come upon a time when the
memento mori of the Middle Ages was losing its iron command, and this
mood Lucretius suited.

122 RECOLLECTIONS
book century to the end of the nineteenth, we still find
IV- English and French poets coming on to Lucretian
ground. The most popular English poet of our
Gladstonian era perhaps did not make the worthiest
choice when he tacked his lofty, solemn, powerful
verses called Lucretius on to a repellent, and not well-
supported, myth about an amatory potion.
Sully-Prudhomme was a zealous Lucretian, in the
respectable conviction that
Pour dissiper 1'horreur de notre nuit profonde,
Le soleil ne peut rien, ni le jour eclatant,
Mais la Nature parle et la Raison l'entend !
He even began a translation, but was not sorry to find
himself anticipated by what he felt bound to regard
as the definitive version of Lefevre (1876). Nor can
an English ear be sorry either, for somehow the great
open diapason of the Lucretian hexameter is grievously
missing in this effort of a poet of proved grace and
modern elegance.
Still stranger is it to find Lucretius invoked as
his partner in devotion to the philosophic muse by
Lamartine — that singular and winning genius, who
was not only a poet, but, as competent French critics
say, the very spirit of poetry itself ; and who besides
his poetry, by way of passing episode, overturned a
throne by a book — a book of which the most potent
contemporary novelist wittily said that it raised
history to the level of fiction. Lamartine courage
ously risked his life in victorious encounters with the
Paris mob of 1848; he fascinated, persuaded, over
whelmed, ruled them in some of their stormiest hours.
"Physical nature," he said, "was the theme of
Lucretius; moral nature is mine." Far indeed is the
journey from Lamartine's delicate faculty in gifts of

AN EASTER DIGRESSION 123
poetic beauty to the Roman poet's unsparing wrestle chap.
with false divinities, misjudged destinies, a universe of v'
desolating law. Yet in both of them glowed the like
vivid sympathies of soul.
Macaulay does justice to Lucretius's general poetic
strength and elevation, even placing him before Virgil
among the wearers of poetic crowns, but he despatches
the philosophy as, for the most part, utterly worth
less. This comes to much the same as Mommsen's
verdict that Lucretius, dealing with atoms and void
and the rest of his science, is unreadable. Most such
verdicts rather miss the mark of history. The
scientific theories were unverified, as they were bound
to be, and so the philosophy associated with them
was but the shadow of a system with no clear root in
sound method. Yet the aerial labour of his imagina
tion brought him marvellously far on the path towards
the mountain heights of modern speculation. The
world in which we five, and all the business of the
elements, has become a sounding house of vast
general laws. Of these laws it is the nature of things
to be their subject. They are no sport of arbitrary,
changeful, and capricious deities. Far distant, aloof,
remote, dwell those divine beings. The doctrines of
the Atom, again, the doctrines of special affinities,
leave their traces after many centuries in the prevail
ing guesses of our present time upon the constitution
of matter. Then in fine comes the great key-note
from which we started. The relations of body and
soul, the poet argues, well considered in all their
analogies and phenomena in the universe of sentient
being, bid us shake ourselves free from that terror of
death, and the mysterious dread of the continuity of
conscious individual life in an unknown hereafter,

124 RECOLLECTIONS
book which so darkly overshadows, distracts, and paralyses
Iv" the life of "momentary man." Of all the countless
hosts of poets, preachers, philosophers, and theologians
who, with every variety of aspect and approach, have
held, by way either of promise to the good or menace
to the bad, that all philosophy of life is in essence
commentatio mortis, Lucretius is most strenuous, lofty,
and insistent on enforcing the sombre lesson taught by
the ancient Hebrew long ages before him: "What
soever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might ;
for there is no work, nor knowledge, nor wisdom in
the grave, whither thou goest."
It was impossible that our own glorious literature
should not contain, in prose and verse alike, a
thousand things of superlative beauty about this
universal theme, from Raleigh's "0 eloquent, just and
mighty death," or the thrilling dialogues in Claudio's
prison, down to the most melting and melodious
single verse in all the exercises of our English tongue,
"After life's fitful fever he sleeps well," the tender
summary of it all. Still, the famous passage of
Lucretius at the close of his third book is of such
quality that I hardly find in my heart to quarrel with
the accomplished critic of to-day who suggests that
"its lofty passion, its piercing tenderness, the stately
roll of its cadences, is perhaps unmatched in human
speech." "lam iam non domus accipiet te laeta, neque uxor
Optima, nee dukes occurrent oscula nati
Praeripere et tacita pectus dulcedine tangent :
Non poteris factis florentibus esse, tuisque
Praesidium : misero misere," aiunt, "omnia ademit
Una dies infesta tibi tot praemia vitae. . . ."
Now no more shall a glad home and a true wife welcome
thee, nor darling children race to snatch thy first kisses and

AN EASTER DIGRESSION 125
touch thy heart with a sweet and silent content: no more CHAP.
mayest thou be prosperous in thy doings and a defence to v-
thine own ; " alas and woe ! " say they, " one disastrous day r>""
has taken all these prizes of thy life away from thee" — but
thereat they do not add this, "and now no more does any
longing for these things beset thee." This did their thought
but clearly see and their speech follow, they would release
themselves from great heartache and fear. "Thou, indeed,
as thou art sunk in the sleep of death, wilt so be for the rest
of the ages, severed from all weary pains ; but we, while
close by us thou didst turn ashen on the awful pyre, made
unappeasable lamentation, and everlastingly shall time never
rid our heart of anguish." Ask we then this of him, what
there is that is so very bitter, if sleep and peace be the
conclusion of the matter, to make one fade away in never-
ending grief ? — Mackail.
Then there is the half of the fifth book which
Monro pronounces unsurpassed, if not unequalled,
in all Latin poetry for varied beauty, earnest satire,
and sublimity.
Critics have complained of Paradise Lost that
Milton has taken a scheme of life for life itself. Of
Lucretius at least this is not true. Though his own
days are "invisible and dim," his poem is rich and
glowing in the essence and spirit of the life of the
world in itself. His gospel is a gospel of active
energy and of sympathy all through the world of
sentient being. I have already copied a short piece
of Montaigne's, and there is a touch of the same
feeling in Lucretius's thought of the aged ploughman
after the ease and fruitfulness of earth's golden days
have passed away — how the husbandman shakes his
head and with deep sigh upon sigh thinks that the
labour of his hands comes to so little ; how we wear
out the strength of labouring men and their oxen.

126 RECOLLECTIONS
book We do not know what Lucretius would have made
TV' of Liberty, Equality, and Fraternity, but Freedom,
Justice, Pity is no bad battle-cry, and it is Lucretian.
We may well be as indifferent as we like about atom
and void, but it is pleasant to read of "light-sleeping
dogs with faithful hearts in their breasts, and woolly
flocks, and beasts of burden whom we protect and
feed in requital of their useful services." Or the
picture of the Molossian hounds, "when they essay
fondly to lick their whelps with their tongue, or toss
them with their feet, and snapping at them make a
feint with lightly closing teeth of swallowing, though
with gentle forbearance they caress them with a
yelping sound greatly different from that which they
utter when left alone in a house they bay, or when
they shrink away with a crouching body howling
from blows." hi
The place of death in Lucretius naturally brings
a reader, with good authors at his elbow, to Lessing's
Laocoon — "dear Lessing," as George Eliot called him
— one of the rare books that, like Grotius or Adam
Smith, startled the world by a sudden shaft of new
light diffusing itself over changed tracts of thought
for all time to come. Though first suggested to him
by Burke's Sublime and Beautiful, of which Lessing
made himself translator, it was a fruitful surprise in
the originality of its contribution to the philosophy
of art, and the conditions of poetry and painting.
Not any less remarkable, and it brings him involun
tarily into line with Lucretius, is the little tract with
which he shortly followed Laocoon, on the images of
death in ancient art — a plea against the notion that

AN EASTER DIGRESSION 127
to the classic world the symbol of death took the chap.
repulsive shape of the skeleton, the Arch Fear in v'
a visible form. Goethe records how, in his youth,
they were all enchanted with the beauty of the
thought that the ancients represented Death as the
brother of Sleep, each in form the semblance of the
other, twin brothers in the arms of Night. The
enchantment was not universal, for in common faith
death is the penalty of Sin ; hence it was natural to
symbolise it by a terrifying image. Lessing's reply
was that the Christian faith has not revealed this
dreadful truth in order to make us despair, but
promises a blessed end to devout resignation and
contrition of heart. The Scripture itself, moreover,
he goes on, speaks of the Angel of Death : why should
not the artist give up the hateful skeleton, and put
us in possession of the better image of an angel?
"Only religion misconceived can draw us away from
the beautiful, and it is an evidence for the true
religion properly understood, the more it everywhere
restores us to beauty." Whether or not he accurately
divined all the transformations and conclusions by
which the skeleton came to be taken for the image
of death, Lessing was felt to have carried his law of
beauty into supreme heights of art and life. In those
days, sang Schiller in Die Gotter Griechenlands, "no
grisly skeleton entered the chamber, and stood before
the deathbed." So, in short, the skeleton was dis
placed on the funereal monument by a gracious genie
bearing in all simplicity a reversed torch or some
symbol of the resurrection.
To nobody, we might well have supposed, was the
spirit of Lucretius so little congenial as it was to
Goethe, the stormiest of poets to the most composed.

128 RECOLLECTIONS
book Yet, as it appeared, when Goethe came back from his
^^ travels in Italy, he was full-blown pagan, and was not
slow to express high thoughts of The Nature of Things.
For some twenty years he encouraged its first trans
lation into German (1820), and even took an active
share in the task. Vitally different as the vast march
of time had made them, the two stand out, each of
them a grand compound of poetry, scientific aim, and
practical philosophy. Goethe applauds Lucretius as
a diligent observer and explorer of nature, as master
of strange powers of living delineation of nature's
phenomena. All these, joined to an amazing elevation
of mind and speech, assured his immortality as man,
Roman, philosopher, and poet all in one. His book,
says Goethe, who does not often show much care for
historic values, is one of the most remarkable docu
ments in the world, because it shows how men thought
and felt on the secrets of the universe between the
sixth and eighth decades before the Christian era.
It is interesting to note how in the latest hours at
which the Christian era has yet arrived, Lucretius is
still a living combatant as he was in the pagan era.
The most brilliant English apologist of our day, I
should think, has been Martineau, and when the
apologist comes to deal with the "great mountain-
chain of death," and life to come, it is to the rolling
hexameters from Lucretius he goes for adverse texts
that he made it his business to overthrow. Goethe
himself, so widely counted "Europe's sagest head,"
may well be said to be the founder, guide, and oracle
of an informal, nameless, and unorganised communion
of his own — men and women content to live their lives
independently of two articles of such profound and
saturating belief as those against which Lucretius

AN EASTER DIGRESSION 129
waged his impassioned war. Some would say the chap.
Greeks found it all out long before either Roman or Y'
German, and end the matter in some plangent lines
in a fragment of Euripides :
Taia p,eyio~Tr- koX Atos alO~jp,
o fiev av6p<i>ir<ov kclL Beutv yev&Ttap,
~) o vypofi6\ovs crrayovas vortas
7rapaSeca/x,ey?7 tikthl dvarovs,
TLKrei Se jSopav (pvXa. re Oijpuiv "
odev ovk dSiKws
p.rjTT]p TrdvTdiv vev6p.io-Tox.
\u>pei 8' oVicra)
to. p.ev Ik yat'as -pvvr ets yolav,
to. 8 air aWeplov fiXaaTOvra yovrjs
eis ovpa.vt.ov naXiv rjX.de ttoXov '
OvrjcrKU 8' oi&iv tuiv yiyvop.evwv,
SiaKpi.v6p.evov 8' aAXo -rp6s aiXXov
p-op-pr/v ercpav ineSei^ev.
Earth the most great, and Heaven on high !
Father is He to man and god ;
And She, who taketh to her sod
The cloud-flung rivers of the Sky
And beareth offspring, men and grass
And beasts in all their kinds, indeed
Mother of All. And every seed
Earth-gendered back to Earth shall pass,
And back to Heaven the seeds of Sky ;
Seeing all things into all may range
And, sundering, show new shapes of change,
But never that which is shall die.
Gilbert Murray.
Or the better known lines :
tovtov evTv-^eo~Tarov \eyu>
ootis Oewprjo-as dAuVios, TLa.pp.ivwv,
to, crepva. tout , a-rrjXOev oOev rjXOev ra-^d,
t6v tjXiov t6v koivov, ao-Tp' v8u)p ve-prj
Trvp' ravra Kav e/caTov err] /8«j)s, del
oij/a -rapovra, Kav ivULvTovs a~f>68p okiyovs
o~zp.voTe.po. tovtwv erepo. 8 ovk oi//eL -rore.
VOL. II K

130 RECOLLECTIONS I hold him happiest
Who, before going quickly whence he came,
Hath looked ungrieving on these majesties,
The world-wide Sun, the stars, water and clouds
And fire. Live, Parmeno, a hundred years,
Or a few weeks, these thou wilt always see,
And never, never, any greater things. Ibid.
This is Menander. For him Goethe had the
liveliest admiration. He calls him pure, noble, cheer
ful, altogether invaluable, even though unhappily but
a fragment. Yet if one demands an antistrophe to
this strophe of Menander, I can think of none more
apt than Goethe's own famous and beautiful psalm of
life, known as Das Gottliche. From a very different
point of view Browning's readers will not forget his
sombre lines under the title "Prospice."

CHAPTER VI
LIBERALISM RESTORED
1905
Character the real treasure. Do not place popularity before reputation,
because with lost reputation popularity is lost. But he who keeps up repu
tation will never find friends, favour, popularity wanting. — Guicciardini.

This year, which had an unforeseen end, had the chap.
usual beginning. I visited my constituents, where VL
all went well. The meetings were excellent. I
noted, by the way, as curious how each of the five
burghs had its own physiognomy and rj9o<s like the
little city-states of the Peloponnesian world. Or
perhaps I only tried to note. When all was over I
found my way to Belmont (Jan. 19), where Campbell-
Bannerman received me with infinite cordiality.
Mostly in company with Lady Campbell-Bannerman,
we discussed the political situation over and over,
including much talk about offices. "What are your
predilections?" he asked. "None," I said, "except
the manor of Northstead." He would not listen
to my nolo episcopari. "Within limits, you would
have what you like." I wrote down a list of
a possible Cabinet. The upshot was in his mind
India for me, Bryce Ireland. The last determination
puzzled me for many reasons, and remained a puzzle :
131

132 RECOLLECTIONS
book it was quite immovable. Campbell-Bannerman par-
^^^ ticularly resolute about the woolsack. I pressed for
Labour in the Cabinet in the person of John Burns.
Not averse, he thought it worth consideration. For
the next three months nothing particular happened,
public or private. One or two entries are enough,
or more than enough.
January 28. — Meeting at Natural History Museum :
two Committees : very tiresome. Luncheon at poor
Tweedmouth's. Poignant memory of my last meal
there. Sad is the empty place. Gave me her
portrait. February 2. — Dined at Haldane's. Asquith,
Acland, George Murray. Much talk with first named :
strong for me to go to Colonial Office, which rather
surprised me, as it would involve the lead in South
African policy, on which he and I had fought on
different sides; admitted necessity for equilibrium
between two sections of our party ; fair and engaging
in temper, but not fertile. Thought Grey would
make difficulties about C.-B.
February 24. — Card to dinner at Marlboro' House
for Friday next, our day to dine with the Speaker.
Went to the Speaker: could not let me off. Pre
cedents. Called at Marlboro' House to explain to
Carrington; he already knew, and said the Prince
of Wales quite understood, though they would be
very sorry.
Quiet evening at home — much needed. Many
letters, etc.
Read last volume of De la Gorce.
February 25. — Natural History Museum. Prince
of Wales very civil : fully understood about the
dinner. Dined at Buckingham Palace. A really

LIBERALISM RESTORED 133
brilliant scene. The King pleasant — very — asked if I
was on literary work. I said no, I'd been to America.
He knew that, he said. Told him about Roosevelt.
March 1. — Letters, etc. Welsh dinner. Capital
reception. Speech excellently received. Home by
midnight. Ellis Griffith, in the chair, paid me
curious compliment, that I am "Saxon in head, Celt
in heart."
March 3. — Dinner with Speaker. Asquith and
Fowler came and flanked me. Pleasant, but not
exciting. Talk with Asquith about Ireland: said
he had told R. that he would act in Irish things with
me. I said my polar star was the Irish themselves,
as it had been ever since I entered Parliament.
March 6. — Lunch at 10 Downing Street. Henry
Butcher there, and A. J. Balfour. Talk about Greek,
etc. Most pleasant.
[Three or four times dined at the Rothschilds' : only
Balfour there : partie carrSe: always most pleasurable.]
May 9. — Read some of Macaulay's History: full
of cleverness, full of detailed knowledge, extraor
dinarily graphic and interesting, but I cannot make
myself like the style. That is not the way in which
things happen. I have no business to talk of accurate
knowledge, but Acton, who in that respect thinks
very ill of the Essays, is full of praise for the careful
labour and good judgment of the History. . . . Read
Motley, one of the most interesting of all the great
European stories, told with fervent feeling. Of what
historian, then, do you say that he best knew the
art of telling things as they really happened? Bare
chronicles apart, I suppose Thucydides. He warns
us that the strictly historical character of his work
may disappoint the ear; though for that matter to

134 RECOLLECTIONS
book read at Syracuse (we were tourists there in 1903)
IV' the ruins of Athens is as fine music to the ear
as the sombre story is moving to the heart. He
is charged with missing the force of Aristotle's
truth that civil confusions spring from trifles in
occasion, but decide great issues. In fact, however,
what he does is to envelop things of the occasion in
the general reflections suggested by them on human
nature, and the course of human events to which
they belong.
For weight and imagination added to direct
narrative, what passes Bacon's Henry VII.? I need
not name the histories of the great Italians,
Machiavel, Father Paul, Guicciardini. Be it noted
that I am only answering my own particular question,
and offering no general prescription either to myself
or any other reader, to the presumptuous exclusion
of Macaulay, Froude, Newman, and all others of a
justly famous and popular band. Preferences, but
no exclusions.
Whit Monday, 12th. — Canto of Paradiso before
breakfast : Frate, la nostra volonta. quieta
Virtu di carita, che fa volerne
Sol quel ch' avemo, e d' altro non ci asseta.1
II
So three or four months passed in what is called
leading a full life — too often a euphemism for a
rather empty one — writing one or two articles,
making one or two speeches, attending in a too
perfunctory way to the duties of the professional
1 iii. 70: "Brother, a virtue of charity quiets our will, that it makes
us wish only what we have, with no thirst for aught besides."

LIBERALISM RESTORED 135
politician. After the peace with the Boers, work in chap.
Parliament was little better than marking time. I ^Z*^,
began to feel like poor Haydon — that bad painter,
but patriotic and too typical figure — the craving for
a large canvas on the literary easel. The reaction
from my three thick volumes on Mr. Gladstone had
worn away. I began to wonder whether it would
not be a natural continuance of Cobden and Glad
stone, in the line of European Liberalism, to try an
estimate of Cavour. Cobden had long talks with
him at Turin in the spring of 1847 after the repeal
of the Corn Laws, and Cavour entertained Gladstone
in the spring of the momentous year 1859. The
Italian statesman had watched and studied them both
with the fervent interest of one disposed to be a
disciple. But the subject deserved a survey from a
more general eminence than this. Whatever judg
ment may be passed upon Italian policy since Cavour,
it is certain that the unification of Italy and the
deep problems, secular and political, ecclesiastical,
religious, which this series of transactions brought to
the front in the mind of Europe and its Cabinets, was
in many ways the evolution of European Liberalism
in its widest and grandest sense.
I decided to try my hand, collected a quantity
of material, hoped to catch Nigra before his end,
brushed up my Italian, and was soon diligently at
work following that golden rule for men with heavy
tasks — nulla dies sine linea — which had for four years
stood me in such good stead. From my old friend
ship with Mazzini I knew only too well all that
idealists in either of the two great camps, cardinals
or carbonari, could find to say against Cavour, the
consummate master of Italian statecraft. This

136 RECOLLECTIONS
book would have done no harm, though a wholesome check
IV
^^_ on deification. In truth he was a high-minded
political idealist, without a touch of the narrow-
minded doctrinaire ; he was no evangelist and no
pedant ; a successful practitioner of expediency, but
no empiric. He never professed himself a democrat
in any strict sense, and he never sympathised with
any of the schools that he always called "the
exaggerated." He used words on government by state
of siege, and a free church in a free state, which
were accepted as orthodox liberal formulae in most
of Europe. When his friends urged the difficulties
due to the corruption of the Neapolitans, he said,
"It is not their fault, poor people: they have been
so ill-governed ; you must moralise the country, but
it is not by insulting the Neapolitans that you will
modify them." Strange that the force of these deep
sagacious inspirations should make its way with such
halting foot into the general education of cabinets,
senates, and voters. In the field of political and
diplomatic ethics, the question between him and
Bismarck is a much nicer one than anti-German
partisans who have not followed Cavour's doings
closely or at all are wont to suppose. All this,
however, for good reasons, fell from my hands after
not many months.
August 5-7. — Week-end with the Chamberlains at
Highbury. Extremely pleasant. He asked me the
eternal question, "Where was it you think we went
wrong in the Boer quarrel?" and I gave my standard
answer: "At the Bloemfontein Conference between
Milner and Kruger. You had at last got the old
gentleman down from his sulky fastness at Pretoria,
and yet at the first point of difference, Milner throws

LIBERALISM RESTORED 137
the table over and breaks off. If you had been there, chap.
when a hard point arose you would have pushed the VL
tobacco-jar to him across the table, suggested a
reflective pause, and persevered until the thing had
been brought round." He took the compliment
modestly, but with no particular emphasis of dissent.
August 8-20. Folkestone. — Most enjoyable. Real
rest and noble air. On August 12 went to the function
at Westminster Hall, grand luncheon to officers of
French fleet. My speech not bad in contents, but
voice much out of order, decidedly not equal to
Sheridan, Burke, and the other mighty magicians
who had left none of their magic behind them in the
great historic hall. Balfour made a really admirable
performance all the same. Sat next to a French
admiral with whom I had some lively talk about the
disadvantages to smart discipline of republican ideas
and importunate newspaper reporters on board a
man-of-war. I intimated that a certain English
admiral I knew would promptly sling the importunate
one either overboard or up to the yard-arm. "Ah,"
he said, "in a republic that would never do."
Sunday, August 20. — R. and I after dinner from
Folkestone to London. Stayed at King's Cross.
Started, August 21, Perth at night. Off next morning
for Skibo. Stayed there until August 29. Extremely
pleasant visit as always, though weather was in
different. Did a certain amount of Cavourian reading
both here and at Folkestone.

in
September 30. — So ends an industrious and effective
month. Now sore interruptions are before me, some

138 RECOLLECTIONS
book expected, others not. October 3. — Dined with Spencer
IV' , alone at Boodle's, the second time since his return
from Nauheim. Seemed to be quite restored in
health, and told me so. I could not hide from
myself that he had some notion of being invited to
take the first place, if our party won the election.
October 13. — Dreadful news of poor Spencer.
Heavy on my heart all day. otij Trep tfivWew yevet],
toltj Se /cat dvSpcov — "As the growth and fall of leaves,
such is the race of men." October 17. — Hard work
all day. Left in the evening for the north. Slept at
York. October 18. — Left at 9.30. Arbroath at 4.30.
Presentation of portrait to ex-Provost. Short speech.
October 19. — To Montrose — Freedom — Library, etc.,
etc. Chat with the Carnegies. All as pleasant and
nice as could be. Back to Arbroath. October 20. —
Notes all morning. To Forfar. Speech (about H. R.).
Good audience and cordial. October 24. — Up betimes.
Left Arbroath at 7.30. Stayed four hours at New
castle, to shake hands with the bravest of my old
comrades, Spence Watson. Home by midnight.
October 25. — Greeted at breakfast by wire telling
poor good Craik is dead. My warm friend for forty
years. News that Meredith has broken small bones
in his leg. Letter from Lady Sarah about Spencer.
Not much hope of his return to the public theatre.
The Homeric leaves are rustling too thick under foot
just now.
November 14. — Talk, etc., C.-B. at 11. Very
important. Luncheon with Rothschild at New Court.
Home to dress and to Windsor. State banquet.
Reached home by 1.15 a.m. "He who of these
delights can judge and spare to interpose them oft
is not unwise."

LIBERALISM RESTORED 139
November 15. — In bitter weather to see poor chap.
Meredith at Box Hill. Grievous, grievous — gallant VL
though he is. He was in much vigour all the same.
He quotes the famous bit of Persius — " Tecum habita:
ndris quam sit tibi curta supellex" — "Live by yourself
at home: you will find out how little furniture you
have." Talked admirably. "The mind is the man."
Very impatient as to the vulgar itch for the chapter
of sex errors in men otherwise great. Much about
the poor quality of ordinary English; especially
prose. Praised Pater's delicacy. He thought no
better of the general case, condition, and outlook of
his country than did Carlyle, Mill, Arnold, and others
of our very best. He threw all this off with his
manly sense of comedy and gift of glorious laughter.
November 16. — Wrote to Lord Knollys about
Meredith suggesting that the King might allow him
to bring the riband of the Order of Merit down to
Box Hill, as was eventually done. November 18. —
John Burns to luncheon : good talk. November 20. —
Made speech at Walthamstow, having previously
dined with Simon, who was a candidate for
first time. Rather enjoyed it. Home at midnight.
November 21. — Glorious winter morning. The
common radiant with silver frost and noble sunshine.
Read. Letters, etc.
November 22. — Lunched with Henry Fowler at
Club. Talk with Libert, Digby, etc. Also interview
of half an hour with Gokhale, a Mahratta brahmin
from Bombay, immensely interesting. Got Cavour
on the rails again. Read some Daru, Sainte-Beuve,
etc. Somewhat exercised by what looks like true
news in papers that Ministers are going out at last.
Pondered.

140 RECOLLECTIONS
book November 24. — Still pondered. But worked pretty
^^^ well at Cavour all the same. Had quite a nostalgic
sort of pang at the thought that this may be my
last spell of book-writing. If only duty and credit
allowed, my nolo episcopari is really no affecta
tion. December 1. — Luncheon with  at Carlton.
Interesting talk about the approaching change of
government. Met Asquith at Athenaeum by chance,
and told him of  's urgent wish that I should
press C.-B. to be in London by Monday morning.
He agreed that he ought to come. So I wrote to
C.-B. to that effect. Talk with Buckle, friendly
and interesting. December 2. — Important letter from
Buckle, followed by a conversation with him later. He
was fresh from Downing Street. In consequence I sent
telegram to C.-B. pressing him to come south without
delay. He replied in the course of day that he would
act accordingly, and was ready in Belgrave Square
when the time came. There he received his com
mand to the Palace, where he kissed hands, and set
to work to form his administration.

IV
Campbell-Bannerman had none of the shining and
indisputable qualities that had marked the last five
holders of his exalted office. Among his colleagues
were men superior to him in power of speech; in
talent for grasping great masses of administrative
difficulty ; and up to a certain time, but not after
his worth was fully measured, even in striking or
interesting the popular imagination. And yet he
was indispensable, the only man possible, and the
time came when the popular interest in his personality

LIBERALISM RESTORED 141
rose to enviable heights, and good-will passed into chap.
cordial admiration and affection. Why? Because VL
in many trying passages of public life he had shown
unshaken courage, invincible independence even of
public opinion itself, steadfast adherence to his own
political principles in spite of busy and untoward
dissents inside his party. In the evil days of Liberal
division during the Boer War, he had confounded
the dissentient wing by plain-dealing; he lost no
chance of conciliation with them ; and, though a
ready fighter, he was a skilful peacemaker, partly for
the admirable reason that, being a man of the wise
sort of modesty, he always thought more of his policy,
and making it prevail, than he thought of himself.
It was felt that he had the root of the whole matter
in him when he declared good government to be no
substitute for self-government. This was his solid
reply to a current word, with much cant in it, about
Efficiency. He had startled people during the Boer
War by speaking of certain military doings of his
countrymen as "methods of barbarism," and I
recollect one of the chiefs of the other side saying to
me, "I never could have believed that a man who
had used that language could ever become Prime
Minister of England." Yet this wonderful thing
came to pass. At the dissolution he was confirmed
in office by the largest parliamentary majority
that any Prime Minister ever boasted. He had by
patience and good judgment rallied his party ; he had
satisfied the vast majority of the electors ; and he
had never cast an inch of his political skin. That
was not all. When he acceded, and was making
his Cabinet, there were colleagues who still had
singular misgivings as to his capacity of holding

142 RECOLLECTIONS
book his own against the experienced men on the bench
IV' opposite. They threw out the truly unhappy sugges
tion that the new Prime Minister should go to the
House of Lords, and leave the lead in the Commons
to one of themselves. I wrote to the most important
of them that, as the majority at the coming election
must inevitably be non-imperialist (not quite the
same thing as anti-imperialist), it seemed rather odd
that the Prime Minister should be exiled to the Lords,
and I banish myself to the Brahmaputra, while my
correspondent took the lead of the Commons and the
chief post in administration. Asquith and I inevitably,
now as always, understood one another; he agreed
that the plan proposed would never do ; and in his
own mind he devised another plan that might be a
trifle more reasonable. One evening, while these un-
edifying transactions were still on foot, Tweedmouth
and I left Campbell-Bannerman, cool, patient, half
undecided as to his course; we were to return after
dinner, and the true counsellor of his life was to
arrive from Scotland in the meantime. After the
event, I thought of Tocqueville's account of his own
wife, who by the way was English. "I found in my
home," said Tocqueville, "the support, so rarely
precious in time of revolution, of a devoted woman,
whom a firm and penetrating intelligence, and a spirit
naturally high, held without effort equal to the level
of any situation, and above every reverse." ., Return
ing we found the Minister indescribably exultant.
"No surrender!" he called out to us in triumphant
voice, with gesture to match. The decision was
iron. Detachment at once fell to a low discount
among the doubters, and this must be added to the
many historic cases where women have played a

LIBERALISM RESTORED 143
leading part in strengthening the counsels of ministers, chap.
sovereigns, great reformers, and even popes. In the
spring of 1905, in a letter thanking me for some speech
I had made, he said my words not only gave encourage
ment to his own "often embarrassed soul — they say
sursum corda to one under this roof, long tried and
distressed, for whose contentment I care more than
for all the parties, politics, aye, and principles, on
earth. Thanks with all my heart."
Any other decision than this would have been
rain. As soon as ever Parliament met, it was evident
that the new leader, with his bonhomie, humour,
plain and lively common-sense, splendid temper, not
without occasional points of pleasant malice, his easy
ways in business, was exactly fitted for the new
assembly. When he instantly followed one of Mr.
Balfour's ingenious trains of dialectic by the blunt
exclamation that we had "best have done with all
this foolery," the House felt with excited refreshment
that they had got the very man they wanted. More
and more they liked him and respected him, and felt
that he was thoroughly at home in his business and
their own. The recent dissensions and the memory
of them melted promptly away under "the cohesion
of office," and he found no more loyal adherents than
those who had been the most apprehensive of his
failure. As head of a Cabinet, he was cool, acute, straight,
candid, attentive to affairs, considerate. He always
listened, but he knew his mind, and we were all aware
that he knew it. Mr. Gladstone said of a certain
colleague that he was a remarkable instance of a
very good-tempered and good-humoured man, with
unconciliatory modes of proceeding in business. This

144 RECOLLECTIONS
book was no defect of our new chief. He had no turn
^J^_ for overstraining his proper authority and influence,
nor for grasping power that did not belong to his
office; he had none of the small weaknesses of
jealousy and suspicion, from which even strong and
honest men have not always been free. He had no
spark of the pettish. Such words as crisis, emergency,
unprecedented, unparalleled, and other superlatives
of political excitement, were not much in his vocabu
lary. On the other hand, he had nothing in common
with the foolish and provoking people who try to
make a policy out of euphemisms, the fear of facing
hard facts and giving things their right names.
Stout-hearted Sir Robert Walpole, though of heavier
build, would have understood him, and so, although
of lighter weight, would Lord Melbourne.
When he was at the War Office, he had shown tact,
judgment, and firmness in the conduct of a marked
administrative change. He showed the same virtues
as Prime Minister. He could be bold in putting
diplomatic conventions aside, and two of his colleagues
once exchanged blank looks when they heard that,
after a reactionary change in Russia, he had exclaimed
in public, "La Duma est mort, vive la Duma!" He
did not think too well of human nature. He had
one or two active dislikes, and was capable of ex
tremely shrewd criticism even on friendly colleagues
and their infirmities. But nobody ever appreciated
service more generously. People of good temper are
not always kind people. Campbell-Bannerman was
a spontaneously kind-hearted and helpful man. On
one of his colleagues a stroke of tribulation happened
to fall, and this colleague told me that from nobody
was the outgoing of sympathy warmer or more genuine

LIBERALISM RESTORED 145
than from Campbell-Bannerman. Though he was chap.
easy by temperament, he took pains in all he had to V1
do, was closely attentive, showed no sign of lassitude
so long as health lasted, and was rewarded all through
by the assurance of his party that they had done right
well in choosing him to be their leader. His monu
ment is that Union of the South African provinces
which was the best reparation that political wisdom
could devise for the mischiefs against which he had
so valiantly protested. When the task was finally
accomplished, General Botha was in London, and,
among other ceremonies, he invited the Cabinet to
dine with him. The Prime Minister, whose courage
and persistency had carried the Union, was now
dead. No speeches were made. Only two toasts
were proposed. After the health of the King had been
drunk, General Botha rose and only said, "To the
Memory of Sir Henry Campbell-Bannerman." With
this high simplicity came to an end a long coil of
storm and troubled things, in which both Campbell-
Bannerman and Botha had played worthy parts, and
we may well be grateful for an incident that does the
sacred service of making our hearts feel the warmer
for mankind. After years enough to test and justify
the issue, another distinguished soldier on the same
side in the fight said to an eminent assemblage in
London : "I hope that when you draw up a calendar
of empire-builders you will not forget the name of
Campbell-Bannerman — a wise man with profound
feeling and profound political instinct who achieved
one of the wisest political settlements in the history
of this nation." * 1 General Smuts, April, 1917.
VOL. II L

BOOK V
A SHORT PAGE IN IMPERIAL HISTORY
The Histories of Times are the best ground for such discourse upon
governments as Machiavelli handles : so Histories of Lives are the
most proper for discourse on business, because they include all kinds
of occasions and transactions, both great and small. Nay, we may
find a ground for discourse on business fitter than them both — ¦ for
Letters have a closer and more lively representation of business
than either annals or lives. — Bacon.

147

CHAPTER I
CHANGED HORIZONS

The five years that I passed as head of the India chap.
Office marked an arduous moment in what is, and ^^^
must remain, the most delicate of imperial problems.
Accidents of time and circumstances had made
questions that were always of standing difficulty
suddenly importunate. A powerful Viceroy had
come in the summer of 1905 into open collision with
a powerful Commander-in-Chief. Dissension followed
between the Viceroy and the home Government ; the
Viceroy resigned ; and the publication of minutes
and correspondence diffused a general atmosphere of
heat and scandal over a scene where heat and some
thing like political scandal were most sedulously to
be avoided. These stormy transactions left a heavy
surge behind them, and India watched.
Of deeper moment loomed the vision of a wave
of political unrest from various causes, partly super
ficial, partly fundamental, slowly sweeping over
India. Revolutionary voices, some moderate, others
extreme, grew articulate and shrill, and claims or
aspirations for extending the share of peoples in
their own government took more organised shape.
At the same moment, as it happened, an election
149

150 RECOLLECTIONS
book in England had for the time given overwhelming
v' power in the House of Commons to the political
party that was least likely to quarrel with abstract
catch-words in the rising Indian movement. This
coincidence between the uneasy stir there, and the
ascendency here of parliamentary groups all agreeing
strongly in a general temper of reform, constituted
a serious element in the situation at Simla and
Whitehall alike. Mechanical facility of communica
tion between West and East improved almost from
day to day, and made the transmission of sympathetic
political currents more and more direct.
There was work besides this. The new Secretary
of State found himself closely concerned in two
great spheres outside the working of the ordinary
administration of his department. The Government
immediately on their accession to power engaged in
an investigation of the military requirements of the
Empire. The needs of India were justly regarded
as the master-key, those needs in peace mainly
governing the normal size of the army, and in a war
on the Indian land-frontier they would make the
largest demand upon our military resources. The
question was referred to a sub-committee of the
Committee of Imperial Defence, with myself for
chairman. At a later date the Prime Minister
pressed me to preside over similar sub-committees,
first for Persia and then for Egypt.
A second absorbing interest arose. The Foreign
Office proposed the adoption of a changed policy in
our relations with Russia, whose weight in the
military and diplomatic scale had for the time been
materially altered by her repulse in the armed
encounter with Japan. To this change it was im-

CHANGED HORIZONS 151
possible for the Indian Government to be indifferent,
and it would have been unreasonable to expect that
Government at once to approach it with a friendly
mind. Russia had for most of a century been the
disturber of peace in Central Asia, and a menace to
the external security of our Indian power. There
was, therefore, nothing to surprise us in the frowns
of incredulity, suspicion, and dislike with which the
idea of an Anglo-Russian agreement, dealing with ,
Afghanistan, Persia, and Tibet, was greeted at Simla.
The duty of the India Office, and it did not prove
too easy, was to moderate these apprehensions, while
conveying to our neighbours at the Foreign Office
here for their information the argument from the
great Asiatic bureau in India.

n
Lord Minto, the new Viceroy, had all the manly
traditions and honourable associations that gather
round the best of youth at Eton and Trinity. In
stock he was descended from patrician Whigs, and
he had his share of the intuitive political perception
that belonged to that sect since its rise at the revolu
tionary settlement. His temperament was theirs.
He had' seen active service under Roberts in India;
he had fought on the side of the Turks against Russia ;
nor, in truth, did friendly feeling for the Ottoman ever
altogether leave him. As Governor-General of Canada
he had acquired insight into the working technicalities
of public administration in a free parliamentary
system. Such habits of mind he joined to the spirit
of the soldier. The Indian Viceroy is not bound to
know political philosophy or juristic theory or con-

152 RECOLLECTIONS
book stitutional history; he is first and foremost an
administrator, and the working head of a complicated
civil and military service. Nature had endowed
Lord Minto with an ample supply of constancy and
good-humour. His loyalty, courage, friendliness,
straightforwardness, and pressing sense of public
duty, were all splendid ; so was his rooted contempt
for those in whom he found such excellences languid.
A viceroy needs to be a judge of men, whether with
dark skins or white, and Lord Minto mixed tact and
good common-sense and the milk of human kindness
in the right proportion for discovering with what sort
of man he had to deal. He liked people, though he
did not always believe them, and he began by a dis
position to get on with people as well as they would
let him. If he found on trial what he thought good
reason for distrusting a man, he did not change. His
vision was not subtle, but, what is far better, it was
remarkably shrewd. A bare catalogue of qualities,
however, is not all ; such lists never are, nor can be.
It is the summary of them, the man himself, that
matters. His ancestor, the idolater of Burke, and
Indian Viceroy a hundred years before, once dropped
the ingenuous, but profound, remark — "How curious
it is to see how exactly people follow their own
characters all through life." Our Lord Minto was a
first-rate case. You were always sure where you
would find him; there was no fear of selfishness or
pettiness drawing him for a single passing moment
from the straight path; his standard of political
weights and measures was simple — it was true to
the right facts, and it was steadfast.
In early days at the India Office it was refreshing
to hear from him how grateful he was for my pro-

CHANGED HORIZONS 153
posal that he should pardon three hundred students
who had been injudiciously dismissed from their
school. "For," said he, "I do believe that in this
country one can do any amount of good, and accumu
late a very growing influence, if one only gives
evidence of some feelings of sympathy." This was
the result of a sure instinct. It went with a strong
and active conscience, not a weak one ; with a man
ful sense both of public responsibility and of practical
proportion. The sympathy of which he spoke was
much more than humane sentiment ; it was a key to
sound politics, and I very soon made no doubt that,
though he might not belong to my own political party
on the Thames at Westminster, we should find all
that was wanted of common ground in hard matters
on the banks of the Ganges. Good mutual under
standing between Secretary of State and Viceroy
makes all the difference, and between us two it never
failed. We were most happily alike, if I may use
again some old words of my own, in aversion to all
quackery and cant, whether it be the quackery of
hurried violence dissembling as love of order, or the
cant of unsound and misapplied sentiment, divorced
from knowledge and untouched by cool compre
hension of realities.
I was fortunate enough to find in the chief of the
permanent officers of the department Sir Arthur
Godley, whose experience, judgment, character, and
address made him one of the most eminent members
of the Civil Service who, as one of them well said,
prefer power to fame.

154 RECOLLECTIONS

III

book It was among the students in parts of India that
__^ unrest especially prevailed. That class was rapidly
being drawn into something like a spirit of revolt
against the British Government, and the movement
was unmistakably coming to a head, notably in
Upper India. A feeling gained ground that the last
twenty years had been a period of reaction, and in
combative response the idea of complete independence
of England began to appeal to youthful imagination.
This marked the line of cleavage between moderate
and extremist in the native party of reform. It was
no question of the terrible military mutiny of half a
century ago repeating itself. The danger arose from
a mutiny, not of sepoys about greased cartridges, but
of educated men armed with modern ideas supplied
from the noblest arsenals and proudest trophies
of English literature and English oratory. Official
persons of high station and responsibility assured
the new Viceroy that the political change within the
last dozen years was enormous, and though the mass
of the people remained ignorant and unmoved, it
would be a fatal mistake to suppose that the change
was confined to the preachings of political agitators.
The fairly educated Indians were thoroughly dis
satisfied with the old order of things. The victories
of Japan, the revolutionary movements in Turkey,
China, Persia, did not pass unobserved. A new and
ominous suspicion that England had come to a stop in
her liberating mission made way. Though modern
notions did not descend from an educated handful to
the humble myriads, yet they easily yoked themselves
to deep invisible roots of alien race, creeds, inviolable

CHANGED HORIZONS 155
caste. We had, what was described by so peculiarly chap.
competent an observer as Alfred Lyall, the strange __^_
spectacle in certain portions of India of a party
capable of resort to methods at once reactionary and
revolutionary ; of men who offer prayers and sacrifices
to ferocious divinities, and denounce the Government
by seditious journalism, preaching primitive super
stition in the modern form of leading articles.
The old system had never been worked with loftier
and more beneficent purpose or with a more powerful
arm than by the genius and indomitable labour of
Lord Curzon. Yet we were told by leading moderates
that even the general loyalty had been chilled by his
declared policy of centralisation ; by his whittling
away, as they called it, of the Liberal principles and
promises of Queen Victoria's proclamation of 1858;
by too openly expressed contempt for Indian standards
of morality; and by measures, like the partition of
Bengal, carried out against the strong wishes of the
people concerned. Be all this as it may, even within
the ranks of the great administrative services them
selves, perplexity was undisguised. The two ablest
civil members of the Viceroy's Council differed as
widely from one another as Thurlow or Eldon differed
from Canning and Huskisson, or as Portland Whigs
differed from Fox and Sheridan.
Yet even those who doubted, recognised signs
that the time had come for turning a new page. It
was natural that the most trained administrators
were perfectly alive to the risks of change and the
heavy responsibility of trying experiments in a fabric
so complicated. Two other difficulties in making a
move in India that it was impossible to avoid were
just as natural at home. One of them I have already

156 RECOLLECTIONS
book mentioned: the access of Indian extremists to
^~^-, English radical opinion. The other was the influence
on conservative opinion at home of the retired Anglo-
Indian, accustomed to wield authority and with a
practised pen, whose ideas crystallised in the local
atmosphere that had surrounded him in distant days.
These ideas had fallen out of date, yet they still
survived and found a ready and important public
among our leading men. If it had only been possible
to jog along on old lines, they would have kept their
value. That was not possible. The dual system of
Indian government set up by the organic statute
of 1858 was evidently now to be exposed to a new
and perhaps formidable strain. The ingenious saying,
that British rulers of India with a supreme Parliament
at home are like men bound to make their watches
keep time in two longitudes at once, was now to be
sharply tested. IV
We made a rapid and good beginning. The
quarrel on military administration was urgent. Three
days after receiving the seals, I wrote to the Viceroy :
"The vehement feelings that these transactions have
kindled do not, in the first instance at any rate, much
concern me. What I have to do is to try to form a
sound and fair opinion on the merits, and then to
submit it to the Cabinet. I need not say how much
I should like to have from you a statement of the
case as it now stands in your own eyes."
A week later I wrote to the Viceroy that I had
mastered the papers, laid hold of the critical points,
and discussed them with Sir Arthur Godley inside
the office, and with Lord Roberts, Curzon, and

CHANGED HORIZONS 157
Brodrick outside. "The importance of the issue chap.
has been enormously exaggerated on both sides in V_J^J
regard to the fighting power of the army which the
C.-in-C. naturally and justly has so much at heart,
and in regard also to the active, substantial, and
detailed supremacy of which the G.-G. is bound not
to part with one single jot. Curzon accepted change
in principle when he accepted the Brodrick scheme
subject to his own modifications. This was to come
a long way forward. On the other hand, the C.-in-C.
has come a long way forward by the line you
describe him as taking up in respect of your own
view of the position and functions of the S. of the
new War Department. It ought to be possible with
care and good-will, and oblivion of a fierce quarrel
that need never have taken place, to build a golden
bridge. We shall come to close quarters when the
proposed rules of business reach me."
One or two extracts from weekly letters to the
Viceroy will be enough for this short but not wholly
insignificant story.
Jan. 16, 1906. — My poll in Scotland is the day after to
morrow, and by the end of the week I shall find myself in
my office with a concentrated mind. Long before you get
this you will know the result of the electoral battle. The
upheaval is tremendous. Such heavy polls have never been
taken, and the labour party has at last assumed definite shape.
The wonder is, for that matter, that it did not come sooner,
considering that town workmen have had votes for forty years
and rurals for twenty. There will be some wild-cat talk, but
I represented workmen in Newcastle for a dozen years, and I
always felt that British workmen are essentially bourgeois,
without a bit of the French Red and the Phrygian cap about
them. One thing I may as well mention to you at this early
stage, for it much concerns the G. of I. The new Parliament

158 RECOLLECTIONS
BOOK and the new Cabinet will be, in the highest degree, jealous
v both of anything that looks like expansion, extended pro
tectorates, spheres of influence, and so forth ; and of anything
with the savour of militarism about it. I do not dream
that the G. of I. in your hands will follow in the steps of your
predecessors as to Thibet, Persia, the Amir. ... Of policy of
that sort I am incurably suspicious, and the Cabinet will
assuredly sympathise with my suspicions, and so still more
loudly will the H. of C.
Feb. 1, 1906. — The question of Army Administration has
been my main preoccupation since I came back from Scotland
a few days ago. I have had long talks with Ian Hamilton,
Smith-Dorrien and others, mostly taking the Kitchener view.
The Committee of my Council have been extremely assiduous,
and at a discussion that I attended I was greatly struck by
their most rational way of handling the business. The upshot
of their prolonged consideration, extending over several full
sittings, is pretty fully in accord with your four dissentients.
I lean their way, and was satisfied with the justice of their
arguments, framed independently of me, and without concert
with me. . . . That is the general line, so far as principle
goes. Particular items of criticism I need not now trouble
you with. The best plan seems to me that I should write a
dispatch setting out objections and doubts. . . . Sufficient
for the day is the work of the day. We must, in any case,
get temper down before anything else. I intend to get the
dispatch off by mail following this. Of course it must first
go to the Cabinet.
Feb. 9, 1906. — To-day I send you the dispatch. . . . The
result of our deliberations will not, I fear, please you at every
point, and I suspect that time will not show our scheme in a
particularly brilliant light. I will only add that all will hang
upon the C.-in-C. being held by you strictly within the limits
we are assigning to him. Operations will be closely watched
here, you may be very sure, by one powerful man at least,
and him a man of minute, industrious, and unsparing vision.
The Viceroy wrote with what pleasure he received

CHANGED HORIZONS <N45v9
the dispatch; he recognised decided improvement chap.
on his first proposals ; it had done untold good ,^^1^,
there, and had been most welcome to everybody, no
matter what opinions they had professed through
all the heats of the expiring discussion. The Com
mander-in-Chief welcomed it, and promised that
the Army Headquarters would do their best to make
the scheme work. The Press here was loud and
pretty unanimous in approval of the compromise,
and the same was reported of India. Blame would
hardly have depressed me any more than praise made
me dizzy, for uncommonly few people knew enough
of a question so technical and complex, to make
either their praise or blame a thing of substantial
concern. Still, praise was pleasanter, especially if it
meant the contentment of the House of Commons.
When the Viceroy's most welcome telegram was
read out in the House it was received with general
cheers. They represented the feeling of the public,
that it was heartily sick of the whole business.
"Your first shot," said a friendly ambassador, "has
made a bull's eye." "It was downright refreshing to
us all," said the Viceroy, "to see ideas conveyed in a
kind of English unknown to official language here."
So well, for once, did Pen and Sword agree. At a
later date we discovered that the golden bridge, as
often happens with such structures, proved to have
ingredients of lead that demanded removal.

The exchange of weekly letters with the Viceroy
naturally produces the most pointed record of our
consulate. Most of the incidents were things of the

160 RECOLLECTIONS
book administrative hour, by no means without importance
_J^_ while they were alive, but perishable and not worth
recall after the hour has fled. In others issues of
historic moment were concerned, new principles of
government fought hard with old, more than one
memorable thing was done, and the working of the
two Houses of Parliament called pretty incessantly
for all the judgment, temper, and resolution that
might be forthcoming. I will venture to transcribe
passages that may present some of these operations
as they ran their course from year to year between
1905 and 1910. A page by way of playwright's
argument is needed to make the course and signifi
cance of things intelligible, for the field bristles with
technicalities, remote both in dialect and significance
from our own political associations.
This argument any reader with curiosity and
conscience will find accurately presented in the serene
atmosphere of an appendix, and made more or less
luminous in a small volume of my Indian Speeches
in Parliament and out. Summarily stated, the main
object of our proposals was to give to the Legislative
Councils — both the Governor-General's Legislative
Council and those in provinces — a more truly repre
sentative character, among other means by increasing
their numbers, by substituting election for nomina
tion in constructing them, and by a liberal extension
of their freedom of discussion. What excited much
more lively attention than changes of this kind,
important as they were, was the appointment by
the Crown of an Indian member to the Viceroy's
Executive Council. A member of the Viceroy's
Executive Council holds one of the most important
offices in the whole system. Hitherto Europeans only

CHANGED HORIZONS 161
had been raised to a post so responsible and power- chap
ful, though memorable assurances had been given in ^^^^
the great instruments of 1833 and 1858 that neither
race nor creed should be a bar to employment in the
public service.
The Secretary of State at Whitehall also acts with
a Council called the Council of India, sitting under
his roof, and with close and constant access to him.
It is essentially advisory, but its influence upon the
Secretary of State has weight and value, and on
finance its authority is decisive. No Indian member
had ever been appointed to serve on that body.
Innovation in this exclusive practice was evidently
of profound significance, and so it was felt to be, both
in India and at home. It removed one of the most
conspicuous stamps of inferiority, and gave to Indians
a new and widened share both in framing laws and in
influence on daily administration. Resistance to so
serious a move was natural and determined. It was
more determined at home than among Europeans in
India itself. A powerful and well-informed section
of our party Opposition frankly and sincerely de
tested it. The great newspaper that in those days
was the only print that on such a subject mattered,
was plainly uneasy. Many of our own friends were
dubious. These changes entitled us to claim that
they would place the representatives of various classes
in more effective positions both in policy and adminis
tration, and so would in effective principle go some
way to a new chapter in Indian government. This
was the port to which tide, winds, and seamanship
destined us. Now for the voyage and the log.

VOL. II M

V.

CHAPTER II
NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED
1905-1906
book December 28, 1905. — I am the unlucky creature of
a divided allegiance at this moment, India and the
Montrose Burghs, of which I hope pretty confidently
once more to be the representative in Parliament.
So I have an address to write, speeches to frame,
long journeys to take, and all the rest of it. Until
now these things have not withdrawn my mind from
the military controversy of which you are the centre.
But for a fortnight to come I shall be out in the
wilderness. January 25, 1906. — There are at least five new men
in the House of Commons who will be likely to raise
Indian questions, Sir Henry Cotton first of all. The
Labour Members will possibly be to some extent
affected by their sentiments, but I daresay we shall
get through well enough, when the time comes. I
only venture to repeat what I said when I last wrote
to you : please to recognise that the centre of gravity
is utterly changed for good or evil by this election.
Especially will this, as I think, touch frontier matters,
wars on tribes, Tibetan wrangles, and the like. How
long the new tide will flow Heaven only knows, and
we may soon swing back again to all that is roughly
162

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 163
called Imperialism. Nobody, of any party or section chap.
of a party, means to give anything up, but taking ^^^
new responsibilities will be watched with sharp
suspicion for the present at any rate.
In a kind letter I have had from the Prince of
Wales, from Government House, he says how glad he
is to find himself "with his old friends, the Mintos,"
and how much he enjoys all the wonders of your
empire. February 9. — You and Lady Minto would share
the universal regret at the terrible catastrophe of
Lady Grey — a catastrophe to him, too, and for all of
us, if it should break his work. She was a woman
of truly remarkable character both intellectual and
moral, with uncommon and original traits — but all
of them pointing towards high thought and feelings,
and an independent life stripped of artificial trappings.
I knew her well ever since the days, more than twenty
years ago, when she came as a bride with Edward
Grey upon our Northumbrian election platforms. I
believe that he is likely to bear the stroke with forti
tude, and that, though stricken to the heart, he faces
the future in the unaffected and natural way that
belongs to him. Pray forgive me if I have wandered
too far from our official field. After all, these dire
occasions of human life are apt to take possession of
our thoughts even in the midst of the world's busiest
affairs. I want to give a word of explanation of an
expression that may have been misunderstood in my
telegram of last week about an Indian delegate to
the Conference (if that be the right word) at Tokio.
I said he must be regarded, and must regard himself,
as "strictly subordinate" to the man or men sent

164 RECOLLECTIONS
book from here. Your telegram in reply speaks (if I
^J^_, remember accurately) of reference to India, binding
the Indian Government, etc. This would involve
a three-cornered correspondence between London,
Tokio, and Calcutta that would certainly hamper,
complicate, and retard the progress of negotiations.
Nobody will be found more ready and determined
than I to uphold the rights and status of India in
Imperial affairs, or to resist the imposition upon
Indian finance of charges that ought to be regarded
as Imperial and not especially Indian. In all these
things you will find me as jealous as anybody could
desire. But the Cabinet would certainly take fright
at any language or acts of ours pointing in the
Curzonian direction, by seeming to set up, either at
the Conference of Tokio or elsewhere, the Government
of India as a sort of great Power on its own account.
I don't believe there is a trace of such a thought in
your own mind, but it may well be that the intoxicat
ing fumes of the late regime may still hang about
your Council Chamber.
To go back to Haldane, by the way, for a moment
— he expressed to me the other day a wish to announce
his assumption of office to Lord K. if I saw no objec
tion. I felt bound to tell him that I saw a good deal
of disadvantage in correspondence between him and
the Commander-in-Chief, for if Lord K. were to take
up a position on some question half military and half
political, in which you or I or both of us dissented
from K., he might be able to use the leverage of the
W. 0. against us. I also told him that I did not even
announce my own assumption of office to Lord K.
without previously securing your assent. The multi
plication of channels of communication is a horrible

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 165
hindrance to business, and if you agree with me in chap.
a rigorous view of such correspondence, I wish you "
would write me a sentence or two that I might if ~"/~""*'
necessary show to Haldane. He is, of course,
perfectly nice about it, and anxious to do nothing
that would be in any way disagreeable to us. I
rather think that some trouble has arisen before
now from communications between India and
the W. 0.
You will guess that our chief preoccupation here
this week has been the Army dispatch and its fortunes
alike in England and in India. And you will guess,
too, how gratified I was by your telegram. The
Press here has been loud and unanimous, I think, in
approval of the compromise. I gather from the
Reuter and other telegrams that it has been the same
in India.
Now, a word or two on other matters. The
Indians in the House of Commons made their d6but
last Monday. C. was the very reverse of effective,
and he created no prejudice in his favour by speak
ing for 58 minutes, without saying a word that was
either new or impressive old. Five others discharged
maiden speeches, but with little of the grace and
freshness poetically associated with maidens. R.
and O'D., however, have the making of extremely
good speakers in them. After thanking me for what
I said, lo and behold, yesterday they began to show
their teeth at me. Very foolish of them, for I have
fairly sound tusks of my own. Judging by outer
signs, I should say that vanity is at the root of things ;
vanity as distinguished from energetic and disin
terested conviction, such as animated Bright or
Fawcett. If I were below the gangway, I would

166 RECOLLECTIONS
harry the Government on such facts as that the
Durbar cost India £360,000.
Last Monday I read out to the House of Commons
your most welcome telegram about the Army Ad
ministration, and it was received with general cheer
ing. The said cheering, I am very sure, represents
the feeling of the public at large ; namely, that
they wish to give you and Lord K. a fair and full
chance. I am the least of a sportsman that ever was born,
and the sight of a tiger, except behind the bars of the
Zoological Gardens, would frighten me out of my wits ;
but I do rejoice to think that you, who I sincerely
believe are the most heavily-burdened public servant
in the Empire, are seeing the fresh life of the jungle,
the leading Zemindars, and all the rest that you so
very pleasantly describe. What would I not give
now, if I had only accepted an invitation from Lytton
in 1877 and 1878 to visit him in India ! What would
I not give for three days with you now !
March 15. — My interview with a deputation
of about fifty Lancashire textile workers came off
yesterday. They were very moderate and not
lengthy. The Lancashire employers stood aside,
presumably on the ground that their appearance on
the scene would strengthen the prejudicial idea that
the whole move was due less to humanity than to
dislike of Bombay competition. I told them that
the Government of India shared their views in some
of the reforms for which they pressed — more inspec
tion, stricter certifying surgeons, etc. — and I threw
out the idea of asking you to employ a first-class in
spector from this country to inquire into the Bombay
factory system, and to report to you. Looking

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 167
through the Office papers, I find that Lord Cross
and Gorst, who were in this Office some years ago,
rather murmured at the coolness of the Government
of India of that day in respect of the regulation of
labour, and its reluctance to come up to the level of
the Berlin Conference of 1890. We here even are
not up to the standard of some parts of Europe;
still less is India up to that standard. I hope that
you will see no strong objection to this notion of a
visit from one of our Home Office inspectors. I am
naturally anxious not to irritate the Bombay em
ployers, but you can hardly realise the strength — I
might say the violence — of the currents now racing
in the H. of C. on all labour questions, and if anybody
were to bethink himself of moving a vote of censure
on the S. of S. and G.-G. in Council for their callous
inhumanity to children in Bombay, the said vote
might easily be carried by, say, 5 to 1. Pray, rescue
me from this black catastrophe if you can, and agree
to invite an inspector for a week or two.
March 23. — I had hoped to open up some rather
wide views for K.'s and your consideration, and for
consultation between you and him ; but they must
wait for the next mail, when I expect to be less
pressed with Cabinet and other work than I am this
week. Still, I should like in a single sentence to
describe the point to which I should be glad for you
and him to address your minds in a preparatory and
provisional way. Suppose you were coming to some
sort of understanding with Russia — a hypothesis
which may be many hundred miles off realisation —
and suppose even that we held the upper hand in the
negotiation, what would be the terms that you would
exact from Russia as essential to the bargam? I

168 RECOLLECTIONS
book mean what, from military, strategic, and political
v' points of view, are the things that she is to undertake
to do or not to do. ... I shall put the whole case
and situation to you from the point of view of the
Government next week most likely. But it would
save time if you would meanwhile be turning over
the above particular aspect of the busmess with as
much of precision, definiteness, and " chapter-and-
verse," as the nature of the case allows. I am doing
my best to master the history and details of "Lord
K.'s scheme," and I need not say with what extreme
interest and close attention. I had an hour's
conversation yesterday afternoon with Balfour, and
I could not find that, on the whole range of topics
involved in the mighty question of the Frontier,
there was much or indeed any difference between us.
He is, I fear, not in prime health. Twenty years
of office are too long a spell for anybody, I suspect.
When Mr. Roosevelt was elected President in
November 1904, he renounced publicly a third term.
I chanced to be staying with him at the White House
that week, and I asked him whether, if he retired in
this way after four years, when he would only be
50 years old, he would not find life rather tame. He
gave me several reasons to justify his self-denying
ordinance, and then he said, "And to tell you the
truth, a man who has had eight years as President
has not got much left in him." I don't suppose the
strain of managing the Congress at Washington for
eight years is a quarter of the strain of managing the
House of Commons for twenty.
April 25. — Last night was one of a parti carre at
Grey's, Asquith and Sir Arthur Nicolson being the
other two. I wish you could have been a fifth. Sir

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 169
A. N. told us all about Algeciras, and he will soon be chap.
at Petersburg. We talked entente in and out, up and IL
down. He will be sympathetic with his instructions.
Of course, there is the chance of the Anglophobe party
in Russia getting the upper hand. But the Czar
' favours entente.
May 3. — By the way, what is a good deal weightier
matter, Broderick told me of something said to him
by Cromer, to the effect that in Egypt a standing
principle with him had always been to employ a
Native wherever it was at all possible, in spite of the
fact that the Native was comparatively inefficient,
and that a European would do it a vast deal better.
"Now," he said, "that is where the Government of
India go wrong, and have always gone wrong; they
find the Native less competent, or not competent at
all, and then they employ an Englishman instead.
You lose more by the effect on popular content than
you gain by having your work better done."
Last week the Guicowar of Baroda called on me,
and we had a pleasant talk, with much mutual
affability. Your people have not supplied me with very full
papers about the doings of Barisal, etc., and I wish
they would remember that it needs some skill on my
part to steer through the Anglo-Indians in the H. of
C. and in the Press, and it is impossible for me to keep
my head above water unless I am in possession of
full, prompt, and regular papers. Well, I have done
the best I could with what I have. Without any
prepossessions against him, I cannot but read in
Fuller's utterances (i.e. utterances from him, directly
or indirectly) a most curious misconception of the
prudent policy. What was the case? Partition was

170 RECOLLECTIONS
book unpopular. How could you best procure an abate-
V- ment? Clearly by trying to give the "agitators"
as little to cry out about as possible ; to take as little
notice as possible ; to blow off gas in talk and articles ;
and never to meddle without clear and established
prospects of breach of the peace. Instead of this,
the language of Fuller's circulars shows a spirit of
mere technical legality, without any attempt to
pass the hard word to his subordinates to keep cool,
and to bring either force or law into operation only
when absolutely necessary.
May 11. — It was very good of you to sit down and
write to me so fully on your tour, and I assure you
it is all extraordinarily interesting to read about.
Yesterday I had a long conversation with the P. of
Wales, in which he gave me an immensely interesting
account of his impressions in India, and in the fore
front of them all was a picture of your room full and
over-full of boxes and files, of papers, with red labels,
blue labels, and other signals of urgency in various
degrees. He pronounced you to be the most over
worked man in the whole Empire, and I suspect that
it was no sort of exaggeration. On the other hand,
he spoke of what must be a very considerable reward
for all your toil — namely, the popularity and con
fidence that is rapidly surrounding your position ; nor
did he leave out Lady Minto's share in the good work.
He has come home with a good many very clear
and — as I should judge — correct and sound notions,
all looking in what to my eyes seems to be emphati
cally the right direction. His keyword is that we
should get on better if our administrators showed
"wider sympathy." He spoke with very simple and
unaffected enthusiasm of all that he had seen, of the

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 171
reception he had met with in every quarter, and of chap.
the splendour of the task that we have in hand. n"
Most of all was I delighted with his watchword. If
we can show "sympathy" as well as firm justice,
all may go well, and it will be a vast help both to
you and to me if the Prince's talk of sympathy is
generally felt to hit the mark.
He talked of the National Congress as rapidly
becoming a great power. As it happened, I had a
short preliminary talk with Mr. Gokhale the day
before (I shall have more by and by). My own
impression formed long ago, and confirmed since I
came to this Office, is that it will mainly depend upon
ourselves whether the Congress is a power for good
or for evil. There it is, whether we like it or not.
Probably there are many questionable people con
nected with the Congress. So there are in most great
popular movements of the sort. All the more reason
why we should not play their game by harshness,
stiffness, and the like. Mr. Gokhale is to stay in
London until the end of the Session, and I am in good
hopes of finding him a help to me, and not a hindrance,
in guiding the strong currents of democratic feeling
that are running breast-high in the H. of C. Say
what we will, the H. of C. is your master and mine,
and we have got to keep terms with it. As Roosevelt
said to me, "I must try not to quarrel with
Congress : if I do, I'm no use : Cleveland broke with
Congress, and it was the ruin of him." You know
that I will not yield an inch to them in the way of
mischief — but the British Radical now prominent in
the H. of C. does not mean mischief, and I think
Gokhale does not mean to lead him that way, if the
said G. is rightly handled. After my next interview

172 RECOLLECTIONS
book with him, I shall tell you what passes. To speak
v' quite frankly, all depends on you and me keeping in
step. I am convinced we shall, about frontier, army
expenditure, Barisal, and all else that may arise.
Only you must consider my difficulties, as I assuredly
consider yours.
June 1. — Opium has been my chief pre-occu-
pation for the last three or four days. There has
been an extraordinary amount of steam up both in
England and Scotland against our share in the opium
business, and in the new H. of C. the feeling is so
strong, and the pledges given at the election so firm,
that if the anti-opium motion had gone to a division,
it would have been carried by a majority of 200. It
required a little steering. The Cabinet gave me carte-
blanche, and I believe I came well enough out of the
debate, which was happily by compulsion of hours
a short one, without hurting the feelings either of
the Office or of my good friends, the philanthropists.
And here let me warn you that it is a lifelong way
of mine not to be afraid of either of two words :
"philanthropist" is one, and "agitator" is the other.
Most of what is decently good in our curious world
has been done by these two much abused sets of folk.
June 6. — I have considered the first two pages
of your letter of the 16th May with the liveliest
interest, and with the best attention that I am
capable of giving to anything. I will tell you frankly
and concisely how I think we stand.
Fundamental difference between us, I really believe
there is none. Not one whit more than you do I
think it desirable or possible, or even conceivable, to
adapt English political institutions to the nations
who inhabit India. Assuredly not in your day or

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 173
mine. But the spirit of English institutions is a chap.
different thing, and it is a thing that we cannot escape v^^
even if we wished, which I hope we don't. I say we
cannot escape it, because British constituencies are
the masters, and they will assuredly insist — all parties
alike — on the spirit of their own pofitical system being
applied to India. The party of ascendency fought
that spirit in Ireland for a good many generations;
but at last ascendency has broken down. No Unionist
denies it. This is what Gokhale and his friends have
found out, and you make a great mistake if you don't
allow for the effect that they may produce in the
Press, on the platforms, and in the House of Commons.
Cast-iron bureaucracy won't go on for ever, we may be
quite sure of that, and the only thing to be done by
men in your place and mine is to watch coolly and
impartially, and take care that whatever change must
come shall come slow and steady. We are one in all
that, I am sure. Pray do not think that I am afraid
of the House of Commons. Nobody respects it more,
and just because I respect it so much, nobody fears
it less. Suppose the designs of the extreme men are as
mischievous, impracticable, and sinister as anybody
pleases. Call them a band of plotters, agitators, what
you will. Is that any reason why we should at every
turn back up all executive authority through thick
and thin, wise or silly, right or wrong? Surely that
is the very way to play the agitator's game. It really
sets up his case for him. Everybody warns us that
a new spirit is growing and spreading over India;
Lawrence, Chirol, Sidney Low, all sing the same
song: "You cannot go on governing in the same
spirit ; you have got to deal with the Congress party

174 . RECOLLECTIONS
book and Congress principles, whatever you may think of
_ _^, them: be sure that before long the Mahometans will
throw in their lot with Congressmen against you,"
and so forth and so forth. That is what they all cry
out. I don't know how true this may or may not be.
I have no sort of ambition for us to take a part in any
grand revolution during my time of responsibility
whether it be long or short.
June 15. — I wonder whether we could not now make
a good start in the way of reform in the popular direction.
If we don't, is it not certain that the demands will widen
and extend into "National" reasons, where I at least
look with a very doubting and suspicious eye? Why
should you not now consider as practical and immediate
things — the extension of the Native element in your
Legislative Council; ditto in local councils; full time
for discussing Budget in your L. C. instead of four or
five skimpy hours; right of moving amendments. (Of
course officials would remain a majority.) If I read
your letters correctly, you have no disposition whatever
to look on such changes as these in a hostile spirit:
quite the contrary. Why not, then, be getting ready to
announce reforms of this sort ? Either do you write me
a dispatch, or I'll write you one — by way of opening the
ball. It need be no long or high-flown affair. I suppose
the notion of a Native in your Executive Council would
not do at all. Is that certain ? I daresay it is — and
it would frighten that nervous personage (naturally
nervous), the Anglo Indian.
June 23. — The Indian Budget is fixed for the
20th July, when I shall expound our mysteries to
a scanty and listless audience. That is the very
audience that I would choose, for it will enable me
without remorse or compunction to inflict on them

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 175
the story of lakhs and crores, diversified by general chap.
views of the problems of Indian government. I ^*^~
should much like to open one or two of the points I
named to you in my last letter — more time for the
Budget in your Council, amendments, a more extensive
representative element, etc. etc. You will, I think,
receive this letter that I am now writing early enough
to send me a telegram, indicating your inclinations
and intentions in this matter. If I were in a position
to state that a move of this kind would be made when
your next Budget comes forward, it would be an
effective answer. You understand, I hope, that I
would wish the move to be directly and closely
associated with yourself? You understand also that
I shall be sure to use safe and guarded language, so
that nobody can charge us with going over bag and
baggage to the Congress people. The Indian Com
mittee in the House of Commons numbers, as I learn,
about 150 members — of course all Radicals and
Liberals. They are of all sorts of political tempera
ment, and as Dilke, who is one of them, assures me,
they don't agree about anything, and have no leading
mind among them. You see, therefore, that with
moderate common-sense on my part, I have no serious
difficulties to fear.
The question of a Council of Native Princes — on
which some people seem to be a good deal set — is not
one on which I feel I have as yet much right to an
opinion. I don't know the ground well enough.
But I think about it pretty often. So far, I doubt.
What would the Council discuss? What power of
directing or influencing the Executive ? How far could
they be allowed to look into the secrets of govern
ment? Would they not try to find them out? In

176 RECOLLECTIONS
book your Foreign Department, they would be sure to try
v" for a finger in the pie. Curzon, I believe, thought
such a Council would be a counterpoise to the Congress
party. All this will need a vast deal of reflection.
And it is with the liveliest satisfaction that I perceive
in your letter of the 28th May how much cool, equitable,
and penetrating reflection you are giving to all our
puzzles. You won't suspect me of vulgar flattery.
[These two letters (June 15 and 23) possess some
interest as marking the date at which reform took a
definite sort of shape in our correspondence. Lord
Minto replied (July 5) to my suggestion "of the
possibility of attempting to meet the demands of
coming changes," and expressed his sense that "we
were very much at one in our wishes." "I have very
nearly, on several occasions," he went on, "suggested
to you the possibility of a native gentleman on my
Executive Council, but thought it would be premature
to say anything about it." A week later : " I would
for the present put aside the possibility of a Native
Member of Council." In August he formally referred
this question to a committee of his Council. In
September : "The more I think of it the more
inclined I am for a Native Member on the Viceroy's
Executive Council, but I do not want to pledge myself
to an opinion before the matter is threshed out." In
October he thought a Native Member would be the
best answer to the demand for a greater share in the
government of India, but was inclined to doubt whether
British opinion in that country was ripe. He went on
comparing the weight of opinion for and against, and
was more and more impressed with the preponderance
of arguments for. Headstrong opposition to what, at
first, gave a smart shock, came to an end. Lord
Kitchener was the most influential of those who were
against. In April of the following year (1907) the pro
posal came in a dispatch from the Viceroy. My Council

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 177
was adverse. Of course I was with him. It was vital CHAP.
for many reasons that, as I said in my letter of
June 15, where the Native Member made his first
appearance, every move should be directly and closely
associated with the Viceroy. His persistent industry
in dealing with opinion at Simla constituted the
"special instigation" that, as I told the House of
Lords later, deliberations had reached a stage that
made the question practical, possible, and even neces
sary. I now (August 1907) made the material advance
towards bold assertion of the great principle at stake
by appointing two Indian members on my own Council.
Of this step Lord Minto thought well, as likely to
counterbalance disappointment in India if the corre
sponding proposal for his Council should fall through.
Such was the order of the proceeding.]
July 6. — Your letter of last mail was of the very
first order in its interest and importance [Anglo-
Russian negotiations]. It does not carry me with
you, but this makes no difference whatever in my
appreciation of its great clearness, ability, and force
as a statement of a case. Your letter and Lord K.'s
are nothing else than an exhaustive review of the
position from one side of it. I will not to-day go for
a moment into a discussion of the momentous issues
now raised, so far as the substance and practical
conclusions go. That must wait. But I should like
to make one or two general observations that I will
ask you to consider.
The first is this. You argue as if the policy of
entente with Russia were an open question. This
is just what it is not. H.M.'s Government, with
almost universal support in public opinion, have
decided to make such attempt as Russian circum
stances may permit to arrange an entente. The
VOL. II N

178 RECOLLECTIONS
grounds for this I have often referred to when writing
to you. Be they good or bad, be we right or wrong,
that is our policy.
When Nicolson went to Russia, I sent you a copy
of the sketch of proposed instructions, and Grey
agreed with me that the instructions, especially as to
Afghanistan, should not be made definite until I had
been made acquainted with your views upon them.
You say, "If we are to enter on an entente with
Russia, let us bargam with her elsewhere than in
Central Asia." But then this was not the question
laid before you. That question was, in view of the
policy resolved upon deliberately by us, what you
thought of the line on which in respect of Afghanistan
we intended to pursue that policy. An entente with
Russia that should leave out Central Asia would be
a sorry trophy of our diplomacy indeed. Anyhow,
H.M.'s Government have determined on their course,
and it is for their agents and officers all over the
world to accept it. If there is one among them to
whom it would be more idle to repeat this a, b, c of
the Constitution than another, you are that man. I
am, however, a little frightened when you say at the
end of your letter that "the Government of India
should be fully consulted before the agreement
suggested is entered into with Russia." If you mean
the Government of India in a technical sense — as the
G.-G. in C. — I must with all respect demur. For one
thing, the G.-G. is his own foreign minister, and the
Foreign Department is under his own immediate
superintendence. Second, with sincere regard for the
capacity of your Council, I fail to see what particular
contribution they could make to questions of frontier
policy; and again, if there be among them any on

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 179
whose counsels, in such questions, you set high value, chap.
why should you not summon him or them to your ^^^
side, as you most naturally summoned the C.-in-C?
Third, have you considered how in practice this
"full consultation" could be worked? Diplomacy,
as you will agree, is necessarily delicate, flexible,
elastic. Is Nicolson in his talks with Isvolsky to pull
himself up by thinking how this or that proposal
would be taken not only at Whitehall, but also at
Simla? You know better than anybody how the
pretensions of Canada (I don't use pretensions in any
bad sense) fetter and shackle negotiations with the
United States. The plain truth is — and you won't
mind my saying it frankly because you will agree —
that this country cannot have two foreign policies.
The Government of India in Curzon 's day, and in days
before Curzon, tried to have its own foreign policy.
I seem to see the same spectre lurking behind the
phrase about "full consultation."
Of preaching, you will say, enough. What am I
'going to do? As for the Russian side of things, I
will let Grey and the Prime Minister see your two
letters. I do not expect that the Cabinet will change
Nicolson's instructions, or reverse its policy in any
respect. We shall persevere, as long as Russia goes
on. You have set out your views with signal force.
They do not convert us — and so, like other Ministers
who cannot carry their colleagues, you will make the
best of it. The Indian side of these two letters is of
more practical and urgent importance. What I pro
pose to do is this. I will prepare for the Committee
of Defence a full and careful statement of the views of
yourself and Lord K. — I mean as to railways, etc. I
shall add to this statement such observations of my

180 RECOLLECTIONS
own as occur to me. That document — containing
all the important parts in your own and Lord K.'s
words — I will lay before the Defence Committee, and
we shall then come to some definite conclusions. I
need not say that I will be sure to send you all papers,
and to report to you all that goes on. We must now
come to a conclusion one way or another.
July 27. — I greatly dislike breaking regular order
in things, and so I had much remorse in not writing
to you last week. It is, I think, my first delinquency,
and you will forgive it in view of the occasion. The
Budget performance needed all my attention, I assure
you. Time was in the days when I worked hard at
Home Rule when I liked speaking, but I have lost
the taste. However, all went well. Mr. Holderness
and Mr. Abrahams coached me well in details, and I
owe them much. I owe you more, for if I had not
been able to make the practical announcement so
seasonably authorised by you, the thing would have
been an affair of sounding brass and tinkling cymbals.
They took a division on a motion made by Keir
Hardie for placing the salary of the S. of S. on the
estimate. I resisted the motion, though — to be quite
honest — I could just as easily have defended it. The
result was not particularly satisfactory, for 89 voted
against us, and we had only 64 of a majority, including
about 30 of the Opposition whom Percy brought into
our Lobby. The upshot meant that the Labour men,
40 Irish, and about 34 of our "sensibles" voted
against me. Our Whip was angry, and has launched
a little algarade against our misguided friends. Did
they realise what they were doing? Did they know
that if they had beaten us, the country would at once
have lost the priceless services of the most wonderful

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 181
S. of S. that ever was known? I need not tell you chap.
that I had no share in this wrathful composition, but ^^~
it has had a salutary effect. The backsliders pro
tested that they meant no harm. "Why," cried one
of them, "I'd die rather than hurt a hair of his
head!" August 2. — This brings me to the other side of
the Partition Question. Yesterday I had my fifth
and final talk with Gokhale — the first talk since my
Budget deliverance. It is of vast advantage that we
should be on terms with him ; I believe, from all I
learn, that his influence on the Indian section in the
H. of C. has been most salutary, and that he has stood
up for my speech and its promise of good against the
men who complained of it as vague, timid, tepid,
hollow. He has a politician's head ; appreciates
executive responsibility; has an eye for the tactics
of practical common-sense. He made no secret of
his ultimate hope and design — India to be on the
footing of a self-governing colony. I equally made
no secret of my conviction, that for many a day to
come — long beyond the short span of time that may
be left to us — this was a mere dream. Then I said
to him, "For reasonable reforms in your direction,
there is now an unexampled chance. You have a
V. R. entirely friendly to them. You have a S. of
S. in whom the Cabinet, the H. of C, the press of
both parties, and so much of the public as troubles
its head about India, reposes confidence. The im
portant and influential Civil Service will go with the
Viceroy. What situation could be more hopeful?
Only one thing can spoil it. Perversity and unreason
in your friends. If they keep up the ferment in E.
Bengal, that will only make it hard, or even impossible,

182 RECOLLECTIONS
book for Government to move a step. / ask you for no
v" sort of engagement. You must, of course, be the judge
of your own duty, and I am aware that you have
your own difficulties. So be it. We are quite in
earnest in our resolution to make an effective move.
If your speakers or your newspapers set to work to
belittle what we do, to clamour for the impossible,
then all will go wrong."
Forgive this fearfully long speech of mine. He
professed to acquiesce very cordially in all of it, and
assured me that immediately after my Budget speech
he had written to his friends in India, and pitched a
most friendly and hopeful note. By this time — or
before you get this — you will see whether his tuning-
fork has done its harmonising business.
Only one more word. I half suspect that what
they really want a million times beyond political
reform, is access to the higher administrative posts
of all sorts, though they are alive to the inseparable
connection between the two. I wish very much that
you would from time to time as occasion serves talk
about this great subject with sensible and liberal-
minded men of all conditions : of course without being
in any hurry to form your own judgment.
I am sending you a dispatch about Flogging
which I humbly beg you not to allow a department
to bury in a pigeon-hole. Opinion here is very
strong and warm. If I can find it, I will enclose a
passage written by Cromer the other day about
Flogging in Egypt — the subject raised here by the
executions at Denshawi.
I am thinking much of you this morning, for the
papers reproduce (per Reuter) the comments of the
Pioneer and Times of India about our "grave

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 183
blunder," etc. etc., and I daresay there may be plenty chap.
more of it. All this was, of course, to be foreseen. n'
We can only possess our souls in patience. If things
now go decently well for a time, we shall be justified.
If they don't, we shall hardly be in greater difficulties
than we should have been if Fuller had remained.
To me here Indian leading articles won't make any
difference, but to you who are on the ground and in
the midst of them, they may be uncomfortable. At
any rate, be sure that I will make a good stand-up
fight here, and that you will be stoutly defended, in
the Press and elsewhere. I will take care that Balfour
and Percy are kept well informed of the truth of
things. I don't think there is any predisposition in
any quarter to think ill of us.
Here is a subject on which I hope we shall find
ourselves in agreement. I have before me a letter
from Lord Roberts to Stedman, talking of "the
jubilee of the Mutiny campaign" in 1907 or 1908,
medals to veterans, etc. Surely all this is entirely
wrong. As soon as the King comes back from
Marienbad, I mean to bring the matter before him,
and I trust he will encourage us to veto any com
memoration whatever, great or small. Pray let me
know in a sentence or two by wire what you think.
I am starting in a few hours for a very melancholy
expedition to Scotland, to the funeral of poor Lady
C.-Bannerman. I may not be back in time for
Friday's mail, so I write you a short epistle before
hand. What a curious change in the Prime Minister's
public position has been seen in the last few months !
He has become generally popular ; his ascendency
over the H. of C. has never been surpassed; in the
Cabinet he is felt to be the one indispensable man

184 RECOLLECTIONS
book among all of us. His wife has been his inseparable

v

companion for 46 years, and her influence over him
was boundless. She had an extremely strong will,
any amount of courage, and, as he said to me
yesterday, an extraordinarily good political flair.
She kept well away from political cliques and sets,
and seemed to read both the character of men and
the significance of events by a sort of intuition. It
will be lonely for him, but he will stick to the ship.
He has sold his private house in Belgrave Square, so
I suppose he intends to spend the rest of his days in
Downing Street !
[The Fuller difficulty came to a head and into full
public view in July. The boys of certain schools at
Serajgunj had been guilty of violently unruly conduct
in the town, and the Lieutenant-Governor had officially
applied to syndicate of Calcutta University to with
draw recognition from the schools. The Government
of India pointed out to him that if he insisted on
University taking action, result would be acrimonious
public discussion in which partition and administration
of new province would be bitterly attacked, and they
thought it most desirable to avoid such contingency,
and would prefer to rely upon New University regula
tions to deal with political movement in schools. For
these reasons they suggested withdrawal of his request
to University. The Lieutenant-Governor asked that
either these orders should be reconsidered, or else
that his resignation should be accepted. Lord Minto
was quite alive to the objection against changing a
Lieutenant-Governor in face of agitation, but it became
every day more evident that the administration of the
new province was unreliable and might lead to further
difficulties. If we persuaded him to remain we should
run the risk of having to support him against ill criti
cism. So the resignation was accepted. I telegraphed
concurrence without delay.]

