YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY HISTORY CONQUEST OF PERU. VOL. II. S 'iT.l .ID ffil io ¦&:¦ M IL./Sv ©iICA U.TKAI'T IN Tt3E :->. ,C R.1 STY OF THE SAliTA_ _\RiA MACOA1 A l' \ AJ- .AX> O LID HISTORY CONQUEST OF PERU, WITH A PRELIMINARY VIEW OF THE CIVILIZATION OF THE INCAS. BY WILLIAM H. PRESCOTT, CORRESPONDING MEMBER OF THE FRENCH INSTITUTE J OF THE ROYAL ACADEMY OF HISTORY AT MADRID, ETC. 'Congestae curaulantur opes, orbisque rapinas Accipit." Claudian, In Ruf,, lib. i.j v. 194. 'So color de religion Van a buscar plata y oro Del encubierto tesoro." Lope de Vega, El Nuevo Mundo, Jorn. I. IN TWO VOLUMES. VOLUME IL NEW YORK: HARPER AND BROTHERS, 82 CLIFF STREET. M DCCC XLVII. Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 18-17, by William H. Prescott, in the Clerk's Office of the District Court for the District of Massachusetts. CONTENTS VOLUME SECOND BOOK III. CONQUEST OF PERU. — CONTINUED. CHAPTER IX. New Inca crowned. — Municipal Regulations. — Terrible March of Alvarado. — Interview with Pizarro. — Foundation of Lima. — Hernando Pizarro reaches Spain. — Sensation at Court. — Feuds of Almagro and the Pizarros ......... Inca Manco crowned ........ Spanish Government in Cuzco . . . . Christian Churches founded ... Labors of the Missionaries ....... Sharp Encounters with the Natives ..... Landing of Pedro de Alvarado ... . . His March to Quito ........ Terrible Passage of the Puertos Nevados Sufferings from Cold and Starvation Eruption of Cotopaxi . ...... Alvarado reaches the Table-land Benalcazar's Expedition . Almagro's Pursuit Agreement between Alvarado and Pizarro at Xauxa His Meeting with Alvarado Site for a new Capital Foundation of Lima Almagro goes to Cuzco Hernando Pizarro sent to Spain Air, Pu;a 3 4 57 89 10 11 12 13 141"> 16 17IS 20 01 23 242526 i CONTENTS. Admitted to an Audience by the Emperor Royal Grants to the Conquerors Sensation produced by his Accounts Returns with a large Armament His Sufferings at Nombre de Dios Elation of Almagro Difficulty between him and Pizarro Reconciliation effected Singular Compact Almagro's Expedition to Chili Pizarro embellishes his Capital His tranquil Occupations Paga 27282930 31 32 33343536 37 38 CHAPTER X. Escape of the Inca. — Return of Hernando Pizarro. — Rising of the Peruvians. — Siege and Burning of Cuz co. — Distresses of the Spaniards. — Storming of the Fortress. — Pizarro's Dismay. — The Inca raises the Siege ...... ... Condition of the conquered Country Inca Manco ..... Conspiracy of the Peruvians Escape and Recapture of the Inca Kindly treated by Hernando Pizarro The Inca's final Escape . Hotly pursued by Juan Pizarro Defeated on the Yucav . Juan Pizarro entangled in the Mountains Summoned back to Cuzco The Indians besiege it Anxiety of the Spaniards Firing of the City Terrible Conflagration Perilous Condition of the Spaniards Desperate Combats Distress of the Besieged Their resolute Determination . Furious Sallv Discipline of the Natives Terrible Slaughter of them 39 40414243 444546 47 4648 49 50 5152 5355 56 58 59 60 61 CONTENTS. vii Page The Spaniards storm the Citadel 63 Death of Juan Pizarro 64 Heroism of an Inca Noble 65 The Fortress taken 66 Scarcity of Provisions ........ 67 Reinforcements cut off ...... 68 Consternation of the Spaniards ...... 69 Pizarro seeks Supplies from the North .... 70 The Inca withdraws his Forces ...... 71 Chivalrous Encounters 72 Attempt to seize the Inca .73 Attack on his Quarters at Tambo 74 The Spaniards compelled to retreat .75 Biographical Notice of Pedro Pizarro 76 Notice of Montesinos . . . .78 BOOK IV. CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. CHAPTER I. Almagro's March to Chili. — Sufferings of the Troops. — He returns and seizes Cuzco. — Action of Abancay. — Gaspar de Espinosa. — Almagro leaves Cuzco. — Ne gotiations with Pizarro .... .83 Almagro sets out for Chili .83 Wild Scenery of the Andes ..... Numbers perish of Cold and Famine .... Horrible Sufferings of his Army Cruelty towards his Indian Allies .... Overtaken by Rodrigo de Orgonez . Receives bad Tidings from the South . Returns by the Desert of Atacama . Many perish among the Sands ... Arrives near Cuzco ..... Battle with the Inca's Troops Claims Jurisdiction over Cuzco Takes Possession of the Place ¦ . 93 84 84 858687888989 90 91 92 in CONTENTS. Captures Hernando and Gonzalo Pizarro ¦ Orgonez advises their Death Marches against Alonso de Alvarado Battle of Abancay .... Almago defeats and takes him Prisoner • Returns to Cuzco .... Pizarro greatly alarmed • Sends Espinosa to negotiate Death of his Emissary .... Critical Situation of the Brothers Pizarro Almagro leaves Cuzco for the Coast Stormy Conference with Francis Pizarro Bitter Feelings of Almagro Politic Concessions of Pizarro Treaty concluded between them Hernando set at Liberty Pago 9495 95 96 97 97 98 99 100102 103104105106 106107 CHAPTER II. First Civil War. — Almagro retreats to Cuzco. — Battle of Las Salinas. — Cruelty of the Conquerors. — Trial and Execution of Almagro. — His Character . Pizarro prepares for War ....... Perfidiously breaks the Treaty Almagro disabled by Illness He retreats to Cuzco Orgonez takes Command of the Forces Hernando Pizarro marches against him Composition of the Army . His Order of Battle Attacks Orgonez Bloody Battle of Las Salinas . Heroism and Death of Orgofiez Rout of the Army . Almagro taken Prisoner Assassination of Pedro de Lerma Hernando occupies Cuzco Illness and Distress of Almagro He is brought to Trial Sentenced to Death Earnestly sues for Life 108 108 109110110 111 112113 114 115 116 117118 119 120 121 122 123 124 125 CONTENTS. Appoints his Son his Successor Is strangled in Prison .... His Character .... His free and liberal Temper Unfortunate Connection with Pizarro ix Page 126 127 128129130 CHAPTER III. Pizarro revisits Cuzco. — Hernando returns to Castile. — His long Imprisonment. — Commissioner sent to Peru. — Hostilities with the Inca. — Pizarro's active Administration. — Gonzalo Pizarro .... 132 Pizarro marches towards Cuzco . . . . . . 132 Learns Almagro's Death ....... 133 His own Agency in it ... 134 His arrogant Conduct . . . . . . . .135 Gross Partiality to his Family .... . 136 Hernando returns with much Gold to Spain . . . .137 His Warning to his Brother ...... 138 Coldly received at Court ... 139 Is thrown into Prison ...... 140 Detained there for many Years ...... 141 His Character 142 Disorderly State of Peru . . . . 143 Commissioner sent out by the Crown .... 144 Vaca de Castro arrives in Peru ... 145 War with the Inca Manco ...... 146 Cruelty of Pizarro to one of his Wives ... 147 Pizarro establishes Settlements in Peru . . 148 His Journey to Lima . 149 His efficient Administration ... 150 Gonzalo Pizarro sent to Quito . . . . .151 Character of that Chief .152 CHAPTER IV. Gonzalo Pizarro's Expedition. — Passage across the Moun tains. — Discovers the Napo. — Incredible Sufferings. — Orellana sails down the Amazon. — Despair of the Spaniards. — The Survivors return to Quito Expedition to the Land of Cinnamon .... VOL. II. B 153 153 CONTENTS. Gonzalo leads it .... Tempestuous Weather on the March . Forests of enormous Growth Miseries and Sufferings of the Spaniards They arrive on the Borders of the Napo Stupendous Cataract Perilous Passage of the River They construct a Brigantine Orellana takes Command of it They reach the Banks of the Amazon Orellana's wonderful Voyage His subsequent Fate Dismal Situation of the Spaniards Courageous Spirit of Gonzalo Their Return through the Wilderness Frightful Mortality .... Survivors reenter Quito Page 154 155 156 157 158 158 159 160161162 164165 166 167 168 169170 CHAPTER V. The Almagro Faction. — Their Desperate Condition. — Conspiracy against Francisco Pizarro. — Assassination of Pizarro. — Acts of the Conspirators. — Pizarro's Character 171 Pizarro's Policy towards the Men of Chili . . . 172 Their destitute Condition .... . . 173 Pizarro's contemptuous Treatment of them . . 174 Their Disaffection ..... . 175 Conspiracy against Pizarro .... . 176 Betrayed to him ...... . 178 His strange Insensibility ..... . 179 Assaulted in his Palace .... 180 Is deserted by his Friends . . . 181 His Coolness and Intrepidity . . . . 182 His desperate Defence .... . 183 His Death . . 184 Proceedings of the Conspirators ... . 185 Fate of Pizarro's Remains ... . 186 His Family ... . . 188 His Personal Appearance ... . 189 His Liberality ...... .190 CONTENTS. xi Page His Want of Education 191 His Courage and Constancy 192 His inflexible Spirit 194 Compared with Cortes 196 His Treatment of the Indians . .... 197 Want of Religion 198 His Avarice and Ambition 199 Extenuating Circumstances 209 CHAPTER VI Movements of the Conspirators. — Advance of Vaca de Castro. — Proceedings of Almagro. — Progress of the Governor. — The Forces approach each other. — Bloody Plains of Chupas. — Conduct of Vaca de Castro . 201 Arrival of Vaca de Castro . .... 202 Difficulties of his Situation ..... . 203 He assumes the Government .... . 204 Almagro strengthens himself at Lima ..... 205 Massacre of Bishop Valverde ... . 206 His fanatical Character .... 207 Irresolution of Almagro . . . . . 208 Death of Juan de Rada . ... 209 Almagro occupies Cuzco . . . 210 Puts to Death Garcia de Alvarado . . . .211 His energetic Operations ..... .212 He vainly attempts to negotiate ... .213 His Address to his Troops . . . . . 214 Amount of his Forces . . . .215 Marches against Vaca de Castro . . .216 Progress of the Governor ... . 217 His politic Management ... .218 Reaches Lima ........ 219 Musters his Army at Xauxa . . . 220 Declines the Aid of Gonzalo Pizarro . .221 Negotiates with Almagro . . 222 His Terms rejected ... . 223 Occupies the Plains of Chupas . . . 224 Advance of Almagro ... . . 224 The Governor forms in Order of Battle 225 Addresses the Soldiers ... . 226 l CONTENTS. Page Dispositions of Almagro . 227 Francisco de Carbajal . .... . 228 He leads the Royal Army . . . . • 229 . 230 Bravery of Carbajal ...... 231 Night overtakes the Combatants .... . 232 Almagro's Army give way .... 233 His heroic Efforts ...... . 234 He is made Prisoner 235 Number of the Slain ...... . 237 Execution of Almagro ..... 238 . 239 Gonzalo Pizarro at Cuzco ..... 240 Laws for the Government of the Colonies . 241 Wise Conduct of Vaca de Castro 242 CHAPTER VII. Abuses by the Conquerors. — Code for the Colonies. — Great Excitement in Peru. — Blasco Nunez the Vice roy. — His severe Policy. — Opposed by Gonzalo Pi zarro ... 244 Forlorn Condition of the Natives . . . 246 Brutal Conduct of the Conquerors . . . 247 Their riotous Waste .... 248 Remonstrances of Government . . . . 250 Humane Efforts of Las Casas 253 Royal Ordinances 254 Viceroy and Audience for Peru ...... 255 Great Commotion in the Colonies 256 Anxiety of Vaca de Castro ...... 257 Colonists apply to Gonzalo Pizarro ..... 258 Blasco Nunez Vela, the Viceroy ... • 259 He arrives in the New World .... • 260 His high-handed Measures 261 The Country thrown into Consternation . • 262 Gonzalo Pizarro repairs to Cuzco . • • 264 Assumes the Title of Procurator . . ... 265 His ambitious Views . . 266 CONTENTS. xiu CHAPTER VIII. The Viceroy arrives at Lima. — Gonzalo Pizarro marches from Cuzco. — Death of the Inca Manco. — Rash Con duct of the Viceroy. — Seized and deposed by the Au dience. — Gonzalo proclaimed Governor of Peru . 267 Blasco Nunez, the Viceroy, enters Lima .... 268 His impolitic Behaviour . 269 Discontent of the Colonists 269 Gonzalo Pizarro assembles an Army ..... 270 Marches from Cuzco . . . . .271 Death of the Inca Manco 272 Hesitation of Gonzalo Pizarro .... 273 Reassured by popular Favor . 274 Suspicious Temper of the Viceroy ... . 275 He confines Vaca de Castro 275 He prepares for War ....... 276 Audience arrive at Lima ....... 277 Disapprove the Viceroy's Proceedings . . . 278 Murder of Suarez de Carbajal 279 Rash Design of the Viceroy . . . 280 Thwarted by the Audience . . .... 281 Made Prisoner in his Palace .... 282 Sent back to Spain . 283 Gonzalo Pizarro claims the Government . . . 284 Cruelties of Carbajal ........ 285 Audience grant Pizarro's Demands ..... 286 His triumphant Entry into Lima . . 287 Proclaimed Governor . ... 288 Rejoicings of the People ..... . 288 CHAPTER IX. Measures of Gonzalo Pizarro. — Escape of Vaca de Cas tro. — Reappearance of the Viceroy. — His disastrous Retreat. — Defeat and Death of the Viceroy. — Gon zalo Pizarro Lord of Peru ... . 289 Gonzalo Pizarro establishes his Authority . 290 Vaca de Castro escapes to Spain . . 291 Is there thrown into Confinement . 292 iv CONTENTS. The Viceroy Blasco Nunez set on Shore Musters a Force at San Miguel . Gonzalo marches against him Surprises him by Night Pursues him across the Mountains Terrible Sufferings of the Armies Disaffection among the Viceroy's Followers He puts several Cavaliers to Death Enters Quito .... Driven onward to Popayan Reinforced by Benalcazar Stratagem of Pizarro Blasco Nunez approaches Quito Attempts to surprise Gonzalo Pizarro Determines to give him Battle Addresses his Troops Inferiority of his Forces Battle of Anaquito The Viceroy defeated Slain on the Field Great Slaughter of his Troops Character of Blasco Nuiiez Difficulty of his Position Moderation of Gonzalo Pizarro His Triumphant Progress to Lima Undisputed Master of Peru Carbajal's Pursuit of Centeno He works the Mines of Potosi . State assumed by Pizarro Urged to shake off his Allegiance His Hesitation .... Critical Notices of Herrera and Gomara Life and Writings of Oviedo And of Cieza de Leon Page 293294295 296297298 299 300 301 302303 304 305306 307 308 309310 311 312 313315 316 317318319 320321 322323 324 325 327328 CONTENTS. xv BOOK V. SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. CHAPTER I. FaS Great Sensation in Spain. — Pedro de la Gasca. — His Early Life. — His Mission to Peru. — His Politic Conduct. — His Offers to Pizarro. — Gains the Fleet 333 Consternation produced in Spain Embarrassments of the Government . Conciliatory Measure adopted Pedro de la Gasca Account of his early Life Selected for the Peruvian Mission Receives the Injunctions of Government Demands unlimited Powers Granted by the Emperor Refuses a Bishopric . . . . . Sails from San Lucar .... State of Things in Peru Gasca arrives at Nombre de Dios . His plain and unpretending Demeanour He gains over Mexia .... Cautious Reception of him by Hinojosa He distributes Letters through the Country Communicates with Gonzalo Pizarro . His Letters to him and Cepeda He is detained at Panama . Refuses to employ violent Measures Secret Anxiety of Pizarro He sends Aldana to Spain Interview of Aldana with Gasca He embraces the Royal Cause Hinojosa surrenders the Fleet to Gasca Gasca's temperate Policy succeeds 334 335336 337 338340 341342343345 316 317348 349350351352 353 354 355356 357358301361362363 CONTENTS. CHAPTER II. Page Gasca assembles his Forces. — Defection of Gonzalo Pi zarro's Followers. — He musters his Levies. — Agita tion in Lima. — He abandons the City. — Gasca sails from Panama. — Bloody Battle of Huarina 364 Gasca seeks Supplies of Men and Money Aldana sent with a Squadron to Lima Influence of Gasca's Proclamations Change of Sentiment in the Country Letter of Gasca to Pizarro . Different Views of Carbajal and Cepeda Centeno seizes Cuzco for the Crown Gonzalo's active Measures Splendid Equipment of his Army He becomes suspicious and violent . Solemn Farce of Cepeda Aldana arrives off Lima .... Gonzalo's Followers desert to him Perplexity of that Chief He marches out of Lima Tempestuous Voyage of Gasca He lands at Tumbez . Encamps at Xauxa Gonzalo resolves to retire to Chili Centeno intercepts him . Pizarro advances to Lake Titicaca The two Armies approach Huarina Inferiority of the rebel Army Carbajal's Arquebusiers .... Battle of Huarina .... Centeno's Cavalry bear down all before them Critical Situation of Pizarro Carbajal's Musketeers retrieve the Day Decisive Victory of the Rebels Great Loss on both Sides Escape of Centeno .... Gonzalo Pizarro enters Cuzco in Triumph 364 365 366366367 368 369 370371 372374375 377378 379 380 381382383 384385 3863S7 388 3S9 390 391 392 394 395 396397 CONTENTS. xvh CHAPTER III. Page Dismay in Gasca's Camp. — His Winter Quarters. — Re sumes his March. — Crosses the Apurimac. — Pizarro's Conduct in Cuzco. — He encamps near the City.- — Rout of Xaquixaguana 399 Consternation in the Royal Camp ... . 399 Energetic Measures of the President .... 400 He marches to Andaguaylas ... . 401 Joined by Valdivia from Chili . . 402 Excellent Condition of Gasca's Troops 403 He sets out for Cuzco . 404 Difficult Passage of the Andes . . . 405 He throws a Bridge over the Apurimac .... 406 Great Hazard in crossing the River ... . 407 Dangerous Ascent of the Sierra 408 He encamps on the Heights .... 409 Gonzalo Pizarro's careless Indifference . . . .410 Wise Counsel of Carbajal ... ... 4 1 1 Rejected by his Commander ... ... 412 Acosta detached to guard the Passes . . .413 Tardy Movements of that Officer 414 Valley of Xaquixaguana . . . . . 415 Selected as a Battle-ground by Pizarro . . . 416 Gonzalo takes up a Position there . . . . 417 Approach of the Royal Army . ... 418 Skirmish on the Heights . . . . 419 The President fears a Night Attack . . 420 The Armies drawn up in Battle-array . . . . 42 1 Chivalrous Bearing of Gonzalo .... . 422 Desertion of Cepeda ... . . 423 His Example followed by others 424 A Panic seizes the rebel Troops . . 425 They break up and disperse . . 426 Pizarro surrenders himself Prisoner . . 427 Sternly received by Gasca 428 Capture of Carbajal . . . 429 Great Booty of the Victors . . . . 430 VOL. II. C xvm CONTENTS. CHAPTER IV. Page Execution of Carbajal. — Gonzalo Pizarro beheaded. — Spoils of Victory. — Wise Reforms by Gasca. — He returns to Spain. — His Death and Character . 433 Sentence passed on the Prisoners 433 Indifference of Carbajal .... . 434 His Execution .... . . 435 . 436 Atrocities committed by him in Peru . 437 His caustic Repartees ..... . 438 His Military Science ..... 439 Execution of Gonzalo Pizarro . 440 His Conduct on the Scaffold .... 441 Confiscation of his Estates .... . 442 His early History ... . . 443 His brilliant Exterior ..... . 444 His Want of Education .... 445 . 446 And of Gonzalo's Officers ... 447 Gasca occupies Cuzco ..... . 447 Gasca's Difficulty in apportioning Rewards . 448 His Letter to the Army . 450 Value of Repartimientos ..... 451 Murmurs of the Soldiery .... . 452 The President goes to Lima .... 453 His Care for the Natives .... . 455 He abolishes Slavery in the Colonies . 456 Introduces wholesome Reforms 457 Tranquillity restored to the Country . 458 He refuses numerous Presents . 460 Embarks for Panama ..... 461 His narrow Escape there . 461 Sails from Nombre de Dios .... 462 Arrives with his Treasure at Seville . 462 Graciously received by the Emperor . 463 Made Bishop of Siguenza .... . 463 His Death ... ... 464 His personal Appearance . 465 Admirable Balance of his Qualities 466 CONTENTS. xix Page His Common Sense . . .... 467 His Rectitude and Moral Courage 468 Concluding Reflections . . . 470 Critical Notice of Zarate . 471 Life and Writings of Fernandez . 472 APPENDIX. ORIGINAL DOCUMENTS. Description of the Inca's Progresses . . 477 Account of the great Peruvian Road . 478 Policy of the Incas in their Conquests 479 Will of Mancio Sierra Lejesema . 482 Interview between Pedrarias and Almagro 484 Contract of Pizarro with Almagro and Luque 486 Capitulation of Pizarro with the Queen 490 Accounts of Atahuallpa's Seizure 497 Personal Habits of Atahuallpa . . 502 Accounts of Atahuallpa's Execution 504 Contract between Pizarro and Almagro . 509 Letter of Almagro the Younger to the Audience . 511 Letter of the Municipality of Arequipa to Charles the Fifth 514 Sentence passed on Gonzalo Pizarro ... 517 ?1 M Si 1 7; .; ^ k 1^ 1 n: r i ^^ ^ 4 ? ^ 1 ^ ^ \<. \ r2 Or 1 ^ BOOK THIRD CONQUEST OF PERU. (CONTINUED.) VOL. II. CONQUEST OF PERU. BOOK III. CONQUEST OF PERU. (continued.) CHAPTER IX. New Inca crowned. — Municipal Regulations. — Terrible March of Alvarado. — Interview with Pizarro. — Foundation of Li ma. — Hernando Pizarro reaches Spain. — Sensation at Court. — Feuds of Almagro and the Pizarros. 