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 185
October 5. — I must very reluctantly once more chap.

bring you to the Fuller episode. I had a talk with
him yesterday which lasted two solid hours and a half.
I did not grudge the time, though it was a pretty stiff
dose. For the first ten minutes we were a little
awkward, and then we found ourselves on the foot
ing of our common humanity. His extraordinary
vivacity attracted me ; so did his evident candour
and good faith; he soon became free and colloquial
in his speech, playing with cards upon the table,
in which tactics I followed him, both of us being
perfectly frank and entirely good-natured. He is
evidently a shrewdish, eager, impulsive, overflowing
sort of man, quite well fitted for Government work
of ordinary scope, but, I fear, no more fitted to
manage the state of things in E. Bengal than am I to
drive an engine. He had been asked to prepare a
statement of his case for use in Parliament ; also to
write to the newspapers. The latter he refused (for
he has a high standard of official duty), but he has
written down a few pages constituting material for
Parliament. He said they were composed without
any heat, and with no bad language about either you
or me. He felt that he had a right to be heard in
his defence, etc. To this view, of course, I gave my
cordial assent. He said I might see his document if
I liked. I thought I had better not. He will describe
his conduct from the beginning ; he admits one real
article of charge only, and that he does not deny to
be very bad — the Barisal busmess. "Well," said I,
"you have a right to present your case in your own
way. My reply will be a very simple one, and it will
be this : 'You resigned, not because you had been
ill-supported by the G. of I., but because you could

n.

186 RECOLLECTIONS
book not have your own way in a particular matter where
^^_, you took one view and the G. of I. took another.
That is the only question that arises on this set of
facts. My firm principle is that if any official resigns
because he cannot have his way, I (if it be my business)
will definitely accept his resignation, and I cannot see
that Lord Minto had any other alternative. Your
policy was not recommended by success. You talk
of the injury to prestige caused by the acceptance
of your resignation. You should have thought of
that before you resigned. The responsibility is
yours. I don't believe it is for the good of prestige
to back up every official whatever he does, right or
wrong.'" The effect of this eloquent burst of mine
was to procure a vehement expression of agreement!
There are some points that stuck in my mind.
He had opposed the present form of Partition, and
had written to Curzon in that sense. He had not
the least expectation that we should accept his
resignation — such a thing had never happened before ;
when he opened your fatal telegram of acceptance
he was astounded.
October 11. — I have, for my sins, read more in my
time than my fair share of the doings of revolutionary
parties in France; I was much in with Gambetta,
Clemenceau, etc., after the smash of the Empire, and
the battle for the Republic. Again, I saw Irish " rebel "
action at close quarters, and for some three years
I saw them with the eyes of official responsibility.
Moderates are always at a disadvantage. The same
forces that begin the move, continue their propulsive
power. The only question is whether by doing what
we can in the Moderate direction, we can draw the
teeth of the Extremists. This depends on local

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 187
conditions of all sorts, both superficial and deep, chap.
which I don't pretend to have grasped, and which ^J^_
probably you, though on the spot, don't pretend
either. Meanwhile our chart and course are clear
enough for to-day's navigation.
The Guicowar made a point, for some reason to me
inscrutable, of paying me a farewell visit at my own
house instead of here. Curzon-Wyllie was rather
against it, and thought the red carpets of this Office,
on mighty occasions, have a real though occult
virtue in them. However, little as you might think
it, my motto is "Anything for a quiet life," so the
potentate came to my Tusculan villa at Wimbledon.
I explained to him how sorry I was not to have
twenty-one guns, though I have a six-chambered
revolver for suburban burglars. I wondered what
all the saints and sages on my bookshelves would
think of this Oriental taking five o'clock tea and
home-made bread and butter among them. Well,
I did not let the host displace the minister, and I
gave him some paternal admonition on his prolonged
absence from his State. I submit for your consider
ation the expediency of your inviting him to come
and see you.
P. S. — Since beginning this letter Fuller has sent
me a little pamphlet of less than 50 pages, containing
his story. It is written, he said in a private note to
me, at the suggestion of certain of his friends, and is
meant for private circulation only. I have run over
it, without grappling with it. The temper is excellent
— no acrimony — nothing personal against either you
or me. He says that he will omit anything that I
may judge ought to be omitted. In thanking him
for his courtesy, I shall abstain from all suggestions,

188 RECOLLECTIONS
book and the responsibility will be his own. I still think
v' that we should only present to Parliament the papers
bearing on the particular occasion of his resignation.
We will wire to you when the number of the papers
is finally decided.
By this time I suppose you are off to Simla. I
have just been reading two new volumes of Robert
Lytton's letters. He was for many years a close and
most delightful friend of mine, and they recall to my
mind his pretty vivid dislike for the viceregal circles
at Government House. He was born a Parisian,
with a pleasant touch of Bohemian added, and the
Puritan and Philistine graces of Simla were repugnant
to him. You are assuredly no Bohemian, yet it may
be that you too are sometimes bored by everlasting
officialism. I spent last Sunday with Lord Roberts in their
fine new house at Ascot — all full of Afghan things,
weapons, pictures, flags, etc. — and we talked Afghani
stan all day long. He made me feel much at home
on the frontier with his good soldierly way of talking.
I find him extraordinarily attractive.
Now, back to India, after this page of irrelevance.
I hope you do not think me cross-grained about
anticipations of sanction. I have an inveterate
prejudice against irregularities as such, and it is all
the more violent in a state of things where they must
necessarily go with expenditure and extravagance.
In matters of my own privy purse I am the least of a
miser that ever was known, but as the guardian of
public money, and particularly a public like India
that cannot guard its own money, I learned from
Mill, and still more in my years of friendship with
Mr. Gladstone, to be a real dragon with fangs and

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 189
eyes of flame. While I write this sentence, I have chap.
looked up a passage in my book on Mr. Gladstone, n'
and as probably no copy of it exists at Quetta,
Peshawar, Agra, New Chaman, Mile 300, or even in
the highly enlightened regions of Simla, I take the
liberty of begging you to accept a copy from me, and
to read Vol. II. pp. 61-65, just in order that you may
think leniently of my financial churlishness, in con
sideration of the frightful school in which I was
brought up. When you have done with it, pray add
my book to the kinematographs, brocades, Martinis,
and other appropriate presents to Cabul.
The Fuller papers will be laid before Parliament
in a day or two. One matter in connection with
them lies rather heavy on my conscience, and it is
this. There is not a word to show that the acceptance
of F.'s resignation had my entire concurrence, and
I have a feeling that you may think it rather shabby
in me to remain in the innocence of a lamb before
Parliament. The Office were obdurate about the
production of my telegram, on the ground that the
G.-G. is technically and constitutionally the sole
authority over Lt.-Governors, and on the further
ground that both G.-G. and S. S. should communicate
with one another in absolute freedom, and this
freedom would be much impaired if either felt that
his letter or telegram might be planted in a blue-
book. I will try to get it known in Parliament that
I warmly concurred in your acceptance of the resigna
tion. I only hope that you will believe I am not
thinking of saving my own skin, which after all this
time has become conveniently indurated.
November 9. — I have no doubt that you have
seen and noticed a letter from — — to  dated

190 RECOLLECTIONS
book Baghdad, 25th August 1906. Quite apart from his
conclusions, I find it uncommonly full of real know
ledge of facts and conditions on the ground. So
much more useful and luminous than any amount of
mere "views" of departments; perhaps even of
Cabinets. I felt something of the same sort in my
conversation with  , our agent (is or was) at
Baghdad. Do you know, I am sometimes amazed,
and a trifle horrified, when I contrast the loose free-
and-easy way in which politicians form their judg
ments with the strict standards of proof, evidence,
fact, observed by every conscientious critic or
historian. So little evidence goes such a long way
when once your mind is made up, and circumstances
are calling for decision and act. Mr. Gladstone and
Chamberlain were very unlike in many ways, but they
both of them often astounded me by the tenacity
with which they held to dubiously supported opinions.
You will not suppose that I claim for myself any
exception from this weakness of the tribe.
November 15. — Reading Dufferin's life the other
day, I found him observing how dull a Viceroy's time
is. The same night, meeting Lansdowne at Windsor,
I asked him whether Dufferin was right. On the
whole I don't think he much disagreed ; he had never
held a great office before India, and when that came,
he did feel it rather overwhelming, and a good deal
of it tiresome and monotonous. Lytton certainly
was often and undisguisedly bored to death. For
myself I don't think I should find the boxes un
endurable, but the ceremonial dinner-parties would
be deadly. Anyhow, I must say over and over again
how I envy your tours, and sights of men and places.
The Baghdad Railway is now beginning to assume

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 191
a position of actualite, and I hope we shall find a good chap.
way through its entanglements. So far as procedure ^^^,
goes there is to be a consultation between the F. O.
and Mr. Ritchie and Sir James Mackay of this Office.
Their report on the various points to be considered
and examined will be submitted to Grey and to me.
We two shall then come to such conclusions as we may,
and bring the questions arising from our survey before
the Cabinet. The letter that you were good enough
to send me on the Railway, I have reserved until the
time appeared to have come for sending it on to the
F. 0. The time has now arrived, and I have directed
that it shall be duly put forward. After all, I cannot
but feel that what we want is not so much views and
arguments as the facts of the case — ¦ the state of the
land and the peoples between Baghdad and Bussora
and the debouching point on the Gulf, the prospects
of trade, the plans for provision of the cash, at the
time when Lansdowne kept out of our participation.
I am perfectly fascinated by that idea of yours,
of you and me taking a walk together on your frontier.
But then I have misgivings — • when I think of the
possible effect upon your mind of the teaching of
your new friends at Kashmir, and their maxims upon
"the political convenience" of "the quiet removal
to another world of a troublesome colleague." What
a temptation to rid yourself of an importunate
economist once for all ! Your description of the
enchantments of Kashmir brings the wonder of them
well before me, and makes me half jealous of you
in my own trade of man of letters. I suspect that it
must be like the Middle Ages, as you say. I wonder
how much Kashmir really differs in moral standards
from Machiavelfi's Italy? When I return again for

192 RECOLLECTIONS
book a short span of my dwindling days to historical
v' , philosophy — if there is such a thing — I shall have
learned a great deal from my last twelve months of
Indian affairs. Still, reading is a poor substitute for
actually seeing, as you are doing.
I think that I have pretty well mastered the dis
cussion on the admission of an Indian to your Council
— which I suppose to be the most critical of all the
questions before you. When I say mastered, pray
don't think that I have formed any definite judgment,
for I have not, and I am quite as much alive as you
can be to the risk of going too fast for European senti
ment in India. I do not forget the row about the
Ilbert Bill, and I can see the elements of uneasiness
that are roused, or may easily be roused, by the
present trouble in E. Bengal, and elsewhere. The
fuss about the Fuller episode shows the easily excit
able frame of mind of your Anglo-Indian community.
On the other hand, I ask myself how it will be possible
to resist admission of an Indian in face of the fact
that two out of four of your own Committee are not
afraid. I enclose you a little piece about cruelty to animals
in certain religious sacrifices. It is prompted by an
article in the Nineteenth Century for October last by
the Bishop of Madras, interesting but revolting. If
you could by good fortune make any move against
such diabolic doings, it would stand you in good
stead at the Day of Judgment, I do believe. If it
were not all so horrible I would try to enlist Lady
Minto. Blessed are the merciful.
The Prince of Wales sent me last Sunday an
extract from Scindia, which I now send on to you.
I told the Prince that the suggestions were interesting,

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 193
but would need a good deal of consultation and
consideration. So they will, with a vengeance. I
told him that I would forward them to you, which
I hereby do. I thank you particularly for your kind
telegram about my Afghan dispatch. It gives me
the utmost pleasure that you should so readily have
appreciated my object. I need only repeat that I
shall much value any criticism.
November 30. — How lucky you are to be able to
carry on your business without interruption from a
grand parliamentary and political crisis. After the
tremendous experiences of such things in Home Rule,
I have become a little blase and detached about them
in our calmer days. Still, a battle between Lords and
Commons, and a graver battle between Church and
Chapel in the schools, do rather quicken the pulse
and take up hours. By the time you get this, you will
know for certain whether or not on your return home
four or five years hence you will find a H. of L. to
shelter you, or will have to seek a seat in the H.
of C. If the latter, allow me humbly to suggest the
Montrose Burghs.
Brodrick, by the way, returned from S. Africa
a day or two ago, and I had an evening's talk with
him. They have enjoyed their trip immensely, but
he takes no cheerful view of the economic and financial
prospect in S. Africa. I like Brodrick as an honest
and capable fellow.
In the Office here, the event of the week in my
eyes has been the arrival of Beauchamp Duff upon
the scene. We shall now know where we are in these
tangled things. I have had a preliminary talk with
Duff and found him very satisfactory in the way of
clearness and precision. I also thought him pleasant,
VOL. n o

194 RECOLLECTIONS
and that does no harm. I' gave him a warning to
keep his lips closed tight, for I am beginning to
believe that there is almost as much tittle-tattle and
wire-pulling among soldiers in Pall Mall as among
politicians at Westminster.
You have tempted me to read Knight's Three
Empires over. It is a capital piece of work. But I
don't find Achabel. You are far away from there
by now.
I rambled into the H. of L. last night, and saw
three ex- Viceroys, one of them leading the Govern
ment (Ripon), and another leading the Opposition.
So you see what lies ahead. I also heard an ex-S. S.
(Devonshire), whose speaking I have always liked,
even in Home Rule days, though Mr. Gladstone used
to growl: "Ah, he never spoke like this when he
was speaking for his own side."
I keep pondering over the questions of the Arundel
Report on Reforms, and wondering what turn will
be given to them and the great issues they raise
by your dispatch when it comes. I slightly fore
shadowed some of the difficulties in writing to you
last week, and I won't go over the ground now. You
will easily enough — only too easily — find a percep
tion of them for yourself, though it will naturally be
harder for you to have a full view of my elements
in the House of Commons. It has occurred to me,
not quite for the first time, that we might set up a
Parliamentary Committee such as they used to have
regularly in the days of the East India Company —
a joint Committee of Lords and Commons to inquire
into the distribution of local and centralised powers
in India, the finance (Fawcett got a House of Commons
Committee on this branch of the subject some time in

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 195
•
the early seventies, I think), education, railways, and
other public works, etc. etc. If we could get on to
such a committee a dozen men of the front rank, it
would be of immense service in instructing the public
as to the real nature of Indian problems. Gokhale,
for instance, would say his say ; then Denzil Ibbetson
would say his. Do not suppose that the idea is fixed
in my mind, or that I am blind to the risks. But
then think of the risks and increasing embarrassments
of standing still or shivering on the brink. Godley
is against it, and swears he will only agree if I promise
to sit in the chair. Do not think of taking the trouble
to reply to this ; you need not say a word ; only in
odd moments turn it over.
I am keenly interested in what you say of the
inner working of your Council, and I hope I shall hear
more of Baker's "strongly-worded notes" and "em
phatic protest" to H.M.'s Government. In so far
as he is for acting as dragon in guard of the golden
apples, all my sympathies would go with him. But
if he is for setting up an imperium in imperio, and for
claiming "a predominant voice in the terms of
settlement" — i.e. in a political settlement — then he
is taking ground from which he will find himself dis
lodged in a single dispatch. I am even more jealous
than he is of using Indian money for Persian or any
other Imperial purposes, and, as he will remember, I
refused to sanction a sovereign unless the Chancellor
of the Exchequer here planked down a sovereign of
his for every one of ours — a rather bold innovation
in B.'s own sense. But this talk of "predominant
voice" will never do. We are already in pretty deep
waters in respect of our self-governing colonies, and
if the Government of India are to advance the same

196 RECOLLECTIONS
book sort of claims — founded not on the principles of free
v' government, but on the arbitrary decisions or views
of a close body of officials — then we shall indeed be in
a scrape. However, as I said before, I had better
keep out of a battle royal, until I know in terms what
exactly it is to be about.
To-night I dine with Grey and Hardinge alone,
and we shall no doubt touch on Persia and other
matters of interest to you. As usual, I would
cheerfully go dinnerless, if that would bring you
to sit for a couple of hours in my place. A more
exciting quarrel, and perhaps fundamentally a more
momentous one, is that between France and the
Vatican. Though I am not a son of the Vatican
Church, it is painful to me as to any of them to
see this violence and fury in association with faiths
and professions that ought to be so remote from
fury. My French republican friends have often
assured me on other occasions of war against the
Church, that I idealise the R. C. Church, and do not
see plainly enough that it is a ferocious creature, with
horns and trampling hoofs and sulphur flame in her
nostrils. Be that as it may (and I don't believe
a word of it), what I care for is that the French
Republic should stand, and the old Italian gentlemen
in Rome may prove as formidable to that, as they
did to Bismarck when he tried to chain them up by
Falk laws. I wish I could tell you of a talk I had in
1896 with the General of the Jesuits then incognito at
Rome, but you have no time to listen. In truth I
only hope that you are not wondering why I do not
stick to Jelalabad and the rest of my proper business.
December 21. — We are all of us to-day in the
extremely pleasant bustle of the end of a session, and

NEW POLICY FORESHADOWED 197
after the strain of a long year you may guess that our chap
satisfaction and complacency are exuberant, in spite ^^^
of icy weather and a general atmosphere of influenza.
The miscarriage of the Education Bill is a vexation,
and won't bring grist to anybody's political or edu
cational mill. The speech of the Duke of Devonshire
I honestly believe to represent the verdict, not only
of our master, the Man in the Street, but also of most
sober-thinking men whether Churchmen or Chapel-
men. Anyhow, we Ministers feel very comfortable
as to our general position. The Cabinet is the most
harmonious that ever was, and the Prime Minister
exercises in a singularly quiet and easy way an extra
ordinary ascendency over both the Cabmet and the
House of Commons. So in short we are off for
holidays like schoolboys, all of whom (on our side)
have got prizes.
When the Royal Speech was being settled in
the Cabinet, they were astonished at the marvellous
brevity of my Indian contribution of a single sentence.
I don't think you would have thanked me for more?
If I had crowed over the decent order that seems to
prevail in E. Bengal, then we should have got into
a scrape with the agitators, and perhaps we should
have had new trouble. So do not think that this
meagre paragraph is any measure of our appreciation
of the service that your sound judgment and right
feeling have rendered, and will go on rendering.
I have just got your telegram, for which I am
cordially obliged, about Morison on my Council. I
believe he will be extremely useful here, and I should
expect it to give pleasure to people whom it is our
interest to conciliate in India. He has been inclined
to visionary notions occasionally, but his replies to

198 RECOLLECTIONS
book Hyndman in the Times, and his new book on Indian
_^^_ Industrial Organisation show plenty of solid quality.
I have known him all his life, so I gave him a strong
preachment on the duties of a member of Council —
not at all like Lord Chesterfield's Letters to his
Son, but a most unctuous discourse on the Virtues
of Red Tape.

CHAPTER III
OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS — INDIAN MEMBERS OF
COUNCIL 1907
January 18. — The success of the Amir's visit seems
to be splendid, undoubted, and up to this point
unqualified. All the public world here, from His
Majesty downwards, is delighted. I warmly con
gratulate you on your personal association with an
important and historic proceeding, and on the share
that your own good judgment and tact have had in
this satisfactory result. The difficulties were obvious ;
they were formidable ; they might easily have become
extremely dangerous. You and your lieutenants
appear up to this point, if I may say so, to have
mastered them admirably.
Shall I confess that I read one paragraph in your
letter with a touch of mystification? It is where
you say that you in India are face to face with risks
that you "cannot express to people at home without
being looked on as an alarmist." But what people at
home ? Not wise people ; and as for foolish people,
who cares? Who are these wicked sinners? You
are not a bit more of an alarmist than I am, and have
for many years been. As if I of all men on this
planet were heedless of the fact that "a big frontier
199

200 RECOLLECTIONS
book war would be a serious affair." Why, that is the
v' song I sing every day. However, I shall be horribly
sorry if you do not frankly write me all that is passing
through your mind, just as I tell you what is in
mine. I believe that you and I are on those terms,
and it is most important in every way that we
always should be. Only I am sorry that you meet
with people who think (if they do think) that
responsible Ministers are really bad enough to be
willing to sacrifice military efficiency and the safety of
India for political reasons, that is to say, personal or
party or whatever other anti-patriotic reasons we
like. Of course, I thoroughly understand you, and
sympathise with you, when you say how "strongly
you feel how dangerous any appearance of a reduction
of our military prestige in India would be." But I
hope this does not mean that every request from the
military people is to be held sacred and inexorable.
This will never do, and you are the last man in the
world to say that it will do. So now, Good-bye.
Cordial congratulations and every possible prosperity.
January 25. — I have been, and am, rather immersed
in K.'s military policy. We have got to work at
the Defence Committee. Esher, Haldane, Lyttelton,
Ewart, French, are the W. 0. men, and I am in the
chair. Duff stated his case (or Lord K.'s) in an admi
rably written paper, and stood a cross-examination on
it, with great ability and skill. Yesterday we had
Nicholson (Sir W.) — at least as clever as Duff or more,
and full of Afghan experiences. I enjoy it immensely
— a table covered with maps, figures, etc. etc. If my
interest in military things goes on at this rate, you
will hear of me taking the field one of these days !
My Secretary has just this minute brought in to

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 201
me your portrait ! It is excellent, and I am delighted chap.
to possess it. This afternoon it goes to the framer, IIL
and on return will be placed on my walls here, to keep
company with Warren Hastings and other Indian
celebrities, until in due time I carry it off to my
library afore-mentioned. I thank you, and will
pay brass for gold by sending you my own homely
picture at some early day.
On Saturday I go to Windsor for a couple of days,
where I understand that I shall be much interrogated
about your Amir. H. M. agrees with the notions that
I am telegraphing to you about the pupils whom
the Amir proposes to send to Lord K. Is it a little
odd that Mahometans should come to a Christian
Government to be taught, not the Sermon on the
Mount, but the noble arts of human slaughter?
For once I am really at the end of my tether,
intellectual and epistolary. I have been at a long
Cabinet, I have had several interviews, I have dealt
with any quantity of files, and I have the prospect of
more files and more interviews before I escape home.
February 7. — My labours at the Defence Committee
are making me as intimately acquainted with Peshawar
as I am with Piccadilly or Wimbledon Common. Lord
Roberts came with evidence this week which I rather
fear would give you almost unalloyed satisfaction.
We are still Arctic. I went to Windsor last week
end and, among other people of interest, found Balfour
there. He is immensely pleased with my procedure
on the Defence Committee, which he admits to be an
improvement on what he found possible in his day.
I may as well enclose you a lecture of Lyall's.
You need not trouble about Alexander the. Great,
who disappeared centuries ago, but the last half or

202 RECOLLECTIONS
book quarter will, I think, well repay you. You remember
v' Lord Salisbury's famous warning to people who
were excited about the N, W. frontier to look at
big maps? I often think a similar warning to us to
mount to the high summits of policy where Lyall
(himself an Indian expert of the first rank) invites
us to stand would be just as salutary. That is by no
means to say that we must not come always to the
closest quarters with the urgent questions of to-day.
Everybody to-day is sorrowing at the death of
Lord Goschen. He had been a good friend of mine
for many years : one of the very cleverest men, in the
strict sense of the word, that I have ever known in
my life. The papers are quoting to-day what I said
about him in my book on Mr. Gladstone : that he
had the large views of Liberal Oxford along with the
practical energy of the City of London, added to a
hard fibre given him by Nature. Poor man — I'm
truly sorry he has gone.
February 15. — Your budget looks very satis
factory indeed on the whole. The reduction of the
salt duty will certainly please everybody here, and I
am persuaded that it is right, if there is to be any
decency in taxation at all. As to opium, of course,
I know your difficulties, and I understand your
sensitiveness — ¦ financial sensitiveness, I mean. But
I confess that it jars on me when I see in the Times
newspaper and elsewhere (not quite excluding com
munications from the Government of India) so much
cynical incredulity as to there being any sincerity in
Chinese professions. I see nothing to shake my faith
in what Satow told me, that there is a large and
powerful body of honest anti-opium people in China.
They may be the minority, and their virtue may be

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 203
the mantle for a pack of knavish politicians (such
people are by no means entirely confined to parlia
ments) who are thinking only of revenue or of private
gains of one sort and another. But then this is
always the way in which reforms begin, and it is
surely our business, as a nation loudly bragging of its
civilising mission on this planet, not to throw tubs of
cold water on the smoking flax (see Isaiah xlii. 3,
if you please).
Our session has opened very tamely — of which
you may be sure that Ministers are the last persons
to make any complaint. On Monday we are to have
a sham fight on fiscal reform — a policy towards which
I think I have heard that you nurse some friendly
feeling. Nothing will come of it at present, nor for
some years at any rate, and we judge it dubious tactics
for Balfour to have chosen this for battle-ground. His
party is so weak for the moment, however, that choice
of ground does not much matter.
I nurse a lingering hope that, before this letter
departs by to-night's mail, I may have a telegram
from you about the important dispatch [Reforms].
You may be sure how concerned I am . . . but I
declare that I cannot for the life of me see why
deliberations originated by you last July should not
by this time have ripened into at least one or two
pretty definite proposals, proper for the consideration
of H. M.'s Government. That you should seek more
time for the extension of the elective element in local
councils I readily understand, but the points named
by me in my speech of the 20th July are utterly stale ;
they have been under consideration for years. You
may say Aye or No, as you please ; but considering
that these particular questions have been threshed

204 RECOLLECTIONS
book out to the very dregs, I am puzzled that your Council
^^^ should not be able to say either Aye or No. Then,
again, if the Committee of the Executive Council
presided over by Arundel was able to come to con
clusions in one direction or another within a very
reasonable time, I am puzzled to see why the whole
Council should need what threatens to be a very
indefinite quantity of time in travelling the same
journey; and this is all the more wonderful, con
sidering that they had the material of the Arundel
Report ready for them to start upon. Your letters
show me that you, at any rate, kept your own mind
pretty steadily turning over these questions with
constant anxiety to see daylight. They show me,
moreover, that in the very momentous question of
admitting a Native Member to your Executive
Council, you had come to a distinct and firm opinion.
Well, I am a great believer in the virtues of collective
consultation, and I am all for taking time and giving
opportunity to allow men to come round to your own
judgment. But time is one thing, and eternity is
another. And I w(holly fail to see what new material,
either of argument or fact, time is likely to bring to
view. February 28. — I am sincerely vexed if the word
ing of my telegram of the 6th February gave you
the slightest notion that I was for discouraging the
very frankest interchange of all thoughts and projects,
hopes or apprehensions. That, as you say, "would
indeed be disheartening" ; and I must say further that
if I found the terms between us to lose the friendliness
and freedom of the last fourteen or fifteen months, I
for one — who hold to office by rather a loose rein —
should be tempted to bolt, and leave your battle to be

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 205
fought out with some other warrior. Of course you chap.
and I cannot be expected to agree in the whole line <^^^/
of imperial policy, and the occasional differences of
judgment are bound to come to light from time to
time, and a word used by one of us may jar upon the
ear of the other. But that need not, and will not,
hinder the general situation from being all right. We
are both of us uncommonly hard-worked men, and
men in that case have their susceptibilities, I suppose.
/ have, I know.
One great spring of mischief in these high politics
is to suppose that the situation of to-day will be the
situation to-morrow. If I were writing a manual for
a statesman, I should say to him, "Remember that
in the great high latitudes of policy, all is fluid, elastic,
mutable ; the friend to-day, the foe to-morrow ; the
ally and confederate against your enemy, suddenly
his confederate against you : Russia or France or
Germany or America, one sort of Power this year,
quite another sort and in deeply changed relations to
you, the year after."
I don't know whether it is worth while for me
to say anything about the famous Arundel Report.
Most strongly do I feel with you that the question
is too full of momentous possibilities for us to deal
with them other than slowly and seriously. And you
won't suppose that I do not make all possible allow
ance for the flood of interruptions that are always
besetting you. That flood unluckily will never cease,
and we need not wait for it to exhaust itself. I
understand, too, that your mind should fluctuate
about the Native Member: you will have gathered,
I think, from my letters that I, like you, or even
more than you, was without vehement conviction

206 RECOLLECTIONS
book either way. Only, when you named a man whom
v" you would recommend for my consideration (  ),
I began to think that probably the thing would have
to move forward. It does not surprise me that, now
you have come to the brink of a final decision, you
should want to think twice, nay, thrice, before defying
the "bitter opposition" of your colleague, as well as
"violent British opposition" in the country. The
latter is what impresses me as containing formidable
possibilities. I am slaving away at the Defence Committee on
the N. W. frontier. By Easter I hope that we shall
come to decisions;
What you say of the difficulty you have in really
knowing the inner state of things in the mofussil,
limited as you must be for the most part to official
surroundings, goes to the root of our difficulties,
doesn't it? It is nobody's fault. The officials sin
cerely mean all that is good, and they undoubtedly
speak the truth, or wish to speak it. You are keen
to hear, and apt to seize every hint that reaches you.
After all, you may at least rejoice in the indirect
influence that you are exercising for good. You may
not hear all about the mofussil, but the mofussil
and that unsympathetic tribe, the Anglo-Indians of
Calcutta, etc., hear all about you ; so do the Native
Princes. And what they hear is dead against bullying
and over-meddling and racial arrogance and social
exclusiveness. This stream may not make a great
brawl, for anything I know ; but it must spread into
many channels for all that, and do infinite good.
I have not yet escaped from the labours of my
frontier committee. Whether my conclusions will
command approval from colleagues, I am not sure.

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 207
They won't be violent or doctrinaire or anything else
that is exciting, though, do you know, I find soldiers,
much as I like most of them, rather susceptible. To
me they are as kind as can be, but in respect of one
another they are no better, if no worse, than lawyers
or doctors or journalists in professional touchiness.
March 28. — I have just been reading since break
fast the half column in the Times of your doings
yesterday on the Budget. All seems to have gone
well, but I long to read your speech and Lord K.'s
in extenso. The qualifications are constantly the
most significant part of speeches. You have evidently
thought it wisest to open the question of reforms in
the broadest way possible, and to rouse public interest
and expectation to its fullest extent. I think you
were wholly right in disowning pressure from home.
That will stop in advance what would otherwise have
been the first parrot-cry of Anglo-Indian criticism
and resistance official and otherwise, and your public
Native and European will have to judge the proposals
on their merits. On the other hand, it leaves me free
from responsibility up to this stage. That will help
to take the proposals out of the party lines, and
Balfour and Lansdowne will be bound to treat respect
fully a policy emanating from a Governor-General
appointed by them, and a member (as I believe) of
their own party. The man who will carry most weight
in the business is undoubtedly Lansdowne, and I
should half expect him to be adverse to a good deal
in your proposals. In an idle moment at the Cabinet
yesterday I threw the advance telegram across the
table to Elgin. I saw him read through it twice, with
an uneasy physiognomy, and when he flung it back,
he gave me a discouraging shake of the head. Ripon,

208 RECOLLECTIONS
poor man, has not been in London since his sore loss
of his wife : he will pretty surely be on your side,
but then they will say that his experience is out of
date. The Cabinet, I believe, will give me my head.
My Council I do not expect to be very impassioned
either way, but certainly, with one or two exceptions,
they are not exactly of the noble tribe of born
reformers. I have directed that the telegram shall not be
communicated in the Office, until the full dispatch
comes. I don't want men to commit themselves
until (1) they have all the material for judgment ;
(2) have had a chance of private and individual
discussion with me.
April 4. — A word about the Defence Committee.
The thing stands thus. My draft report will be
considered and settled by the Sub-Committee ten
days hence; and then by the Prime Minister, etc.,
ten days later. It will be a secret document, but of
course I always intended to ask the P. M. to let me
send you a copy. I will even send you, without leave,
a copy of my draft, but for your personal eye only,
¦and — at that stage not for observations.
April 12. — This brings me to what, you may
be very sure, is the subject constantly before my
mind — the dispatch. I received it last Saturday, and
on Tuesday brought it before the Council, witn a few
introductory remarks of a neutral character, com
mending it to the special and prompt attention of a
committee of seven or eight members. I have since
had short and provisional private talks with three
or four of them. I believe the Council will be of
one mind against the Indian member on your Exec.
Council.

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 209
If my Council is unanimous against it, like your chap.
Council (bar one), it will be impossible, as I believe, ^L^
to secure support for it here : in the Cabinet probably ;
in the H. of C. certainly ; in the H. of L. certainly
not ; in the Press ditto. The fear of reawakening
the uproar of the Ilbert Bill days will be a powerful
factor in most minds. These are only first and un
formed impressions. I had a short talk with Percy
last night. I told him I was half inclined to show
him your dispatch, because, of course, the tone of
the Opposition would be an element in deciding my
tactics. We agreed that he should ask Balfour and
Lansdowne whether they approved of his entering,
even to this moderate extent, into my secret counsels.
As I told you last week, Lansdowne from his great
Indian experience and his general reputation will
count for more than anybody else ; and it would be
a help to me if I knew whether he would fight it
high or not.
As was to be expected, considering who they are
and what are their antecedents, my Council show no
enthusiasm ; on the other hand, they show neither
impatience nor wrath. They are, almost without
exception, conservative and sceptical about reform.
And, almost without exception, they won't face the
state of opinion and feeling that is described in para.
38 of your dispatch. Yesterday I said to them,
as I would say to the majority who framed para. 38,
"The truer all you say is — about 'inflamed minds,
sedition-mongers,' etc. — the more incumbent it is
upon you to tell us how you hope and intend to abate
the inflammation."
April 26. — You named H. to me. He is now
in London, and I had a long talk with him a day
VOL. II p

210 RECOLLECTIONS
book or two ago — most interesting, among other things,
v' because he is out of the official groove. I pressed
him to say what all the language about Indian unrest
really amounted to. He found it hard to describe,
he said; but in every quarter there is expectation:
the air seems charged ; the disquiet of mind is vague,
but real; European and Native alike seem waiting
for something, they know not what; though not
exactly afraid of a storm, he finds the atmosphere
uncomfortably like the eve of storms. He made a
remark about my extension of Lord K. as Commander-
in-Chief that struck me a little. [I extended Lord
Kitchener's term as C.-in-C. for a further period.]
"I am extremely glad you have extended; a year
or six months ago, I would not have liked it : to
day I think it very wise ; it will give confidence."
At the same time we must use language to convince
people that we mean to stand no nonsense, and that
disorder will extinguish the chances of reform. Some
of the Council request me to take the line of Cromer
in his last report. (The same people, by the way,
would like to see reforms accompanied by a large
increase of the white garrison.) I daresay the Lord
will put words into my mouth, when the time comes.
Meanwhile, I am not slow to recognise your courage,
steadfastness, and magnanimity, and I believe you
will find, when the froth of the controversy subsides,
a general willingness to do you full justice for these
not too common qualities. But it stops my pen
when I think that, before you get this, I shall have
crossed our Rubicon.
May 3. — The net result I have already made
known to you by telegraph, and I don't know that
there is very much worth adding. On none of the

opening stages of reforms 211
proposals in the Cabinet, save the Indian Member, chap.
did I say anything, beyond naming them. On the IIL
Indian Member, the ruling considerations were the
attitude of your Council and mine; and second, the
possible risk of an Anglo-Indian fit of wrath and fear.
Then what carried great weight, as was to be expected,
was the fact that Ripon, whom nobody will suspect of
want of sympathy with Indian hopes and claims, was
hostile to the proposal on the merits — mainly on the
Secrecy argument — that the Member would have to
know military and foreign secrets, etc. etc. Elgin
also was hostile on the same ground, or about the
same ground. Fowler, ditto, on all grounds. I told
them that what influenced my own mind was not the
weakness of your case on the merits — the arguments
against you seeming to me of the nature of moonshine
— but this, that the gain of having a Native on your
Executive Council, whether in improving adminis
tration or in pacifying Native aspiration, was not
decisive enough to justify the risk of provoking
European clamour. In this country, what I firmly
believe to be a wholly disproportionate stir is worked
up about Unrest in India whenever some wretched
riot is reported. Everything is put under a micro
scope, and a whole horde of old Anglo-Indians pounce
down with alarmist letters. This sort of thing is
reason the more for keeping the Native Member back
— for a while at any rate. It is not the most solid or
satisfactory of reasons, and I wish it did not prevail.
But cabinets and ministers have to take the world as
they find it.
It looks from your Punjab news as if we were
approaching deep waters. It is a pity for a hundred
most obvious reasons, perhaps most of all because it

212 RECOLLECTIONS
book will make it much harder, to carry out the bold line
v" of reform that you and I have marked out. It is an
old and painful story. Shortcomings in government
lead to outbreaks; outbreaks have to be put down;
reformers have to bear the blame, and their reforms
are scotched ; reaction triumphs ; and mischief goes
on as before, only worse. Well, we must make the
best of it. If rows go on, I daresay some stern things
will have to be done. You may be sure of my firm
support, even if the sternest things should unluckily
be needed. It may turn out that you will want
that support not only against sedition-mongers, but
also against your law-and-order people, who are
responsible for at least as many of the fooleries of
history as revolutionists are. I only hope that plenty
of deliberation, and comprehensive balancing of pros
and cons, may precede any strong measures. I hope
further that where time permits you will acquaint
me with your intentions well beforehand, more
especially where the Press is concerned. It won't
surprise me if you desire to take some steps in Press
matters, but you should know that people here are
very sensitive about this, not merely ultra-Radicals,
but papers like the Spectator, from which I enclose
you an extract as a specimen. Much attention has
naturally been paid to Cromer's resolute refusal, in
his last report, to muzzle the Press in Egypt. If
there be a scintilla of real evidence that seditious rags
are infecting the Native Army, nobody would refuse
suppression. Only you won't forget that in moments
of excitement, such as this may become, people are
uncommonly liable to confuse suspicions and possi
bilities with certainty and reality.
The H. of C. will, I believe, be perfectly reasonable,

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 213
so long as our majority feel sure that they have the chap.
plain truth told them ; or if I say the truth cannot all IIL
be told, that there is some good reason for reserve.
Balfour is behaving well, as might have been expected.
He told me that he had passed the word to his men,
that they are not to molest me. Only all depends,
so far as H. of C. is concerned, on my being perfectly
frank and straightforward; and for that purpose, all
depends on my being kept by you in the fullest
possession of all that you are doing — not by any
means for public use, but so that I may know the
ground. If I have a single thing to grumble about,
it is that I am somewhat meagrely supplied with
reports, etc. You have no idea of the sensational
headlines in some of our most widely-read prints !
One would have supposed that Pindi was a scene of
fire and sword, carnage and rape, as if it had been
the siege of Magdeburg in the Thirty Years' War.
Idiotic, isn't it?
As you may not be surprised to hear, this sort of
thing produces some not unnatural excitement in
certain high latitudes at Windsor. I was reproached
the other night in a good-natured, half-playful way
with taking the riots too coolly, whereas they ought
to "prevent me from sleeping at night"! I said,
"Well, Sir, if they did, I should not be much good
by day." Lord Roberts was standing by us, so I
appealed to him whether he lay awake when cam
paigning. He said, decidedly not ; and at any short
halt he always dismounted and had a good nap on
the ground under his horse's nose. It might do no
harm if you wrote a tranquillising letter.
Talk of the Boer War — I have had a good deal of
conversation- with Botha. He is an attractive fellow

214 RECOLLECTIONS
book — a mixture of ease, directness, sense, geniality, and
^^, stoutness. He assured me that he will do his very
best to mitigate the sharpness of the anti-Asiatic
ordinance, and in truth this is an unwritten condition
of a certain favour that the Government have agreed
to do for him in a financial direction. So, if the
occasion should arise, and any fault be found with
me for not vindicating the Asiatic cause, you are at
liberty to say (without detail) that you know I have
done the best that was possible, and that there is
reason to look for care and consideration in working
the law.
To turn for a moment to trifles or trivialities.
The P. of W. was applied to the other day for a sub
scription to the Clive business, and he asked my
advice. I said that he had much better keep out of
it ; that the thing was being criticised in the Native
Press with its usual elegance ; that if he subscribed,
he would expose himself to this sort of language;
that you and I might subscribe, but that was a semi
official proceeding : for H. R. H. to come forward and
be attacked would be quite different. As I have
said, the promotion of reforms was one main limb of
our work; the other was the suppression of disorder
and sedition. The task was steady perseverance with
the first, along with firmness in the second.
. . . You will wonder how I find in my heart to
take up your time with such miseres as all this. I
wonder myself. . . . The reply that I shall send you
by the next mail is a wretched sort of affair, and
though I have written a thousand pieces in my ill-
spent days in which I took but little pride, I never
felt so little proud of anything as this. People find
fault with your dispatch, as speaking with two voices,

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 215

CHAP.

as inconsistent with itself, etc. I tell them in reply
that it could not be otherwise. You were speaking IIL
with two voices, and so am I. As it seems best that
they should never see public daylight, after they have
served their purpose, I don't know that it much
matters. I think it might have been better tactics
if you had opened (without preamble) with proposals
about extending the principles of 1892, and then
glided into the Native Member, Council of Nobles,
and Budget. Still, I appreciate your desire to present
the whole case as it presents itself to you, and to
put into the front place the proposals that would be
most likely to strike the imagination.
The question is the Future. 'Tis like the Czar
and the Duma. Are we to say, "You shall have
reforms when you are quiet. Meanwhile we won't
listen to a word you say. Our reform projects are
hung up. Meanwhile plenty of courts-martial,
lettres-de-cachet, and the other paraphernalia of law
and order." People here who have been shouting
against the Grand Dukes in Petersburg for bullying
the Duma, will shout equally vociferously against
you and me if we don't in our own sphere borrow the
Grand Duke policy. Percy (a thoroughly good and
extremely clever fellow) told me to-day that the
strong feeling in society and the City is that rows
in Lahore and Pindi are the results of accepting
the resignation of Fuller. Was there ever such un
reason and absurdity? On the other hand, a Radical
friend of mine is to ask me on Monday whether I will
repeal the Regulation of 1818 [allowing deportation].
Of course I shall tell him No. But you know the
ground too well in Pall Mall, Westminster, and the
City of London, for me to need to draw a picture of

216 RECOLLECTIONS
the forces that will wax active in the various direc
tions. I daresay they will all die down. That will
depend on India. Nobody in the world has better
reason for desiring us to suppress the row than the
Moderates among the Congress party, for they will
be dished if disorder prevails. It is no use saying more
until we know more — that is to say, until events have
shown us what the sedition is made of and amounts to.
I fancy you are of a good temperament for trouble
some times, and I believe that I am not bad. So we
come well out of it ; only don't be too economical in
telegraphing. May 16. — I have had a pretty stiff week, and
yet on the whole, now that there is a lull, I don't
think that I have had any obdurate difficulties to face.
Only there was always the off-chance that something
might go wrong, first in Cabinet, second in my Council,
and third and most dangerous in the H. of C. As it
is and up to now all ends well enough, and we have
breathing time for the Whitsuntide holiday. The
Cabinet practically gives me an entirely free hand,
both for present and the immediate future. The
Council jibbed a good deal about the Indian Member
here, as well as with you, but they loyally accept,
what in fact they could not deny, that the appoint
ments to Council are exclusively my busmess, and
none of theirs. Then I expected that they would
urge me to drop the reply to your dispatch, and to
tell you that all reform must be hung up. One of
them wrote to me strongly in this sense. To my
surprise, however, they were unanimously of my
opinion, that the dispatch-writing should go on. So
the thing goes by this mail, and a very botched affair
it is. But I am mightily concerned to think out how

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 217
much of the story I am to tell on the 30th, when I chap.
am to expound the situation to the House of Commons. <JH^_
It is here that clouds may arise. Deportation is an
ugly dose for Radicals to swallow; in truth, if I did
not happen to possess a spotless character as an anti-
coercionist in Ireland, our friends would certainly
have kicked a good deal. As it is, if a division is
forced after my speech, we shall have against us the
Irishmen, most if not all of the Labour men, and
a fair handful of our ordinary rank and file. This
may put me personally into something of a hole ;
for I don't see how I could carry on, if I found myself
opposed by a majority of our own party. However,
we need not say good-morrow to the Devil until we
meet him.
I suspect your difficulties will only now be
beginning, for the reactionaries are sure, after getting
their first mouthful of Energy, to clamour for more —
right and left. Personally, I am not at all squeamish
in such a community, or mass of communities, as
India is, for a conflagration there would be too
terrible. The worst of it is that we do not really
know, and cannot know, what is going on in the
subterranean depths of the people's own minds. I
have had a second long talk with  I showed
him the telegrams; he pooh-poohed some of the
alarmist things: "Of course," said he, "I knew there
might be elements of unrest, because there always
are ; but I had no reason to suspect seditious con
spiracy or anything of that sort."
May 24. — Your telegram of yesterday, about
the line of our pronouncement in Budget speech, is
worth silver and gold to me. It fits in exactly with
my own notions, and I do believe that, in spite of

218 RECOLLECTIONS
book the delay and discouragement about your Arundel
v' dispatch, we ought to get the train back into the
track again. A Viceroy, a Cabinet, a H. of C.
majority, all looking in the same direction — such a
conjuncture of the powerful elements in the firma
ment must lead to good, unless we bungle. Perhaps
I ought to say unless I bungle, for all depends on the
way in which the problem and our solution of it are
stated, and if I use (as is likely enough) a wrong turn
of sentence or phrase I may get you and all of us
into a bad scrape either with the Moderate Natives,
or with the Bureaucracy, or with the British Radicals,
or the British Tories acting as allies of the Bureaucrats
in India and at home here. I am not very clever at
egg-dances as my old Chief was, but I'll try my best ;
and I know that in you, who are the person most
directly involved, I shall have a judge who will make
allowances. I am only one quarter ready with my discourse to
the H. of C. next Thursday, so I shall only send you
to-day a mere note of amicable greeting. It will be
a delicate sort of performance, as you may easily
imagine, and words will have to be pretty carefully
chosen. The only comfort is that my immediate
audience will be not at all unfriendly in any quarter
of it, though Radical supporters will be critical, and
Tory opponents will scent an inconsistency between
deportmg Lajpat, and my old fighting of Balfour for
locking up William O'Brien. I shall not, however,
waste much time about that. I have always said
that Strafford would have made a far better business
of Ireland than Cromwell did, but then that would
be an awkward doctrine to preach just now.
June 7. — All went well yesterday afternoon,

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 219
and the H. of C. — which I have sometimes held in chap.
terrorem over you — came well out of the ordeal. I UI'
made a tremendously long speech in an extremely
bad voice, in which I preached sound doctrine and
told them plain truth, which is something. A good
many of our people had deepish misgivings, and if
they had gone with Irishmen and Labour men, it
might have been awkward. The Irish, however,
told me beforehand that they would not vote, seeing
my years of friendship for them. The Labour people
were sensible, as for that matter they usually are.
And my speech succeeded in leaving the Radicals
decently satisfied and comfortable. Balfour had
nobly ordered his men down to support, in case it
should be needed. If a division had come off, we
should not have had 30 men, I think, against us.
An excellent result.
Forgive me for adding a single line, to beg you not
to allow any of your officers, great or small, to abuse
or press too far the good position in which we now
stand. That is a very possible danger, so pray keep
a good strong curb-chain on. To tell you the truth,
the more I think both of  and  , the less do
I value the judgment of either one or the other. And
now, by the way, that we have got down the rusty
sword of 1818 [Act for deportation], I wish you
would deport  and  [two officials]. What
do you say? I should defend that operation with
real verve.
Poor Lbbetson reported himself to me two mornings
ago, before he put himself into the hands of the
surgeon; and I had an hour with him. He was
perfectly simple, and free from any sign of trepidation.
On business, he spoke of a Press Law, and of some

220 RECOLLECTIONS
means of meetmg a movement for refusing to pay
revenue. I told him the first would need a good deal
of consideration, and in truth I doubt whether I could
persuade the H. of C. to stand it.
I send you by this mail the report of our Imperial
Defence Committee — strictly secret and personal. As
Lord K. wrote to me last week, my obduracy in his
respect was for a moment softened ; I have sent him
also a copy. I don't value the said report at all
highly myself, for all will depend upon the state of
the frontier case when the time comes. All is too
problematical and hypothetical and contingent, for
us to trace a firm full-dress scheme. However, it
may interest you, when you have nothing better to
do. The present is far too loaded with its own
responsibilities and cares, for you to have much spare
time for things so far off as Russian aggression.
'Tis the Longest Day : five o'clock in the morning ;
cool breezes; delightful (and rare) sunshine; trees,
grass, shrubs, fresh and glorious rhododendrons,
which I rather think first came from your Himalayas,
just losing their colour; and as the old hymn says
"only man is vile." In other words, I am a trifle
oppressed by the vexatious prospect, that though
there is to be no autumn session, yet we shall not be
free much, if any, before the very last day of August.
Think of that ! If the weather should turn hot,
then I shall be bowled over. Forgive this dolorous
opening. I am not really dolorous at all, for your
affairs and mine have gone a vast deal better than
we might have expected. And all the previous page
of grumbling means is that I am sighing for a holiday.
With singular folly, I have yielded to pressure in
presiding over another Defence Sub-Committee on

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 221
an inquiry into the military requirements of Egypt, chap.
It is interesting, and the talk often reminds me of IIL
Indian things. There are many bits of parallel
between India and Egypt, as you well know — among
other things in the growth on both soils alike of hot
headed, high-handed folk, full of alarms and swagger,
,and clamour for more force. Cromer is still in his
rest cure, and I have not yet been allowed to see him.
Your latest general telegram (19th June) is not
over-comfortable reading. But then comfortable read
ing is what from India one has no right to expect.
I will copy out for you a little piece from a speech of
Lord Canning's just before he left for India, and not
very long before the Mutiny : I came across it the
other day, and it struck me as being the exact truth
for Viceroy and S. S. to have ever at the back of their
minds :
I wish for a peaceful term of office; but I cannot forget
that in our Indian empire, that greatest of all blessings depends
upon a great variety of chances, and a more precarious tenure,
than in any other quarter of the globe. We must not forget
that in the sky of India, serene as it is, a small cloud may
arise, at first no bigger than a man's hand; but, growing
bigger and bigger, may at last threaten to overwhelm us with
ruin. Canning was not many months in India before the
storm broke.
I bespeak your quiet consideration of a dispatch
on the financial powers of the Government of India
which will reach you in a mail or two after this.
The worst of all dispatch-writing is that it is so apt
to engender a spirit of contention, both in the man
who writes and still more in the man who reads and
has to reply. He naturally throws himself into a

222 RECOLLECTIONS
book defensive, or even an aggressive attitude. I will beg
v' you and your colleagues to give my views on the
constitutional relations of the G. of I. with the S. S.
in Council, a not unfriendly access to your minds.
Nobody on the habitable globe is more open than am
I to reasonable arguments stated in the tone of
reason. Yesterday afternoon I had the honour of a visit
here from Lady Minto, who was curious to see the
foundry where I forge thunderbolts, and receive the
thunderbolts from Simla in return. We had a famous
talk about persons and things, and, to use your own
expression, Lady Minto 's detail brought out all sorts
of "light and shade," and gave me a graphic notion
what your life and work in Government House are
like. We talked on one or two annoying topics con
nected with the wire-pulling of certain persons whom
I need not name, in newspapers and elsewhere. I
wish that I had thought of an Irish word that Walter
Scott discovered in some visit to Ireland, and con
stantly used afterwards in his letters when trivial
disagreeables came in his way. "Nabochlish!"
which is old Irish for new French "N'importe."
When I hear or read some malicious or injurious word
in politics, I find real comfort in saying to myself
"Nabochlish!" with convinced emphasis. What
does it matter? Why need I care? It won't alter
the facts. Time will prove. Wait. The facts are
what justifies — facts and time. There's a grand
dose of philosophy for you ! And yet, from  's
account, you stand in no need of it, and so much the
better. In one sense I need it more than you, for
since deportation began, I am often wounded in the
house of my friends — "shelving the principles of a

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 223
lifetime," "violently unsaying all that he has been chap.
saying for thirty or forty years," and other compli- .J*1^.
ments of that species. This from men to whom I
have been attached and with whom I have worked
all the time! I wince, and then out comes my
talismanic "Nabochlish."
An hour later Ibbetson came to see me — rather
a wonderful recovery, it strikes me. He is clear
headed and firm of purpose according to his lights
and experience: that he reads his experience aright,
I don't feel so sure. It cannot be easy for any man
to waken up to new times, after a whole generation
of good honest hard labour in old times. It is your
hard lot to have to carry things by the agency of
men whose feeling is inclined to be backward. Well,
we must make the best of it. I talked to him a little
of the difficulties — not considerable at present, but
very real — of the S. S. ; and hope I opened his mind,
though it is a hard mind, I suspect. I told him of
the case of  . He agreed with me that if depor
tation is to be used, it ought to be a quick and
unconditional stroke. But he thought deportation
without condition or choice would do good. To this
my reply was that if prosecution failed, then we could
go forward to deportation with a clear conscience.
The plain truth is that if there were any solid and
substantial reason for believing India is drifting into
a dangerous condition, and if that can be decently
established, then — so far as opinion in Parliament
and the country is concerned — we can do what we
please. The  newspaper started a scare campaign
this week. The Editor came to see me, and I treated
him with a judicious mixture of frowns and smiles,

224 RECOLLECTIONS
book scolding and bowing, that seems to have been fruitful ;
^^_ for the next day, the meek individual who has usually
been pelted as a pure stiff-necked doctrinaire is hoisted
up on to a pedestal where he jostles Chatham, Pitt,
and Frederick the Great. On the whole, the Press all
round treats us very well, and with a fair amount of
consideration, though I can see that in some quarters,
both Ministerial and Opposition, Tory and Radical,
the fingers of the scribes are itching to have a fling
of the usual kind. As for the H. of C. I believe I
shall carry things safely and quietly through the
session, with your aid.
July 18. — Nothing could give me heartier grati
fication than your approval of my speech, and
the particularly kind way in which you express it.
Public life is rather an arid pursuit compared with
one's dreams as an ambitious collegian, but it has
the consolations of comradeship. Yes — I do believe
that you are right in saying that "we look at things
in the same way," and that is both a vast comfort
to us and an advantage to the State.
I saw Ibbetson on Monday and thought his spirits
a trifle lower than they had been. No wonder, for
he seemed in some discomfort, and he must know,
I should fear, that the physical mischief is by no
means at an end. He was in no unreasonable frame
of mind, and we parted good friends. I was truly
sorry for him.
I have no sort of turn for theatrical effects in
politics. But it occurs to me that the promulgation
of an extended system of government whenever it
comes, would be a not unsuitable moment for letting
out the two deported men. We Englishmen are
somehow never over-cordial to the doctrine of Amnesty,

OPENING STAGES OF REFORMS 225
and never have been. Yet it softens political resent
ments, and both in France and the United States has
been rather a successful as well as a glorious element
in their history. British rulers have always been,
as I think, unwisely hard and stiff about political
offenders. I am reminded of them by the portraits of
great soldiers with high military stocks that line the
walls of the Club'. I hate the sight of a stock. Of
course, if times happen to be unsettled, we cannot
grant an amnesty on dilettante grounds of moral
elegance. Risley has come upon the scene, and I see that
before we part I shall have got an immense deal out
of him. He is evidently a clever; stirring fellow, and
will set your constitutional proposals into good shape
before us. He has had no difficulty in convincing me
that my reply dispatch was clumsy and misleading
about the Council of Notables. Whatever my Council
may be, I am entirely of the views that you set out
in your letter of June 27, and we will do our best to
mould it in your sense. No time shall be lost, and I
hope that by the time you descend from Simla, you
will be at the end of the whole operation. That it
will close the chapter of "sedition," I don't believe,
nor will anything else that the wit of man could
devise. But it will be an honest trying to help us
over the stile.
I must say a single word about "interception
of suspicious correspondence." I have enjoyed a
considerable familiarity — to borrow John Bright's
sarcasm about people "enjoying bad health" — with
operations of this sort in a country nearer home than
India, and came slowly but rather decidedly to the
conclusion that they are mostly futile.
VOL. II Q

226 RECOLLECTIONS
book This mail carries the Reform Circular to you, and
v' unless your Council make a fidget about it, there is
no reason why it should not be given to the listening
earth, with or without "the wondrous story of its
birth," before Parliament rises — which is just now
our standard and measure of time and all its seasons.
If at the same date I publish my appointment of
the two Indian Members on my Council, it will look
like a single operation, and ought really to make a
great move, leaving the appointment of an Indian
Member on your Council for some other not too
distant day. Your subjects may be as unappreciative
as they like. We shall have tried the best experiment
within our reach. All depends on the strength of the
sensible people in India. The worst of it is, when
things get into a certain condition of disquiet, political
aspiration, and other revolutionary humours, then
the sensible people retire into their shells and leave
the violent people masters.
Your dispatch about a Press law gave me some
shivers, though I have long foreseen that such a
proceeding in some form or other might be for good
reasons or bad inevitable.
August 23. — Our parliamentary session is now
within a few hours almost of its close, and though
I am in these my latter days a very bad member,
yet the fact that I rather neglect my duties makes
it a relief when there are no duties to neglect. So
you will observe that I have still conscience enough
to feel remorse for my sins. On the whole, Ministers
are not at all dissatisfied with the position. Our
majority has stood firm as a rock ; no sign of crum
bling inside the H. of C, and what is more, no sign of
serious reconstruction among our opponents. Nobody

III.

INDIAN MEMBERS OF COUNCIL 227
finds fault with administration of departments. We chap.
have rather broken our knees over the Irish Council
Bill and the Scottish Land Bill, but the fracture does
not seem to be particularly painful. The H. of L.
has done us the service of giving us something to
swear at and swear by, and those who care about it
are in good spirits about an autumn campaign against
hereditary legislators. There is no chance of a
general election for a couple of years, as I think, for
the only thing that could precipitate one earlier
would be the withdrawal of the Prime Minister, and
I am glad to say that he is in better condition every
day. So in short we are in Jack Horner's humour,
jaded as most of us profess to be. Politics are a
dubious trade, to be sure ; but I have always main
tained that they are very good for the vital energies.
How I shall employ my freedom, I don't quite know.
I have sometimes played with the idea of a scamper
to India, and your friendly words about talks together
at Calcutta made me quite warm to it. How glorious
it would be ! But my shagreen skin (you know
Balzac's Peau de Chagrin ?) is rapidly shrinking to a
sadly diminutive scrap, and I am above all things a
home-bird. Yet I would honestly give up a moderate
bit of my talisman skin if I could have a week's talk
at Simla with you.
I won't write business to-day. We have really,
between us, made a move and a beginning. Our
Indian friends may of course belittle our programme.
The admission of two Indians to my Council, if you
probe its full significance, is a step of prime moment.
For my own part I should never, I think, have had
the pluck to take the step, but for your courage in
proposing the bolder plan of an Indian on your

228 RECOLLECTIONS
book Council. And I regard the present move as the sure
v' precursor of a move in the very near future as far
as you would like to go. It often crosses my mind,
that if there were to be a vacancy in your Council,
we might without any fuss do what you no doubt
have still at heart.
[It was on August 26, 1907, that I made these two
memorable submissions to the King :
Mr. Morley with his humble duty to Your Majesty
has the honour to announce to Your Majesty that in
discharge of the duty imposed upon him by Statute he
is about to make the following appointments to the
Council of India:
1 and 2 
3. Mr. Krishna Gobinda Gupta, Indian Civil Service.
4. Mr. Saiyid Husain Bilgrami, some time a member
of the Viceroy's Legislative Council.
The first of these two Indian gentlemen is a Hindu,
and has acquired an excellent character as one of the two
members of the Bengal Board of Revenue — the highest
post to which an Indian has yet risen in the work of the
Civil administration of the country.
Mr. Husain is a Mahometan, declared by English
authorities to be shrewd, competent, and loyal. At
the same time he enjoys the full confidence of his fellow
Musulmans throughout India. He is now the principal
adviser of the Nizam of Hyderabad.
Mr. Morley trusts that in appointing these two
gentlemen to the Council he proposes a step on which
Your Majesty will look with favour.
To this was duly prefixed the talismanic "Approved.
E. R." The soldier prose of a gazette takes the stir
and flame out of battle, and all the din of drum
and trumpet out of victory. But these plain official
sentences mark a shining day worth living for!]