1534 — 1535. The first care of the Spanish general, after the division of the booty, was to place Manco on the throne, and to obtain for him the recognition of his countrymen. He, accordingly, presented the young prince to them as their future sovereign, the le gitimate son of Huayna Capac, and the true heir of the Peruvian sceptre. The annunciation was received with enthusiasm by the people, attached to the memory of his illustrious father, and pleased that they were still to have a monarch rule over them of the ancient line of Cuzco. Every thing was done to maintain the illusion ]/' with the Indian population. The ceremonies of a 4 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. coronation were studiously observed. The young prince kept the prescribed fasts and vigils ; and on the appointed day, the nobles and the people, with the whole Spanish soldiery, assembled in the great square of Cuzco to witness the concluding cere mony. Mass was publicly performed by Father Valverde, and the Inca Manco received the fringed diadem of Peru, not from the hand of the high- priest of his nation, but from his Conqueror, Pizarro. The Indian lords then tendered their obeisance in the customary form ; after which the royal notary read aloud the instrument asserting the supremacy of the Castilian Crown, and requiring the homage of all present to its authority. This address was explained by an interpreter, and the ceremony of homage was performed by each one of the parties waving the royal banner of Castile twice or thrice with his hands. Manco then pledged the Spanish commander in a golden goblet of the sparkling chi cha; and, the latter having cordially embraced the new monarch, the trumpets announced the conclu sion of the ceremony.1 But it was not the note of triumph, but of humiliation ; for it proclaimed that the armed foot of the stranger was in the halls of the Peruvian Incas ; that the ceremony of corona tion was a miserable pageant ; that their prince himself was but a puppet in the hands of his Con queror ; and that the glory of the Children of the Sun had departed for ever ! 1 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ramusio, tom. DI. fol. 407. Ch. IX.] NEW INCA CROWNED. 5 Yet the people readily gave in to the illusion, and seemed willing to accept this image of their ancient independence. The accession of the young mon arch was greeted by all the usual fetes and rejoic ings. The mummies of his royal ancestors, with such ornaments as were still left to them, were paraded in the great square. They were attended each by his own numerous retinue, who performed all the menial offices, as if the object of them were alive and could feel their import. Each ghostly form took its seat at the banquet-table — now, alas ! stripped of the magnificent service with which it was wont to blaze at these high festivals — and the guests drank deep to the illustrious dead. Dancing succeeded the carousal, and the festivities, prolonged to a late hour, were continued night after night by the giddy population, as if their conquerors had not been intrenched in the capital ! 2 — What a contrast to the Aztecs in the conquest of Mexico ! Pizarro's next concern was to organize a munici pal government for Cuzco, like those in the cities of the parent country. Two alcaldes were appoint ed, and eight regidores, among which last func tionaries were his brothers Gonzalo and Juan. The oaths of office were administered with great 2 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y todos por orden los sacaban de alii Conq., MS. y los trahian a la ciudad, teniendo " Luego por la manana iba al cada uno su litera, y hombres con enterramiento donde estaban cada su librea, que le trujesen, y ansi uno por orden embalsamados como desta manera todo el servicio y es dicho, y asentados en sus sillas, aderezos como si estubiera vivo." y con mucha veneracion y respeto, Relacion del Primer. Descub., MS, 6 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. solemnity, on the twenty-fourth of March, 1534, in presence both of Spaniards and Peruvians, in the public square ; as if the general were willing by this ceremony to intimate to the latter, that, while they retained the semblance of their ancient institu tions, the real power was henceforth vested in their conquerors.3 He invited Spaniards to settle in the place by liberal grants of land and houses, for which means were afforded by the numerous palaces and public buildings of the Incas ; and many a cavalier, who had been too poor in his own country to find a place to rest in, now saw himself the proprietor of a spacious mansion that might have entertained the retinue of a prince.4 From this time, says an old chronicler, Pizarro, who had hitherto been distin guished by his military title of " Captain-General," was addressed by that of "Governor."5 Both had been bestowed on him by the royal grant. Nor did the chief neglect the interests of religion. Father Valverde, whose nomination as Bishop of 3 Ped. Sancho, Rel., ap. Ra- Real., Parte 1, lib. 7, cap. 9, et musio, tom. HI. fol. 409. — Mon- seq. tesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1534. When a building was of im- — Actto de la fundacion del Cuzco, mense size, as happened with some MS. of the temples and palaces, it was This instrument, which belongs assigned to two or even three of to the collection of Mufioz, records the Conquerors, who each took not only the names of the magis- his share of it. Garcilasso, who trates, but of the vecinos who formed describes the city as it was soon the first population of the Christian after the Conquest, commemorates capital. with sufficient prolixity the names 4 Actto de la fundacion del Cuz- of the cavaliers among whom the co, MS. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. buildings were distributed. y Conq., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. 5 Montesinos, Annales, ano 1534. Ch. IX.] MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS. 7 Cuzco not long afterwards received the Papal sanc tion, prepared to enter on the duties of his office. A place was selected for the cathedral of his dio cese, facing the plaza. A spacious monastery subse quently rose on the ruins of the gorgeous House of the Sun ; its walls were constructed of the ancient stones ; the altar was raised on the spot where shone the bright image of the Peruvian deity, and the cloisters of the Indian temple were trodden by the friars of St. Dominic.6 To make the meta morphosis more complete, the House of the Virgins of the Sun was replaced by a Roman Catholic nun nery.7 Christian churches and monasteries gradual ly supplanted the ancient edifices, and such of the latter as were suffered to remain, despoiled of their heathen insignia, were placed under the protection of the Cross. The Fathers of St. Dominic, the Brethren of the Order of Mercy, and other missionaries, now busied themselves in the good work of conversion. We have seen that Pizarro was required by the Crown to bring out a certain number of these holy men in his own vessels ; and every succeeding vessel brought an additional reinforcement of ecclesiastics. 6 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte tity was all a feint," says Pedro 1, lib. 3, cap. 20; lib. 6, cap. 21. Pizarro, "for they had constant — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, MS. amours with the attendants on the 7 Ulloa, Voyage to S. America, temple." (Descub. y Conq., MS.) book 7, ch. 12. — What is truth? — In statements " The Indian nuns," says the so contradictory, we may accept author of the Relacion del Primer, the most favorable to the Peruvian. Descub., "lived chastely and in The prejudices of the Conquerors a holy manner." — " Their chas- certainly did not lie on that side. 8 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. They were not all like the Bishop of Cuzco, with hearts so seared by fanaticism as to be closed against sympathy with the unfortunate natives.8 They were, many of them, men of singular humili ty, who followed in the track of the conqueror to scatter the seeds of spiritual truth, and, with disin terested zeal, devoted themselves to the propagation of the Gospel. Thus did their pious labors prove them the true soldiers of the Cross, and showed that the object so ostentatiously avowed of carrying its banner among the heathen nations was not an empty vaunt. The effort to Christianize the heathen is an hon orable characteristic of the Spanish conquests. The Puritan, with equal religious zeal, did comparatively little for the conversion of the Indian, content, as it would seem, with having secured to himself the inestimable privilege of worshipping God in his own way. Other adventurers who have occupied the New World have often had too little regard for re ligion themselves, to be very solicitous about spread ing it among the savages. But the Spanish mis sionary, from first to last, has shown a keen interest in the spiritual welfare of the natives. Under his 8 Such, however, it is but fair his countrymen. " Es persona de to Valverde to state, is not the mucho exemplo i Doctrina i con language applied to him by the quien todos los Espafioles an te- rude soldiers of the Conquest. The nido mucho consuelo." (Carta de municipality of Xauxa, in a com- la Just, y Reg. de Xauxa, MS.) munication to the Court, extol the And yet this is not incompatible Dominican as an exemplary and with a high degree of insensibility learned divine, who had afforded to the natural rights of the na- mueh serviceable consolation to tives. Ch. IX.] MUNICIPAL REGULATIONS. 9 auspices, churches on a magnificent scale have been erected, schools for elementary instruction founded, and every rational means taken to spread the knowl edge of religious truth, while he has carried his solitary mission into remote and almost inacces sible regions, or gathered his Indian disciples into communities, like the good Las Casas in Cuma- na, or the Jesuits in California and Paraguay. At all times, the courageous ecclesiastic has been ready to lift his voice against the cruelty of the conqueror, and the no less wasting cupidity of the colonist ; and when his remonstrances, as was too often the case, have proved unavailing, he has still followed to bind up the broken-hearted, to teach the poor Indian resignation under his lot, and light up his dark intellect with the revelation of a holier and happier existence. — In reviewing the blood-stained records of Spanish colonial history, it is but fair, and at the same time cheering, to reflect, that the same nation which sent forth the hard-hearted con queror from its bosom sent forth the missionary to do the work of beneficence, and spread the light of Christian civilization over the farthest regions of the New World. While the governor, as we are henceforth to style him, lay at Cuzco, he received repeated accounts of a considerable force in the neighbourhood, under the command of Atahuallpa's officer, Quizquiz. He accordingly detached Almagro, with a small body of horse and a large Indian force under the Inca Man co, to disperse the enemy, and, if possible, to cap- VOL. II. 2 10 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. ture their leader. Manco was the more ready to take part in the expedition, as the enemy were sol diers of Quito, who, with their commander, bore no good-will to himself. Almagro, moving with his characteristic rapidity, was not long in coming up with the Indian chief tain. Several sharp encounters followed, as the army of Quito fell back on Xauxa, near which a general engagement decided the fate of the war by the total discomfiture of the natives. Quizquiz fled to the elevated plains of Quito, where he still held out with undaunted spirit against a Spanish force in that quarter, till at length his own soldiers, wearied by these long and ineffectual hostilities, massacred their commander in cold blood.9 Thus fell the last of the two great officers of Atahuallpa, who, if their nation had been animated by a spirit equal to their own, might long have successfully main tained their soil against the invader. Some time before this occurrence, the Spanish governor, while in Cuzco, received tidings of an event much more alarming to him than any Indian hostilities. This was the arrival on the coast of a strong Spanish force, under command of Don Pedro de Alvarado, the gallant officer who had served under Cortes with such renown in the war of Mexico. That cavalier, after forming a bril- 9 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y cap. 20. — Ped. Sancho, Rel. , ap. Conq., MS. — Naharro, Relacion Ramusio, tom. in. fol. 408. — Re- Sumaria, MS. — Oviedo, Hist, de Jacion del Primer. Descub., MS. las Indias, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, Ch. IX.] TERRIBLE MARCH OF ALVARADO. 1 ] liant alliance in Spain, to which he was entitled by his birth and military rank, had returned to his gov ernment of Guatemala, where his avarice had been roused by the magnificent reports he daily received of Pizarro's conquests. These conquests, he learn ed, had been confined to Peru ; while the northern kingdom of Quito, the ancient residence of Atahu allpa, and, no doubt, the principal depository of his treasures, yet remained untouched. Affecting to consider this country as falling without the govern or's jurisdiction, he immediately turned a large fleet, which he had intended for the Spice Islands, in the direction of South America; and in March, 1534, he landed in the bay of Caraques, with five hundred followers, of whom half were mounted, and all ad mirably provided with arms and ammunition. It was the best equipped and most formidable array that had yet appeared in the southern seas.10 Although manifestly an invasion of the territory conceded to Pizarro by the Crown, the reckless cavalier determined to march at once on Quito. With the assistance of an Indian guide, he proposed to take the direct route across the mountains, a pas sage of exceeding difficulty, even at the most favor able season. After crossing the Rio Dable, Alvarado's guide deserted him, so that he was soon entangled in the 10 The number is variously re- force amounted to 500, of which ported by historians. But from a 230 were cavalry. — Informacion legal investigation made in Guate- echa en Santiago, Set. 15, 1536, mala, it appears that the whole MS. 12 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. intricate mazes of the sierra ; and, as he rose higher and higher into the regions of winter, he became surrounded with ice and snow, for which his men, taken from the warm countries of Guatemala, were but ill prepared. As the cold grew more intense, many of them were so benumbed, that it was with difficulty they could proceed. The infantry, com pelled to make exertions, fared best. Many of the troopers were frozen stiff in their saddles. The Indians, still more sensible to the cold, perished by hundreds. As the Spaniards huddled round their wretched bivouacs, with such scanty fuel as they could glean, and almost without food, they waited in gloomy silence the approach of morning. Yet the morning light, which gleamed coldly on the cheerless waste, brought no joy to them. It only revealed more clearly the extent of their wretched ness. Still struggling on through the winding Pu ertos Nevados, or Snowy Passes, their track was dismally marked by fragments of dress, broken har ness, golden ornaments, and other valuables plun dered on their march, — by the dead bodies of men, or by those less fortunate, who were left to die alone in the wilderness. As for the horses, their carcasses were not suffered long to cumber the ground, as they were quickly seized and devoured half raw by the starving soldiers, who, like the fam ished condors, now hovering in troops above their heads, greedily banqueted on the most offensive offal to satisfy the gnawings of hunger. Alvarado, anxious to secure the booty which had Ch. IX.] TERRIBLE MARCH OF ALVARADO. 13 fallen into his hands at an earlier part of his march, encouraged every man to take what gold he wanted from the common heap, reserving only the royal fifth. But they only answered, with a ghastly smile of derision, " that food was the only gold for them." Yet in this extremity, which might seem to have dissolved the very ties of nature, there are some affecting instances recorded of self-devotion ; of comrades who lost their lives in assisting others, and of parents and husbands (for some of the cavaliers were accompanied by their wives) who, instead of seeking their own safety, chose to re main and perish in the snows with the objects of their love. To add to their distress, the air was filled for several days with thick clouds of earthy particles and cinders, which blinded the men, and made respiration exceedingly difficult.11 This phenome non, it seems probable, was caused by an erup tion of the distant Cotopaxi, which, about twelve leagues southeast of Quito, rears up its colossal and perfectly symmetrical cone far above the limits of eternal snow, — the most beautiful and the most terrible of the American volcanoes.12 At the time 11 " It began to rain earthy par- Quito." (Com. Real., Parte 2, tides from the heavens," says lib. 2, cap. 2.) Cieza de Leon Oviedo, " that blinded the men and only says from one of the volca- horses, so that the trees and bushes noes in that region. (Cronica, were full of dirt." Hist, de las cap. 41.) Neither of them specify Indias, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. the name. Humboldt accepts the 20. common opinion, that Cotopaxi 12 Garcilasso says the shower of was intended. Researches, I. 123. ashes came from the "volcano of 14 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. of Alvarado's expedition, it was in a state of erup tion, the earliest instance of the kind on record, though doubtless not the earliest.13 Since that pe riod, it has been in frequent commotion, sending up its sheets of flame to the height of half a mile, spouting forth cataracts of lava that have over whelmed towns and villages in their career, and shaking the earth with subterraneous thunders, that, at the distance of more than a hundred leagues, sounded like the reports of artillery ! 14 Alvarado's followers, unacquainted with the cause of the phe nomenon, as they wandered over tracts buried in snow, — the sight of which was strange to them, — in an atmosphere laden with ashes, became be wildered by this confusion of the elements, which Nature seemed to have contrived purposly for their destruction. Some of these men were the soldiers of Cortes, steeled by many a painful march, and many a sharp encounter with the Aztecs. But this war of the elements, they now confessed, was mightier than all. At length, Alvarado, after sufferings, which even the most hardy, probably, could have endured but 13 A popular tradition among M. de Humboldt, (Researches, I. the natives states, that a large frag- 118, et seq.,) and more circum- ment of porphyry near the base of stantially by Condamine. (Voy- the cone was thrown out in an age a l'Equateur, pp. 48-56, eruption, which occurred at the 156-160.) The latter philoso- moment of Atahuallpa's death. — pher would have attempted to scale But such tradition will hardly pass the almost perpendicular walls of for history. the volcano, but no one was hardy 14 A minute account of this enough to second him. formidable mountain is given by Ch. IX.] TERRIBLE MARCH OF ALVARADO. 