INDIAN MEMBERS OF COUNCIL 229
I am at last just off for a trifling sort of holiday chap.
in Switzerland — none too soon, for I have had a long IIL
and unbroken spell of labour. There only remains a
burst of hot weather to finish me off altogether, and
it feels to-day as if after long waiting we were in for
heat. I shall be all the happier for being 4000 feet
up towards the skies. I suppose that to a man in
sight of the Himalayas 4000 feet are a flea-bite.
Risley has interested me much. He has much more
vitality of mind than any other of your Tchinovniks
whose acquaintance I have so far had the chance
to make. As I said before, I don't know how far he
belongs to the class of men who carry guns, but then
I daresay he carries quite as many guns as men who
are stiffer and more pedantic than he is.
When I had got thus far, Edward Grey came into
my room. We have had rather an anxious week, for
there has been some quarrelling in the Russian
Cabinet on other grounds than the entente, but dis
turbing our negotiations, and last Monday it looked
gloomy. To-day the sun shines again, and the three
conventions will pretty certainly be signed before
many days are over.
Your Reform Circular was circulated — what fearful
English I am writing ! — yesterday in Parliament and
the newspapers. Of course there has been no time
yet for any serious opinion to form itself, either good
or bad. But already they see what an important
move it is, and so far the general judgment is entirely
favorable; though I observe that one or two prints,
representing the Extreme Left of my Party, say that
it is too conservative, leans towards wealth and
property, and neglects "the peasants." Two things
would depress me if I let them: the common in-

230 RECOLLECTIONS
book difference to India, and, second, the absurd self-
v' confidence of the few who are not indifferent, but
are ignorant and apt to be unteachable. After the
experience of this session, I don't think that the
interests of India will suffer in the hands of King
Demos. The danger is in India itself, both Indian
and Anglo-Indian, each about as impracticable as the
other. I wish I could see whence and how and where
the currents are to flow that may possibly make for
improvement. I find myself at the end of my holiday. We have
had noble weather; have seen beauties of nature on
a fine scale ; and I have been perfectly able to free
my mind from cares of State. It was not to be
expected that I should banish Indian difficulties and
hopes altogether from my thoughts, but I saw them
from wider points of view, and in changed perspective.
I really believe I do the very fullest justice to
your intense reluctance to take any step that might
revive the fatal clatter of 1905. As I have shown,
I am willing to stretch a good many points rather than
run any risk of those scandalous proceedings for
which Curzon, K., Brodrick, and Balfour's Govern
ment may divide the blame among them as they
please. But it goes against all my Ministerial con
science to acquiesce indefinitely in an arrangement
[our settlement of the military quarrel] that is as
you admit good neither for administration nor for
economy, simply because its suppression would
possibly cause ill-natured talk. I am loath to believe
that either you or the C.-in-C. is not abundantly and
superabundantly strong enough in the public eye to
face talk of that sort with indifference. I will under
take that the step is fully understood and vigorously

INDIAN MEMBERS OF COUNCIL 231
justified before public opinion at home here. If the chap.
Military Supply Department is a superfluity — and ^!^,
nobody seems to deny that it is — it ought to go.
"Anything for a Quiet Life" is undoubtedly one of the
soundest maxims in the great art of government, but it
is not the only sound maxim. I shall, of course, study
your dispatch with care, and treat the question on its
merits. Only remember that, in my creed, waste of
public money is like the Sin against the Holy Ghost.
At this point they have just sent me your press
telegram of yesterday. It startles me that even hard
Tchinovniks like your  and your  should
so far forget that they are the servants and agents of
Parliament in a free country, and should dream that
a S. S. could live one hour after the assembling of
Parliament who should have assented to these new
provisions. I see that  says that this drastic
power of muzzling an agitator will save the necessity
of "urging deportation." He must have forgotten
what I very explicitly told him, that I would not
sanction deportation except for a man of whom there
was solid reason to believe that violent disorder was
the direct and deliberately planned result of his
action. Who are these  and  ? The very
men who resisted you in your Arundel reforms — the
most admirable and prudent thing that has been done
in our time ! The very men, or the sort of men, who
urged us to take advantage of disorder at Lahore and
Pindi, as a plea for dropping Arundel reforms ! And
then, at a time when the Cabinet is dispersed, the
lawyers are dispersed, and my Council is half depleted,
they give me a short week in which some of the most
delicate and thorny points in the whole range of law
and politics are to be disposed of. I daresay these

232 RECOLLECTIONS
book executive gentlemen (who are so ready with compli-
v' ments to one another for sagacity, experience, and
all other virtues) can dispose of them in a week or
an hour. But then they have the advantage of not
having to argue and defend their proposals. I am
not in so happy a position. I have often told you
of my wicked thought that Strafford was an ideal
type, both for governor of Ireland in the seventeenth
century, and governor of India in the twentieth
century. Only they cut off poor Strafford's head,
and his idea of government has been in mighty dis
favour ever since. My decision will have reached
you by wire before this, but I shall be much surprised
if it is anything else than a flat veto. If a man's
harangue provokes a riot, why don't they lock him
up for riot? Have they not police enough? If not
police, what then has become of the "obligatory
garrison"? It is all very well to say that these
proposals are held by the G. of I. to be necessary
"for the peace of the country." But what is the
use of saying that, when Parliament won't accept it?
And I, for one, should think I was abusing the
confidence of Parliament if I tried to make them
accept it.
The former proposal to pass a general Press law
to be put in force exclusively on the initiative of
the military authorities, was, I should guess, about as
stiff a dose as ever was proffered to a British Minister
within a hundred years. But this notion of turning
a private meeting into a public one almost beats it !
And the notion of giving the Lt.-Governor or other
authority the right of forbidding a speaker whose
views he dislikes to open his mouth in a given area !
Let  go for an honest guillotine and have done

INDIAN MEMBERS OF COUNCIL 233
with it. And let him try, in Gordon's phrase, to
put himself in the skin of an unlucky S. S. who has
to oil and grease the slider.
Before I go on to broader matters, I wish to tell
you for your private knowledge only of a thing that
will interest you, I am sure. With a flash of what I
must think happy inspiration, I bethought me of
Lord Cromer for my Council, and he very kindly and
willingly assented. Then that most tiresome of all
things, an Act of Parliament, reared its unwelcome
head. The law (1858) forbids the appointment to
the C. of I. of anybody who is "capable of sitting and
voting in Parliament." A peer is capable. Does the
Act mean that the S. S. may not appoint a man,
whether peer or M. P., who is capable, etc. etc. ? Or
does it mean that during his tenure of office he shall
not be capable, etc.? On either construction Cromer
is unavailable, because he is not prepared — quite
naturally and rightly — to renounce his position as
an active member of the H. of L. Then I fell back
on the idea of passing a bill next session altering
the law so as to make a peer eligible. I don't know
what the Cabinet would say. I shall try hard, for he
would give to my Council a strength and authority
in the public eye, of which, if we are in for trouble
some times, we shall stand in much need.
My imagination is struck by your sitting down
(October 3) in your tent to write to me with "a
villainous pen." It was kind of you to break into
your holiday for an hour. At any rate you mastered
the villain, for you have given me a most charming
description of the scene. I read it to my wife, and
we sighed to think that we shall never see the
Himalayas. The things in the way of sublimity that

234 RECOLLECTIONS
book finger in my mind are the weird desolation of the
v' Gorner Grat, the glory of the Matterhorn as the dawn
steals out of the ice-caves, and lastly the maniacal
fury of the Niagara Rapids — not the Falls : no doubt
you saw them more than once when you were in
Canada. I often think of that ferocious rush of
waters still going on, while we mortals are fuming
about our transitory pains and pleasures.
Your telegram yesterday about my speech [at
Arbroath, Oct. 21] gave me keen satisfaction, not
merely from its contents, but because it showed such
considerate feeling in you to send it. What I said
has pleased everybody here. I used to be greatly
addicted, not wholly for pleasure, to platform speak
ing, but latterly I have been studiously silent. On
Monday night (October 21, 1907) some of my old zest
returned, and my vocal chords rose nobly to the
occasion. I hope and intend that it is my final
platform speech. Perhaps you smile, and recall how
often Grisi, Patti, Mario, and other gods and goddesses
of the lyric stage, announced their last appearance
positively with double guineas for box and stall. I
beg you not to smile, but look your gravest. I am,
as it unluckily happens, much beset to-day by some
private affairs, and cannot bring my mind to anchor
on the weighty subjects to which your letter points.
Our situation — yours and mine — is a curious one,
isn't it? We both try to understand India in the
same way, and look at our common business in the
same spirit. Yet it is and must be from the neces
sities of the case, that one horse in the pair is some
times tugging to the right, and t'other to the left :
or is it like the tandem in Pickwick — the leader
turning round to stare at the wheeler? You have

INDIAN MEMBERS OF COUNCIL 235
to think of a whole host of facts and people and chap.
atmospheres around you. I have to think of Parlia- IIL
ment and doubting colleagues and irresponsible
newspapers and political watch-words, that are as
sound as gospel here, but are no better than windy
platitudes out where you are. Though my position
in public confidence is as good as I could desire, yet
I shall get into a certain row about the Meetings Act.
Ripon, who forgets that it is over twenty years since
he saw India, is very unhappy. However, I am quite
ready to fight it out.
Parliament is likely to meet on January 15, so
perhaps you won't mind giving this your early con
sideration. I was immensely pleased by your tele
gram of October 11, about the meeting of leading
Mahometans in the Meerut Division. It is such a
change to get a word of recognition from any of the
sects for any of our acts. I had a downright laugh of
enjoyment at a blunt line in the telegrams yesterday
in the Times, reporting Indian opinion on my speech :
"The comments in the Native Press are all of an
abusive nature." You know a maxim that I repeat
once a month, or oftener : " If you would love man
kind, you must not expect too much from them."
Not even from Keir Hardie? I am so very glad
you saw him, and your report is exactly what I should
have expected. He is an observant, hard-headed,
honest fellow, but rather vain and crammed full of
vehement preconceptions, especially on all the most
delicate and dubious parts of politics. Perhaps it
is only the men with these unscrupulous preconcep
tions — knocking their heads against stone walls —
who force the world along.
One of the most interesting Indian things that

236 RECOLLECTIONS
book have come my way this week is a letter from  to

v.

— — , dated the 11th October. The one absorbing
question, he says, is how the split in the Congress,
now apparently inevitable, is to be averted. "The
outlook at this moment is as dark as dark could
be." He has no hope that any solution can be
found, short of removing the sittings of the Congress
from Nagpur. But this "means a split, as the New
Party in that case will probably insist on holding
their own separate Congress at Nagpur." "If a split
does come, it means a disaster, for the Bureaucracy
will then put down both sections without much
difficulty." They will brush Gokhale and his friends
aside on the ground that they have no large follow
ing in the country; and will put the New Party
down on the plea that the most thoughtful people are
against them. A party manager, or for that matter
any politician aspiring to be a leader, should never
whine. I must not forget to inform you that "the feeling
against Mr. Morley in the country is so strong at
present, that no one who puts in a word for him has
a chance of being listened to. In fact it is no longer
mere regret or disappointment, or even dislike or
distrust : it is, I grieve to say, disgust and detestation,
and God knows if it ever will improve." There is a
terrible tale for you !
It cuts me to the heart that you should think I
judge you "hardly." Nothing would vex me more,
for I try to keep as much alive to your difficulties as
I am to my own. Now, you say, " The question 1 seems
to me to be, whether public opinion, especially at home,
would accept the change without an outcry that might
1 Alteration of military supply.

INDIAN MEMBERS OF COUNCIL 237
do much harm." What opinion at home, I wonder? chap
To the best of my observation the old Curzon-K. ^^_^
quarrel is — so far as public opinion is concerned —
a completely spent controversy. People were sick
to death of it, when my dispatch of last year brought
the thing to a sort of end. The row will not be easily
revived, for the Opposition will have no heart nor
interest in such a row. And, on the other hand, the
Government in Indian policy stand extremely well,
not only in Parliament, but even in those circles in
Pall Mall where military anger is most ready to rise.
Even the Indian Secretary in this country is not the
object of more than half the dislike, distrust, disgust
and detestation, which, according to  's beautiful
crescendo attends his odious name in India. So, in
short, I shall not be at all afraid. There is a clear
case for abolition. I appreciate your good-humoured
racing phrase, and should be content enough to "wait
in front," but you want the money. You might
spend it in soldiers' pay (increase) with some reason,
but Waste, pure Waste, as here, ought to be stopped,
and most of all at a moment when it seems all too
likely that Famine will drain you.
November 22. — The visit of the German Emperor
has been a great event, and will much improve
the chances of a little decent calm all over Europe.
Even those who were most sceptical about any
good coming of it, now admit that the result has
been in every way advantageous. I saw much of
him at Windsor, and was surprised at his gaiety,
freedom, naturalness, geniality, and good-humour —
evidently unaffected. He greeted me with mock
salaams and other marks of oriental obeisance.
Seriously he put me through my paces about India.

238 RECOLLECTIONS
book When I talked, as we all should, about the impossi-
v" bility of forecasting British rule in the Indian future,
he hit his hand vehemently on his knee, with a
vehement exclamation to match, that British rule
would last for ever. When I told this to Lord
Roberts he laughed and said, "The Emperor doesn't
know much about the facts." He asked how our
Radical labour men treated Indian things. I said,
"Without any ground for quarrel." He again struck
his knee, praying that his own Socialists would only
show the same sense. In your most private ear, I
confide to you that important talks took place about
the Baghdad Railway.
December 5. — Am I wrong, I wonder, in think
ing that the scheme of Reforms will need a good
deal of recasting and reshaping? Have you any
sort of idea when things will be ripe for a dispatch
from you? I do not suppose that Parliament will
be in the humour to meddle very actively, for we
have a good many fish of our own frizzling in the
pan. Still, it will be safe to have plans and arguments
all ready in good order, if it be possible.
December 20. — Persia and its Gulf are our prime
preoccupation this week. About the Emperor's per
sonality. I hear a good deal of talk from some who
saw him at close quarters : some of it little better
than gossip, it is true, but from authentic gossip one
may pick up a grain of ore. The general verdict from
people well qualified to judge seems to be adverse
to any claim to a place in the front rank, e.g. with
men like Bismarck, or Cavour, or old Metternich, or
statesmen of the foxy breed like Leopold of Belgium.
Superficial — hurried — impetuous — badly balanced —
these are a few of the descriptive epithets. You will

INDIAN MEMBERS OF COUNCIL 239
observe that we are not half so good-natured to our chap.
royal guests as you were. One impression — and in m"
my eyes it is a golden impression — he appears to have
left in the mind of everybody, namely, that he does
really desire and intend Peace. You may laugh at
this in view of the fine brand-new Naval programme
which the Germans have launched at a moment
supremely inconvenient to H. M.'s Government. . . .
And that brings to my mind the approach of the
opening of the H. of C. I should be very grateful if
you would kindly supply me with some facts and
figures for the debate on the Address, about Famine
and Plague. The more fully I am equipped on these
two unhappy themes the better. Then Military
Expenditure? That will be associated with the
Russian Agreement, and I shall be sharply pressed
for reductions. The business of the Chumbi Valley
and its evacuation will be settled, I hope, before
Parliament meets, and if Curzon were there, we
should hear his voice against us for certain. As it is,
Curzon, as spokesman of the late Government, will
not have much to say, because it was their own policy.
At Windsor I thought he looked certainly unwell. I
was amused the other day at his fishing out some old
writing of mine, in which I seem to have denounced
Warren Hastings as a great criminal, a tyrant, and
sundry other compliments, no doubt borrowed by me
from Burke, then a high idol of mine, as, for that
matter, he remains to this hour (and perhaps also he
does to a descendant of Gilbert Elliot). However,
my assent to deportation has atoned for all youth
ful indiscretions in Burke's direction, and Curzon
magnanimously received me into the bosom of the
Imperialistic Church.

240 RECOLLECTIONS
book Yesterday, as it happens, I had a letter from Aldis
^^_, Wright, Vice-Master of Trinity, reporting an opinion
of Cowell, the famous Sanskrit scholar (or was it
Arabic), that we should do well to strike out Macaulay's
Essays on Clive and Hastings from the text-books
commended to the ingenuous youth of India. I
confess that I think the idea sensible enough, but I
quail at the thought of the hurly-burly that would
follow such a move. I wonder what Alfred Lyall
would say. He is the only man who ever makes
Indian history really readable to me.
The news has just come in that the Congress, so far
from being "flat," as I expected, has gone to pieces,
which is the exact opposite of flat, no doubt. For
it means, I suppose, the victory of Extremist over
Moderate, going no further at this stage than the
break-up of the Congress, but pointing to a future
stage in which the Congress will have become an
Extremist organisation.

CHAPTER IV
REFORMS ON THE ANVIL
1908
January 8. — I have read with close attention and chap.
the liveliest interest all that you say in reply to my Iy'
hints about Persia, and the nature of its official rela
tions with the G. of I. I do not think your case could
be better put, or more ingeniously, only forgive me
for saying that all this military analogy from Fortress
and Glacis strikes me as essentially misleading, or at
any rate narrow and partial ; and the result of it is
to make the Government of India, as it always is, and
always will be (except when by the mercy of Heaven
there is an accidental S. S. of the opposite persuasion
in power), virtually and by the natural drawbacks of
the position what I will call for short and without
offence Jingo. I think this mischievous for several
reasons, and among others because this sort of ab
sorption in military apprehensions, forecasts, and the
like, withdraws the best and most capable minds in
Government from the vast problems lying outside
the master idea of a Fortress. In a poor country like
India, Economy is as much an element of defence as
guns and forts, and to concentrate your vigour and
vigilance upon guns and forts, and upon a host of
outlying matters in Tibet, Persia, the Gulf, etc., which
VOL. II 241 R

242 RECOLLECTIONS
book only secondarily and indirectly concern you even as
_J^, garrison, seems to me a highly injurious dispersion
from the other and more important work of an
Indian Government. Then again, notwithstanding
all you say about the Man on the Spot, I humbly
reply that this is just what the G. of I. is not. China,
Persia, Turkey, Russia, France, Germany — I have
never been able to understand, and never shall under
stand, what advantages the G. of I. has for compre
hending the play of all these factors in the great game
of Empire. On the contrary, the G. of I. is by no
means the Man on the Spot. That, I say again, is
just what the G. of I. is not. The other day I read
over again a Memo, sent to me by your Foreign
Department a year or more ago upon the Baghdad
Railway. Really it was painfully wide of the mark.
I am sure that if you think of it, you will see that it
could not be anything else. Your F. 0. is and must
be what I will venture to call provincial. Don't
think that I want to screw you down to the still lower
level of parochial. And don't think that your views,
as fully and frankly stated as you please, on the
whole range of imperial questions won't be welcomed
by me to-day and always.
I need not tell you with what care I have studied
— yes, really studied — what you write about the
frontier tribes. I cannot wonder at your being rather
captivated by the people who come to us, beseeching
you to take them over. Sir Dennis Fitz-Patrick,
once Lieutenant-Governor of the Punjab, and whom
I was heartily sorry to lose from my Council, used to
say, "Yes — 'tis all very well — they ask you to take
them over, perhaps by way of deliverance from some
enemies of their own — and then, when you have done

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 243
their business, they are ready to turn round and rend chap.
you." You say we made a great mistake when we __y^_,
refused to take, over the Orakzais some years ago;
we should have been better able to deal with recent
raids, and some of them would probably never have
occurred. I have been reading over the papers about
the transaction here referred to, and of course I do
not wonder that  thinks the decision at that time
was a mistake, because it overruled his proposal.
Remember, the decision was the act of the Cabinet
of the day, and Curzon — then in England — wrote an
excellent minute in support of it. The Government
stuck to the principles of Frontier policy laid down in
George Hamilton's dispatch of 1898 — after the Tirah
campaign. I believe the principles there set out are
the principles of H. M.'s Government to-day. It is
surely no better than a guess to argue that if we had
taken over these gentry, we should have had no raids.
However that may be, there is no denying that we
have raids to deal with now, and we cannot stand
chronic disorder when it takes that shape. Of course
I admit that, only I do not believe the time has come
for absorption, incorporation, or by whatever other
name your D.'s and C.'s choose to call a process that
would inevitably mean fresh responsibility and in
creased expenditure. And I do know that there are
men of wide frontier experience and men on the
frontier now, who are not afraid of saying that if
there were a trifle more of the spirit of conciliatory
management of the jirgas of these wild gentry, we
should make a far better job of it.
January 31. — The debate is over ! ! No bones
broken, no blood shed, and no light shed either.
It would have been very easy to come down with a

244 RECOLLECTIONS
heavy hand, for the supply of foolishness was con
siderable. But one must not crush butterflies on
Whig wheels. They told our Whip that they would
not divide agamst us, provided I did not "hit them
in the eye," as they put it. So I escaped with a little
rather inane persiflage. My faith in the political
prudence of our democracy is unshaken, and I don't
wonder that the German Emperor should have wished
that his men of that kidney were half as sensible.
February 14. — I have passed some time, probably
without much profit, in looking into a discussion in
1895, turning on the relations between members of the
Viceroy's Executive Council and himself on the one
hand, and the S. S. on the other. The case is not on
all fours with the  matter, but it is not without
interest and inumination of a general kind. I trust
the occasion may never arise during your term, but
if it should, it would much refresh me to think of
your addressing your men as Elgin addressed his
Council on December 27, 1894. There is also a
dispatch of Fowler's, June 26, drafted, I believe, by
Godley, which contains some most edifying and
nutritious doctrine on the position of Parliament in
regard to India, from the Duke of Argyll and Lord
Salisbury. Everybody knows it all, of course, but
then we all know such a multitude of things of
which it does us no harm to be reminded.
February 19. — The Anglo-Russian Agreement is
now well over the bar in Parliament, the Press, and
the country. I certainly don't mean that all the
politicians and journalists who approve have a right
to any opinion at all, whether in the way of approval
or of disapproval. But there it is. Public opinion,
much or little as it may be worth, runs strongly for

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 245
the Convention. We had two first-rate speeches in
the H. of C. from Percy and Grey. Percy is before
all else a Turcophil (am I quite wrong in suspecting
a degree of Turcophfiia in you?), and therefore he is
hostile to all Russian accommodations. He really
differs altogether from Lansdowne's more experienced
and responsible views of the Agreement, but of course
he could not give full cry against the Convention
when Lansdowne had blessed it. He is a singularly
attractive speaker; a most pleasant voice, excellent
command of language, and a very genuine air of
sincerity and good faith. Only when a Treaty has
once been concluded, the H. of C. is not keenly
interested in what may be said against it, unless it be
made the ground of a hot party fight. Grey followed
Percy, in that curiously high, simple, semi-detached
style, which, combined, as it always is in him, with a
clean-cut mastery of all the facts of his case, makes
him one of the most impressive personalities in Parlia
ment. Or must I qualify this immense panegyric of
mine? He has got no great ample pinions like
Mr. Gladstone ; he hardly deserves what was said of
Daniel Webster, that every word he used seemed to
weigh a pound. Still, he is a remarkable figure, wholly
free from every trace of the Theatre ; and I confess it
warms my heart to think that we have two men like
Grey and Percy to fill the seats of Power in our
country, when the time comes. Balfour made no
attempt whatever to deal with the subject. So he
only talked a lot of skimble-skamble stuff. How
ever, when I wound up with even worse skimble-
skamble than his, by claiming from him a practical
acceptance of the thing, as broad and unconditional
as Lansdowne's, he confirmed my challenge by

246 RECOLLECTIONS
book demonstrative assent. Benckendorff, who has been
v' talking to me at the Levee, has noted all this, and
the performance on the same business in the H. of
L., and also the line generally taken in the Press — in
truth universally taken — and is writing to Petersburg
strongly in that sense. Do I discern a trace of
ironical smile on your face as you read all this — as
who should say, "Ah, wait and see!!"? You speak
of Frontier policy, and suspect that I only half under
stand your view. I do believe I understand it wholly,
though I read the lessons of the Tirah Campaign in a
different sense from yours. Now I dislike a ragged
edge as much as you do, and in many painful ways
the state of the borderland is what you bluntly call
it, "disreputable" — and if we had a quarrel with
the Amir, or with the Czar, these 300,000 catamounts,
or caterans, or whatever the name may be, would be
not only disreputable but dangerous. Only I cannot
but think that any policy tending towards a repetition
of Tirah (when we had over 60,000 men in the field)
would be, or might be, a great deal more dangerous
still. And I feel as strongly as I can feel about any
thing relating to Frontier policy, that Lord Salisbury's
Government were as right as right could be when
George Hamilton drew the whole moral of Tirah in a
dispatch of which I sent you (I think) a pregnant
specimen, followed by another specimen in the same
key from Brodrick in 1904.
I follow the military doings with lively interest,
and we have people in the Office who know the
ground. So, by the way, does Winston Churchill,
who was there with Bindon Blood. I should like to
draw the contrast between professional politicians of
this new breed and the breed of patrician Whig, with

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 247
which you are not unacquainted. At the top of the chap.
Whigs that I have known, I think I should put either vJ^~
Kimberley or Spencer: capacity, industry, probity,
independence, entire single-mindedness. Devonshire
has a claim to a still higher place in our contemporary
politics, because he was more than once called upon
to take great decisions for himself and other people.
But though we have long been well acquainted, I
never sat in Cabinet with him.
We are rather anxious about the Prime Minister.
King Edward once sagaciously warned one of his
ministers that what broke men down was not the
work of their offices, but big dinners, late hours, and
casual speechifying after the office work of the day
was over — about as sensible a doctrine as king or
commoner could propound. We can hardly look
for his recovery of full strength, even at the best.
The Times is for sending him, still as P. M., up to the
H. of L. But this, natural as it may look, has some
serious drawbacks.
I have begun in the Defence Committee the
operations of which I spoke to you, upon the Persian
Gulf and the numerous complexities arising from the
prospect of a Baghdad Railway and other matters.
As you know, I believe, I am very sceptical about
the expediency and the justice of making India pay
one half for Consuls, etc., in Persia; and I am for
cutting down the intervention of the G. of I. in Persian
affairs to a minimum. You may hold up your hands
with horror, if you like, and cry out that you have got
a Secretary of State who is not only that dismal creature,
the Little Englander, but that even more dismal being,
the Little Indian. I -let the tail, or whiskers, of this
horrible Cat out of my private bag to the Committee,

248 RECOLLECTIONS
and intimated in gentle terms that I should need a
good deal of persuasion before I could agree to put
before the Indian Council a proposal for a contribu
tion towards Gulf expenditure. We meet again this
week, when I expect we shall decide at least on the
point of advising a subsidy to the British Combine,
aye or no. I'll report to you how we advance. The
whole . proceeding will be very interesting, for when
we have done with the waters of the Gulf, I am to
take the Committee on to the dry land of Persia.
March 12. — For the moment you will easily
believe that preoccupations about our brave Prime
Minister float mistily all day among one's depart
mental business. It is almost certain that he will
not be able to return to his active place and part
in public affairs; and in truth, by the time you get
this, the doctors may have felt compelled to launch
the verdict already anticipated. Apart from the
sore regret of every one of us at the disappearance
of so gallant, honest, and experienced a Chief of our
party, with his extraordinary command of the majority
in the H. of C, more than one question of a rather
delicate kind will fall to be settled. Not as to the
succession to his immediate post. That has been
tolerably decisively settled by circumstances. But
of course the disappearance of the Prime Minister
shifts the centre of gravity. As a Cabinet, we have
been the most absolutely harmonious and amicable
that ever was known, and I see no reason why the
same frame of mind should not remain, for our future
Parliamentary safety and for the advantage of the
country. Only there will have to be a little re
adjustment of one or two offices, first, to keep the
balance between the two wings of the Cabinet, the

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 249
Liberal Leaguers on the one hand, and the pro-Boers,
for instance, on the other; second, to meet one or
two strong, and indeed almost indefeasible, claims.
March 26. — The wrath of the Presbyterians has
been the sensation of the week. I had a long con
versation with the Archbishop of Canterbury, who
knows the subject thoroughly, and takes a liberal fine.
I showed him your tale of the anger of the Gordons
and their disgust at being made to grunt and sweat
and fardels bear by the feuds of the clerics, especially
their own clerics. The Presbyterians in the H. of C.
have been very lively — some 15 or 16 questions to
me on the paper one afternoon this week. However,
I ingeniously threw a handful of dust, by promising
them a dry memorandum setting out the actual facts.
I keep thinking of Oliver Cromwell's remonstrance to
a band of troublesome presbyterian pastors, "My
brethren, in the name of Christ I beseech you to think
it possible that you may be mistaken." I find many
lions in the path. I wish it had not fallen to me,
who am an obstinate dweller in the outer courts of
the Gentiles, to have to meddle in these things. And
I am now concerned in the naming of a Bishop of
Bombay, and it interests me intensely by the odd cir
cumstance that the Bishop of Birmingham may accept.
To give up a solid, important, powerful position at
home, to do the work of the Church in the squalor —
not merely physical squalor — of a place like Bombay
— what a splendid spirit it shows ! It rather sets me
on fire.
April 2. — One thing came into my mind at the
Cabinet the other day. We were talking of the
finance of the Irish University Bill, due to Birrell,
who has succeeded where Gladstone and others

250 RECOLLECTIONS
failed — so much to the credit of one of the most
admirable of our men of letters. Well, I was struck
by the jealous scrutiny of the cost — equipment, pro
fessors, buildings, etc. etc. This virtuous regard for
economy in details — so I reflected — comes from the
vigilant and zealous ferocity of the Treasury, and the
ferocity of the Treasury comes of the fear of the
criticism of the House of Commons. From that not
very original reflection, I proceeded to meditate
ruefully on the stream of sanctions that flow in
upon a S. S. every week — to say nothing of felonious
anticipation of sanction — from India. In India it
is thought that if the object of a given proposal is
a good object money should be found for it, and may
be properly demanded from the Council of India. I
am quite willing to believe that an able and active-
minded man like  , for instance, keeps a sharpish
eye on new outlay. But the tradition, as far as I
can see, runs the other way, and there are reasons in
the history of Indian government since 1858 why
this should be so. A government of energetic and
universal beneficence is sure to tend to be extravagant.
The spirit moved me last Thursday to offer a ragged
sort of remonstrance to my Council in this sense. I
was good-natured, and so were they; but I fancy
that I spoke in an unknown tongue, and the Indian
atmosphere tends to asphyxiate the economist.
April 9. — We are in the middle of what is called
a crisis here. It is not very exciting, but still
it rather draws one's attention from one's proper
business. Everybody is sorry for the circumstances
of C.-B.'s withdrawal, and we can hardly hope that
it will not soon be followed by withdrawal in a more
solemn sense. His successor has not yet attracted

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 251
the popular imagination, but he has made an enormous
advance in the H. of C. since he has been the acting
leader, and I for one believe that he will make the
same advance in popular favour as time goes on.
There is not much to say about other changes. The
two most important I foreshadowed to you a week or
two ago. You know what governments are : down
in the trough of the sea one day, and on the crest of
the wave the next. The fluctuations are quick and
often vague. To-day we're rather on the crest, which
is pleasant while it lasts. The Brewers are the enemy,
and they will pay us out at the next election, but in
the meanwhile they cannot turn our majority into a
minority. [It was on one afternoon at this time that Asquith came
to my official room at the House of Commons and told
me that he understood the King, then at Biarritz, would
send for him to kiss hands as the new head of the Govern
ment. "Yes, of course," I said, "there could be no
thought of anything else, that is quite certain." He
hoped that I should remain with him, and would like
to know if I had any views for myself. "I suppose," I
said, "that I have a claim from seniority of service
for your place at the Exchequer, but I don't know
that I have any special aptitude for it under present
prospects ; and I am engaged on an extremely important
and interesting piece of work. As you know, my heart
is much in it, and I should be sorry to break off. So,
if you approve, I will stay at the India Office, and go
to the House of Lords." "Why on earth should you
go there?" "Because, though my eye is not dim,
nor my natural force abated, I have had a pretty
industrious life, and I shall do my work all the better
for the comparative leisure of the other place." He
made no sort of difficulty, so after cordial words of
thanks from him and good wishes from me, we parted.

252 RECOLLECTIONS
BOOK To Lord Minto I wrote (April 15) : " By this time you
v- will probably know that I have taken the plunge and
~ "*" gone to the other House. My inclination, almost to the
last, was to bolt from public life altogether, for I have a
decent library of books still unread, and in my brain a
page or two still unwritten. Before the present Govern
ment comes to an end, the hand of time will in my case
have brought the zest for either reading or writing down
near to zero, or beyond. I suppose, however, one should
do the business that lies to one's hand. The peerage has
been received with an immense and unbroken cordiality
that has taken me by surprise, but is none the less
gratifying on that account."
To say unbroken is perhaps too strong, for some of
my old friends took it as a sad declension in a professor
of democratic gospel. To one of the stoutest of them I
wrote: "April 20, 1908.
"My deab Watson — It is rather a shock, isn't it?
But then it is tit for tat. The Liberal party shocked
you when half of it went for the Boer War. I could not
help it (Peerage). I would have if I could. My dis
position was all that way. Only, as you have found
out many a time before now, in politics nobody can
do what he likes — it would have been a sorry bit of
vanity to quit a post of usefulness in India and in the
Cabinet, rather than give up a name without a Nobiliary
Tag. There's as much vanity in 'Plain John' as in
'John Viscount.' Whether Plain or Peer, I always
remember that it was you who started me on the
journey; that the seven Newcastle fights, with your
clarion blast in my ear, are the real glory of my public
days, and that the very kindest memories of all my
time are my sojourns under your roof. These, with
your wife reading the Bible to your young and loved
ones of a morning, stand out in a soft and golden light.
Love to her. Ever your affectionate friend."]

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 253
April 15. — Buchanan comes here by my express chap.
desire. I wanted C.-B. to let me have him for iy'
Under-Secretary when Ellis left, but Haldane walked
off with him instead. He has been an intimate of
C.-B.'s, and is of the same type in some ways — only
more educated: Balfiol, First Class, Fellow of All
Souls : unselfish, loyal, plain, assiduous : not exactly
popular in the H. of C. — but not otherwise. He comes
to the India Office with a good deal of knowledge of
one or two great leading Indian questions. He was
on the Welby Commission on Indian Expenditure,
and composed a Dissenting Report of his own, of
which Curzon said to me once that it showed a public
man — the only English public man — who had really
grappled with, and understood, all the issues involved
in the distribution of charges between England and
India. So he ought to be really helpful to us, for he
takes the Indian view, and is by the habit and tradition
of his life an economist. I rather think he was caught
in the sad heresy of Liberal Unionism, but he came
round to the Orthodox faith before it was too late.
Whether the W. 0. was particularly fond of him, I
doubt ; for, like me, he is old-fashioned, and wants
peace, retrenchment, and reform. I impressed upon
him by way of comfort that under the present regime
in India we finish our war in a fortnight, and at the
moderate cost of £56,000 ! ! !
I observe that Reuter to-day, from Calcutta, says
that the Indian Press endorses what is said by the
London Press about my staying on at the India Office.
"It is hoped, however," he proceeds, "that the
tendency to over-centralisation at the 1. 0. will be
checked, as public business is frequently impeded by
the constant references of matters of detail concerning

254 RECOLLECTIONS
book the civil and military administration." You will be-
^^_ lieve that I am much too old a hand to fash myself
about what Reuter says, or what irresponsible news
papers say ; but whispers of the same- purport reach
me from more serious quarters. And I seem to be
dimly conscious that the huge craft of which you and
I are supposed to be the navigators is not sailing quite
steadily just now. I hate to molest you with tiresome
controversy, for I know, and never think of doubting
for a single moment, that if you — fike Reuter — thought
the references of detail to the I. 0. excessive and super
fluous and needing a check at my hands, you would
at once frankly tell me so.
Poor C.-B. has gone at last : for him a great relief,
I'm sure, though he had borne the weary weeks with
a cheery patience and fortitude characteristic of him.
Mr. Gladstone was less happy in his exit; he had
months of acute anguish. Harcourt was the most
lucky of all, for after an easy evening in his family
circle, he was found dead in his bed, with fingers in
the pages of a book. Yet, say what we will, believers
or unbelievers, Death is Death.
April 30. — The stir and fuss incident to a change
of government is now near its end, and we are
all settling down to the work of the ship, and con
tinuance of our cruise. The weather is a little thick,
as in politics it is always apt to be ; but the new pilot
is a sober-minded and most attentive man ; the crew
are aware that if they play tricks, the ship will founder
with themselves in it, and the country is in no hurry
about anything in the political line — least of all in a
hurry to bring Balfour back again. I daresay people
in India (I don't mean Indian) will look on our
electoral reverses as portents of ministerial doom.

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 255
They will be wrong. Reverses can only be really chap.
understood by wire-pulling experts who know the IV"
ground, and analyse the elements of which majorities
and minorities are in a given case made up. The
belief among competent observers in the place is that
the resounding defeat of Winston at Manchester was >
due to wrath at rather too naked tactics of making
deals with this, that, and the other group, without
too severe a scrutiny in his own political conscience
of the terms that they were exacting from him. It
is believed that he lost 300 or 400 of these honourably
fastidious electors. I have a great liking for Winston ;
for his vitality, his indefatigable industry and atten
tion to business, his remarkable gift of language and
skill in argument, and his curious flair for all sorts of
political cases as they arise, though even he now and
then mistakes a frothy bubble for a great wave. All
the same, as I often tell him in a paternal way, a
successful politician in this country needs a good
deal more than skill in mere computation of other
people's opinions, without anxiety about his own. I
hope you don't belong to the school who look with
ironical glances upon parliamentary and electoral
warfare. From the point of view of old Carlyle's
Eternities it all doubtless seems poor enough; but
then, from that point of view, so do most other mun
dane concerns seem poor. Anyhow, I'd rather have
parliamentary rule with all its faults than Prussian
bureaucracy. May 7. — I greatly like what you say in the
telegram as to the mischief done by "irresponsible
talk and war fever." I rejoice that you take this line
so energetically, and I only hope that it will be
generally known. Here the Press, on the whole, is

256 RECOLLECTIONS
as reasonable as you wish it to be. But now the
tide of excitement — most naturally indeed — flows in
another direction, as you might be sure that it would.
This villainy of the Bombs, the revelations connected
with the Bombs, makes a new situation for us, and
perhaps, in one comparatively narrow and political
sense, more for me than for you. Your line, I should
guess, considering the latitudes in which you live and
move and have your official being, is likely to be
for a policy of repression. Mine will here — as in one
or two other cases — be towards the drag-chain on
random violence. This divergence we argued out,
to a certain extent, in connection with your demand
some months ago for a new Press law. What I, with
all respect and appreciation of the case, call the re
actionary view, if the discussion become acute, and
if ugly events are frequent, may find as much support
in London as in Calcutta (to which you have, I
think, applied the word hysterical). The ex- Anglo-
Indian official, with plenty of time on his hands, and
a horrible facility of penmanship, flies to the news
papers in most lively vociferation, above the familiar
signatures of "Indicus olim," "One who knows,"
and so forth. Then, more sensible and more serious,
are the various orders of Money-Changers, who are
interested hi Indian loans of all kinds. That they
should watch us with anxious eyes is in the natural
order of things; and so it is that they should curse
us for want of Vigour and all the other fine words
in that specious vocabulary. Well, I'm as much for
Vigour as they are, but I am not going to admit that
Vigour is the same thing as Pogroms. When I read
of the author (or printer) of a "seditious pamphlet"
being punished with seven years of transportation, I

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 257
feel restive. I have ordered that the pamphlet and chap
proceedings shall be sent to me, and it may prove vj^„
that I have been misinformed. I hope so. Then
 is said to have sentenced some political offenders
(so called) to be flogged. That, as I am advised, is
not authorised by the law either as it stood, or as
it will stand under flogging provisions as amended.
Here also I have called for the papers, and we shall
see.  said to me this morning, "You see, the
great executive officers never like or trust lawyers."
"I'll tell you why," I said, "'tis because they don't
like or trust law: they in their hearts believe before
all else the virtues of will and arbitrary power."
That system may have worked in its own way in old
days, and in those days the people may have had no
particular objection to arbitrary rule. But, as you
have said to me scores of times, the old days are
gone and the new times breathe a new spirit ; and
we cannot carry on upon the old maxims. This is
not to say that we are to watch the evil-doers with
folded arms, waiting to see what the Devil will send
us. You will tell me what you think is needed. I
trust, and fully believe, that you will not judge me
to be callous, sitting comfortably in an armchair at
Whitehall, while bombs are scattering violent death
in India; while men like  are running risk of
murder every hour for year after year upon the
frontier; while all sorts and conditions of men and
women are enveloped in possibilities of hideous
horrors like those of fifty years ago. All I can
say is that we have to take every precaution that
law and administration can supply us with; and
then and meanwhile to face what comes, in the
same spirit of energy and stoicism combined in
VOL. II S

258 RECOLLECTIONS
book which good generals face a prolonged and hazardous
v. •
v-_r^, campaign. May 15. — My letter to-day will be, I fear, a
thing of scraps, for my week has been horribly
dispersive, with even less than the usual chance of
gathering up consecutive ideas. For one thing, I
have actually begun attendance in the H. of L., and
it interests me uncommonly, after my immense length
of years in the H. of C. and after some observation
of Senates, etc., in other countries. The subject dis
cussed was not very genial — to wit land-valuing in
Scotland, but behind this repulsive title lurked mighty
issues affecting the sanctity of property, especially
property in land. So, as you might suppose, the
Opposition benches were well packed, and they
listened with that real sort of attention given by
men who are familiar with a subject, and are aware
that their pockets may be touched by the decision.
The points were intensely technical, but the difficulties
were excellently brought out by our Lord Chancellor
on the one hand, and Balfour of Burleigh on the other.
I am bound officially to believe that the Chancellor
had the best of the argument, but we had sadly the
worst in the divisions. So we are in for a skirmish
between the two Houses — the whole of the Scotch
members of Parliament being for the Government
bill. However, this will not be by any means the
great battle.
I met Curzon by chance at luncheon at the
Athenaeum the other day. He said he would do
nothing to embarrass me on any account, but unless
I strongly disagreed, he thought some Indian questions
ought to be mentioned in the H. of L. in any form
and at any time that I might think convenient. I

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 259
made no objection whatever. He writes to me this chap.
morning that he has spoken to Lansdowne, who ^^
approves of such an operation. So I have now
decided to fix the thing for June 17 ; after the Whitsun
holiday he will call attention to the state of India in
respect of policy on the frontiers, and to its internal
condition, and he will move for papers. The last
formula will give him a right of reply.
The Nepal Minister is here, and I have had the
ordinary round of talk with him. But he is certainly
much more than an ordinary man. His little speech
to the King was admirable, both in feeling and ex
pression, and H. M. was much taken with him.
Yesterday the Bishop of Lahore (Lefroy) called —
one of the most attractive men I ever met. In the
midst of a rather heavy day he not only interested
but excited me, and carried me for a while into the
upper ether. Why did you not recommend him to
be Lt.-Governor of the Punjab? There's an experi
ment for you ! His ideas delighted me.
I don't know if either Calcutta or Bombay has the
good luck to possess in prominent office a man with
the genius of a great Detective '¦ — say like Pinkerton
who hunted down the Molly Maguires in Pennsylvania
some 30 to 40 years since. That story makes a
volume almost as interesting as Wilkie Collins's
Moonstone, or Meadows Taylor's book about the
Thugs. May 28. — I have been very busy for a good
many hours about your Press proposals. Luckily a
Cabinet had been fixed for the forenoon to-day, and
to the Cabmet I propounded the case ; that is to say,
I told them the provisions desired by the G. of I.,
with the modifications that I had to suggest, after

260 RECOLLECTIONS
book working the matters over, under the sensible and
-^v!^. highly competent legal guidance of Sir Lawrence
Jenkins. In the Cabinet, Ripon was very restive,
remembering his own reversal of Lytton's Press
policy. I do believe that our introduction of a
judicial element at every stage is an improvement,
apart from general principles of a Free Press on the
one hand, and the maintenance of Law and Order on
the other. In the first place, it will tend to reconcile
liberal opinion (not in a party sense) here, and that
is something. In the second place, it will make it
easier for the Moderates to resist the Extremist attack.
Such an attack is sure to come, and it is our busi
ness, as I think, not to do anything that will give
substance to Extremist taunts and reproaches against
their Moderate opponents. Of course, our proceeding
must be effective, but I do not think that any of the
modifications suggested here will at all impair your
purposes. In any case, do not forget the vital im
portance — from your own point of view — of carrying
English opinion with us. If there are any signs in
the Press, or in the H. of C. that a substantial body of
opinion here condemns these new powers as excessive
or as superfluous, then the Incendiaries in India have
something plain to go upon, both in antagonism to
the G. of L, and to their Moderate opponents. If
I have been able to do any real service during the
difficulties of the last eighteen months, it has been
this, that I have succeeded in keeping back the
formation of any serious group at Westminster whose
utterances and tactics in our public life would have
provided powder and shot for revolutionists in India.
The Indian Committee of Members of the House of
Commons had a meeting this week. About 40 men

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 261
were present, and Gokhale and Dutt talked to them. chap.
A deputation of three of their number, including the _^^
chairman, came to me afterwards, saying that they
had expressed unanimous confidence, shared by the
two Indians, in the S. S. So, even if I have to stay
long in Purgatory for my many misdemeanours, I
shall claim a corner in Paradise for this particular
performance. And let that be my apology and
extenuation on a point in your last letter (May 6)
about "my taking a more detailed interest in the
welfare of India than any previous S. S." I read
these words, as I knew you would have me read them,
with a friendly smile. My only excuse is that I have
to aid you in your battle with the new forces and
growing perils of India, from the point of view in this
country, that if it were neglected or taken amiss might
easily become formidable on your side of the water.
I have been quite desperately interrupted all
this week, and — what is worse than interruption
— desperately fatigued by "functions" of various
kinds, due to the President of the French Republic.
I was years ago a friend of Gambetta, and others of
that historic camp to which Fallieres, then only a
political subaltern, belonged. So I delighted in the
exaltation of the Republican flag, and the strains of
the "Marseillaise," even fifty times a day, have given
me much satisfaction. But tiring! In truth I am
now nearly as tired of the "Marseillaise" as poor Louis
XVI. can have been.
June 17. — Your last letter touches a host of
interesting and inviting topics, but somehow what
haunts me most is the notion of Lady Minto faring
across the plains, in a train with the thermometer at
119°. How terrific ! One half day of such a Tophet

262 RECOLLECTIONS
book would destroy me. It recalls an observation of Sir
V_J^ Henry Maine's — perhaps the most capacious mind
(with all respect to  ) that England ever sent to
India. "British rule in India," he said whimsically,
"would be better if it were not so hot : there is a
physical pressure on the nerves." I have always
heard from Anglo-Indian friends that this is really
so, and accounts for Anglo-Indian sensitiveness to
attack, among other things, and addiction to polemics
in long-winded Notes and other forms of controversy.
After all this, it would be stupid of me to plunge
into polemics with you about the British constitution
and the statutory duties of an Indian Secretary.
There is no reason why I should, for we have got
through half your term together, and perhaps much
more than half of mine, without any real difficulty
whatever, in spite of difference in political opinion.
You are entirely right in saying that I like you to
express any views you hold upon our common affairs,
in the most open way you please. So, without being
polemical, I'll be open likewise, but only in a few
shortish sentences. And I begin by confessing that
your tone about the H. of C. produces in me just the
same jar that would be produced in you by dis
respectful language about the King. I have sat five-
and-twenty years in the H. of C, and for more than
two-thirds of that period it was a Tory or Unionist
assembly. From personal experience, therefore, I
have no good reason to worship its wisdom and virtue.
Nobody is more familiar than I am — for I've been a
pretty close observer of the creature — with its weak
nesses. They are only superficial, believe me, and
so far as they affect political opinion and action, these
weaknesses only reflect those of the country at large,

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 263
sometimes in a Tory mood, sometimes in a Liberal, chap.
Apart from general reflections, what does rather v-^^
puzzle me is why you, of all agents of H. M. G., should
complain of the H. of C. In what respect has it
thwarted you? Half-a-dozen members, who them
selves count for little in the H. of C, have put me
tiresome questions on points of no really deep signifi
cance ; and the House itself has stood by the S. S.
steady and unbroken. If ever there was a time when
a ruling assembly deserved credit for its confidence
in a Minister, and the local agents for whom he is
answerable, it is this present House, Radical though
it be. So, when you say that the modern H. of C.
is "perhaps the greatest danger to the continuance
of our rule in India," I cannot for the life of me
discover any evidence, so far, for any proposition of
that formidable kind — quite the contrary.
Take the case of the Bombs. If I remember
rightly, I said to you in my very first letter after,
"You will tell me what you want in the way of
legislation." Very wisely, I am sure, you were in
no hurry. Then I telegraphed a hint to you about
the English Explosives Act. By and by you sub
mitted your proposals. I got them on a Wednesday
night ; I secured Cabmet assent the next day ; and
on the Friday I telegraphed instructions in a form to
which you found it unnecessary to take objection.
Where's the sign of "nervousness," "timidity," "slack
ness," etc. in the Home Government in all this?
You say that a crisis will come one of these days,
"if the G. of I. is not given a free hand to rule the
country they understand." Let me note in passing
that this is what Fuller argues about E. Bengal :
"I was on the spot; I understand the conditions;

264 RECOLLECTIONS
I knew India ; what did Lord Minto and Mr. Morley,
then fresh to power, know or understand?" It is
also what Curzon proclaimed in all sorts of ways and
places, and it is what his own party Cabinet would
never allow, and they even let him resign rather than
accept. This notion of the "free hand" is really
against both letter and spirit of law and constitution.
It cannot be ; and let me assure you, on my word
and honour as a student of our political history, that
nobody would have been more opposed to it than
that excellent ancestor and official predecessor of
yours, Gilbert Elliot, the friend and disciple of Burke
and one of the leaders against the greatest of all
Governors-General. I have not time to verify by
looking into his speeches, but I am pretty sure that if
the latest Lord Minto ever comes to be impeached for
carrying the doctrine of the Free Hand too far, his
assailants will find the best powder and shot possible
in the arguments of Minto the First. At this point,
I have amused myself by turning to Burke's corre
spondence, and in a letter to Gilbert Elliot I find this :
"No politician can make a situation. His skill consists in
his well-playing the game dealt to him by fortune, and follow
ing the indications given him by nature, times, and circum
stances" (including H. of C. and the British Demos!).
This sage reflection of one of the greatest of men
needs not to be quoted to you, for it is exactly in the
vein of your own political temper.
Oh, but I must hold up my hands at your hint of
"Prerogative"! What a shock to all the Greys,
Elliots, Russells, and other grand Whig shades, dis
cussing over and over in the Elysian Fields the
foundations of the happy and glorious Constitution

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 265
of Great Britain ! But then you say that on this, chap
"I feel that I am getting into deep water, and would v^^^
rather sit upon the bank." My temperature had
been slowly rising, but at this good-natured doubt
it instantly fell to normal ; and I thought how, if you
and I had been conducting the controversy with face
answering to face — you as a Tory, I as the good
orthodox Whig — we should have pushed our chairs
back, and gone forth laughing for a saunter in the
garden. But just one parting shot before I go into
my Tusculan greenery. The Viceroy can no more
"submit" anything to the King, than Godley can.
Any Whig ghost, or living lawyer, will convince you
of this.
And as for the G. of I. being the best judges of the
right way of meeting difficulties in India, is it quite
clear that Asquith, Grey, Loreburn, and even the S. S.
are less competent hands than such queer paragons
as certain of your Council, etc.? Is it certain that
we are so ignorant of racial hatreds and all the
other conditions of Oriental communities? And
after all, have these good men been so successful in
knowing and understanding all about Indian life and
character, that we must take their word for gospel?
It is not you nor I who are responsible for "unrest,"
but the over-confident and over-worked Tchinovniks
who have had India in their hands for fifty years past.
Heaven knows, I don't want to be censorious or
presumptuous in judging; I know the huge diffi
culties ; I recognise the splendid devotion to duty.
On the other hand, I demur, in the uplifted spirit of
the Trodden Worm, to the view said to be profanely
current at Simla, that the Home Government is
always a d  d fool.

266 RECOLLECTIONS
book June 24. — You are weary of constitutional dis-
v" cussions, and so am I, and not a word shall escape
my pen this week upon the unfruitful (though very
important) theme. As for your doctrine that "it
was our total want of sympathy and our failing to
understand existing conditions that lost us the
American Colonies," forgive me for saying that I have
never read that page in our history in your way.
On the contrary, it was, among other things, the
men on the spot who did the mischief — misleading
opinion at home, and violently irritating opinion in
the Colonies. Anyhow, this sort of question does
not arise in our system of Indian rule. Curzon tried
a fall with the Cabinet, and was overthrown. As
for "over-interference by Parliament," I only repeat
what I said last week, that I am not aware of any
parliamentary interference with Indian affairs since
I have held this office. Parliamentary boredom if
you like. No great harm in that. If our rule in
India is such a rickety business that  can
give it a shake, it won't last long, that is very
certain. Next week I'm to have my long-deferred tourna
ment in the H. of L. with Curzon. He told me he
proposes to open with a speech of forty minutes,
which I daresay will expand into sixty. I shall be
relieved when it is over, for he has a vast and sure
knowledge of India, which I can have no pretensions
to rival. And he has, as you know, a fine imperial
style. Still, I shall survive in some shape or another ;
and even if I don't, the sun will rise with his usual
punctuality the next morning.
July 2. — The day before yesterday we got over
our grand engagement, and I'll fill half a sheet with

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 267
my impressions thereof, leaving weightier things of chap.
State for another day. IV"
The House was full, and Curzon spoke for nearly an
hour and a quarter. He is a fine speaker — excellent
voice, well managed, and pleasant to listen to ; good
diction; firm sentences; well-ordered arguments
and sets of propositions; abundant and accurate
knowledge of his subject. But have you ever heard of
this account of a political speech and its contents?
Success depends on three things : who says it, what he
says, how he says it ; and of these three things, what
he says is the least important. In Curzon's case, a
great deal of what he had to say was as true as gospel,
and nobody now in Parliament could have said it
better. Yet he did not carry the House. I had
prepared an elaborate discourse, with a vast deal of
trouble to myself and to other people; a very mag
nificent thing, I can assure you — weighty, highly
philosophical, yet intensely practical; dealing airily
with Indian finance, learnedly with Indian history,
severely with Bombs and Murder Clubs, profoundly
with Frontier Policy, sympathetically with every
body's aspirations. Whether it was more like
Demosthenes or Cicero, Pitt or Fox, I am not sure,
and you will never know, for alas, alas, it was never
delivered. As I listened to Curzon and realised the
situation, I felt that my wonderful masterpiece was
not to the point of the moment. So I put it away,
and launched on a vigorous sort of assault, in as rough
and rugged a speech as even I ever made in my life.
The House, though judging my oratory indifferent,
was not ill-pleased at finding an untimely speech
plainly rebuked. They keenly relished one or two
small things I said about You, as you may be sure they

268 RECOLLECTIONS
book would. There is a strong feeling that you are pur-
v' suing the right line, with coolness and courage. It
gave me pleasure this morning to receive a kind little
note from your daughter, to say she had been present
in the H. of L. and liked some of what she heard.
July 24. — We have got our Budget well and
comfortably through the H. of Commons. Buchanan
did his work most excellently in every way, as in
truth he always does. He is diligent, accurate,
shrewd, and he entirely understands the arts and the
temper of the H. of C. He is also altogether loyal
and unselfish and impersonal, without being an atom
of a Goose. You would like him. The House and
the Press are pleased and satisfied.
Percy followed. His speech was not of the im
portant sort, but I listened with a good deal of
interest to what he had to say about education. I
hope you will find time to read it, and then we may
be able to exchange ideas. Percy was not unfriendly
to reform. But he doubted what he called our
project for separating judicial from executive. I
could hardly restrain myself from calling out from
the Peers' Gallery, in the unceremonious style of the
H. of C, that it was not our project at all. So
likewise he was anxious to know when we were going
to carry out your words about a general Press law.
Take note, therefore, I humbly beg of you, that
utterances at Simla come home to me to roost.
Nothing else happened worth speaking of, except
perhaps Keir Hardie's speech. People expected a
rousing onslaught on us and all our works. Instead
of that he first repudiated the reports of what he had
said in India; and then he proceeded to general
observations and admonitions about reform, etc.,

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 269
which, whatever else may be said about them, were chap.
entirely in the key of good sense and moderation. ^^_
Did I tell you that he came to lunch with me at
Wimbledon (of which I hear that he has spoken to his
friends), and that I dismissed him with my blessing
and an exhortation, in very polite terms, not to play
the fool? You may depend upon it that if they are
decently and considerately handled, the British
demos are all right. Buchanan was inclined by our
parliamentary habit to put himself too much into
the ordinary attitude of fencing with the Opposition.
"Don't you mind the Tories," I told him; "they're
all right as to India just now ; what we have to do is
to keep good friends with the Radicals." I'm firmly
persuaded that this is in our power, without com
promising a single sound or necessary principle on
your side of the water.
I must confess to you that I am watching with
the deepest concern and dismay the thundering
sentences that are now being passed for sedition, etc.
I read to-day that stone-throwers in Bombay are
getting twelve months! This is really outrageous.
The sentences on the two Tinnevelly-Tuticorin men
are wholly indefensible — one gets transportation for
life, the other for ten years. I am to have the judg
ment by the next mail, and meanwhile  thinks
he has said enough when he tells me that "the learned
judge was in no doubt as to the criminality of the
two men." This may have been all right, but such
sentences ! They cannot stand. I cannot on any
terms whatever consent to defend such monstrous
things. I do therefore urgently solicit your attention
to these wrongs and follies. We must keep order,
but excess of severity is not the path to order. On

270 RECOLLECTIONS
the contrary, it is the path to the bomb. It will be
insupportable if you, who are a sound Whig, and I,
who am an " autoritaire " Radical (so they say) (?),
go down to our graves (I first) as imitators of Eldon,
Sidmouth, the Six Acts, and all the other men and
policies which we were both of us brought up to
abhor. August 6. — I am glad that you call a truce
on all constitutional and historical questions. I
should be a traitor to my professional calling and the
lucubrations of a lifetime if I were to pooh-pooh
them; but after all, for us two history and constitu
tion begin with 1858. For my own part I am half
sceptical, or even worse, about making Indian history
much of a subject for our I. C. S. candidates and
probationers. I wonder how much English history
is really known even in the House of Lords, or in our
Whitehall purlieus? This is by no means to say that
the world began in 1858. We are all of us a good many
hundreds or thousands of years old, two minutes
after we find our way into the midwife's arms. There
is a dark saying for you ! ! And you will think that
I am taking a holiday with a vengeance, when I float
about in vague psychological waters of this sort,
instead of minding my business !
You ask whether it would be possible or desirable
to make Jenkins C. J. at Calcutta, when Maclean
goes. Well, now, I profess to be a disinterested sort
of creature, and I should be sorry to let my personal
convenience stand in the way of a good public
servant's career. But I really don't think I can
spare Jenkins. He is one of the two or three most
valuable men of my Council. He is a remarkably
clear-headed man, with a copious supply of knowledge

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 271
in law, as well as of political imagination. So, in chap.
short, I cannot afford to transfer him, whatever his ^J3^
own wishes may be.
Now for Reforms. I am uneasy as to this all-
important business. First, as to time. I admire
the industry, patience, acuteness, and comprehension
made manifest in the great mass of material that has
now come into my hands. But it is a truly awful
example of the way in which, as I have heard a
million times, the Indian machine toils and travails.
A very summary survey makes me wonder whether
we shall not be laughed out of court for producing a
mouse from the labouring mountain. We shall have
to go both wider and lower. Moreover, we must
make the thing interesting — if we can — and as it
stands, partly from the unconscionable time that has
been consumed, it has somehow got a stale sort of
flavour, like the Children of Israel's manna after the
second day. Then, to return to the point of time.
At this pace, Lord Grey's Reform Bill of 1832 would
have become law in 1850 or 1860, and Nottingham
and Bristol blazing all the time. The other day I
was reading how Napoleon, having performed some
high-handed exploits about making or moving bishops
in Italy, the Pope protested pretty sharply that
Emperors had no business to settle such high things
without consulting the Holy See. To which Napoleon
replied, "What's the use of consulting you? You
and your Cardinals can never decide anything under
between three and four years ! What's the use ?
Italy can't wait." And you are the very first man to
say that India can't wait.
I am bent on being in a position to make some sort
of announcement here early in December — quite as

272 RECOLLECTIONS
book much for the sake of India as for parliamentary
^^Iw expectations. The whole operations will demand
abundant communication between you and me, but
extraneous references ought to come to an end. You
will be even more glad of this than I can be, and that
is saying a good deal.
August 19. — 'Tis no "red-tape necessity," as you
call it, that makes me take my pen ; but a feel that
I shall like to send you a word of greeting, with as
little of business in it as possible. I am recruiting
such energies as I have at Skibo, in Sutherland, with
delicious lochs, and purple hills, and bracing air, and
delightful company, and plenty of idle, easy books.
A daily pouch, not too heavily loaded, reminds me of
Duty, without oppressing me.
August 26. — I am still loitering in Scotland, but
every day's post brings me away to India, and even
if the post failed, native activity of mind would
suffice to carry me off in solitary and reflective hours
to the same delectable region.
Having paid myself that handsome compliment,
I at once hasten to balance it by a word or two on
matters where I am dogged and impenetrable. You
warn me against "disapproval at home of severe
sentences," and you draw me a vivid picture of the
electric atmosphere of the daily life around you, and
of the dangerous inflammation of racial antipathies.
Vivid — but I'm sure not a single shade too vivid for
the plain facts. I wish you would in your next letter
tell me the end of the story of the young Corporal
who in a fit of excitement shot the first Native he
met. What happened to the Corporal? Was he
put on his trial? Was he hanged? I cannot but
honour Curzon for his famous affair with the 9th

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 273
Lancers, so far as I have correctly heard the story, chap.
If we are not strong enough to prevent Murder, then ^^
our pharisaic glorification of the stern justice of
the British Raj is nonsense. And the fundamental
question for you and for me to-day is whether the
excited Corporal and the angry Planter are to be the
arbiters of our policy. True, we should be fools to leave
out of account the deep roots of feeling that the angry
Planter represents and stands for. On the other hand,
is it not idle for us to pretend to the Natives that
we wish to understand their sentiment, and satisfy
the demands of "honest reformers," and the rest of
our benignant talk, and yet silently acquiesce in all
these violent sentences? You will say to me, "These
legal proceedings are at bottom acts of war against
rebels, and locking a rebel up for life is more affable
and polite than blowing him from a gun : you must
not measure such sentences by the ordinary standards
of a law-court ; they are the natural and proper
penalties for Mutiny, and the Judge on the bench is
really the Provost-Marshal in disguise." Well, be it
so. But if you push me into a position of this sort —
and I don't deny that it is a perfectly tenable position,
if you like — then I drop reforms. I won't talk any
more about the New Spirit of the Times; and I'll
tell Asquith that I'm not the man for the work, and
that what it needs, if he can put his hand on him,
is a good, sound, old-fashioned Eldonian Secretary of
State. Pray remember that there is to be a return
of these sentences laid before Parliament. They will
be discussed, and somebody will have to defend them.
That somebody I won't be. Meanwhile, things will
move, or may move, and we shall see where we stand
when 'the time comes.  , writing to me by the
VOL. II T

274 RECOLLECTIONS
book last mail, says this : " If the situation took a turn for
v" the worse, I wonder if you would support me in the
deportation of two or three dangerous men ? " etc. I have
replied to this cool demand for a number of blank
lettres de cachet, given under my hand, to be filled in
at discretion, by saying that "no resort to this pro
ceeding must be taken without previous reference to
me, with a full statement of the case." I am writing
this in Scotland away from official archives, but if
my memory is right, I attached the same condition
about deportation in regard to the G. of I. itself.
A fortiori, to Bombay, Madras, or any other local
Government. However, I fervently hope that things
will not take a turn for the worse. Anyhow, it is
silly to be in such a hurry to root out the tares as to
pluck up half your wheat at the same time. If we
have any claim to be men of large views, it is our
duty not to yield without resistance to the passions
and violences of a public that is apt to take narrow
views. Clemency Canning was a great man after all.
September 10. — I've no news. London is a wilder
ness. Nothing short of a section of a statute would
give us a quorum of 5 on the Council. Grey and
Haldane came down to us at Wimbledon for a night
and we set the world to rights. You know how
easily that is done after dinner, and over a flagon of
sound wine. They are both of them keenly awake
about India. Our colleagues in that interestmg and
simple subject take us for gospel.
October 1. — I have just read in the Times news
from Simla this morning that the dispatch upon
Reforms is to be sent forth on its journey to-day.
And what a journey it will be ! I only wish the reply
dispatch were ready to cross it on the road. I am

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 275
waiting in red-hot expectation first for your summary chap.
telegram, and then for the full dispatch. The Com- ,J^_
mittee has been priming itself with the replies from the
local governments, etc., and on Saturday (Oct. 3) they
are to have their first formal meeting — when I shall
lay before them your telegraphic summary, the claims
of the Congress party, ditto of the Muslim League, as
propounded to you by their Deputation. Then, after
putting the points that seem to require decision,
and urging them to expedite their answers, I shall
leave them to their own devices, only bargaining that
I am to have plain Ayes and Noes, without Notes,
Minutes, Dissents, and all the rest of Indian para
phernalia. Parliamentary Committees, and even
Cabinets, don't load up their conclusions with this
sort of thing, and yet they take plenty of pains in
reaching them.
It seems agreed that my Committee is a very strong
one. I have had endless talks with all of them, and
I hope well of the prospect. Only one can never be
perfectly sure that people won't develop angles. You
have found that out by this time? When I was
Irish Secretary I presided for 36 days over a H. of
C. select committee on Irish land ! How would you
have liked that? It gave me more insight into the
peculiarities of human nature than Bacon, Locke,
Plato, Aristotle, and all the rest of the sages put
together. As you say, the telegraph between us will be very
busy for a long time to come, but I rejoice to sym
pathise with you in washing your hands of the thing
for a fortnight or more ; and you, I hope, will condole
with me on finding myself up to the elbows in
constitutional soapsuds.

276 RECOLLECTIONS
book By the way, as to Jenkins. If we are once round
v the corner of Reforms — and if you continue to desire
it — I might be willing to pass a self-denying ordinance,
and send him. It would be a serious sacrifice, for
nobody on my Council is more useful. Isvolsky is to
arrive next week. The King gives him a dinner at
the Palace on the 11th, and the next night Grey and
I dine with him a trois, I mean he dines with us two.
Pray don't fear that we shall give India away.
[This was the fiftieth year since the assumption of
Indian government by the Crown, and Queen Victoria's
famous Proclamation of 1858. It seemed a convenient
opportunity for adding gravity to our new schemes by
an address from the King to his people in commemora
tion of the anniversary. It was not easy, in the existing
divisions of Indian feeling, to find good words for
addressing India as a whole.1 The Royal Message was
read by the Governor-General in Rajputana in Novem
ber, at a grand durbar : a great tent thronged with
Rajput nobles, the road lined for miles with retainers,
many of them in chain armour from head to foot,
turbans and dresses of all colours, beautiful gardens
approached through the archway of fine public buildings
— a fascinating picture. The Message itself was much
approved in Bombay and Madras; Bengal pronounced
it disappointing and wholly unworthy of the occasion ;
Extremist rags were frankly abusive of "words meant to
cheat men as if they were children" : Simla at first was
content not to deny that the King's English was fairly
up to the Simla mark, but was at first disposed to
think it too self-laudatory and likely to provoke retort.
On second thoughts, it came to the true view that it
was a manifesto not only to India, but to the world,
for the world had been very ignorant, and not at all
charitable in criticisms of our rule.]
1 See Appendix.

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 277
Balmoral, October 7. — I had a conversation with chap.
the King last night about the Proclamation. He IV-
is pretty indifferent as to date. I came here in good
hopes that I should have a week of rest in these
pleasant latitudes, but, behold, the best-laid schemes
of mice and men gang aft a-gley. Great Britain, in
spite of the creed of Simla, is still something of a
European power, and Austria has suddenly plunged
us all into a Balkan crisis, and as I'm on duty here,
I have to discuss with H. M. telegrams from the
F. 0. half the day, and to transport myself from the
Ganges, Helmund, and Brahmaputra, suddenly to
the Neva, Spree, Danube, and Dardanelles. To-day
the barometer points to a pacific solution, but there
has been such a quantity of intrigue, secrecy, and
downright lying, that we don't know whether we stand
on firm ground or on treacherous bog. At the best;
we have a mighty uncomfortable time before us and
before Europe. ... At the station at Aberdeen I came
upon Mensdorff fresh from Vienna on his way to
Balmoral, and the bearer of a special message to
H. M. You know the intense interest of the King
in foreign policy, and his intimate first-hand know
ledge both of the players and the cards in the Balkan
game. When I was up here last autumn he found
time to take me two long drives through the forest,
and splendid scenery it is. I did not much wonder
when he told me that if he could have chosen his life
he would have liked to be a landscape gardener. It
will need a clever set of gardeners, with good strong
axes, to trim the diabolic Balkan thickets. I admired
the diligence, attention, and shrewd sense with which
he tackled the cunning tangle. He made me take
the long journey with him up to London alone in his

278 RECOLLECTIONS
book special compartment, red boxes with new supplies
v' of diplomatic points at each of the few stations
where we stopped. It would have been bad taste,
I suppose, to remind him of Bismarck's excellent
saying that not even the worst democrat has any
idea how much diplomacy conceals of nullity and
charlatanism. I have had a daily bulletin from my Reform
Committee. They are working with a will. I am
considerably disappointed at one of their conclusions :
by 5 votes to 3, they are against an Indian on your
Executive Council. Well, we'll see. I fully enter
into all you say about the tension of feeling among
Europeans and Indians alike. It is thoroughly intel
ligible, natural, and, under the circumstances, not
unjustifiable. As for the feeling in this country, I
declare that I don't see what there is to complain of.
You cannot expect people here to give a blank
cheque to all the officials and magistrates in India.
It is they — people here — who are responsible ; it is
to them, and not merely the G. of I., to whom the
destinies of India have been entrusted. They cannot
delegate their imperial duty to their agents wholesale.
The British public never have abdicated, and I
fervently trust they never will. You speak of our
having "too much respect for the doctrines of the
Western world quite unsuited to the East." I make
bold to ask you what doctrines ? There is no doctrine
that I know of involved in regarding, for instance,
transportation for life in such a case as Tinnevelly,
as a monstrous outrage on common sense. And what
are we in India for ? Surely in order to implant —
slowly, prudently, judiciously — those ideas of justice,
law, humanity, which are the foundation of our own

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 279
civilisation? It makes me sick when I am told that chap.
 or  would make short work of seditious j\J^_
writers and [spouters. I can imagine a certain poten
tate answering me — if I were to hint that boiling
offenders in oil, cutting their throats like a goat,
blowing them from a gun for small peculation, were
rather dubious proceedings — that I was a bewildered
sentimentalist, with a brain filled by a pack of non
sense quite unsuited to the East.
October 23. — The event in this Office for the week
is the arrival of your Reforms dispatch. It is to
come up for formal consideration next Tuesday, and
meanwhile its topics are simmering and stewing in all
the pots, pipkins, and cauldrons of my colleagues of
the Council. It is no use for me to go into the points
until after Tuesday.
October 30. — We have now had all but three
years of it, and considering the difference in our
experience of life and the world, and the difference
in the political schools to which we belong (or think
we belong), and the intrinsic delicacy of our official
relations, our avoidance of reefs and snags has been
rather creditable all round. When December 11
comes — the anniversary of my taking^ my seals — I
feel as if I could compose a very fine Te Deum duet,
in which you shall take one part if you will, and I the
other. I was reading the other day — perhaps I have
already mentioned it — ¦ the saying of a divine,
"Besides a man's professions, and gifts, and many
of his sayings and acts — there is something else :
there is the man himself." That is what one is apt
to forget when vexed by this or that petty incident.
So do you please to forget the petty incident, and
remember that the man himself has nothing but the

280 RECOLLECTIONS
book soundest goodwill. I almost feel as if it were imper-
^^J^ tinent to give you this assurance.
I am up to my neck in your "Reform" dispatch,
and we are all of us here hard at work upon it. On
the whole, people are surprised, and very glad, to
find that the differences between the G. of I. and
ourselves are not more serious. I hope nothing
insurmountable will present itself, though you may
think one or two of our fences are too stiff to be
ventured. November 5. — It was very kind of you to send
me the telegram that all had gone off well at your
great function. The good news gave me lively
satisfaction, and the papers make it clear that, as
might have been expected, you did full justice to the
high part you had to play. I wish I could have been
an eyewitness. 'Tis rather tantalising to have one's
mind full of the East, and yet never to have a chance
of seeing an Oriental spectacle. Here the Royal
Proclamation has been received with much approval,
though Mr.  , and one or two others of that breed
in Parliament, have dropped a little peevish criticism.
With you, I should gather from the scraps from news
paper articles in India telegraphed to London, that
the general impression has on the whole been decently
good. I don't believe that we shall ever soar much
higher than that moderate quantity of popular approval,
whatever we may say, do, promise, or fulfil.
About Reforms. I told you of the Special Com
mittee. Your dispatch and the Report of the S. C.
have now been well discussed and considered in
Council. They had three good meetings, conducted
in the right spirit. It is now for me to make up my
own mind what to say to you. I am in hopes that a

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 281
short week will see me through it, if I can keep out chap.
of too many interviews and other interruptions. The ^^^
subject is grave ; to keep in step with you is all-
important ; to present a front that won't offend the
Bureaucracy, nor the non-official Anglo-Indian, nor
the Mahometans, nor the right wing of the Congress
men, is no joke, you will after your own experience
decidedly agree. Happily everything comes to an
end. You will be sorry, as am I, to hear that Curzon
writes of himself to me as an invalid. You may have
seen that he was seriously bruised in a motor collision
some time back. He is now off on a voyage for some
months, as I understand. I cannot help a great
liking for him, and admiration for his gifts that is
not far from affection.
November 12. — Now for my programme as to
Reforms and other matters connected therewith.
My plan is as follows. You will be acquainted by
cable (before you get this, I hope) with the exact,
nature of our reply to your dispatch. The dispatch
itself ought to be in your hands by December 12-15.
I shall, in the H. of L., state a general view of the
Indian situation and the policy of H. M.'s G. in respect
of it (as in a Budget speech) : then proceed to offer
an outline of Reforms, in connection with the bill to
be presented to Parliament at the opening of next
session in February. I shall be pressed, no doubt, to
lay the two dispatches (yours and my reply) on the
table, but I have not yet quite made up my mind
whether this would be expedient, because it would
increase the risk of there being so much adverse
criticism during January both in India and here
that when our project comes before Parliament, it

282 RECOLLECTIONS
book would have become stale and fly-blown. On the
v' other hand, there is some impatience here, and I
understand from a friend who has seen Gokhale,
that impatience is quite as lively in India, or in truth
much more so, because the chance of the Moderates
holding their own agamst Extremists when Congress
meets in the last week of December, depends on their
being able to show that we have our scheme actually
ready for Parliament. The scheme itself, as far as
my information goes, will give them more than they
expect from us — which is all to the good.
Of course, I have yet to bring Reforms pretty fully
before the Cabinet, but I don't doubt that they will
assent to what is to be proposed. At our last meeting
they heartily agreed that we are not to allow anarchist
conspiracy to arrest our policy.
Since writing the last sentence, I have a box from
the F. O. with a very private letter from Petersburg,
I wish I could send it to you, or a copy of it, but I can
only put bits of it in another cover for rigidly personal
perusal. From very great to very small. I have a dispatch
from G. of I., under date of September 17 about a
memorial for clemency. The prisoner was sentenced
to 8 years' rigorous imprisonment by the sessions
judge at Guntur in January 1906. There had been
previous convictions. The theft, as I understand,
was trivial, a lota (?), jar or some such thing. Surely
3 years, even for an impenitent offender, are enough.
But I don't want to bring down the sledge-hammer
of the Crown. I only bespeak your personal interest
in the case. When you have leisure peruse the
Beatitudes — Chapter V. of St. Matthew — I refer
from memory. Pray let him out, will you ?

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 283
I was going to fulfil the promise of my last letter chap.
about native officers. But Isvolsky has taken all my V_J^L-
time — to say nothing of Reforms.
November 19. — This is a letter that is no letter.
I am up to the neck about Reforms, about Excep
tional Legislation against Murderers, and — about
State Banquets ! ! They take up a vast deal of
time, and are extremely fatiguing, as I daresay
you find in your own vice-regal existence. Last
Saturday I treated myself to a real holiday, in the
shape of a visit under the flag of Sir John Fisher to
the Dreadnought. It was vastly interesting, you can
well believe, and I came to the conclusion that if I
had to begin life again I would start on the road for
becoming Admiral of the Fleet. Perhaps he, too,
has his troubles, like Ministers and Viceroys, if we
only knew them. Do not think from this easy, or
even frivolous opening that I forget or underrate
your anxieties. They must be very sharp, I know
full well. Be certain that I constantly think of them
and of you, though, do you know, I generally find
myself wishing that I were by your side in the thick
of it all instead of surveying it from the Olympian
heights of Whitehall and Westminster.
November 27. — It was with uncommon relief
yesterday that I wound up the Reforms proceed
ings in Council. There were two Dissents — chiefly,
or indeed entirely, on the point of official majority.
I argued that it was a perfectly conceivable policy
to have no Reforms at all, but "Martial Law and
no d  d nonsense." "Not one of you," I said,
"advocates that policy; you all agree in the new
numbers and powers of Legislative Councils, and in
new and large facilities of discussion, amendment, and

284 RECOLLECTIONS
recommendation. What is the use or sense of offering
this, and then taking it back by means of official
majority with a swamping vote ? And don't you see
that in the last paragraph of our dispatch we give a
discreet but very intelligible hint to the Lt.-Governor
to exercise his full authority in case motions or bills
should take a wild-cat turn?" The Council, without
the two dissidents I have named, were in full accord
with this general line, as they have been from the
first. I need not say what conclusive force I drew
from your telegram of general assent. They did not
like my leaving the question of the Council of Chiefs
so open as para. 3 now does, but I put it to them that
a wholesale refusal point-blank of your notions on
this head — delicate as it must be in dealing with those
potentates — would tend to lower your authority in
their eyes, and might, moreover, rouse a feeling in their
minds that we were for snubbing them. So, in short,
all's well that ends well. The Cabinet took the thing
on trust, having rather urgent business of much
domestic moment on their hands in the shape of the
Schools first, the Pothouses second, and the cloudy
prospect of Rates and Taxes third. You must not
infer from this that people here, either in the Cabinet
or out of it, are free from uneasiness about India.
That is by no means the case. Happily the un
easiness is not acute as yet, but it may any day
become so with our sensational Press, and the brood
of "Indici olim" ready to swarm down as soon as
ever the editors will open their columns to their angry
croaks. It matters little. So long as you and I keep
steady and in step, we shall get on well enough.
I had a pleasant three days at Windsor last week.
The King in great spirits. All of them very much

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 285
alive about India, but without any extraordinary chap.
disposition to be fidgety. The watchword, as you ^^
may suppose, like Strafford's Thorough is Firm —
to be reiterated with much emphasis and in capital
letters. Pray believe that I went bail both for
you and for myself in that respect.
December 4. — I had a thought of writing you
rather a full letter this morning, but as it happens
there is a mortal combat between Church and Chapel
raging just now, and I'm called to an unexpected
Cabinet, where important questions have to be dis
cussed. Once upon a time I took an active interest
in the controversies about national education. The
questions that were then blazing have not moved in
the line that was expected five-and-thirty years ago.
The Church, for instance, has turned out a great
deal stronger than it then was ; only in tone, temper,
and relations to other religious bodies, it has grown
to be a different Church ; still militant enough, but
very tolerant. Forgive this momentary digression.
Though a Cabinet Council to-day is a bore, there is
some refreshment in having to turn one's mind from
India. Here I have an advantage over you ; for you,
I fear, have little chance of ever turning your mind
in any other direction (save now and then a tiger),
and I don't suppose that it is easy to get out of the
official atmosphere, or that this atmosphere is other
than stiff, monotonous, and tiresome. However, the
monotony is now at any rate broken with a vengeance,
and, for the passing hour, yours is about the most
actively interesting post in the Empire. Though I
am not on the spot, as you are, I feel that you are
thoroughly right in calling the position decidedly
critical, and in saying that "we don't know what we

286 RECOLLECTIONS
book may have in front of us." That's the worst of it.
^^^ All we do know is that it is sure to give us plenty of
trouble, and may bring plenty of danger. And you
may well say that we want the best men we can get.
I hope you will act freely on this principle, and make
short work of "claims."
You return to the charge about Sir Lawrence
Jenkins, and I have had a second talk with ham about
coming to Calcutta as C. J. He is a fine fellow. "I
will do whatever you tell me to ,do," he said; "if
you think I should be more useful at Calcutta, I'll
go; if you want me here I'll gladly stay." "But
your preference?" "No, it is for you," he answers,
"to decide." So he goes.
I had a farewell talk with Gokhale on Wednesday.
He thinks he will never come to England again : no
more work to be done for India here : must work in
his own country : this is the moment of crisis : if
nothing comes of our attempt (yours and mine), then
the Extremists will have their own way : confusion,
danger, ruin, will follow. On the whole, his tone
both attracted and impressed me. He promises very
confidently a good reception for our Reforms by the
Congress. I did not disclose to him their precise
terms, but of course it was easy enough for an old
hand like him to guess pretty well on what lines they
were sure to run. It looks to me as if the reception
in England would be distinctly good. There will be
the cry that we ought not to touch Reforms until we
have rooted out the last Murder Club. But I don't
despair of carrying even the H. of L. with us over
this stile.
I hear that I have fallen into dark disfavour with
"public opinion" at Simla, and some Simla patter

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 287
was reported to me — chiefly, as I gather, from the chap.
soldiers. What a sad ungrateful animal is Man ! ^^
As if it were not wholly due to the odious S. S. that
the present C.-in-C. reigned over the Indian Army —
at this moment ! Did I not with infinite satisfaction
extend his term? If I heard Whitehall talk against
you, I should come down as heavily as I could upon
the talker, and I'm quite sure that the patterers of
Simla take care to keep their chatter from your
ears, and only transmit it to London newspapers by
post. I hope anxieties do not strain you over much. I
know nothing that involves much closer strain than
discussion with lawyers about bills, and of all bills
Coercion bills are worst in this respect, as in a good
many other respects too.
Politics are dubious and uncomfortable all round.
Publicans jubilant (though a little timid about high
licences) : churchmen and chapelmen sorry for them
selves — both of them — and neutral men vexed and
wearied : Ireland tiresome : India — the very deuce
according to some, but they cannot make up their
minds whether it is all my fault or all yours. What
zanies do politics make of man ! The Indian group
in the H. of C. waxes more worth every day that the
arrogant, privileged, hereditary, abominable H. of L.
should have the early Indian asparagus and first
dish of green peas and all the other delicious primeurs
from my oratorical garden, hothouses and forcing-pits.
Asquith, to my astonishment, pressed me very hard to
let Buchanan expound our projects first in the H. of C.
The feeling is so strong against the H. of L., he said.
I was utterly inexorable. It would have been to give
an intolerably wrong notion of the dimensions of

288 RECOLLECTIONS
book what is intended for a reform of the first order, wise
v' or unwise, not to let the S. S. have the first innings.
December 18. — I am rather a rag of a man after
my exercitation in the House of Lords yesterday ;
and I am sitting in a Cabinet, with many anxieties
about Naval Estimates; and my medico thinks I
should be wiser in my bed. But still I must find
energy enough to send you a word of greeting, in the
midst of your tiresome cares. The House of Lords
was extremely friendly, and I did my best to fight
our whole case as high and as broad as I could. If
you have time, you will find the story in the Times
report, and I hope that one or two friendly references
of mine to you will give you a fraction of the pleasure
to read that they gave me to make. Lansdowne
(who was altogether extremely handsome) took
notice of them, to the lively gratification of the
House. This can hardly be a "merry Christmas" for
either you or me ; but anyhow I offer you and Lady
Minto my most sincere good wishes for the season
and for the new year; and I hope you won't let
public cares weigh too heavily on private life, — only,
as I know, it isn't easy always to keep the two in
water-tight compartments. Still, I feel about you,
as was said of the old Roman, the deeper you plunge
him, the better he comes out, pulchrior evenit, and
we'll ride this storm with stout heart, and, what is at
least as important, with steady eye.
Only I would say a word on a passage in your last
letter about Deportation, and the avoidance of the
mischief of parliamentary questions by throwing all
the responsibility on You. Undoubtedly this would
be easier for me, but to put the thing in a single word,

REFORMS ON THE ANVIL 289
it is impossible ; and as it is the mark of a bad work- chap.
man to quarrel with his tools, so a man who has to ^^^
work the parliamentary system, as I have directly,
and you have indirectly, had better make the best of
that system. ... Do you think this rather rambling
talk ? Well, it is not ; and what I am at is to press
on you
(1) that we cannot escape a bombardment when
Parliament reassembles in February ;
(2) that party spirit will in a quiet way raise its
head — undoubtedly discouraged strongly by
Balfour, but irresistible to irresponsibles
working on the Tory back benches, in view
of a slowly (or rapidly) approaching general
election ;
(3) that in your own interest you should be
careful to give these people — Liberal and
Tory alike — as little leverage as possible,
by resorting as little as you reasonably can
to drastic measures.
One thing I do beseech you to avoid — a single
case of investigation in the absence of the accused.
We may argue as much as we like about it, and there
may be no substantial injustice in it, but it has
an ugly continental, Austrian, Russian look about it,
which will stir a good deal of doubt or wrath here,
quite besides the Radical Ultras. I have consider
able confidence, after much experience, in my flair
on such a point.
Yesterday, I got two Liberal editors to visit me,
who had been writing foolishly about Repression
ruining the chance of Reforms, the indispensableness
of undoing Partition, and all the other nagging points.
I dealt with them as faithfully as ever I could, and
VOL. II u

290 RECOLLECTIONS
book they departed wiser and sadder men. A young man
Y' once applied to me for work, when I was editor of
the Pall Mall Gazette. I asked him whether he had
any special gift or turn. "Yes," he said, "I think
I have a natural turn for Invective!" "That's
capital," said I, "but in any particular line, may I
ask?" "Oh no — General Invective." I found
myself yesterday blessed with a wonderful outpouring
of this enchanting gift.
You may guess how eagerly I have looked every
morning for the telegrams about the reception of
Reforms. Surely it has been better, far better, than
was to be expected; or am I wrong? Here it has
been a chorus of approval, but India is what really
matters. If the Indian likes the thing, and the
European and I. C. S. don't kick, then we shall be all
right. About the Native Member? Time will soon
press. Opinion here is full of doubts. But I don't
draw back. There should be no time lost about
working out Reforms. Do put your foot down on
promiscuous Noting.

CHAPTER V
HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT
1909
January 6. — Jenkins, Gupta, and Dutt have been chap.
dining with me, and you may believe that we had a V_^IW
cheerful meal, though I was the only drinker of wine.
They were jubilant at the way in which the Moderates
have really rallied to our common sense. They
insist that it will last, and that you have now a
National party more or less committed to constitu
tional ways. If the path of wise advance lies in
widening and popularising local governments in all
its phases, then we have undoubtedly taken a good
stride. Much, very much, will depend on the mood
of your Civil Service. I should be truly grateful
for any crumbs from your table on this subject.
January 13. — I don't know whether disputatious
clatter will be louder with you than here, only bear
in mind, if you will, that when a subject that is in
itself not over easy, once gets into Parliament in the
shape of a Bill, there is no end to the strange shoals
and snags that may suddenly appear. I expect that
on the whole the debates will be conducted in good
faith, but you never can be certain that the Devil
won't insinuate himself into the best men's hearts,
until you have got to the Third Reading.
291

292 RECOLLECTIONS
book One last word about the eternal subject of Deporta
tion. I chanced to spy a sentence the other day in
a letter of  (not to me) which ran as follows :
"I have not the slightest doubt of his (Native's)
very dangerous influence as an organiser, and of his
sympathy with acts of violence." I confess that it
alarms me that a capable man like him should suppose
that the fact of his having no doubt of another man's
sympathy with something constitutes the shadow of
a justification for locking him up without charge or
trial. You may take my word for it, my dear
Viceroy, that if we do not use this harsh weapon with
the utmost care and scruple — always, where the material
is dubious, giving the suspected man the benefit of the
doubt — you may depend upon it, I say, that both
you and I will be called to severe account, even by
the people who are now applauding us (quite rightly)
for vigour. It is just some momentary slip in vigi
lance that has often upset apple-carts and damaged
political reputations, if reputations matter.
January 21. — It is rash of me, or anybody, to
predict the course of any Bill in the two Houses of
Parliament, but on the whole I rather look forward
to a pretty smooth voyage. My present intention is
to introduce it in the H. of L. as soon as ever the
debate on the Address is over. Not very many people
will want to speak. I should hope that four or five
sittings, or even fewer, would see it through all the
stages. Then I should bargain with Asquith that it
should be the first Government business (bar perhaps
some supplementary estimates) in the H. of C.
There the Opposition may, in the persons of its less
responsible members, commit the heinous, but too
familiar crime of obstruction — not from any preju-

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 293
dice against our Bill, but from a patriotic desire
to keep back other business, and to make difficulties
for the most iniquitous of imaginable governments.
However, we will not bid good-morrow to the Devil
until we meet him, and I am not without a hope that
we shall emerge by Easter.
It is lucky that my appointment of an Indian
member on your Executive Council does not need
parliamentary sanction, for I don't believe the
H. of L. would agree. My Council, or most of them,
would be averse. L  , for instance, thinks it
would fret the native Princes to see a common man
set on the seat of power, where their affairs might
come up for decision. However, it does not affect
my purpose. I have agreed to receive the sons of the
Crescent next week. I wish the Prophet himself were
coming ! ! There are not many historic figures whom
I should be better pleased to summon up from
Paradise. Before the session opens I have to make
reports on two sub-committees of the Imperial Defence
C, over which I have presided : Egypt for one,
Persian Guff the other.
January 28. — Yesterday I had my interview with
the Moslems. They were strangely quiet, though they
listened to my words of wisdom with severe attention.
The end of my eloquence, so I am informed, was
that the honest Moslems went away decidedly dis
appointed. I never expected it would be otherwise.
How could I satisfy them by straight declaration off
my own bat? We have to take care that in picking
up the Mussulman, we don't drop our Hindu parcels,
and this makes it impossible to blurt out the full
length to which we are or may be ready to go in the
Moslem direction. The bitter cry against the Indian

294 RECOLLECTIONS
book Member grows more and more shrill — reinforced of
^~^, course by our Moslems. But if I once make the
recommendation, the cry will drop. Meanwhile, not
a single newspaper for us !
February 4. — The gale of wind still blows, whistles,
and even screams in my ear. I bear it with much
composure, and when the thing is done all the world
will wonder what the fuss was about. I don't pretend
for a moment that the step is not a serious change.
It is — very serious in all its indirect bearings. I know
that, but then the state of India marks a serious
change, and demands "tremendous innovations."
If it does not turn out well, then the next S. S., when
the time comes, may put a White Man into the Dark
Man's place.
I am sometimes tempted to end the controversy
by submitting Sinha to the King's pleasure right
away. But neither Parliament, nor our honest
public outside, has any relish for coups. Nor have I.
You remember the fearful row in 1871, on the aboli
tion of Army Purchase by Royal Warrant, i.e. by
Prerogative? The appointment to your Council is
by the Crown, on the advice of the S. S., and nobody
else has any locus standi in the appointment, and it
is all by Statute. Still, though to have made a
Native Member compulsory by a clause in our Bill
would have lost the Bill in H. of L., on the other
hand it might look unreasonably rough to dismiss in
advance all chance of a little discussion, considering
that Lansdowne has already given us notice that he
does not like the thing. As soon as my Bill is through
the Lords, I do not propose to postpone the appoint
ment beyond that. The H. of C. won't mind ; on the
contrary, the vast majority there will cordially approve.

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 295
February 11. — Pray enjoy your short outing with chap.

a clear conscience, only occasionally turning a friendly
thought to a S. S. engaged in steering the craft through
parliamentary rapids, spates, and all the rest of the
chances and hazards of a Bill. To carry a Bill
through the H. of C. was Mr. Gladstone's definition
of Ministers' hard work; all else he thought might
involve labour, pressure of meditation, and assiduous
study and attention, but the strain of contention
long sustained, of sudden dangerous surprises in
argument or party attitude — hoc opus, hie labor.
For 80 days or more I sat on the bench with him
sixteen years ago over the Home Rule Bill. I think
a twentieth part of that vast span of time will see
me through my immediate and personal share of our
Indian Bill, and I hope that Buchanan will not be
under the harrow so very much longer. I happen
to know that Gokhale has written to Cotton urging
him to make as few difficulties as possible ; and Dutt
is dealing faithfully in the same sense with others of
that section. The Irishmen are, for reasons of their
own, rather out of humour with H. M.'s Government,
and Birrell thinks they may obstruct my Bill like
any other piece of Government business. I incline to
doubt that. For one thing they owe me a certain
debt for old friendship ; and for another and much
weightier thing, they will hardly like to resist pro
posals in favour of another people "rightly struggling
to be free," and using a good many of their own
watchwords against John Bull, the common foe.
It gave me great pleasure to make my peace with
Sven Hedin last Monday. We had an enchanting talk
together at dinner before he gave his lecture; the
audience was immense ; I moved a vote of thanks to

v.

296 RECOLLECTIONS
book him, with compliments ingeniously adjusted to myself
^y~^, for refusing to let him go from India, and then to
him for going to Tibet in spite of me. The brave
man was delighted, and in the presence of many
hundreds of male and female geographers he took
my hand and publicly swore eternal friendship. The
Scandinavian always strikes me as such a wholesome
sort of being. Nansen is another example.
February 18. — In his opening speech Lansdowne
gave us some pleasant chaff about that monster
blue-book of yours, and then rather went out of his
way to read me a short lecture on my duty to give
the Man on the Spot a free hand, etc. This was
much approved by his colleagues on the front bench,
Halsbury, Ashbourne, and the rest. It was very
maladroit of him to raise this point, and I shall take
the liberty of reminding him next week of the beautiful
respect they paid to their Man on the Spot, who threw
up the reins in disgust and wrath, because in his own
words they wanted to "make a puppet of him."
The presence of the puppet by his side on the bench
should enforce the little irony.
The Indian Member on the Executive Council will
be debated in the course of the discussion on the
Bill — but I shall make it plain to them that whatever
they may say, I shall recommend an Indian. I hear
that in private conversation Lansdowne is very keen
against. But I am forgetting that by the time you
get this, the battle of words will be over — so I need
say no more. I am perfectly comfortable about it.
I had a long talk with the Aga Khan last Saturday
on the eve of his retreat into a nursing home. As
always, I found him pleasant, extremely intelligent,
and quick. I begged him to dismiss from his mind

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 297
what I had seen stated, that, "like all other English chap.
Radicals, I had a hatred of Islam." What other _J^
Liberals thought about Islam, I did not know ; but
for myself, if I were to have a label, I should be called
a Positivist, and in the Positivist Calendar, framed by
Comte after the manner of the Catholics, Mahomet is
one of the great leading saints, and has the high
honour of giving his name to a Week!! This will
soon be expanded into a paragraph in the Daily
Mail, that the Indian S. S. has turned Mahometan.
That, at any rate, would tend to soften Mahometan
alienation from our plans ? Forgive all this nonsense.
Like many another man of grave (or dull) tempera
ment, I seek snatches of relief from boredom by
clapping on a fool's cap at odd moments.
February 25. — We have got over another stage
of the great journey, and the Bill was read a second
time in the H. of L. last night at the sacred dinner-
hour, after two days of debate covering not more
than seven or eight hours in all. A high-class
performance. On Tuesday I moved the Second Reading in a
speech listened to by a rather brilliant and very atten
tive, but not over-sympathetic, audience. Then came
Curzon. He is a first-rate parliamentary speaker,
and he strode over the ground in fine style. He
took point after point and detail after detail without
acrimony, but with the air of a grand drill-sergeant
at the blundering manoeuvres of new recruits. His
criticism was wholly of the destructive sort, and
entirely unhelpful, but it was heartily relished in
their quiet muffled way by the people around him,
to whom of course the very word "Reform" is of evil
savour. There was plenty of force in his argument,

298 RECOLLECTIONS
book if you only admitted that all we need do was to
v" sit still and let agitation take its course.
Ampthill came next, very warm and enthusiastic.
Macdonnell began his discourse in the regular Anglo-
Indian fashion with a history of Indian government
since Lord William Bentinck and a short apercu on
Noah's Ark; strong against the Indian Member.
Here ended the First Lesson. Yesterday Midleton
opened with a really good speech, seeking comfort
on one or two points to which he took objection,
but still essentially friendly. He represented, in
truth, the dispassionate and sensible practical spirit,
proper in discussing a Bill on which nobody even
dreamed of suggesting that they should take a
division. Lansdowne wound up with a speech whose spirit
was rather a surprise to me. Though, as always, he
was entirely courteous and decently friendly in
manner, he showed a pretty direct antipathy to the
whole thing. Here again, as in Curzon's case, he
would or might have damaged us a good deal, if
he had only had any positive plan of his own. It
comes to this, that though he admitted we must
make "concessions" (a way of putting it that for
my own part I never use), we ought to make them
as narrow and grudging as we possibly could.
The House was full for me and Curzon, but other
wise the red benches were emptyish. On the whole
I am heartily pleased to have got so much support,
and to have escaped from my Rhinoceros more com
fortably than your aide-de-camp appears to have
fared with his. Now I must have a final grappling
with your Regulations, etc. Don't think me a
coward or a sluggard, if I confide to you that my

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 299
appetite for them by no means vient en mangeant. I chap.
think of Easter as the schoolboy does. ^ "
"Reforms" will be in the H. of C. in a few days.
Cotton promises me that the reception will be most
friendly, but there will, of course, be a bitter cry
against leaving so much of the shaping of the scheme
in the hands of G. of I. and the bureaucrats. It
won't come to anything, for nobody dares take the
heavy responsibility of wrecking the scheme, and
I gave C. a hint in capital letters that we can stand
no nonsense.
The Native Member is still a fashionable stumbling-
block. Last night, dining at Crewe's, I was honoured
by a long conversation with H. M. He told me that
he had written to you at the time of my audience,
and was sure that I had informed you how strongly
he felt. I said I had done that, but that withdrawal
of Native Member would now be taking the linch
pin out of the car. His tone was that of earnest,
but extremely kind, remonstrance. The Times runs
on the same line with unabated perseverance. Our
critics are making most of the point (also pressed
heavily I see this morning in the Pioneer) that the
G.-G. is nobody unless he is G.-G. in C. — the answer
to which is the very obvious one that the burden of
selection is imposed by law on the responsibility of
the S. S. and nobody else. I am not at all sorry that
we are having the question threshed out now before
the plunge. It is not without peril. But the row
would have been much worse, if we had taken the
plunge without discussion. I hope every word of
this will be as stale as the first chapter of Genesis or
even the Ten Commandments by the time you get it.
March 5. — • We got through Committee on the Bill

300 RECOLLECTIONS
book last night, but left a little of our fur in the trap, in
^J!^_ the shape of a clause which is probably of no vast
moment, but still is worth something in view of
possible contingencies ahead of us. I doubt whether
Lansdowne would have divided upon it, but after
a strong speech against the clause from Curzon, it
was difficult for him (L.) to assent. I have cabled
to you this morning, and whatever else happens, we
shall have it back when the Bill reaches the H. of C.
Curzon — a little scarred by his motor mishap — is
characteristically active. As I said last night, he
hates the Bill and the whole policy of which the Bill
is the instrument. But they did not dare to take the
responsibility of throwing it out; and so they have
to be content with attempts to whittle it away. His
arguments, however, all of them, rest on the view
that the whole attempt is a blunder, and that we
ought to have persisted in his policy of shutting eyes
and ears to all "political concessions" whatever.
Brodrick is excellent; could not be fairer or more
helpful. Ampthill an enthusiastic supporter. Wen
lock not friendly to the Bill, but kind and moderate.
Northcote doubtful, but without any approach to
acrimony. Sandhurst, a conscientious opponent, but
he allowed his conscience to carry him too far when
it took him into the enemy's lobby, instead of letting
him walk out without voting. Cromer, though the
kindest of men in feeling, and the best of men in
seeking sound judgment, is not yet quite at home
in parliamentary waters, turbid and curious as they
are. The Native Member, who figured largely in the
debate on the Second Reading, has been left out in
the discussion yesterday in Committee upon the
clauses. Still, I know that he is at the back of all

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 301
their minds, even when they are talking of things chap.
that have nothing at all to do with him. ^^^
March 12. — I sometimes wonder what you make
of all our parliamentary doings, as rendered by piece
meal scraps of Reuter — what queer shadows and
ghosts the speeches must seem — how far off from the
close real facts around you. Well, we got our Third
Reading yesterday afternoon, and no great harm done
after all. On the whole we have nothing particular
to complain of. Of course the marked favour with
which they received my first announcement on
December 17 slowly clouded over. I knew it would.
So often have I seen a sulky political noon follow a
grand sunrise. And our proposals no doubt expose
plenty of surface. Nobody could possibly have pro
duced a scheme that was open to no objections and
criticisms, and that would please everybody. If we
had satisfied the Lords at every turn, we should
certainly have been laying up trouble for ourselves
in the Commons. You will laugh at me as a horrible
double-faced Janus, for having in one House to show
how moderate we are, now in the other to pose as
the most ultra-reformers that ever were. Such are
what we call tactical exigencies ! All will come right
in the end, and before any very long time we shall
be out of the wood, and you will have to take up the
load — and a very heavy load too — of shaping rules
and regulations.
I thought it best to fortify myself by a fresh
Cabinet decision. So I brought it up on Wednesday.
I read your account of Sinha, which made an excellent
impression. The decision was unanimous. The same
day I wrote a pretty full letter to H. M., telling
him of the unanimity of the Cabinet, and enclosing

302 RECOLLECTIONS
book your story of Sinha. I also cleared myself of any
v" sort of desire to shift any atom of responsibility from
my own shoulders to "the Crown" as an individual
— a point on which, as I think I told you last week,
H. M. had become a little sensitive, owing to a mis
construction of some perfectly innocent words that
had fallen from me in the H. of L. I believe this
will go on all right, and by the time you have this
epistle in your hands, the plunge will be over. I do
not conceal from myself that, on whatever line we
may choose to argue it to-day, it is a far-reaching
and deep-reaching move. When I opened it to the
Cabinet, I said, "No more important topic has ever
been brought before a Cabinet." Speaking to Alfred
Lyall after, I told him what I had said. "Absolutely
true," he answered, "about India. No more mo
mentous Indian topic has ever been settled." He
is staunch for it, and I do not know of any more
competent judgment.
The last stage has been far from agreeable to me.
As I told you, I wrote to Biarritz a letter, putting the
thing in as good a way as I could, meeting especially
one or two misapprehensions that I knew to exist in
the mind of H. M. A prompt reply reached me last
Monday, evidently written with much strong feeling,
"protesting" against the whole proceeding, but
admitting that there was no alternative against a
unanimous Cabinet. To this I answered by sending
the formal submission, and a very short covering
letter, doing full justice — well deserved — to the
trouble H. M. had taken in forming his judgment ;
recognising the force of some adverse arguments ;
only pointing out that withdrawal from the Native
Member now would chill and check the warm response

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 303
in India to the policy of Reforms announced in his chap.
message of November last; and finally expressing V-
my belief that this marked fulfilment of the historic
promise of Queen Victoria in 1858, that race and
colour should be no bar, would secure for him a
lasting place in the affections of Indian subjects of
the Crown. I am afraid he will count all this no
more than idle words; they won't reconcile him to
the step ; but at any rate I have done my best, and
the step is taken. I shall watch with eager interest
how it will go on your side of the water, both for your
sake there, and mine here.
Sir L. Jenkins has been of immense value to me
about Reforms — and a more willing, ready, and
resourceful man in the legal and legislative line, it
has never been my fortune to meet. Besides that
he has made a grand sacrifice of personal ease and
domestic comfort in consenting to exchange his snug
life here for a return to Calcutta, and only because
he was told that you desired it, and that I thought
it would be for the public good. Do remember that
he has made a sacrifice to duty, just as if he were a
soldier. March 25. — So far, — that is to say, twenty-four
hours after the event, — the launch of the Indian
Member has produced no shock. The Times, which
in India matters is almost the only journal that really
counts, shakes its head a little solemnly, but without
scare. They shed tears over the fact that Sinha has
not some score of the rarest political virtues in any
world — courage, patience, tact, foresight, penetra
tion, breadth of view, habit of authority, and heaven
knows what else — just as if all these noble qualities
were inherent in any lawyer that I could have fished

304 RECOLLECTIONS
book out of Lincoln's Inn ; or even as if they are to be
v' found in all the members of the Executive Council
as it stands to-day. Delicacy forbids me to name
one or two of your rather dubious Paragons. The
article, however, breaks no bones. Nor, so far as
Reuter allows one to guess, has any very loud shout
been raised in your world. The only point seems to
be that I should have waited until the Councils Bill
was through Parliament ; and this is a very poor and
bad point. Balfour and Percy will doubtless ad
minister a scolding next week, but nothing will come
of it.
April 2. — We got our Bill, safe and sound, through
Second Reading in the H. of C. last night. The House
was very slack and thin. I counted, as an average,
fourteen on our side, and eight on the other ! ! ! The
debate was spiritless, though Asquith and Balfour
were among the speakers. Buchanan opened in a
quiet sensible speech, saying all that was required.
Percy followed, not with particular grasp, but thread
ing his way elaborately through all the details. He
knew all the points that are to be made against us
(just as you and I know them, if we had nothing else
to think of), and he was free from acrimony. Only
there was no broad outlook. No more there was in
anybody else. Asquith was short, and hardly at his
best. The wonder to me was that he could come up
to the scratch at all, for I knew the huge load that
had been upon his mind for the previous eight or
nine hours. Balfour spoke in his usual pleasant and
effective way for a short half-hour, mainly occupied
with an interesting analysis of the conditions that
are required to make representative government a
success, ending in the conclusion that India satisfies

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 305
none of these conditions, and that our scheme, while chap.
securing none of the advantages, will expose India ^_J^
to all the drawbacks and disadvantages of representa
tive government. With the Bill and the scheme he
hardly dealt at all, and his criticism was purely
superficial. It reminded me of what Gibbon politely
said about Voltaire, "casting a keen and lively glance
over the surface of history."
On the whole, sitting perched up over the clock
in the Peers' Gallery, I felt as if I were listening to a
band of disembodied ghosts — so far off did they all
seem from the hard realities and perplexities with
which we have been grappling all these long months.
Though it would never do for me to say so, I must
secretly admit that the thing compared very poorly
with the strength and knowledge of the debates on
the Bill in the H. of L. I found also, when the dinner
hour arrived, that I had already, in less than a
twelvemonth, acquired one inexorable propensity of
every self-respecting peer; I adjourned, and after a
modest meal at the Club, instead of returning to hear
more speeches I went home to bed, where I did not
dream of M  C  and other excellent men.
Some day it will be your turn to listen to an Indian
debate from the same perch; for I dare not suppose
that we have finally settled the business. I will not
ask you to send me an account down in the Elysian
Fields, where I shall then be wandering at my ease.
April 7. — I ought by rights to have been off for a
holiday and change of scene, but I have missed it, first
by my wife being ill, and second by a series of Cabinets,
with protracted discussion on important questions
of Budget. I have managed to push our India
Bill excellently forward. The pace may seem slack
VOL. II X

306 RECOLLECTIONS
book to you, but if you were familiar with the parliamentary
ground, you would know that not a single available
parliamentary hour has been lost. The Committee
stage is to be the first day after the Easter holiday,
and Buchanan thinks he can promise a pretty smooth
passage. The moment the Bill is through the Commons
I shall bring it up in the H. of L.
I don't wonder at your being a little impatient at
the delay, and I am fully alive, as I have abundantly
shown, to the mischief of delay in keeping the minds
of your Indian subjects unsettled. Only I beg you
to believe that these parliamentary affairs are not
so easy as they may look ; and not every S. S. would
have had so much indulgence as has been shown to
unworthy Me. So do not count me a Fumbler or a
Slow Coach. I hope you enjoy the proceedings at
Lahore and other places ; your reception must be
some recompense for your long and ceaseless anxieties.
I saw that on one emblazoned inscription, Ripon,
you, and I were promised a life in the Indian heart
"through all eternity." Time is quite enough for
me, and you are welcome to my share of the other, as
well as your own.
April 15. — To my intense regret, Buchanan has
been taken ill, and will have to give up work for some
weeks. I am sorry for his own sake, for he is as
thoroughly good fellow; only less sorry on account
of our Bill. (To-day is Friday, and Committee is
on Monday.) He knows it better than anybody;
the H. of C. likes his honest and conciliatory ways;
and even our little knot of critics are half ashamed
to tease him. So it is a pity. Hobhouse, however
[his successor], will do the work well, and I apprehend
no particular difficulties.

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 307
April 23. — Our Bill got through Committee in the chap.
H. of C. last Monday. I sat perched up over the v"
clock for nearly five hours. Sometimes work in
Committee is really good and effectual deliberation,
and nothing can be better. This time nothing could
be worse. "Isn't it hideous!" said Percy to me in
the course of the afternoon. When Sir F. B. rose
from time to time, I perceived that the operation on
our India Bill was merely a means of preventing
the arrival of some other business to which the
Opposition objected. We had a troublesome quarter
of an hour to begin with, about turning deportation
into a disqualification. Hobhouse was in charge, and
made the very best of things. One or two smart,
ignorant, and impudent free-lances of the Opposition
talked about deportation (not one of them had ever
read a word of the famous Regulation of 1818) just
as if it were judicial, with charge and judge and
jury and definite sentence ; whereas the point of the
Government is exactly that it is not judicial. It is
astonishing what little difference confusion of mind
makes. Then they rode the horse of the opinion of
the G. of I. as if the view of the G. of I. should be
decisive. Half an hour later, when it came to restor
ing clause 3, they rode the other horse, and counted
the opinion of the G. of I. as nought. All's well that
ends well, however, and by 10.30 the curtain fell.
I have had to join the Cabmet Committee about
the Navy; Asquith, Crewe, Grey, and Haldane
being the other members. In one respect it is a duel
between Beresford and Fisher, and to see the two
heroes seated at the same table (not a word exchanged
between them) gives a dramatic look to things.
May 5. — We are through the H. of L. without a

308 RECOLLECTIONS
book stain. A formal five or ten minutes will, I believe,
v' clear the H. of C, and then nothing remains but
the signification of H. M.'s assent. The last debate
offered no remarkable features. Lord Roberts made
a short speech ; only a belated protest agamst
Mr. Sinha's appointment. Nobody paid attention,
for that is one glorious virtue in our political ways,
that when a thing is done it is treated as done, and
people listen no more.
Some 150 members of Parliament have written
to Asquith protesting against Deportation. Asquith
will give them a judicious reply, but you will not be
able to deport any more of your suspects — that is
quite clear.
May 13. — I will not now tease you by carrying
on a controversy as to the position and arguments
of your letter. In fact one single sentence of yours
seems to me to admit all that any S. of S. could want.
And that sentence sums up the whole matter. The
G. of I. is no absolute or independent branch of
Imperial Government. It is in every respect answer
able to the Cabinet, as any other department is, and
if the Cabinet, for reasons of its own, decides that no
political disqualification shall attach to deportation,
that ends the matter. You are mistaken in laying
all the blame on Parliament. If the Cabinet had
gone the other way, nothing would have induced me
to assent. It is all very well to say good words of
the G. of I., but you will hardly deny that if your
Council could have had its own way, no Indian
member would have taken his seat among them.
No, nor if the Local Governments could have decided.
Yet this is the step on which your own heart was
most set. So, in short, you do not persuade me

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 309
that the G. of I. is always sure to be right from its chap.
knowledge of local conditions. If they — I mean v'
the sort of men who — apart from yourself and Lord
K. — constitute the public opinion that inspires the
G. of I. — had known rather more of local conditions
than they did, and seen deeper into their true signifi
cance, you and I should not have been brought
face to face with all the difficulties. On the other
hand, I am not at all disposed to belittle the authority
and competence of the G. of I., but they are none the
worse for a few stray beams of light from men who
have had as good a chance as they, and a million
times better, of studying the multifarious arts of
political navigation.
May 21. — The immortal Bill is through, and will
receive the royal assent in the beginning of next week.
So my work in the field of Parliament is for this
session over — I mean in respect of reforms. You may
be surprised that so many as 104 were found to vote
against agreeing with the Lords. The Irishmen
were the main contingent, acting no doubt on their
general principle that the other House is the enemy.
May 27. — A pretty heavy gale is blowing up in the
H. of C. about Deportation, and shows every sign of
blowing harder as time goes, for new currents are
showing. On the last fusillade of questions at the
beginning of the week, a very clever Tory lawyer, F. E.
Smith, a rising hope of his party, and not at all a bad
fellow, joined the hunt, and some of the best of our
own men are getting uneasy. The point taken is the
failure to tell the deportee what he is arrested for ; to
detain him without letting him know exactly why;
to give him no chance of clearing himself. In spite of
your Indian environment, you can easily imagine how

310 RECOLLECTIONS
book taking is such a line as that, to our honest English-
^J^ men with their good traditions of legal right; and
you will perceive the difficulty of sustammg a position
so uncongenial to popular habits of mind, either
Whig or Tory.
I have a painful feeling of the want of all sense of
proportion in my political friends, who never recognise
the immense advance we have now made in the
progressive direction, and repay all our labour in Re
forms — Indian Member on your Council, two Indian
Members on mine — by nothing but quarrelling on
Deportation, as if that were the beginning and the
end of our whole policy. You are no Ultra- Alarmist, no
more am I, but it is really senseless for these politicians
to argue as if India were Yorkshire, or even as if it
were Ireland ; such a want of imagination, and still
worse, such flat ignorance of the facts of the case. The
Oxford people have persuaded me to address some
probationers there, at a dinner given to them at
Magdalen on June 12. I think of improving the occa
sion by a few general observations, which may do
some good here without doing any harm in India.
But I hate speaking, and only wonder why I ever
liked it.
June 17. — I am in much tribulation at having to
part with Buchanan, but Fate insists. He has been
laid up for nine weeks, and though he is now pro
nounced out of danger, there is no chance of his being
able to return to the H. of C. for this session, whether
that be a near or a distant date. He is a great loss.
We could not leave the post vacant, with delicate
questions like Deportation and Midnapur on our
hands. June 24. — The answer to the endless interroga-

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 311
tories about Deportation, with which we inspired chap.
the Prime Minister, has so far had a very good effect, V-
and for the moment we have moderate peace in the
H. of C. But on Monday Curzon opens fire in the
H. of L. about Military Administration in India.
This prospect causes more agitation and misgiving
to Lansdowne than to me. From what Lord Roberts
said to me a couple of nights ago, they fear that a
battle-royal between Curzon and Midleton on the
floor of the House is inevitable, though Lansdowne
is working hard to compose matters. Unless I am
much mistaken, our assailant will have the feeling of
his hearers much against him. I wish I knew a little
more of the soldier's business for the purposes of the
debate, but a Minister, like a barrister, has to be
ready for a brief on any subject. I confess that I
have found the Lords a thoroughly reasonable and
civil audience, but then, you know, I have never
talked to them about Land, Church, or Sport.
I do not now answer your "secret" enclosure in
your letter of June 1. Only I cannot delay my
thanks to you, which are most genuine, for the tone
of good comradeship in which you write.
July 2. — I had a long letter to you in my mind,
but as I came out of my bedroom this morning I was
greeted by a piece of dreadful news that for the hour
blots out all else. It is indeeed horrible. Wyllie was
one of the most attractive of all the men that I have
ever worked with — always good-tempered and good-
natured, obliging and helpful, and thoroughly master
of the delicate and important matters that come
within his province. It is truly pain and sorrow to
me to realise that I shall see him no more.
Of the crime itself I have nothing to say but

312 RECOLLECTIONS
book what to you is mere a, b, c. It is only a few hours
_J^, since the murder was done, and the police may have
something to find out. At the moment it looks like
an act of individual fanaticism pure and simple.
Just as you have always warned us that the day of
bombs is not over in India, so I have long expected
that the doctrine of the Murder Club would extend
to Europe and the India Office.
July 15. — All that you say about the ways of
Lieutenant-Governors fills me with sympathy, ap
preciation, comprehension, and holy rage. You have
now three capable men below you — each of them bent
in a more or less quiet way on having his head, and
each entitled to have his views respectfully considered,
and nine times out of ten probably all right, but the
tenth time capable of bringing things into a dangerous
mess. And then there is the weak man who is a
greater nuisance and mischief than the strong uppish
man. It strikes me as simply disgusting (pronounced
with immense emphasis) that form, etiquette, usage,
claims, should block the way to energetic and yet
sensible government (for energy is not the same thing
as sense) in a situation like ours in India to-day, and
still more to-morrow. Do you know something said
by D6ak, the Hungarian statesman? "I can answer
for to-day, I can pretty well for to-morrow, the day
after to-morrow I leave to Providence." So do I.
July 20. — Two men of distinction came to
see me yesterday — the distinction being about as
different in degree and kind as the wit of man could
conceive, Lord Roberts and B. (an Indian). B.
nearly made me cascade with his compliments — their
Guru, a Great Man, then (by noble crescendo) the
Greatest Man since Akbar ! ! ! I hope he'll balance the

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 313
little account between us two, by swearing that you chap.
are far Greater than Aurungzebe. After this dose, ^J^
he went straight off to a meetmg presided over by
C  , and listened with silent composure to an orator
denouncing me as no less of an oppressor and a tyrant
than the Tsar of Russia ! ! Lord Roberts is always a
good friend of mine in every way, but he claims to
know Indian affairs and Indian people better than
anybody, and in a certain sense his claim may be
true, but he still hangs on the Mutiny time without
consciousness of the hundred changes that are sweep
ing over the stage. You will find yourself astounded
when you return home and see how common — nay,
• how universal — is this curious belatedness of mind,
and especially among those who have, or think they
have, a right to dogmatise about India. I was
amazed to hear  urge upon me that we should
try Dingra privately [the murderer of poor Wyllie],
so as to prevent the public dissemination of his
poisonous froth. Excellent, I daresay — only to hang
a man after a trial in camera !!
July 29. — The telegram (which is a trifle over
full and costs three hundred pounds) goes to-day
before the best Committee that we could construct
for the purpose. I have urged everybody to recognise
the importance of being rapid, and I believe that when
your dispatch arrives, it will find all in good trim for
completion at once. Talk of completion, the H. of L.
presented a striking dramatic scene last Tuesday, when
Crewe moved the Second Reading of the South
African Union Bill. Botha and Jameson on the steps
of the throne ; Milner on the cross-benches ; the Lord
Chancellor, Courtney, and myself the protagonists
among pro-Boers ; the Archbishop of Canterbury

314 RECOLLECTIONS
book giving his blessing in good taste and a fine spirit —
v" altogether a grand historic close, worthy of a mighty
Senate and an Imperial State in the best sense of that
abused term.
August 6. — We are getting up the steam in pre
paration for your Regulations dispatch [under the
Councils Act], expected on next Sunday. The opinion
of the Law officers, as to your powers, was rather a
blow. Perhaps it won't make much difference, except
that it means a certain delay. Not too long, however,
for my sailing orders now are, first, to press on the
matter at all the speed consistent with decency, and
second, to stretch any number of points in order to
keep in line with the G. of I. I note all you say about
the dangerous question of the Mahometans. R. and
others are pretty sure to say we have broken our
pledges, whatever you do. Though I am not less
scrupulous than my neighbours, I incline to rebel
against the word "pledge" in our case. We declared
our view and our intention at a certain stage. But
we did this independently, and not in return for any
"consideration" to be given to us by the M's., as
the price of our intentions. This is assuredly not a
"pledge" in the ordinary sense, where a Minister
induces electors to vote for him, or members of Parlia
ment to support his measures in the H. of C, by
promising that if they will, he will do so and so. We
shall have done the best we can according to the
circumstances and conditions with which we have to
deal, and by which we may be limited. That strikes
me as the common sense of the thing. Pray don't
scold me for being a pure Sophist.
August 12. — I got a week's leave from Cabinets,
and I am writing this from Skibo on the Moray

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 315
Firth, where we are staying with our best of chap.
friends, the Camegies. The scenery is beautiful, the _^
heather coming into full bloom, the sea-air delicious
after dusty London, and the idleness as welcome as
daylight. There are many Americans here, so it is
like being abroad, or on an Atlantic liner. My host
has lately made me immortal by giving the Manchester
University £10,000 for a Chemical Laboratory on con
dition that they call it the J. M. Laboratory. Imagine
what a peacock I am ! In truth I am as little of a
peacock as any barn-door fowl.
Morison is pertinacious up to the eleventh hour
about his M. friends ; insists on our pledges, and predicts
a storm of M. reproach and dissatisfaction. It may
be so. On the other hand, G. predicts that departure
from the lines we agree upon in your dispatch, would
provoke at least as much reproach and dissatisfaction
among the Hindus. We shall therefore have a
stubborn talk in Council, to which I shall not con
tribute more than two or three stubborn sentences.
I am the least in the world of a Cromwellian, but I
am beginning to understand in a way I never under
stood before, how impatience at the delays and
cavillings and mistaking of very small points for very
big ones at last drove Oliver to send his counsellors
packing. Now I must say a word about the vexatious sub
ject of Deportation, and it may easily be a short
word, because we both of us are only too well ac
quainted with all the general arguments, and both of
us would be only too glad to be rid of the deported
gentry. It is only a question of time. When can
we prudently let them go? We ought to have
some good moment and occasion. The very earliest

316 RECOLLECTIONS
book compatible with prudence, consistency, and common
v' sense would be best, for reasons both of justice and
of policy. When would such a moment be? The
murder here has not made it easier. On the other
hand, the failure of the Swadeshi procession gives
good reason to believe that the mischief-makers have,
for the moment, lost heart or lost power. Would
not the public completion and announcement of
your Regulations be an occasion? The release of
our detenus at such a time would be a mark of con
fidence in our policy and position. When would that
be? Two or three months hence, I suppose. I don't
want to be importunate, but the tide of doubt is
spreading pretty steadily into quarters where hitherto
there has been no doubt. I told you, I think, how
uneasy both Percy and F. E. Smith are. I under
stand that at least a dozen Unionist members would
join in support of some move against deportation.
Our own orthodox rank and file don't understaud
indefinite detention. The Labour men would possibly
go solid against us, and of course the Irishmen
certainly would. This will make a very awkward
phalanx. F. E. Smith told our Whip that the only
reason why his friends held their hands was regard
for the Secretary of State. We shall not be em
barrassed for the fag-end of the session, but when
the House of Commons assembles next year, we shall
be unable to keep our feet if India remains pretty
tranquil meantime. I do therefore very earnestly
solicit the close attention of yourself and your advisers
to the question. It will very soon be a live issue
in this region, and serious consideration is really
necessary. August 26. — Yesterday I succeeded in getting

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 317
your Regulations through my Council in a very chap.
reasonable and satisfactory temper. I opened the v_^^,
business with a good-tempered but firm appeal to
them to go hand in hand with the G. of I. They
listened with patience and even more than patience,
but when the time for voting came, and the question
was put of accepting your views on official majority
(still required on G.-G.'s Council), qualifications and
Mahometan representation, five voted against you
and me, and five voted in favour of your dispatch,
so I threw the sword of my casting-vote into the
scale. So there you are — our last word, for the present
at any rate. Only, if time permits, do look over the
draft dispatch which I sent to you by the last mail.
You may pick up some useful crumbs. I am relieved
at not having to overrule my Council.
Morison tells me that a Mahometan is coming
over here on purpose to see me, and will appear on
Monday next. Whatever happens, I am quite sure
that it was high time to put our foot definitely down,
and to let them know that the process of haggling
has gone on long enough, come what come may. I
am only sorry that we could not do it earlier. It is,
I repeat, an incidental relief to me to have got round
the corner without any spill in my Council.
Your long extract from B  to you is really of
first-rate interest. It is surely as satisfactory as
anything that we can expect in these turbid days.
His diagnosis of the dangerous elements underground
seems very just and sound. But he should certainly
be warned not to count on deportation as a weapon
to be freely resorted to; and as for "legislating on
the lines of the Irish Crimes Act," it is pure nonsense.

318 RECOLLECTIONS
He seems to refer to Forster's Act (not Balfour's of
1887), and that was about the most egregious failure
in the whole history of exceptional law. If I know
anything in the world, it is the record and working
of Irish Coercion since 1881, and the notion in the
present parliamentary circumstances, and with me of
all men in the universe as S. S., of our being a party
to a new law authorising "detention without trial"
is really too absurd to be thought of. The venerable
Regulation of 1818 is not easily swallowed, and a new
version of it is a dream that a shrewd man like B 
should be too wide awake to nurse in his head for a
single minute. However, he evidently will not be
in a hurry to stir for new engines of repression if he
can possibly help it.
You will be glad to see that the Home Office are
keeping up the hunt against the printer of the Indian
Sociologist. The Attorney-General came to ask for
my opinion. I had no hesitation in saying "Strike."
I daresay it won't make any very great difference, but
a prosecution is richly deserved, and it makes Govern
ment look decent. It occurs to some people that
we might ask the French Government to deal with
K  . But it is quite hopeless, and we should
certainly be asked to remember John Bull's shelter
and encouragement to Poles, Hungarians, Italian
Carbonari, and all the other swarms of political
refugees for the last eighty or a hundred years.
The answer of the United States would be still more
decisive. You could not be perfectly sure of a con
viction even from a British jury. The vile murder
of poor Wylfie has no doubt done a good deal to
dissipate this sort of sentiment. Still Liberty of
the Press is a powerful faith, and so it ought to be.

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 319
October 14. — Your telegram about Regulations chap.
has just been placed in my hands, and the last V_J^W
words of it positively make my hair stand on end
— "postponement for another year" ! If that
catastrophe happens, we had better throw up the
sponge. The delay would bitterly disappoint our
Moderate allies — would not only disappoint but in
furiate them — and would hand the game plump over
to the Extremists. Then again "another year"
will in any case see you out, and possibly may see
the present Cabinet out, and a Cabmet installed who
thoroughly dislike and distrust the whole scheme
of policy. I cannot imagine an outcome more preg
nant with disaster and danger, so I won't allow
myself to contemplate such things, and I only wonder
that the telegraphist could put the horror into words.
I have sent the telegram to be examined by Sir
Charles Lyall, and will possess my soul in patience
until he reports. This process I am requesting him
to perform with the utmost despatch, and I don't
mean to let the grass grow under my feet. I trust
that the above page of mine will prove to be a false
alarm. I have had a considerable number of visitors
within the last week or two, both military and civil.
About Deportees. I read your telegram to the
Cabinet, and stated your case as strongly as I possibly
could, gathering it not merely from the telegram but
from your private letters. I said that I should be
content with the release of two. The Cabinet, how
ever, led by Grey, were against making two bites of a
cherry, and were unanimous in pressing you to let
out the whole batch when you launch the Regula
tions. Very sensible too. As for disallowance of
candidatures, there should be no mistake about

320 RECOLLECTIONS
making deportation in itself a ground of disallow
ance. The H. of C. was explicitly told that H. M.'s
Government did not intend this. You have general
powers of disallowance, though they also will have
to be very charily used, and you will have to bear
clearly in mind your full responsibility to parlia
mentary opinion.
November 5. — I rather smile at your warning
me not to take Gokhale and his letters to third
persons too seriously or too literally. Have you not
found out that I am a peculiarly cautious and sceptical
being ? Forgive my arrogance — but I might almost
have been born a Scot ! ! But whether dealing with
Parnell, Gokhale, or any other of the political breed,
I have a habit of taking them to mean what they say
until and unless I find out a trick. Parnell always,
so long as we were friends or allies, treated me per
fectly honourably. I will give you one or two interest
ing examples when we have that famous talk together,
when we have such multifarious topics stewing for us.
If we ever have it? I am rather jaded, and I
have a birthday of terribly high figure next month.
I had promised myself a rest as soon as ever I got
free of Reforms and Deportees. Unhappily I am
not quite my own master for three or four weeks to
come. They insist that I denounce the H. of L. to
their faces — a pastime that would have given me
lively satisfaction once, and I should have produced
an hour's oration with the utmost ease. So I shall
have to revive my memory of Pym, Hampden, Eliot,
and King Charles. Then I'm bidden to Windsor for
four days — very agreeable always, only not rest.
So I shall not be clear before the end of the month.
November 9. — The ordeal of Regulations and

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 321
Rules has within the last fortnight been severe in
this most sober of all offices. It is nobody's fault.
Your Council and my Council, both of them have
worked with as good a will as the most exacting
taskmaster in the world could have desired. Egotism
and Vanity — the two great pests of public as of private
life — have, I do believe, stood at a minimum, or even
sunk to zero, and everybody concerned has honestly
done his best both at Simla and in Whitehall to make
a good job of it. I am sorry that there have been
any differences among us. I can only say that I
have never tried to overrule my advisers, but, on the
contrary, I've made it one of my maxims to keep in
step with them all the journey. The process is no
joke, and I have good standards by which to measure
the difficulty. For when I compare the framing of
our whole scheme of reforms, with the method in
which a Cabinet frames and carries any great Bill,
the difference is nothing short of stupendous. Here
the Cabinet — a single and united body — settles the
principles of the Bill, then refers it to a committee
of that body; the committee threshes out details
in consultation with all the experts concerned and
at command; the draft Bill comes to the Cabinet,
and it is again discussed both on the merits and in
relation to parliamentary forces and parliamentary
opinion. Compare that with what you and I have
had to do : how many important dispersive bodies
have, and must have, a voice; the G.-G. in C, the
S. S. in C, Local Governments, and all the rest ; the
scheme not definitely settled by a body composed as
a united whole, but starting from different points of
view in every direction and seeing different aspects
of the same thing. There is this to be said, however :
VOL. II y

322 RECOLLECTIONS
book when Whitehall and Simla come to an agreement,
v' the matter is practically over; whereas a Cabinet
has to fight its Bill through the two Houses, every
point hammered at in Committee, with party feeling
devoted to making the hammer as hard and powerful
as possible.
I won't follow you into Deportation. You state
your case with remarkable force, I admit. But then
I comfort myself, in my disquiet at differing from
you, by the reflection that perhaps the Spanish
Viceroys in the Netherlands, the Austrian Viceroy
in Venice, the Bourbon in the Two Sicilies, and a
Governor or two in the old American Colonies, used
reasoning not wholly dissimilar and not much less
forcible. Forgive this affronting parallel. It is only
the sally of a man who is himself occasionally com
pared to Strafford, King John, King Charles, Nero,
and Tiberius.
November 18. — You know, without a single written
word, all that I think and feel about the hateful
incident of which my mind is full. [Bomb thrown
at Lord and Lady Minto.] Both of you evidently
met the thing with unbroken composure, as those
who know you were quite sure that you would
have been certain to do. Still, so horrid an outrage
must leave a long after-shock, as you live it over
again, and this may well need even more fortitude
than the first blow. I tremble to think of the
horror and havoc that would have followed, if the
villainy had succeeded. Apart from the personal
and domestic result — truly miserable as that would
have been — it would really, say what we will, have
given for times to come a new and sinister cast to the
British rule in India. Mayo's death was bad enough,

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 323
but then it was single and isolated, whereas in this chap.
case the mischief would inevitably have been asso- ^J^,
ciated with a general movement in India. And, in
spite of your magnanimous refusal to attach any
political importance to the bombs, one cannot but
feel that the miscreants who planned the outrage
were animated by politics, if one can give the name
of politics to such folly and wickedness. Anyhow,
it was fine and truly generous of you to say that you
stoutly resisted the idea that it represented anything
like the heart of the general Indian population. Lord
Roberts was in here the day after, and I read him
your first telegram. He said, "Ah, Minto is an
intrepid fellow ! He hasn't a nerve in him !"
I was at Windsor the same night. The great
people were eager for news of you, and everybody
was full of admiration and sympathy for Lady Minto
and you. The Reforms have been extraordinarily
well taken by the whole of our Press here. Of course
the writers of the articles don't know much about
them in detail and on the merits, and even the Times,
which does follow Indian affairs with remarkable
attention and knowledge, makes a mistake or so that
they might have avoided. I am very sure of one
thing, and this is that if we had not satisfied the
Mahometans we should have had opinion here —
which is now with us — dead against us. Nothing
has been sacrificed for their sake that is of real
importance. December 2. — Your last letter is one of the most
interesting you have ever written me, and if my in
tellectual temperature were normal, you would tempt
me into discussion. But you will make allowance
for the battle that has been raging here (H. of L.)

324 RECOLLECTIONS
book since you wrote it. I had to think of my oration,
^^__ and then to let it off before as competent and critical
an audience as could be found on the globe. It went
very well, as Cawdor's generous words, and the loud
cheers with which they were received, will show
you. I wish you could have seen the whole spectacle.
It was one of the most brilliant and imposing that
ever was seen. The temper of the debate was ex
cellent. The speaking was well above the average,
as if everybody knew he was handling the weightiest
public business. Rosebery contributed a dramatic
shock, when — ¦ after trouncing the Budget to their
hearts' content and telling them that he held to
every word he has said at Glasgow — he thought
Lansdowne's move a blunder, and he would not vote.
The most generally impressive speech was Balfour
of Burleigh's, much ability, very direct and pointed,
entirely disinterested and sincere, and with plenty
of good words. The Archbishop of York made a
maiden speech on our side, but so broad in scope and
high in tone (with good timbre of voice, which goes
far in these things) that the other people enjoyed it
as much as we did. The Lord Chancellor and Henry
James were a good deal more than a match for
Halsbury and Ashbourne. Curzon, of course, de
fended the Opposition case with his usual force, but
he was rather over-elaborate. Cromer was not too
strong, and on the whole, I really think that it was
Lansdowne who made the best of the case for his
amendment [rejection of Budget].
The men named by the Cabinet-makers for this
Office are Percy, Midleton, and Milner. If it should
be the last, I do believe you will sometimes sigh,

HISTORIC PLUNGE TAKEN BY PARLIAMENT 325
with a passing breath, for the humble individual who chap.
now subscribes himself, etc. v'
December 6. — I won't follow you again into our
Mahometan dispute. Only I respectfully remind
you once more that it was your early speech about
their extra claims that first started the M. hare. I
am convinced my decision was best.
Your list of Honours seems all right, and I'll
submit it in due course. I talked to the King about
the case of  , expecting that he would object to a
man who is already G. C. (M. G.) sinking to a K. C. in
another order. With his wonderful expertise in these
matters, he found a way out of the difficulty, in the
point that the Star of India is the older order. So I
hope all will go well.

CHAPTER VI
WEAPONS FROM AN OLD ARMOURY
1910
book January 19. — The Election is in full swing, and the
v' exact numbers are still uncertain. But one or two
cardinal facts are now assured.
1. Tariff Reform has got its quietus for the new
Parliament at any rate; it would be impossible, in
the face of the unmistakable antagonism of the great
trading centres of the north.
2. The Unionist notion of a sweep has utterly
evaporated. 3. The unhappy action of the H. of L. has brought
its authors into much discredit, for everybody now
sees that if they had left us to stew in the juice of
what will be the extremely ugly Budget of 1910-11,
they would have been much nearer the chance of
an all-round win. Whether the decision to force us
to the country now was Lansdowne's or Balfour's,
it was a fatal error. Though I have the warmest
admiration for Balfour's various gifts I have never
been able to regard him as meant by the heavens for a
long-headed party chief. He took over the Unionist
party in excellent condition from Lord Salisbury.
Then Chamberlain split his Cabinet, and difficulties
became extreme, But he handled them as ill as
326

WEAPONS FROM AN OLD ARMOURY 327
possible. By holding on in a broken craft, by evading
any straight expression of his own opinion on the case
raised by Chamberlain, he disgusted the country, and
led his party into their awful catastrophe.
January 27. — This brings me to Deportees. The
question between us two upon this matter may,
if we don't take care, become what the Americans
would call ugly. I won't repeat the general argu
ments about Deportation. I have fought agamst
those here who regarded such a resort to the Regula
tion of 1818 as indefensible. So, per contra, I am
ready just as stoutly to fight those who wish to
make this arbitrary detention for indefinite periods
a regular weapon of government. Now your present
position is beginning to approach this. You have
nine men locked up a year ago by lettre de cachet,
because you believed them to be criminally connected
with criminal plots, and because you expected their
arrest to check these plots. For a certain time it
looked as if the coup were effective, and were justified
by the result. In all this, I think, we were perfectly
right. Then you come by and by upon what you
regard as a great anarchist conspiracy for sedition
and murder, and you warn me that you may soon
apply to me for sanction of further arbitrary arrest
and detention on a large scale. I ask whether this
process implies that through the nine detenus you have
found out a murder-plot contrived, not by them, but
by other people. You say, "We admit that being
locked up they can have had no share in these new
abominations; but their continued detention will
frighten evildoers generally." That's the Russian
argument : by packing off train-loads of suspects to
Siberia we'll terrify the anarchists out of their wits,

328 RECOLLECTIONS
book and all will come out right. That policy did not
^^^ work out brilliantly in Russia, and did not save the
lives of the Trepoffs, nor did it save Russia from a
Duma, the very thing that the Trepoffs and the rest
of the "offs" deprecated and detested.
February 3. — Your mention of Martial Law in
your last private letter really makes my flesh creep.
I have imagination enough, and sympathy enough,
thoroughly to realise the effect on men's minds of
the present manifestation of the spirit of murder.
But Martial Law, which is only a fine name for the
suspension of all law, would not snuff out murder-
clubs in India, any more than the same sort of
thing snuffed them out in Italy, Russia, or Ireland.
The gang of Dublin Invincibles was reorganised when
Parnell and the rest were locked up and the Coercion
Act in full blast. On the other hand, it would put
at once an end to the policy of rallying the Moder
ates, and would throw the game in the long run
wholly into the hands of the Extremists. I say
nothing of the effect of such a Proclamation upon
public opinion, either in Parliament here or in other
countries. It may be necessary, for anything I know,
some day or other, but to-day it would be neither
more nor less than a gigantic advertisement of national
failure. We worked hard at your Press Act, and I hope the
result has reached you in plenty of time. I daresay
it is as sensible in its way as other Press Acts, or as
Press Acts can ever be. But nobody will be more
ready then*you to agree that the forces with which
we are contending are far too subtle, deep, and
diversified, to be abated by making seditious leading
articles expensive. There are important sentences

WEAPONS FROM AN OLD ARMOURY 329
in your official telegram that show how much of the chap.
poison is entirely out of our reach. The "veiled ^^
innuendo" of which you speak — the talk about
Mazzini, Kossuth, etc., — it is seditious no doubt, and
it may point to assassination plainly enough in the
minds of excitable readers. But a Lt.-Governor will
have to walk warily before putting too strong an
interpretation upon the theoretic plausibilities of the
newspaper scribe. Neither I nor my Council would
have sanctioned it, if [there had been no appeal in
some due form to a court of law, and you tell me
that you would have had sharp difficulties in your
own Council.
February 16. — I am vastly interested, in spite of
my own tribulations, in your graphic picture of the
first great Council. I do not wonder that your
speech, which I have now read in full, was received
with gratification and applause. I have to thank
you for your handsome reference to myself. Some
people here shake their heads about the Deportees,
but not very much is said on the matter. To me the
relief both privately and parliamentarily is nothing
short of immense. Don't let us have any more of
them on our hands if it can possibly be avoided.
March 9. — The Indian Budget seems to be favour
ably received in this country, though, as I expected,
the tremendous rise on tobacco has caused a bitter
cry to reach my ears from the cigarette manufacturers
at Bristol and Liverpool — orders from India cancelled,
people thrown out of work, the British soldier in
India to pay threepence a week instead of a penny
for his innocent joys, and so forth. I had a deputa
tion, to whom, after a patient hearing, I put two
short posers. (1) England, to satisfy her own noble

330 RECOLLECTIONS
book righteousness, insists on India sacrificing opium
^^.^ revenue. Now, you proceed to quarrel with us for
filling up the immense gap by making the British
soldier pay a penny or twopence a week more for his
luxury. (2) If I say that the alternative was to
make the Indians pay more for their salt, is that
what your constituents would have liked? If you
won't be quiet, I shall really have to come down to
Bristol, and put my case before them, and I swear
that I shall leave the platform without a murmur.
So the good men laughed and took their departure.
This morning brings a protest from great vendors of
bottled ale in Edinboro'.
April 29. — You speak of Agra and Delhi and the
Kurram. How I wish I were there, or almost any
where else, after this long spell of feverish weeks !
In my own case the weeks and their excitements have
come to a sort of climax, by reason of the arrival on
the stage of Lord Kitchener. It has set going, as I
foresaw that it would, a tremendous clatter which
may possibly swell. "The greatest man in the
Empire — what are you going to do with him ?
Strong men — that's what we want !"
He came to see me on his arrival. I was a good
deal astonished, for I had expected a silent, stiff,
moody hero. Behold, he was the most cheerful and
cordial and outspoken of men, and he hammered
away loud and strong, with free gestures and high
tones. He used the warmest language, as to which I
was in no need of any emphasis, about yourself;
it was very agreeable to hear, you may be certain.
He has the poorest opinion possible of your Council,
not as an institution, but of its present members.
He talked about the Partition of Bengal in a way

WEAPONS FROM AN OLD ARMOURY 331
that rather made me open my eyes ; for, although he chap.
hardly went so far as to favour reversal, he was ^Zt-^-'
persuaded that we must do something in bringing
the people of the two severed portions into some
species of unity. We got on very well indeed — he and
I — for nothing was said about his going back to India
as Governor-General. At night he dined alone with
Haldane, and there he expressed his firm expectation
with perfect frankness, and even a sort of vehemence.
Haldane told him that the decision would be mine ;
whatever my decision might be, the P. M. would back
it (though, by the way, I hear that the P. M. personally
would be much better pleased if the lot fell upon K.).
I got him to dine with me one night ; only Haldane
and Esher besides. Curiously interesting. To-day I
had an audience in high quarters, and found the atmos
phere almost torrid in the same direction. How
ever, the end of it was that I promised to turn all
the arguments over again in my mind, until the holi
day comes to an end four weeks from now. In spite
of strong opinion of his own, the King parted from me
with singular kindness and geniality.
May 12. — The stroke apprehended in my last
letter to you [death of King Edward] has fallen with
startling rapidity. The feeling of grief and sense of
personal loss throughout the country, indeed through
out Western Europe, is extraordinary and without
a single jarring note. It is in one way deeper and
keener even than when Queen Victoria died nine
years ago, and to use the same word over again —
more personal. He had just the character that
Englishmen, at any rate, thoroughly understand,
thoroughly like, and make any quantity of allowance
for. It was odd how he managed to combme regal

332 RECOLLECTIONS
dignity with bonhomie, and strict regard for form
with entire absence of spurious pomp. As I told you,
I had an audience just a week before he died, and the
topic was one on which we did not take the same view.
It was the question of your successor, whether K. or
not. He was very much in earnest, but not for an
instant did he cease to be kindly, considerate, genial,
nor did he press his point with an atom of anything
like overweening insistence. Well, he is gone. Queen
Alexandra took me to see him yesterday, where he lay
as if in natural peaceful slumber, his face transfigured
by the hand of kind Death into an image of what was
best in him, or in any other great Prince. I had known
him off and on in various relations since he was a boy
at Oxford when I was ; and it was moving to see him
lying there after the curtain had fallen, and the drama
at an end.
I want to bring a matter before you, on which
I would fain have your cool and quiet considera
tion — clemency of the Crown on this great occasion.
Would it be wise to do what Oriental monarchs
have been wont to do on their accession — proclaim
an Amnesty? If that were answered affirmatively,
would it be better now, or at the Coronation
next year? This is one of the things that can
only be measured by elements of sentiment and
imagination suitable to the occasion, and not by
the everyday arguments of narrower expediency,
which are the only proper guides in everyday
administration. Will you think it over in the night-
watches, if you are so unlucky as to have night-
watches? Amid a hundred ceremonial distractions,
believe me. . . .
June 1. — I am writing this modest scrap from

WEAPONS FROM AN OLD ARMOURY 333
the Highlands, whither I have betaken myself to my chap.
kindest of friends at Skibo for the inside of a week, VL
in search of change, quiet, and a mouthful of fresh
air. The confusions of the last few weeks have been
severe, as you may guess ; and the two or three weeks
ahead will be heavy. The Office will grind out its
files with unabated speed. So I shall be to-day even
more brief and unsatisfactory than usual. Of all
work, broken work is the hardest, and mine has lately
been too broken for anything.
The K. appointment has been quietly locked in the
cupboard until next Monday, when the Ministerial
machine will set to work again. I have diversified
my fragment of a holiday by writing a short Memo.,
stating the whole case on both sides of it, with as
perfect personal impartiality as possible, and winding
up with my own conclusion. My whole point was
that the impression made on India by sending your
greatest soldier to follow Reforms would make them
look a practical paradox. It will then be for
Asquith to say whether he goes with me or not. If
he does, then he will have to support that view in
the Royal closet. If he does not, then the Indian
Secretary will go scampering off, like a young horse
which I am watching at this moment, joyfully frisking
and capering in green pastures under my window.
No more Arms — Traffic, Persia, Sanctions, Excess over
Estimates, Education, Stores, Indents, Burmo-Chinese
Frontier, Opium — think of such a transformation
scene ! ! I shall take the liberty of sending you a copy
of my Memo, by the next mail. You need not read
more of it than you like, though I may covet your
opinion of its soundness, when the time comes for you
to be able to say something, when you can do it

334 RECOLLECTIONS
book without involving yourself in responsibility for the
^^^^ result. I grieve to see the death of Goldwin Smith in
to-day's news. I wonder if you knew him in your
Canadian days? He was a shining light to all of us
young Liberals when I was a boy at Oxford. Cer
tainly nobody wrote more perfect English, or was his
equal — not even Dizzy himself — in the way of pun
gent controversy. I have the pleasantest image of
him as my host at Toronto — a day after I had been
your guest at Ottawa.
June 24. — I am rather amused — a grim sort of
amusement — at what you report of your new member
of Council. "The people of England do not under
stand the position here, and they must be taught to
do so." I should like to put a Socratic question or
two. Whom does he mean by the people of England ?
There are ail sorts of people in England, but I suppose
he includes both Houses of Parliament at any rate,
containing a good score of men who have held high
offices — the highest — in India, where they may be pre
sumed to have picked up an idea or two. There are
men who, whenever a cause arises, guide the people of
England in their humble efforts to understand Indian
positions. What is the evidence that the people of
England just now do not understand India? What
is the precise act, or failure to act, that demonstrates
their ignorance, perversity, and incompetence? That
everybody in England forms right judgments about
India, who would pretend? But who would pre
tend that everybody in England "understands the
position" here about English things? Why, one half
of England is quite certain that the other half utterly
misunderstands fiscal policy — whether the free-trader

WEAPONS FROM AN OLD ARMOURY 335
or the protectionist ! Yet who but a goose would chap.
deny that somehow England has understanding VI'
enough to conduct her own affairs, and to choose men
capable of directing the conduct of Indian affairs,
too? Then I am puzzled by the declaration that
"the people of England must be taught to under
stand." By whom? What is the exact lesson?
What is the process? You, at all events, will agree
that for five years England has understood the
position in India well enough to see you safely,
prosperously, and successfully through your Indian
difficulties, and through your manful attempts to
overcome them. No Governor-General has ever had
less reason to complain of parliamentary criticism, or
of want of ministerial support, and a cordial welcome
assuredly awaits your return.
August 19. — I wonder whether you were well
acquainted with Lord Spencer? For some ten years
he and I were very close friends, and we fought the
hard cause of Home Rule side by side. Without his
great authority and character the cause would have
been even harder than it was. He was a noble fellow,
such lofty simplicity; such sovereign and steadfast
unselfishness ; such freedom from the horrid vice of
thinking of petty personal things amid the tide of
great public issues. I shall always remember the
silent disdain with which he and Lady Spencer passed
through the social ordeal of 1886. He was the very
finest type of what the old patrician system of this
country could produce. I can hardly be more proud
of anything than, as Sandhurst puts it to me in a note
to-day, of the "affection and esteem" in which I was
held by him. And it refreshes one to think that his
sterling elements won for him the admiration of those

336 RECOLLECTIONS
book who — outside the miry bits of politics — knew him
^^_ best in his own county and lived closest to him. Such
a figure is a truly splendid encouragement to all of
us. Perhaps you are one of the happy few who
don't need it. For me, who have had a strenuous
battle, with some perhaps not undeserved buffets,
it is a pleasure to think that such a man was my
friend. September 1. — You will think me the laziest
Minister that ever was, for I am completing my
German holiday [Wiesbaden] by a few days in
Scotland, with the disadvantage that here pouches
follow me, whereas in Germany they were contra
band. I am a good deal fresher than I was a month
ago, but I will confess to you that if H. M. were, like
old George III., to demand my seal, I should hand it
to him with uncommon alacrity. Let me say that I
thoroughly sympathise with your threat that you
mean to bury yourself in your native heather, instead
of figuring in the H. of L. If you could see the
glorious sheet of heather that I am looking out upon
from the Skibo window where I am writing this, you
would promise yourself your present intention still
more firmly. But you may find it harder than you
expect. For, somehow or other, India is beginning to
get a hold on public interest.
To-day Booker Washington comes to Skibo where
I am staying, being a great friend of my host's. I had
talks with him when I was in America six years ago.
The future of the Negro in the U. S. A. has always
profoundly interested and excited me, as well it might.
What will the numbers amount to, twenty or fifty
years hence ? Terrible to think of ! ! Talk of India
and other "insoluble problems" of great States, I

WEAPONS FROM AN OLD ARMOURY 337
declare the American Negro often strikes me as the chap.
hardest of them all. VL
September 8. — Your letter (August 18), like the
letters that have come from you all these years, is
very good-natured and reasonable, though I believe
I could make stout replies which should be not other
than good-natured and reasonable. But these can
wait. We can discuss at our leisure the mighty
question whether parliamentary government is com
patible with the sound administration of India; and
whether the people of this country are at all likely
to give up parliamentary government whatever the
demands of India may be. Meanwhile, it is my lot
to have to work with Parliament, whether I like it or
not, and they will soon cut off my head if I leave them
out of my daily account.
September 27. — I have just been reading in the
Times a list of the gaiety and feastings with which
you are to bid farewell to Simla. I trust you will
have plenty of health and spirits to pull you through
it all. It is no envious frame of mind that makes me
thank the immortal gods that, when the clock strikes
for my final departure from Whitehall, I shall fare
forth solitary in a modest hansom. But I know, and
am right glad to know, that all the excitement at Simla
is the outcome of genuine and spontaneous regard
and liking, and that is a thing better worth having than
most of the prizes of public life. Everybody with any
right to an opinion will agree how fully you are
entitled, after five years of office, to the warm good
will and admiration of all who have worked with you.
So I beg you to enjoy your festal glorifications with a
cheerful heart. I am much pleased with what you
say about poor Spencer — one of the best political
VOL. II z

338 RECOLLECTIONS
book comrades I ever had. Do not think it impertment
v' if I add that my latest fellow-worker has often
recalled Spencer and his sterling quality to my mind.
If ever there was a man to go bear-hunting with, it
was he; and if ever I am engaged in shooting tigers
I bargain that you accompany me.
By some strange and absurd impulse I promised
 to write something for the Times, about the new
Life of Beaconsfield and I am now engaged in keeping
my word. I find that my pen has got very rusty, or
else I am less easily contented; anyhow it is uphill
work. I have a considerable liking for Dizzy in a
good many things : his mockery of the British
Philistine, his aloofness and detachment from hollow
conventions, and so forth. How on earth such a man
ever became an extremely popular Prime Minister,
I can never tell. Rosebery will one day write one of
his excellent short books on Dizzy (whom he knew
very well), and then we shall learn the secret, if there
is one. "And so," Lord Minto wrote to me in his last
letter from India (October 26, 1910), "the story
closes, so far as letters are concerned. It is a very
curious one to look back upon, very full of incident and
anxiety, but I hope we may claim without conceit, that
much good work has been done, many dangerous rocks
and snags avoided, and that there is a comparatively
open sea before us. . . . Few people, so far as I can
judge, could have differed so little upon big questions
of policy and principles as you and I have. In fact,
really, I think, we have hardly differed at all. About
questions of actual administration, or rather of the
interpretation of executive authority as it should be

WEAPONS FROM AN OLD ARMOURY 339
wielded at a distance from a supreme Government, chap.
I know we do hold different views, and when we have .^^^
done so, I have always told you my opinions and the
reasons for them. We have certainly been through
stormy times together, and after all it is the risks
and dangers that strengthen comradeship. No one
knows as well as I do how much India owes to the
fact of your being Secretary of State through all the
period of development, and I hope you will never
think that I have not realised the generous support
you have so often given me at my critical moments,
or that I have not appreciated the peculiar difficulties
that surrounded you at home."
To him I ventured to pay my public and authentic
tribute at a feast held in his honour at the Mansion
House. "He had come from the Ganges, the Indus, and
the Brahmaputra to the banks of the Thames. He
could reflect with confidence that he had left behind
him in India a high esteem, a large general regard,
and a warm good-will that did not fall at all short
of affection. That was what he knew to be the con
dition in which Lord Minto left India. The great
tributary states and the native princes felt they had
found in him a genial and sincere well-wisher. The
Mahometans respected and liked him. The Hindoos
respected and liked him. The political leaders,
though neither Lord Minto nor he agreed in all they
desired, had perfect confidence in his constancy and
good faith. The Civil Service appreciated his
courage, patience, and equanimity. He really got
on consummately well with everybody with whom
he had concern, from the Amir in the fastnesses of
Afghanistan down to the Minister who, for the

340 RECOLLECTIONS
book moment, happened to be Secretary of State in the
^Z^s fastnesses of Whitehall."
As to any idle claim for priority and originality
I am well content for my part to leave it where it was
put by the Times after Lord Minto's death in 1914 :
"Viceroy and Secretary of State both seem to
have come simultaneously to very much the same
conclusions, and both worked in a spirit of cordial
co-operation to carry out their joint ideas."
For the result we have the high authority of Lord
Minto's successor since his return home. "Since
the outbreak of the war," said Lord Hardinge, "all
political controversies concerning India have been
suspended by the educated and political classes with
the object of not increasing the difficulties of the
Government's task. In certain cases where drastic
legislation was necessary, the Indian Government
was able to pass it without the slightest opposition
in the Imperial Legislative Council, which consists of
68 members, with an Indian representation of about
30, and a Government majority of only four.
Speeches made by Indian members of the Council
are striking testimony to their sense of increased
responsibility. There is no doubt of the very con
siderable political progress of India. Even during
the five and a half years of my stay there I noticed a
vast political development. It is unquestionable that
this improvement is an outcome of the reformation
of the councils undertaken by Lord Morley and Lord
Minto."