15 a few days longer, emerged from the Snowy Pass, and came on the elevated table-land, which spreads out, at the height of more than nine thousand feet above the ocean, in the neighbourhood of Riobam ba. But one fourth of his gallant army had been left to feed the condor in the wilderness, besides the greater part, at least two thousand, of his Indian auxiliaries. A great number of his horses, too, had perished ; and the men and horses that escaped were all of them more or less injured by the cold and the extremity of suffering. — Such was the terrible passage of the Puertos Nevados, which I have only briefly noticed as an episode to the Peruvian conquest, but the account of which, in all its details, though it occupied but a few weeks in duration, would give one a better idea of the difficulties encountered by the Spanish cav aliers, than volumes of ordinary narrative.13 As Alvarado, after halting some time to restore his exhausted troops, began his march across the broad plateau, he was astonished by seeing the 15 By far the most spirited and Alvarado, in the letter above thorough record of Alvarado's cited, which is preserved in the march is given by Herrera, who Mufioz collection, explains to the has borrowed the pen of Livy Emperor the grounds of his expe- describing the Alpine march of dition, with no little effrontery. Hannibal. (Hist. General, dec. 5, In this document he touches very lib. 6, cap. 1, 2, 7, 8, 9.) See briefly on the march, being chiefly also Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y occupied by the negotiations with Conq., MS., — Oviedo, Hist, de Almagro, and accompanying his las Indias, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, remarks with many dark sugges- cap. 20, — and Carta de Pedro de tions as to the policy pursued by Alvarado al Emperador, San Mi- the Conquerors. guel, 15 de Enero, 1535, MS. 16 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. prints of horses' hoofs on the soil. Spaniards, then, had been there before him, and, after all his toil and suffering, others had forestalled him in the enter prise against Quito ! It is necessary to say a few words in explanation of this. When Pizarro quitted Caxamalca, being sensible of the growing importance of San Miguel, the only port of entry then in the country, he despatched a person in whom he had great confidence to take charge of it. This person was Sebastian Benalca zar, a cavalier who afterwards placed his name in the first rank of the South American conquerors, for courage, capacity, — and cruelty. But this cavalier had hardly reached his government, when, like Alvarado, he received such accounts of the riches of Quito, that he determined, with the force at his command, though without orders, to undertake its reduction. At the head of about a hundred and forty sol diers, horse and foot, and a stout body of Indian auxiliaries, he marched up the broad range of the Andes, to where it spreads out into the table-land of Quito, by a road safer and more expeditious than that taken by Alvarado. On the plains of Rio bamba, he encountered the Indian general Rumina- vi. Several engagements followed, with doubtful success, when, in the end, science prevailed where courage was well matched, and the victorious Ben alcazar planted the standard of Castile on the an cient towers of Atahuallpa. The city, in honor of his general, Francis Pizarro, he named San Fran- Ch. IX.] TERRIBLE MARCH OF ALVARADO. 17 cisco del Quito. But great was his mortification on finding that either the stories of its riches had been fabricated, or that these riches were secreted by the natives. The city was all that he gained by his victories, — the shell without the pearl of price which gave it its value. While devouring his cha grin, as he best could, the Spanish captain received tidings of the approach of his superior, Almagro.16 No sooner had the news of Alvarado's expedition reached Cuzco, than Almagro left the place with a small force for San Miguel, proposing to strengthen himself by a reinforcement from that quarter, and to march at once against the invaders. Greatly was he astonished, on his arrival in that city, to learn the departure of its commander. Doubting the loyalty of his motives, Almagro, with the buoy ancy of spirit which belongs to youth, though in truth somewhat enfeebled by the infirmities of age, did not hesitate to follow Benalcazar at once across the mountains. With his wonted energy, the intrepid veteran, overcoming all the difficulties of his march, in a few weeks placed himself and his little company on the lofty plains which spread around the Ind ian city of Riobamba ; though in his progress he had more than one hot encounter with the na tives, whose courage and perseverance formed a !6 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y de las Indias, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, Conq., MS.— Herrera, Hist. Ge- cap. 19. — Carta de Benalcazar, neral, dec. 5, lib. 4, cap. 11, 18; MS. lib. 6, cap. 5, 6. — Oviedo, Hist. VOL. II. 3 18 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. contrast sufficiently striking to the apathy of the Peruvians. But the fire only slumbered in the bosom of the Peruvian. His hour had not yet come. At Riobamba, Almagro was soon joined by the commander of San Miguel, who disclaimed, per haps sincerely, any disloyal intent in his unau thorized expedition. Thus reinforced, the Spanish captain coolly awaited the coming of Alvarado. The forces of the latter, though in a less serviceable condition, were much superior in number and ap pointments to those of his rival. As they con fronted each other on the broad plains of Riobamba, it seemed probable that a fierce struggle must im mediately follow, and the natives of the country have the satisfaction to see their wrongs avenged by the very hands that inflicted them. But it was Almagro's policy to avoid such an issue. Negotiations were set on foot, in which each party stated his claims to the country. Meanwhile Alvarado's men mingled freely with their country men in the opposite army, and heard there such magnificent reports of the wealth and wonders of Cuzco, that many of them were inclined to change their present service for that of Pizarro. Their own leader, too, satisfied that Quito held out no recompense worth the sacrifices he had made, and was like to make, by insisting on his claim, became now more sensible of the rashness of a course which must doubtless incur the censure of his sovereign. In this temper, it was not difficult for them to effect Ch. IX.] TERRIBLE MARCH OF ALVARADO. 19 an adjustment of difficulties ; and it was agreed, as the basis of it, that the governor should pay one hundred thousand pesos de oro to Alvarado, in con sideration of which the latter was to resign to him his fleet, his forces, and all his stores and munitions. His vessels, great and small, amounted to twelve in number, and the sum he received, though large, did not cover his expenses. This treaty being settled, Alvarado proposed, before leaving the country, to have an interview with Pizarro.17 The governor, meanwhile, had quitted the Peru vian capital for the sea-coast, from his desire to repel any invasion that might be attempted in that direc tion by Alvarado, with whose real movements he was still unacquainted. He left Cuzco in charge of his brother Juan, a cavalier whose manners were such as, he thought, would be likely to gain the good-will of the native population. Pizarro also left ninety of his troops, as the garrison of the capital, 17 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. choice but to take it, although it — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, was greatly to his own loss, and, MS. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y by defeating his expedition, as he Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- modestly intimates, to the loss of neral, dec. 5, lib. 6, cap. 8-10. — the Crown. (Carta de Alvarado Oviedo, Hist, de las Indias, MS., al Emperador, MS.) — Almagro, Parte 3. lib. 8, cap. 20. — Carta however, states that the sum paid de Benalcazar, MS. was three times as much as the The amount of the bonus paid to armament was worth ; "a sacri- Alvarado is stated very differently fice," he adds, "which he made by writers. But both that cavalier to preserve peace, never dear at and Almagro, in their letters to any price." — Strange sentiment the Emperor, which have hitherto for a Castilian conqueror ! Carta been unknown to historians, agree de Diego de Almagro al Empera- in the sum given in the text. Al- dor, MS., Oct. 15, 1534. varado complains that he had no 20 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. and the nucleus of his future colony. Then, tak ing the Inca Manco with him, he proceeded as far as Xauxa. At this place he was entertained by the Indian prince with the exhibition of a great national hunt, — such as has been already described in these pages, — in which immense numbers of wild animals were slaughtered, and the vicunas, and other races of Peruvian sheep, which roam over the mountains, driven into inclosures and relieved of their delicate fleeces.18 The Spanish governor then proceeded to Pa chacamac, where he received the grateful intelli gence of the accommodation with Alvarado ; and 18 Carta de la Just, y Reg. de Xauja, MS. — Relacion del Pri mer. Descub., MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 6, cap. 16. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1534. At this place, the author of the Relacion del Primer Descubrimien to del Peru, the MS. so often quoted in these pages, abruptly terminates his labors. He is a writer of sense and observation ; and, though he has his share of the national tendency to exaggerate and overcolor, he writes like one who means to be honest, and who has seen what he describes. At Xauxa, also, the notary Pe dro Sancho ends his Relacion, which embraces a much shorter period than the preceding narra tive, but which is equally authen tic. Coming from the secretary of Pizarro, and countersigned by that general himself, this Relation, indeed, may be regarded as of the very highest authority. And yet large deductions must obviously be made for the source whence it springs ; for it may be taken as Pizarro's own account of his do ings, some of which stood much in need of apology. It must be added, in justice both to the gen eral and to his secretary, that the Relation does not differ substan tially from other contemporary ac counts, and that the attempt to varnish over the exceptionable passages in the conduct of the Conquerors is not obtrusive. For the publication of this jour nal, we are indebted to Ramusio, whose enlightened labors have pre served to us more than one con temporary production of value, though in the form of translation. Ca. IX.] INTERVIEW WITH PIZARRO. 21 not long afterward he was visited by that cavalier himself, previously to his embarkation. The meeting was conducted with courtesy and a show, at least, of good-will, on both sides, as there was no longer real cause for jealousy between the parties ; and each, as may be imagined, looked on the other with no little interest, as having achieved such distinction in the bold path of adventure. In the comparison, Alvarado had somewhat the advan tage ; for Pizarro, though of commanding presence, had not the brilliant exterior, the free and joyous manner, which, no less than his fresh complexion and sunny locks, had won for the conqueror of Guatemala, in his campaigns against the Aztecs, the sobriquet of Tonatiuh, or " Child of the Sun." Blithe were the revels that now rang through the ancient city of Pachacamac ; where, instead of songs, and of the sacrifices so often seen there in honor of the Indian deity, the walls echoed to the noise of tourneys and Moorish tilts of reeds, with which the martial adventurers loved to recall the sports of their native land. When these were con cluded, Alvarado reembarked for his government of Guatemala, where his restless spirit soon in volved him in other enterprises that cut short his adventurous career. His expedition to Peru was eminently characteristic of the man. It was found ed in injustice, conducted with rashness, and ended in disaster.19 W Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Conq., MS. — Carta de Francisco MS.— Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Pizarro al Sefior de Molina, MS. 22 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. The reduction of Peru might now be considered as, in a manner, accomplished. Some barbarous tribes in the interior, it is true, still held out, and Alonso de Alvarado, a prudent and able officer, was employed to bring them into subjection. Benal cazar was still at Quito, of which he was subse quently appointed governor by the Crown. There he was laying deeper the foundation of the Spanish power, while he advanced the line of conquest still higher towards the north. But Cuzco, the ancient capital of the Indian monarchy, had submitted. The armies of Atahuallpa had been beaten and scattered. The empire of the Incas was dissolved ; and the prince who now wore the Peruvian diadem was but the shadow of a king, who held his com mission from his conqueror. The first act of the governor was to determine on the site of the future capital of this vast colonial empire. Cuzco, withdrawn among the mountains, was altogether too far removed from the sea-coast for a commercial people. The little settlement of San Miguel lay too far to the north. It was desira ble to select some more central position, which could be easily found in one of the fruitful valleys that bordered the Pacific. Such was that of Pachaca mac, which Pizarro now occupied. But, on further Alvarado died in 1541, of an year, by a singular coincidence. injury received from a horse which perished his beautiful wife, at her rolled down on him as he was own residence in Guatemala, which attempting to scale a precipitous was overwhelmed by a torrent from hill in New Galicia. In the same the adjacent mountains. Ch. IX.] FOUNDATION OF LIMA. 23 examination, he preferred the neighbouring valley of Rimac, which lay to the north, and which took its name, signifying in the Quichua tongue " one who speaks," from a celebrated idol, whose shrine was much frequented by the Indians for the oracles it delivered. Through the valley flowed a broad stream, which, like a great artery, was made, as usual by the natives, to supply a thousand finer veins that meandered through the beautiful meadows. On this river Pizarro fixed the site of his new capital, at somewhat less than two leagues' distance from its mouth, which expanded into a commodious haven for the commerce that the prophetic eye of the founder saw would one day — and no very dis tant one — float on its waters. The central situa tion of the spot recommended it as a suitable resi dence for the Peruvian viceroy, whence he might hold easy communication with the different parts of the country, and keep vigilant watch over his Indian vassals. The climate was delightful, and, though only twelve degrees south of the line, was so far tempered by the cool breezes that generally blow from the Pacific, or from the opposite quarter down the frozen sides of the Cordilleras, that the heat was less than in corresponding latitudes on the con tinent. It never rained on the coast ; but this dry ness was corrected by a vaporous cloud, which, through the summer months, hung like a curtain over the valley, sheltering it from the rays of a trop ical sun, and imperceptibly distilling a refreshing moisture, that clothed the fields in the brightest verdure. 24 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. The name bestowed on the infant capital was Ciudad de los Reyes, or City of the Kings, in honor of the day, being the sixth of January, 1535, — the festival of Epiphany, — when it was said to have been founded, or more probably when its site was determined, as its actual foundation seems to have been twelve days later.20 But the Castilian name ceased to be used even within the first generation, and was supplanted by that of Lima, into which the original Indian name of Rimac was corrupted by the Spaniards.21 The city was laid out on a very regular plan. The streets were to be much wider than usual in Spanish towns, and perfectly straight, crossing one another at right angles, and so far asunder as to af ford ample space for gardens to the dwellings, and for public squares. It was arranged in a triangular form, having the river for its base, the waters of which were to be carried, by means of stone con duits, through all the principal streets, affording facilities for irrigating the grounds around the houses. No sooner had the governor decided on the site 20 So says Quintana, who follows marquez se passo a Lima y fundo in this what he pronounces a sure la ciudad de los rreyes que agora authority, Father Bernabe Cobo, es." (Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y in his hook entitled Fundacion de Conq., MS.) " Asimismo ordena- Lima. Espafioles Celebres, tom. ron que se pasasen el pueblo que n. p. 250, nota. tenian en Xauxa poblado a. este 81 The MSS. of the old Con- Valle de Lima donde agora es esta querors show how, from the very ciudad de los i aqui se poblo." first, the name of Lima superseded Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. the original Indian title. " Y el Ch. IX.] FOUNDATION OF LIMA. 25 and on the plan of the city, than he commenced operations with his characteristic energy. The Indians were collected from the distance of more than a hundred miles to aid in the work. The Spaniards applied themselves with vigor to the task, under the eye of their chief. The sword was ex changed for the tool of the artisan. The camp was converted into a hive of diligent laborers ; and the sounds of war were succeeded by the peace ful hum of a busy population. The plaza, which was extensive, was to be surrounded by the cathe dral, the palace of the viceroy, that of the munici pality, and other public buildings ; and their foun dations were laid on a scale, and with a solidity, which defied the assaults of time, and, in some in stances, even the more formidable shock of earth quakes, that, at different periods, have laid portions of the fair capital in ruins.22 While these events were going on, Almagro, the Marshal, as he is usually termed by chroniclers of the time, had gone to Cuzco, whither he was sent by Pizarro to take command of that capital. He received also instructions to undertake, either by himself or by his captains, the conquest of the countries towards the south, forming part of Chili. Almagro, since his arrival at Caxamalca, had seemed 22 Montesinos, Annales, MS., who gives the best account of Lima afio 1535. — Conq. i Pob. del to be found in any modern book Piru, MS. of travels which I have consulted. The remains of Pizarro's palace Residence in South America, vol. may still be discerned in the Catte- II. chap. 8. jon de Petateros, says Stevenson, VOL. II. 4 26 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. willing to smother his ancient feelings of resentment towards his associate, or, at least, to conceal the expression of them, and had consented to take command under him in . obedience to the royal man date. He had even, in his despatches, the mag nanimity to make honorable mention of Pizarro, as one anxious to promote the interests of govern ment. Yet he did not so far trust his companion, as to neglect the precaution of sending a confiden tial agent to represent his own services, when Her nando Pizarro undertook his mission to the mother- country. That cavalier, after touching at St. Domingo, had arrived without accident at Seville, in January, 1534. Besides the royal fifth, he took with him gold, to the value of half a million of pesos, together with a large quantity of silver, the property of private ad venturers, some of whom, satisfied with their gains, had returned to Spain in the same vessel with him self. The custom-house was filled with solid ingots, and with vases of different forms, imitations of ani mals, flowers, fountains, and other objects, executed with more or less skill, and all of pure gold, to the astonishment of the spectators, who flocked from the neighbouring country to gaze on these mar vellous productions of Indian art.23 Most of the manufactured articles were the property of the Crown ; and Hernando Pizarro, after a short stay at Seville, selected some of the most gorgeous speci- 23 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. Io que Hernando Pizarro trajo del 5, lib. 6, cap. 13. — Lista de todo Peru, ap. MSS. de Mufioz. Ch. IX.] HERNANDO PIZARRO REACHES SPAIN. 