BOOK VI
A CRITICAL LANDMARK
Time hath its revolutions ; there must be a period and an end to all
temporal things — finis rerum, an end of names and dignities, and
whatsoever is terrene, and why not of De Vere? For where is
Bohun? Where is Mowbray? Where is Mortimer? Nay, which
is more and most of all, where is Plantagenet? They are entombed
in the urns and sepulchres of mortality. — Chief Justice Chewe,
1626.

341

CHAPTER I
A CRISIS IN PREROGATIVE

In November 1910 I resigned my post at the India
Office, partly because I was tired, partly from a
feeling that a new Viceroy would have fairer openings
with a new Secretary of State; partly, too, that I
might have a farewell chance of literary self-collection.
Of the last little came, and perhaps it was not really
so strong an impulse as I flattered myself that it
would prove. Be that as it may, the Prime Minister
pressed me to remain in his Cabinet, either as Lord
President of the Council or Privy Seal, and I went to
the Privy Council.
Before long the promised leisure was unhappily
broken in upon. Lord Crewe, my successor at the
India Office, fell out of health, and for some six
months I returned to my old quarters, and for the
same time was in charge of the House of Lords,
involving the delicate task of conducting a Bill that
was designed to clip their powers and to change their
place in the constitution. In Grey's absences on
short holiday, I had two or three good spells at the
Foreign Office, including some of the famous ambas
sadorial reunions so sanguine and so delusive for
settling Balkan questions. "I wish I knew for
343

344 RECOLLECTIONS
book certain," I wrote to Lord Hardinge, "what I am,
VI' and who I am. I concentrate my mind on opium
one day, on Bahrein the next, then on Morocco and
Baghdad, then on Lansdowne's famous Bill in the
Lords. You are quite familiar enough with the ground
to be able to imagine it all."
One incident of these days I noted in a letter to
the Viceroy, affecting a man who had all his life been
much concerned in Indian matters: "I and many
others are very sorrowful here to-day at the death of
Alfred Lyall. You knew him, and his rare compre
hension of India, and all its problems. He was too
timid — or shall I say that his mind was too much on a
constant poise — to be effective in most practical work.
In the Council here I believe he never took anything
like a lead. When Lansdowne came home (1894)
and Kimberley was S. S. here, and we were at our
wits' end for a new G.-G. (Norman having accepted
and then withdrawn), at his own suggestion I men
tioned Lyall. Kimberley was unfavourable. I do
not think he would have made a good working G.-G.
But he had many rare gifts of imagination and
observation, and was one of the most delightful
companions for man or woman that London has ever
provided. My wife and I have known him for forty
years ! ! He was then collector or commissioner in
the Berars, and came to visit us on a lovely hill-top
in Surrey, where I was labouring happily in my
vocation. "May 19. — Yesterday I sat next to the German
Emperor at luncheon at Haldane's (Lord Kitchener
on the other side of him), and it may interest you to
know that H. M. opened our talk with vivacious
thanks for the kindness that his son had received in

A CRISIS IN PREROGATIVE 345
India. He was loud in particular recognition of chap.
the quality of the officer who attended him. I ^^L^
don't think I ever met a man so full of the zest
of life, and so eager to show it and share it with
other people. He looked a trifle older than when
he was at Windsor three or four years ago. He
talked to me about some recent book of Bishop
Boyd Carpenter, which he liked so much that he
had it translated into German, and in the evening
often read pieces aloud to his ladies while they
sat stitching and knitting. I said something of
Harnack and of his negative effects. 'Not at all so
negative,' he answered, 'since I got him to Berlin.'
How much of his undoubted attractiveness is due
to the fact of his being the most important man in
Europe, who can tell? I had the same sort of feel
ing about one who was at the moment the most
important man in the United States, when I stayed
with him at the White House in Washington.
"I thought of you yesterday, when we had a
consultation in Grey's room, so well known to
you, about the Baghdad Railway  , and above all
Parker, who is extraordinarily well posted in that
business. He had nearly killed himself in coaching
me for my reply to Curzon a fortnight ago. The
result of the deliberations will reach you to-day
or to-morrow, and I daresay you will not much like
it. The same people and journals who raised,
what I always thought, the fatal howl in 1903, will
cry out louder than ever, and perhaps with better
reason. "By the way, I came on a bit of Alfred Lyall's last
night, which touches on this sort of busmess, and
here it is :

346 RECOLLECTIONS
BOOK " The English in particular make almost annual additions
VI- to the ethnology of their empire. Undoubtedly an increasing
border of territorial responsibilities must weigh on the minds
of reflective men in all times and countries. St. Augustine
looking out from his City of God over the still vast domain
of Rome, debates the question whether it is fitting for good
men to rejoice in the expansion of empires, even when the
victors are more civilised than the vanquished, and the wars
just and unprovoked. His conclusion is that to carry on
war and extend rulership over subdued nations seems to bad
men felicity, but to good men a necessity.
"You may like to read in a connected shape the
speech of the German Chancellor about disarmament,
arbitration, etc., which has made something of a
sensation. So I venture to send you a print of the per
formance, as sent here by Goschen. The Chancellor
might perhaps as well have chosen some other moment
for pouring his cold douche, for after all the present
wave of peace feeling all over the world is a sign of
grace, and nobody need be at all afraid that it is the
least likely to gain any effective mastery over the
more infernal impulses of mankind. Still it is no bad
thing to remind the world that there are real and hard
difficulties at the back or in the front of our ideals,
and especially that Germany is as always the very
incarnation of the esprit positif, with a rooted distrust
of gush. You know the French saying, and a fine
saying it is, that great thoughts come from the heart
— to which I am always for adding a little rider that
is apt to scandalise my friends, 'Yes, but they must
go round by the head.'" ii
The nation approached what might prove a critical
landmark in its annals. Two questions of para-

A CRISIS IN PREROGATIVE 347
mount importance had come to the front so far back chap.
as 1884, and they retained control in our politics ^J^,
during the thirty years of my parliamentary life.
One was the admission of Irishmen to electoral power
in the H. of C. on the same terms as the other nation
alities of the United Kingdom by the Franchise Act
of 1884. The second was the position of the House
of Lords. The measure for limiting the veto of the
Lords had been running its appointed course since
the second of the two general elections of 1910. The
proposal was that if a Bill passed the Commons in
three sessions within two years, it should receive the
Royal assent, notwithstanding the Lords' dissent. In
substance it was Bright's plan that I had heard him
propound at our Leeds Conference some thirty years
before. The moment of its arrival in the Upper House
was anxious, yet it was almost a relief to think that
we should hear little more of the old threadbare
catechism. Are we to do without a second chamber?
Do you want to make a second chamber stronger or
weaker than the Commons? Ought restriction of the
veto to precede, accompany, or follow, reform in the
composition of the second chamber ? Was the Mother
of Parliaments to slay offspring of such world-wide
renown, by the foreign device of special Referendum
as any vital disputes arose, away from Parliament
and above it? What could compensate for the
change from an elastic system of legal powers and
practices consecrated by custom, to the rigidity of a
written constitution? These and the other salients
of the siege now being laid in final form to the great
hereditary fortress, were left high and dry, and all
was centred on the double practical question whether
the creation of peers enough to swamp the Opposition

348 RECOLLECTIONS
book was a firm and certain possibility, not mere bluff;
vj^w and if so, whether wisdom and patriotism demanded
of the Unionists in the House of Lords resistance at all
hazards, or their retirement from a contest that must
be futile, and might at the same time be dangerous
to more than one sacred interest. The controversy
was wound up in two consecutive days (Aug. 10, 11) ;
in the second of them things came to their head. As I
wrote to Simla in the summer :
The best opinion seemed to be that Lansdowne and his
friends would not fight the Veto Bill a outrance, but would
wash their hands of it with as much dignity and common-
sense as possible. The only alternative would be to read
the Bill a second time; then move amendments with the
certain knowledge that the H. of C. would reject every
one of them, and so compel resort to 500 new peers. This
might prove a very unpopular and risky proceeding, and
they might well shrink. The country showed no sign of
turning its favour in their direction, and might very easily
be provoked into hot anger by aimless prolongation of the

The case turned out by no means so simple as this.
Lord Lansdowne chose the wiser of the two alterna
tives, but a vigorous and angry attack upon his
course rapidly developed itself, not only among
irresponsible rank and file out of doors, but among
colleagues and adherents on his own bench. It was,
in truth, not really to be expected that cool political
prudence should have things its own way. Cool
political prudence cannot always count on good luck.
Deep is history in man, even though he may seldom
be alive to it. The pride of our great houses with his
toric name, the memories of ancient service, some
princely associations, is wont to be cold and silent.

A CRISIS IN PREROGATIVE 349
The temper of Jacobite and Legitimist did not last,
and the aristocracy of England and Scotland had little
resemblance to the infatuated and hateful French
emigre nobles in their revolution. There was at least
nothing ignoble, though everything that was unwise,
in the heated wrath that now resisted the invincible
obliteration of an imposing landmark. They made
no attempt to philosophise, but they knew well
enough that institutions may have a vast significance
apart from machinery, and that with the abolition of
their veto in making laws many a subtler and more
cherished influence would in time fade and vanish.
For Government this Unionist division opened a
formidable prospect. On a vote that had taken
place two days before on a different phase of the same
question, ministers in the Lords could only muster
sixty-eight; the resisters at any price would now
evidently exceed this figure, unless we received
Unionist reinforcement. They were led by the emi
nent man who for many years had filled the office
of Lord Chancellor, and whose clear eye, power of
plain statement, and vigour and probity of character,
added to the humane attraction of a hale old age, had
secured confidence for him in the school of conserva
tive Thorough, not without genial appreciation on
our own side. That Ireland should not make her
appearance was impossible; this time not a hopeless
suppliant, but a sinister and powerful sphinx. One
of the most influential points in the case of the
resisters was the assurance that the first use of the
Veto Bill would be to force a Home Rule Act, without
further appeal to the electorate. "You are forging
an instrument of revolution," was the outcry, "at the
bidding of a minority from Ireland; you are making

350 RECOLLECTIONS
book a great revolution in the Imperial Parliament for the
v1- sake of following it by another and a direr revolution,
as to which the Lords have public opinion decisively
with them." The connection of the Veto Bill with
the Irish policy initiated in 1886 was direct, obvious,
and unmistakable. For that policy there could be no
hope, so long as the garrison and guns of the anti-
Irish citadel were not dislodged. The Lords had
for many generations sown the wind, now they were
reaping what they took for whirlwind.
Debate is in theory argumentative contention :
on this dangerous occasion argument was less im
portant then temper. I do not mean temper in its
worst pofitical sense of wrong-headedness, conceit,
obstinacy, passion, all in combination, venting itself
in bad language. In this case the language was not
excessive, and the mood was plain honest anger.
The point was not to convince the opponent, but to
run him through. The two warring Unionist sections
were at least as incensed against one another as
against ministers. The situation forced the position
of the Crown into agitating and dangerous promi
nence, and this prominence naturally inflamed both
resentment agamst Government and sympathetic
concern for the young Sovereign.
On the first of the two afternoons Lord Crewe had
spoken of the "natural reluctance" with which the
King had assented to a possible creation of peers.
For some hours this word held the field. It em
boldened the resisters in fresh vehemence, and lent an
imaginative force to that process of private con
version which was at least as effective among friends
in the lobbies, as the cut and thrust of energetic
duellists from the benches. The reasons brought

A CRISIS IN PREROGATIVE 351
forward for allowing or not allowing the measure to chap.
pass were different, though the range could not be L
wide, but there was no difficulty in discovering that
the vote for or agamst would be due less to reasons
than to accident or caprice. One of the thousand
advantages of the party system is that it reduces
the capricious element. On the present occasion a
party had gone to pieces, with the result that the
constitution and the country only just evaded the
very real peril to which they were this afternoon
exposed. Late in the evening of this first day an intimation
was conveyed to me of uneasiness, lest the announce
ment of the King's acceptance of the advice to create
peers had not been made with such distinct emphasis
as to shake the obstinate and fixed disbelief of some,
and the random miscalculation of ulterior conse
quences in others. The Prime Minister's statement
in the Commons was unmistakable, but when the
politician's mind is feverish, be he peer or commoner,
he catches at a straw. The words "natural reluc
tance" were stretched into all manner of unnatural
interpretations. To dispel these illusions, so pregnant
with disaster, was rightly judged imperative if the
Bill was to have a chance. The occasion for setting
misunderstandings straight was evidently to be
found in my coming reply to the questions that had
been put in the first day's debate. Next morning
accordingly I found words, despatched the formula
for submission to the King, and received it back with
his "entire approval."
The proceedings (Aug. 11) opened with a short
speech from a peer who, without pretension to
rhetorical arts, is always excellent both in handling

352 RECOLLECTIONS
book an argument and in direct and spirited statement of
VI" a case without waste of words or time. This was
indeed a case of business, if ever there was one. Lord
Midleton confined himself to a blunt challenge to
ministers to answer questions that had been addressed
to them the day before, and he was backed by the
loudly expressed sentiment of the House, now for a
single moment unanimous. He had scarcely found
his seat, before the most important among several
important men in many fields of public action sprang
rapidly from the cross benches to the table. Lord
Rosebery's appeal and his demeanour bore every mark
of sincere anxiety, and men felt that he had more
than a desire to express merely personal interest, in
his demand for a plain and instant statement :
nothing short of this, he said, would be just either to
the Peers or to the Crown. Of course I followed him
without a moment's pause. Amid dead expectancy
I assured the House that I only had not risen at
once, because I had been given to understand through
the ordinary channels that the Opposition desired
to have a preliminary turn in which to thresh out
their differences among themselves. At this bland
apology, according to a picturesque reporter, a pale
beam of the afternoon sunlight slanted through the
open window and fell upon the Minister's face, lighting
it up and revealing the depths of its expression. No
wonder. At once I drew from my pocket and read
out the short paper with the words accurately defining
the terms of the Royal assent. The silence was intense ;
for a moment or two there was a hum of curiosity
and dispute as to whether it had been this word or
that. Then a member of the front bench opposite,
rising at the table, eagerly begged me to repeat it.

A CRISIS IN PREROGATIVE 353
No encore was ever more cheerfully granted, amid chap
loud approval from the benches behind me, and .^^
perplexed silence in front. "His Majesty would
assent to a creation of peers sufficient in number to
guard against any possible combination of the differ
ent parties in Opposition, by which the Parliament
Bill might be exposed a second time to defeat." I
ventured to remind them of a sound and wide general
truth, that dramas are made not by words but by
situations. Our proceeding was no bluff; "every
vote," said I, "given agamst my motion will be a
vote for a large and prompt creation of peers." This
unimpassioned but awakening clencher was to bring
the anxious succession of acts, scenes, episodes, which
had distracted Parliament and agitated the nation
for so long, to a grand climax before the lights of the
glittering and excited theatre were put out that night.
The speeches that followed, though some were
made by leading men, were in the strain of alterca
tion, hot or cold, rather than serious contribution.
The one most reassuring for ministers of them all
took no more than three or four minutes. It fell from
the Primate, — the head of the hierarchy who have
their seats in the House not by descent and birth,
nor by election from Scotland or Ireland, nor by
political or secular service, — a man of broad mind,
sagacious temper, steady and careful judgment, good
knowledge of the workable strength of rival sections.
While those who were for conciliation and those who
resisted smote one another, the Archbishop recalled
both to the gravity of the issue. He admitted the
course of the debate had made him change his mind.
And what was it in the course of the debate that had
produced an effect so rare? It was the callousness
VOL. II 2 A

354 RECOLLECTIONS
— he had almost said levity — with which some noble
Lords seemed to contemplate the creation of 500
new peers ; a course of action that would make this
House, and indeed the country, the laughing-stock
of the British Dominions beyond the seas, and of
those foreign countries whose constitutional life and
progress had been largely modelled on our own.
Nothing could have been either more true or more
apt. It may be too much to say, as some did say, that
no more exciting or dramatic scene had ever been
beheld within the walls of the House of Lords. On
the afternoon in 1640, for instance, when Pym ap
peared at its bar with his unexpected motion for the
impeachment of Strafford, and Strafford came in
with his "proud glooming countenance," the first
scene of the coming tragedy must have had grim
excitement of its own. The nineteenth century was
happily not as grim in its politics as the seventeenth ;
but it was impossible for the House of Lords to pro
nounce judgment on its own supreme impeachment
without a certain amount of public stir, emotion,
curiosity, and disquiet.
The official leader of the Opposition quitted his
bench and with his more important colleagues
watched the portentous scene from the gallery over
the throne. The peers who discarded his appeal —
over a hundred in number, as appeared by and by
when the moment of test arrived — did not abate the
ardour of their defiance, and even the authoritative
eloquence of Lord Curzon had been listened to by
those around him with unconcealed impatience and
reproach. The galleries were crowded to the doors
with onlookers from the Commons, privileged

A CRISIS IN PREROGATIVE 355
strangers, and peeresses as evidently capable of chap.
political passion and prepossession as if they already ^^_^,
possessed the coveted suffrage.
As one who had taken part in a thousand parlia
mentary divisions I felt that the universal strain
to-night was far more intense than any of them —
even the historic night, five-and-twenty years before,
when the House of Commons had thrown out the
first Home Rule bill. On that occasion the House,
excepting perhaps the then Prime Minister himself,
had a good guess of what must be coming. To-night
for the three or four hours between my crucial
announcement in the afternoon, and the division at
night, the result was still to all of us profoundly dark,
and dark it remained in the dead silence only broken
by the counting of the tellers, down to the very
moment of fate. The political genus has been divided
into two species, those of warm blood and of cold.
To-night none were cold. Even in the middle of
the division, during an accidental pause in the
slow stream, the undaunted leader of the Die-hards
whispered to our ministerial teller, "There! I knew
that we should beat you!" I waited with interest
for the vision of lawn sleeves, and the effect of the
Primate's grave counsels upon his brethren. Was
it possible that they might recall the archbishop who
told Charles I., when his conscience wrung him
against letting them cut off Strafford's head, that there
was a difference between a private conscience and a
public conscience, and that his public conscience as
king might oblige him to do that which was against
his conscience as a man? The distinction between
the two sorts of conscience, between expediency and
principle, might be thought to have a Machiavellian

356 RECOLLECTIONS
book flavour, rather than ecclesiastical. To-night such
VI' spirit of scruple fortunately did not prevail.
When the numbers were called, the majority for
Government was 17 — by so narrow a margin had the
Crown, and Parliament, Cabinet, and the country all
escaped the peril. The Ministerial party were only
80 in the majority, the Unionists 37, the Prelates 13.
If less than half a score of these had changed their
minds over their dinners and gone the other way the
razor-edge could not have been crossed. The total
vote was 243. hi
So far, at any rate, we had got on the long, diffi
cult, and sometimes tortuous campaign described a
generation before in a convenient fighting jingle, in
which I was interested, about mending or ending the
House of Lords. Perhaps I have already mentioned
Harcourt's warning to me, that two institutions
would never be either mended or ended; the House
of Lords was one, and the other was the Pope
of Rome. The scene that had excited such feeling
was, to be sure, only the registration of a foregone
conclusion in the country. I ventured to express
my surprise in those days to a Unionist leader,
that after the terrible blunder they had made in
trying to overrule the Commons on a Money Bill in
1909, they immediately proceeded in their hour of
discredit to a worse blunder still by advertising
designs for a new fabric, — the most obviously difficult
piece of business in the whole compass of political
architecture, — a patent plan for grafting election on
to heredity in a model second chamber, instead of
sitting tight and waiting for events and some change

A CRISIS IN PREROGATIVE 357
of wind. It is true that if nobody ever blundered chap.
there might be no politics ; still decency and common L
sense demand that succession of blunders in a party
shall not be too quick. "You would not think of
such a thing as sitting tight," was the Unionist
leader's reply, "if you could have seen the letters
from our party agents, and their assurance that to
hold to the hereditary principle was inevitable ruin."
However this might be, the average Unionist critic
was well contented with the last act on which our
curtain dropped. "The House of Lords, taken as a
whole," said one of these critics, "never showed itself
more worthy of the confidence of the country, and
of its right to exist. ..." Everybody was well aware
that, as Lord Rosebery put it, the old House that
we had known was dead. The reform of 1832 had
destroyed it as the substructure of a House of
Commons resting on aristocratic influence and rotten
boroughs. The repeal of the duties on corn had
lowered rents, and the geographical transfer of wealth
and the power of wealth from land in the south to
the thronged home of a titanic industrial system in the
north and west of the island, possibly with volcanic
elements lying underneath, had changed the con
ditions of the old aristocracy from top to bottom.
By some it has been held that the Settled Lands Acts
of 1881-82 were what really undermined the old terri
torial aristocracy. This is for the historian to judge,
and the real property lawyers. To-day the particular
stages did not matter. What was pulling them down
was the revolt of general social conscience against
both the spirit and the obstinate actual working of
the institution.
A peer of bookish turn confided to me in the

358 RECOLLECTIONS
book course of the evening how as he listened or did not
V^_Y^_, listen he found himself musing over Carlyle's memo
rable glorification of Collins's nine volumes of the
Peerage of England, his assurance to the Edinburgh
students that "there is a great deal more in genealogy
than is generally believed at present," and finally that
"the English nobleman has still left in him, after such
sorrowful erosions, something considerable of chivalry
and magnanimity." Assuredly ; and so most happily
there is in each and all of our many social orders,
classes, and callings. If anybody supposes that
these two virtues are unknown, are not just as con
spicuous among Lancashire weavers, or Northumbrian
handicraftsmen, or Durham miners, or Scotch shep
herds, then he has much indeed to learn about his
countrymen. In the making and rejecting of laws,
Lord Salisbury put the case too mildly when he said
that the peers "approach politics in a spirit of good-
humoured indifference." By no means true of laws
affecting Ireland, or the Budget of 1909, or Land, or
Church. Good-humoured indifference, to be sure, is
the easiest thing in the world when you are sure of
having your own way in anything you really care
about. It is easy to talk, as Macaulay does, of the higher
and middling orders being the natural representatives
of the human race. But are they the natural repre
sentatives of the needs of the human race? Have
the higher and middling orders no prejudices,
interests, indolence, of their own, to deaden their
perception of Rousseau's resplendent commonplace:
"'Tis the people that compose the human race;
what is not people is so small a concern that it is
not worth the trouble of counting"? Bright put the

A CRISIS IN PREROGATIVE 359
same civilismg truth in homelier words when he
reminded us that great halls and baronial castles
do not make a nation ; the nation in every country
dwells in the cottage. This is the cardinal thought
that, under whatever name and in whatever apparel,
guides and inspires Benthamism, Socialism, Scientific
Economy, Rationalism, Liberalism, political Positiv
ism, even Christianity, and all the other multitudinous
struggles in the world for moral renovation of human
government. The philosophy is easy; not so easy
for generations of men and electors to be born over
again; not so the readjustment of machinery in a
settled community with ancient roots and its main
springs of action established and accepted.
rv
From a great constitutional occasion, let me note
an extremely small one. In the autumn of 1911 the
absence of the King for the purpose of celebrating in
his Indian dominions the solemnity of his coronation,
was the occasion of a constitutional novelty serious
in name, but with nothing suspicious or formidable
in substance. In the Hanoverian times the adminis
tration of the kingdom in the sovereign's absence
was entrusted to fourteen or a score of Lords Justices.
Among them were always included the Archbishop,
the Chancellor, and the Lord President of the Council.
It was now thought that these three, with the
addition of a prince of the blood, would suffice, under
the style and title of Counsellors of State. With
entire confidence in the fidelity of his right trusty and
well-beloved cousins and counsellors the King by
Order in Council did by most especial grace, certain

360 RECOLLECTIONS
book knowledge, and mere motive nominate, appoint to,
^^-L. summon, and hold the Privy Council. The change
in numbers was accompanied by change in powers,
partly by extension, partly by limitation. The early
Commissions down to the last approved by Order
in Council, September 1821, are much fuller in pro
viding for all the details of administration, civil
and military, within the competence of the persons
named. The Council of State in 1911 was unique in
empowermg it "to do in Our behalf any matter or
thing which appears to them necessary or expedient
to do in Our behalf in the interests of the safety
and good government of Our Realm." On the other
hand, the older instruments conferred on the Lords
Justices the power of dissolving Parliament. The
new body was not to dissolve Parliament ; nor was
it in any manner to grant any rank, title, or dignity
of the peerage. The first was the only power of the
King in Council of which his delegates were deprived.
I detected no guilty ambition to expand our pre
rogative. I believe we executed our business with
dispatch and attention, but undeniably we had nothing
half so important to decide as the first Council
of state in 1650, when they sent Cromwell on his
expedition to Ireland.

CHAPTER II
a word of epilogue
For I protest that I malice no man under the sun. Impossible I know
it is to please all, seeing few or none are so pleased with themselves, or so
assured of themselves, by reason of their subjection to their private passions,
but that they seem diverse persons in one and the same day. — Sir Walter
Raleigh.
More than once when the Parliamentary yoke was chap.
light, we spent our days in a Surrey upland well ^^1^,
known to me for many a long year past. Here
is a note of musing on one of these very late
occasions : —
In the late Sunday afternoon, took my usual walk
with little Eileen (a four-footed favourite) to the top
of Hindhead and the four-square cross, set up by a
judge of weight and name in his day, with the deep
words carved on its four strong faces : Post Tenebras
Lux: In Luce Spes: In Obitu Pax: Post Obitum
Salus. Bethought me, not for the first time, of the
tomb of the Cardinal in the Capucin church at Rome,
Pulvis et umbra et nihil. Our English judge, I think,
has the better music, and as most will say he has too
the better sense. It was the hour of Dante's ever
adorable passage — era gia V ora che volge il disio ai
naviganti — that lent its first line to Gray's Elegy, and
was well caught by Byron — the hour when they who
sail the seas hear the evening bell afar, and are pierced
361

362 RECOLLECTIONS
book with yearning in their hearts at thought of the tender
VL friends from whom they had been that morning torn
away. No angelus across the waves reached my
Surrey upland, but the church bells ringing out with
pleasant cheerfulness for evening service from the
valley down below, recalled the bells of Lytham where
in the quiet churchyard in the wood by the Lancashire
sea-shore are the remains of those who began my days.
A vaguely remembered passage of Chateaubriand
floated into my mind about church bells : how they
tell the world that we have come into it, and when
we leave it ; into what enchanted dreams they plunge
us — religion, family, native land, the cradle, the tomb,
the past, the future. We cannot in truth be sure
that the dreams of twilight and the evening bell
will always savour of enchantment ; they are the
moments that waken retrospect, and the question
whether a man's life has been no better than the
crossing of a rough and swollen stream on slippery
stepping-stones, instead of a steady march on the
granite road.
The poets are not all of one mind as to the
impressions natural to the evening scene. One of
them, Emily Bronte, who compressed some deep
thoughts in scattered verse, finds the picture a
messenger of Hope.
Hope comes with evening's wandering airs,
Winds take a pensive tone, and stars a tender fire,
And visions rise, and change, that kill us with desire.
More common, I should think, is the other effect.
People recall faces that time has made half indistinct,
and "clouded forms of long past history."
Once I was asked by Chamberlain to procure for

A WORD OF EPILOGUE 363
him an autograph of Tennyson's, and the poet com- chap.
plied by a lovely line : *— v^
Cold upon the dead volcano sleeps the gleam of dying day —
one of the most perfect he ever wrote, in music, in
light and colour, feeling, aptness of image for a
mortal's epilogue "sixty years after." In sending
on the autograph, I could not resist the passing
temptation of copying a later line from the same
poem, with a harmless aptness of its own for any
strenuous political warrior:
Love your enemy, bless your haters, said the Greatest of the
great.
In case no thoughts or fancies of my own should
be thick-coming, I had started with a little good book
in my pocket, that had been for uncounted ages the
stand-by of great men and small men, swept by "the
eager and tumultuary pursuits" of the life political.
Happily was Mill, my chief master, designated by an
illustrious contemporary as the saint of Rationalism.
Frederick Myers, a writer of our time distinguished
in prose and verse — himself as far removed as possible
from sympathy with any of the schools of the Un
knowable — declared Marcus Aurelius, the crowned
philosopher of ancient Rome, the friend and helper
of those who would live in the spirit, to be the
saint of Agnosticism. With patient and penetrat
ing gaze he watches the recurrent motions of the
universe, not sure whether it is all entanglement,
confusion, dispersion; or is it unity, order, provi
dence ? Is it a well-arranged cosmos, or chaos ?
The secret of his riddle between gods on one hand and
atoms on the other a secret remains, impossible for
human faculty to find out. His moral stands good in

364 RECOLLECTIONS
book either case. If all is random, be not random thou:
VI- if things are ordered once for all following in due
sequence, then accept necessity with reverence, trust
ing the external fate that rules. By other critics
M. Aurelius, beautiful character as he is, has been
found to have about him "something melancholy,
circumscribed, and ineffectual." He has not, they
say, the magic buoyancy and inspiration that might
have come to him from the new-born religious faith
of which he was the persecutor. If it be true that
most men and women of a certain cultivation outside
the churches to-day find their moral stay in the
wisdom of Goethe, the gospel of M. Aurelius in the
second century easily lends itself to the gospel of
Entsagen, Enibehren, Renunciation, Resignation, in
the nineteenth. Too boldly has it been said that if
you seek the Sublime you only find it in the Hebrew,
but we may admit that the Talmud here has a
sublimer version of one of the overwhelming common
places of human existence than either Roman or
German. "Life is a shadow, saith the Scripture, but
is it the shadow of a tree or a tower that standeth?
Nay, it is the shadow of a bird in its flight. Away
flieth the bird, and there is neither bird nor
shadow." At best a man's life is so short. Labour for
bread fills most of his waking hours ; it dulls by
monotony, or exhausts by strain, or both. Who
can wonder that in our daily battles the combatants
constantly use the same word in totally different
senses, have taken little trouble to master its full
meaning, to unravel all the relevant implications that
a word or a proposition carries along with it? Yet
after all loose logic is not enough to turn men into

II.

A WORD OF EPILOGUE 365
somnambulists. Needs of life and circumstance are chap.
the constant spur. One of the stiffest and strongest
of utilitarian teachers in well-known words declared
a man's life to be a poor thing at best, after youthful
freshness and curiosity had gone by, though this did
not prevent the intense vivacity of his moral incul
cations of justice, labour, exertion for the public
good, against self-indulgence and sloth. Under
the more powerful influence of this philosopher's
immediate descendant, happiness as a life of rapture
was scouted, but we were taught that happiness is
to be found in an existence made up of few and
transitory pains and various pleasures, with active
predominant over passive, and above all with no
livelier expectation from life than life is capable of
bestowing. Wise students will not all of them too readily forget
the desolating sentence of Gibbon, greatest of literary
historians, that history is indeed little more than
the register of the crimes, follies, and misfortunes of
mankind. Reasons for remembering are only too
vivid, but as we pass we have a right to quarrel with
the two words "little more." Whatever we may say
of Europe between Waterloo and Sedan, in our
country at least it was an epoch of hearts uplifted
with hope, and brains active with sober and manly
reason for the common good. Some ages are marked
as sentimental, others stand conspicuous as rational.
The Victorian age was happier than most in the flow
of both these currents into a common stream of
vigorous and effective talent. New truths were
welcomed in free minds, and free minds make brave
men. Old prejudices were disarmed. Fresh prin
ciples were set afloat, and supported by the right

366 RECOLLECTIONS
book reasons. The standards of ambition rose higher and
YI* purer. Men learned to care more for one another.
Sense of proportion among the claims of leading
questions to the world's attention became more wisely
tempered. The rational prevented the sentimental
from falling into pure emotional. Bacon was prince
in intellect and large wisdom of the world, yet it was
Bacon who penned that deep appeal from thought
to feeling, "The nobler a soul is, the more objects of
compassion it hath." This of the great Elizabethan
was one prevailing note in our Victorian age. The
splendid expansion and enrichment of Toleration and
all the ideas and modes that belong to Toleration was
another. In my various parleying with the Catholic
clergy in Ireland, I was sometimes asked in reproachful
jest what my friend Voltaire would have said. As if
Voltaire's genius did not include more than one man's
share of common sense, and as if common sense
did not find a Liberalist advance, for instance, in the
principle of a free church in a free state !
A painful interrogatory, I must confess, emerges.
Has not your school — the Darwins, Spencers, Renans,
and the rest — held the civilised world, both old and
new alike, European and transatlantic, in the hollow
of their hand for two long generations past? Is it
quite clear that their influence has been so much
more potent than the gospel of the various churches?
Circumspice. Is not diplomacy, unkindly called by
Voltaire the field of lies, as able as it ever was to
dupe governments and governed by grand abstract
catchwords veiling obscure and inexplicable purposes,
and turning the whole world over with blood and
tears to a strange Witches' Sabbath? These were
queries of pith and moment indeed, but for some-

A WORD OF EPILOGUE 367
thing better weighed and more deliberative than an chap.
autumn reverie. IL
Now and then I paused as I sauntered slow over
the fading heather. My little humble friend squat
on her haunches, looking wistfully up, eager to
resume her endless hunt after she knows not what,
just like the chartered metaphysician. So to my
home in the falling daylight.

APPENDIX
PROCLAMATION OF THE KING-EMPEROR TO
THE PRINCES AND PEOPLES OF INDIA
The 2nd November 1908
It is now 50 years since Queen Victoria, my beloved Mother,
and my August Predecessor on the throne of these realms, for
divers weighty reasons, with the advice and consent of Parlia
ment, took upon herself the government of the territories
theretofore administered by the East India Company. I deem
this a fitting anniversary on which to greet the Princes and
Peoples of India, in commemoration of the exalted task then
solemnly undertaken. Half a century is but a brief span
in your long annals, yet this half century that ends to-day
will stand amid the floods of your historic ages, a far-shining
landmark. The proclamation of the direct supremacy of the
Crown sealed the unity of Indian Government and opened a
new era. The journey was arduous, and the advance may
have sometimes seemed slow; but the incorporation of many
strangely diversified communities, and of some three hundred
millions of the human race, under British guidance and control
has proceeded steadfastly and without pause. We survey
our labours of the past half century with clear gaze and good
conscience. Difficulties such as attend all human rule in every age
and place, have risen up from day to day. They have been
faced by the servants of the British Crown with toil and
courage and patience, with deep counsel and a resolution that
has never faltered nor shaken. If errors have occurred, the
VOL. II 369 2B

370 RECOLLECTIONS
agents of my government have spared no pains and no self-
sacrifice to correct them ; if abuses have been proved, vigorous
hands have laboured to apply a remedy.
No secret of empire can avert the scourge of drought and
plague, but experienced administrators have done all that
skill and devotion are capable of doing, to mitigate those
dire calamities of Nature. For a longer period than was
ever known in your land before, you have escaped the dire
calamities of War within your borders. Internal peace has
been unbroken.
In the great charter of 1858 Queen Victoria gave you noble
assurance of her earnest desire to stimulate the peaceful
industry of India, to promote works of public utility and
improvement, and to administer the government for the
benefit of all resident therein. The schemes that have been
diligently framed and executed for promoting your material
convenience and advance — schemes unsurpassed in their
magnitude and their boldness — bear witness before the
world to the zeal with which that benignant promise has
been fulfilled.
The rights and privileges of the Feudatory Princes and
Ruling Chiefs have been respected, preserved, and guarded;
and the loyalty of their allegiance has been unswerving. No
man among my subjects has been favoured, molested, or
disquieted, by reason of his religious belief or worship. All
men have enjoyed protection of the law. The law itself has
been administered without disrespect to creed or caste, or to
usages and ideas rooted in your civilisation. It has been
simplified in form, and its machinery adjusted to the require
ments of ancient communities slowly entering a new world.
The charge confided to my Government concerns the
destinies of countless multitudes of men now and for ages to
come ; and it is a paramount duty to repress with a stern arm
guilty conspiracies that have no just cause and no serious
aim. These conspiracies I know to be abhorrent to the loyal
and faithful character of the vast hosts of my Indian subjects,
and I will not suffer them to turn me aside from my task of
building up the fabric of security and order.

appendix 371
Unwilling that this historic anniversary should pass with
out some signal mark of Royal clemency and grace, I have
directed that, as was ordered on the memorable occasion of
the Coronation Durbar in 1903, the sentences of persons
whom our courts have duly punished for offences against
the law, should be remitted, or in various degrees reduced;
and it is my wish that such wrongdoers may remain mindful
of this act of mercy, and may conduct themselves without
offence henceforth.
Steps are being continuously taken towards obliterating-
distinctions of race as the test for access to posts of public
authority and power. In this path I confidently expect and
intend the progress henceforward to be steadfast and sure,
as education spreads, experience ripens, and the lessons of
responsibility are well learned by the keen intelligence and
apt capabilities of India.
From the first, the principle of representative institutions
began to be gradually introduced, and the time has come
when, in the judgment of my Viceroy and Governor-General
and others of my counsellors, that principle may be prudently
extended- Important classes among you, representing ideas
that have been fostered and encouraged by British rule, claim
equality of citizenship, and a greater share in legislation and
government. The politic satisfaction of such a claim will
strengthen, not impair, existing authority and power. Ad
ministration will be all the more efficient, if the officers who
conduct it have greater opportunities of regular contact with
those whom it affects, and with those who influence and reflect
common opinion about it. I will not speak of the measures
that are now being diligently framed for these objects. They
will speedily be made known to you, and will, I am very
confident, mark a notable stage in the beneficent progress
of your affairs.
I recognize the valour and fidelity of my Indian troops,
and at the New Year I have ordered that opportunity should
be taken to show in substantial form this, my high apprecia
tion of their martial instincts, their splendid discipline, and
their faithful readiness of service.

372 RECOLLECTIONS
The welfare of India was one of the objects dearest to the
heart of Queen Victoria. By me, ever since my visit in 1875,
the interests of India, its Princes and Peoples, have been
watched with an affectionate solicitude that time cannot
weaken. My dear Son, the Prince of Wales, and the Princess
of Wales, returned from their sojourn among you with warm
attachment to your land, and true and earnest interest in its
well-being and content. These sincere feelings of active
sympathy and hope for India on the part of my Royal House
and Line, only represent, and they do most truly represent,
the deep and united will and purpose of the people of this
Kingdom. May divine protection and favour strengthen the wisdom
and mutual good-will that are needed, for the achievement
of a task as glorious as was ever committed to rulers and
subjects in any State or Empire of recorded time.

INDEX

Notes. — In this Index H. of C. and H. of L. are used as abbreviations for
the House of Commons and House of Lords respectively. Political references
under names are given in alphabetical order.

Abbeyleix, visit to (1894), ii. 33.
Aberdeen, 7th Earl of, Lord Lieu
tenant of Ireland, i. 215, ii. 69, 103.
Abolition of Negro Slavery, i. 20.
ii. 109 ; Lincoln's letter on, i. 77.
Abrahams, B. L., ii. 180.
Absenteeism, some considerations
on, ii. 27.
Absolute power, less powerful than
Parliamentary rule, Cavour on, i.
194.
Accession or Coronation as occasion
for Amnesty in India, discussed,
ii. 332.
Achabel, ii. 194.
Acland, A. H. Dyke, ii. 132; and
his associates (1892), i. 323;
relations of, with Labour (1892),
i. 324 ; visit from, i. 271 ; view
of, on Gladstone's successor, ii. 15.
Action, sham in, ii. 51.
Acton, Lord, ii. 64, 103; acquaint
ance with, i. 229 et sqq. ; character
and gifts of, i. 229-31 ; collected
writings of, i. 235; Introduction
by, to Machiavelli, i. 290-1 ;
Library of, Morley's gift of, to
Cambridge University, i. 231-2,
two impressions made by, i.
234—5 ; style of, compared with
Maine's, i. 291 ; on Buckle, i. 14 ;
on George Eliot's books, i. 15-16,
48 ; on the Government of 1886, i.
218 ; on Macaulay's Essays and
History, ii. 133; on Morley, i.
218, 232-3.
Adams, John Quincy, on Arguments
and War, ii. 88.
Addison, Joseph, writer and Irish
Secretary, i. 186.
Administration of the Kingdom dur

ing the King's absence in India,
provision for, ii. 359-60.
Adonais (Shelley), high place of, i.
131.
Advice, and the Unwise, i. 365.
Aeschylus, pessimism of, ii. 119.
Afghan dispatch, by Morley, ii. 193.
Afghanistan, Habibullah Khan, Amir
of, ii. 339 ; visit of, to the Viceroy
(1907), ii. 199; pupils proposed
to be sent by, to Kitchener, ii. 201.
Afghanistan, in relation to the
proposed Anglo-Russian entente,
ii. 178 ; a talk on, with Roberts,
ii. 188.
After-dinner talk, profit of, i. 372-3.
Aga Khan, the, a talk with, ii. 296-7.
Agamemnon, reading of, at Over-
strand, i. 274.
Age, Gladstone's resistance of, i. 277.
Agitators, good done by, ii. 172.
Indian, treatment of, considered,
ii. 209, 210, 215.
Agnostic School, Herbert Spencer's
place in, i. 110.
Agnosticism, i. 18 ; answer to, of
Mill's essay on Theism, i. 106-9 ;
Marcus Aurelius called the Saint
of, ii. 363 ; in relation to Spencer's
attitude to Space, i. 114.
Agnostic's Apology (Stephen), on
Truth, i. 121.
Agrarian agitation, political accom
paniments of, i. 171 ; Parnell's
use of, i. 249 ; outbreaks, never
isolated, i. 352.
Agricultural Labourers, see Union of.
Akbar the Great, ii. 312.
Alabama claims, ii. 104.
Aldus Manutius, the famous printer,
i. 34.

373

374

INDEX

Alexander the Great, ii. 201.
Alexandra, Queen, ii. 332.
Algiers, French occupation of, i. 138.
All's Well that Ends Well, comments
on, i. 286.
All Souls, Honorary Fellowship of,
conferred on Morley, ii. 103.
Allen, William, philanthropic allies
of, i. 150.
Alps, the, impression made by, on
Meredith, i. 44-5.
Alsace, seizure of, by Louis XIV.,
ii. 80.
Althorp, Viscount (3rd Earl Spencer) ,
hero of parliamentary reform, i.
220.
Althorp, visit to (1891), for gather
ing of the "capital" people, i.
293 et sgq.
Althorp Library, the, i. 293-4;
present home of, i. 295.
Alvie, the minister of, ii. 67 ; story
told by, ii. 68-9.
Ambition and Gambling, two things
of which Gladstone felt incapable,
ii. 71.
America, United States of, and the
Abolition of Slavery, i. 20, ii.
109 ; Lincoln's letter on, i. 77.
Compared with the British Em
pire, ii. 79. Economic rivalry of,
Cobden on, i. 137. Freethinkers
in, unacceptable in politics, ii. 110.
Irish funds from, i. 254. Visits
to (1867), i. 52, ii. 104 (1904), ii.
104 et sqq„ 133, 330.
American, Civil War, the, i. 20 ;
Stephen's views on, i. 121 ;
Sumner's part in, ii. 104. Colonies,
why lost, two opinions on, ii. 266.
Desperadoes, Asquith's talk on,
i. 374. Idealism, and sense of
public duty, ii. 109. Negro, prob
lem of, ii. 336-7. Orators, i.
190. Praise of Morley's New
York speech (1904), ii. 108.
Revolution, Fiske's history of, i.
274.
American Girl, An, i. 288.
Amnesty, on accession of George V.,
suggested, ii. 332. Attitude to,
of, England, ii. 224-5. France, ii.
225. U.S.A., ii. 225.
Ampthill, Lord, support given by,
to Indian Reforms Bill, ii. 298,
300.
Anabaptists, i. 64.

Andre, Major, i. 274.
Anglicans at Oxford, Fowler on,
i. 289.
Anglo-Catholic views ascribed to
Gladstone, i. 318.
Anglo-Indian officials in retirement
on the bomb outrages, ii. 256.
Anglo-Indians, in India, excitability
of, ii. 192; causes of, ii. 262.
Opinions of, on Anglo-Russian
Agreement, ii. 151 ; Fuller's re
signation, ii. 192 ; Indian members
of Councils, i. 169, 175, 206, 207,
211, 230, 254-5.
Anglophobe party in Russia, and
the Russo-British entente, ii. 169.
Anglo-Russian Agreement and ne
gotiations leading up to, ii. 150-1 ;
correspondence on, with Minto, ii.
167-8, 177 et sqq. 239 ; the Agree
ment confirmed, ii. 244 et sqq. ;
Morley's speech on, ii. 245.
Anima mundi, Aristotle's belief on,
ii. 66.
Animal sacrifice, Indian, cruelty in,
ii. 192.
Anne, Queen, Bolingbroke's words
on the death of, i. 256.
Annexation, The Spectator on (1897),
ii. 76-7.
Anson, Sir William, and Morley's
election as Honorary Fellow of
All Souls, ii. 103.
Anti-coercion views of Morley, ii.
217.
Anti-Corn-Law Leaguers, Tory atti
tude to, i. 135.
Anti-Lucrece (Polignac), Voltaire on,
ii. 121 n.
Anti^Machiavel, of Frederick the
Great, The Prince not dethroned
by, ii. 121.
Anti-Parnellites in Ireland, relations
of, with English Liberals, i. 266-7.
Arbitration, speech on, of the German
Chancellor (1911), ii. 346.
Arbitrations by Morley on election
details, i. 200.
Arbroath, speeches at (1907), ii. 234;
talk with Trade Unionists at, ii.
76 ; visit to, ii. 138.
Argument and War, ii. 88.
Argyll, 8th Duke of, i. 288, on
Parliament, in relation to India,
ii. 244.
Aristocracy, English, Meredith's
views on (1868), i. 45.

INDEX

375

Aristotle, and the anima mundi,
Fowler on, ii. 66 ; how not to
study, ii. 121 n. ; influence of,
compared with that of Lucretius,
ii. 118 ; on causes and consequences
of Civil confusions, ii. 134.
Armaments, Gladstone's objection
to, ii. 69, and a possible reply, ii.
69-70.
Armitstead, George (late Lord Armit
stead), friend of Gladstone, i.
317, ii. 4, 5, 68; host of Glad
stone and Morley at Biarritz
(1892), i. 298; visit from, in
Dublin, i. 369; on Gladstone's
freedom in talks with Morley, ii.
72.
Army Council at Putney (17th
century), i. 62.
Army Dispatch (1906), reception of,
ii. 165.
Army Purchase, abolition of (1871),
uproar over, ii. 294.
Arnold, Benedict, treason of, Fiske's
account of, i. 274.
Arnold, Dr. Thomas, i. 19.
Arnold, Matthew, advice of, to
Morley on political journalism, i.
187; and Carnegie, ii. 110; at
Blickling Hall, i. 282 ; contributor
to the Fortnightly, i. 86 ; as critic,
i. 127-8 ; estimation by, of George
Sand's genius, i. 127 ; at home, i.
126-7 ; insight of, into the Irish
difficulty, i. 129 ; literary status
of, i. 125-6; Morley's well-
recognised debt to, i. 128 ; noted
phrases of, i. 131, Stephen's differ
ences from, i. 119; as talker, i.
126 ; women writers admired by,
i. 48 ; death of, i. 129, coincidence
concerning, i. 290 ; on Cobden, i.
136 ; on the interest of Quebec,
ii. 108 ; on the position of the
Churches (1850-60), i. 19. Poems
by, read and referred to, i. 131-2,
277, 281, ii. 75 ; the Oxford poems,
ii. 101 ; Tennyson's praise of, i.
131-2.
Arrow war with China, i. 141.
Artificiality in Literary composition,
i. 95-6.
Artists, effect on, of Contact with the
Public, i. 370-1.
Arundel Report, on Indian Reforms
(1906), ii. 194, 204, 205, 231;
Minto's dispatch on (1907), ii. 218.

Ascendency, party of, in Ireland,
fate of, ii. 173.
Ascot, Lord Roberts's house at, ii. 188.
Ashbourne, Lord, ii. 296, 324.
Asiatics in South Africa, problem of,
ii. 214.
Asquith, Rt. Hon. H. H., ii. 3, 140,
168, 265, 273, 292; and his asso
ciates (1892), i. 323; a causerie
with, and with Lyall, i. 374 ;
definition by, of an Imperialist,
ii. 80 ; desirous of Rosebery for
Prime Minister (1895), ii. 15;
letter from, on joining the Cabinet
(1892), i. 324; letter to, on the
proposed selection of Ministers, ii.
142 ; member of Cabinet Navy
Committee (1909), ii. 307; and
the protest by M.P.'s agamst
deportation (1909), ii. 308; re
lations of, with Morley, i. 369,
373-4, ii. 142, 343 ; speech by, on
Indian Reforms Bill, ii. 304 ; state
ment of, on the creation of Peers,
ii. 351 ; successor to Campbell-
Bannerman as Prime Minister
(1908), ii. 250-2; talk with, on
the future Cabinet (1893), i.
376 ; as talker, i. 370 ; views of,
on Kitchener as Viceroy, ii. 331 ;
visit from, in Dublin (1893), i.
369 ; wish of, for Morley at the
Colonial Office, ii. 132. On con
cert with Morley in Irish matters,
ii. 133 ; on freedom from affecta
tion, i. 369-70 ; on Gladstone and
the Home Rule BUI of 1893, i.
359-60 ; on introducing Indian
Reforms in the Commons, ii.
287 ; on Morley's prospects in
1894, ii. 8 ; on Morley as successor
for Harcourt, ii. 45 ; on a retrospect
of the Home Rule struggle of 1893,
i. 366 ; on his school days and early
journalism, i. 375.
Assyrian frescoes at the Louvre, i.
298.
Atheism, highest teaching possible
to, i. 16.
Atlantic Ocean, a sight of, ii. 30.
Atom, the, Lucretius on, ii. 121, 123.
Atys, ii. 75.
Aurungzebe, ii. 313.
Austerity of Morley, The Spectator
on, i. 315.
Austin, — , works of, i. 81.
Austin, Sir John, ii. 66.

376

INDEX

Austria, and the Balkan crisis of
1908, ii. 277.
Autoritarian tendencies in Chamber
lain's views, i. 158-9.
Avaux, — , i. 224.
Averroes (Renan), ii. 67.
Avignon, Mill's death at, i. 67.
Bacon, Francis (Lord Verulam),
writings of, i. 55, 62, 63, 92,
Henry VII., quantities of, ii.
134, Novum Organum, edited by
Fowler, ii. 66. On the appeal from
Thought to Feeling, ii. 366 ; on
Compassion, i. 42.
Bagehot, Walter, contributor to the
Fortnightly, i. 86—7, 125 ; compared
with Montesquieu, i. 87-8 ; on
Cobden, i. 144.
Baghdad, an illuminating letter
from, ii. 190.
Baghdad Railway, the, complexities
caused by, ii. 247 ; deliberations
and consultations on, ii. 191,
344, 345; Indian Memo, on,
criticised, ii. 242 ; talks on, with
the German Emperor (1907), ii.
238.
Bagot Street Training College, visit
to, i. 384-5.
Bahrein, ii. 344.
Bain, Alexander, book by, on Mill,
i. 283.
Baker, — , of the Viceroy's Council,
ii. 195.
Balfour, Rt. Hon. Arthur James, i.
112, 240, 266, 273, ii. 21, 65, 103,
183, 209, 218, 230, 289; attitude
of, to Physical Science, ii. 97 ;
charm of, i. 226, 227, 228 ; dialectic
of, how countered by Campbell-
Bannerman, ii. 143 ; dinner meet
ings with, ii. 133 ; Fortnightly
article by, i. 225 ; health of (1906),
ii. 168 ; literary gifts of, and
political qualifications, i. 225 et
sqq. ; status of, with reporters, i.
312-13 ; vein of raillery of, ii. 22.
Political references to : Attitude
of, to the Conciliation Bill (1893),
i. 349, 350; to Reinstatement of
Evicted Tenants, i. 348 ; to Fiscal
Reform (1907), ii. 203; to Indian
Reforms, ii. 207, 213; to Irish-
British finance, i. 279, 352 ; atti
tude to, of the country in 1908,
ii. 254 ; a challenge of, to Morley,

on retention of Irish members, i.
363; Irish Light Railways furthered
by, ii. 24 ; Irish Secretaryship of.
ii. 46, political crisis during, i.
329, 330 ; member of the Defence
Committee (1906), ii. 201; min
istry of (1900-1905), ii. 90;
Parnell's attitude to, i. 255; as
Party Chief, ii. 326-7; political
belief of, Churchill on, i. 191 ;. re
mark made on Morley's success
in following in Ireland, ii. 33.
Speeches by, on the Anglo-
Russian Agreement, ii. 245-6 ; at
luncheon to French Naval officers,
ii. 137; on Home Rule (1893), i.
358-9 ; on Indian Reforms Bill,
ii. 304. On the alternate call of
Literature and Politics, Morley's
agreement, i. 228 ; on the effect
on him of a rough night in the
House, i. 227 ; on his own work,
and Morley's, at the Bar, i. 361.
Balfour of Burleigh, Lord, speeches
by, on Indian Reform Bill (1909).
ii. 324 ; on Land-valuation in
Scotland (1908), ii. 258.
Balkan, crisis (1908), ii. 277; prob
lems, of the '80's, i. 196 ; ques
tion, ambassadorial reunions on
(circa 1910), ii. 343.
Ballyragget, ii. 34.
Balmoral, visits to (1907 and 1908),
ii. 277.
Balzac, H., Asquith's choice for
desert island reading, i. 370.
Bampton Lectures of Mansel, i. 8, 13.
Baptist letter, Harcourt on, i. 297.
Barisal affair, the, ii. 169, 172, 185.
Barlow, Miss Jane, book by, dis
cussed, i. 382-3.
Barnbougle, Rosebery at, i. 317, 318.
Baroda, Guicowar of, visits from, ii.
169, 187.
Barrington, Jonah, ii. 34.
Bastiat, — . on National Wealth, i.
138.
Bayard, Hon. T. F., speech by, at
Oxford, ii. 102.
Bayle, St. John, i. 91 ; on his
Protestantism, ii. 121 n.
Beaconsfield, Earl of (see also
Disraeli), characteristics of, ii.
338 ; warning of, on Ireland
fulfilled, i. 169 et sqq. ; Morley's
article on, in The Times, ii. 338.
Beatenberg, visit to, i. 132.

INDEX

377

Beauchamp' s Career (Meredith), i.
39, Meredith on, i. 49.
Beaumont, — , on Tocqueville, i.
274.
Beesley, — , attitude of, after Sedan,
i. 45.
Bel esprit, a, and one who has esprit,
i. 304.
Belfast, trade, politics, prosperity
and fanaticism of, i. 222-4, 341-2,
343 ; Morley's attitude to, chal
lenged, and his reply, i. 354, 355.
Belief, i. 71.
Belmont, visit to (1905), ii. 131.
Benckendorff, Count, and the Anglo-
Russian Agreement, ii. 246.
Bengal, Partition of (see also Eastern
Bengal, and Fuller), ii. 155, 169-
170, 180; Kitchener on, ii. 330;
Morley on, to Minto, ii. 181-2.
Bennett, Gordon, of the New York
Herald, ii. 105.
Bentham, Jeremy, works of, i. 81 ;
on the fame of Locke, Descartes
and Montesquieu, i. 87 ; on
Shelburne's debts, i. 311.
Benthamism of O'Connell, i. 247.
Bentinck, Lord William, ii. 298.
Berars, the, Lyall's official connec
tion with, ii. 344.
Berchtesgaden, a dinner at, with
Chamberlain, i. 314.
Beresford, Admiral Lord (Lord
Charles Beresford), at the Navy
Committee (1909), ii. 307.
Beresford family (see also Waterford),
Irish record of, ii. 36.
Berkeley, Bishop, i. 17.
Berlin Conference of 1890, Standard
of, for regulation of Labour, ii.
167.
Bervie, visit to (1897), ii. 75.
Bethmann-Hollweg, Dr. von (Ger
man Chancellor), speech by, on
disarmament, arbitration, etc.
(1911), ii. 346.
Biarritz, Gladstone's visits to, i. 298,
ii. 5, 6 ; Morley's visit to, with
Armitstead and Gladstone (1892), i.
298.
Bible-reading of Gladstone, ii. 6.
Biblical Criticism, advanced pitfalls
in, for Anglicanism, i. 289.
Bilgrami, Saiyad Husain, appointed
to the Council of India, ii. 228.
Bills, great, procedure in framing and
carrying, ii. 321.

Biography, worth of, on what de
pendent, ii. 94.
Birds (Aristophanes), i. 289.
Birmingham, Bishop of (Dr. Gore),
and the See of Madras, ii. 249.
Birmingham (see also Highbury),
Chamberlain's circle at, tone and
atmosphere of, i. 148 et sqq.
Birrell, Rt. Hon. Augustine J., ii.
295; and his associates (1892), i.
323 ; success of, with finance of
Irish University Bill, ii. 249-50;
on English Nonconformity, i. 150.
Bismarck, Prince, ii. 45, 49, 238;
and Cavour, political ethics of, ii.
136; conversion of, to State
Socialism, i. 143 ; and the Falk
laws, ii, 196 ; and German unity,
i. 78 ; Granville disliked by, i.
212 ; sarcasms of, i, 362 ; a sight
of, i. 160-1. On Foreign affairs
and British parties (1880), i.
196 ; on vanity engendered by
Parliamentary life, i. 194; on
what underlies diplomacy, ii. 278.
Blackburn, history and people of,
i. 3-5.
Blackburn election (1869) lost by
Morley, i. 184.
Blackheath, Mill's dinners at, i. 52—3.
Blackstone, statue of, in All Souls
Library, ii. 102.
Blair, — , lines by, applied to Glad
stone, ii. 6.
Blake, — , M.P., aid of, in drafting
the Home Rule Bill of 1893, i. 358.
Blanc, Charles, i. 83.
Blanc, Louis, i. 52, 65, 72; French
grammatical precision of, i. 83 ;
friendship with, i. 82 ; literary
work of, i. 83 ; on Turgot, i. 83.
Blanc, Madame Louis, i. 83.
Blessings and Afflictions, balance be
tween, Temple on, ii. 115.
Blickling Hall, lunch at, i. 282.
Blignieres, — , meeting with, i. 303.
Blithedale Romance (Hawthorne), i.
22.
Blockheads, Irish and British, i. 342.
Bloemfontein Conference, errors at,
ii. 136-7.
Blood, Major-General Sir Bindon,
ii. 246.
"Blurting it out," unwisdom of, in
Irish affairs, ii. 21.
Boar cutlets, i. 300.
Bodyke, rough work at, ii. 24.

378

INDEX

Boer War, Campbell-Bannerman's
plain dealing during, ii. 141 ; causes
of, ii. 80 ; conversation on, with
Botha, ii. 213 ; mishaps in, ii.
90; Morley's speeches on, before,
ii. 85-7, and during, ii. 87-8, 92 ;
public attitude to, ii. 87-8 ; Ste
phen's attitude to, i. 122.
Bolingbroke, Lord, ii. 96 ; writer-
politician, i. 186 ; on British
foreign policy, ii. 96 ; on the death
of Queen Anne, i. 256.
Bomb outrages in India, ii. 256, 257,
263.
Bombay, appointment of a Bishop
of, ii. 249 ; competition of, in
the cotton-trade, ii. 166-7.
Boodle's, ii. 138.
Book-browsing on the Boulevards,
i. 299.
Book-trade, the, i. 34.
Bossuet, — , ii. 108.
Botha, General Louis, ii. 313 ; con
versations with (1907), ii. 213-14;
tribute of, to Campbell-Banner
man, ii. 145.
Boulogne negotiations with Irish
leaders, i. 263.
Box Hill, Meredith's chalet on, i. 39,
49, 51 ; visits to, i. 51 ; ii. 139.
Boycotting, increase of (1893), i. 352.
Boyd Carpenter, Bishop, book by,
liked by Wilhelm IL, ii. 345.
Boyne, Battle of the, i. 224.
Bradshaw, — ii. 101.
Brady, — , execution of, i. 381.
Brett, — , i. 215.
Brewers, the, and the Government
(1908), ii. 251.
Bright, John Albert, ii. 86 ; visit to,
i. 292-3.
Bright, Rt. Hon. John, i. 24, 190;
and Chamberlain, i. 153 ; attitude
of, to the Crimean War, ii. 88 ;
convictions held by, ii. 165 ; defeat
of, at the poll (1857), i. 14; Glad
stone's attitude to (1880), i. 167;
grave of, visit to, i. 292; Irish
proposals of (1880), i. 166, 229;
letter from, on the Pall Mall's
attitude to Coercion, i. 174 ; and
Reform of the Franchise, i. 25 ;
a sarcasm of, ii. 225 ; statue of,
unveiled by Morley, i. 274, 288-9,
292-3. On the American Civil
War and the end of Slavery, ii.
109 ; on Cowen's speeches, i. 185 ;

on the "crimes and blunders'' of
Cabinets, i. 218 ; on the mistake
of coercion in Ireland, i. 173 ; on
Morley as Irish Secretary, i. 221 ;
on overcoming the Peers, i. 198,
plan carried by Morley's motion, i.
199 ; ii. 347.
Brighton, Morley's interview with
Parnell at (1890), i. 251, 272;
Parnell in dudgeon at (1890),
i. 262 ; Spencer's home at, i. 113.
Bristol Tobacco trade, deputation
from to Morley (1910), ii. 329-30.
British attitude to Wars, ii. 88.
Combine, the, ii. 248. Demos
"all right," if wisely handled, ii.
269 ; bourgeois at heart, ii. 157 ;
political soundness of, ii. 244.
Empire, acquisition of, Chamber
lain on, ii. 79 ; magnitude of, ii.
79. Opinion on Indian dangers,
ii. 223, 256. Parliamentary suprem
acy challenged by Parnell (1890),
i. 264, asserted by Rosebery, ii.
20-1, and by Morley, in connection
with India, ii. 164, 178-9, 195-6,
219, 262-6, 278 et alibi. People
at home solely responsible for
India, ii. 278. Press, attitude of,
during Indian upheaval, ii. 224.
Prestige in India, military aspects
of, ii. 200 ; sensitiveness of, ii.
155; Morley on, ii. 186. Race,
chivalry and magnanimity not
confined to one class of, ii. 358.
Radicals and German Socialists
contrasted, ii. 238, 244 ; and Indian
affairs, ii. 238, 269. Rule in India,
aims of, ii. 278-9 ; an elucidation
of, to the world at large, ii. 276.
Rulers of India, saying on, ii. 156.
Brodrick, Rt. Hon. W. St. John
(later Viscount Midleton, q.v.), ii.
169, 230 ; discussion with, on
Indian military administration,
ii. 157 ; supporter of the Indian
Reform Bill, ii. 300 ; rejection of
Conciliation Bill moved by (1893),
349 ;' on Indian Frontier policy,
ii. 246 ; on the prospects in South
Africa (1906), ii. 193.
Bronte, Emily, lines by, on Evening
as messenger of Hope, ii. 362.
Brougham, Lord, as colleague, ii. 12 ;
on Windham in Parliament, i. 193.
Browne, Sir Thomas, literary style
of, Johnson on, i. 94.

INDEX

379

Browning, Robert, i. 215 ; at George
Eliot's, i. 371 ; poems of, Meredith
on, i. 42 ; poetic calibre of, i.
132-3 ; Tennyson on his lack of
the "glory of words," i. 312; on
Decorations, inBespectability, ii. 104.
Bryce, Rt. Hon. James (Viscount
Bryce), i. 218; Irish Secretaryship
proposed for, by Campbell-Banner
man, ii. 131.
Buchanan, Sir George, as Under
Secretary for India, ii. 253, 269,
287 ; an appreciation of, ii. 268 ;
speech by, on Second Reading of
Indian Reforms Bill, ii. 304 ; ill
ness, and retirement of, ii. 306, 310.
Buckingham Palace, a dinner at, ii.
132-3.
Buckle, — , letter from, and talk
with (1905), ii. 140.
Buckle, T. H., system of, in his
History of Civilisation, i. 14.
Budget of 1909, protracted discussion
on, ii. 305 ; rejection of, by the
H. of L., ii. 324, 356; see also
Parliament Bill, and Veto of
the H. of L.
Bulwer, Sir Edward Lytton, writer-
politician, i. 186 ; lines by, on
O'Connell, i. 247.
Bulwer, Sir Henry, on the defeat of
France in 1870, i. 46.
Buonaparte, see Napoleon I.
Burke, Edmund, i. 204, attitude of,
to rebels, i. 178 ; conservatism of,
Harcourt on, ii. 96; doctrine of,
on Politics, i. 233 ; encomium of,
on Mansfield, i. 375; Morley's
debt to, i. 81-2, interest in, ii.
239, and writings on, i. 70, 92.
On the complaints of a friend, ii.
13 ; on the nation in bulk, i. 23 ;
on the skill of the politician, ii.
264 ; on the sole means for check
ing degeneracy, i. 301.
Burke, the slider, i. 367.
Burnet, Bishop, ii. 68 ; on the death
of Leighton, ii. 114.
Burns, Rt. Hon. John, inclusion in
Cabinet urged by Morley (1905),
ii. 132; talk with, ii. 139.
Burns, Robert, poems of, Carnegie's
love for, ii. 112; line in, on the
"deluding joy of joys," i. 190;
Wordsworth's poems on, i. 377.
Business, attitude during, of Bal
four, and of Chamberlain, i. 227.