27 mens, and crossed the country to Calatayud, where the emperor was holding the cortes of Aragon. Hernando was instantly admitted to the royal presence, and obtained a gracious audience. He was more conversant with courts than either of his brothers, and his manners, when in situations that imposed a restraint on the natural arrogance of his temper, were graceful and even attractive. In a re spectful tone, he now recited the stirring adventures of his brother and his little troop of followers, the fatigues they had endured, the difficulties they had overcome, their capture of the Peruvian Inca, and his magnificent ransom. He had not to tell of the massacre of the unfortunate prince, for that tragic event, which had occurred since his departure from the country, was still unknown to him. The cava lier expatiated on the productiveness of the soil, and on the civilization of the people, evinced by their proficiency in various mechanic arts ; in proof of which he displayed the manufactures of wool and cotton, and the rich ornaments of gold and silver. The monarch's eyes sparkled with delight as he gazed on these last. He was too sagacious not to appreciate the advantages of a conquest which se cured to him a country so rich in agricultural re sources. But the returns from these must neces sarily be gradual and long deferred ; and he may be excused for listening with still greater satisfaction to Pizarro's tales of its mineral stores ; for his ambitious projects had drained the imperial treasury, and he saw in the golden tide thus unexpectedly poured in upon him the immediate means of replenishing it. 28 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III, Charles made no difficulty, therefore, in granting the petitions of the fortunate adventurer. All the previous grants to Francis Pizarro and his associ ates were confirmed in the fullest manner ; and the boundaries of the governor's jurisdiction were ex tended seventy leagues further towards the south. Nor did Almagro's services, this time, go unrequited. He was empowered to discover and occupy the country for the distance of two hundred leagues, beginning at the southern limit of Pizarro's terri tory.24 Charles, in proof, still further, of his satis faction, was graciously pleased to address a letter to the two commanders, in which he complimented them on their prowess, and thanked them for then- services. This act of justice to Almagro would have been highly honorable to Hernando Pizarro, considering the unfriendly relations in which they stood to each other, had it not been made neces sary by the presence of the marshal's own agents at court, who, as already noticed, stood ready to supply any deficiency in the statements of the em issary. In this display of the royal bounty, the envoy, as will readily be believed, did not go without his re ward. He was lodged as an attendant of the Court; was made a knight of Santiago, the most 24 The country to be occupied name was as ineffectual as the for- received the name of New Toledo, mer, and the ancient title of Chili in the royal grant, as the conquests still designates that narrow strip of Pizarro had been designated by of fruitful land between the Andes that of New Castile. But the pres- and the ocean, which stretches to ent attempt to change the Indian the south of the great continent. Ch. IX.] SENSATION AT COURT. 29 prized of the chivalric orders in Spain ; was em powered to equip an armament, and to take com mand of it ; and the royal officers at Seville were required to aid him in his views and facilitate his embarkation for the Indies.25 The arrival of Hernando Pizarro in the country, and the reports spread by him and his followers, created a sensation among the Spaniards such as had not been felt since the first voyage of Colum bus. The discovery of the New World had filled the minds of men with indefinite expectations of wealth, of which almost every succeeding expedition had proved the fallacy. The conquest of Mexico, though calling forth general admiration as a brilliant and wonderful exploit, had as yet failed to produce those golden results which had been so fondly an ticipated. The splendid promises held out by Fran cis Pizarro on his recent visit to the country had not revived the confidence of his countrymen, made in credulous by repeated disappointment. All that they were assured of was the difficulties of the en terprise ; and their distrust of its results was suffi ciently shown by the small number of followers, and those only of the most desperate stamp, who were willing to take their chance in the adventure. But now these promises were realized. It was no longer the golden reports that they were to trust ; but the gold itself, which was displayed in such pro fusion before them. All eyes were now turned towards the West. The broken spendthrift saw in ss Ibid., loc. cit. 30 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. it the quarter where he was to repair his fortunes as speedily as he had ruined them. The merchant, instead of seeking the precious commodities of the East, looked in the opposite direction, and counted on far higher gains, where the most common articles of life commanded so exorbitant prices. The cava lier, eager to win both gold and glory at the point of his lance, thought to find a fair field for his prow ess on the mountain plains of the Andes. Ferdi nand Pizarro found that his brother had judged rightly in allowing as many of his company as chose to return home, confident that the display of their wealth would draw ten to his banner for every one that quitted it. In a short time that cavalier saw himself at the head of one of the most numerous and well-appoint ed armaments, probably, that had left the shores of Spain since the great fleet of Ovando, in the time of Ferdinand and Isabella. It was scarcely more fortunate than this. Hardly had Ferdinand put to sea, when a violent tempest fell on the squadron, and compelled him to return to port and refit. At length he crossed the ocean, and reached the little harbour of Nombre de Dios in safety. But no prep arations had been made for his coming, and, as he was detained here some time before he could pass the mountains, his company suffered greatly from scarcity of food. In their extremity, the most un wholesome articles were greedily devoured, and many a cavalier spent his little savings to procure himself a miserable subsistence. Disease, as usual, Ch. IX.] FEUDS OF ALMAGRO AND THE PIZARROS. 31 trod closely in the track of famine, and numbers of the unfortunate adventurers, sinking under the un accustomed heats of the climate, perished on the very threshold of discovery. It was the tale often repeated in the history of Spanish enterprise. A few, more lucky than the rest, stumble on some unexpected prize, and hun dreds, attracted by their success, press forward in the same path. But the rich spoil which lay on the surface has been already swept away by the first comers, and those who follow are to win their treasure by long-protracted and painful exertion Broken in spirit and in fortune, many returned in disgust to their native shores, while others remained where they were, to die in despair. They thought to dig for gold ; but they dug only their graves. Yet it fared not thus with all Pizarro's company. Many of them, crossing the Isthmus with him to Panama, came in time to Peru, where, in the despe rate chances of its revolutionary struggles, some few arrived at posts of profit and distinction. Among those who first reached the Peruvian shore was an emissary sent by Almagro's agents to inform him of the important grant made to him by the Crown. The tidings reached him just as he was making his entry into Cuzco, where he was received with all respect by Juan and Gonzalo Pizarro, who, in obe dience to their brother's commands, instantly re signed the government of the capital into the mar shal's hands. But Almagro was greatly elated on finding himself now placed by his sovereign in a 32 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. command that made him independent of the man who had so deeply wronged him ; and he intimated that in the exercise of his present authority he ac knowledged no superior. In this lordly humor he was confirmed by several of his followers, who in sisted that Cuzco fell to the south of the territory ceded to Pizarro, and consequently came within that now granted to the marshal. Among these follow ers were several of Alvarado's men, who, though of better condition than the soldiers of Pizarro, were under much worse discipline, and had acquired, in deed, a spirit of unbridled license under that un scrupulous chief.25 They now evinced little concern for the native population of Cuzco ; and, not content with the public edifices, seized on the dwellings of individuals, where it suited their convenience, appro priating their contents without ceremony, — show ing as little respect, in short, for person or proper ty, as if the place had been taken by storm.27 96 In point of discipline, they pre- havia de dentro llenas las casas de sented a remarkable contrast to the mucha ropa i algunas oro i plata i Conquerors of Peru, if we may take otras muchas cosas, i las que no the word of Pedro Pizarro, who as- estaban bien llenas las enchian de sures us that his comrades would lo que tomaban de las demas casas not have plucked so much as an de la dicha ciudad, sin pensar que eaT of corn without leave from their en ello hacian ofensa alguna Divina commander. " Que los que pasa- ni humana, i porquesta es una cosa mos con el Marquez a la conquista larga i casi incomprehensible, la no ovo hombre que osase tomar dexase al juicio de quien mas en- vna mazorca de mahiz sin licencia." tiende aunque en el dafio rescebido Descub. y Conq., MS. por parte de los naturales cerca 27 " Se entraron de paz en la deste articulo yo se harto por mis ciudad del Cuzco i los salieron pecados que no quisiera saber, ni todos los naturales a rescibir i les haver visto." Conq. i Pob. del tomaron la Ciudad con todo quanta Piru, MS. Ch. IX.] FEUDS OF ALMAGRO AND THE PIZARROS. 33 While these events were passing in the ancient Peruvian capital, the governor was still at Lima, where he was greatly disturbed by the accounts he received of the new honors conferred on his asso ciate. He did not know that his own jurisdiction had been extended seventy leagues further to the south, and he entertained the same suspicion with Almagro, that the capital of the Incas did not right ly come within his present limits. He saw all the mischief likely to result from this opulent city falling into the hands of his rival, who would thus have an almost indefinite means of gratifying his own cu pidity, and that of his followers. He felt, that, under the present circumstances, it was not safe to allow Almagro to anticipate the possession of power, to which, as yet, he had no legitimate right ; for the despatches containing the warrant for it still re mained with Hernando Pizarro, at Panama, and all that had reached Peru was a copy of a garbled extract. Without loss of time, therefore, he sent instruc tions to Cuzco for his brothers to resume the gov ernment, while he defended the measure to Alma gro on the ground, that, when he should hereafter receive his credentials, it would be unbecoming to be found already in possession of the post. He concluded by urging him to go forward without delay in his expedition to the south. But neither the marshal nor his friends were pleased with the idea of so soon relinquishing the authority which they now considered as his right. VOL. II. 5 34 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. The Pizarros, on the other hand, were pertinacious in reclaiming it. The dispute grew warmer and warmer. Each party had its supporters ; the city was split into factions ; and the municipality, the soldiers, and even the Indian population, took sides in the struggle for power. Matters were proceed ing to extremity, menacing the capital with violence and bloodshed, when Pizarro himself appeared among them.28 On receiving tidings of the fatal consequences of his mandates, he had posted in all haste to Cuzco, where he was greeted with undisguised joy by the natives, as well as by the more temperate Spaniards, anxious to avert the impending storm. The gov ernor's first interview was with Almagro, whom he embraced with a seeming cordiality in his manner ; and, without any show of resentment, inquired into the cause of the present disturbances. To this the marshal replied, by throwing the blame on Pizarro's brothers ; but, although the governor reprimanded them with some asperity for their violence, it was soon evident that his sympathies were on their side, and the dangers of a feud between the two asso ciates seemed greater than ever. Happily, it was postponed by the intervention of some common friends, who showed more discretion than their leaders. With their aid a reconciliation was at length effected, on the grounds substantially of their ancient compact. 28 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y neral, dec. 5, lib. 7, cap. 6. — Conq., MS. —Herrera, Hist. Ge- Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. Ch. IX] FEUDS OF ALMAGRO AND THE PIZARROS. 35 It was agreed that their friendship should be maintained inviolate ; and, by a stipulation that reflects no great credit on the parties, it was pro vided that neither should malign nor disparage the other, especially in their despatches to the emperor; and that neither should hold communication with the government without the knowledge of his con federate ; lastly, that both the expenditures and the profits of future discovery should be shared equally by the associates. The wrath of Heaven was in voked by the most solemn imprecations on the head of whichever should violate this compact, and the Almighty was implored to visit the offender with loss of property and of life in this world, and wit! eternal perdition in that to come ! 29 The parti^ further bound themselves to the observance of lis contract by a solemn oath taken on the sacratf11*) as it was held in the hands of Father Bartolor^ de Segovia, who concluded the ceremony by p*'form- ing mass. The whole proceeding, and thearticles of agreement, were carefully recorded by th notary, in an instrument bearing date June 12, "535, and attested by a long list of witnesses.30 Thus did these two ancient comrades, after » "E suplicamos a su infinita pitulacion entre Pizarro y Almagro, bondad que a qualquier de nos que 12 de Junio, 1535, MS. fuere en contrario de lo asi con- 30 This remarkable document venido, con todo rigor de justicia the original of which is preserved permita la perdicion de su anima, in the arrives of Simancas, may fin y mal acavamiento de su vida, be found entire in the Castilian, in destruicion y perdimientos de su Appendix, No. II. familia, honrras y hacienda." Ca- 36 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. trampling on the ties of friendship and honor, hope to knit themselves to each other by the holy bands of religion. That it should have been necessary to resort to so extraordinary a measure might have furnished them with the best proof of its inefficacy. Not long after this accommodation of their dif ferences, the marshal raised his standard for Chili ; and numbers, won by his popular manners, and by his liberal largesses, — liberal to prodigality, — ea gerly joined in the enterprise, which they fondly trusted would lead even to greater riches than they had found in Peru. Two Indians, Paullo Topa, a brother of the Inca Manco, and Villac Umu, the \gh-priest of the nation, were sent in advance, ^Kh three Spaniards, to prepare the way for the little arly. A detachment of a hundred and fifty men, undy an officer named Saavedra, next followed. Alm&ro remained behind to collect further recruits ; but b^re his levies were completed, he began his march, deling himself insecure, with his diminished strength,^ the neighbourhood of Pizarro ! 31 The remainder of his forces, when mustered, were to follow him. Thus relieved of the presence of his rival, the governor returned without further delay to the coast, to resume his labors in the settlement of the coun- " El Adelantado Almagro hemos dicho, i dicen que por ser despues que se vido en el Cuzco avisado dello tomo la posta i se fue descarnado de su jente temio al al pueblo de Paria donde estava su Marquez' no le prendiese por las Capitan Saavedra." Conq. i Pob. alteraciones pasadas que havia te- del Piru, MS. nido con sus hermanos como ya. Ch. IX.] FEUDS OF ALMAGRO AND THE PIZARROS. 37 try. Besides the principal city of "The Bangs," he established others along the Pacific, destined to become hereafter the flourishing marts of com merce. The most important of these, in honor of his birthplace, he named Truxillo, planting it on a site already indicated by Almagro.32 He made also numerous repartimientos both of lands and Ind ians among his followers, in the usual manner of the Spanish Conquerors;33 — though here the ig norance of the real resources of the country led to very different results from what he had intended, as the territory smallest in extent, not unfrequently, from the hidden treasures in its bosom, turned out greatest in value.34 But nothing claimed so much of Pizarro's care as the rising metropolis of Lima; and, so eagerly did he press forward the work, and so well was he second ed by the multitude of laborers at his command, that he had the satisfaction to see his young capital, 32 Carta de F. Pizarro a Molina, the Indians, equally disastrous to MS. body and soul of both the master 33 I have before me two copies and the slave." (Conq. i Pob. del of grants of encomiendas by Pi- Piru, MS.) This honest burst of zarro, the one dated at Xauxa, indignation, not to have been ex- 1534, the other at Cuzco, 1539. pected in the rude Conqueror, — They emphatically enjoin on the came probably from an ecclesiastic. colonist the religious instruction of 34 " El Marques hizo encomien- the natives under his care, as well das en los Espafioles, las quales as kind and considerate usage, fueron por noticias que ni el sabia How ineffectual were the recom- lo que dava ni nadie lo que rescebia mendations may be inferred from sino a tiento ya poco mas 6 menos, the lament of the anonymous con- y asi muchos que pensaron que se temporary often cited, that " from les dava pocos se hallaron con this time forth, the pest of personal mucho y al contrario." Ondegar- servitude was established among do, Rel. Prim., MS. 38 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. with its stately edifices and its pomp of gardens, rapidly advancing towards completion. It is pleas ing to contemplate the softer features in the charac ter of the rude soldier, as he was thus occupied with healing up the ravages of war, and laying broad the foundations of an empire more civilized than that which he had overthrown. This peaceful occupa tion formed a contrast to the life of incessant tur moil in which he had been hitherto engaged. It seemed, too, better suited to his own advancing age, which naturally invited to repose. And, if we may trust his chroniclers, there was no part of his ca reer in which he took greater satisfaction. It is certain there is no part which has been viewed with greater satisfaction by posterity; and, amidst the woe and desolation which Pizarro and his followers brought on the devoted land of the Incas, Lima, the beautiful City of the Kings, still survives as the most glorious work of his creation, the fairest gem on the shores of the Pacific. CHAPTER X. Escape of the Inca. — Return or Hernando Pizarro. — Rising of the Peruvians. — Siege and Burning of Cuzco. — Distress es of the Spaniards. — Storming of the Fortress. — Pi zarro's Dismay. — The Inca raises the Siege. 