Bussora, ii. 19.
Butcher, Henry, ii. 133.
Butler, — , on the Idle way of Read
ing, i. 291.
Butler, Bishop, on the Ethics of
States, ii. 61.
Butler, General, ii. 105.
Butterstone, visit to Gladstone at,
ii. 68 et sqq.
Buxton, Sir T. Fowell, slave-emanci
pator, grave of, i. 283.
Buxton, Sir T. Fowell, junior, and
his associates (1892), i. 323.
Byron, Lord, i. 20 ; Arnold on, i.
131 ; exile in the flesh only, i.
371 ; line from Dante echoed by,
ii. 361 ; on melancholy, i. 275.
By-water, — , the Hellenist, at Uni
versity College School, i. 6.
Cabinet of 1859, Oxford men in, i. 12.
1886, Disruption of, views on, of
Rosebery, Chamberlain, and Mor
ley, i. 296. 1892, Morley's share
in selection of, i. 324. 1908, Two
wings of, ii. 248-9.
Cabinet life of Ministers, average
length of, ii. 70.
Cabinet-making and Cabinet-plan
ning, difficulties of, i. 320-3 ;
psychology of, i. 320 ; puzzles of,
ii. 131-2 ; a rule of, i, 167.
Cabinet Room, the, Bright on, i,
218.
Cafe Anglais, an interesting dinner
at (1892), i. 303^1.
Cairnes, J. E., i, 52; contributor to
the Fortnightly, i. 86.
Cairns, Earl, i. 215.
Calais, French reconquest of, ii. 81.
Calcutta University and the Seraj-
gunj school affair, ii. 184.
Cambridge University, Acton's li
brary given to by Morley, i. 231-2.
D.C.L. conferred by, on Chamber
lain and Morley (1892), ii. 102.
Campaign estates, and Irish land
lords, Parnell on, i. 253.
Campania, s.s., trial trip of, i. 342.
Campbell-Bannerman, Lady, ii. 131 ;
aid given by, to her husband, ii.
142-3, his tribute to, ii. 143 ; char
acteristics of, ii. 184 ; funeral of,
ii. 183.
Campbell-Bannerman, Rt. Hon. Sir
Henry, ii. 70, 85. Characteristics
of: kindness, ii. 144; sincerity

380

INDEX

and devotion to principle, ii.
84-5; a summary of, ii. 140 et
egg. Political references to as
Leader of the H. of C, ii. 84, 143 ;
Cabinet plans of (1905), ii. 131-2;
important talk with (Nov. 14,
1905), ii. 138; letter from, of
thanks for encouragement to him
self and his wife, ii. 143 ; and the
Neo-Palmerstonian Liberals, ii.
89; as Prime Minister (1905),
ii. 140 et sqq., 179, 183, 197, 227,
huge majority of, ii. 141, anxieties
concerning (1908), ii. 247, 248,
withdrawal from office, ii. 250 ;
as Secretary of State for War, ii.
144; death of (1908), ii. 254;
monument to, formed by the Union
of South Africa, Botha, and Smuts,
on, ii. 145.
Canada, Minto's Governor-General
ship of, ii. 151. "Pretensions"
of, difficulties due to in negotiations
with the United States, ii. 179.
Candidatures, Indian, disallowance
of, ii. 319-20.
Canning, Earl, ii. 274; on pre-
cariousness of peace in India, ii.
221.
Canning, Rt. Hon. George and
Castlereagh, relative greatness of,
i. 273 ; on Catholic emancipation
"winning" its way, i. 387.
Cant, decay of, Carlyle on, ii. 51.
Cant, of Jacobitism, ii. 52.
Canterbury, Dr. Randall Davidson,
Archbishop of, 'ii. 249, 313-14;
speech of, on the Veto Bill, and its
effect, ii. 353-4, 355.
Capitol, the, two great works con
ceived on the steps of, i. 61.
Capri, ii. 65.
Carbonari, the, trouble given by, i.
178.
Cardwell, Viscount, on "competent"
candidates, and jobbery, i. 340.
Carey, the informer, i. 381.
Carlisle, 7th Earl of, suggested Life
of, Gladstone's quencher on, ii. 5.
Carlyle, Thomas, i. 10, 75, 149, ii.
139 ; as anti-Jingo, i. 292 ; attitude
of, to the seventeenth century, ii.
49 ; diatribes of, on the eighteenth
century, i. 82 ; glorification by, of
Collins's Peerage of England, ii.
358 ; Goethe as presented by,
Mill's criticism on, i. 61 ; Mill's

friendship for, i. 54 ; talk of,
compared with Mill's, i. 56-7 ;
vitality of characters of, i. 118;
vogue given by, to German
authors, i. 68; writings of, i. 11,
16. On America and anarchy, i.
158 ; on compensation for dis
possessed publicans, i. 153-4 ; on
Cromwell, ii. 51; on "disagreeing
only in opinion," i. 70-1 ; on
Dunscore Church, ii. 67 ; on
Frederick the Great (g.».), i. 16,
139 ; on the importance of man to
man, ii. 87 ; on Mahomet, ii. 51 ;
on Mill's talk, i. 54 ; on Mrs.
J. S. Mill, i. 63 ; on Parliament, ii.
49 ; on Scott, i. 246, ii. 67.
Carnarvon, Earl of, as Lord Lieu
tenant (1885), i. 219, 221; rela
tions with Parnell, i. 219.
Carnegie, Andrew, acquisition and
use by, of wealth, originality shown
in, ii. 110; and Acton's Library,
i. 231 ; characteristics and views
of, ii. 110-12 ; choice by, of co
workers, ii. 111—12; cruise with,
ii. 103 ; gift by, of a Chemical
Laboratory named after Morley, to
Manchester University, ii. 315 ;
visits to, ii. 103-1, 110, 137, 272,
315, 333, 336; visit with, to
America (1904), ii. 104 et seq.
Carnegie, Mrs. Andrew, ii. 104, 110,
315.
Carrick-on-Suir, character of in
habitants, ii. 39.
Carrington, — , ii. 132.
Castelar, Sefior, on the Idea and its
execution in politics, i. 78.
Castle Rackrent (Edgeworth), i. 179.
Castlereagh, Viscount, in relation
to Canning, greatness of, i. 273 ;
suicide of, i. 372.
Catholic and Presbyterian at Alvie,
ii. 68-9.
Catholic Disabilities, Bill for, dis
cussed, i. 294.
Catholic Emancipation, Canning on,
i. 387 ; dropping of, possible
parallel to, i. 310; and the Irish
Revolution, i. 171, 172; O'Con-
nell's extortion of, i. 246, 248;
O'Connell on his difficulties in re
lation to, i. 388.
Catholic reaction, i. 19.
Catholicism, see Anglo-Catholicism,
and Roman Catholicism, see also

INDEX

381

Rome, Church of, and Rome,
Theological.
Catullus, ii. 75 ; Meredith's love for,
i. 43 ; lines from, learnt, i. 283.
Caucus, the, Chamberlain's advo
cacy of, i. 156, 157.
Cavaignac, Godefroi, Mill's descrip
tion of, i. 286.
Cavendish, Lord Frederick, murder
of, i. 177.
Cavour, Count C. de, i. 380, ii. 238 ;
book on, planned and begun, ii.
135-6, 137, 139, 140 ; and Cobden's
originality, i. 137 ; and Garibaldi,
i. 78 ; idealists' conflicting views
on, ii. 135 ; political genius of, i.
359 ; relations of, with Cobden,
and with Gladstone, ii. 135 ; saga
city and idealism of, ii. 136 ; as
statesman, i. 76, ii. 135, 136 ; and
Truth, i. 244 ; death of, i. 44. On
Guicciardini, ii. 62 ; on Neapolitan
corruption and its cure, ii. 136 ;
on parliamentary contests and
methods, i. 194.
Cawdor, Earl, supporter of Indian
Reform Bill, ii. 324.
Caxtons in the Althorp Library, i.
294, 295.
Celtic literature, Arnold's book on,
and its reference to the Irish
problem, i. 128-9.
Central Asian problems in relation
to an Anglo-Russian entente, ii.
151, 178.
Central Park, New York, laid out
by Olmsted, ii. 106.
Cervantes, i. 376.
Chalmers, Dr., i. 6.
Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. Austen, i.
160; on his father's young-
heartedness and activity, i. 155.
Chamberlain, Rt. Hon. Joseph, i.
167, 216, 312, ii. 102. Character,
characteristics, and personality of,
i. 147 et sqq. ; aptitudes for public
affairs, i. 147-8 ; combativeness, i.
155-6 ; conversation, i. 151-2,
Gladstone on, 151 ; frankness and
boldness, i. 152 ; freedom from
personal jealousy, i. 154 ; friend
ship as understood by, i. 154, 209
genius, fire, and popularity (1899)
ii. 89 ; gift of speech, i. 147
manner, during business, i. 227
objects of impatience, i. 153
reserve, i. 160; sarcasm, i. 362

self-control, i. 153—4 ; tenacity in
support of dubious opinions, ii.
190; as travelling companion, i.
160 ; youth of mind, i. 155 ;
Continental acquaintances of, i.
161; dinners with, i. 209-10,
314 ; education of, at University
College School, i. 6 ; epithets
bestowed on (1885), i. 203 ; friends
surrounding, i. 148 et sqq. ; Hali
fax's words on a great man applied
to, i. 155 ; honorary degrees con
ferred on by Cambridge and Oxford
Universities, ii. 102 ; Meredith's
description of, i. 362 ; visit of,
to Oxford (1896), ii. 102. Political
references to: Attitude of, to
Coercion in Ireland, i. 172, 212,
297, to the Home Rule Bill of 1893,
i. 362, 363, to Reinstatement of
Evicted Tenants, i. 348 ; and
Cabinet disruption (1886), Har
court on, i. 297 ; imperialism of, i.
162, ii. 79, 89 ; and Irish Franchise
extension, i. 172 ; and the Irish
Secretaryship, i. 177 ; Land reform
urged by, i. 201-2, views of his
party on his attitude, 202-3 ; as
party politician, i. 155-6; political
interests of, in 1874, i. 156 ; Presi
dent of the Board of Trade (1880),
i. 168 ; resignation from the Govern
ment of 1886, i. 218; and South
African affairs (1898), ii. 85; and
the split in Balfour's Cabinet, ii.
326-7. Relations with Morley:
Consultation with, over accept
ance of Irish Secretaryship (1886),
i. 213—15 ; conversations with, in
1885, 1892, 1894, and 1905, topics
of, i. 204, 295-7, ii, 136-7. Corre
spondence, from, i. 157, 165—6 ; on
reinstatement of evicted tenants,
i. 348-9; with, i. 201; as to the
arrest of Parnell, i. 174-5 ; on
Irish affairs, i. 204-8, 348-9, on
the Pall Mall Gazette article on
Irish politics (1881), i. 175-6; on
West Australian aborigines, ii. 63.
Friendship, i. 147, 156 et sqq.,
160, 164, 209 ; strained over Irish
affairs, i. 204, 229, Harcourt on, i.
297 ; influence of, on Morley's
political activities, i. 164 ; travels
together, i. 160-2. Gladstone on
the friendship, i. 162 ; political
differences and scarless breaks

382

INDEX

between, i. 163 ; visits to, i. 162,
204, ii. 136. Religious views of,
i. 164 ; status of, with reporters,
i. 313 ; Tennyson's autograph
line written for, ii. 362-3. On the
Cabinet disruption of 1886, i.
296 ; on the disappointments of
Parliamentary life, i. 189 ; on
the failure of Home Rule, i, 264-5 ;
on Free Trade and Cobdenism
generally, i. 162 ; on Harcourt,
Gladstone, and the new Parliament
of 1880, i. 165-6; on Little
Englandism, ii. 79 ; on Morley's
entering the Cabinet, a forecast,
i. 211-12 ; on his friendship with
Morley, i. 157 ; on Morley's
speeches on the Boer War, ii.
87-8; on Morley's "two faults,"
i. 159—60; on the potentiality of
the Empire, ii. 79, misgivings on,
ii. 80 ; on the quarrel of the Liberal
party with Parnell, i. 296.
Chambre des Deputes, Paris, visit
to, i. 300.
Change of venue for trials, advan
tages of, ii. 31.
Channing, Dr., i. 6.
Chapuy, — , statue by, of Joan of
Arc, i. 302.
Charitable Trusts, Committee on,
Davey and Collings at, i. 360.
Charitable views on Politics, Glad
stone on, i. 195.
Charlemagne, O'Connell compared
to, i. 247.
Charles I., and Eliot, ii. 51, 320;
execution of, ii. 61 ; effect of,
on Cant, ii. 51-2 ; Laud's counsel
to, on the execution of Strafford,
ii. 355.
Charles II. , i. 190 ; wit of, Clarendon
on, i. 319.
Charmes, MM., meeting with, i.
303.
Chateaubriand, Marquis de, as
writer, and as politician, i. 186 ;
vainglory of, i. 195; on church
bells, ii. 362.
Chatham, Earl of, i. 233 ; and Irish
resistance, i. 178 ; letters to his
nephew, i. 285.
Chatsworth, library of, i. 231.
Chaumette, the Jacobin, pagan dicor
of, Morley's reproach of, i. 103-4.
Chelmsford, Morley's speech at,
i. 209, 212.

Cheltenham College, Morley's educa
tion at, i. 6-7.
Cherbuliez, V., acquaintance with,
i. 161.
Chicago, Presidential polling at
(1904), u. 106.
Childers, H. C. E., i. 166, 215.
China, the opium question, and
the Arrow war, i. 141 ; anti-opium
opinion in, ii. 202-3.
Chinese revolution as affecting Indian
views, ii. 154.
Chirol, Sir Valentine, on change
in method of Indian government,
ii. 173-4.
Choiseul, Duchesse de, correspond
ence with, of Madame du Deffand,
i. 280.
Christ, and the doctrine of kenosis,
i. 289 ; Mill's estimate of, i.
107-8.
Christ Church Hall, beauty of, ii.
102.
Christian Brothers, Bishop of Ra-
phoe on, i. 372, 380; Richmond
Street School of, visited, ii. 383-4 ;
scope of activities of, i. 384.
Christian Faith, and Death, Lessing
on, ii. 127.
Christian Law impossible as rule of
States, Venetian view on, ii. 61.
Christianity, dawn of, conditions
parallel to, in mid-nineteenth cen
tury, i. 19 ; evolution of,
protagonists of, i. 108 ; and the
Religion of Christ, Lessing on, i.
370.
Chumbi Valley affair, ii. 239.
Church, Dean A. J., ii. 62; Glad
stone on, ii. 71.
Church bells, associations of, ii.
362.
Church of England, Birmingham
attitude to (circa 1874), i. 149;
Dale's attitude to, i. 150 ; growth
of, in tolerance, ii. 285 ; and
Modern Socialism, i. 289-90.
Church of Rome, Dale's attitude to,
i. 150.
Church and State, relations of,
Morley's criticism of Chamber
lain's views on, i. 158-9.
Churches, position of (circa 1850-
1860), Matthew Arnold on, i. 19.
Churchill, Lord Randolph, charac
teristics of, ii. 255 ; compliment
from, i. 269 ; speaking, Morley's

INDEX

383

attitude during, as described by
a lady, ii. 21 ; speech of, forestalled
by Morley, ii. 21. On belief in
solution of political questions, i.
191 ; on Conservative prospects
(1886), i. 211.
Churchill, Rt. Hon. Winston, interest
of, in Indian military affairs, ii.
246 ; Manchester election, defeat
of (1908), ii. 255.
Cicero, ii. 108 ; de Oratore by, ii. 64,
67, 73 ; greatness and vanity of,
ii. 96 ; as writer turned politician,
i. 185-6.
Cincinnati, Parnellite delegates at,
and Parnell's continued Leader
ship, i. 263.
Citizen, duty of, to his State and
to his Soul, ii. 61.
Civil Service, members of, preference
of, for power rather than fame, ii.
153.
Civilised Life, wretchedness of,
George Eliot on, i. 58.
Claims of Labour, Mill's article on,
Socialistic bias in, i. 289.
Claptrap in Parliament, i. 191.
Clara Middleton, in The Egoist,
Meredith on, i. 47.
Clare, Lord (Fitzgibbon) , compared
with Parnell, i. 246.
Clare, conditions in (1892-3), i.
333-4, 352; eastern, visit to
(1893), ii. 24 et sqq.; men of,
contrasted with the men of Kerry,
ii. 29 ; strong Parnellite sym
pathies in, ii. 32.
Clarendon, Earl of, writer-politician,
i. 186, ii. 96 ; on Coventry's way
of speech, i. 190 ; on the wit of
Charles II., i. 319.
Clarke, Sir Andrew, i. 270.
Classical contentment, Lyall on, i.
375.
Classics, the, readings in, i. 64, 67,
73, 274 et sqq., ii. 118 et sqq., et
alibi; in the Senate, ii. 99-100.
Clay, — , M.P., on the colour in Glad
stone's voice, ii. 71.
Clemenceau, G., ii. 186; and Cham
berlain, i. 161-2.
Clergy, the, and Education, i. 12.
Cleveland, President, and Congress,
ii. 171.
Clive, Lord, i. 375; Macaulay's
Essay on, excision from Indian
school books advised, ii. 240.

Clive affair, subscriptions to, ii.
214.
Clodagh river, ii. 38.
Cobden, Richard, i. 24 ; appeal of,
to reason, i. 136 ; and Cavour,
ii. 135 ; character of, i. 144 ; Corn
Law repeal, fight of, i. 135, 136,
137; defeat of, at the poll (1857),
i. 141 ; Disraeli's gibe at, i. 142 ;
economic policy of, and its results,
i. 142-3; and Free Trade, i. 25;
international ideas of, i. 135 ; Life
of, written by Morley, i. 134 et
sqq., 162 ; limitations of, i. 142-3 ;
plan of, summed up by Morley,
i. 143 ; statesmanship of, Disraeli
on, i. 135; three propositions
maintained by, i. 137 ; two
pamphlets of, i. 137 ; on Palmers
ton's sincerity, i. 195.
Cobden Club members in the Cabi
net (1880), i. 167-8, and in the
House, i. 168.
Cobdenism, Chamberlain's attitude
to, i. 162.
Coercion, in Ireland, i. 172, 173 ;
Chamberlain's attitude to, i. 172,
212, 297; English attitude to, i.
250 ; failure of, i. 173 ; evidences
of, i. 177, 179, ii. 328; Liberal
inability to resort to, i. 328 ; ob
jected to, by Morley, i. 174-5,
212 (see also failure of, above), 328,
353 ; resort to, by Salisbury, i.
210-11.
Coercion Act of 1881 and the Na
tionalist M.P.'s, i. 203.
Coercion warrants, story of, i. 181.
Coleridge, S. T., on Sublimity in
Classical Greek, i. 95.
Colleagues, the best judges of a man,
i. 373.
Collects, the, musical prose of, i.
377.
College de France, visit to the
Renans at, i. 304.
Collier, Jeremy, on Cranmer at the
stake, Gladstone's admiration of,
ii. 115.
Collings, Jesse, M.P., amendment by
(1886), Harcourt on, i. 297; in
Committee on Charitable Trusts,
i. 360 ; and the Land question,
i. 149.
Colman, J., of Corton, i. 277.
Columbus, Christopher, Carlyle's pas
sage on, i. 284.

384

INDEX

Comeragh Mountains, from Curragh-
more, ii. 37.
Commentators, the reign of, i. 16.
Commissions, necessity of Reports
by, story illustrative of, i. 377-8.
Committee of Imperial Defence, see
Imperial Defence Committee.
Commonplace, the true essential,
ii. 75.
Common-sense, in Parliament,
changes in, ii. 100 ; politics, i.
233.
Commons, House of, attitude of, to
Indian Deportations, ii. 307, 309-
10, 316 ; protest of M.P.'s against
it, ii. 308, and the reply, ii. 311.
Battle of, with H. of L. (see also
Lords, and Veto Bill), ii. 193.
Debates in, compared with those
in the H. of L., ii. 305. Demo
cratic feeling in (1906), ii. 171.
Gladstone's idea of retaining his
seat in (1894), ii. 7, 8. And Indian
Reforms (1907), ii. 173, 212-13,
219. Irish members of, and the
Franchise Act of 1884, ii. 347.
Retention of : Morley's view on,
i. 208, 363 ; Redmond's motion
on, and Gladstone's view, i. 363 ;
terms discussed by Morley and
Gladstone, i. 294-5. Leader of,
and Foreign Office matters,
Harcourt's claim as to, ii. 17.
Liberal majority in (1894), ii. 46.
Permanent officials, and the Lords,
in relation to, i. 228. As Sover
eign Institution, Morley's faith
in and insistence on, i. 193, 303,
ii. 171, 173, 178-9, 195, 263 et
sqq., 278, 299, 308. Strain of man
aging, ii. 168. Talk with Cham
berlain on the terrace of, i. 295,
296-7. Vulnerability of, dis
cerned and exploited by Parnell,
i. 248. Waste of time in, i. 190-1.
Communications between Governor-
General and Secretary for India,
non-publication of, Morley on, ii.
189.
Communistic spirit in Church teach
ings, i. 289.
Comparative Religion, Science of,
overlooked by Mill in his Theism
essay, i. 107.
Compensation for dispossessed pub
licans, Carlyle's outburst on, i.
154.

Compensation, Law of, Emerson on,
i. 321.
Compromise (Morley) , i. 99 et sqq. ;
foreign translations of, i. 102.
Comradeship of men of action, pleas
ure of, i. 190.
Comte, Auguste, and Frederick the
Great, i. 139 ; monument to, in
Paris, i. 73 ; Morison a disciple of,
i. 12 ; Morley attracted by, i.
68-9 ; Sidgwick's criticism of, i.
124 ; as Thinker, Faguet on, i.
73 ; works of, i. 81. On the evo
lution of sects, i. 57 ; on recogni
tion of all who work for human
improvement, i. 70.
Comtists, in Britain, i. 68 et sqq.,
72 ; attitude of, after Sedan, i.
45 ; Macmillan on, i. 35 ; in France,
i. 72-3.
Concentration, the feature of Par
nell's politics, i. 239-40, 247.
Conciliation Bill (1893), suggested,
advantages of, i. 347 ; fate of, i.
349-50.
Condoreet, M. J. A. M., influence of,
i. 84; Life of Turgot by, Mill's
satisfaction in, i. 57 ; and the
position of women, i. 47.
Conduct of the Allies (Swift), stir
made by, i. 90.
Confederacy of States, after-war
desire for (1917), and Cobden's
step towards, i. 134-5.
Confessions (Rousseau) , George
Eliot on her delight in, i. 98-9.
Confessions of a Thug (Taylor), ii.
259.
Confiscation of Irish tenants' im
provements, i. 181.
Congested District Board, meetings
of, i. 383 ; Balfour at, i. 227.
Congreve, Richard, the Comtist,
i. 69 ; at George Eliot's, i. 371.
Conington, — , lectures by, on Virgil,
i. 8.
Conquest, graduated scale of Wrong
in, Salisbury on, ii. 80-1.
Conquest of Human Suffering, Mill's
views on, i. 56.
Conscience, Conservative and Demo
cratic, relative value as to wise
judgment, i. 211 ; Public and Pri
vate, Laud's distinction between,
ii. 355 ; see also Machiavellism.
Consciousness after Death, Huxley
on, i. 115; Spencer on, i. 113.

INDEX

385

Conservative, plans for curing Irish
troubles, i. 229 ; views on all
forms of Liberalism, ii. 81.
Constantine the Great, O'Connell
compared to, i. 247.
Contemporary Review, article in, on
Morley, ii. 72-3.
Continental Education, Arnold's
study of, i. 130.
Conventions, Spencer's resistance to,
i. 111.
Copsham, Meredith at, i. 50.
Coquelin, as Petruchio, i. 299.
Cork, faction fight at (1893), cause
of, i. 344.
Corn Law conflict, i. 25 ; Cobden's
share in, i. 135, 136, 137; result
to the H. of L., ii. 357.
Corofin, visit to, ii. 29.
Corpus College, Oxford, men and
ghosts at, ii. 101.
Corton, the Gladstones at, i. 277.
Cosmopolis, Greenwood's article in,
on Machiavelli in Modern Politics,
ii. 63.
Cotton, Sir Henry, M.P., and Indian
questions, ii. 162 ; and the Indian
Reform Bill, ii. 295, 299; as
speaker, ii. 165.
Council of India at Whitehall,
attitude of, to Indian members of
Councils, ii. 216, 293. Appoint
ment on, of Indian members, ii.
216, 226, 228, 261. Functions of,
ii. 161. Law on appointments
to, ii. 216, 233. Morley on his
relations therewith, ii. 317, 321.
Council of Indian Native Princes,
Nobles, or Notables, question of,
ii. 175-6, 215, 225.
Council of State, the first (1650),
business of, ii. 360.
Council of State, composition of,
and powers of, during the King's
absence from the realm, ii. 359-60.
Council of Trent, the historian of,
i. 75. Pope Paul III.'s aphorisms
at, i. 71.
Council of the Viceroy of India,
appointment to, statutory regu
lation on, ii. 294. Indian Member
for, appointment of, ii. 161, 174-
176, choice of Sinha, ii. 294-303,
his remarks at the Council table,
ii. 334-5. Attitude to, of Anglo-
Indians, ii. 169, 175, 206, 207,
211, 230, 254-5; British public,

ii. 290, 303; Council itself, ii,
308; Council in Whitehall, ii.
216, 293 ; House of Commons,
ii. 173, 212-13, 219, 292-3, 304-9 ;
House of Lords, ii. 293, 297 et
sqq. Morley's letters suggesting,
ii. 174-6. Speeches of present
members since the War, ii. 340.
Inner working of, ii. 195. Kit
chener's opinion on, ii. 330. Not
able meeting of (1910), ii. 329.
Counting versus Fighting, i. 194.
County Boards for Ireland, Parnell's
calculations on, i. 267.
County Councils, adumbration of,
by Chamberlain, i. 166.
County Franchise question, i. 197-8 ;
Chamberlain on, i. 166.
Country, love of, Machiavelli on, ii.
61 ; Venetian view on, ib.
Country Gentleman, as described in
1832, i. 165.
Courtney, L. H. (Lord Courtney
of Penwith), Deputy Speaker,
i. 157, 266, 349; a pro-Boer, ii.
313 ; on Milner as "a lost mind,"
ii. 86.
Cousin, Victor, i. 275.
Coventry, the Lord Keeper, wit of,
Clarendon on, i. 190.
Cowell, Professor, on an excision
from Indian school books, ii. 240.
Cowen, Joseph, Morley's colleague
for Newcastle, i. 159, 185 ; loss
of seat by, i. 200.
Craig, — , i. 327.
Craik, G. L., death of, ii. 138.
Cranmer, Archbishop, death of, Col
lier's words on, admired by Glad
stone, ii. 115.
Creagh, General Sir G. O'Moore,
successor of Kitchener as Com
mander-in-Chief in India, ii. 287.
Creator, the, Mill's attitude to, i.
106-7, 108.
Creech, anonymous translation of
Lucretius, printed by, ii. 121.
Crewe, Earl of (2nd Lord Houghton),
ii. 299 ; at the India Office, ii.
343 ; as Lord Lieutenant of Ire
land (1892), i. 325, 372, 374;
member of Cabinet Navy Com
mittee, ii. 307 ; and the South
Africa Bill, ii. 313; on the "nat
ural reluctance" of the King
to the possible creation of peers
(1911), ii. 350.

386

INDEX

Crimean War, causes of, i. 140.
Crimes Act for Ireland (see also
Coercion), Morley's view on sole
condition of dispensing with, i.
353 ; suggested Indian legisla
tion on the lines of, Morley on,
ii. 317-18.
Critics of high quality, Morley on,
i. 92.
Cromer, 1st Earl (Sir Evelyn Baring) ,
ii. 210, 221 ; and the Council of
India, ii. 233; in the H. of L.,
ii. 300 ; refusal of, to muzzle the
Egyptian Press, ii. 212 ; on em
ployment of natives versus effi
ciency, ii. 169 ; on flogging in
Egypt, ii. 182.
Cromwell, Oliver, i. 3 ; Carlyle in
spired to write on, by Mill, i.
54 ; confidence of, in Monck, i.
324 ; Harcourt on, ii. 96 ; Im
perialist use of his name, ii. 49 ;
and Ireland, ii. 218, 360 ; Morley's
book on, ii. 50—1 ; Morley's grow
ing sympathy with, ii. 315 ; re
monstrance by, to troublesome
pastors, ii. 249 ; as Revolutionary
leader, Green on, i. 244 ; statue
of, vote of the House for, capitula
tion over, ii. 48 ; tribute of, to
Queen Elizabeth, i. 243 ; Wolseley
on, ii. 49-50.
Cromwell, Thomas, and the Act of
Supremacy, ii. 96.
Cross, Viscount, and regulation of
Indian labour, ii. 167.
Crown, the, present-day status of,
ii. 99.
Crown Colonies, etc., changed atti
tude to, of the nation, ii. 79.
Culture, as defined by Strauss, i. 102.
Cupar Speech, effect on Gladstone's
voice, ii. 71-2.
Curraghmore, visit to, ii. 35 et sqq.
Curzon of Kedleston, Earl, ii. 103,
184, 230, 239, and the affair of
the 9th Lancers, ii. 272-3 ; and
Indian Military Administration,
ii. 157, 311 ; invalid state of
(1908), ii. 281 ; and the "man on
the spot" argument, ii. 264, 266;
and Morley's Indian policy, ii.
239, 258-9, 266; speech on, in
H. of L., ii. 267-8 ; as speaker, ii.
267, 297 ; speech of, on Indian
Reforms Bill, ii. 297-8, 300;
speech of, in Veto debate, ii. 354 ;

view of, on a Council of Native
Princes, ii. 176. Viceroyalty of,
conflict during, with Kitchener,
ii. 149, 237 ; difficulties arising
from, ii. 155, 164, 179, 296. On
Buchanan's insight into Indian
expenditure, ii. 253 ; on the refusal
to take over the Orakzais, ii. 243.
Curzon-Wyllie, Sir W., ii. 187;
murder of, ii. 311-12, 313, 318.
Dale, R. W., i. 150, 165.
d'Alembert, — , on low spirits, i. 275.
Dalesmen, Wordsworth's lines on,
i. 320.
Dalmeny, visit to - (1892), i. 316
et sqq.
Danish question, public attitude to
(1864), ii. 88.
Dante, line of, borrowed by Gray
and echoed by Byron, ii. 361 ;
omission by, of Lucretius, ii. 119 ;
readings in, ii. 134 ; teaching of,
Arnold on, i. 130.
Daru, P. A. N. B., reading of, ii. 139.
Darwin, Charles, ii. 366 ; absurd
criticism on, i. 101 ; and books,
i. 38 ; and the Origin of Species,
i. 13, 14.
Davey, Sir Horace, i. 242, 361 ; and
Collings, encounters between, on
Committee on Charitable Trusts,
i. 360.
David's Psalms, i. 289.
Davis, — , book by, preface to, by
Duffy, style of, i. 378.
Davitt, Michael, i. 374 ; visit from,
i. 372.
Dawson, George, his friends, and his
lectures, i. 149.
D6ak, F., i. 78, on foresight in
Politics, ii. 312.
Death, ii. 254. Angel of, ii. 127.
Christian view on, Lessing on, ii.
127. Extracts on, from many
minds, ii. 114-17, 124-5. Grief
of, religion as alleviating, Mill on,
i. 108-9. Huxley on, i. 114-15.
Images of, in ancient art, Lessing's
tract on, ii. 126-7. Martineau
on, ii. 74. Meredith's attitude to,
i. 51. Sleep's twin-brother, Goethe
on, ii. 127. Spencer on, i. 113.
Death and the Woodcutter, La Fon
taine's fable on, ii. 116.
Debate, Balfour's powers of, i.
225-7.

INDEX

387

Decision, need for, imperativeness
of, i. 320.
Decline and Fall of Rome (Gibbon),
i. 187.
Defence Committee, see Imperial
Defence Committee.
Dejection, mood of, at twenty-two,
i. 284.
De la Gorce, — , book by, ii. 132.
Delany, Fr., i. 369, 382.
de Maistre, Joseph, Morley's article
on, i. 70, 82.
Democracy, attitude to, of Chamber
lain, i. 156, 161, and of Clemenceau
and Laveleye, i. 161-2 ; attitude
to, of Taine, Scherer, Maine, and
Lecky, i. 301. English attitude to
(1850), i. 140. Mazzini's insight
into, i. 78-9. Sole safe-guard of, i.
123.
Democratic feeling, strong currents
of, in the Commons, ii. 171.
Demosthenes, ii. 108.
Denshawi executions, ii. 182.
Deportation of Indian agitators,
ii. 215, 217, 219, 256-7, 274,
288-9. Approved by Curzon, ii.
239. Attacks on Morley on ac
count of, ii. 222-3. Attitude to,
of the H. of C, ii. 307, 309-10,
316. Protest of M. P.'s against,
ii. 308 ; Asquith's reply to, ii. 311.
Benefit of the doubt in relation to,
ii. 292. Disallowance of candida
tures, in connection with, ii. 319-
20. Decision to rest with the
Secretary of State for India, ii.
274. Indian Regulations on, ii.
215, 307, 314, 316, 318, 319, 320-1,
327. Minto's views on, some
possible parallels to, ii. 322.
Deportees, release of, ii. 315-16,
319, 327-8.
Derby, 15th Earl of, i. 166 ; successor
of (1867), as Premier, ii. 11.
Derrybeg, the Martin murder at,
i. 334 et sqq., ii. 41. Scenery at, ii.
43. Visit to, ii. 41 et sqq.
Descartes, Rene, i. 17, 111 ; Ben
tham on, i. 87 ; Comte compared
with, by Faguet, i. 73.
Descent of Man (Darwin), absurd
criticism on, i. 101.
Deutsch, Immanuel O. M., article by,
on the Talmud, stir made by, i. 90.
de Vesci, Viscount, life of, in Ireland,
ii. 33.

de Vesci, Viscountess, on Irish affairs,
ii. 33.
Devonshire, 8th Duke of (see also
Harrington, Marquis of), Chan
cellor of Cambridge University
(1902), and Acton's books, i. 231 ;
Chancellor of Manchester Uni
versity, ii. 103 ; Education Bill
Speech of (1896), ii. 197; place of,
in contemporary politics, ii. 247 ;
public speaking of, Morley on,
ii. 194.
d'Holbach, — , Morley's writings on,
ii. 118.
Diana of the Crossways (Meredith),
Meredith on, i. 47, 49.
Diarists, risks of, i. 275, ii. 70.
Dicey, — , Fortnightly articles by, i.
86.
Dickens, Charles, genius of, i. 131 ;
influence of, i. 26.
Diderot, — , i. 164 ; and the Encyclo
pedic, Morley's book on, i. 9, 97;
writings of, on Art, i. 94, 98.
" Die-hards," of the H. of L., and the
Veto Bill, ii. 355.
Difference of Opinion, i. 71.
Diffidence and Conceit in Public
Life, i. 274.
Digby, — , ii. 139.
Dilke, Sir Charles Wentworth, i.
167, 312; Chamberlain's friend
ship with, i. 162 ; Imperialism of,
ii. 79 ; Under-Secretary at the
Foreign Office (1880), i. 168;
on the Indian Committee in the
H. of C, ii. 175.
Dillon, John, i. 278, 369; and the
Conciliation Bill (1893), i. 349-
50 ; letter of greeting to, on leav
ing gaol, i. 287 ; under arrest, a
talk with, i. 264.
Dingra, murderer of Sir W. Curzon-
Wyllie, ii. 313.
Diplomacy, Ethics in, ii. 55 et sqq.
Present powers of, ii. 366. Vol
taire's words on, ii. 366.
Disarmament, speeches on, of the
German Chancellor (1911), ii.
346.
Discipleship, Dean Church on, i. 84.
Disertus and eloquens, Cicero's dis
tinction between, ii. 73-4.
Dispatch-writing, spirit of conten
tion engendered by, ii. 221-2.
Disputation, intellectual vigour of
(1868), i. 25.

388

INDEX

Disraeli, Benjamin (see also Beacons-
field), Imperialism of, i. 137;
rise of, i. 25 ; successor to Derby
(1867), ii. 11; writer-politician,
i. 186. On Arnold's classic
phrases, i. 131 ; on bad bills never
passed by Parliament, i. 193 ; on
Cobden's Rousseauism, i. 142,
and on his statesmanship, i. 135 ;
on Mill, i. 55 ; on the Personal
in Politics, ii. 95.
Dissolution, urged by Gladstone in
1894, ii. 6, 7, 8.
Disturbed Districts, in Ireland, fea
tures of life in, ii. 24 et sqq.
D.C.L. degree, conferred on Morley,
at Oxford, ii. 101-2.
Dog, death of, Morley on, i. 379.
Dogs, and other animals, the Lucre
tian attitude to, ii. 126.
Dom Miguel, i. 137.
Don Carlos, i. 137.
"Don Pacifico" case, the, i. 140.
Dougherty, Professor, ii. 40.
Dover Beach (Arnold), i. 281.
Dowdall, — , ii. 39.
Downing Street, a fateful dinner in,
ii. 4-6.
Doyle, — , Life of, i. 378.
Dreadnought, the, visit to, ii. 283.
Dreyfus trial, the Parnell parallel
to, i. 237.
Dryden, John, prose of, ii. 121 ;
translation by, of Lucretius, ii.
121 ; on poetry, i. 95, ii. 119.
Dualistic conception of the Universe,
i. 108.
Dublin, Archbishop Walsh of, dinners
with, i. 385, ii. 28.
Dublin, Morley's life at, i. 368 et sqq.,
378, 381 et sqq., social side of, i.
368, 385 et sqq., visits of inspec
tion made during, i. 378, 381 et
sqq., ii. 24 ; visits received at, i.
368 et sqq.
Dublin Castle, explosion near (1892),
i. 338.
Dublin Castle administration, diffi
culties of, i. 317 ; overthrow of
Irish papers on, ii. 45 ; problems
connected with, ii. 46.
Dublin Invincibles reorganised under
Coercion, ii. 328.
Dublin Mansion House, banquet at,
i. 386-7, foreign feel of, i. 386.
du Deffand, Madame, correspondence
of, i. 280.

Duff, Lieut.-General Sir Beauchamp
Chief of Staff in India, a talk
with (1906), ii. 193-4; on Indian
military policy, ii. 200.
Dufferin and Ava, 1st Marquis of,
on the dulness of a Viceroy's life,
ii. 190.
Duffy, Sir Charles Gavan, literary
style of, i. 378.
Duma, the, ii. 215, 328 ; Campbell-
Bannerman's words on, ii. 144.
du Maine, Madame, on doing with
out what you don't care for, i.
280.
Dumas, Alexandre, i. 76.
Dunglee, ii. 43.
Dunkeld, visit to, ii. 68.
Dunscore Church, Carlyle on, ii. 67.
Durbar, the, cost of, ii. 166.
Durdans, The, visits to, i. 311 et sqq.
Durham miners, Morley's relations
with, i. 159.
Dutt, Romesh Chunder, ii. 261 ;
and the Indian Reforms Bill,
ii. 291, 295.
Duty, i. 320.
East India Company, days of, Par
liamentary [Indian) Committee in,
ii. 194.
Easter Digression, an, and Easter
occupations, ii. 113 et sqq.
Eastern Bengal and Assam, province
formed on Partition of Bengal,
difficulties in, and resignation of
its Lieutenant-Governor, ii. 169-
70, 172, 181, 184-6, 192, 197;
and the "man-on-the-spot" argu
ment, ii. 263—4, see also Fuller.
Eccles by-election, Liberal victory
at, i. 256.
Economist, the, Asquith's journalism
for, i. 375 ; Socialistic reaction
against, i. 289-90.
Edinburgh, Morley's address at, on
Aphorisms, i. 230.
Edinburgh society, Scott on, i. 385.
Edinburgh speeches of Rosebery
and of Chamberlain, i. 296.
Editors, American, acquaintance
with, ii. 105.
Education, Chamberlain's views on,
i. 156; and the Clergy (1850-60),
i. 12 ; middle class, British, Ar
nold's indictment of, i. 129 ; of
women, improvement in, Sidg-
wick's battle for, i. 123.

INDEX

389

Education Act (Forster's), i. 148.
Education Bills. 1906, ii. 193, 197.
1908, ii. 285.
Edward VII., ii. 183, 199, 201, 284;
and the appointment of Indians
to the Council of India, ii. 228,
229, 301-2 ; and Asquith, ii. 201 ;
character of, ii. 331—2 ; conversa
tion with, on the Proclamation to
the Indian people (1908), ii. 277 ;
difficulty solved by, as to Indian
Honours, ii. 325 ; as host, ii. 133 ;
and Indian unrest, ii. 213 ; interest
in, and knowledge of, foreign
policy, ii. 277 ; a journey with,
to town, ii. 277-8 ; and Kitchener's
Viceroyalty, ii. 331 ; a last sight
of, ii. 332 ; love of, for landscape
gardening, ii. 277 ; death of,
public grief at, ii. 331 ; on the
causes of the break-down of Min
isters, ii. 247 ; on the Indian
member of the Viceroy's Council,
ii. 299 ; Order of Merit founded
by, the first members of, ii. 104.
Proclamation of, to India (1908), ii.
276-7, 280, 303 ; text, ii. 309 et sqq.
Efficiency, and self-government,
Campbell-Bannerman on, ii. 141,
Cromer on, ii. 169.
Egoist, The (Meredith), i. 47; Mere
dith's estimate of, i. 48 ; reading
of, ii. 63, 64.
Egypt, employment of natives of,
by Cromer, ii. 169 ; England's
drift into, ii. 55 ; flogging in,
Cromer on, ii. 182 ; military
needs of, Defence Sub-Committee
on, ii. 220-1, 293.
Egyptian affairs, i. 196 ; discussions
on, at Althorp, i. 294, with Ribot,
i. 302-3.
Egyptian Press, Cromer's refusal to
muzzle, ii. 212.
Eight Hours' Day, Morley's attitude
to, i. 269, 326, ii. 46, 47.
Eldon, Lord, ii. 270 ; methods of,
ii. 273 ; on the motives govern
ing the majority oi men, i. 195.
Elected Assemblies, attitude to, of
Bismarck, and of Napoleon III.,
i. 194.
Elections of Representative Peers
(Ireland), 1882 Act, effect of, i.
182-3.
Electoral Reform, as ground for a
"throw with the Lords," ii. 7.

Elgin, 8th Earl of, on the Arrow
war, i. 141.
Elgin, 9th Earl of, Viceroy of India,
address by, to his Executive
Council (1844), ii. 244; attitude
of, to Indian reforms, ii. 207, 211.
Eliot, Dr., of Harvard, ii. 107.
Eliot, George, compared with Goethe,
i. 87 ; Comtist tendencies of,
i. 68-9 ; contemporary estimates
of, i. 15 ; guests of, i. 371 ; need
by, of isolation, i. 371 ; novels
of, i. 122 ; Acton on, i. 48 ; phrase
of, for Lessing, ii. 126 ; Stephen's
estimate of, in English Men of
Letters, Morley's letter on, i. 122.
On Comtism, i. 68-9 ; on the grow
ing charm of Arnold's poetry, i.
132 ; on her delight in Rousseau's
Confessions, i. 98—9 ; on life, as a
questionable good, i. 58 ; on Mere
dith's novels, i. 48 ; on Morley's
article on de Maistre, i. 82.
Eliot, Sir John, execution of, ii. 51, 320,
Elizabeth, Queen, and the Truth,
i. 243 ; on Death, ii. 114.
Elizabethan basis for Victorian fac
tion fight at Cork (1893), i. 344.
Elliot, Sir Gilbert, see Minto, 2nd
Earl of.
Ellis, Rt. Hon. J. E., Under-Secretary
of State for India, ii. 253.
Ellis, Tom, ii. 323.
Elswick (and other works), artisans
of, Morley's supporters, i. 184-5 ;
threatened strike at (1885), Mor
ley as intermediary in, i. 200.
Emancipation, see Abolition of Slav
ery, and Catholic Emancipation.
Emblems in Convents, a burning
question (1894), i. 383-4.
Emerson, Ralph Waldo, i. 149, ii.
105 ; Carlyle's letter to, on
America's anarchic ways, i. 158 ;
famous address of (1832), i. 60;
and the Liberalising movement
in New England, i. 21 ; works of,
i. 11. On compensation, i. 321;
on the romance of ships, i. 215.
Emigration and Irish politics, i. 171.
Empire, associations of the word,
ii. 80; "factors in the great game
of," India's grasp of, ii. 242.
Encyclopidie, Diderot's, i. 85 ; nature
of, i. 97-8.
End justifying Means, enigmas re
lated to dictum of, ii. 57.

390

INDEX

England, aggressiveness of (1897),
Gladstone on, ii. 69, one reply,
ii. 69-70. Condition and outlook
of, Meredith on (1905), ii. 139.
Drift of, into Egypt, ii. 55. Heli
goland ceded by, ii. 55. Hugo
on his love for, i. 74. Scapegoat
of both Irish parties, i. 356-7.
Sixteenth century, a strong breed
in, Gladstone on, ii. 68.
English Church, in the 18th cen
tury, Overton's book on, i. 9.
Dislike of turbulence, Parnell on,
i. 254. Elegiac poems, the three
great, i. 131. Equivalent for
esprit, i. 304. History, dramatic
period in (1886-1891), i. 217 et
sqq. Institutions, spirit of, appli
cation of, to India, ii. 173. Land
question, Chamberlain's urgency
on, i. 212. Political history, Rose-
bery's knowledge of, i. 311-12.
Press, Ribot's soreness about,
i. 302. Prose, high-water mark of,
19th century, Meredith's instances
of, i. 119-20; ordinary, poor
quality of, Meredith on, ii. 139.
Society, literary men in, Irving on,
i. 89. Sounds, Tennyson's view
on, ii. 69.
English Constitution, The (Bagehot),
i. 87.
English Men of Letters Series, edited
by Morley ; relations with the
authors, i. 91-3.
Ennis, Parnell's repudiation at, of
Parliamentary supremacy, i. 264 ;
visit to (1893), ii. 27-8, 31.
Ennistimon, visit to, ii. 29-30.
Epitaphs, contrasting, ii. 361.
Epsom, visits at, to Rosebery, i. 311
et sqq.
Erasmus (Froude), criticism on, i.
280.
Error of Opinion, dangers of, Pope
Paul III. on, i. 71.
Esher, Lord, member of Defence
Committee, ii. 200, 331.
Esher, Meredith's home near, i. 37.
Esprit, English equivalent for, i. 304.
Possessed by Rosebery, i. 319.
Essay on Armand Carrel (Mill), good
things in, i. 285-6.
Essay on Civilisation (Mill), i. 285.
Essex, Countess of (1674), Temple's
letter to, on the death of her only
daughter, ii. 114-15.

Estiennes, Robert, printer, i. 34.
Estimates of Some Englishmen and
Some Scotchmen (Bagehot), i. 86.
Euripides, study of, for public
speakers, ii. 99; on the unity of
earthly things, ii. 129.
Europe, disturbances of, in 1848,
causes of, i. 22 ; dominating
force in mind of, since 1830, i. 20 ;
History of, between Waterloo and
Sedan, social characteristics of,
ii. 365.
European Liberalism, literary studies
in, by Morley, ii. 135 ; tension,
end of 19th century, ii. 56.
Evangelicalism, i. 19.
Evening Hour, and evening scenes,
associations of, and poets on, ii.
361-3.
Evicted Tenants, Irish, effect on, of
the Plan of Campaign, i. 330 ;
Morley's attitude to, challenged,
and his reply, i. 354, 355.
Evicted Tenants Bill, i. 377, 379.
Fate of, ii. 3 ; points in, discussed
by Lord Waterford, ii. 38-9 ;
Redmond and Morley on discuss
ing, i. 387 ; Section 63, Bishop of
Raphoe on, i. 380.
Evictions, R.I.C. at, problems con
cerning, ii. 45-6.
Evidence-giving by prisoners, dis
cussion and story on, i. 385-6.
Evolution as affecting Mercifulness,
i. 370 ; and the Fortnightly, i. 88-9.
Ewart, — , ii. 200.
Exclusionists, the, i. 180-1, and Irish
Papists, i. 181.
Excursion (Wordsworth), fine lines
in and real religion in, i. 291 ;
lines in, recalled, i. 320.
Expansion of England (Seeley), ii. 79.
Ex-Viceroys in the H. of L., ii. 194.
Ezekiel, passage from, commented
on, i. 379.
Factory Acts, Cobden's dislike of,
i. 142-3.
Faguet, — , literary style of, ii. 63 ;
on Comte as thinker, i. 73.
Faint-hearted men in Parliament,
i. 196-7.
Falk laws, and Bismarck, ii. 196.
Falkland, Viscount, i. 150.
Fallieres, Armand, President of the
French, visit of, to London (1908),
ii. 261.

INDEX

391

Falstaff, Gladstone on, i. 288.
Famine, the great Irish, deportation
consequent on, i. 171, ii. 28. In
India, costs occasioned by, ii. 237.
Far East, metamorphosis of, ii. 55.
Fatalism of Mill, i. 60.
Faust (Goethe), Meredith's admira
tion for, i. 43 ; lines on, on con
verse with Nature, i. 45.
Fawcett, Rt. Hon. Henry, i. 52, 65,
112, 157 ; convictions held by,
ii. 165 ; friendship of, with Ste
phen, i. 121 ; and Indian Finance,
ii. 194.
Female characters in Meredith's
books, i. 47, 48, 49.
Fenianism in Clare (1867), ii. 28;
(1892), i. 333-4.
Ferdinand and Isabella (Prescott),
ii. 73, 74.
Field sports, Freeman's attack on,
praised by Mill, i. 59 ; Scott's
attitude to, ii. 67.
Filon, — , article by, on Morley,
in the Revue des Deux Mondes,
i. 303.
Finance of Irish Land Purchase,
discussed with Gladstone, i. 278,
and with Parnell, i. 251-2.
Finance, Morley's training in, ii.
188-9.
Fine words of 1830, i. 26-7.
Finesse of mind, Renan on, ii. 57.
Finlay, — , as Historian of the De
cline and Fall of Rome, Mill on,
ii. 66.
Finn valley, light railway in, ii. 44.
Fiscal Reform debate (1907), ii. 203.
Fisher, Admiral Sir John (Lord
Fisher), ii. 283; at the Navy
Committee, ii. 307.
Fisher, Herbert, ii. 64.
Fitzgibbon, Irish Lord Chief Justice,
i. 371.
Fitzgibbon, Lord Clare, compared
with Parnell, i. 246.
Fitz-Patrick, Sir Dennis, on Indian
frontier tribes, ii. 242-3.
Fitzwilliam, Earl, recall of, i. 312.
Flogging of Indian political offenders,
ii. 257 ; dispatch on, to Minto, ii.
182.
Flood, H., compared with Parnell,
i. 246.
Floquet, President, speech of thanks
by, for re-election, i. 300.
Flower, Cyril, i. 280.

Folkestone, visit to, ii. 137.
Fooleries of History, those respon
sible for, ii. 212.
Force, tendency to deify, ii. 49.
Swift on, Balfour's practical en
dorsement of, i. 229.
Foreign Affairs, point-blank views
on, ii. 79.
Foreign Influences on English Litera
ture and Thought, i. 68 et sqq.
Foreign Office, the, Morley's work
at (circa 1910-11), ii. 344; Rose
bery on unwillingness to go to,
i. 315.
Foreign Office dispatches, claim of
Harcourt as to, ii. 17.
Foreign Policy in 1880, i. 165 ; Har
court's view on, ii. 96 ; and the
H. of C, Morley on, i. 303.
Foreign Secretaryship, allocation of
(1892), discussion on, with Rose
bery, i. 315 ; hinted at, for Morley,
i. 376 ; Morley's alleged intrigue
for, against Rosebery, i. 318.
Forfar, a patriarch of, ii. 72 ; speech
at, on Home Rule (1905), ii. 138;
visit to (1897), ii. 76.
Forfarshire election (1894), ii. 39.
Forsaken Merman (Arnold), i. 131;
Tennyson on, i. 132.
Forster, Rt. Hon. W. E., Education
Act of, i. 148 ; imperialism of,
ii. 79 ; Irish Crimes Act of, ii.
318 ; and Irish affairs, reaction in
favour of, established by the
Pall Mall Gazette, i. 175, 176;
and the Kilmainham suspects,
i. 381 ; resignation of, i. 176-7 ;
murder of, 177, 178.
Forth Bridge, the, i. 317.
Fortnightly Review, Lewes's editor
ship of, i. 85, Morley's succession
to, i. 85-6 et sqq. Contributors, i.
59, 82, 86, 90, 225. Politics of,
i. 86 et sqq., 90-1. Rationalism
of, i. 88.
Fourierism, i. 64.
Fowler, Sir Henry, ii. 133, 139;
objections of, to Indian member
of Viceroy's Council, ii. 211 ;
visit from, i. 271, 282-3.
Fowler, Thomas, Morley's tutor,
i. 7-8 ; stay with, at Oxford (1896),
ii. 101 ; talks with, i. 289, ii. 66.
Fox, C. J., i. 204, 311 ; and Catholic
Emancipation, i. 310; Gibbon
on, i. 196 ; Harcourt's resemblance

392

INDEX

to, ii. 95; at St. Anne's Hill, ii.
98.
Fox, Dorothy, Journal of, on Mill,
i. 282.
Fox, George, and the evolution of
Sects, i. 58.
France : attitude of, to Free-thinkers,
ii. 110. Changes of Government
in, ii. 55. Central books of, in
17th, 18th, and 19th centuries,
i. 85. Gladstone on, ii. 7. Harri
son's ardour for, i. 45. Quarrel
of, with the Vatican, ii. 196.
Franchise Act of 1884 as affecting
Irish Nationalism, i. 171, and Irish
representation in the H. of C,
ii. 347.
Franchise Reform, won by Bright,
i. 25, ii. 138 ; Cobden's attitude
to, i. 138-9 ; Irish (election of
Representative Peers [Ireland] 1882
Act), effect of, i. 182-3.
Franco-Prussian War of 1870, views
on, of Meredith, i. 45-7, 55, of
Mill, i. 55, and of Morley, i. 45-7.
Frankfort, Prussian occupation of,
i. 137.
Franklin, Benjamin, Free-thinking
views of, ii. 110 ; oratorical
brevity of, i. 190.
Franz Ferdinand, Archduke, Mor
ley's introduction to, (1892), i.
296. Murder of, at Sarajevo
(1914), world-consequences of, i.
296.
Fraternity and the Right to Work,
i. 83.
Frederick the Great and his Anti-
Machiavel, ii. 121 n. ; seizure by, of
Silesia, ii. 80.
Frederick the Great (Carlyle), i. 16,
82, 292.
Free Church, in Free State, prin
ciple of, advance marked by, ii.
366.
Free land, i. 201.
Free schools, i. 201.
Free Trade, won by Cobden, i. 25.
Chamberlain's attitude to, i. 162.
Cobden's aim in, i. 135. First
attack on, repulsed, ii. 90.
Freedom of communication between
Home and Indian authorities, ii.
189.
Freedom, Justice, Pity, the Lucre
tian battle-cry, ii. 126.
Freeman, iTi'ft, attack of, on field
as.

sports, Mill's praise of, i. 59 ;
and the Turkish question, Glad
stone on, i. 279.
Free-thinkers in Politics, in America,
and in France, ii. 110.
French, Field-Marshal Viscount, ii.
200.
French Commercial Treaty of Cob
den, i. 139.
French: critics on Diderot's Encyclo
pedic, and on Descartes' works,
i. 98. Morley's French studies,
i. 97. Esprit, definitions of, at
tempted, i. 304. Fleet, luncheon
to officers of, speeches at, by
Morley and Balfour, ii. 137.
Language as spoken at Quebec,
ii. 108. Literature between Bayle
and Rousseau, place of, in progress
of European emancipation, i. 91.
Modern, stains on, i. 302, 306.
Paintings, modern, i. 298-9. Presi
dents, see Fallieres, and Floquet.
Republic, evolution of, i. 78.
French Revolution. Burke's book
on, stir made by, i. 90. Struggles
of, and aftermath, i. 143. Sculp
ture, modern, i. 302. Studies
by Morley, i. 91, 97-9. Writers,
Meredith's estimate of, i. 43—4.
Friedrich Wilhelm, Crown Prince of
Germany, Indian tour of, ii. 344.
Friedrich Wilhelm of Prussia and his
Tabagie Collegium, i. 151.
Friends, how to treat, Greek saying
on, i. 272.
Friendship, Chamberlain's under
standing of, i. 209. Too intimate,
and the misery of the survivor,
Swift on, ii. 114.
Frogs for dinner, i. 300.
Frontiers, Indian, see Indian Frontier.
Froude, J. Anthony, i. 65, 280,
ii. 49 ; as historian, ii. 134, Fowler
on, ii. 66.
Fuller, Sir J. Bamfylde, Lieutenant-
Governor of Eastern Bengal and
Assam, and the Partition of Ben
gal, ii. 169-70, 186, 263; resigna
tion of, ii. 183, 192, proximate
cause of, ii. 184, Morley's inter
view with on the subject, ii. 185-6,
pamphlet by, on the causes of his
resignation, ii. 187-8, papers on,
presentation of, to Parliament,
ii. 189, results attributed to, ii.
215.

INDEX

393

Gambetta, Leon, i. 78, ii. 186,
greatness of, i. 246; in private
and public life, i. 161.
Gardiner, Bishop (16th century),
ii. 68.
Gardiner, Dr., on Morley's Cromwell,
ii. 50.
Garibaldi, Giuseppe, i. 76, 380 ;
and Cavour, i. 78 ; Mazzini on,
i. 79-80.
Gaskell, Mrs., influence of, i. 26.
General, the, of the Society of Jesus
(Jesuits), talk with, at Rome,
i. 381, ii. 196.
General Election, of 1880, and the
fall of Beaconsfield, i. 164, 167.
1885, i. 200-1, results of, i. 203.
1892, Gladstone's commitments
and majority, i. 310-11 ; effect
of, at Newcastle, i. 215, 316,
Morley's reelection on becoming
Irish Secretary, i. 325-6. 1895,
Results of, ii. 47. 1900, Effects
of, ii. 90. 1905, Centre of gravity
changed by, ii. 162. 1910, Prog
ress of, ii. 326.
Genius of Christianity (Chateau
briand), i. 186.
Geometry of Position, Spencer on,
i. 114.
George III., attitude of, to Catholic
Emancipation, i. 310, and to
rebels, i. 178.
George V. (see also Wales, Prince of,
and York, Duke of), Accession or
Coronation of, question of amnesty
for Indian political offenders at,
ii. 332 ; and the possible creation
of Peers, ii. 350, 351; visit of,
to India for Coronation Durbar
(1911), ii. 359.
German , comment on Morley's Com
promise, i. 102 ; influences on
English thought, i. 13, 68 ; naval
programme in relation to Peace
prospects, ii. 239 ; schools of
Theology, influence of, at Oxford,
i. 13 ; treaty, denunciation of
(1897), ii. 63.
German Crown Prince, see Fried
rich Wilhelm.
German Emperor, see Wilhelm II.
Germany as the incarnation of the
esprit vositif, ii. 346. Unification
of, i. 78, ii. 55.
Gibbon, Edward, i. 291, The History
of the Decline and Fall of Rome

by, i. 10, conceived on the steps of
the Capitol, i. 61, Mill on, i. 66,
Fowler's estimate of, ii. 66 ; and
Law, i. 9 ; Morison's monograph
on, i. 11 ; Pelham's enthusiasm
for, i. 275 ; and Pitt, relative
positions of, i. 187. On composi
tion while otherwise full busy, i.
125 ; on Fox, i. 196 ; on history,
ii. 365.
Giolito, — , i. 34.
Gissing, George, comment on, ii. 68.
Gladstone, Miss, ii. 71, on Gladstone's
talks with Morley, ii. 72.
Gladstone, Mrs. W. E., i. 260, 277;
Morley deputed to tell, of her
husband's coming resignation
(1894), ii. 5-6.
Gladstone, Rt. Hon. W. E., i. 160,
177, 190, 216, 312, 376. Char
acteristics and gifts of Dexterity,
ii. 218 ; discourse, i. 293 ; financial
rigidity, ii. 188-9 ; genius, ii. 76 ;
greatness, Morley on, at Manches
ter (1901), ii. 93-1; judgment,
of relative value of men, and
of the minor movements in his
party, i. 167 ; oratory, i. 359,
ii. 245, Meredith on, i. 241 ; per
sonal ascendancy, i. 202 ; sus
ceptibility to new influences, ii.
78 ; tenacity, in support of dubious
opinions, ii. 190. General refer
ences to: Diary of, ii. 70; failure
of his eyes (1894), ii. 6, 7; and
a game of backgammon at a crisis,
ii. 5-6 ; Huxley's quarrels with,
i. 222 ; at Lowestoft, visits to, i.
272, 291-2 ; old age of, i. 49, 277,
279, 309; death of, ii. 90, 254;
tributes paid on, ii. 194. Life of
by Morley, see Life of Gladstone.
Political references to. Accession
to power (1892) commitments,
and majority of, i. 310-11; ac
tion of, in regard to Parnell's re
tirement, i. 258 et sqq., the famous
letter, and the insertion, i. 261,
its reception and the results, i.
262 et sqq. ; at Althorp, i. 293-5 ;
attitude of, to the Plan of Cam
paign, i. 330 ; Balfour's opponent,
i. 225; Cabinet of (1886), an
ticipations, i. 211-13 ; Cabinet
making of (1892), i. 320 et sqq.;
career of, as affected by Parneil's
disgrace, i. 257 ; choice by (if

394

INDEX

asked) of a successor, ii. 11;
Church views imputed to, i. 318 ;
Cowen's feeling for, i. 185; diffi
culties of, in 1890, Parnell on, i.
254; Harcourt's letter to, on urg
ing Parnell's retirement, i. 258 ;
and the high level of principle of
the Liberal party, i. 313 ; Home
Rule policy of, as affecting the
Irish question, i. 249, 355, 358-9,
366-7 ; Irish popularity of, i. 266 ;
majority of (1892) inadequate for
carrying Home Rule, i. 310-11,
319; new language of, on the
Irish affair (1892), i. 317; and
Parnell, ill at ease together, i. 238 ;
as Prime Minister (1868), i. 25,
(1880), i. 167, 302, anticipatory
party considerations on, 165-6,
first week of, excitement of (1892),
ii. 78, reduced majority of, i. 316 ;
Queen Victoria's telegram to,
on Khartoum, i. 277-8 ; rejection
of (1866), ii. 102; resignations of
(1874), depression caused by, ii.
83 (1894), ii. 3 et sqq., Liberal
party in favour of, ii. 4, his an
nouncement of, ii. 9, the farewell
scene, ii. 9-10 ; and retention of
Irish members (1893), i. 363;
Rigby's stands against, i. 361 ;
Rosebery on his proposed leaving
of (1892), i. 315; sent for by the
Queen (1886), i. 211, and the
unveiling of Bright's statue, i.
288-9 ; value to, of Spencer, as
Lord-Lieutenant, i. 221 ; visit
of, to Cavour (1859), ii. 135.
Home Rule Bills of: 1st, i. 249,
ii. 355. 2nd, i. 358-9, 366-7.
Speeches of, on the Danish ques
tion (1864), ii. 88; on the Parnell
Commission, i. 226 ; on raising
Irish spirit duties, i. 352 ; farewell
speech to his colleagues (1895),
ii. 10. Relations of, with Morley,
i. 272, 291-2, 298, 317, 328, 365,
ii. 68 et sqq., Irish Secretaryship
offered by, to Morley (1886), i.
213 ; letter from, to Morley, on
Parnell's retirement, and his own
leadership, i. 261 ; last sight of,
before his failure of health, ii. 72 ;
Morley on the conditions on which
he would enter the Cabinet (1886),
i. 212. Talks with, on Shake
speare's plays ; on Falstaff ; on

Hamlet, i. 288 ; on History, Hu
manity ; the English language ;
politics and armaments, old age,
16th-century Englishmen ; Tenny
son's view of English sound va
riety ; foreign policy of Salisbury ;
on having been turned out of the
Cabinet, on rumours of his resigna
tion ; on Church as Bishop ; on
faults of which he felt incapable ;
on men who most swiftly entered
the Cabinet; on the number of
his colleagues and the length of
his Prime Ministership ; on Sir
James Graham ; on his own voice,
ii. 68 et sqq. ; on Caesar's literary
style, and on the things that
destroy a man, ii. 72. Wrath of,
on Morley's lost election (1895),
ii. 47. Statues of, unveiling of,
by Morley, ii. 93. On biographies
and their public, ii. 5 ; on the
blessings of discipline, i. 365 ; on
his budget of 1853, i. 366-7; on
Chamberlain as talker, i. 151 ; on
charity in politics, i. 195 ; on the
Closure, i. 364 ; on Cranmer at
the stake, ii. 115; on Devonshire's
speeches in Home Rule debates,
ii. 194 ; on divisions in Parnellite
Ireland, i. 268; on a good-tem
pered man unconciliatory in busi
ness, ii. 143 ; on Harcourt's words
on Morley, i. 273 ; on hard work
for Ministers, ii. 295; on the
history of Nations, and of Govern
ments, ii. 55 ; on the incompre
hensibility of the Politician, i.
321, and on himself in that char
acter, i. 322; on the Irish ques
tion in 1880, i. 173 ; on the Land
Act and its evolution, i. 173 ; on
the master-vice of politicians, i.
197 ; on Morley as friend, i. 273 ;
on Morley as "on the whole the
best stay I have," i. 317, on Mor
ley's opinion on France as identical
with his own, ii. 7, on Morley's
thorough knowledge of the (1893)
Home Rule Bill, i. 365, on Morley's
friendship with Chamberlain, i.
162 ; on Parnell as political genius.
i. 236, and as speaker, i. 241 ;
on his portrait by Millais, i. 279 :
on prison reform, war, and slavery,
i. 292 ; on a puzzling speech by
Parnell, i. 245 ; on Queen Victoria's

INDEX

395

attitude over the Gordon affair,
i. 277—8 ; on one secret of effective
speaking, i. 197; on the Turkish
question, i. 279; on Wordsworth,
i. 126.
Gladstone, William, death of, i. 277.
Glasnevin, Parnell's funeral at, i. 267.
Gleaners, The, by Millet, i. 299.
Glendalough and the Seven Churches,
visit to, i. 388.
Glenties, ii. 43 ; light railway from,
ii. 44.
Godhead, nature of, and relations of
with Man, discussion on, ii. 66.
Godkin, — , editor of the Nation,
ii. 105.
Godley, Sir Arthur, ii. 156, 195, 244 ;
a, tribute to, ii. 153.
" gods," as used by Ruskin, i. 16-17.
Goethe, J. W. von, i. 287 ; compari
son with, of George Eliot, i. 87 ;
"Das Gottliche," poem by, Mere
dith on, i. 39-40 ; Faust by, Mere
dith on, i. 43 ; influence of, in
England, i. 68 ; Mill on, i. 66 ;
pages of, no longer readable, i.
15 ; re-interpretation by, of human
life and its spiritual needs, i. 130-1 ;
unorganised communion founded
by, tenets forsworn by, ii. 128 ;
wisdom of, stay of twentieth-
century philosophers, ii. 364.
On the ancient emblem of Death
as Sleep's twin-brother, ii. 127 ;
on atmosphere in relation to a
writer, and on Paris and its value
to (literary) France, i. 304 ; on
Lucretius, ii. 127-8 ; on Menander,
ii. 130; on "thine America," to
the literary emigrant, ii. 75; on
the well-meaning, i. 192.
Gokhale, — , ii. 195, 236, 261, 320;
influences on, ii. 173 ; and the
Indian Reforms Bill, ii. 295 ; talks
with topics of, ii. 139, 171, 181,
286 ; on Indian impatience as to
reforms, ii. 282.
Golden Shell, shore of, associations
of, i. 116.
Goldsmith, Oliver, i. 376; and Dr.
Johnson's apology, i. 159.
Good Conduct, basis of, i. 71.
Good Government and Self-govern
ment, Campbell-Bannerman on, ii.
141.
Gordon, General C. G., i. 222, Queen
Victoria's attitude on, Gladstone

on, i. 277-8 ; on understanding
other people, i. 21.
Gordon, Miss, Queen Victoria's letter
to, i. 278.
Gorner Grat, the, ii. 234.
Gorst, Sir John, and Indian labour
regulation, ii. 167.
Goschen, the publisher, and Schiller,
i. 34.
Goschen, Viscount, i. 166, 205, 269,
ii. 71, 102; an appreciation of, ii.
202 ; banter with, i. 270-1 ; epithet
applied by, to Morley, i. 91 ; and
Irish affairs and finance, i. 206,
226, 352 ; status of, with reporters,
i. 312-13; death of, ii. 202; on
getting yourself out of a, scrape,
ii. 22.
Gospel of Wealth (Carnegie), Glad
stone's interest in, ii. 110.
Gospels, Inspiration of, source of,
i. 107.
Gospel Sayings paralleled in the
Talmud, i. 107.
Gothenburg system, Carlyle on,
i. 153-4.
Gotter Griechenlands, Die (Schiller),
on Death in Greek mythology,
ii. 127.
"Gottliche, Das" (Goethe), as
antistrophe to Menander, ii. 130;
Meredith on, i. 39.
Goulburn, — , and Peel, relations
between, ii. 16.
Gourdon, fishermen's superstitions
at, ii. 75.
Government, Art of, maxims on,
ii. 231.
Governments, "first duty of," Morley
on, i. 178. History of, Gladstone
on, ii. 55.
Gower, Lord Ronald, and Gladstone
ii. 4, 5.
Graduated Taxation, i. 201.
Graham, Sir James, Gladstone's ad
miration for, ii. 71.
Grammar Schools before Edward
VI., book on, ii. 68.
Granada, re-conquest of, by the
Spaniards, ii. 81.
"Grand Duke policy" for India,
advocates of, ii. 215.
Grania (Lawless), on the desolate
Rosses district, ii. 44 n.
Grant, General, ii. 104.
Granville, Earl, as Foreign Secretary
(1880), i. 168; Bismarck's dislike

396

INDEX

for, i. 212 ; and the consultation
over Parnell's retirement, i. 259-
61 ; Queen Victoria's telegrams to,
on Khartoum, i. 277-8 ; funeral
of, i. 311.
Grass lands, laying-down of, in
Ireland, ii. 28.
Grattan, H, error of, i. 255; Parnell
compared with, i. 246.
Gray, — , M.P. for Dublin, on Home
Rule, and the Land question, i.
210.
Gray's Elegy, borne by Wolfe, at
Quebec, ii. 108 ; first line of,
source of, ii. 361.
Greatness, recognition of, i. 246,
ii. 50-1.
Greece, effect on, of Salisbury's
policy (1897), ii. 69.
Greek and Latin readings at Over-
strand, i. 274, 276, 284-5, 287, 289.
Greek Philosophy, pessimism of,
ii. 120.
Greek Writers, classical sublimity in,
Coleridge on, i. 95.
Greeley, Horace, letter to, from
Lincoln on Slave Emancipation,
i. 77.
Green, T. H., reformer, idols of, i.
24—5 ; influence of, on Oxford
opinion, i. 289 ; on Cromwell's
complex character, i. 244.
Greenwood, F., as editor of the Pall
Mall Gazette, i. 168-9 ; on Asquith
(1892), i. 324; on Morley's Ma
chiavelli, ii. 57-9, 63.
Gregory VII., Pope, O'Connell com
pared to, i. 247.
Grey, 2nd Earl, Reform Bill of
(1832), ii. 271.
Grey, Lady, death of (1906), ii. 163.
Grey, Sir Edward (Viscount Grey,
of Falloden), ii. 132, 179, 229, 265;
an appreciation of, ii. 245 ; and his
associates (1892), i. 323; death of
his wife, ii. 163 ; dinners with, ii.
168-9, 196 ; interest of, in Indian
affairs, ii. 274 ; member of Cabinet
Navy Committee (1909), ii. 307;
Morley as occasional understudy
for (1910-11), ii. 343; visit from,
at Wimbledon, ii. 274 ; speech of,
on the Anglo-Russian Agreement,
ii. 245 ; on deportees, and release,
ii. 319.
Griffith, Ellis, M.P., compliment
from, ii. 133.

Grote, George, i. 52, 65; and the
claims of literature and business,
i. 125 ; and Spencer's monologue,
i. 112.
Grotius, — , famous book by, ii. 127.
Growing Old (Arnold) , truth of, i. 277.
Guernsey, Hugo's life in, i. 75.
Guicciardini's History of Italy, read
ing of, ii. 62-4, 134, article on, by
Morley in progress (1897), 62, 63,
64, 67.
Guizot, — , style of, uninjured by
lecturing, i. 275.
Guntur case, plea for clemency in,
ii. 282.
Gupta, Krishna Gobinda, appointed
to Council of India, ii. 228 ; on
Indian Moderates, ii. 291.
Guthrie, Dr. Thomas, as preacher, i. 9.
Gwalior, Maharajah Scindia of, sug
gestion of, forwarded by the Prince
of Wales, ii. 192-3.
Gweebarra river, ii. 43.
Gweedore, visit to (1894), ii. 40 et sqq.
Gweedore Case, the causd causans,
i. 334—5, the arrest, i. 335, the jury
council and trial, i. 336-7, release
of short term prisoners, i. 337-8.
Haldane, Viscount, ii. 103 ; and
his associates (1892), i. 323; in
terest of, in Indian affairs, ii. 274 ;
and Kitchener, ii. 164-5, 331 ;
a luncheon given by, to the Ger
man Emperor (1911), ii. 344-5;
member of the Defence Committee,
ii. 200 ; member of the Navy Com
mittee, ii. 307 ; political dinner
party given by, ii. 132 ; visit from,
at Wimbledon, ii. 274.
Halifax, Earl of, writer-politician,
i. 186 ; Macaulay's words on, ap
plied to Balfour, i. 227 ; on difficulty
as affecting a great man, i. 155;
on patience, i. 264.
Hallam, A. H, i. 233.
Halsbury, Earl of, ii. 296, 324 ; leader
of the "Die-hards," ii. 349, and the
Veto Bill debate, ii. 355.
Hamilton, — , and Mill, doctrines of,
controversy on, i. 8.
Hamilton, General Sir Ian, ii. 158.
Hamilton, Lord George, Dispatch of,
on Indian frontier policy, principles
laid down in, ii. 243, 246.
Hamilton, Sir Robert, on Morley as
Irish Secretary, i. 221.

INDEX

397

Hamlet, Gladstone's enthusiasm for,
i. 288.
Hampden, John, ii. 320.
Harcourt, Rt. Hon. Lewis (Loulou),
now Viscount Nuneham, i. 258,
293, ii. 17.
Harcourt, Rt. Hon. Sir William, i.
167, 177, 202, 215, ii. 37; char
acteristics of, ii. 95-6 ; friendship
with, ii. 94, expression of, ii. 273-4 ;
Gladstone on, ii. 70 ; as militant
pamphleteer, ii. 96 ; status of, with
reporters, i. 312, 313. Political ref
erences to: Address to the Crown
seconded by, with Morley (1895),
ii. 22. At Althorp, i. 293-5 ; atti
tude of, to the Radicals, i. 166,
167 ; and the Cabinet disruption
(1886), i. 297; Chamberlain's
conversations with, in 1880, i.
165-8; change of tone of (1886),
i. 219; as colleague, ii. 12 et sqq. ;
and the consultations over Parnell's
retirement, i. 258-62 ; conversa
tions of, with Morley, during Cab
inet reconstruction (1895), ii. 13-
15 ; conversion of, to Home Rule,
and attitude of, to it, in the Cab
inet, ii. 12 ; correspondence with,
ii. 294, (1890), on the attitude of
the Liberals in view of Parnell's
changed language, i. 309-10, on
Irish affairs (1891), i. 272, 309-
310 ; in debate on Irish matters, i.
226 ; in the Gladstone Cabinet
(1892), ii. 78; farewell of, to
Gladstone (1895), ii. 9-10; as
financier, ii. 99 ; last of the great
Parliamentary orators, ii. 100 ;
letter of, to Gladstone on Parnell's
retirement, i. 258 ; and the Liberal
party (1895), ii. 81; and the neo-
Palmerstonian, ii. 89 ; political
attitude of, i. 258 ; push of, to the
front, i. 312 ; qualifications of,
for general parliamentary activity,
i. 309 ; at Sheffield (1890), i. 256 ;
speech after fall of Parnell, i. 257 ;
and the story of Gladstone's pro
posal to quit public life, ii. 70 ;
and the succession to the Prime
Ministership (1894), qualifications,
and drawbacks of, ii. 11 et sqq.,
Morley's objections, i. 297, ii. 18 ;
support given by, to Campbell-
Bannerman, ii. 89 ; threats of, as
to retirement (1894), ii. 45; with

drawal of, from Commons' leader
ship (1898), correspondence on,
with Morley, ii. 82-3 ; comments
on, of Campbell-Bannerman and
others, ii. 84; death of (1904),
ii. 94, 254. On boldness, and on
caution in politics, ii. 98 ; on the
comic picture of the Home Rule
Bill protagonists in 1893, i. 364;
on Gladstone's Home Rule Bill
concessions, i. 359 ; on Gladstone's
words on Morley, i. 273 ; on in
cubating a speech (1897) , ii. 98 ;
on the Liberal party in 1899, ii.
87 ; on Morley's Manchester
speech (1899), ii. 87; on Morley
as one of the two regular profes
sional politicians left in 1895, ii.
11—12; on retention of Irish mem
bers, i. 295; on the two unmend-
ables and unendables, ii. 97, 356 ;
on Walpole, and on Cromwell,
ii. 96.
Hardie, Keir, M.P., on appreciation
of, ii. 235 ; and the Indian Budget
debate (1906), ii. 180, 268-9.
Hardinge of Penshurst, Lord, suc
cessor of Minto as Governor-Gen
eral of India, ii. 196, 339, 340;
correspondence with, ii. 344 et sqq. ;
on the result of the Indian Reforms
of Morley and Minto, ii. 340.
Hardy, Thomas, "twilight view of
life" held by, Meredith on, i. 50.
Harnack, Professor, History of
Christian Literature by, and ser
mon by, ii. 74 ; influence of,
Wilhelm II. on, ii. 345.
Harrel, — i. 371.
Harrison, Frederic, i. 157 ; ardour
of, for France (1870), i. 45 ; article
by, on Machiavellism, ii. 70 ; Fort
nightly articles by, i. 80 ; stir made
by that on Trades Unions, i. 90;
friendship with, i. 70; at George
Eliot's, i. 371 ; on Ethics of Politics,
ii. 58 ; controversy on, with Green
wood, ii. 59.
Hartington, Marquis of (see also
Devonshire, 8th Duke of), i. 288,
297 ; and Chamberlain's Land
policy, i. 202 ; attitude of, to the
Conciliation BiU (1893), i. 349;
Irish policy of, i. 206, 212 ; on the
Opposition bench, i. 229 ; Queen
Victoria's telegrams to, on the fall
of Khartoum, i. 277-8.