1535 — 1536. While the absence of his rival Almagro relieved Pizarro from all immediate disquietude from that quarter, his authority was menaced in another, where he had least expected it. This was from the native population of the country. Hitherto the Peruvians had shown only a tame and submissive temper, that inspired their conquerors with too much contempt to leave room for apprehension. They had passively acquiesced in the usurpation of the invaders ; had seen one monarch butchered, another placed on the vacant throne, their temples despoiled of their treasures, their capital and country appro priated and parcelled out among the Spaniards ; but, with the exception of an occasional skirmish in the mountain passes, not a blow had been struck in defence of their rights. Yet this was the warlike nation which had spread its conquests over so large a part of the continent ! In his career, Pizarro, though he scrupled at 40 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. nothing to effect his object, had not usually coun tenanced such superfluous acts of cruelty as had too often stained the arms of his countrymen in other parts of the continent, and which, in the course of a few years, had exterminated nearly a whole population in Hispaniola. He had struck one astounding blow, by the seizure of Atahuallpa ; and he seemed willing to rely on this to strike terror into the natives. He even affected some respect for the institutions of the country, and had replaced the monarch he had murdered by another of the legiti mate line. Yet this was but a pretext. The king dom had experienced a revolution of the most de cisive kind. Its ancient institutions were subverted. Its heaven-descended aristocracy was levelled almost to the condition of the peasant. The people be came the serfs of the Conquerors. Their dwellings in the capital — at least, after the arrival of Al varado's officers — were seized and appropriated. The temples were turned into stables ; the royal residences into barracks for the troops. The sanc tity of the religious houses was violated. Thou sands of matrons and maidens, who, however erro neous their faith, lived in chaste seclusion in the conventual establishments, were now turned abroad, and became the prey of a licentious soldiery.1 A 1 So says the author of the Con- the honest indignation he expresses tjuista i Poblacion del Piru, a con- at the excesses of the Conquerors, temporary writer, who describes lead one to suppose he may have what he saw himself as well as been an ecclesiastic, one of the what he gathered from others, good men who attended the cruel Several circumstances, especially expedition on an errand of love and Ch. X.] ESCAPE OF THE INCA. 41 favorite wife of the young Inca was debauched by the Castilian officers. The Inca, himself treated with contemptuous indifference, found that he was a poor dependant, if not a tool, in the hands of his conquerors.2 Yet the Inca Manco was a man of a lofty spirit and a courageous heart ; such a one as might have challenged comparison with the bravest of his an cestors in the prouder days of the empire. Stung to the quick by the humiliations to which he was exposed, he repeatedly urged Pizarro to restore him to the real exercise of power, as well as to the show of it. But Pizarro evaded a request so incompatible mercy. It is to be hoped that his credulity leads him to exaggerate the misdeeds of his countrymen. According to him, there were full six thousand women of rank, living in the convents of Cuzco, served each by fifteen or twenty female attendants, most of whom, that did not perish in the war, suffered a more melancholy fate, as the victims of prostitution. — The passage is so remarkable, and the MS. so rare, that I will cite it in the original. " De estas senoras del Cuzco es cierto de tener grande sentimiento el que tuviese alguna humanidad en el pecho, que en tiempo de la prosperidad del Cuzco quando los Espafioles entraron en el havia grand cantidad de senoras que te nian sus casas i sus asientos mui quietas i sosegadas i vivian mui politicamente i como mui buenas VOL. II. 6 mugeres, cada sefiora acompaiiada con quince o veinte mugeres que tenia de servicio en su casa bien traidas i aderezadas, i no salian menos desto i con grand onestidad i gravedad i atavio a su usanza, i es a la cantidad destas sefioras prin cipales creo yo que en el ... . que avia mas de seis mil sin las de servicio que creo yo que eran mas de veinte mil mugeres sin las de servicio i mamaconas que eran las que andavan como beatas i dende a dos afios casi no se allava en el Cuzco i su tierra sino cada qual i qual porque muchas murie ron en la guerra que huvo i las otras vinieron las mas a ser malas mugeres. Sefior perdone a quien fue la causa desto i aquien no lo remedia pudiendo." Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. 2 Ibid., ubi supra. 42 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. with his own ambitious schemes, or, indeed, with the policy of Spain, and the young Inca and his nobles were left to brood over their injuries in secret, and await patiently the hour of vengeance. The dissensions among the Spaniards themselves seemed to afford a favorable opportunity for this. The Peruvian chiefs held many conferences together on the subject, and the high-priest Villac Umu urged the necessity of a rising so soon as Almagro had withdrawn his forces from the city. It would then be comparatively easy, by assaulting the invaders on their several posts, scattered as they were over the country, to overpower them by superior num bers, and shake off their detested yoke before the arrival of fresh reinforcements should rivet it for ever on the necks of his countrymen. A plan for a general rising was formed, and it was in conformity to it that the priest was selected by the Inca to bear Almagro company on the march, that he might se cure the cooperation of the natives in the country, and then secretly return — as in fact he did — to take a part in the insurrection. To carry their plans into effect, it became neces sary that the Inca Manco should leave the city and present himself among his people. He found no difficulty in withdrawing from Cuzco, where his presence was scarcely heeded by the Spaniards, as his nominal power was held in little deference by the haughty and confident Conquerors. But in the capital there was a body of Indian allies more jealous of his movements. These were from the tribe of Ch. X.] RETURN OF HERNANDO PIZARRO. 43 the Cafiares, a warlike race of the north, too recent ly reduced by the Incas to have much sympathy with them or their institutions. There were about a thousand of this people in the place, and, as they had conceived some suspicion of the Inca's purposes, they kept an eye on his movements, and speedily reported his absence to Juan Pizarro. That cavalier, at the head of a small body of horse, instantly marched in pursuit of the fugitive, whom he was so fortunate as to discover in a thicket of reeds, in which he sought to conceal himself, at no great distance from the city. Manco was arrest ed, brought back a prisoner to Cuzco, and placed under a strong guard in the fortress. The conspira cy seemed now at an end ; and nothing was left to the unfortunate Peruvians but to bewail their ru ined hopes, and to give utterance to their disap pointment in doleful ballads, which rehearsed the captivity of their Inca, and the downfall of his royal house.3 While these things were in progress, Hernando Pizarro returned to Ciudad de los Reyes, bear ing with him the royal commission for the exten sion of his brother's powers, as well as of those conceded to Almagro. The envoy also brought the royal patent conferring on Francisco Pizarro the title of Marques de los Atavillos, — a province in Peru. Thus was the fortunate adventurer placed in 3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. — Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 2, neral, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 1, 2. — cap. 3. 44 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. the ranks of the proud aristocracy of Castile, few of whose members could boast — if they had the courage to boast — their elevation from so humble an origin, as still fewer could justify it by a show of greater services to the Crown. The new marquess resolved not to forward the commission, at present, to the marshal, whom he designed to engage still deeper in the conquest of Chili, that his attention might be diverted from Cuzco, which, however, his brother assured him, now fell, without doubt, within the newly extended limits of his own territory. To make more sure of this important prize, he despatched Hernando to take the government of the capital into his own hands, as the one of his brothers on whose talents and practical experience he placed greatest reliance. Hernando, notwithstanding his arrogant bearing towards his countrymen, had ever manifested a more than ordinary sympathy with the Indians. He had been the friend of Atahuallpa ; to such a degree, indeed, that it was said, if he had been in the camp at the time, the fate of that unhappy monarch would probably have been averted. He now showed a similar friendly disposition towards his successor, Manco. He caused the Peruvian prince to be lib erated from confinement, and gradually admitted him into some intimacy with himself. The crafty Indian availed himself of his freedom to mature his plans for the rising, but with so much caution, that no suspicion of them crossed the mind of Her nando. Secrecy and silence are characteristic of Ch. X.] RISING OF THE PERUVIANS. 45 the American, almost as invariably as the peculiar color of his skin. Manco disclosed to his conqueror the existence of several heaps of treasure, and the places where they had been secreted ; and, when he had thus won his confidence, he stimulated his cu pidity still further by an account of a statue of pure gold of his father Huayna Capac, which the wily Peruvian requested leave to bring from a secret cave in which it was deposited, among the neigh bouring Andes. Hernando, blinded by his avarice, consented to the Inca's departure. He sent with him two Spanish soldiers, less as a guard than to aid him in the object of his expe dition. A week elapsed, and yet he did not re turn, nor were there any tidings to be gathered of him. Hernando now saw his error, especially as his own suspicions were confirmed by the unfa vorable reports of his Indian allies. Without fur ther delay, he despatched his brother Juan, at the head of sixty horse, in quest of the Peruvian prince, with orders to bring him back once more a prisoner to his capital. That cavalier, with his well-armed troops, soon traversed the environs of Cuzco without discover ing any vestige of the fugitive. The country was remarkably silent and deserted, until, as he ap proached the mountain range that hems in the valley of Yucay, about six leagues from the city, he was met by the two Spaniards who had accompa nied Manco. They informed Pizarro that it was only at the point of the sword he could recover 46 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. the Inca, for the country was all in arms, and the Peruvian chief at its head was preparing to march on the capital. Yet he had offered no violence to their persons, but had allowed them to return in safety. The Spanish captain found this story fully con firmed when he arrived at the river Yucay, on the opposite bank of which were drawn up the Indian battalions to the number of many thousand men, who, with their young monarch at their head, pre pared to dispute his passage. It seemed that they could not feel their position sufficiently strong, without placing a river, as usual, between them and their enemy. The Spaniards were not checked by this obstacle. The stream, though deep, was narrow ; and plunging in, they swam their horses boldly across, amidst a tempest of stones and arrows that rattled thick as hail on their harness, finding occasionally some crevice or vulnerable point, — although the wounds thus received only goaded them to more desperate efforts. The barbarians fell back as the cavaliers made good their landing ; but, without allowing the latter time to form, they returned with a spirit which they had hitherto sel dom displayed, and enveloped them on all sides with their greatly superior numbers. The fight now raged fiercely. Many of the Indians were armed with lances headed with copper tempered almost to the hardness of steel, and with huge maces and battle-axes of the same metal. Their defensive armour, also, was in many respects excel- Ch. X.] RISING OF THE PERUVIANS. 47 lent, consisting of stout doublets of quilted cot ton, shields covered with skins, and casques richly ornamented with gold and jewels, or sometimes made like those of the Mexicans, in the fantastic shape of the heads of wild animals, garnished with rows of teeth that grinned horribly above the vis age of the warrior.4 The whole army wore an as pect of martial ferocity, under the control of much higher military discipline than the Spaniards had before seen in the country. The little band of cavaliers, shaken by the fury of the Indian assault, were thrown at first into some disorder, but at length, cheering on one an other with the old war-cry of " St. Jago," they formed in solid column, and charged boldly into the thick of the enemy. The latter, incapable of withstanding the shock, gave way, or were trampled down under the feet of the horses, or pierced by the lances of the riders. Yet their flight was con ducted with some order ; and they turned at in tervals, to let off a volley of arrows, or to deal furious blows with their pole-axes and war-clubs. They fought as if conscious that they were under the eye of their Inca. 4 " Es gente," says Oviedo, ther Velasco has added consider- " muy belicosa e muy diestra ; sus ably to this catalogue. According armas son picas, 6 ondas, porras e to him they used copper swords, Alabardas de Plata e oro e cobre." poniards, and other European weap- (Hist. de las Indias, MS., Parte 3, ons. (Hist, de Quito, tom. I. pp. lib. 8, cap. 17.) Xerez has made 178-180.) He does not insist on a good enumeration of the native their knowledge of fire-arms be- Peruvian arms. (Conq. del Peru, fore the Conquest ! ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 200.) Fa- 48 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. It was evening before they had entirely quitted the level ground, and withdrawn into the fastnesses of the lofty range of hills which belt round the beautiful valley of Yucay. Juan Pizarro and his little troop encamped on the level at the base of the mountains. He had gained a victory, as usual, over immense odds ; but he had never seen a field so well disputed, and his victory had cost him the lives of several men and horses, while many more had been wounded, and were nearly disabled by the fatigues of the day. But he trusted the severe lesson he had inflicted on the enemy, whose slaugh ter was great, would crush the spirit of resistance. He was deceived. The following morning, great was his dismay to see the passes of the mountains filled up with dark lines of warriors, stretching as far as the eye could penetrate into the depths of the sierra, while dense masses of the enemy were gathered like thunder clouds along the slopes and summits, as if ready to pour down in fury on the assailants. The ground, altogether unfavorable to the manoeuvres of cavalry, gave every advantage to the Peruvians, who rolled down huge rocks from their elevated position, and sent off incessant showers of missiles on the heads of the Spaniards. Juan Pizarro did not care to entangle himself further in the perilous defile ; and, though he repeatedly charged the enemy, and drove them back with considerable loss, the second night found him with men and horses wearied and wound ed, and as little advanced in the object of his ex- Ch. X.] SIEGE AND BURNING OF CUZCO. 49 pedition as on the preceding evening. From this embarrassing position, after a day or two more spent in unprofitable hostilities, he was surprised by a summons from his brother to return with all expedition to Cuzco, which was now besieged by the enemy ! Without delay, he began his retreat, recrossed the valley, the recent scene of slaughter, swam the river Yucay, and, by a rapid countermarch, closely- followed by the victorious enemy, who celebrated their success with songs or rather yells of triumph, he arrived before nightfall in sight of the capital. But very different was the sight which there met his eye from what he had beheld on leaving it a few days before. The extensive environs, as far as the eye could reach, were occupied by a mighty host, which an indefinite computation swelled to the number of two hundred thousand warriors.5 The dusky lines of the Indian battalions stretched out to the very verge of the mountains ; while, all around, the eye saw only the crests and waving banners of chieftains, mingled with rich panoplies of feather- work, which reminded some few who had served under Cortes of the military costume of the Aztecs. Above all rose a forest of long lances and battle- axes edged with copper, which, tossed to and fro in wild confusion, glittered in the rays of the setting 5 " Pues junta toda la gente indios de guerra los que vinieron quel ynga avia embiado a juntar a poner este cerco." Pedro Pi que a lo que se entendio y los in- zarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. dios dixeron fueron dozientos mil VOL. II. 7 50 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. sun, like light playing on the surface of a dark and troubled ocean. It was the first time that the Spaniards had beheld an Indian army in all its ter rors ; such an army as the Incas led to battle, when the banner of the Sun was borne triumphant over the land. Yet the bold hearts of the cavaliers, if for a mo ment dismayed by the sight, soon gathered courage as they closed up their files, and prepared to open a way for themselves through the beleaguering host. But the enemy seemed to shun the encounter ; and, falling back at their approach, left a free entrance into the capital. The Peruvians were, probably, not unwilling to draw as many victims as they could into the toils, conscious that, the greater the num ber, the sooner they would become sensible to the approaches of famine.6 Hernando Pizarro greeted his brother with no little satisfaction ; for he brought an important ad dition to his force, which now, when all were united, did not exceed two hundred, horse and foot,7 be sides a thousand Indian auxiliaries ; an insignificant number, in comparison with the countless multitudes that were swarming at the gates. That night was passed by the Spaniards with feelings of the deepest anxiety, as they looked forward with natural appre- 6 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 7 " Y los pocos Espafioles que Conq., MS. — Conq. i Pob. del heramos aun no dozientos todos." Piru, MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., neral, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 4. — MS. Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 133. Ch. X.] SIEGE AND BURNING OF CUZCO. 51 hension to the morrow. It was early in February, 1536. when the siege of Cuzco commenced ; a siege memorable as calling out the most heroic dis plays of Indian and European valor, and bringing the two races in deadlier conflict with each other than had yet occurred in the conquest of Peru. The numbers of the enemy seemed no less for midable during the night than by the light of day ; far and wide their watch-fires were to be seen gleaming over valley and hill-top, as thickly scat tered, says an eyewitness, as " the stars of heaven in a cloudless summer night."8 Before these fires had become pale in the light of the morning, the Spaniards were roused by the hideous clamor of conch, trumpet, and atabal, mingled with the fierce war-cries of the barbarians, as they let off volleys of missiles of every description, most of which fell harmless within the city. But others did more se rious execution. These were burning arrows, and red-hot stones wrapped in cotton that had been steeped in some bituminous substance, which, scat tering long trains of light through the air, fell on the roofs of the buildings, and speedily set them on fire.9 These roofs, even of the better sort of edifices, 8 " Pues de noche heran tantos dones y poniendolas en hondas las los fuegos que no parecia sino vn tiravan a las cassas donde no al- cielo muy sereno lleno de estrellas. ' ' canzavan a poner fuego con las Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., manos, y ansi nos quemavan las MS. cassas sin entendello. Otras veces 9 " Unas piedras rredondas y con fiechas encendidas tirandolas a hechallas en el fuego y hazellas las casas que como heran de paja asqua embolvianlas en vnos algo- luego se encendian." Ibid., MS. 52 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. were uniformly of thatch, and were ignited as easily as tinder. In a moment the flames burst forth from the most opposite quarters of the city. They quickly communicated to the wood-work in the interior of the buildings, and broad sheets of flame mingled with smoke rose up towards the heavens, throwing a fearful glare over every object. The rarefied atmosphere heightened the previous impetuosity of the wind, which, fanning the rising flames, they rapidly spread from dwelling to dwell ing, till the whole fiery mass, swayed to and fro by the tempest, surged and roared with the fury of a volcano. The heat became intense, and clouds of smoke, gathering like a dark pall over the city, pro duced a sense of suffocation and almost blindness in those quarters where it was driven by the winds.10 The Spaniards were encamped in the great square, partly under awnings, and partly in the hall of the Inca Viracocha, on the ground since covered by the cathedral. Three times in the course of that dreadful day, the roof of the building was on fire ; but, although no efforts were made to extinguish it, the flames went out without doing much injury. This miracle was ascribed to the Blessed Virgin, who was distinctly seen by several 10 " I era tanto el humo que casi todas partes les diera el humo i el los oviera de aogar i pasaron grand calor siendo tan grande pasaron travajo por esta causa i sino fuera travajo, pero la divina providencia porque de la una parte de la plaza lo estorvo." Conq. i Pob. del no havia casas i eslava desconorado Piru, MS. no pudieran escapar porque si por Ch. X.] SIEGE AND BURNING OF CUZCO. 