398

INDEX

Hastings, Warren, i. 375, ii. 239;
Macaulay's Essay on, excision of,
from Indian school-books advised,
ii. 240 ; portrait of, ii. 201.
Hate, persistence of, ii. 88.
Hatzfeldt, Count, i. 270.
Hawarden, attitude at, to Politics,
ii. 97.
Hawarden archives, Morley's work
on (1899), ii. 85, 91.
Hawthorne, Nathaniel, ii. 105.
Haydon, Benjamin, yearnings of,
ii. 135.
Hazlitt, William, on Measure for
Measure, i. 287 ; on research on
Style, i. 93-4.
Healy, Father, dinner with (1894),
ii. 44.
Healy, T, M.P., i. 219-20; speech
of, exasperating Parnell, i. 266.
Hebrew pessimism, ii. 120. Sources
of the Sublime, ii. 364.
Hedin, Sven, travels of, in Tibet,
ii. 295-6.
Heine, Heinrich, songs of, Meredith's
pleasure in, i. 43.
Heligoland, cession of, ii. 55.
Helvetius, Morley's writings on,
ii. 118.
Henry IV., Falstaff in, i. 288.
Henry VIII., ii. 68 ; Fowler on
Froude's writings on, ii. 66.
Hereditary principle, in the House
of Lords, public attitude to (1909-
11), ii. 357.
Herodotus, i. 58.
Herschell, Lord, i. 215, 271, legal
skill of, i. 360 ; as Lord Chancellor
(1892), i. 324.
High and Dry Churchmen, i. 19.
Highbury, Chamberlain's home,
dinners at, i. 148 et sqq. ; visits to,
i. 162, 204, ii. 136.
Highlands, the, a summer in (1897),
ii. 62 et sqq., see also Skibo.
Himalayas, the, ii. 229, 233.
Hindhead, the judge's epitaph on, ii.
361; Meredith's walks at, i. 38;
sou'westers at, i. 315.
Hindu and Mussulman, keeping the
balance between, in Reforms, ii.
293, 315.
Hirst, — , helper in the Life of Glad
stone, ii. 91.
Historic and Literary admeasure
ment, Morley's golden rule for,
i. 70. Method, the rise of, i. 71.

Historical writers, discussed, ii. 133-4.
History, Gibbon's sentence concern
ing, ii. 365. Position of, at the Uni
versities (circa 1848), i. 8. As seen
by Bishop Butler and by Laffitte,
i. 69-70. True, definition of, ii. 67.
History of Christian Literature (Har-
nack), ii. 74.
History of the Church (Lange) , i. 277.
History of Civilisation (Buckle), i. 14.
History of the Decline and Fall of
Rome (Gibbon), i. 10, where con
ceived, i. 61 ; Mill on, i. 66.
History of the Dutch Republic (Motley)
ii. 133.
History of Greece (Grote), writing of,
i. 125.
History of Italy by Guicciardini,
ii. 62-4, 134.
Hobbes, Thomas, i. 55 ; warning of,
against loitering, ii. 113.
Hobhouse, H., i. 266; and the India
Bill, ii. 306, 307.
Hofer, Andreas, ii. 60.
Hog's Back, Morley's abode on, i.
118; sou'westers at, i. 315.
Holderness, — , ii. 180.
Holmes, Oliver Wendell, ii. 105.
Holy Club, the, i. 11-12.
Holy Land, Christian feuds in,
Renan on, i. 75, 305.
Holy Synod of Russia, anti-Liberal
doctrines of, i. 22-3.
Home and Foreign Policy, relative
importance of, i. 350.
Home Government, Minto's attitude
to, and Morley's comments on, ii.
262 et sqq.
Home Office Inspector, sending of,
to study Indian labour regulations
(1906), ii. 166, 167.
Home Rule, ii. 36. Advantages to,
of Harcourt becoming Premier,
ii. 16. Attitude to, of the Young
Irish Society (1893), ii. 32, and
Cabinet-making, discussed at
Lowestoft with Gladstone (1891),
i. 291. Chamberlain's attitude to
(Jan. 1886), i. 212. Conditional
on English consent : a truth, but
untellable in 1895, ii. 21. Crisis
of, ii. 193. Effect of, on foreign-
dwelling Irish, Parnell on, i. 255.
Gladstone's 1892 majority inad
equate for carrying, i. 310-11, 319.
Harcourt's conversion to (1886),
and attitude to, in the Cabinet,

INDEX

399

ii. 12. Impossibility of, associated
with Parnell, after his Ennis speech,
i. 264. Land Bill accompanying,
an essential to, Spencer's and
Morley's views on, i. 221. Major
ity essential for, Parnell on, i. 254.
Morley's speeches on, i. 204, 250,
ii. 138, and correspondence on,
with Chamberlain, i. 205-8.
Morley's "thorough knowledge of,"
Gladstone's reliance on, i. 365.
Postponement of, views on, of
Harcourt, Morley, and Watson, i.
310, 320. Prospects of (1891),
i. 278, as affecting Moonlighting
(1893), ii. 32. Resistance to, of
Unionists ; effect on their Liberal
ism, ii. 66, and retention of Irish
member, i. 294-5. Rosebery's at
titude to, Chamberlain on, i. 296.
Spencer's conversion to, i. 219,
ii. 335. Strain of the passage of
the 1893 Bill, Morley on, i. 365.
Verdict on, of 1886, i. 309.
Home Rule Act, as corollary of the
Veto Act, ii. 349-50.
Home Rule Bills. First (1886).
Approach of, Belfast excitement
over, i. 223-4, 341. Rejection of,
i. 224, 225, 249. Excitement of
the occasion, ii. 355. Ulster riots
after, i. 223, 341. Second (1893).
Anticipated by Parnell, i. 267.
Attitude to, in Belfast, i. 342-3.
Battle for, Committee on, slow
progress of, and fate, i. 356, 358,
359, 364, ii. 295.
Homer, study of, for public speakers,
ii. 99.
Hope, Anthony (A. H. Hawkins),
novel by, ii. 76.
Horace, Epistle of, to Tibullus,
Conington's version of, i. 284-5 ;
the equable man described by, i.
271.
Houghton, 1st Lord (Richard Monck-
ton Milnes) , literary prominence of,
i. 325 ; on the Pall Mall "in a fix,"
and on Gladstone's Irish difficulties
(1881), i. 175.
Houghton, 2nd Lord, see Crewe,
Viscount.
House of Commons, see Commons,
House of.
House of Lords, see Lords, House of.
Household suffrage, Bright's fight
for, i. 198 ; extension of, 197.

Hugo, Victor, and the French Re
public, i. 75, 78 ; influence of, on
English thought, i. 20 ; letter on
Morley's article on his Travail-
leurs de la Mer, i. 74 ; Meredith's
estimate of, i. 43-4 ; Mill's criti
cism on his lack of constructiveness,
i. 56 ; Morley's meeting with, i.
74-5, 305; pity, the note of, i.
41-2 ; as poet, Swinburne on, i.
73 ; and Scott, ii. 65 ; on Death
and the midnight field at Waterloo,
ii. 117 & n.
Hume, David, i. 17, 84 ; new note
struck by, i. 98 ; style of, i. 119.
Hume, Joseph, i. 92, and retrench
ment, ii. 47.
Hungarian autonomy, protagonists
of, i. 78.
Hutchinson, Colonel, ii. 120.
Hutchinson, Lucy, translation by,
of Lucretius, ii. 120-1.
Hutton, — , of the Spectator, i. 205 ;
death of, ii. 74.,
Huxley, T. H., controversy of, with
Gladstone, i. 222 ; Fortnightly
articles by, i. 86, stir made by that
on the Physical Basis of Life, i.
90 ; jest by, on Spencer, i. 283 ;
style of, i. 119. On Comtism, i.
69; on Death, i. 114-15; on
Morley's Irish Secretaryship, i.
222 ; on the war with false meta
physics, i. 104-5.
Hyderabad, Nizam of, and Bilgrami,
ii. 228.
Hyndman, H. M., ii. 198.
Ibbetson, Sir Denzil, ii. 195 ; visits
from, and conversations on Indian
Press Law, deportation, etc., ii.
219-20, 223, 224.
Idea in Politics, Parnell's attitude
to, i. 241,246.
Idealism, without Doctrinairism,
possibility of, i. 188.
Idealists in Politics, i. 246.
Idleness in Reading, i. 373, Butler
on, i. 291.
Idylls of the King (Tennyson) , Mere
dith on, i. 43.
Ilbert, Sir Courtenay, ii. 139.
Ilbert Bill, uproar over, ii. 192,
209.
Iliad, the, i. 289 ; lines in, on Man,
i. 276 ; monotonous endings in
ar in, ii. 69.

400

INDEX

Immortality, Aristotle's ideas on,
ii. 66.
Imperial Defence Committee, com
position and work of, ii. 200 et sqq.
Draft Report of, ii. 208. North-
West Indian frontier problems
before, ii. 201, 202, 206. Persian
matters before (1908), ii. 247-8.
Report of, sent to Minto and to
Kitchener, ii. 220. Views of Minto
and Curzon to be laid before, ii.
179-80. Sub-committee of, Mor
ley's presidency over, ii. 150, 200,
201, 275. On Egyptian military
requirements, ii. 150, 220-1, 293.
On India, ii. 150, 200, 201, 206,
et alibi. On the Persian Gulf, ii.
150, 247-8, 293.
Imperial Expansion, Lyall on, ii.
345-6.
Imperial Legislative Council (see also
Council of Viceroy), Membership
of, and Indian representation in,
ii. 340.
Imperial Policy, two schools of, ii.
17.
Imperialism, Chamberlain's attitude
to, i. 162, ii. 79, 89. Common-
sense qualifications of, ii. 80.
Meaning of, ii. 79. and the "swing
of the pendulum," ii. 162-3.
Imperialist, an, Asquith's definition
of, ii. 80.
In Memoriam (Tennyson), i. 14-15.
Inconstancy, causes of, Pascal on,
i. 228.
India, attitude in, to the Anglo-
Russian Agreement, ii. 151. British
rule in, forecasts of, the Kaiser on,
ii. 238. Cast-iron bureaucracy in,
gradual cessation of, anticipated,
ii. 173. Effect on, of the Phoenix
Park murders, Lyall on, i.„ 178 ;
Morley's reply, i. 178-9. English
acquisitions in, how chiefly made,
ii. 81. Famine and Plague in;
data on, for the debate on the
Address (1907), ii. 239. Foreign
Office of, provincialism of, ii. 242 ;
separate foreign policy for, Morley
on impossibility of, ii. 164, 178-9,
195-6. Government of, assump
tion of, by the Crown, jubilee of,
message on, from the King to the
Indian people, ii. 276-7, 280, 303.
Dual system of, the time of test
ing of, ii. 156 et sqq. Jingoism of,

ii. 241. Opinion of, attitude to,
of some M.P.'s, ii. 307. Position
of Parliament in relation to, Fowl
er's dispatch on, ii. 244 ; Morley
on, ii. 171, 173, 178-9, 195, 263
et sqq., 278, 299, 308-9. Ignorance
of Home politicians on, i. 3.10.
Labour in, regulation of, ii. 166-7.
Legislative councils of, proposals
concerning, see Indian Members of
Councils. Missionary compromises
in, i. 105. State visit to, of
King' Ueorge, for the Coronation
Durbar (1911), ii. 359. Viceroy's
Executive Council in, relations of,
with the Viceroy and the Secre
tary of State, ii. 244 ; see also
Council of Viceroy, and Parliament,
position of, in regard to India.
India Reforms Bill, introduction of,
by Morley to the H. of L., ii. 288.
Indian Affairs, belatedness of mind
on, among those who dogmatise
upon India, ii. 313. British in
difference to, and ignorance on,
ii. 229-30. India Office centrali
sation of, Indian Press views on,
ii. 253-4. Official knowledge of,
ii. 265. Press ignorance on, ii.
323. Scheme for a Parliamentary
Committee on, ii. 194-5. Talk
on, with the German Emperor, ii.
237-8. Agitators, considerations
on handling, ii. 173—4, see also
Deportation, and Sedition and
Unrest, below. Bomb outrages,
ii. 256, 257, 263. Budgets, 1906,
ii. 174, 175, debate on, ii. 180-1.
1907, Salt duty and Opium ques
tion in, ii. 202-3, Times on, ii. 207.
1908, Speeches on, ii. 268. 1910,
and the Rise on Tobacco, ii. 329.
Civil Service, native aspirations
concerning, ii. 182.
Indian Committee in the House of
Commons (1906), ii. 165, Dilke
on, ii. 175. Meeting of, and depu
tation from, of confidence in Morley
(1908), ii. 260-1. Councils, ex
tension in, of Native element, ii.
160, 161, 192, 203-4, 205-6, 208,
211, 215, 216, 226, 228, 278, 299,
302, 340. Morley's letters, sug
gesting, to Minto (1906), ii. 174-6.
Councils Bill (India Bill), ii. 304,
305-6 et sqq., 309, 314. Feeling
towards Minto, ii. 339. Finance,

INDEX

401

economy, and sanctions, Morley
on, ii. 188-9, 195, 241, 250, see also
Welby Commission. Frontier De
fence, Report on, of Defence Com
mittee, ii. 200; problems (see
also Anglo-Russian Agreement) ,
ii. 118, 172, policy and principles
of the Home Government on,
ii. 243, 246 ; raids, questions of
tackling, ii. 243, 246 ; tribes and
annexation, ii. 242-3. Heat, as
affecting British nerves, ii. 262.
History, Morley on, ii. 270.
Honours List (1909), a difficulty
concerning, solved by Edward
VII., ii. 325. Industrial organi
sation, Morison's book on, ii. 198.
Legislative procedure, compared
with British Cabinet methods, ii.
321-2. Local Councils, attitude
of, to admission of Native Mem
bers, ii. 308. Mahometans, see
Mahometans. Meetings Act, ii.
235. Members of Indian Councils,
British, Viceregal, and Local, see
also Council of India, Council of
the Viceroy, and Indian Councils
above. First appointments to:
Council of India: gazetted (1907),
ii. 228 ; Viceroy's Council : Sinha
chosen, ii. 294, 301-2, the Times
on, ii. 303 ; Sinha at the Council
Table, ii. 334-5 ; speeches of Mem
bers since the War, ii. 346 ; Mor
ley's letter suggesting, see under
Indian Councils above; selection
and appointment of, in Morley's
hands, ii. 293, 294, 299, 301-2.
Military administration, finance,
needs, and supply, Morley's work
on, ii. 150, 172, 231, 236 & n., 237,
239, 246, 311 ; Minto's telegram
on, ii. 166. Movement for re
fusal to pay Revenue, ii. 220.
Mutiny, ii. 221 ; causes, ii. 154 ;
jubilee commemoration of, Rob
erts's view and Morley's on, ii. 183.
National Party and Congress,
attitude of, to Reforms, ii. 275,
286, 291 ; factor to be reckoned
with, ii. 173-4; future of, the
present King on, Morley's own
view on, ii. 171 ; and Indian
unrest, ii. 173-4, 216; possible
counterpoise to, ii. 176 ; split
feared in, ii. 236 ; stormy meeting
of (1907), ii. 240. Native Army

and the native Press, ii. 212 ;
aspirations, circa 1905 et sqq., ii.
169, 171, 173-7, 181-2; press,
abuse in, of Morley's Arbroath
speech, ii. 235, 236, 237; on
Morley's centralising tendencies
at the India Office, ii. 253-4 ; and
Unrest in India, ii. 212. News
(1897), character of, ii. 67. Peace,
precariousness of, Canning on, ii.
221. Press Act (1910), ii. 328-9;
need for, urged by Minto, ii. 256,
259-60. Railways, views on, of
Minto and Kitchener, ii. 179-80.
Rebels and Irish, Morley on incon
sistent attitude to, ii. 217, 218.
Reforms, Circular on, ii. 226,
English reception of, ii. 229 ; dis
patches on, ii. 203, 208-9, 214-15,
274 ; jeopardised by the agitators,
ii. 215, 217 ; long incubation of,
protested against (1908), ii. 271 ;
Minto's Budget, speech on (1907),
ii. 207 ; Morley's programme as
to (1908), ii. 281-2; Parliamen
tary Committee on, Minto's Re
forms dispatch considered by, ii.
280, objections of, to Indian
Members of Councils, ii. 278,
procedure of, ii. 275 ; powerful
elements in support of, ii. 218;
preparatory work on, ii. 238 ;
press reception of, at home, ii. 323 ;
promulgation of, an opportune
moment for, Morley on, ii. 224 ;
prospects of, Morley on, to Gok
hale, ii. 181, Minto, ii. 172 et sqq.;
result of, Hardinge on, ii. 340.
Regulations (affecting Deporta
tion) of 1818, ii. 215, 307, 318, 327 ;
1909, Minto's dispatch on, ii. 314,
passage of, through Council in
Whitehall, ii. 317, proposals of
Morley on issue of, ii. 316. Riot
ing and rioters, Morley on, ii. 232.
Salt duty, reduction of (1907), ii.
202. Secretaryship of Morley
(1905 et sqq.), events of, ii. 149
et sqq. ; Morley's continued tenure
of, under Asquith's government,
ii. 251-3 et sqq. Sedition, see also
Deportation, Rioting, above, and
Unrest below; conspiracy for,
Minto's proposals for dealing with
(1910), ii. 327-8; sentences on,
Morley on, ii. 269-70, 272-4, 278-9,
282, 289. Self-government, Gok-

402

INDEX

hale's hopes of, ii. 181. Speeches
of Morley, collected volume of,
ii. 160. Students, see also Dingra ;
Minto's sympathy for, ii. 153 ;
spirit of revolt among, ii. 154,
strange manifestations of, ii. 155.
Topics for the Debate on the
Address (1907), ii. 239, Whig
reception of, ii. 244. Tour of
the Prince of Wales (George V.)
(1906), ii. 163, the Prince's talk
on, ii. 170-1. Translations of
Morley's Compromise, i. 102. Un
rest, causes and manifestations of,
ii. 149-50 ; class specially per
vaded by, ii. 154 ; exaggeration
of, Morley on, ii. 211 ; responsi
bility for, ii. 265. Viceroyalty
offered to Morley, and declined,
ii. 18, 19, 20, 131-2.
Indian Sociologist, printer of, pros
ecution of, ii. 318.
Individuals, Mercy among, as af
fected by Evolution, i. 370.
Individualism of Liberalism, i. 21-2.
Indo-Persian affairs, Minto on,
Morley's comments on, ii. 241-2 ;
Morley's views on, ii. 247-8, and
Report on, ii. 293.
Industrialism, conquest of, over
Agrieulturalism, effect of, on the
H. of L., ii. 357. Debt of, to
Cobden's economic policy, i. 143.
Mrs. Gaskell on, i. 26.
Inferno (Dante), monotony of a's in,
ii. 69 ; an omission from, ii. 119.
Inn, Death in, Leighton's wish for,
fulfilled, ii. 114.
Inquisition, the, ii. 51.
Interception of Suspicious Corre
spondence, Morley on, ii. 225.
International Socialists, factors of
disruption among, i. 161-2.
Intervention in Foreign Politics,
Cobden's view on, i. 137, 142.
Intuition and Experience, quarrel
between, at Oxford, i. 8, 12-13.
Invective, a turn for, as a literary
gift, ii. 290.
Inverclyde, Lord, as host, i. 342 ;
yacht of, ii. 65.
Investigation in absence of Accused,
strong deprecation of, ii. 289.
Ionic chair, ancient, at Kilkenny,
ii. 34.
Ireland, i. 83. Beaconsfield's warn
ing on, fulfilled, i. 167, 169 et sqq.

Beauty of, feel of, i. 345. Coer
cion in, see Coercion. Cromwell
in, ii. 218, 360. Factors of dis
order in (1884), i. 171. Financial
relations of, Commission on (1893),
i. 352. First visit to, of Morley,
i. 162, 180. Houghton as Lord-
Lieutenant of (1892), i. 325.
Isolation of, from Western civilisa
tion, ii. 35. Land-tenure Acts
for, i. 229. Legislation proposed
for, in 1880, i. 166, see also Home
Rule. Morley twice Secretary of
State for, i. 213-15, 326-8 et sqq.,
ii. 3, 8, 17 et sqq. ; Life at Dublin,
i. 368 et sqq., 378, 381 et sqq. ; the
social side of, i. 385 et sqq. ; visits
of inspection &c. made during, i.
378, 381 et sqq., ii. 24; visits re
ceived, i. 368 et sqq. National
Cause of, Gladstone the personi
fication of, ii. 8 ; Morley on his
loyalty to, i. 352. National wound
of, nature of, i. 228. Outrage in,
steps leading to, i. 352. Pole-star
of Honour to Morley, ii. 8. Scott
on, in 1825, i. 180. Self-govern
ment for, Morley's Newcastle
election speech on (1892), i. 327-8.
Social upheaval in, in Spencer's
day, i. 329-30 ; Irish Press on
(1894), ii. 45.
Irish Administration under Morley.
Criticism of, by an Irish leader,
i. 354-5, and Morley's rejoinder,
i. 355 et sqq. Motions of censure
on, i. 365.
Irish Affairs, Agag-like walk required
in, ii. 21. Attitude to, of Min
isters in 1892, i. 322. Divergent
opinions on, of Morley and Cham
berlain, i. 204 et sqq. Cornewall
Lewis on, i. 170. Lack of fore
sight in, i. 196. Meredith's in
terest in, i. 41. Mill on, i. 170-1.
Morley's conversation on, with
an Irish leader (1893), i. 354 et
sqq. Morley's correspondence on,
with Harcourt, i. 310. Morley's
speeches on, i. 266. Talks on,
with Gladstone, i. 291, 294, Rose
bery, i. 317.
Irish Agrarian Troubles, indications
of revival of (1893), i. 352 et sqc:
Agricultural Laziness, causes of,
i. 332. Blockheads, ii. 30. Cause,
defined by an Irish leader, ii. 8.

INDEX

403

Character, Lady Waterford on,
ii. 36-7 ; substratum in, i. 383.
Irish Confederation of 1642, table
commemorating, atKilkenny, ii. 35.
Irish Council Bill, ii. 227. Dele
gates at Cincinnati, declaration
of, against Parnell's continued
Leadership (1890), i. 263.
Irish Evicted Tenants. Liberal,
Unionist, and Tory views on, i.
348. Morley's letter on, to Cham
berlain, i. 348-9. Problem pre
sented by, i. 347. Reinstatement
of, Commission on, i. 347.
Irish Evicted Tenants Bill, i. 377,
379. Fate of, ii. 3. Points in,
discussed by Waterford, ii. 38-9 ;
Redmond and Morley on discuss
ing, i. 387. Section 63 of, Bishop
of Raphoe on, i. 380.
Irish Evictions, problems concern
ing, ii. 45. Franchise, Act re
forming, i. 171. Fury, at the plan
for setting up Cromwell's statue,
ii. 48. Gaols, Schools, and Con
vents, Morley's visits to, i. 381
et sqq. Gentry, good types of,
ii. 34, 35, 38, see also Landlords,
below. Judges, an evening with,
i. 385-6.
Irish Land Acts : 1881, the Land
League, and the arrest of Parnell,
i. 173. 1896, Bad drawing of, i.
386. Discussion on, with Glad
stone, i. 278-9.
Irish Land Bill, 1893 : Committee
on, Morley's presidency over, i.
350-1, ii. 275 ; report and Bill
pigeon-holed, i. 350-1. Essential
as accompaniment to Home Rule,
i. 221.
Irish Land League, i. 173, 182, ii. 28.
Irish Land Purchase, Bright and,
i. 229. Conservative plans for,
i. 229. Finance of, i. 251-2, 278.
Parnell's scheme for, mystification
caused by, i. 245 ; Parnell on, i.
251-2.
Irish Land Question, i. 377, as dealt
with by Jesse Collings, i. 149.
Discussed with Lord Waterford,
ii. 36, 37. In relation to Home
Rule, and to Local Government,
i. 210. Mill on, i. 170-1. Par
nell's assumption on, i. 252. Un
settled (1892), i. 328, but less acute,
i. 330.

Irish Land Report, Irish attitude to,
ii. 34.
Irish, Landlords. Expropriation of,
Parnell on, i. 252. Feuds of, with
Tenants, i. 328. Morley's indict
ment of, i. 178-9, 181. Morley
on his cultivation of relations with
(1892-3), i. 340-9, 355. Police
protection for (1893), i. 355, ii. 26
et sqq. Sole bulwark against sub
division of Land, ii. 36. In
Young's day, i. 332-3. Leader,
an, Morley's conversation with,
on Irish affairs (1893), i. 354 et sqq. ;
on Gladstone's resignation as
affecting Ireland, ii. 8-9. Leaders,
Morley's negotiations with (1890),
i. 263—4. Liberty, Swift's cham
pionship of, i. 276. Loyalists, at
titude of, to England, i. 356-7.
Magistracy, attitude of, to Gov
ernment (1893), i. 353, 356; re
adjustment of, i. 338-40. Mar
riage customs, ii. 36, 37.
Irish National Education, the priests'
grasp on, ii. 40.
Irish Nationalists, attitude of, to the
Clergy, i. 278. Confidence in
Morley of the majority of, i. 328.
Division among (1892), i. 328, 330.
Irish Obstruction, period of (1880-
83), i. 193.
Irish Papists (see also Catholic Eman
cipation, and Irish Roman Catholic
clergy, below), Whig attitude to, i.
180-1.
Irish Party in the H. of C. Attitude
of, to Deportation, ii. 316 ; Indian
Reform Bill, ii. 295, 309; Veto
Bill, ii. 349-50. Methods of (1884),
i. 171, 193. Parliamentary bal
ance held by (1885), i. 203. Posi
tion of, in 1890, i. 309. Reduction
of numbers of, Parnell on, i. 255.
Retention of, in the H. of C. :
Morley's view on, i. 208, 363 ;
Redmond's motion on, Gladstone's
view on, i. 363 ; terms discussed
by Morley, Gladstone, and Spen
cer, i. 294-5.
Irish Patriots, exaggerated compari
sons of, i. 379.
Irish Peers, problem of, in event of
Home Rule, i. 294, 295.
Irish People, demeanour of, ii. 41.
As Morley's Pole-star, ii. 133.
Morley's position in regard to

404

INDEX

(1891), The Spectator on, i. 285.
Need of a strong hand over, ii.
36. Parnell on, i. 255. Stimulus
to, of Gladstone's belief in them,
i. 359. Thrift of, ii. 41.
Irish Place-names, i. 376.
Irish Police, see also Royal Irish
Constabulary. Attitude of, to the
Government (1893), i. 352-3, 356.
Irish, Policy, concentration, and cul
ture in relation to, i. 233 ; initiated
in 1886, connection with, of the
Veto Bill of 1911, ii. 350; scant
hope for, in 1893, i. 368-9. Political
Leaders, support of, Morley dis
appointed of (1893), i. 353. Pol
itics, the incalculable in, i. 344.
Mill on, i. 66-7. Prelates, con
demnation by, of Parnell i. 263.
Irish Question (or Problem) . Cham
berlain's attitude to (1882), i. 162.
Cobden on, i. 137. Light on,
from Quebec, ii. 108. Magni
tude, complexity and ramifica
tions of, i. 162. In a. Nutshell,
i. 172.
Irish Rebellion of 1798, locale of,
i. 181. Reliance on British Lib
erals' good faith (1890), i. 265.
Representation in the H. of C. as
affected by the Franchise Act of
1884, ii. 347, see also Retention,
under Irish Party, above.
Irish Revolution, stage entered on,
1884, i. 171.
Irish Roman Catholic Clergy. At
titude of, to law and order, i. 329-
30, ii. 28-9. Attitude to, of the
Nationalists, importance of, i.
278. Attitude to, of Parnell, i.
238, 255, 263. A firebrand priest
at Gweedore, i. 334 ; arrest of,
and fracas occasioned by, i. 335.
Grip of, on education, ii. 40. Sup
port of, Morley disappointed of
(1893), i. 353.
Irish Secretaryship, destined for
Bryce by Campbell-Bannerman,
ii. 131. Held by W. H. Smith, i.
211. Literary holders of, i. 186.
Offered to, discussed, and accepted
by Morley, i. 213-15, 326-8; an
Irish leader's view of, i. 354-5 ;
Morley's second term of, condi
tions met on arrival, i. 330 et sqq.,
confidence in, of Prime Minister
and Irish majority, i. 328 ; resig

nation debated with himself by
Morley, ii. 3, 8, 17 et sqq., the de
cision to retain it, ii. 20. Parnell
suggested for, by Morley, i. 255.
Parnell's suggestion on, i. 252.
Irish Spirit-duties, Raising of, Glad
stone's speech on, i. 352. Tenants,
complaints of, against whom di
rected, i. 182 ; troubles of, i. 181 ;
unrepresented in the H. of L.,
172-3, 228, 350.
Irish Union, Act of, Harcourt's
interest in, ii. 96. Necessity of,
Chamberlain's view on, i. 213.
Irish University Bill, finance of, ii.
249-50.
Irish Unrest, Morley's admission on,
ii. 34.
Irish Idylls (Barlow) discussed, i.
382-3.
Irving, Edward, ii. 67.
Irving, Washington, on Men of
Letters in English society, i. 89.
Ischia, ii. 65.
Islam, Morley on his attitude to,
ii. 247.
Isolation of Great Artists, i. 371.
Israel, Pessimism of, ii. 120.
Isvolsky, M., ii. 179 ; visit of, to
London (1908), ii. 276, 283.
Italy, Guicciardini's History of,
ii. 62-4, 134. Meredith's keen
interest in, i. 44—5. Sixteenth
century, evil influence of, on France
and England, Harcourt on, ii. 97.
Unification of, ii. 55, as the evolu
tion of European Liberalism in
the finest sense, ii. 135, Mazzini's
work for, i. 75 et sqq.
Jacobitism, cant of, ii. 52.
James, Lord, of Hereford, i. 215,
ii. 324.
James II., i. 224.
James Mill, a Biography (Bain),
i. 283.
Jameson, Dr. Leander Starr, ii. 313.
Jameson Raid, the, Greenwood on,
ii. 85.
Janus tactics of Morley as to the
India Reforms Bill, ii. 301.
Japan, Victories of, effect of, on
Indian Opinion, ii. 154.
Jefferson, President, Freethinking
views of, ii. 110.
Jekyll, — , i. 371.
Jenkins, Sir Lawrence, ii. 291 ; and

INDEX

405

the Indian Press Bill (1908), ii.
260; transfer of, to Calcutta as
Chief Justice, ii. 270-1, 276, 286;
a tribute to, ii. 303.
Jenkyns, — , draftsman of Home
Rule Bill of 1893, i. 359, recollec
tions of (1899), i. 361-2; death
of, i. 361.
Jerusalem, Christian feuds at, i. 75,
305.
Jesuits, the General of, a talk with,
at Rome, i. 381, ii. 196.
Jews, expulsion of, from Spain, ii. 51.
Jingo, definition of, ii. 80.
Jingoism of the Government of
India, ii. 241.
Joan of Arc, Chapuy's statue of , i. 302.
John of Leyden, i. 64.
John Morley Chemical Laboratory,
gift of, by Carnegie, to Manchester
University (1909) , ii. 315.
Johnson, Dr. Samuel, apology of, to
Goldsmith, i. 159 ; definition by,
of poetry, ii. 119; lines by, on
fortunate men, ii. 6 ; on forms of
Government, i. 24 ; on the style of
Sir Thomas Browne, i. 94 ; on
treating an adversary with respect,
i. 227.
Josepk II., Emperor, illogical meth
ods of, ii. 25.
Journalism, i. 31 ; drawbacks of,
i. 32-3.
Journalistic critics, duty of, to a
Cabinet, Chamberlain and Mor
ley's encounter over, i. 159.
Jowett, Rev. Benjamin, Chamber
lain's first visit to, i. 148 ; talk of,
Asquith on, i. 370; on Voltaire,
i. 97.
Jugurtha (Sallust), borrowed passage
in, ii. 78 ; criticism on, ii. 73.
Julius Caesar, literary style of,
Gladstone on, ii. 72.
Junius, ii. 96.
Jury, the, in the Gweedore case,
i. 336.
Jusserand, J. A. A. J., as cicerone
in Paris, i. 298-9, 300, 302-6.
Justice (Spencer), i. 281, 283.
Kashmir, charms of, ii. 191.
Keenan, Sir P., on Morley, i. 371-2.
Kenosis, doctrine of, i. 289.
Kerry, men of, contrasted with those
of Clare, ii. 29.
Khartoum, i. 222; fall of, Queen

Victoria's telegrams to Ministers
on, i. 277-8.
Kildare Place, Church of Ireland
Training School in, visit to, i. 385.
Kilfenora, visit to, ii. 29.
Kilkenny, visit to, ii. 34-5.
Killaloe, Bishop of, a call on, ii. 28 ;
on Parnellism in Clare, ii. 32.
Killiney, dinner at, with Father
Healy, ii. 44.
Kilmainham Gaol, Parnell in, i. 173,
381-2; visit to (1894), i. 381-2.
Kimberley, Earl of, farewell of, to
Gladstone (1895), ii, 9, and non-
convivial dinner after, ii. 10; as
Foreign Secretary, Rosebery on,
i. 315, the office discussed for (1894)
ii. 18 ; place of, among Whig poli
ticians, ii. 247 ; as Secretary of
State for India, ii. 344.
Kincraig, stay at (1897), ii. 62 et sqq.
King's Inn Street Convent School,
visit to, i. 384.
Kingsley, Rev. Charles, i. 65.
Kitchener, of Khartoum, Field-
Marshal, Earl, Commander-in-
Chief, in India, ii. 207, 230, 309;
Afghan pupils to be sent to, ii.
201 ; attitude of, to Anglo-Russian
relations (1906), ii. 167, 177; atti
tude of, to Indian Member of
Viceroy's Council, ii. 176 ; collision
of, with Curzon, ii. 149; corre
spondence with, restrictions on, ii.
164—5 ; extension of term of ap
pointment, ii. 210; expectation
by, of the Indian Vice-royalty
(1910), ii. 331. Memorandum on,
by Morley, ii. 333, views on, of
King Edward, ii. 331, 332 ; Indian
military policy of, ii. 158, 179-80,
200; at a luncheon with the Ger
man Emperor (1911), ii. 344; Re
port of Imperial Defence Com
mittee sent to, ii. 220 ; visit of, to
Morley (1910), ii. 330.
Knocktara, protection post at, ii. 25.
Knowing one's own Mind, impor
tance of, in Politics, i. 218.
Kossuth, Louis, i. 78.
Kruger, President, quarrel with,
effect of on the Liberal party, ii.
85; and Milner at the Bloem-
fontein Conference, ii. 136-7.

La Bruyere,
of, i. 43.

Meredith's estimate

406

INDEX

La Fontaine, — , fable of, on Death
and the Woodcutter, ii. 116; lines
by, on the disceuvrG, i. 33.
Labouchere, Henry, amendment of,
on the Address (1895), Ministerial
defeat over, ii. 22.
Labour, Claims of, Mill's article on,
i. 289. Emergence of, as Political
force, i. 165. Representation of,
in the Cabinet, attitude to, of
Campbell-Bannerman, ii. 132.
Labour Leader, need for (1897),
probable source of, ii. 76.
Labour M.P., an, a talk with, i. 281-2.
Labour Party, attitude of, to De
portation, ii. 316. Definite shape
assumed by (1906), ii. 157. And
Indian questions (1906), ii. 162.
Morley's alleged estrangement
from (1894), ii. 46, see also Eight
Hours' Day. Sensibleness of, ii.
219.
Labour Question, violent currents
of opinion on (1906), ii. 167.
Lacordaire, — , estimate by, of
O'Connell, i. 247.
Lafitte, Pierre, French Comtist, in
fluence of, i. 69.
Lahinch, sight at, of the Atlantic,
ii. 30.
Lahore, Bishop Lefroy of, visit from,
ii. 259.
Lahore, disorders at, ii. 215, 231 ;
Minto's reception at (1909), ii. 306.
Lajpat, deportation of, ii. 218.
Lake District, beauty of, feel of,
i. 345 ; visit to, i. 319.
Lamartine, — , on Lucretius, ii. 122.
Lancashire Textile Workers, deputa
tion of, on the Indian Cotton
trade (1906), ii. 166-7.
Land Confiscation, at different periods
in Ireland, and the result, i. 172-3.
Land League, the, i. 173, aims of, i.
182 ; in Clare, ii. 28.
Land Policy, of Chamberlain, i. 156,
166, 201-2, 203.
Land Valuation in Scotland, debate
on, in the H. of L., ii. 258.
Landed Gentry, government by, in
Ireland, i. 172-3, 228.
Landlords, French and Irish, Morley
on, i. 179, see also Irish Landlords.
Lange's History of the Church (in
German), Gladstone on, i. 277.
Lansdowne, Marquis of, i. 352, ii.
259, 324 ; in favour of the Anglo-

Russian Agreement, ii. 245 ; and
the Baghdad Railway, ii. 191 ;
and the General Election of 1910,
ii. 326 ; and Indian Military Ad
ministration, ii. 311 ; attitude of,
to Indian Reforms, ii. 207, 294,
296, 298, 300 ; attitude of, to the
Bill for limiting the Veto of the H.
of L., ii. 348 ; attitude of, to Vice
regal life, ii. 190 ; Lyall thought
of as successor to, in India, ii, 344.
Laocoon (Lessing), originality of, ii.
126.
"Laodamia" (Wordsworth), i. 42.
Laud, Archbishop, ii. 51 ; Machia-
vellism of, ii. 355.
Laveleye, — , and Chamberlain, atti
tude of, to Democracy, i. 161.
Law, Rev. William, Overton's book
on, i. 9.
Law, ousting Myth, i. 13.
Law-making, the Peers' attitude to,
Salisbury on, ii. 358.
Law-room, Dublin Castle, nervous
ness pervading (1893), i. 331,
illustration of, i. 345 et sqq.
Lawrence, — , on change in Govern
ment methods in India, ii. 173—4.
Lawyers, why disliked by Executive
Officers, Morley on, ii. 257.
Leader of the H. of C, authority
claimed for, by Harcourt, ii. 41.
League of Liberals, new (circa 1899),
views of, and attitude to, of
Campbell-Bannerman, ii. 88-90.
Lecky, W. E. H., i. 273, 312 ; atti
tude of, to Democracy, i. 301 ;
on O'Connell as compared to
Luther, i. 247.
Lecturing, effect of, on Style, i, 275.
Leeds Conference, Bright's plan pro
pounded at, for limiting the Veto
of the H. of L., i. 198-9, ii. 347.
Leeds resolution, Morley's, of Nov.
1886, position of, in 1890, i. 310.
Lefevre, — , translator of Lucretius
into French, ii. 122.
Leighton, Archbishop, wish of, on
Death, fulfilled, ii. 114.
Leighton, Sir Frederick, i. 270.
Leipzig, fame of, i. 34.
Lemoinne, John, political journalist,
i. 187.
Leo I., Pope, i. 277.
Leo XIII., Pope, Morley's intended
audience with, i. 380-1.
Leopardi, — , pessimism of, ii. 120.

INDEX

407

Leopold IL, King of the Belgians,
a meeting with, i. 269, 270 ; states
manship of, ii. 238.
Lessing, G. E., i. 43 ; on Death, ii.
126-7.
Letterkenny, visit to (1894), ii. 40.
Lewes, George Henry, Gomtist views
of, i. 68 ; contributions of, to the
Fortnightly, i. 86 ; editorship of the
Fortnightly, i. 85; as host, i. 371.
Lewis, Sir George Cornewall, and
the Irish question, i. 170.
Liberal Associations, Federation of,
meeting of, at Leeds, Morley's
presidency over, i. 198.
Liberal Editors, faithful dealings
with, as to Repression and Reform
in India (1908), ii. 289-90.
Liberal Journals, on Morley in the
H. of C, ii. 46.
Liberal Leaguers in the Cabinet
(1908), ii. 249.
Liberal Organisation, assembly of
(1890), i. 256.
Liberal Party, attitude of, to Camp
bell-Bannerman, ii. 141 et sqq. ;
to Indian expansion (1906), ii.
158. Harcourt's over-sanguine
view on (1899), ii. 87. Majority
of, in the H. of C. (1894), ii. 46.
Morley's function in regard to,
after the Parnell debacle^ i. 268.
Return of, to power, in 1880, i. 166.
Split in, in 1886, i. 309; Cham
berlain, Rosebery, and Harcourt
on, i. 296-7. Younger generation
of, new small group of (1892), i.
323.
Liberal policy for Ireland, i. 229, 267.
Liberal Unionists, evolution of, i.
225 ; and Lord Rosebery, Cham
berlain on, i. 296.
Liberalism, advance in, on Imperialist
side, Arnold on, i. 128-9. Com
mitted to Home Rule by Glad
stone, i. 249 ; of the Fortnightly,
i. 86 et sqq.; in Letters (1860-90),
i. 26 ; of Mill and Gladstone,
Greenwood's attitude to, i. 168-9,
in Politics, Religion, and Sociology,
i. 21—4. Scope of meaning of
the word, i. 20 et sqq. Spencer's
relation to, i. Ill ; of Stephen, i.
121. New, Theory of, compared
with the Old, ii. 81. Official, out
of touch with Popular Sentiment
(1897), ii. 77.

Liberty, History of, Acton's material
for, i. 231 ; Mill's famous book
on, i. 60 et sqq.
Liberty of Speech, Milton's plea for,
i. 62.
Liege, visit to, with Chamberlain,
i. 161.
Lieutenant-Governors, ways of, ii.
263, 312.
Life, cheapness of, in Clare (1892),
i. 333. Human, the Talmud on,
ii. 364. Instinctive love of, ii.
116. Questionable good of , George
Eliot on, i. 58. Shortness of, ii.
364. Some philosophers on, ii.
365.
Life of Cobden (Morley), i. 134 et sqq.,
162.
Life of Frederick Denison Maurice
(Maurice), i. 276.
Life of Gladstone (Morley), i. 183.
ii. 135, 189; quoted on Goschen,
ii. 202 ; the writing of, helpers,
difficulties, &c, and success of
the book, ii. 90-3.
Life of Jesus (Strauss), i. 102.
Life of Pitt (Rosebery), discussion
on, with the author, i. 312.
Life of Turgot (Condorcet), Mill's
satisfaction on, i. 57.
Light Railways in Ireland, ii. 44.
Limerick, Dr. O'Dwyer, R.C.
Bishop of, and the Protestant
Dean, i. 371-2.
Limerick, ii. 39. Boycotting in, i.
352. Places visited from, ii. 24
et sqq.
Lincoln, Abraham, letter from, to
Greeley on Slave Emancipation,
i. 77.
Lincoln College, Oxford, Morley at,
i. 7 et sqq.
Liscanor Bay, ii. 30.
Lisco, Frau, funeral sermon on, by
Harnack, ii. 74.
Literary Activity, in relation to
Business Habits, Mill, Bagehot,
Gibbon, Trollope and Arnold as
illustrating, i. 125, 126. Ad
measurement, Morley's Golden
Rule for, i. 70. Men, in English
society, Irving on, i. 89. Style,
Hazlitt, Montaigne, and Morley
on, i. 93 et sqq. Work, golden
rule for, ii. 135.
Literature for a Desert Island, dis
cussion on, i. 370. Modern French,

408

INDEX

stains on, i. 302, 306 ; as Weapon
(circa 1854-70), i. 100, 103-5.
Literature and Dogma (Arnold), i.
132.
Little Englandism in 1892, ii. 78.
Chamberlain on, ii. 79.
Littre, — , the Comtist, i. 72, 73.
Liverpool, Earl of, long Prime
Ministerhood of, ii. 71.
Local Option Bill, i. 269, passage of,
i. 270.
Local Veto, talk on (1897), ii. 66.
Loch-an-Eilein, ii. 74.
Loch Hourn, ii. 65.
Locke, John, Bentham on, i. 87.
Lockhart, J. G., on Sir Walter Scott's
impressions on Ireland (1825), i.
179-80.
Lock-outs, Talks on, with friends,
and with Trade Unibnists (1897),
ii. 76.
Logic in relation to Politics, Cham
berlain's view on, i. 155.
Logue, Cardinal, i. 248.
London, Harcourt's knowledge of,
ii. 95. Electoral Reform for, i.
198. Not to be left out of
Liberal account, Rosebery on, i.
313. Statue of Gladstone in, ii. 93.
London County Council, Rosebery's
Chairmanship of, i. 318.
London Society circa 1850, the new
type of English gentlemen met
in, i. 89-90.
Londonderry House, meeting at,
with Wilhelm II., German Em
peror, i. 272-3.
Londonderry, visit to (1894), ii. 40.
Long Parliament, the, i. 62.
"Lord K.'s Scheme," Morley's study
of (1906), ii. 168.
Lords, House of : Campaign against,
anticipated, ii. 227. Debates in,
character of, ii. 305. Denuncia
tions of, by Morley, i. 364, ii. 320.
Future of, Morley on (1906) , ii. 193.
Harcourt on, ii. 97, 356. Irish
interests as represented in, i. 172,
173, 350, 364. Morley's relations
with (1909), ii. 311. Plan of, for
remodelling their Chamber, in-
opportuneness of, ii. 356-7. Pro
cedure in, Morley on, ii. 258.
Reception in, of the Indian Re
forms Scheme (1908), ii. 288.
Rejection by, of the Budget (1910-
1911), ii. 326, upshot of, ii. 320,

Bill for limiting Veto of, brought
in, origin of, i. 198-9, ii. 347,
proposals of, and contest over, ii.
347, resistance to, of the Die-
Hards, ii. 348 et sqq., dramatic
scenes in the House, ii. 354 et sqq.,
Government majority for the
Bill, ii. 356. Slow decay of,
influences contributing to (1832
and onwards), ii. 357. Two
blunders of, 1909 and after, ii.
356.
Loreburn, Lord (Lord Chancellor),
ii. 258, 265, 324.
Louis XIV., i. 224, ii. 108 ; age of,
Morison's study of, i. 10; seizure
by, of Alsace, ii. 80.
Louis XVI., ii. 261.
Louis XVIIL, and Chateaubriand,
i. 186.
Louvre, the treasures of, i. 298.
Love of country, Chamberlain's
presentment of, ii. 79. Two
Schools of, ii. 79.
Low, Sidney, on change in Governing
methods in India, ii. 173.
Low spirits, sayings on, i. 275.
Lowell, James Russell, "on a certain
condescension in some foreigners,"
ii. 105.
Lowestoft, visits to Gladstone at,
topics dealt with, i. 277, 291-2.
Lucca, i. 344.
Lucretius, gospel of, ii. 120, 123,
124, 125-6 1 historic value of,
Goethe on, ii. 128 ; immortality
of, with a bad name, ii. 118, 119;
lines from, learnt, i. 282, 283;
memories of, revived, ii. 118 et
sqq.; modernity of, ii. 118;
pessimism of, ii. 119; philosophy
of, source of and influences on, ii.
120 ; poetry of, qualities in, ii.
119, 121, 124, 125, 128 ; as savant,
Mommsen on, ii. 118, 123 ; Third
Book of, ii. 115 ; translations of, ii.
120, 121 & »., the first German,
Goethe's share in, ii. 128 ; on
Death, ii. 124-5.
Lucretius (Tennyson) , ii. 122 ; Mere
dith's appreciation of, i. 43.
Lucrezia Borgia, last scene in, a
suggested political parallel to, ii. 9.
Lurgan, the muted tocsin at, i. 343.
Luther, Martin, O'Connell compared
to, by Lecky, i. 247 ; in polemics,
ii. 49.

INDEX

409

Lux Mundi, and the Psalms, i. 289.
Luxembourg Gallery, modern French
sculpture in, i. 302.
Lyall, Sir Alfred, ii. 240; an ap
preciation of, ii. 344 ; argument
with, on the title of great magis
trates to fame, i. 374—5 ; lecture
by, ii. 201-2 ; mutiny experiences
of, i. 375 ; touchy as to chaff, 369 ;
visit from, in Dublin, i. 369 ; death
of, ii. 344. On the appointment
of an Indian Member to the
Viceroy's Council, ii. 302 ; on the
effect on India of the Phoenix
Park murders; Morley's letter in
reply, i. 178-9 ; on Imperial
expansion, ii. 345-6 ; on Indian
educated revolutionary methods
(circa 1905 and after) , ii. 155 ; on
R. L. Stevenson's writings, i. 375.
Lycidas (Milton), high place of, i. 131.
Lyell, Sir Charles, i. 52, ii. 319.
Lyrical Ballads (Wordsworth and
Coleridge), an epoch-making
volume, i. 16.
Lytham, visit to, i. 293.
Lytham churchyard, Morleys buried
in, ii. 362.
Lyttelton, General Rt. Hon. Sir N.
G., i. 369, 382, ii. 200.
Lyttelton, Lady, i. 382.
Lytton, 2nd Earl of, Letters of, ii.
188 ; Viceroyalty of, his attitude
to, ii. 166, 188, 190.
M'Carthy, — , communication with
Parnell through (1890), i. 260,
262.
Macaulay, Lord, writer-politician, i.
186 ; lack of insight into character
of, i. 118; Morison's monograph
on, i. 11. Essays of, ii. 27; Acton
on, ii. 133 ; on Burke, i. 82 ; on
Clive and on Hastings, excision of,
from Indian text-books advised, ii.
240. Read in a prison, i. 382.
History of, Acton on; style of,
ii. 133. On Halifax, words appli
cable to Balfour, i. 227 ; on Indian
education, i. 181 ; on Ireland's
future, i. 181 ; on Lucretius as
philosopher, ii. 123 ; on Mill's
Liberty, i. 63-4 ; on the Whigs and
Catholic Emancipation, i. 180-1.
Macaulay, Zachary, philanthropic
allies of, i. 150.
Macdonnell, — , attitude of, to

Indian Member of Viceroy's Coun
cil, ii. 298.
Macfadden, Father, of Derrybeg,
ii. 41-2.
Machail's translation of Lucretius
on Death, ii. 124-5.
Machiavelli, Niccolo, as historian,
ii. 134 ; immortality of, with a
bad name, ii. 118; study of Maine
on, i. 290. The Prince, by, new
edition of, Acton's introduction to,
i. 231, 290-1.
Machiavelli (Morley), Romanes Lec
ture (1897), ii. 56 et sqq., 73;
articles on, by Greenwood, ii. 63,
and by Harrison, ii. 70; Harcourt
on, ii. 97 ; praised by Greenwood,
ii. 57-8, and by Stubbs, ii. 66.
Machiavellism of the Jameson Raid,
ii. 85 ; in Kashmir, ii. 191 ; of
Laud's statement on Strafford's
execution, ii. 355 ; present-day
influence of, ii. 57.
Maclean, Chief Justice, at Calcutta,
ii. 270.
Macmillan, Alexander, as publisher
and as friend, i. 34-5 ; on the
Comtists, i. 35.
Macmillan, House of, i. 34.
Mademoiselle la Quintinie (Sand), i.
80.
Madras, Bishop of, on Cruelty to
Animals in Indian Sacrifices, ii. 192.
Magdalen College, Oxford, Morley's
speech at, ii. 310.
Magee College, Londonderry, ii. 40.
Magistrate, the Great, honour due to,
i. 374-5.
Mahomet, ii. 293 ; Carlyle on, ii. 51 ;
in the Positivist Calendar, ii. 297.
Mahometans, and Indian Reforms,
ii. 235, 275, 314, 315, 317, 325.
Visits from, ii. 293-4, 317.
Maine, Sir Henry, attitude of, to
democracy, i. 301 ; as lecturer, i.
275 ; literary style of, i. 291 ; works
of, i. 81. On British rule and the
Indian climate, ii. 262 ; on the
study of Machiavelli, i. 290.
Mainz Psalter, in Althorp Library,
i. 294, 295.
Majuba, "magnanimity" of, ii. 90.
Mallet, Sir Louis, and Cobden,
i. 134-5.
Malwood, Harcourt's home of elec
tion, ii. 94-5 ; contrasted with
Hawarden, ii. 97.

410

INDEX

Man, and Nemesis, lines on, from
Homer and Menander, i. 276.
Man of Action, philosophy of, voiced
by Queen Elizabeth, ii. 114.
"Man-on-the-Spot" argument, as
concerning the Viceroy and other
Indian officials, Morley's strong
opposition to, ii. 242, 263 et sqq,,
266, 296, 309.
Manchester, Gladstone statue at,
ii. 93. Visits to, ii. 74, and
speeches at, ii. 85-7, 93-4.
Manchester School, Chamberlain's
attitude to, i. 162 ; last remnant
of, ii. 78 ; Stephen's support of,
i. 121 ; Tory attitude to, and to
Cobden, i. 135.
Manchester University, Carnegie's
gift to, of the John Morley Chemi
cal Laboratory, ii. 315; Morley
chosen Chancellor for (1908), dis
tinguished predecessors, ii. 103.
Manning, Cardinal, i. 10, 13.
Mansel, Dean, Bampton Lectures
by, i. 8, 13.
Mansfield, Lord, work of, and monu
ment to, i. 375.
Marble Faun (Hawthorne), Mere
dith on, i. 120.
Marcus Aurelius, called the Saint of
Agnosticism, ii. 363 ; philosophy
of, ii. 363-4.
Marjoribanks, Rt. Hon. E., Liberal
Whip (see also Tweedmouth,
Lord), i. 363.
Marlborough House, dinners at, i.
269-70, 295-6, a difficulty con
cerning one, ii. 132.
Marlbro' Street Training School for
mixed system, visit to, i. 385.
Marriage, Irish peasant ideas on,
ii. 36, 37 ; liberty in, Milton's
writings on, i. 62.
"Marseillaise," the, ii. 261.
Marsh, — , American philologist, ii.
102.
Martial Law for India, Morley's
deprecation of (1910), ii. 328.
Martin, C, ii. 76.
Martin, Inspector, murder of, at
Derrybeg, i. 334 et sqq., ii. 41.
Martin, Sir Theodore, at George
Eliot's, i. 371.
Martineau, Dr. James, at 93, ii. 68,
74 ; brilliancy of, as apologist, ii.
128 ; on death, ii. 74 ; Lucretian
views combated by, ii. 128.

Master-vice of Politicians, Gladstone
on, i. 197.
Mathew, Sir J., at Bray, i. 379.
Matterhorn, the, glory of, ii. 234 ;
Stephen on, i. 120.
Maurice, Rev. F. D., Morley's view
on, confirmed by his Life, i. 276-7.
Maxse, Admiral F. A., friend of
Meredith, French sympathies of,
i. 45, 46 ; Morley introduced by,
to Chamberlain, i. 148.
Maynooth College, course at, de
scribed by Bishop of Raphoe, i. 380.
Mayo, 6th Earl of, murder of, ii.
322-3.
Mayr, Pietro, and his conscience, ii.
60.
Mazarin Bible in Althorp Library,
i. 294, 295.
Mazzini, Giuseppe, i. 149, 380; de
scribed by Meredith, i. 79 ; dual
character of, i. 75-6 ; friendship
with, i. 79, 246, ii. 135 ; greatness
of, i. 246 ; ideas of, i. 75, executors
of, i. 76-7 ; influence of, in Eng
land, i. 20, 44 ; maxims of, i. 76 ;
moral genius of, i. 78-9, 359 ;
moral teachings of, i. 76 ; place of,
in history, i. 78 ; on Comtism, i.
72-3.
Meagher, — , as patriot, i. 379.
Measure for Measure, comments on,
i. 287.
Melancholy, Greek, Butcher on, i.
276.
Melbourne, Viscount, i. 144, and
Brougham in 1835, ii. 12.
Memoires, French, Meredith's esti
mate of, i. 43.
Memory, proper kind for a Politician,
ii. 70.
Men of Letters, in English Society,
Irving on, i. 89 ; French definition
of, i. 125.
Menander, philosophy of, ii. 129,
130 ; on Man and Fate, i. 276.
Mensdorff - Pouilly Dietrichstein,
Count A., Austrian Ambassador,
ii. 277.
Mentmore, visits to, i. 202, 267.
Meredith, George, accident to, ii.
138 ; attitude of, to a future life,
i. 51. Characteristics of: Appear
ance, i. 37 ; athleticism, i. 37, 51 ;
conversation, ii. 139 ; habits, i.
37 ; hopefulness, i. 49-50 ; love of
Nature, i. 39-40, 49, 50; person-

INDEX

411

ality, i. 37 ; temperament, i. 41-2.
Contributor to the Fortnightly, i.
86 ; counsels of, i. 38 ; as critic,
i. 42-4 ; friendship as understood
by, i. 42; home of, i. 37, 49, 51,
ii. 139 ; landscape description by,
i. 39 ; Mazzinian sympathies of,
i. 44 ; in old age, i. 49, 51, and in
his prime, i. 36 ; Riband of Order
of Merit taken to, by Lord
Knollys, ii. 139 ; visits to, i. 51,
ii. 139. Literary style of, i. 40-1.
Work of: Novels, i. 39, 44, 148,
characters in, i. 47-8, 49, Re
ception of, i. 45, 48; obscurities
in, i. 40. Poems, i. 40 ; lines to
France, i. 46—7 ; fines on the
Irony of Human Experience, i.
50-1 ; reception of, i. 49 ; sonnet
by, on Journalism quoted, i. 38.
Politics of: Domestic, i. 41.
Foreign, as to France, 45-6, Italy,
44-5. On Chamberlain as "the
man of energy, acting on one idea,"
i. 362 ; on Cotter Morison, i. 11 ;
on English aristocracy, i. 45 ; on
Gladstone and Parnell as speakers,
i. 241; on Goethe's "Das G5tt-
liche," i. 39-40; on Italy, i. 45,
in his novels, i. 44 ; on Mill, i.
54-5; on Morley, i. 84; on
Nature (on his first sight of the
Alps) , i. 44-5 ; on the position of
Women, i. 47-8 ; on his prose
works, i. 48-9.
Meredith, William Maxse, i. 37.
Merry Wives of Windsor, Gladstone
on Falstaff in, i. 228.
Metaphysical puzzles in relation to
the gallows, i. 382.
Metaphysics, False, war on, Huxley
on, i. 104-5.
Methodists at Oxford, and the Holy
Club, i. 11.
Metternich, Prince, ii. 238.
Mezieres, — , meeting with, i. 303.
Michelangelo, i. 82; "Penseroso"
statue of, i. 50.
Mid- Victorian Age, spirit of, i. 14,
et sqq.
Middle-class Education, Arnold on,
basis of his dictum, i. 129-30.
Middlemarch (George Eliot), i. 122.
Midleton, 9th Viscount (Brodrick,
q.v.), challenge by, to Ministers,
during debate on Veto Bill, ii.
352; and Indian Military Ad

ministration, ii. 311 ; speech by,
on Indian Reforms Bill, ii. 298 ;
suggested as Secretary of State
for India, ii. 324.
Mill, James, philanthropic allies of,
i. 150 ; and the Veto of the Peers,
i. 198.
Mill, John Stuart, i. 71, 72, 83,
ii. 139 ; attitude of, to field sports,
i. 59 ; attitude to human ills, i.
58-9; biography of, by Bain, i.
283 ; called Saint of Rationalism,
ii. 363 ; case of, against a good
despot, ii. 49. Characteristics of:
Appearance and manner, i. 53,
54-5 ; conversation, i. 54-7, 66-7 ;
humour, i. 54 ; modesty, i. 59-60 ;
personality, i. 53—4 ; sensibility,
i. 55. Counsels of, i. 53 ; dinners
of, Spencer's monologue at, i.
112; doctrines of, polemic against,
i. 13 ; economics of, ii. 188,
impugned by Harcourt, ii. 97 ;
friendship with, i. 52 et sqq.;
Green's attitude to, i. 24; Mani-
cheanism of, i. 108, 123; Mac
millan on, i. 35 ; Morley's last
meeting with, i. 65-7 ; politics of,
i. 61 ; references to, in Dorothy
Fox's Journal, i. 282 ; speech of,
on women's position, i. 65 ; springs
of his actions, i. 57-9 ; death of,
at Avignon, i. 67. Writings of,
aim of, i. 57-8; influence of, i. 81,
84, 121, 123-4, 169; On Liberty,
wide effect of, i. 60 et sqq.; post
humous essay by, on Theism, i.
106-9, 123; style of, i. 119;
Subjection of Women, i. 47. On an
article by Morley, i. 52 ; on
Cairnes, i. 86 ; on the claims of
labour, i. 289 ; on compromise, i.
100 ; on Condorcet's Life of Turgot,
i. 57 ; on the future of mankind
as endangered by ignorance, i. 56 ;
on the future of thought, i. 58 ;
on Goethe's moral character, i. 66 ;
on the Irish Land Question, i.
170-1 ; on socialism, i. 60 ; on
the stimulus of business habits to
literary activity, i. 125 ; on Words
worth, i. 126.
Mill, Mrs. J. S„ Carlyle on, i. 63;
influence of, on On Liberty, i. 63 ;
death of, i. 52.
Millais, Sir J. E., portrait by, of
Gladstone, i. 279.

412

INDEX

Millet, Jean Francois, art of, i. 371.
Milner, Viscount, ii. 313 ; and the
Bloemfontein Conference, ii. 136—7 ;
Courtney's phrase on, ii. 86 ; sug
gested for Secretary of State for
India (1909), ii. 324.
Milnes, Richard Monckton, see
Houghton, 1st Lord.
Milton, John, pleasure of, in Melan
choly, unshared by Meredith, i.
51 ; a scheme of life taken for life
itself by, in Paradise Lost, ii. 125 ;
writings of, on Liberty and on
Divorce, i. 62.
Ministry, the, reconstruction of,
difficulties of (1895), ii. 11 et sqq.
Minto, Countess of, ii. 261 ; bomb
attack on, in India, ii. 322-3 ;
tribute to, by the present King, ii.
170 ; visit of, to Morley at the
India Office, ii. 222.
Minto, 2nd Earl of (Gilbert Elliott),
Viceroy of India (1806), ii. 239,
264 ; on unity of character, ii. 152.
Minto, 4th Earl of, Viceroy of India,
traditions, training, and experience
of, ii. 150-1, see also Council of the
Viceroy, Indian Reforms, Reform
Dispatch, &c. Alarmist views of
(1907), discussed, ii. 199-200;
attitude of, to the Home Govern
ment, Morley on, ii. 262 et sqq.,
et alibi, see also Correspondence
with, below; bomb attempt on,
and on his wife (1909), ii. 322-3;
character and qualities of, ii. 152 ;
farewells to, at Simla (1910), ii.
337 ; good relations with Morley,
ii. 153, 200, 204-5 ; Morley on, ii.
279-80 ; and Indian foreign policy,
ii. 164, 178-9; plans of, for his
life on retirement, ii. 336 ; por
trait of, gift of, to Morley, ii. 201 ;
reading by, of the King's Proc
lamation to India (1908), in
Durbar, ii. 276, 280 ; resignation of
Fuller accepted by, ii. 184, 186;
telegram of, on Indian Army
administration (1906), ii. 166 ;
tribute to, by Morley (1910), ii.
339-40; Viceregal tour of (1906),
ii. 166; death of (1914), ii. 340.
Correspondence with, ii. 103, 156-
339, 344-6. On the close of his
Viceroyalty (1910), and on the rela
tions between himself and Morley
during its period, ii. 338-9 ; on

Morley's proposal to include an
Indian Member in his Council, ii.
176 ; the proposal made by him
(1907), and its reception in Eng
land, ii. 176-7.
Miserables, Les (Hugo), the Bishop
in, i. 103.
Missionary work, Morley on, i. 105.
Mistakes in politics, causes of, i. 192.
Modern Love (Meredith), i. 40.
Modern Painters (Ruskin), influence
of, i. 16.
Mofussil opinion, influences on, ii.
206.
Molly Maguires of Pennsylvania, ii.
259.
Molony, — , attempted murder of,
ii. 28.
Molossian hounds, Lucretius on,
ii. 126.
Mommsen, T., at Oxford, Pelham
on, i. 274—5 ; on Lucretius as
savant, ii. 118, 123.
Monck, General, Cromwell's con
fidence in, i. 324.
Monde, Le, oil Von s'ennuie
(Pailleron), i. 303.
Monro, — , on fifth book of Lucretius,
ii. 125.
Montaigne, Michel de, ii. 125 ;
Meredith's estimate of, i. 43 ; on
literary style, i. 93 ; on the poor,
and death, ii. 116-17.
Montcalm, Marquis, and the fall of
Quebec, ii. 108.
Montesquieu, — , Bagehot compared
to, i. 87-8; Bentham on, i. 87;
on esprit, i. 304.
Montrose, Freedom of, conferred on
Morley, ii. 138. Independent
minister at, learning of, ii. 75-6.
Political business and speech at
(1897), ii. 76; Spectator on, ii.
76-7.
Montrose Burghs, characteristics of,
ii. 131. Electors of, the Life of
Gladstone dedicated to, ii. 92-3.
Morley's representation of, elec
tions for, and visits to, ii. 47,
90, 131, 162.
Moonlighting, attitude to, of the
Clare priests, ii. 29 ; Morley on,
i. 355, 356, ii. 32.
Moonstone (Collins), ii.^SO.
Moore, Thomas, Letters of, i. 287.
Moors, expulsion of, from Spain, ii.
51.

INDEX

413

Morality in War, non-existent ac
cording to Napoleon I., ii. 55.
Morals, and the Leader of a party,
Gladstone on, i. 259-60.
Moray Firth, cruise in, ii. 103.
Morbid, the, the diarists' risk of,
i. 275.
Morison, James Cotter, German
sympathies of (1870), i. 45, at
Lincoln College, influence of, i. 9
et sqq.; writings of, i. 10, 11, 12;
talk of, i. 10-11 ; popularity of,
i. 11.
Morison, Sir Theodore, ii. 106, 315,
317 ; appointment of, to Morley's
Council, ii. 197-8 ; book by, on
Indian industrial organisation, ii.
198.
Morley, Arnold, as host of Parnell,
i. 240, and the consultation over
Parnell's retirement, i. 258 et sqq.
Morley, Jonathan, father of John
Morley, i. 5.
Morley, Mrs., mother of John
Morley, i. 5.
Morley of Blackburn, Viscountess,
ii. 19, 87, 344; illness of, ii. 305.
Morley, Rt. Hon. John, Viscount
Morley of Blackburn. Birth,
birthplace and parentage, i. 5-6 ;
home-training and early education,
i. 6 ; life at Oxford, i. 7 et sqq.,
search for a profession, tentatives :
teaching, i. 31-2, the bar, i. 32, 81,
journalism, i. 32, and book-
production, i. 34—5. Foreign in
fluences on, i. 68 et sqq. Friends
(see under Names) and teachers, i.
36 et sqq., a tribute to, i. 163.
Honours received by: Chancellor
ship of Manchester University, ii.
103 ; freedom of Montrose, ii.
138 ; honorary degrees from
Universities of Cambridge, ii.
102, Oxford, ii. 101 ; Honorary
Fellowship of All Souls, ii. 103;
Order of Merit, ii. 104; Vis-
countcy, ii. 251-2. Leading Con
temporaries, i. 110 etsqq. Literary
life: Editor of the Fortnightly
Review, i. 85-6, of the English
Men of Letters Series, i. 91-2, of
the Pall Mall Gazette, i. 168-9,
173, 175-6. Literary form sought
by, i. 93. Writings: Articles and
Reviews, i. 74, 323 ; Books (see
Cromwell, Life of Cobden, Life of

Gladstone, Machiavelli, On Com
promise, &c.) , i. 70, 97 ; Essays, i.
99 et sqq. Criticisms on, i. 102-3.
Peerage accepted by, the reason
for it, ii. 251-2. Personages to
whom compared, ii. 322. Political
life: Contests at Blackburn and
Westminster; election for New-
castle-on-Tyne (q.v.), i. 184-9 ;
Extra-parliamentary Arbitration at
Elswick, i. 200 ; presiding over the
Leeds conference (1883), i. 198-9 ;
Parliamentary, in the H. of C,
i. 194 et sqq., dramatic period in,
i. 216 et sqq., length of, i. 193,
period passed in the minority, i.
193, position of, in 1893, i. 356,
in 1894, ii. 317, in 1901, ii. 232 ;
in the H. of L., ii. 251 et sqq.,
ministerial odd jobs undertaken
by, ii. 343—4, preparation by,
for the denunciation of the H. of
L., ii. 320, see also Veto Bill.
Offices and posts held by: Lord
President of H. M. Privy Council,
ii. 343 ; member of the Cabinet
Committee on the Navy, ii. 307 ;
president of Imperial Defence
Committee, ii. 200 et sqq., and of
Sub-Committees ' on Egyptian
military matters, ii. 221 ; presi
dency of Select Committee on
Irish Land, ii. 275 ; Secretary of
State for (a) Ireland 1886, i. 213
et sqq. 1892-5, i. 227, 317 et sqq.,
ii. 45-6; (6) India, 1905-10, ii.
149 et sqq., resignation, ii. 343, see
also Anglo-Russian Agreement,
Harding, correspondence with,
Indian Members of Council, Indian
Reforms, and Minto, correspond
ence with. Seats, see Newcastle-on-
Tyne, and Montrose Burghs. Re
lations of, with: Labour, see Eight
Hours' Day ; Parnell, see under
Parnell. Resolutions made by
(1892), i. 316. Sense of fatigue felt
by, ii. 336. Speaking, growing
dislike for, ii. 189, 233, 310.
Speeches by (see Occasions of, and
Subjects ; see especially Home
Rule, and Veto BiU), i. 240. The
ological opinions challenged on
Tyneside ; Morley's one election
reference to, i. 189, see also
Comtist, Positivist, and Ration
alist. Triple complaint made

414

INDEX

against, ii. 46. Travels of, see
Places visited.
"Morley's murderers," rumour con
cerning, i. 223-4.
Morocco question, the, ii. 344.
Morris, William, i. 303.
Moslem, see Mahometan, above.
Motives in Conquest, graduated
scale of Wrong in accordance
with, ii. 80-1; of Men, Eldon's
query on, and Pitt's reply, i. 195-6.
Motley's History of the Dutch
Republic, ii. 133.
Mountain nature as influencing
Stephen's writing, i. 119-20.
Mountjoy Prison, visit to, i. 382.
Mowbray, — , ii. 102.
"Mugwumps," Roosevelt's attitude
to, ii. 107.
Munzer, — , i. 64.
Murray, Professor Gilbert, a talk
with, on Greek matters, ii. 63 ;
translations by, of Greek poets, i.
287, ii. 129, 130 ; visit from, i. 64.
Murray, Sir George, ii. 71-132.
Murrays, the, ii. 74.
Musee Carnavalet, Paris, visit to, rev
olutionary treasures of, i. 300.
Muslim League, claims of, on Indian
Reforms, ii. 275.
My Prisons (Pellico), influence of,
i. 26.
Myers, Frederic W. H., Fortnightly
articles by, i. 86 ; on Marcus
Aurelius as the Saint of Agnosti
cism, ii. 363.
"Nabochlish," a useful word, ii.
222-3.
Nagpur, and the Indian Congress,
ii. 236.
Nansen, Frith of, ii. 296.
Naples, Prince of, i. 279.
Naples, ii. 65 ; a forsaken visit to,
ii. 113 ; Garibaldi's occupation
of, i. 78.
Napoleon I., i. 186, 301, ii. 64;
hatred of, for ideologues, i. 241 ;
as immorality incarnate, Talley
rand on, i. 76 ; militarism of, i.
24; Wordsworth on, i. 195. On
the absence of morality in war, ii.
55; on consulting the Holy See,
ii. 271 ; on men of letters, i. 90.
Napoleon III., i. 83, 301 ; as agent
of Mazzini's ideas, i. 76 ; and
Cobden's Commercial Treaty, i.

139-40 ; and the Crimean War,
i. 40; coup d'Etat of, i. 87;
Machiavellianism and Quixotism
of, ii. 49 ; Mill's wrath at, i. 55 ;
and the war of 1870, Meredith on,
i. 45-6.
Naseby, ii. 51 ; a day at, with
Wolseley, ii. 49.
Nathan der Weise (Lessing), apo
logue in, i. 43.
Nation, the real dwellings of, ii. 359.
National Council for Ireland, Cham
berlain's project for, i. 206, 208.
National Education, Morley's papers
on, in the Fortnightly, misjudg-
ments of, i. 90.
National Wealth, Bastiat on, i. 138.
Nationalist Party and Liberal Home
Rule plan (1891), Gladstone on, i.
278 ; Morley's resignation feared
by (1892), i. 340; triumph of
(1885), i. 203; writers among,
defects of style of, i. 378-9.
Nationality, principle of, rise of, ii. 55.
Nations, History of, Gladstone en,
ii. 55.
Native Indian Princes, Council of,
question of, ii. 175-6, 215, 225.
Influences on, ii. 206.
Natives, Employment of, Cromer on,
ii. 169.
Natural History Museum, meetings
at, ii. 132.
Natural Representatives of the
human race, Macaulay on, ii.
358.'
Natural Rights, Chamberlain's
speech on, Morley's criticism of, i.
157-8.
Natural Science, reaction of, on
tradition, i. 12, 13, 14 et sqq., 25.
Nature, and Man, oneness of, ii. 65 ;
Euripides on, ii. 129.
Nature of Things (Lucretius) , historic
value of, Goethe on, ii. 128 ;
influence, poetry, and power of, ii.
118-19, unaffected by the Anti-
Lucrece, ii. 121 n.
Naval Discipline and Republicanism,
ii. 137.
Naval Estimates (1894) and the fall
of Gladstone's Government, ii. 3
et sqq.
Navy, Cabinet Committee on, mem
bers of, ii. 307.
Neapolitan corruption and its cure,
Cavour on, ii. 136.

INDEX

415

Necessity, Mill on, i. 60.
Necker and Turgot compared, i. 84.
Negro, problem in U.S.A., ii. 336-7 ;
Slavery, see Slavery.
Nelson, Admiral Lord, hatred of, for
the French, ii. 88 ; victory of, at
the Nile, i. 325.
Neo-Christianity, i. 101.
Neo-Machiavellianism, i. 101.
Neo-Palmerstonians, the, ii. 88-90.
Nepal, Minister of, visit of, to Eng
land (1908), ii. 259.
New Court, lunch with Rothschild
at, ii. 138.
New England, Liberalising movement
in, led by Emerson, i. 21.
New Ideas, Morley's article on,
Mill's praise of, i. 52.
Newcastle-on-Tyne, ii. 138 ; Morley
elected member for (1883), i. 184 ;
seat retained (1885), i. 200;
speeches at (1885), i. 204, 212
(1892), i. 315, 326; re-election of
Morley, political import of, i.
327-8 ; Morley's rejection at
General Election of 1895, ii. 47;
vacancy at, by reason of Morley's
Irish office (1886), i. 215. Ship
owners, Chamberlain's handling
of, i. 154.
New Ireland (Sullivan), false style
of, i. 379.
Newman, Cardinal, as historian, ii.
134; Sermons of, i. 287, 290, 314.
On Mistiness as mother of Wisdom,
and on the safe man, i. 100 ; on
problems before the reflective
mind, i. 18 ; on the tenets of
Liberalism, i. 22.
Newspaper Press, growing influence
of (1868), i. 25.
Niagara Rapids, impression left by,
ii. 108, 234.
Nicholas II. of Russia, Anglo-
Russian entente favoured by, ii. 169.
Nicholson, Sir Arthur, ii. 168 (1906),
ii. 169, 178-9 ; on Algeciras, ii. 169.
Nicholson, Sir W., ii. 200.
Niebuhr, the historian, i. 68.
Nietzsche, — , pessimism of, ii. 120.
Nigra, — , ii. 135.
Nihilism, Russia's difficulty with,
i. 178.
Nile, Battle of the, i. 325.
Nineteenth century gospel of Renun
ciation and Resignation, and that of
Marcus Aurelius, ii. 364.

Nineteenth Century, article in, by
the Bishop of Madras on cruelty
in Animal Sacrifices in India, ii.
192 ; Harrison's article in, on
Machiavellism (1897), ii. 70.
Nobili, i. 105.
Nohant, home of George Sand, i. 80.
Nonconformity, of Chamberlain, i.
156; English, Birrell on, i. 150.
Non-Imperialist majority antici
pated (1905), ii. 142.
Nonsense, attitude to, of a rich
nature, i. 124.
Norfolk, 15th Duke of, i. 294.
Norfolk holiday, of Morley, occupa
tions, visits, excursions, reading
during, i. 271 et sqq.
Norman, • — , Viceroyalty of India,
declined by, ii. 344.
North, Lord, attitude of, to rebels,
i. 178 ; long Prime Ministerhood
of, ii. 71.
Northcote, — , attitude of, to the
Indian Reforms Bill, ii. 300.
Northumbrian Miners and Morley,
i. 159.
Norton, Charles, ii. 107.
Novelists, mid-Victorian, i. 26.
Novum organum of Bacon, edited by
Fowler, ii. 66.
Nuneham, Viscount, see Harcourt,
Rt. Hon. Lewis.
Oban, ii. 65.
O'Brien, W., as patriot, i. 379; in
carceration of, ii. 218.
O'Connell, Daniel, Bulwer's lines on,
i. 247 ; Catholic emancipation
struggle of, i. 246, 248 ; compared
with Canning, i. 387, with Parnell,
and others, i. 246-7 ; relics of, in
Rome, i. 248 ; statesmanship of,
Goldwin Smith on, controverted
by Morley, i. 388 ; statue of, at
Ennis, Parnell's boycotting speech
made below (1880), ii. 31; on
religions, i. 248.
Odyssey, reading in, i. 289.
Oedipus and the Sphinx, by Ingres,
i. 299.
Office, strain of, ii. 168.
O'Hara, Father, scheme of, for im
proving Cottages, Land, etc., suc
cess of, i. 383.
Old Age, Gladstone's feeling on, ii.
68.
Oliver Cromwell (Morlev), ii. 50-1.

416

INDEX

Olmsted, F. L., on the Slave States
on the eve of the Civil War, ii. 106.
On Liberty (Mill), instant effect of,
i. 60, where conceived, i. 61, posi
tion of the book as history and as
literature, i. 62, influence on, of
his wife, i. 63 ; Macaulay's views
on, i. 63-4 ; Ruskin on, i. 64 ;
Tolstoy's words applied to, i. 64^5.
One Man, One Vote principle, re
introduced by Morley, i. 91.
Opinion, difference of, i. 71.
Opium, question, ii. 202-3, debate on
(1906), ii. 172; revenue, Indian
sacrifice of, how balanced (1910),
ii. 330.
Optimism, Stephen's attitude to,
i. 121.
Optimists in Parliament, i. 191-2.
Orakzai tribe, why not taken over,
ii. 243.
Orange faction, at Belfast, turbu
lence of, i. 222-4, 343-4, 378.
Oratore, de (Cicero), ii. 64, 67.
Oratory, Parnell unaffected by, i. 241.
Ordeal, The, of Richard Feverel (Mere
dith), Meredith on, i. 49.
Order of Merit, instituted by King
Edward VII., Morley included
in, ii. 104 ; the other original mem
bers, ii. 104 n.
Orford, Earl of, and Wolterton, i. 282.
Origin of Contemporary France,
Taine's work on, i. 301, ii. 6.
Origin of Species (Darwin), publica
tion of, i. 14, conflict on, at Oxford,
i. 13.
Origines de la France contemporaine
(Taine), i. 301; on Gladstone's
table, ii. 6.
Orkney, ii. 65.
Ornsay, Isle, scenery at, ii. 65.
Orsini, attack of, on Napoleon III.,
i. 55, 185.
Orthodoxy, dissent from, political
uneasiness aroused by, i. 90 ; rela
tions of, with Reason, i. 103.
Osborne, the swearing-in at, of
Gladstone's 1886 Cabinet, i. 215.
Overstrand, summer stay at, i. 271
et sqq.
Overton, — , writings of, i. 9.
Oxford, Bishops of, see Stubbs, and
Wilberforce.
Oxford poems of Arnold, ii. 101.
Oxford University, Chamberlain's
saving at, i. 148 ; Cobden on, i.

136; disputations at (1850-60),
i. 8, 12-13 ; pioneers of progress
from, i. 25 ; politicians from (1859),
i. 12; reaction at (1897), ii. 66;
Morley at, i. 7 et sqq. ; honours
conferred on him by, ii. 101—3 ;
Morley's speech at (1909), ii. 310.
Paget, Sir James, i. 270.
Pailleron, — , meeting with, i. 303.
Paintings at Kilkenny, ii. 34. Mod
ern French, i. 299.
Palermo, visit to, i. 116.
Pall Mall Gazette, edited by Green
wood, i. 168. Morley's editorship
of, i. 168-9, ii. 290, politics of, i.
169, as to Irish affairs, i. 173, 174-
5 ; Stead's position on, i. 169.
Palmerston, Viscount, and the Arrow
war, i. 141 ; Cabinet of, in 1859,
Oxford men in, i. 12 ; and the
Danish War of 1864, ii. 88; and
the Don Pacifico case, i. 140
numerous colleagues of, ii. 7
sincerity of, Cobden on, i. 195
and Turkish reform, i. 279.
Papal Dominions, severance of,
from the Papacy, ii. 55.
Paradise Lost (Milton), a criticism
on, ii. 125.
Paradiso (Dante), i. 17, ii. 134.
Paris, visits to, friends met, and
things seen in, i. 161, 298 et sqq.
Paris Mob, 1848, Lamartine's en
counters with, ii. 122.
Paris Salons, of the 18th and early
19th centuries, i. 89.
Parish Councils Bill, endangered
(1894), ii. 4.
Parker, — , and the Baghdad Rail
way, ii. 345.
Parker, Charles, Peel's papers edited
by, ii. 5.
Parliament (see also Commons and
Lords), common sense in, changes
in, ii. 100. Historic plunge taken
by (1909), as to Indian Reforms,
ii. 291 et sqq. Position of, in regard
to India, Fowler's dispatch on, ii.
244, Morley on, ii. 171, 173, 178-9.
195, 263 et sqq., 278, 299, 308-9.
Parliament Act (1911) (see also Veto
Bill), ii. 347; passing of, ii. 356.
Parliamentary Committee on Indian
affairs adumbrated by Morley, ii.
194—5. Debate, nature and pur
pose of, i. 192. Life, disappoint-

INDEX

417

ments of, Chamberlain on, i. 189 ;
Morley's, beginning of, i. 184,
length of, i. 193, period passed in
opposition, i. 193 ; after the Peace
of Pretoria, ii. 135. Questions of
paramount importance (1884 and
onwards), ii. 346-7 et sqq. Rule,
as opposed to Absolute power,
Cavour on, i. 194 ; preferable to
the best Despotism, Morley on, i.
301 ; preferred to Prussian bureau
cracy, ii. 235. Types, i. 190-2.
Parliamentary Government in the
British Colonies (Todd), i. 208.
Parliamentary Registration [Ireland]
Act, i. 171.
Parnell, Charles Stewart, i. 278,
296 ; attitude of, to the priests, ii.
32, to Spencer, i. 252. Character
and characteristics of, i. 236 et sqq.,
demeanour, variations of, i. 244 ;
greatness of, i. 242, 245-6, in com
parison with other Irish patriots,
i. 246-8 ; insouciance, i. 255 ;
paradox of, i. 243 ; political genius
of, Gladstone on, i. 236 ; relations
with Truth, i. 243—4 ; secretive-
ness, i. 244-5; singleness of aim,
i. 239-40, 247; as speaker, Glad
stone on, i. 241, Meredith's impres
sion of, i. 241 ; strategic insight
of, and its application, i. 248-9 ;
uniqueness of, i. 242. Political
references to: Boycotting speech
of, at Ennis (1880), ii. 31 ; com
mittal of, to Kilmainham, i. 173,
381 ; disapproval by, of the Plan
of Campaign, i. 330 ; efforts to
come to terms with, i. 219 ; at a
famous meeting, i. 240 ; Forster's
opinion of, i. 177 ; as Irish Secre
tary, Morley's suggestion and his
rejoinder, i. 252. As Leader, i.
242 ; divorce proceedings as af
fecting, i. 251 et sqq., 256, action
of the Liberal leaders, i. 257 et sqq.,
296, his attitude in the matter, i.
262-7 ; Morley's Brighton inter
view with, before the divorce case,
i. 251, 272; Morley's share in
consultations on, i. 258 et sqq. ;
reasons possible for his refusal, i.
268; death the solution of the
impasse, i. 267 ; memory of, Irish
Nationalist attitude to (1892),
i. 328, 330. Lieutenants of, op
ponents of Balfour, i. 225; party

gains of (1885), i. 182 ; policy of,
master-keys to, i. 249 ; stages, in
career of, i. 236-7, 249 et sqq., 251
et sqq., 263, 266-7; as "tamer of
wild animals," i. 243 ; true place
of, in politics, i. 243. Relations of,
with Morley, i. 238, 240, 244, 245,
251, 258 et sqq., 268, ii. 320. On
the attitude to him of the clergy,
i. 238, 255 ; on his colleagues, i.
253 ; on the coming divorce case,
as affecting his future, i. 253-4;
on himself, his defects of character,
i. 242, 253, and his tastes, i. 253 ;
on Irish Land Purchase, i. 251-2 ;
on his trust in Morley, i. 267-8.
Parnell Commission as affecting
Parnell's popularity, i. 237-8,
failure of, i. 258 ; Gladstone's
speech on, i. 226.
Parnellite Party, activities of, in the
Commons (1895), ii. 22; aims of
(1885), i. 205; defiance by, of law
(1893), an instance of, i. 345; atti
tude of the lawyers, i. 346 ; majori
ties of (1882), i. 182-3.
Party System, Fox on, ii. 98; Mor
ley's faith in, i. 192, 193 ; steady
ing effect of, ii. 351.
Paruta, ii. 62, 63.
Pascal, Blaise, i. Ill, and the miracle
of the Holy Thorn, i. 106 ; on in
constancy, i. 228.
Pas* and Present (Carlyle), i. 280, 283.
Pater, Walter, i. 49 ; Fortnightly
articles by, i. 86 ; style of, Mere
dith on, ii. 139 ; on literary style,
i. 96.
Pathos, rare in Meredith's work, i. 42.
Patience, mastery of Halifax on, i. 264.
Pattison, Mark, ii. 101 ; essay by,
on English Deism, i. 72; Fort
nightly articles by, i. 86 ; influence
of, i. 7 ; on what it is important
to know of any age, i. 172.
Paul, Father, historian, ii. 134,
duality of, i. 75.
Paul III., Pope, on Belief, Good
Conduct and Errors of Opinion,
i. 71.
Peace, attitude to, of the German
Emperor, ii. 237, 239. Speeches
on, of Cobden and Disraeli, i. 142.
Peacock, Thomas Love, i. 37.
Pearson, — , on Pessimism, i. 379.
Pedant, an unsociable, i. 373.
Peel, Sir Robert, i. 233, ii. 69 ; and

418

INDEX

Catholic Emancipation, i. 246 ;
papers of, publication and recep
tion of, ii. 5 ; on Cobden's elo
quence, i. 136.
Peer Premier, objection to, of a
Liberal group (1895), ii. 16 ; posi
tion of, pros and cons of, ii. 23.
Peers, creation of, to swamp opposi
tion to Bill limiting the Veto of
the H. of L., ii. 348, Archbishop
of Canterbury on the effect of, ii.
354; the King's "natural reluc
tance" to assent to, ii. 350-1.
Peers, ineligible for the Council of
India, ii. 233.
Pelham, — , ii. 102 ; history of
Roman Empire being written by
(1891), i. 275; on literary style
as affected by lecturing, i. 275;
on Mommsen's energies, i. 274-5.
Pellico, Silvio, My Prisons, by, im
mense effect of, i. 26.
"Penseroso," the, of Michelangelo,
Meredith's attitude to, i. 50.
"People of England," the, Sinha's
remark on, at the Indian Council
(1910), ii. 324-5.
Percy, Earl, ii. 180, 183 ; feeling of,
as to Deportation, ii. 316 ; and
Indian Reforms, ii. 209, 307;
Turkophile sympathies of, ii. 245.
Speeches by, on Anglo-Russian
Agreement, ii. 245 ; Indian Bud
get and Press Law, ii. 268; Indian
Reform Bill, ii. 304. Suggested
as Morley's successor at the India
Office, ii. 324. On the Committee
stage of the India Bill (1909), ii.
307 ; on London feeling as to
cause of Indian riots, ii. 215.
Pericles, death of, Plutarch on, ii. 116.
Permanent Officials, Balfour on,
i. 228.
Persia, affairs in (1907), ii. 238,
Minto on, ii. 241-2. Revolution
in, effect of, in India, ii. 154.
Persian Gulf, problems of, ii. 195-
196, 241, 247-8, 344. Sub-Com
mittee of Imperial Defence on,
ii. 247-8, 293.
Personal, the, in Politics, Disraeli on,
ii. 95.
Perthes, Justus, publisher, i. 35.
Peshawar, ii. 201.
Pessimism, polymorphism of, ii.
119-20.
Pessimists in Parliament, i. 192.

Petty, Lord Henry, ii. 71.
Philanthropists, good done by, ii.
172.
Phocion, ii. 103.
Phoenix Park, life in, and visitors
received, i. 368 et sqq. Murders
in, i. 177. Murderers, where exe
cuted, i. 38.
Physical Basis of Life, Huxley's
Fortnightly article on, stir made by,
i. 90.
Physical Science and Political Lead
ers, ii. 97.
Physics and Politics (Bagehot), i. 86.
Physiocrats, the, works of, i. 81.
Pinkerton, the detective, ii. 259.
Pioneer, The, on the "blunder" [of
the Partition of Bengal], ii. 182—3 ;
on the status of the Governor-
General of India, ii. 299.
Pirate, The (Scott), the storm in,
ii. 65.
Pitt, William, ii. 71, and the Act of
Irish Union, Harcourt's attitude
to, ii. 96; and Catholic Emanci
pation, i. 310 ; colleagues of,
conduct of, on his death, ii. 11;
Prime Ministerhood of, length
of, ii. 71 ; resignation of, in 1801,
i. 312; and Shelburne, i. 136;
Slave Trade speech of, famous
quotation in, ii. 99 ; on the mo
tives actuating the majority of
men, i. 195-6.
Pity, Mill's key-word, i. 57.
Place, Francis, philanthropic allies
of, i. 150.
Plaindealer, the, ii. 57.
Plan of Campaign, the, nature of,
i. 330 ; and Coercion, Parnell's
view on, i. 245.
Playground of Europe (Stephen),
charm of, i. 120.
Pliny, line from, i. 115.
Plutarch, on the death of Pericles, ii.
116.
Pobedonostzeff, — , on Liberalism, i.
22-3.
Poetry, defined by poets, i. 95, ii.
119. Learned by Morley, i. 280-1,
282, 283, 284, 287. Of Lucretius
(q.v.), character of, ii. 119.
Police, Irish, reorganisation of, i. 179.
Police protection, as seen in Clare
(1893), ii. 25 et sqq.
Policy, high summits of, Lyall on,
ii. 202.

INDEX

419

Polignac's Anti-Lucrice, Voltaire on,
ii. 121 n.
Polish troubles, i. 138.
Political disquiet, contributory
causes, ii. 226. Life, one of the
True delights of, ii. 22. Party,
roughness and delicacy of, ii. 82.
Prisoners, outcry about (1893),
ii. 30, 32. Prospects, obscurity of,
in general, and in 1893, i. 373-4.
Refugees, England's harbouring
of, ii. 318 ; influence of, i. 20.
Speeches, success of, on what
dependent, ii. 267. Spirit in writ
ing, negation of, i. 387-8. Tem
per defined, i. 31. Theory, Har
court's attitude to, ii. 97.
Political Economy (Mill), i. 61.
Politicians and Historians, difference
between, in the matter of forming
judgments, ii. 190. Lack of sense
of proportion in, ii. 310. Memo
ries of, proper kind, ii. 70. Morley's
method of dealing with, ii. 320.
Sane, Chamberlain's definition of,
i. 157. Two classes of, Morley
on, ii. 247.
Politics, at close of 1908, ii. 287.
Heights of, instability of, ii. 205.
Liberalism in, i. 23—4. And Live
issues, keeping in touch with, i.
271-2. Mid-Victorian, i. 25.
Militarism in, i. 24. Morley on,
ii. 227. The Personal in, Disraeli
en, ii. 95.
Poor, the, Lucretius on, ii. 125. And
Death, Montaigne on, ii. 116-17.
Pope, the, unendableness of, Har
court on, ii. 97, 356.
Port Royal, writings of, i. 85.
Portland Whigs, differences of, from
Fox and Sheridan, an Indian par
allel to, ii. 155.
Positive Philosophy of Comte, see
Comtism.
Positivist, the label under which,
if any, Morley would appear, ii.
297.
Positivists, the, i. 10.
Possession, sense of, in regard to
Crown Colonies, &c, superses
sion of, by sense of Obligation, ii.
79.
Posthumous repute, worth of, Words
worth on, i. 320.
Practical Man distinguished from
Thinker, Mill on, i. 285-6.

Predominance of Parliament over
Indian affairs, Morley's insistence
on, ii. 171, 173, 178-9, 195, 244,
263 et sqq., 278, 299, 308.
"Predominant Partner" speech by
Rosebery, ii. 20, effect of on Cham
berlain, i. 296, on the Irish, ii. 20,
Morley's reply, ii. 21-2.
Presbyterians in the Commons, wrath
of (1908), ii. 249.
Presentation Brothers, schools under,
ii. 40.
Press Law for India, Ibbetson on,
ii. 219 ; proposals on, ii. 231-3.
Press, Liberty of, Morley on, ii. 318.
Pride of Intellect differentiated from
Literary Vanity, ii. 95-6.
Priestley, Dr., i. 149.
Prime Minister, choice of (1895),
Morley on, ii. 11.:
Prime Ministers in order of length
of term of office, ii. 71.
Prince, The (Machiavelli), Acton's
cryptic saying in preface to, i.
231, 290-1 ; and the Jameson
Raid, ii. 85.
Principle, high level of, of Liberal
party, i. 313.
Printers, the great, i. 34.
Prison, comfort in, ii. 41.
Prison Reform, Gladstone and Rus
kin on, i. 292.
Prisoners' reading, i. 382.
Pro-Boers in the Cabinet (1908),
ii. 249 ; in the H. of L., on the
second reading of the South Africa
Bill (1909), ii. 313.
Proclamation of the King-Emperor
to the Princes and Peoples of
India (1908), ii. 276-7, 280, 303,
text, ii. 309 et sqq.
Professional Politicians and patri
cian Whigs, contrast between,
ii. 246-7.
Progress, i. 26 ; not identical with
Plutocracy or Democracy, ii. 109-
10 ; Turgot's idea of, i. 69 ; value
of the idea, i. 29.
Prometheus, story of, as illustration
of Aeschylus's pessimism, ii. 119-
20.
"Prospice" (Browning), philosophy
of, ii. 130.
Prussian Absolutism, Cobden's atti
tude to, i. 138-9. Bad faith, i.
137.
Prynne, William, ii. 51.

420

INDEX

Psalms, authorship of, i. 289.
Psychical Research, Sidgwick's specu
lations on, i. 123.
Public Life, Morley's debt to Burke
in regard to, i. 82 ; the two great
pests of, ii. 321. Money, control
of, and waste of, Morley on, ii.
195, 202, 231, 237, 250. Opinion,
infallibility of, Mill's Liberty, a
war-cry against, i. 64 ; rational,
Cobden's broken reed, i. 141-2 ;
on the Reform of the H. of L.,
ii. 357 ; subtle forces of, ii. 99.
Public Services of the Spencer family,
i. 220.
Public Speaking, change in, ii. 99-
100 ; in India, proposed control
of, ii. 232.
Publisher, the great, status of, i. 34.
Pulpit utterances (1891), in relation
to War, i. 293.
Punjab, the, troubles in (1907),
ii. 211-12.
Puseyites, war against, i. 25.
Pym, John, ii. 320; impeachment
by, of Strafford (1640), ii. 354.
Pytchley Hunt, the, i. 219.
Quackery and Cant, aversion to,
of Minto and of Morley, ii. 153.
Quakers, Voltaire on, i. 282.
Quarterly Review (1867), Deutsch's
article on the Talmud in, i. 90.
Quebec and its associations, ii. 108.
Queen's College, Cork, President of,
interview with, i. 374.
Queenstown mail, deputation on,
ii. 33.
Quintillian, on Sallust's Jugurtha,
ii. 73.
Racine, Meredith's estimate of, i.
43.
Radical, extremism of Chamberlain,
i. 212 ; programme (1885), i.
201 ; watchwords, Hume's addi
tion to, ii. 47.
Radicalism, of Cobden, i. 136.
Radicals, Harcourt on, i. 166 ; keep
ing friends with (1908) , ii. 269.
Raleigh, Sir Walter, on Death, ii. 124.
Ranke, the historian, i. 68.
"Ransom," i. 201, 212.
Raphoe, Dr. O'Donnell, R. C. Bishop
of, illicit distilling quelled by, ii.
29, 43 ; meeting with, ii. 41 ; talk
with, on Irish matters, i. 379-80.

Rationalism, rising current of, i. 13,
14, 15, 17, 25; influence in sup
port, of the Fortnightly, i. 88 ;
Mill called the saint of, ii. 363 ;
protagonists of, and their influence,
ii. 366 ; Sidgwick's expression
of, i. 124.
Rawal Pindi, turbulence at, ii. 213,
215, 231.
Reade, Charles, influence of, i. 26.
Reading, idleness in, i. 373, Butler
on, i. 291.
ReaUpolitik, origin of, i. 101.
Reason versus Rhetoric, ii. 51.
Rebels, attitude to, of George III.,
Lord North, Burke, and Chat
ham, i. 178.
Reciprocity, heresy of, i. 139.
Redistribution, Chamberlain on, i.
166.
Redmond, John, M.P., ii. 21, 22;
attitude of, to the Home Rule
Bill of 1893, i. 362; motion of,
for retention of all the Irish mem
bers, snatch division on, i. 363 ;
talk with, at Dublin Mansion
House dinner, i. 386-7.
Red Tape, virtues of, ii. 198.
Reflections on the French Revolution
(Burke), stir made by, i. 90.
Reform Act (1832), effect of, on the
H. of L., ii. 357.
Reform Circular (Indian Reforms),
ii. 226 ; reception of, at home, ii.
229.
Reform tendency at home as affect
ing Revolutionary tendencies in
India (circa 1905), ii. 150, 156.
Reformation, the, struggles associ
ated with, parallel to, i. 143.
Reforms, how begun, ii. 203, and
how arrested, ii. 212.
Regicides, the, and the decay of
Cant, Carlyle on, ii. 51.
Registration, discussed, i. 294.
Regulations, Indian (affecting De
portation), of: 1818, ii. 215, 307,
318, 327; 1909, the Minto Dis
patch on, ii. 314 ; passage of,
through the Council in White
hall, ii. 316-17, 320-1; proposals
regarding issue of, ii. 316.
Relief Works, in Ireland, political
aspect of, i. 331-2.
Religio Medici (Browne), style of. i.
94.
Religion, negation of, Mill on, i. 67.

INDEX

421

Sole permanent value of, Mill on,
i. 108.
Religion of Humanity, see Comtism.
Religiosity, ii. 75.
Religious Belief, Morley's words on,
reiterated, i. 103—4. Differences,
as influencing Irish appointments,
i. 340-1. Equality, i. 201. Stages
of the Modern World, Arnold on,
i. 130-1. Teaching in Elementary
Schools, debates on (1906 & 1908),
ii. 193, 285. Test, Abolition of,
Morley's vote for, i. 196.
Renaissance, the, Harcourt on, ii. 97.
Renan, Ernest, ii. 366 ; lectures by,
i. 275 ; meeting with, i. 75 ; Mere
dith's estimate of, i. 43 ; visit to,
i. 304-5. On French esprit, i. 304 ;
on fineness of mind, ii. 57 ; on
George Sand's words on Arnold,
i. 127; on the intellectual con
version of this era, i. 71.
Renan, Madame Ernest, visit to
(1892), i. 304.
Rendel, J. Stuart, yachting trip
with, ii. 64-5.
Rents, Irish, Waterford on, ii. 38,
39.
Renunciation and Resignation, gospel
of the 19th century, and that of
Marcus Aurelius, ii. 364.
Reporters, status with, of certain
politicians, Morley's grade, i. 312-
13.
Representative Government, Mor
ley's faith in, unshaken by Irish
Obstructionism, i. 193.
Representative Government (Mill) ,
chapter in, on the Ideally Best
Polity, i. 281 ; reflections on, i.
283.
Repression, or the brake in dealing
with Indian outrages, ii. 256.
Republic, sentiments inspired by the
word, i. 24.
Republicanism and Naval discipline,
ii. 137.
Republics, systems, principles and
methods of, i. 21.
Res Hellenicae, a chat with Gilbert
Murray on, ii. 63.
Reserve and Sensitiveness, Cham
berlain's and Morley's words on,
i. 159-60.
Retrenchment, Hume's advocacy of,
ii. 47.
Reumont, — , reading of, ii. 63.

Reuter, — , on Centralising ten
dencies at the India Office (1908),
ii. 253-4.
Riveries (Rousseau), the fifth, charm
of, i. 120.
Reviews, the, in the 19th century,
i. 85.
Revolutionary doings, French, Irish,
and Indian, Morley on, ii. 186-7.
Leaders, vices and virtues of, i.
244.
Revue des Deux Mondes, Filon's
article in, on Morley, i. 303.
Rhoda Fleming (Meredith), Meredith
on, i. 49.
Ribandmen, in Ireland, i. 171.
Ribot, M., on Egyptian affairs
(1892), i. 302-3.
Rigby, — , faults of, i. 360-1 ; and
the Home Rule Bill of 1893, i.
359 ; on Jessel's rapidity of in
sight, i. 360.
Rights, see Natural Rights.
Ring, The, and the Book (Browning),
intellectual moral of, and dramatic
force, i. 132-3.
Ripon, Marchioness of, death of
(1907), ii. 208.
Ripon, Marquis of, ii. 194 ; attitude
of, to the Indian Press Bill (1908),
ii. 260, to the Indian Meetings
Act, ii. 235, and to Indian Reform,
ii. 207-8, 211.
Risley, Sir H., and Indian Reforms,
ii. 225 ; mental vitality of, ii. 229.
Roadside Ballads (Meredith), i. 40.
"Robbing" men of Belief, two
aspects of, i. 105.
Roberts, Field-Marshal Earl, ii. 151,
311 ; evidence of, before Defence
Committee, ii. 201 ; Indian mili
tary affairs discussed with, ii. 156 ;
and the Jubilee of the Mutiny
campaign, ii. 183 ; a Sunday with,
at Ascot, ii. 188: visit from, be
latedness of Indian views of,
ii. 312-13. On the German Em
peror's ignorance on India, ii.
238 ; on Minto's courage, ii. 323 ;
on rest while under strain, ii. 213.
Rochdale, visit to (1897), ii. 74.
Roebuck, J. A., perverted public
spirit of, i. 153.
Roman Catholicism, conversation on,
with the Bishop of Raphoe, i.
380 ; Oxford exponents of, i. 13 ;
pervasiveness of, i. 384.

422

INDEX

Roman Empire, three historians of,
i. 275.
Rome, Church of, Morley's attitude
to, i. 380, ii. 128, 196; the "real
thing in," Bishop of Raphoe on,
i. 380. Theological, Decline and
Fall of, History of, desired by
Morison, i. 10.
Rome, visit to, audience with King
Umberto, i. 380; talk with the
General of the Jesuits, i. 381, ii.
196.
Roosevelt, Theodore, "Landslide"
victory of, and election as Presi
dent (1904), ii. 106; personality,
and policy of, ii. 106-7, 108 ; talk
on, with King Edward VII., ii.
133; visit to (1904), ii. 106-7,
345 ; on the fatigue of being
President, ii. 168; on quarrelling
with Congress, ii. 171.
Rosebery, Earl of, i. 202, 215, 267,
ii. 3; at Althorp, i. 293^; as
converser, i. 319; as the "dark
horse," i. 318; esprit of, i. 319;
first chairman of L.C.C., i. 318 ; as
UtUrateur, i. 318 ; knowledge of,
of English political history, i.
311-12; "as sportsman, i. 319;
status of, with reporters, i. 312,
313 ; thanks from, for support
at his first Cabinet meeting, ii.
22 ; visit from, in Dublin, ii. 368 ;
visits to, i. 202, 267, 311 et sqq.,
316-18. Political references to:
Foreign Secretaryship of, i. 324 ;
hints by, on withdrawal from
politics, countered by Morley,
i. 313, 315 ; imperialism of, ii.
79; and the Irish Conciliation
Bill, i. 350 ; as Party leader, i.
318 ; prospects of Premiership
of, i. 296-7, 376 ; as Prime Minis
ter, Morley's selection of, ii. 11,
15, his reluctance overcome, ii.
16 ; first Cabinet meeting under,
ii. 22 ; end of his ministry, ii.
47, 81-2. Speeches of, on Indian
Reform, ii. 324; Irish affairs
("predominant partner" speech),
ii. 20-1, Chamberlain on, i. 296;
Veto Bill, the dramatic rejoinder,
ii. 352. On the death of the 'old
H. of L., ii. 357; on Morley, as
" sympathetic," i. 314 ; on Spencer,
i. 317.
Rosencrantz, — , writings of, i. 97.

Rosses, the, stone-strewn land of,
and people in, ii. 43—4.
Rossetti, Dante Gabriel, Fortnightly
articles by, i. 86.
Rothschilds', the, dinners at, ii. 133.
Roundheads, i. 180, and Irish Papists,
i. 181.
Round Table, the, basis of prelimi
nary of, i. 310 ; Harcourt on, i. 297.
Rousseau, J. J., i. 91, 111, 164, influ
ence of, on Cobden, and the Man
chester School, i. 142 ; on the
people, ii. 358.
Rousseau (Morley), i. 97, 164.
Royal Dublin Society, deputation
from, i. 374.
Royal Irish Constabulary, attend
ance of, at evictions, ii. 45-6 ;
good qualities and appearance of,
ii. 25, 42 ; good speech to, by a
head constable, i. 378 ; members
of, interviews with, ii. 25, 27, 35,
40, 42 ; question of, under Home
Rule, Parnell on, i. 255.
Royal Proclamation to India (1908),
ii. 276-7, 280, 303, text of, ii.
309 et sqq.
Royal Speech at end of session 1906,
Indian reference in, ii. 197.
Ruskin, John, i. 291 ; and the Matter-
horn, i. 120; works of, and influ
ence of, i. 16. On Mill's Liberty,
i. 64 ; on prisons, slavery, and war,
i. 292 ; on resistance to authority,
i. 292 ; on his use of the word
"gods," i. 16-17.
Russell, Sir Charles (Lord Russell
of Killowen), Parnell's thanks to,
i. 238; visit to, i. 315; on Parnell
as likely to impress an English
jury, i. 244.
Russell, T. W., ii. 22 ; effectiveness
of, in Committee on Irish Land
(1893), i. 351.
Russia, change of policy regarding,
ii. 150-1, Indian misgivings on,
ii. 151, see also Anglo-Russian
agreement. Compared with the
British Empire, ii. 79.
Russian methods with Anarchists ;
non-success of, ii. 327-8. Revo
lutionists' befogged ideas of, Irish
parallel to, i. 182.
Russo-British entente favoured by
Nicholas IL, ii. 110, 169.
Russo-French Alliance, enthusiasm
for, at St. Petersburg (1897), ii. 68.

INDEX

423

Russo-Turkish War, Minto's side
in, ii. 151.
St. Anne's Hill, Fox at, ii. 98.
St. Bernard, Life of, by Cotter
Morison, i. 10.
St. Francis Xavier, i. 105.
St. John's Wood, Spencer's home at,
i. 112.
St. Just, — , Morley compared to, by
Goschen, i. 91.
St. Mary's, Oxford, sermons at,
i. 8, 13.
St. Patrick's, Swift's epitaph at,
i. 275-6.
St. Simonianism, i. 64.
St. Stephen's (Bulwer), lines in, on
O'Connell, i. 247.
Sainte-Beuve, — , literary style of, ii.
63 ; writings of, ii. 139.
Salisbury, 3rd Marquis of, i. 269-70,
ii. 4, 326 ; caustic wit of, a speci
men, i. 376-7 ; status of, with
reporters, i. 312-13 ; as writer,
i. 117. Political references to:
Ministries of (1885), coercion em
ployed by, i. 210-11; fall of, i.
211 ; the Irish vote in relation to,
i. 203; second (1886), i. 225;
third (1895), ii. 47; policy of
(1897), discussed by Gladstone,
ii. 69 ; principles adopted by, on
Indian frontier policy (1898), ii.
243, 246; Guildhall speech of
(1892), i. 302. On the Crimean
War, i. 141 ; on Gladstone as a
great Christian, ii. 93 ; on the
"good-humoured indifference" in
which Peers approached politics
in his day, ii. 358 ; on a graduated
scale of wrong in conquest, ii.
80-1 ; on the Irish Conciliation
Bill, i. 350 ; on Morley's Cromwell,
ii. 52 ; on Morley's Home Rule
speeches, i. 250 ; on the nature of
Ireland's national wound, i. 228 ;
on Parliament in relation to India,
ii. 244 ; on the use of large maps,
ii. 202.
Sallust, readings in, ii. 64, 73, 78.
Salt, Tobacco, and the Opium defi
cit, ii. 330.
Salzburg, a sight of Bismarck at,
i. 161.
Sand, George, i. 48, bust of, at the
Theatre Francais, i. 300; genius
of, a missed meeting with, de

Tocqueville on, i. 80, 81 ; writ
ings of Mill on, i. 66.
Sandhurst, Lord, on Spencer's feel
ings towards Morley, ii. 335.
Sane politicians, Chamberlain on,
i. 157.
Sarajevo murder, the (1914), and its
consequences, i. 296.
Sarpi, — , as writer, i. 291.
Satan, and the Most High, Mill on,
i. 106, 108.
Satow, Sir Ernest, on Anti-Opium
views in China, ii. 202.
Saturday Review, Morley's article in,
on New Ideas, praised by Mill,
i. 52 ; Morley's article in, on
Travailleurs de la Mer, Hugo's
letter on, i. 74.
Scepticism of Lucretius, ii. 119, as
affecting his philosophy of Life,
ii. 120.
Scherer, Edmond, attitude of, to
Democracy, i. 301 ; literary style
of, ii. 63.
Schiller, J. C. F., i. 68 ; Mill on, i.
66 ; and his publisher, i. 34 ;
on Death in Greek Mythology,
ii. 127.
Schnadhorst, F., on the effects of
Parnell's fall on Gladstone, and
on Morley, i. 257.
Scholar Gypsy (Arnold), Tennyson
on, i. 132.
Schopenhauer, A., i. 99 ; the Parerga
of, i. 291.
Science, and Philosophy in the
poems of Lucretius, views on, of
Mommsen, ii. 118, 123, Macaulay,
ii. 123, and Morley, ii. 123-4.
And Religion, conflict between,
Huxley on, i. 104-5.
Scotland, Wade's civilising roads in,
ii. 44.
Scotland Yard, a talk at, with ar
rested Irish leaders (1890), i. 264.
Scott, — , Morley's election agent,
i. 327.
Scott, Sir Walter, Carlyle's doubt of
bis greatness, i. 246 ; storm-
piece by, in The Pirate, ii. 65 ;
and the word "Nabochlish!" ii.
222. On Irish conditions in 1825,
i. 180 ; on Canning's lacks in char
acter, ii. 13 ; on his feelings about
sport, ii. 67 ; on speaking of the
dead, ii. 117 ; on the wigs and wits
of Edinburgh, i. 385.

424

INDEX

Scottish election of 1906, Morley on,
to Minto, ii. 157.
Scottish Land Bill (1907), ii. 227.
Scottish Metaphysicians in society,
i. 89.
Scottish Tour among constituents,
and Montrose speech, ii. 75-7.
Sculpture, modern French, i. 302.
Second bests, Morley on, i. 301.
Secret societies, difficulties in deal
ing with, i. 178. Irish tendency
to form, ii. 43.
Sects, evolution of, i. 57-8.
Sedaine, — . bust of, at the Theatre
Frangais, i. 300.
Sedan, i. 87, 301, 365 ; surrender at,
announced by Stephen, i. 118.
Sedgwick, Adam, polemic of, i. 13.
Selbstdenker, the, of Schopenhauer, i.
291.
Self-governing Colonies and Do
minions, separate policies in, diffi
culties due to, ii. 179, 195.
Senate of the United States, visits
to, ii. 104.
Sentences, Legal, Irish and English,
compared, i. 386.
Serajgunj Schools affair, and Fuller's
resignation, ii. 184.
Serfdom, Russian, abolition of, i. 78.
Serious Call, The (Law), i. 9.
Sermon on the Mount, in relation to
Socialism, i. 290.
Sermons (Newman), i. 287, 290;
passage in, shown to Morley by
Rosebery, i. 314.
Service of Man (Cotter Morison), i.
12.
Settled Land Acts (1881-2), effect
of, on the old Territorial Aristoc
racy, ii. 357.
Seven Lamps of Architecture (Rus
kin), i. 16.
Sevign6, Madame de, and the Musee
Carnavalet, i. 300.
Sexton, W. H., protest of, against
action of authorities in Belfast
(1893), i. 343-4; on Morley's
friendship for Ireland, i. 266 ;
on retention of Irish members,
i. 363.
Shadow, the, of Life, the Talmud on,
ii. 364.
Shakespeare, Carnegie's love for,
ii. 112; religious stage marked
by, i. 130; on Death, ii. 124.
Shakespearean readings and obser

vations, at Overstrand, i. 286,
287, talk over, with Gladstone, i.
288.
Shankhill Road affair, i. 344.
Shaw, — , as possible Irish Chief
Secretary, Chamberlain on, i.
176.
Sheffield, Chamberlain's election fail
ure at, i. 153.
Sheffield meeting, Gladstone's hints
for speeches at, i. 256 ; Morley's
speech at, after Parnell's divorce,
i. 257.
Shelburne, Earl of, accuracy of
Rosebery's knowledge on, i. 311 ;
Free Trade principles of, i. 136.
Shelburne Hotel, meetings at, pre
liminary to Home Rule Bill of
1893, i. 358.
Shelley, Percy Bysshe, i. 20, 37,
exiled life of, i. 371.
Sherman, General, ii. 105.
Shipbuilding at Belfast, i. 222.
Sidgwick, A., ii. 102.
Sidgwick, Henry, battle of, for better
education of women, i. 123 ; char
acteristics and beliefs of, i. 123,
124 ; meeting with, i. 320-1 ;
writings of, i. 124.
Sidmouth, Viscount, ii. 270.
Silesia, seizure of, by Frederick the
Great, ii. 80.
Simla, farewells at, to Minto (1910),
ii. 337.
Simon, Sir J. A., Walthamstow can
didature of, ii. 139.
Sin, and its Penalty, imagery con
nected with, ii. 127.
Sinclair, — , ii. 76.
Sinha, Mr., as Indian member for
Viceroy's Council, ii. 294, 301-2;
The Times on, ii. 303 ; at the Coun
cil table, ii. 334-5.
Six Acts, the, ii. 270.
Skeleton-emblem for Death, Lessing
on, ii. 127.
Skibo, visits to, ii. 137, 272, 314-15,
333, 336.
Slavery, American, Abolition of, i. 20,
ii. 109 ; Lincoln's letter on, to
Greeley, i. 77 ; Gladstone and
Ruskin on, i. 292.
Slave States before the Civil War,
Olmsted's writings on, ii. 106.
Smith, Adam, i. 55, 84, precursor of
Cobden, i. 136, works of, influence
of, i. 81, ii. 127.

INDEX

425

Smith, Goldwin, at Oxford, i. 8;
death of (1910), ii. 334. On the
Irish question ; unhistoric and un
political spirit in, i. 387-8; on
Morley's support of Home Rule,
i. 388.
Smith, Rt. Hon. W. H., i. 269 ; and
Coercion, i. 211.
Smith, Sir F. E., and Indian De
portations, ii. 309, 316.
Smith-Dorrien, General Sir Horace,
ii. 158.
Smoking, reading compared to, i.
373.
Smuts, General Jan, tribute by, to
Campbell-Bannerman, ii. 145.
Sociability, early 19th century, i. 89.
Social feeling, new note in, struck by
Rousseau, i. 98—9.
Social good the aim of Liberalism,
i. 21.
Social Statics (Spencer) , i. 14.
Socialism, Harcourt on, ii. 97. In
ternational, factors of disruption
in, i. 161-2 ; Mill's views on, i.
60, 289 ; and Social Reform, Rose
bery on, urging Morley to become
exponent of, i. 313 ; trend of,
towards Theism, i. 289-90.
Sohrab and Rustum (Arnold), i. 131.
Soldiers, comments on, ii. 194, 207.
Somers, John, i. 233, ii. 100.
Sophocles, lines of, on the Wheel of
Fortune, i. 287.
Soudan affairs, Morley's attitude to,
i. 196, 206.
Source, La, by Ingres, i. 299.
South Africa (see also Union of) ;
prospects in (1906), Broderick's
view on, ii. 193.
South Africa Bill, scene at the second
reading of (1909), ii. 313.
South African policy, divergent views
on, of Asquith and Morley, ii.
132.
Souvenirs (Tocqueville) , bitterness
in, to contemporaries, i. 194-5.
Sou'west Winds, Morley's delight in,
i. 315.
Space, Speculations on, as affecting
Spencer, i. 113-14.
Speaker's Dinners, ii. 133; pre
cedence of, ii. 132.
Speaking, Effective, a secret of,
Gladstone on, i. 197.
Special (Parliamentary) Committee
on Indian Reforms, ii. 280.

Special Supernatural Interposition,
in relation to Social Evolution, i.
107-8.
Specialists in Parliament, i. 192-3.
Spectator, Asquith's journalism for,
i. 375. On freedom of the Press,
ii. 212 ; on Morley's austerity, i.
315 ; on Morley's unique position
(1891), i. 285.
Speeches, most important part of,
ii. 207 ; and Parliamentary gov
ernment, i. 242 ; space given to,
by the Press, men's vogue as meas
ured by, i. 312-13.
Spencer, Countess, ii. 335.
Spencer, 2nd Earl, Admiral, Navy
work of, i. 220.
Spencer, 5th Earl, i. 177, 208, 215,
255, 271, ii. 18, 138, 335-6, 337;
acquaintance made with, i. 219-
20; appreciations of, i. 220-1,
312, ii. 335-6, 337; Chancellor
of Manchester University, ii. 103 ;
compared with Minto, ii. 338 ;
Gladstone on, ii. 70 ; as host, i.
293, 295; as speaker, i. 220, 312;
visit from, i. 271. Political refer
ences to: at the Admiralty (1892),
i. 325, ii. 3 ; Gladstone's intention
to advise, as his successor, ii. 11 ;
place of, among Whig politicians,
ii. 247 ; Rosebery desired by, as
Gladstone's successor, ii. 15 ; Vice-
royalty of, in Ireland, i. 177, 219 ;
and Coercion, i. 179, 219 ; conver
sion of, to Home Rule (1886), i.
219, effect on English ideas, i.
317 ; more critical period than
later, i. 329—30 ; as Morley's col
league, i. 220 ; Parnell's attitude
to, i. 252. On Parnell as the only
leader for the Irish (1890), i. 261 ;
on retention of Irish Members,
i. 295.
Spencer, Herbert, i. 273, ii. 366;
and the Agnostic School, i. 110;
and Carnegie, ii. 110; character
istics of, i. 111-12, 116; at George
Eliot's, i. 371 ; matter and manner
of, in Justice, i. 283 ; philosophy
of, fate of, i. 115; Sidgwick's
criticism of, i. 124 ; wishes as to
his interment, i. 115-16 ; works
by, i. 14, 15, 283; on Comtism,
i. 69; on Death, i. 113.
Spencer, Lady Sarah, ii. 138.
Spirit, Arnold on, i. 129.

426

INDEX

Sport (see also Field Sports), Morley's
sole venture in, ii. 66—7.
Spurgeon, Charles, as preacher, i. 9.
Stael, Madame de, i. 48.
Stanley, Dean A. P., lectures by, on
Ecclesiastical History, i. 8.
Stanzas in Dejection (Shelley), i. 284.
State, the, Ethics as concerning,
ii. 56 et sqq.
State Socialism, Bismarck's conver
sion to, i. 143 ; possible coming of,
to England, i. 143.
States, effect on, of the doctrine of
Evolution, i. 370. Moral rela
tions between, Mazzini on, i. 79.
Statesman and Seer, difference be
tween, illustrated, i. 77.
Stead, William, junior, help of, in
the Life of Gladstone, ii. 91.
Stead, W. T., at HoUoway, i. 209-10 ;
journalistic career, and fate of,
i. 169.
Stedman, — , ii. 183.
Stella, death of, Swift on, ii. 114.
Stephen, Sir James Fitzjames, i. 101 ;
on Mill, i. 55.
Stephen, Leslie (later Sir Leslie),
characteristics of, i. 117 et sqq. ;
Fortnightly articles by, i. 86 ; in
later life, i. 50 ; as literary comrade,
i. 116-17; literary style of, i. 118-
19 ; political views of, i. 121 ;
death of, i. 122. On the American
Civil War, i. 121 ; on the breaking
up of Creeds, i. 19 ; on his friend
ship for Morley, i. 118.
Sterling, John, i. 70-1.
Stevenson, Robert Louis, as writer,
Lyall and Morley on, i. 375-6.
Stewart, Dugald, words of, applied
to Mill, i. 65.
Stewart, Field-Marshal Sir Donald,
i. 215
Stills, illicit, put down by Bishop of
Raphoe, ii. 29, 43.
Stoicism, value of, i. 19.
Stones of Venice (Ruskin), i. 16.
Story, The, of Two Noble Lives, ii. 38.
Strafford, Earl of (17th century),
impeachment, ii. 354, and execu
tion of, ii. 355 ; fitness of, for rule
in Ireland or India, ii. 218, 232 ;
watchword of, ii. 285.
Stratford de Redcliffe, Lord, and
Turkish reform, i. 279.
Strauss, David, writings of, i. 97 ;
on Culture, i. 102.

Strayed Reveller (Arnold), i. 277.
Strome Ferry, ii. 64.
Strozzi, Piero, patriotism of, i. 243.
Stuart regime, Italian influence on,
Harcourt on, IL 97.
Stubbs, Dr. W., Bishop of Oxford,
historian, lectures by, on Mediae
val and Modern History, ii. 63,
66 ; praise by, of Morley's Machia
velli, ii. 66.
Style, contest on, of the Schools,
Pater on, i. 96. English masters
of, Mill on, i. 66.
Stylists, the, defects of, i. 94.
Subjection of Women (Mill), i. 65;
Meredith's interest in, i. 47.
Sublime, the, in Greek classical
writings, Coleridge on, i. 95:
Hebrew sources of, ii. 364.
Sublime, The, and the Beautiful
(Burke), Lessing's translation of,
ii. 126.
Suffragium alienum, regard for, ii.
102-3.
Suicide, rare among men in good
work : exception, i. 372.
Suir River, ii. 35.
Sullivan, A. M., literary style of,
i. 378.
Sully-Prudhomme, — , and his
Lucretianism, ii. 122.
Sumner, Charles, and the American
Civil War, ii. 104.
Sunderland, Morley's welcome at
(1885), i. 201.
Superior Man and his Work, Carnegie
on, ii. 111.
Supplices, lines from, learnt, i. 274.
Surrey days, Musings on, ii. 361
et sqq.
Swadeshi Procession (1909), failure
of, ii. 316.
Swan, Brother, head of Richmond
Street School of Christian Brothers,
i. 383, 384.
Swift, Dean, i. 256, ii. 96 ; epitaph
of, i. 275-6 ; pessimism of, ii. 120 ;
story of, i. 377-8 ; on the death of
Stella, ii. 114; on zeal for truth,
i. 102.
Swinburne, Algernon Charles, as
critic, i. 41 ; Fortnightly articles
by, i. 86 ; idols of, the two, i. 75 ;
as poet, Meredith on, i. 42-3 ;
prose of, i. 41 ; on Arnold's Thyrsis,
i. 131 ; on Hugo as poet, i. 73.
Switzerland, visit to, ii. 229.

INDEX

427

Symbols of Death, in ancient Art,
Lessing on, ii. 127.
Sympathy in Indian Administration,
George V. on, when Prince of
Wales, ii. 170, 171.
Synthetic philosophy, attraction of,
i. 110-11.
Syracuse, visit to, ii. 134.
Tabagie Collegium of Friedrich
Wilhelm of Prussia, i. 151.
Tacitus, on his dignity, i. 208.
Taine, H. A., despondency of, on
France and democracy, i. 301 ;
estimate of, by Morley, i. 301 ;
magnum opus of, i. 301, ii. 6 ; visit
to, i. 300 ; on the human mind and
its flow with events, i. 96.
Talk, irresponsible, mischief done by,
ii. 255.
Talleyrand, Prince, on Napoleon I.,
i. 76.
Talmud, the, Gospel sayings paral
leled in, i. 107 ; on human life, ii.
364.
Taming of the Shrew, at the Theatre
Francais, i. 299.
Tariff Reform, opposition to, in the
north (1910), ii. 326.
Taxation, graduated, i. 201. ;
Taylor, Jeremy, ii. 121.
Temper, cloudless, value of, to a
Politician, ii. 13.
Temple, Sir William, on the death
of an only daughter, ii. 114—15.
Tennyson, Alfred, Lord, i. 75, 371 ;
autograph line written by, for
Chamberlain, ii. 363. Poems of,
i. 14-15 ; line from, suited to
the Political Warrior, ii. 363;
Meredith on, i. 43. On Browning's
lack of the "glory of words," i.
312 ; on doubt, and on Nature's
ravine, i. 90 ; on Lucretius, i. 43,
ii. 122 ; on the meaning of his
early poems, ii. 69.
Texts chosen by Matthew Arnold,
before his death, appositeness of,
i. 290.
Theatre Francais, busts at, i. 298-9 ;
Taming of the Shrew at (1892),
i. 298.
Theism, Mill's bent to, query on,
i. 289. Trend towards, of Social
ism, i. 289-90.
Theological upheaval, Mid-Victorian
period, i. 12, 13, 14 et sqq., 19.

Theology, Arnold's contribution to,
i. 130, 131. German Schools of,
influence of, at Oxford, i. 13.
Thiers, L. A., Chamberlain com
pared with, i. 155 ; and the French
Republic, i. 78 ; on politics as
preferable to literature, i. 186-7 ;
on the serious and the tragic in
Politics, i. 258.
Things that Destroy a Man, Glad
stone on, ii. 72.
Thinkers versus Readers, i. 111.
Thirlwall, Connop, History of, eva
sions in, i. 191.
Thoreau, H. D., and his Walden,
i. 22, ii. 105.
Thornton, — , i. 52.
Three Rings, apologue of, i. 43.
Thucydides as historian, ii. 133—4,
Fowler's estimate of, ii. 66.
Thurlow and Eldon, Lords, differ
ences of, with Canning and Hus-
kisson, an Indian parallel to, ii. 155.
Thus Spake Zarathustra (Nietzsche),
effronteries of, ii. 120.
Thyrsis (Arnold), as classed by
Swinburne, i. 131 ; Tennyson's
praise of, i. 132.
Tibeto-Indian affairs, ii. 239, 241.
Time Spirit, Educating and Stimu
lating force of, i. 152 ; Master and
Mirror of the Youth, i. 30.
Times, The, attitude of, to appoint
ment of Indian Members of Coun
cil and other Reforms, ii. 161, 199,
303-4, 323, 340 ; Morison's letters
in, in reply to Hyndman, ii. 197-8 ;
Morley's contribution to, on Bea-
consfield, ii. 338 ; peerage for
Campbell-Bannerman advocated
by, ii. 247 ; on divergences in the
Liberal Party (1898), ii. 84; on
Indian press comments on Morley's
Arbroath speech, ii. 235, 236, 237 ;
on Morley's Manchester speech
(1899), ii. 87.
Times of India, on the "blunder"
[over the partition of Bengal], ii.
182-3.
Tipperary, ii. 39.
Tirah campaign, ii. 243, 246; cost
of, ii. 253.
Tobacco, and the Indian Budget
(1910), ii. 329.
Tocqueville, A. H. de, publicist-poli
tician, i. 186 ; Beaumont's notice
of, i. 274; bitterness of, to con-

428

INDEX

temporaries, in his Souvenirs, i.
194-5 ; tribute by, to the support
afforded by his wife, ii. 142 ; on
George Sand in 1848, i. 81.
Tokio, Conference at, Indian dele
gate to, restrictions placed on, ii.
163^.
Toleration, growth in, in the Vic
torian age, ii. 366.
Tolstoy, Count Leon, Liberalist doc
trine of, i. 23 ; on differences
between men, i. 64-5.
Tory, attitude to Corn Law Reform,
i. 135. Instinct, not confined to
one class, i. 168-9. Policy for
Ireland (1891), i. 267.
Townshend, Charles, a parallel be
tween, and Balfour, i. 228.
Trade interests in relation to Indian
Budget (1910), ii. 329-30; Tariff
Reform (1910), ii. 326.
Trade Unionists, a talk with, over
a Lock-out (1897), ii. 76.
Trades Committees, Cobden's atti
tude to, i. 142.
Trades Union Acts (1872 & 1875),
value of, i. 143.
Trades Unions, Harrison's defence
of, in the Fortnightly, effect of, i. 90.
Traditional beliefs, Theological and
other, reaction on, of Rationalism
and Natural Science, i. 12, 13, 14 et
sqq., 25.
Tragedy, as envisaged by Spencer,
Huxley on, i. 283.
Transportation, see Deportation.
Transvaal problems of the 'eighties,
i. 196, and later, ii. 56.
Transvaal Republic, raid on, ii.
85; war declared by (1899), ii. 87.
Travailleurs de la Mer (Hugo), Miss
Lawless's Grania compared with,
ii. 44 n. ; Morley's article on,
praised by Hugo, i. 74 ; the storm
in, Meredith on, i. 43—4.
Treasury Economy, how inspired,
ii. 250.
Treaty of Vienna, infringed by
Prussia, i. 137-8.
Tree, Lady, a "swift study," i. 280.
Tree, Sir H. Beerbohm, on being a
"slow study," i. 280.
Treitschke, H. von, on Liberalism,
i. 21 ; on the promiscuous person,
i. 86.
Trevelyan, Sir George Otto, i. 297,
311; and County Franchise, i.

197 ; resignation of, from the
Cabinet of 1886, i. 218.
Trinity College, Dublin, Provost of,
i. 374, 385.
"Triple Alliances" (political and
parliamentary), of Morley, i. 312.
Tristram and Iseult (Arnold), i. 131.
TroUope, Anthony, business habits
of, in novel-writing, i. 125.
Troyon, Constant, cattle-piece by,
in the Louvre, i. 299.
Truth, devotion to, of Sidgwick,
i. 123. Huxley on, i. 105. Posi
tion of, Whately on, i. 100. Ste
phen's attitude to, and words
on, i. 120-1. Zeal for, true nature
of, Swift on, i. 102.
Truth-telling, lack of, in Ireland,
i. 332, some reasons for, i. 333.
Tulla, ii. 25.
Tunstall, C, ii. 68.
Turgot, — , and centralisation of
authority, i. 139 ; idea of, on
progress, i. 69 ; as ideal for Morley,
i. 84 ; key-words of, i. 57 ; Life
of, by Condorcet, Mill's use of, i.
57 ; Morley's article on, i. 82-4,
and Louis Blanc's criticism, i.
83 ; works of, i. 81 ; on the origin
of the greatest evils, i. 377.
Turkey, dismemberment of, ii. 55.
Effect on, of Salisbury's policy
(1897), ii. 69. And Mehemet Ali,
i. 138. Revolutionary movement
in, as affecting Indian opinion, ii.
154.
Turkish Reforms, Freeman and
others on, i. 279.
Turkish sympathies of Minto, ii. 151,
and of Percy, ii. 245.
Turks, the, Tory attitude to (1880),
i. 169.
Tweedmouth, Lord, ii. 16, 132, 142.
Twentieth-century philosophers and
the wisdom of Goethe, ii. 364.
Two Voices, The (Tennyson), and
Evolution, i. 15.
Tyndall, John, i. 112; on Comtism,
i. 69.
Typography, history of, i. 34.
Tyrell, — . i. 369.
Ulster, Farmers in, and Compulsory
Sale of Land, i. 252. Nationalist
M.P.'s sent by, to Parliament of
1885, i. 203. Religious faction in,
i. 341, see also Orangemen.

INDEX

429

Umberto, King of Italy, an audience
of, i. 380.
Uncle Tom's Cabin (Stowe), influ
ence of, i. 26.
Undenominationalism of Carnegie's
foundations, ii. 112.
Union of Agricultural Labourers,
and the County Franchise, i. 197-8.
Union of America, preservation of,
i. 20.
Union of South Africa, anti-Asiatic
ordinances in, Botha on, ii. 214 ;
monument formed by, to Camp
bell-Bannerman, Botha, and Smuts
on, ii. 145, see also South Africa.
Unionist attitude on Parnell's fall,
i. 258 ; division on the Bill for
limiting the Veto of the H. of L.,
ii. 349 ; land purchase measure,
difficulties due to, i. 265.
Unionist, Ministry, rumoured res
ignation of (1905, Nov.), ii. 139;
peers, and the remodelling of the
H. of L., ii. 344, 356-7; satis
faction in Balfour, i. 225.
United Italy, conceived by Mazzini,
i. 75.
United States of America, see
America, United States of.
Universal Suffrage, will-o'-the-wisp
of, i. 197.
Universe, the Dualistic Conception
of, i. 108 ; Gladstone's conception
of, ii. 94.
University College School, London,
Morley at, i. 6.
Unwise, the, two species of, i. 365.
Utrecht, Peace of, Harcourt's in
terest in, ii. 96.
Valois race, Italian influence on,
Harcourt on, ii. 97.
Vane, Sir Henry, on Death and
Dying, ii. 115.
Vanity as engendered by Parlia
mentary life, Bismarck on, i. 194.
Vatican, the, France's quarrel with
(1906), ii. 196.
Vendetta, Irish modification of, ii. 27.
Venetian views on Love of Country,
ii. 61.
Venice, the great printers of, i. 34.
Vernon, — , i. 252.
Verona, Congress of, Chateaubriand
at, i. 186.
Verse quoted on Gladstone's resigna
tion (1894), ii. 6.

Vested Interests and Democracy,
Chamberlain's views on, i. 156.
Vestiges of the Natural History of
Creation (Chambers) , Sedgwick's
attack on, i. 13.
Veto of the H. of L., measure for
limiting (Parliament Act), pro
posals of, origin of, arguments on,
opposition to, i. 198, 199, ii. 343,
347 ; final debate on, ii. 351 et
sqq., Morley's share in, ii. 352-3 ;
government majority for, ii. 356.
Viceregal, assent (India), cases re
quiring, ii. 164-5; life, views on,
of some Viceroys, ii. 188, 190.
Viceroy, Council of, see Council of
the Viceroy. Powers of, control
over, of Parliament, see Predomi
nance of Parliament over Indian
affairs.
Victor Emanuel I., i. 76 ; Cavour's
loyalty to, i. 244.
Victoria, Queen, i. 296. First sight
of (1850), ii. 74. And Gladstone,
(1880), i. 166-7, 215; (1886), i.
211; (1891), i. 277. And the
Gordon affair, Gladstone on, i.
277-8. Letter to, from Morley,
i. 338. Proclamation of, in 1858
on Indian affairs, ii. 155, 161, 303 ;
jubilee of, Royal message on, ii.
276, see also Royal Proclamation.
Death of, public feeling at, ii. 331.
Victoria HaU meeting (1885), i. 202.
Victorian Age, the, prevailing note
in, ii. 365-6.
Victory, the Winged, of Samothrace,
i. 298.
Villari, Professor, on Machiavellism,
ii. 59-61.
ViUemaine, — , i. 275.
Villette (Bronte), Meredith on, i. 119.
Vindication of the Parliament of
1689 (Davis), Duffy's preface
to, i. 378.
Violence and murder, attitude to,
of the Roman Catholic Church
in Ireland, ii. 28.
Virgil, Dryden's translations of,
ii. 121 ; compared with Lucretius,
ii. 118, 123.
Vittoria (Meredith), i. 39; Mazzini
described in, i. 79.
Vocal colour, Gladstone on, ii. 71-2.
Vogue, Vicomte de, conversation of,
i. 303.
Voltaire, bust of, in Theatre Fran-

430

INDEX

pais, i. 300; genius of, common-
sense in, ii. 366; influence of,
Renan's compared with, i. 305 ;
Jowett on, i. 97 ; Morley's book
on, i. 70, 97 ; superficiality of,
Gibbon on, ii. 305. On French
esprit, i. 304 ; on Polignac's Anti-
Lucrece, ii. 121 n. ; on the Quakers,
i. 282.
Wade, General, roads made by, in
Scotland, ii. 44.
Walden (Thoreau), i. 22, ii. 105.
Wales, Prince of (see also Edward
VII.), and the baccarat affair,
i. 274; and Gladstone, i. 278;
as host, i. 269, 296; and Ireland,
i. 278.
Wales, Prince of (see also George V.,
and York, Duke of), ii. 132; and
the Clive affair, ii. 214 ; Scindia's
suggestions, sent to Morley by,
ii. 192. On his stay with Minto in
India (1906), ii. 163; on Minto's
labours, on his own Indian tour,
and on "wider sympathy" in
Indian administrators, ii. 170-1.
Walker, Sir Samuel, Irish Lord
Chancellor, Morley's work with,
in choice of Magistrates, i. 339—40.
Walpole, Horace, and Wolterton,
i. 282 ; writings of, Gladstone's
reading of, ii. 69.
Walpole, Sir Robert, i. 233, 375,
ii. 100, 144 ; Harcourt on, ii. 96 ;
length of his Prime Ministership,
ii. 71.
Walsh, Dr., Archbishop of Dublin,
dinners with, i. 385, ii. 28.
Walthamstow, speech at (1905),
ii. 139.
War, argument vain, when in full
way, ii. 88. Cost of (1908), ii.
253. Essence of, ii. 59. Glad
stone, and Ruskin on, i. 292.
Jingo attitude to, ii. 80. Non-
morality of, Napoleon I. on, ii. 55.
Old Testament, not New, i. 293.
Pulpit relations to, i. 293. The
Worst of, ii. 88.
War-fever, mischief from, Minto
and Morley on, ii. 255.
War Office and Commander-in-Chief
in India, relations between, ii.
164, 165.
Washington, Booker, at Skibo (1910),
ii. 336.

Washington, George, i. 243; short
speeches of, i. 190.
Waterford, Louisa, Marchioness of,
terraces planned by, ii. 38.
Waterford, Marchioness of, on Irish
character, ii. 36-7.
Waterford, Marquis of, character of,
ii. 35, 38 ; visit to, ii. 35 et sqq.
Waterloo, Battle of, i. 186, 301;
European transformation since,
i. 44 ; features of the period after,
up to Sedan, ii. 365 ; Hugo on,
ii. 117 & n.
Watson, Mrs. Spence, ii. 252.
Watson, Spence, i. 327, ii. 138 ; and
the fall of ParneU, i. 257; and
Morley's election for Newcastle,
i. 184 ; averse to postponement
of Home Rule, i. 319-20; Irish
journeys with, ii. 40 et sqq.; Mor
ley's letter to, on his acceptance
of a peerage, ii. 252.
Waugh, — , dialect verses of, i. 4.
Waverley (Scott), epoch-marking vol
umes, i. 16.
Wealth, National, Bastiat on, i. 138.
Shifted centre of, in England,
as affecting the H. of L., ii. 357.
Wealth of Nations (Adam Smith),
wide influence of, ii. 127.
Webster, — , visit to (1897), ii. 76.
Welby Commission on Indian Ex
penditure, Buchanan's dissenting
Report on, ii. 253.
Wellington, Duke of, ii. 71 ; and
Catholic Emancipation, i. 246 ;
a sight of, i. 161, ii. 74; windows
of, broken, i. 141.
Well-meaning people in Parliament,
problems of, i. 192-3.
Welsh Disestablishment, i. 91.
Weltschmerz, ii. 120.
Wesley, John, Fellow of Lincoln
College, i. 7.
West, — , visit from, in Dublin, i. 369.
West Australian aborigines, treat
ment of, letter on, to Chamberlain
(1897), ii. 63.
Westcott, Bishop, on the Seeker
of the Truth, i. 123.
Western Civilisation, Ireland in
relation to, ii. 35.
Westland Row, inspection at, of
R.I.C., i. 378.
Westminster election (1880), lost by
Morley, i. 184.
Westminster Hall, luncheon at, to

INDEX

431

French Naval officers, speeches
at, of Balfour and Morley, ii. 137.
Whately, Archbishop, Life of, i.
377-8 ; on Truth, i. 100.
Wheel of Fortune, Sophocles on, i.
287.
Where Three Empires Meet (Knight),
re-read, ii. 194.
Whig attitude to Chamberlain's
Land Reform programme, i. 202-3.
Whigs, patrician politicians, breed
of, Morley on, ii. 246-7.
Whirlpool (Gissing), ii. 68.
Whitbread, Samuel, M.P., i. 168.
White House, Washington, stay at,
as Roosevelt's guest (1904), ii.
106-7.
Whiteboy crime in Ireland, i. 170,
171.
Whitman, Walt, strolls with, ii. 105 ;
on mugwump writers, ii. 107.
Wicklow HiUs, i. 181.
Wiesbaden, visit to (1910), ii. 336.
WUberforce, Samuel, Bishop of Ox
ford, unction of, i. 8—9.
Wilhelm IL, German Emperor, i.
279. Gossip on (1907), ii. 238.
Meetings with, and observations
on: 1891, i. 272-3; 1907, Talk
with, on Indian affairs and on the
Baghdad Railway, ii. 237-8; 1911,
Talk with, on the Crown Prince's
Indian tour, and on a book by
Boyd Carpenter, ii. 344-5.
Wilhelm Meister (Goethe), i. 66.
Wimbledon, Morley's house at, the
Guicowar's visit to, ii. 187.
Windham, W., generous weakness
of, i. 193.
Windsor, visits to, and State Banquet
at, ii. 138, 201, 213, 284, 320.
Wisbech election (1891), Gladstone's
deduction from, i. 277.
Wiseman, Cardinal, at Oxford, i. 13.
Wishing Gate, Wordsworth's Sage
at, i. 320.
Wit of Charles II., and of Rosebery,
i. 319.
Wolfe, General, i. 375; at Quebec,
ii. 108.
Wolseley, Field-Marshal Viscount,
i. 371, ii. 33 ; in charge of forces
in Ireland (1892), i. 341-2; a
day with, at Naseby, ii. 49; visit
of, to Carlyle, ii. 49; on Oliver
Cromwell, ii. 49-50.

Wolterton, drive to, i. 282.
Women, attitude to, of Meredith,
i. 47-8. Education of, changes
in, i. 89; Sidgwick's battle for,
i. 123. Position of, Mill's writ
ings and speeches on, i. 65. Spen
cer's argument on, in Justice, i.
283.
Wordsworth, WUliam, Arnold on,
i. 126, 131 ; characteristics of,
i. 371, Stephen on, i. 120; Mill
on, i. 67. Poems of, ii. 75, 320;
readings of, i. 291, 377. On the
business of the elements, i. 39 ;
on "hollow words of States, on
truth and justice," ii. 93 ; on men
tioning contemporaries in writing,
i. 195; on "minute obeisances of
tenderness," i. 41 ; on posthumous
repute, i. 320.
Work, Hard, the hardest kind of,
ii. 333. Ministerial, Gladstone on,
ii. 295.
Wright, W. Aldis, on excisions from
Indian text-books, ii. 240.
Writers, classification of, by Scho
penhauer, i. 291. Influence of,
on Politics, academic character
of, i. 188. Turned politicians, i.
"185-7.Xerxes, i. 58.
Yarrow left Unvisited (Wordsworth),
i. 377.
York, Archbishop of (Dr. Lang),
maiden speech of, in the H. of
L., ii. 324.
York, H.R.H. the Duke of (see also
George V., & Wales, Prince of),
ii. 21.
York, visit to (1892), i. 316.
York Minster, sermon at, i. 316 ;
towers of, i. 316.
Young, Arthur, i. 179 ; travels of,
in France on the eve of the Revo
lution, ii. 106; on Ireland in his
day, i. 332-3.
Young Ireland Society, attitude of,
to Morley and ParneU, ii. 31-2.
Zadig, illustration from, i. 201.
Zincke, Rev. F. Barham, on the
absence of Progress in Hodge
and the Fellah, i. 27-9 & n.
Zwinglians, the, i. 64.

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