53 of the Christian combatants, hovering over the spot on which was to be raised the temple dedicated to her worship.11 Fortunately, the open space around Hernando's little company separated them from the immediate scene of conflagration. It afforded a means of pres ervation similar to that employed by the American hunter, who endeavours to surround himself with a belt of wasted land, when overtaken by a conflagra tion in the prairies. All day the fire continued to rage, and at night the effect was even more appall ing ; for by the lurid flames the unfortunate Span iards could read the consternation depicted in each others' ghastly countenances, while in the suburbs, along the slopes of the surrounding hills, might be seen the throng of besiegers, gazing with fiendish exultation on the work of destruction. High above the town to the north, rose the gray fortress, which now showed ruddy in the glare, looking grimly down on the ruins of the fair city which it was no longer able to protect ; and in the distance were to be discerned the shadowy forms of the An- 11 The temple was dedicated to event, (lib. 7, cap. 27.) Both Our Blessed Lady of the Assump- writers testify to the seasonable tion. The apparition of the Vir- aid rendered by St. James, who gin was manifest not only to Chris- with his buckler, displaying the tian but to Indian warriors, many device of his MiUtary Order, and of whom reported it to Garcilasso armed with his flaming sword, rode de la Vega, in whose hands the his white charger into the thick of marvellous rarely loses any of its the enemy. The patron Saint of o-loss. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. Spain might always be relied on 2, ca.p. 25.) It is further attested when his presence was needed; by Father Acosta, who came into dignus vindice nodus. the country forty years after the 54 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. des, soaring up in solitary grandeur into the regions of eternal silence, far beyond the wild tumult that raged so fearfully at their base. Such was the extent of the city, that it was sev eral days before the fury of the fire was spent. Tower and temple, hut, palace, and hall, went down before it. Fortunately, among the buildings that escaped were the magnificent House of the Sun and the neighbouring Convent of the Virgins. Their insulated position afforded the means, of which the Indians from motives of piety were willing to avail themselves, for their preservation.12 Full one half of the capital, so long the chosen seat of Western 12 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 24. Father Valverde, Bishop of Cuz co, who took so signal a part in the seizure of Atahuallpa, was ab sent from the country at this period, but returned the following year. In a letter to the emperor, he contrasts the flourishing condition of the capital when he left it, and that in which he now found it, despoiled, as well as its beautiful suburbs, of its ancient glories. " If I had not known the site of the city," he says, " I should not have recognized it as the same." The passage is too remarkable to be omitted. The original letter exists in the archives of Simancas. — " Certifico a V. M. que si no me acordara del sitio desta Ciudad yo no la conosciera, a lo menos por los edificios y Pueblos della ; porque quando el Gobemador D. Franzisco Pizarro entro aqui y entre yo con 61 estava este valle tan hermoso en edificios y poblazion que en torno tenia que era cosa de admiracion vello, porque aunque la Ciudad en si no ternia mas de 3 o 4000 casas, ternia en torno quasi a vista 19 o 20,000 ; la fortaleza que estava sobre la Ciudad parescia desde a parte una mui gran fortaleza de las de Espafia : agora la mayor parte de la Ciudad esta toda derivada y quemada ; la fortaleza no tiene quasi nada enhiesso ; todos los pueblos de alderredor no tiene sino las paredes que por maravilla ai casa cubierta ! La cosa que mas contentamiento me dio en esta Ciudad fue la Iglesia, que para en Indias es harto buena cosa, aunque segun la riqueza a havido en esta tierra pudiera ser mas semejante al Templo de Salo mon." Carta del Obispo F. Vi cente de Valverde al Emperador, MS., 20 deMaTzo, 1539. Ch. X.] DISTRESSES OF THE SPANIARDS. 55 civilization, the pride of the Incas, and the bright abode of their tutelar deity, was laid in ashes by the hands of his own children. It was some consola tion for them to reflect, that it burned over the heads of its conquerors, — their trophy and their tomb! During the long period of the conflagration, the Spaniards made no attempt to extinguish the flames. Such an attempt would have availed noth ing. Yet they did not tamely submit to the as saults of the enemy, and they sallied forth from time to time to repel them. But the fallen timbers and scattered rubbish of the houses presented serious impediments to the movements of horse ; and, when these were partially cleared away by the efforts of the infantry and the Indian allies, the Peruvians planted stakes and threw barricades across the path, which proved equally embarrassing.13 To remove them was a work of time and no little danger, as the pioneers were exposed to the whole brunt of the enemy's archery, and the aim of the Peruvian was sure. When at length the obstacles were cleared away, and a free course was opened to the cavalry, they rushed with irresistible impetuosity on their foes, who, falling back in confusion, were cut to pieces by the riders, or pierced through with their lances. The slaughter on these occasions was 13 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y nando la calle hivan haciendo una Conq., MS. pared para que los cavallos ni los " Los Indios ganaron el Cuzco Espafioles no los pudiesen rom- casi todo desta manera que enga- per." Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. 56 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. great ; but the Indians, nothing disheartened, usu ally returned with renewed courage to the attack, and, while fresh reinforcements met the Spaniards in front, others, lying in ambush among the ruins, threw the troops into disorder by assailing them on the flanks. The Peruvians were expert both with bow and sling ; and these encounters, notwithstand ing the superiority of their arms, cost the Spaniards more lives than in their crippled condition they could afford to spare, — a loss poorly compensated by that of tenfold the number of the enemy. One weapon, peculiar to South American warfare, was used with some effect by the Peruvians. This was the lasso, — a long rope with a noose at the end, which they adroitly threw over the rider, or entan gled with it the legs of his horse, so as to bring them both to the ground. More than one Span iard fell into the hands of the enemy by this ex pedient.14 Thus harassed, sleeping on their arms, with their horses picketed by their side, ready for action at any and every hour, the Spaniards had no rest by night or by day. To add to their troubles, the for tress which overlooked the city, and completely commanded the great square in which they were quartered, had been so feebly garrisoned in their false sense of security, that, on the approach of the Peruvians, it had been abandoned without a blow in its defence. It was now occupied by a strong body of the enemy, who, from his elevated position, 14 Ibid., MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 4. Ch. X.] DISTRESSES OF THE SPANIARDS. 57 sent down showers of missiles, from time to time, which added greatly to the annoyance of the be sieged. Bitterly did their captain now repent the improvident security which had led him to neglect a post so important. Their distresses were still further aggravated by the rumors, which continually reached their ears, of the state of the country. The rising, it was said, was general throughout the land ; the Spaniards liv ing on their insulated plantations had all been mas sacred ; Lima and Truxillo and the principal cities were besieged, and must soon fall into the enemy's hands ; the Peruvians were in possession of the passes, and all communications were cut off, so that no relief was to be expected from their countrymen on the coast. Such were the dismal stories, (which, however exaggerated, had too much foundation in fact,) that now found their way into the city from the camp of the besiegers. And to give greater credit to the rumors, eight or ten human heads were rolled into the plaza, in whose blood-stained visages the Spaniards recognized with horror the linea ments of their companions, who they knew had been dwelling in solitude on their estates ! 15 Overcome by these horrors, many were for aban doning the place at once, as no longer tenable, and for opening a passage for themselves to the coast with their own good swords. There was a daring in the enterprise which had a charm for the adven- 15 Ibid., ubi supra. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. VOL. II. 8 58 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. turous spirit of the Castilian. Better, they said, to perish in a manly struggle for life, than to die thus ignominiously, pent up like foxes in their holes, to be suffocated by the hunter ! But the Pizarros, De Rojas, and some other of the principal cavaliers, refused to acquiesce in a measure which, they said, must cover them with dishonor.16 Cuzco had been the great prize for which they had contended ; it was the ancient seat of empire, and, though now in ashes, would again rise from its ruins as glorious as before. All eyes would be turned on them, as its defenders, and their failure, by giving confidence to the enemy, might decide the fate of their countrymen through out the land. They were placed in that post as the post of honor, and better would it be to die there than to desert it. There seemed, indeed, no alternative ; for every avenue to escape was cut off by an enemy who had perfect knowledge of the country, and possession of all its passes. But this state of things could not last long. The Indian could not, in the long run, contend with the white man. The spirit of insur rection would die out of itself. Their great army would melt away, unaccustomed as the natives were to the privations incident to a protracted campaign. 16 " Pues Hernando Picarro Picarro y sus hermanos, Graviel nunca estuvo en ello y les respon- de Rojas, Hernan Ponce de Leon, dia que todos aviamos de morir y el Thesorero Riquelme." Pedro no desamparar el cuzco. Junta- Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. vanse a estas consultas Hernando Ch. X.] DISTRESSES OF THE SPANIARDS. 59 Reinforcements would be daily coming in from the colonies ; and, if the Castilians would be but true to themselves for a season, they would be relieved by their own countrymen, who would never suffer them to die like outcasts among the mountains. The cheering words and courageous bearing of the cavaliers went to the hearts of their followers ; for the soul of the Spaniard readily responded to the call of honor, if not of humanity. All now agreed to stand by their leader to the last. But, if they would remain longer in their present posi tion, it was absolutely necessary to dislodge the enemy from the fortress ; and, before venturing on this dangerous service, Hernando Pizarro resolved to strike such a blow as should intimidate the be siegers from further attempt to molest his present quarters. He communicated his plan of attack to his offi cers ; and, forming his little troop into three divis ions, he placed them under command of his brother Gonzalo, of Gabriel de Rojas, an officer in whom he reposed great confidence, and Hernan Ponce de Leon. The Indian pioneers were sent forward to clear away the rubbish, and the several divisions moved simultaneously up the principal avenues to wards the camp of the besiegers. Such stragglers as they met in their way were easily cut to pieces, and the three bodies, bursting impetuously on the disordered lines of the Peruvians, took them com pletely by surprise. For some moments there was little resistance, and the slaughter was terrible. 60 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. But the Indians gradually rallied, and, coming into something like order, returned to the fight with the courage of men who had long been familiar with danger. They fought hand to hand with their copper-headed war-clubs and pole-axes, while a storm of darts, stones, and arrows rained on the well-defended bodies of the Christians. The barbarians showed more discipline than was to have been expected ; for which, it is said, they were indebted to some Spanish prisoners, from several of whom, the Inca, having generously spared their lives, took occasional lessons in the art of war. The Peruvians had, also, learned to manage with some degree of skill the weapons of their conquer ors ; and they were seen armed with bucklers, hel mets, and swords of European workmanship, and even, in a few instances, mounted on the horses which they had taken from the white men.17 The young Inca, in particular, accoutred in the European fashion, rode a war-horse which he managed with considerable address, and, with a long lance in his hand, led on his followers to the attack. — This readiness to adopt the superior arms and tactics of the Conquerors intimates a higher civilization than that which belonged to the Aztec, who, in his long collision with the Spaniards, was never so far di vested of his terrors for the horse as to venture to mount him. 17 Herrera assures us, that the the muskets in order, and manufac- Peruvians even turned the fire-arms ture powder for them. Hist. Ge- of their Conquerors against them, neral, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 5, 6. compelling their prisoners to put Ch. X.] STORMING OF THE FORTRESS. 61 But a few days or weeks of training were not enough to give familiarity with weapons, still less with tactics, so unlike those to which the Peruvians had been hitherto accustomed. The fight, on the present occasion, though hotly contested, was not of long duration. After a gallant struggle, in which the natives threw themselves fearlessly on the horse men, endeavouring to tear them from their saddles, they were obliged to give way before the repeated shock of their charges. Many were trampled under foot, others cut down by the Spanish broadswords, while the arquebusiers, supporting the cavalry, kept up a running fire that did terrible execution on the flanks and rear of the fugitives. At length, sated with slaughter, and trusting that the chastisement he had inflicted on the enemy would secure him from further annoyance for the present, the Cas tilian general drew back his forces to their quarters in the capital.18 His next step was the recovery of the citadel. It was an enterprise of danger. The fortress, Avhich overlooked the northern section of the city, stood high on a rocky eminence, so steep as to be inaccessible on this quarter, where it was defended only by a single wall. Towards the open coun try, it was more easy of approach ; but there it was protected by two semicircular walls, each about twelve hundred feet in length, and of great thick ness. They were built of massive stones, or rather 18 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Piru, MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- Conq., MS. — Conq. i Pob. del neral, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 4, 5. 62 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. rocks, put together without cement, so as to form a kind of rustic-work. The level of the ground be tween these lines of defence was raised up so as to enable the garrison to discharge its arrows at the assailants, while their own persons were protected by the parapet. Within the interior wall was the fortress, consisting of three strong towers, one of great height, which, with a smaller one, was now held by the enemy, under the command of an Inca noble, a warrior of well-tried valor, prepared to de fend it to the last extremity. The perilous enterprise was intrusted by Hernan do Pizarro to his brother Juan, a cavalier in whose bosom burned the adventurous spirit of a knight- errant of romance. As the fortress was to be ap proached through the mountain passes, it became necessary to divert the enemy's attention to another quarter. A little while before sunset Juan Pizarro left the city with a picked corps of horsemen, and took a direction opposite to that of the fortress, that the besieging army might suppose the object was a foraging expedition. But secretly countermarching in the night, he fortunately found the passes unpro tected, and arrived before the outer wall of the for tress, without giving the alarm to the garrison.19 The entrance was through a narrow opening in the centre of the rampart ; but this was now closed up with heavy stones, that seemed to form one solid work with the rest of the masonry. It was an affair of time to dislodge these huge masses, in such a 19 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. Ch. X.] STORMING OF THE FORTRESS. 63 manner as not to rouse the garrison. The Indian nations, who rarely attacked in the night, were not sufficiently acquainted with the art of war even to provide against surprise by posting sentinels. When the task was accomplished, Juan Pizarro and his gallant troop rode through the gateway, and ad vanced towards the second parapet. But their movements had not been conducted so secretly as to escape notice, and they now found the interior court swarming with warriors, wrho, as the Spaniards drew near, let off clouds of missiles that compelled them to come to a halt. Juan Pi zarro, aware that no time was to be lost, ordered one half of his corps to dismount, and, putting him self at their head, prepared to make a breach as before in the fortifications. He had been wounded some days previously in the jaw, so that, finding his helmet caused him pain, he rashly dispensed with it, and trusted for protection to his buckler.20 Lead ing on his men, he encouraged them in the work of demolition, in the face of such a storm of stones, javelins, and arrows, as might have made the stout est heart shrink from encountering it. The good mail of the Spaniards did not always protect them ; but others took the place of such as fell, until a breach was made, and the cavalry, pouring in, rode down all who opposed them. The parapet was now abandoned, and the enemy, hurrying with disorderly flight across the inclosure, 20 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. 64 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. took refuge on a kind of platform or terrace, com manded by the principal tower. Here rallying, they shot off fresh volleys of missiles against the Spaniards, while the garrison in the fortress hurled down fragments of rock and timber on their heads. Juan Pizarro, still among the foremost, sprang for ward on the terrace, cheering on his men by his voice and example ; but at this moment he was struck by a large stone on the head, not then pro tected by his buckler, and was stretched on the ground. The dauntless chief still continued to ani mate his followers by his voice, till the terrace was carried, and its miserable defenders were put to the sword. His sufferings were then too much for him, and he was removed to the town below, where, notwithstanding every exertion to save him, he survived the injury but a fortnight, and died in great agony.21 — To say that he was a Pizarro is enough to attest his claim to valor. But it is his praise, that his valor was tempered by courtesy. His own nature appeared mild by contrast with the haughty temper of his brothers, and his man ners made him a favorite of the army. He had served in the conquest of Peru from the first, and no name on the roll of its conquerors is less tar- 21 " Y estando hatallando con quince dias murio desta herida y ellos para echallos de alii Joan ansi herido estuvo forcejando con Picarro se descuido descubrirse la los yndios y espafioles hasta que cabeca con la adarga y con las se gano este terrado y ganado le muchas pedradas que tiravan le abaxaron al Cuzco." Pedro Pi- acertaron vna en la caveca que le zarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. quebraron los cascos y dende a Ch. X.] STORMING OF THE FORTRESS. 65 nished by the reproach of cruelty, or stands higher in all the attributes of a true and valiant knight.23 Though deeply sensible to his brother's disaster, Hernando Pizarro saw that no time was to be lost in profiting by the advantages already gained. Com mitting the charge of the town to Gonzalo, he put himself at the head of the assailants, and laid vigor ous siege to the fortresses. One surrendered after a short resistance. The other and more formidable of the two still held out under the brave Inca noble who commanded it. He was a man of an athletic frame, and might be seen striding along the battle ments, armed with a Spanish buckler and cuirass, and in his hand wielding a formidable mace, gar nished with points or knobs of copper. With this terrible weapon he struck down all who attempted to force a passage into the fortress. Some of his own followers who proposed a surrender he is said to have slain with his own hand. Hernando pre pared to carry the place by escalade. Ladders were planted against the walls, but no sooner did a Span iard gain the topmost round, than he was hurled to the ground by the strong arm of the Indian warrior. His activity was equal to his strength ; and he seemed to be at every point the moment that his presence was needed. 22 " Hera valiente," says Pedro Tierra, porque era Juan Picarro Pizarro, "y muy animoso, gentil mui valiente, i experimentado en hombre, magnanimo y afable." las Guerras de los Indios, i bien (Descub. y Conq., MS.) Zarate quisto, i amado de todos." Conq. dismisses him with this brief pane- del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 3. gyric : — " Fue gran perdida en la VOL. II. 9 66 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. The Spanish commander was filled with admira tion at this display of valor ; for he could admire valor even in an enemy. He gave orders that the chief should not be injured, but be taken alive, if possible.23 This was not easy. At length, numer ous ladders having been planted against the tower, the Spaniards scaled it on several quarters at the same time, and, leaping into the place, overpowered the few combatants who still made a show of re sistance. But the Inca chieftain was not to be taken ; and, finding further resistance ineffectual, he sprang to the edge of the battlements, and, casting away his war-club, wrapped his mantle around him and threw himself headlong from the summit.24 He died like an ancient Roman. He had struck his last stroke for the freedom of his country, and he scorned to survive her dishonor. — The Castilian commander left a small force in garrison to secure his conquest, and returned in triumph to his quarters. Week after week rolled away, and no relief came to the beleaguered Spaniards. They had long since begun to feel the approaches of famine. Fortunate ly, they were provided with water from the streams which flowed through the city. But, though they 23 " Y mando hernando pic. arro le avian tornado por dos 6 tres a los Espafioles que subian que no partes el fuerte, arrojando las armas matasen a este yndio sino que se se tapo la caveca y el rrostro con lo tomasen a vida, jurando de no la manta y se arrojo del cubo abajo matalle si lo avia bivo." Pedro mas de cien estados, y ansi se hizo Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. pedazos. A hernando Picarro le 24 " Visto este orejon que se lo peso mucho por no tomalle a vida." avian ganado y le avian ganado y Ibid., MS. Ch. X.] PIZARRO'S DISMAY. 67 had well husbanded their resources, their provisions were exhausted, and they had for some time de pended on such scanty supplies of grain as they could gather from the ruined magazines and dwell ings, mostly consumed by the fire, or from the produce of some successful foray.25 This latter re source was attended with no little difficulty; for every expedition led to a fierce encounter with the enemy, which usually cost the lives of several Span iards, and inflicted a much heavier injury on the Indian allies. Yet it was at least one good result of such loss, that it left fewer to provide for. But the whole number of the besieged was so small, that any loss greatly increased the difficulties of defence by the remainder. As months passed away without bringing any tidings of their countrymen, their minds were haunt ed with still gloomier apprehensions as to their fate. They well knew that the governor would make every effort to rescue them from their desperate condition. That he had not succeeded in this made it probable, that his own situation was no better than theirs, or, perhaps, he and his followers had already fallen victims to the fury of the insurgents. It was a dismal thought, that they alone were left in the land, far from all human succour, to perish miserably by the hands of the barbarians among the mountains. Yet the actual state of things, though gloomy in 25 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 24. 68 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III the extreme, was not quite so desperate as their im aginations had painted it. The insurrection, it is true, had been general throughout the country,, at least that portion of it occupied by the Spaniards. It had been so well concerted, that it broke out almost simultaneously, and the Conquerors, who were living in careless security on their estates, had been massacred to the number of several hundreds. An Indian force had sat down before Xauxa, and a considerable army had occupied the valley of Rimac and laid siege to Lima. But the country around that capital was of an open, level character, very favorable to the action of cavalry. Pizarro no soon er saw himself menaced by the hostile array, than he sent such a force against the Peruvians as speed ily put them to flight ; and, following up his advan tage, he inflicted on them such a severe chastise ment, that, although they still continued to hover in the distance and cut off his communications with the interior, they did not care to trust themselves on the other side of the Rimac. The accounts that the Spanish commander now received of the state of the country filled him with the most serious alarm. He was particularly so licitous for the fate of the garrison at Cuzco, and he made repeated efforts to relieve that capital. Four several detachments, amounting to more than four hundred men in all, half of them cavalry, were sent by him at different times, under some of his bravest officers. But none of them reached their place of destination. The wily natives permitted Ch. X.] PIZARRO'S DISMAY. 69 them to march into the interior of the country, until they were fairly entangled in the passes of the Cor dilleras. They then enveloped them with greatly superior numbers, and, occupying the heights, show ered down their fatal missiles on the heads of the Spaniards, or crushed them under the weight of fragments of rock which they rolled on them from the mountains. In some instances, the whole de tachment was cut off to a man. In others, a few stragglers only survived to return and tell the bloody tale to their countrymen at Lima.26 Pizarro was now filled with consternation. He had the most dismal forebodings of the fate of the Spaniards dispersed throughout the country, and even doubted the possibility of maintaining his own foothold in it without assistance from abroad. He despatched a vessel to the neighbouring colony at Truxillo, urging them to abandon the place, with all their effects, and to repair to him at Lima. The measure was, fortunately, not adopted. Many of his men were for availing themselves of the vessels which rode at anchor in the port to make their es cape from the country at once, and take refuge in 26 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. putes the whole number of Chris- 4, cap. 5. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- tians who perished in this insur- neral, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap 5. — rection at seven hundred, many of Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, them, he adds, under circumstances lib. 2, cap. 28. of great cruelty. (Cronica, cap. According to the historian of the 82.) The estimate, considering Incas, there fell in these expedi- the spread and spirit of the insur- tions four hundred and seventy rection, does not seem extravagant Spaniards. Cieza de Leon com- 70 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. Panama. Pizarro would not hearken to so dastard ly a counsel, which involved the desertion of the brave men in the interior who still looked to him for protection. He cut off the hopes of these timid spirits by despatching all the vessels then in port on a very different mission. He sent letters by them to the governors of Panama, Nicaragua, Guatemala, and Mexico, representing the gloomy state of his affairs, and invoking their aid. His epistle to Al varado, then established at Guatemala, is preserved. He conjures him by every sentiment of honor and patriotism to come to his assistance, and this before it was too late. Without assistance, the Spaniards could no longer maintain their footing in Peru, and that great empire would be lost to the Castilian Crown. He finally engages to share with him such conquests as they may make with their united arms.27 — Such concessions, to the very man whose absence from the country, but a few months before, Pizarro would have been willing to secure at al most any price, are sufficient evidence of the extrem ity of his distress. The succours thus earnestly so licited arrived in time, not to quell the Indian insur rection, but to aid him in a struggle quite as formi dable with his own countrymen. It was now August. More than five months had 27 " E crea V. Sa sino somos mos pocas armas, e los Indios socorridos se perdera el Cusco, estan atrevidos." Carta de Fran- ques la cosa mas sefialada e de cisco Pizarro a. D. Pedro de Alva- mas importancia que se puede de- rado, desde la Ciudad le los Reyes, scubrir, e luego nos perderemos 29 de julio, 1536, MS. todos ; porque somos pocos 6 tene- Ch. X.] THE INCA RAISES THE SIEGE. 71 elapsed since the commencement of the siege of Cuzco, yet the Peruvian legions still lay encamped around the city. The siege had been protracted much beyond what was usual in Indian warfare, and showed the resolution of the natives to exter minate the white men. But the Peruvians them selves had for some time been straitened by the want of provisions. It was no easy matter to feed so numerous a host ; and the obvious resource of the magazines of grain, so providently prepared by the Incas, did them but little service, since their contents had been most prodigally used, and even dissipated, by the Spaniards, on their first occupa tion of the country.28 The season for planting had now arrived, and the Inca well knew, that, if his followers were to neglect it, they would be visited by a scourge even more formidable than their in vaders. Disbanding the greater part of his forces, therefore, he ordered them to withdraw to their homes, and, after the labors of the field were over, to return and resume the blockade of the capital. The Inca reserved a considerable force to attend on his own person, with which he retired to Tambo, a strongly fortified place south of the valley of Yucay, the favorite residence of his ancestors. He also posted a large body as a corps of observation in the environs of Cuzco, to watch the movements of the enemy, and to intercept supplies. The Spaniards beheld with joy the mighty host, as Ondegardo, Rel. Prim, y Seg., MS. 72 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. which had so long encompassed the city, now melt ing away. They were not slow in profiting by the circumstance, and Hernando Pizarro took advantage of the temporary absence to send out foraging par ties to scour the country, and bring back supplies to his famishing soldiers. In this he was so successful that on one occasion no less than two thousand head of cattle — the Peruvian sheep — were swept away from the Indian plantations and brought safely to Cuzco.29 This placed the army above all appre hensions on the score of want for the present. Yet these forays were made at the point of the lance, and many a desperate contest ensued, in which the best blood of the Spanish chivalry was shed. The contests, indeed, were not confined to large bodies of troops, but skirmishes took place between smaller parties, which sometimes took the form of personal combats. Nor were the parties so unequally matched as might have been supposed in these single rencontres ; and the Peruvian warrior, with his sling, his bow, and his lasso, proved no con temptible antagonist for the mailed horseman, whom he sometimes even ventured to encounter, hand to hand, with his formidable battle-axe. The ground around Cuzco became a battle-field, like the vega of Granada, in which Christian and Pagan displayed the characteristics of their peculiar warfare ; and many a deed of heroism was performed, which wanted only the song of the minstrel to shed around 29 " Recoximos hasta dos mil oavezas de ganado." Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. Ch. X.] THE INCA RAISES THE SIEGE. 73 it a glory like that which rested on the last days of the Moslem of Spain.30 But Hernando Pizarro was not content to act wholly on the defensive ; and he meditated a bold stroke, by which at once to put an end to the war. This was the capture of the Inca Manco, whom he hoped to surprise in his quarters at Tambo. For this service he selected about eighty of his best-mounted cavalry, with a small body of foot ; and, making a large detour through the less fre quented mountain defiles, he arrived before Tambo without alarm to the enemy. He found the place more strongly fortified than he had imagined. The palace, or rather fortress, of the Incas stood on a lofty eminence, the steep sides of which, on the quarter where the Spaniards approached, were cut into terraces, defended by strong walls of stone and sunburnt brick.31 The place was impreg nable on this side. On the opposite, it looked towards the Yucay, and the ground descended by a gradual declivity towards the plain through which 30 Pedro Pizarro recounts several MS.) Such atrocities are not of these deeds of arms, in some of often noticed by the chroniclers ; which his own prowess is made and we may hope they were ex- quite apparent. One piece of ceptions to the general policy of cruelty recorded by him is little to the Conquerors in this invasion. the credit of his commander, Her- 3l " Tambo tan fortalescido que nando Pizarro, who, he says, after hera cosa de grima, porquel assien- a desperate rencontre, caused the to donde Tambo esta es muy fuerte, right hands of his prisoners to be de andenes muy altos y de muy struck off, and sent them in this gran canterias fortalescidos. " Pp- mutilated condition back to their dro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., countrymen! (Descub. y Conq., MS. VOL. II. 10 74 CONQUEST OF PERU. [Book III. rolled its deep but narrow current.32 This was the quarter on which to make the assault. Crossing the stream without much difficulty, the Spanish commander advanced up the smooth glacis with as little noise as possible. The morning light had hardly broken on the mountains ; and Pizarro, as he drew near the outer defences, which, as in the fortress of Cuzco, consisted of a stone parapet of great strength drawn round the inclosure, moved quickly forward, confident that the garrison were still buried in sleep. But thousands of eyes were upon him ; and as the Spaniards came within bow shot, a multitude of dark forms suddenly rose above the rampart, while the Inca, with his lance in hand, was seen on horseback in the inclosure, directing the operations of his troops.33 At the same moment the air was darkened with innumerable missiles, stones, javelins, and arrows, which fell like a hurri cane on the troops, and the mountains rang to the wild war-whoop of the enemy. The Spaniards, taken by surprise, and many of them sorely wound ed, were staggered ; and, though they quickly ral lied, and made two attempts to renew the assault, they were at length obliged to fall back, unable to endure the violence of the storm. To add to their confusion, the lower level in their rear was flooded by the waters, which the natives, by open- 32 "El rio de yucay ques grande entre su gente, con su lanca en la por aquella parte va muy angosto y mano." Herrera, Hist. General, hondo." Ibid., MS. dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 7. 33 " PaTecia el Inga a caballo Ch. X.] THE INCA RAISES THE SIEGE. 75 ing the sluices, had diverted from the bed of the river, so that their position was no longer tena ble.34 A council of war was then held, and it was decided to abandon the attack as desperate, and to retreat in as good order as possible. The day had been consumed in these ineffectual operations ; and Hernando, under cover of the friend ly darkness, sent forward his infantry and baggage, taking command of the centre himself, and trusting the rear to his brother Gonzalo. The river was happily recrossed without accident, although the enemy, now confident in their strength, rushed out of their defences, and followed up the retreating Spaniards, whom they annoyed with repeated dis charges of arrows. More than once they pressed so closely on the fugitives, that Gonzalo and his chivalry were compelled to turn and make one of those desperate charges that effectually punished their audacity, and stayed the tide of pursuit. Yet the victorious foe still hung on the rear of the dis comfited cavaliers, till they had emerged from the mountain passes, and come within sight of the blackened walls of the capital. It was the last triumph of the Inca.35 34 ' ' Pues hechos dos 6 tres van el rrio en el llano donde esta- acometimientos a tomar este pueblo vamos, y aguardar mas peresciera- tantas vezes nos hizieron bolver mos aqui todos." Pedro Pizarro, dando de manos. Ansi estuvimos Descub. y Conq., MS. todo este dia hasta puesta de sol ; & Ibid., MS. — Herrera, Hist. los indios sin entendello nos hecha- General, dec. 5, lib. 8, cap. 7. 76 PEDRO PIZARRO. [Book III. Among the manuscripts for which 1 am indebted to the liberality of that illustrious Spanish scholar, the lamented Navarrete, the most re markable, in connection with this history, is the work of Pedro Pi zarro ; Relaciones del Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru. But a single copy of this important document appears to have been preserved, the existence of which was but little known till it came into the hands of Sefior de Navarrete ; though it did not escape the inde fatigable researches of Herrera, as is evident from the mention of several incidents, some of them having personal relation to Pedro Pizarro himself, which the historian of the Indies could have derived through no other channel. The manuscript has lately heen given to the public as part of the inestimable collection of historical documents now in process of publication at Madrid, under auspices which, we may trust, will insure its success. As the printed work did not reach me till my present labors were far advanced, I have preferred to rely on the manuscript copy for the brief remainder of my narrative, as I had been compelled to do for the previous portion of it. Nothing, that I am aware of, is known respecting the author, but what is to be gleaned from incidental notices of himself in his own history. He was born at Toledo in Estremadura, the fruitful province of adventur ers to ,the New World, whence the family of Francis Pizarro, to which Pedro was allied, also emigrated. When that chief came over to undertake the conquest of Peru, after receiving his commission from the emperor in 1529, Pedro Pizarro, then only fifteen years of age, ac companied him in quality of page. For three years he remained at tached to the household of his commander, and afterwards continued to follow his banner as a soldier of fortune. He was present at most of the memorable events of the Conquest, and seems to have possessed in a great degree the confidence of his leader, who employed him on some difficult missions, in which he displayed coolness and gallantry. It is true, we must take the author's own word for all this. But he tells his exploits with an air of honesty, and without any extraordinary effort to set them off in undue relief. He speaks of himself in the third per son, and, as his manuscript was not intended solely for posterity, he would hardly have ventured on great misrepresentation, where fraud ¦ could so easily have been exposed. After the Conquest, our author still remained attached to the for tunes of his commander, and stood by him through all the troubles which ensued ; and on the assassination of that chief, he withdrew to Arequipa, to enjoy in quiet the repartimiento of lands and Indians, which had been bestowed on him as the recompense of his services. He was there on the breaking out of the great rebellion under Gonzalo Pizarro. Ch. X.] PEDRO PIZARRO. 77 But he was true to his allegiance, and chose rather, as he tells us, to be false to his name and his lineage than to his loyalty. Gonzalo, in retaliation, seized his estates, and would have proceeded to still further extremities against him, when Pedro Pizarro had fallen into his hands at Lima, but for the interposition of his lieutenant, the famous Fran cisco de Carbajal, to whom the chronicler had once the good fortune to render an important service. This, Carbajal requited by sparing his life on two occasions, — but on the second coolly remarked, " No man has a right to a brace of lives ; and if you fall into my hands a third time, God only can grant you another." Happily, Pizarro did not find occasion to put this menace to the test. After the pacification of the country, he again retired to Arequipa ; but, from the querulous tone of his remarks, it would seem he was not fully reinstated in the possessions he had sacrificed by his loyal devotion to government. The last we hear of him is in 1571, the date which he assigns as that of the completion of his history. Pedro Pizarro's narrative covers the whole ground of the Conquest, from the date of the first expedition that sallied out from Panama, to the troubles that ensued on the departure of President Gasca. The first part of the work was gathered from the testimony of others, and, of course, cannot claim the distinction of rising to the highest class of evidence. But all that follows the return of Francis Pizarro from Castile, all, in short, which constitutes the conquest of the country, may be said to be reported on his own observation, as an eyewitness and an actor. This gives to his narrative a value to which it could have no pretensions oa the score of its literary execution. Pizarro was a soldier, with as little education, probably, as usually falls to those who have been trained from youth in this rough school, — the most unpropitious in the world to both mental and moral progress. He had the good sense, more over, not to aspire to an excellence which he could not reach. There is no ambition of fine writing in his chronicle ; there are none of those affectations of ornament which only make more glaring the beggarly condition of him who assumes them. His object was simply to tell the story of the Conquest, as he had seen it. He was to deal with facts, not with words, which he wisely left to those who came into the field after the laborers had quitted it, to garner up what they could at second hand. Pizarro's situation may he thought to have necessarily exposed him to party influences, and thus given an undue bias to his narrative. It is not difficult, indeed, to determine under whose banner he had en listed. He writes like a partisan, and yet like an honest one, who is no further warped from a correct judgment of passing affairs than must necessarily come from preconceived opinions. There is no management 78 MONTESINOS. [Book III. to work a conviction in his reader on this side or the other, still less any obvious perversion of fact. He evidently believes what he says, and this is the great point to be desired. We can make allowance for the natural influences of his position. Were he more impartial than this, the critic of the present day, by making allowance for a greater amount of prejudice and partiality, might only be led into error. Pizarro is not only independent, but occasionally caustic in his con demnation of those under whom he acted. This is particularly the case where their measures bear too unfavorably on his own interests, or those of the army. As to the unfortunate natives, he no more regards their sufferings than the Jews of old did those of the Philistines, whom they considered as delivered up to their swords, and whose lands they regarded as their lawful heritage. There is no mercy shown by the hard Conqueror in his treatment of the infidel. Pizarro was the representative of the age in which he lived. Yet it is too much to cast such obloquy on the age. He represented more truly the spirit of the fierce warriors who overturned the dynasty of the Incas. He was not merely a crusader, fighting to extend the empire of the Cross over the darkened heathen. Gold was his great object ; the estimate by which he judged of the value of the Conquest ; the recompense that he asked for a life of toil and danger. It was with these golden visions, far more than with visions of glory, ahove all, of celestial glory, that the Peruvian adventurer fed his gross and worldly imagination. Pizarro did not rise above his caste. Neither did he rise above it in a mental view, any more than in a moral. His history dis plays no great penetration, or vigor and comprehension of thought. It is the work of a soldier, telling simply his tale of blood. Its value is, that it is told by him who acted it. And this, to the modern com piler, renders it of higher worth than far abler productions at second hand. It is the rude ore, which, submitted to the regular process of purification and refinement, may receive the current stamp that fits it for general circulation. Another authority, to whom I have occasionally referred, and whose writings still slumber in manuscript, is the Licentiate Fernando Mon tesinos. He is, in every respect, the opposite of the military chroni cler who has just come under our notice. He flourished about a cen tury after the Conquest. Of course, the value of his writings as an authority for historical facts must depend on his superior opportunities for consulting original documents. For this his advantages were great. He was twice sent in an official capacity to Peru, which required him to visit the different parts of the country. These two missions occupied fifteen years ; so that, while his position gave him access to the colonial archives and literary repositories, he was enabled to verify his re searches, to some extent, by actual observation of the country. Ch. X.] MONTESINOS. 79 The result was his two historical works, Memorias Antiguas Histo- riales del Peru, and his Annales, sometimes cited in these pages. The former is taken up with the early history of the country, — very early, it must be admitted, since it goes back to the deluge. The first part of this treatise is chiefly occupied with an argument to show the iden tity of Peru with the golden Ophir of Solomon's time ! This hy pothesis, by no means original with the author, may give no unfair notion of the character of his mind. In the progress of his work he follows down the line of Inca princes, whose exploits, and names even, by no means coincide with Garcilasso's catalogue ; a circumstance, however, far from establishing their inaccuracy. But one will have little doubt of the writer's title to this reproach, that reads the absurd legends told in the grave tone of reliance by Montesinos, who shared largely in the credulity and the love of the marvellous which belong to an earlier and less enlightened age. These same traits are visible in his Annals, which are devoted ex clusively to the Conquest. Here, indeed, the author, after his cloudy flight, has descended on firm ground, where gross violations of truth, or, at least, of probability, are not to be expected. But any one who has occasion to compare his narrative with that of contemporary writers will find frequent cause to distrust it. Yet Montesinos has one merit. In his extensive researches, he became acquainted with original instru ments, which he has occasionally transferred to his own pages, and which it would be now difficult to meet elsewhere. His writings have been commended by some of his learned country men, as showing diligent research and information. My own expe rience would not assign them a high rank as historical vouchers. They seem to me entitled to little praise, either for the accuracy of their statements, or the sagacity of their reflections. The spirit of cold indifference which they manifest to the sufferings of the natives is an odious feature, for which there is less apology in a writer of the seven teenth century than in one of the primitive Conquerors, whose passions had been inflamed by long-protracted hostility. M. Ternaux-Compans has translated the Memorias Antiguas with Ids usual elegance and precision, for his collection of original documents relating to the New World . He speaks in the Preface of doing the same kind office to the Annates, at a future time. 1 am not aware that he has done this ; and I cannot but think that the excellent translator may find a better subject for his labors in some of the rich collection of the Mufioz manuscripts in his possession. BOOK FOURTH. CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. VOL. II. n BOOK IV. CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. CHAPTER I. Almagro's March to Chili. — Suffering of the Troops. — He RETURNS AND SEIZES CuZCO. ACTION OF AbANCAY. GaSPAR de Espinosa. — Almagro leaves Cuzco. — Negotiations with Pizarro. 1535—1537. While the events recorded in the preceding chapter were passing, the Marshal Almagro was en gaged in his memorable expedition to Chili. He had set out, as we have seen, with only part of his forces, leaving his lieutenant to follow him with the remainder. During the first part of the way, he profited by the great military road of the Incas, which stretched across the table-land far towards the south. But as he drew near to Chili, the Span ish commander became entangled in the defiles of the mountains, where no vestige of a road was to be discerned. Here his progress was impeded by all the obstacles which belong to the wild scenery of the Cordilleras ; deep and ragged ravines, round 84 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS [Book IV. whose sides a slender sheep-path wound up to a dizzy height over the precipices below ; rivers rush ing in fury down the slopes of the mountains, and throwing themselves in stupendous cataracts into the yawning abyss ; dark forests of pine that seemed to have no end, and then again long reaches of desolate table-land, without so much as a bush or shrub to shelter the shivering traveller from the blast that swept down from the frozen summits of the sierra. The cold was so intense, that many lost the nails of their fingers, their fingers themselves, and some times their limbs. Others were blinded by the dazzling waste of snow, reflecting the rays of a sun made intolerably brilliant in the thin atmosphere of these elevated regions. Hunger came, as usual, in the train of woes ; for in these dismal solitudes no vegetation that would suffice for the food of man was visible, and no living thing, except only the great bird of the Andes, hovering over their heads in expectation of his banquet. This was too fre quently afforded by the number of wretched Indians, who, unable, from the scantiness of then: clothing, to encounter the severity of the climate, perished by the way. Such was the pressure of hunger, that the miserable survivors fed on the dead bodies of their countrymen, and the Spaniards forced a similar sustenance from the carcasses of their horses, literal ly frozen to death in the mountain passes.1 — Such 1 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 10, cap. 1-3. — Oviedo, Ch. I.] ALMAGRO'S MARCH TO CHILI. 85 were the terrible penalties which Nature imposed on those who rashly intruded on these her solitary and most savage haunts. Yet their own sufferings do not seem to have touched the hearts of the Spaniards with any feel ing of compassion for the weaker natives. Their path was everywhere marked by burnt and deso lated hamlets, the inhabitants of which were com pelled to do them service as beasts of burden. They were chained together in gangs of ten or twelve, and no infirmity or feebleness of body ex cused the unfortunate captive from his full share of the common toil, till he sometimes dropped dead, in his very chains, from mere exhaustion ! 2 Alva rado's company are accused of having been more cruel than Pizarro's ; and many of Almagro's men, it may be remembered, were recruited from that source. The commander looked with displeasure, it is said, on these enormities, and did what he could to repress them. Yet he did not set a good example in his own conduct, if it be true that he Hist, de las Indias, MS., Parte 3, buen hombre i en grand reputacion lib. 9, cap. i. — Conq. i Pob. del i el que era inclinado a hacer bien Piru, MS. i a hacer buenos tratamientos a los 2 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. naturales i los favorecia no era The writer must have made one tenido en tan buena estima, he on this expedition, as he speaks apuntado esto que vi con mis ojos i from personal observation. The en que por mis pecados anduve por- poor natives had at least one friend que entiendan los que esto leyeren in the Christian camp. "I si en que de la manera que aqui digo i el Real havia algun Espanol que con mayores crueldades harto se era buen rancheador i cruel i ma- hizo esta Jornada i descubrimiento tava muchos Indios tenianle por de Chile." 86 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. caused no less than thirty Indian chiefs to be burnt alive, for the massacre of three of his followers!3 The heart sickens at the recital of such atrocities perpetrated on an unoffending people, or, at least, guilty of no other crime than that of defending their own soil too well. There is something in the possession of superior strength most dangerous, in a moral view, to its pos sessor. Brought in contact with semi-civilized man, the European, with his endowments and effective force so immeasurably superior, holds him as little higher than the brute, and as born equally for his service. He feels that he has a natural right, as it were, to his obedience, and that this obedience is to be measured, not by the powers of the barbarian, but by the will of his conqueror. Resistance becomes a crime to be washed out only in the blood of the vic tim. The tale of such atrocities is not confined to the Spaniard. Wherever the civilized man and the savage have come in contact, in the East or in the West, the story has been too often written in blood. From the wild chaos of mountain scenery the Spaniards emerged on the green vale of Coquimbo, 3 "I para castigarlos por la Piru, MS.) Oviedo, who always muerte destos tres Espafioles jun- shows the hard feeling of the colo- tolos en un aposento donde estava nist, excuses this on the old plea aposentado i mando cavalgar la of necessity, — fue necesario este jente de cavallo i la de apie que castigo, — and adds, that after this guardasen las puertas i todos estu- a Spaniard might send a messen- viesen apercividos i los prendio i ger from one end of the country to en conclusion hizo quemar mas de the other, without fear of injury. 30 sefiores vivos atados cada uno Hist, de las Indias, MS., Parte 3, a su palo " (Conq. i Pob. del lib. 9, cap. 4. Ch. I.] ALMAGRO'S MARCH TO CHILI. 87 about the thirtieth degree of south latitude. Here they halted to refresh themselves in its abundant plains, after their unexampled sufferings and fatigues. Meanwhile Almagro despatched an officer with a strong party in advance, to ascertain the character of the country towards the south. Not long after, he was cheered by the arrival of the remainder of his forces under his lieutenant Rodrigo de Orgonez. This was a remarkable person, and intimately con nected with the subsequent fortunes of Almagro. He was a native of Oropesa, had been trained in the Italian wars, and held the rank of ensign in the army of the Constable of Bourbon at the famous sack of Rome. It was a good school in which to learn his iron trade, and to steel the heart against any too ready sensibility to human suffering. Or gonez was an excellent soldier ; true to his com mander, prompt, fearless, and unflinching in the ex ecution of his orders. His services attracted the notice of the Crown, and, shortly after this period, he was raised to the rank of Marshal of New Tole do. Yet it may be doubted whether his character did not qualify him for an executive and subordinate station rather than for one of higher responsibility. Almagro received also the royal warrant, confer ring on him his new powers and territorial jurisdic tion. The instrument had been detained by the Pizarros to the very last moment. His troops, long since disgusted with their toilsome and unprofitable march, were now clamorous to return. Cuzco, they said, undoubtedly fell within the limits of his gov- 88 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. ernment, and it was better to take possession of its comfortable quarters than to wander like outcasts in this dreary wilderness. They reminded their commander that thus only could he provide for the interests of his son Diego. This was an illegit imate son of Almagro, on whom his father doated with extravagant fondness, justified more than usual by the promising character of the youth. After an absence of about two months, the offi cer sent on the exploring expedition returned, bring ing unpromising accounts of the southern regions of Chili. The only land of promise for the Castilian was one that teemed with gold.4 He had pene trated to the distance of a hundred leagues, to the limits, probably, of the conquests of the Incas on the river Maule.5 The Spaniards had fortu nately stopped short of the land of Arauco, where the blood of their countrymen was soon after to be poured out like water, and which still maintains a proud independence amidst the general humiliation of the Indian races around it. Almagro now yielded, with little reluctance, to the renewred importunities of the soldiers, and turned his face towards the North. It is unnecessary to follow his march in detail. Disheartened by the ' It is the language of a Span- of the world ; cerca del fin del iard; " i como no le parecio bien mundo. (Hist, de las Indias, MS., la tierra por no ser quajada de Parte 3, lib. 9, cap. 5.) One must oro." Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. not expect to meet with very ac- 5 According to Oviedo, a hun- curate notions of geography in the dred and fifty leagues, and very rude soldiers of America. near, as they told him, to the end Ch. I.] HE RETURNS AND SEIZES CUZCO. 89 difficulty of the mountain passage, he took the road along the coast, which led him across the great des ert of Atacama. In crossing this dreary waste, which stretches for nearly a hundred leagues to the northern borders of Chili, writh hardly a green spot in its expanse to relieve the fainting traveller, Al magro and his men experienced as great sufferings, though not of the same kind, as those which they had encountered in the passes of the Cordilleras. Indeed, the captain would not easily be found at this day, who would venture to lead his army across this dreary region. But the Spaniard of the six teenth century had a strength of limb and a buoy ancy of spirit which raised him to a contempt of ob stacles, almost justifying the boast of the historian, that " he contended indifferently, at the same time, with man, with the elements, and with famine ! " 6 After traversing the terrible desert, Almagro reached the ancient town of Arequipa, about sixty leagues from Cuzco. Here he learned with aston ishment the insurrection of the Peruvians, and fur ther, that the young Inca Manco still lay with a for midable force at no great distance from the capital. He had once been on friendly terms with the Peru vian prince, and he now resolved, before proceed ing farther, to send an embassy to his camp, and arrange an interview with him in the neighbour hood of Cuzco Almagro's emissaries were well received by the 6 " Peleando en un tiempo con i con la Hambre." Herrera, Hist. los Enemigos, con los Elementos, General, dec. 5, lib. 10, cap. 2. VOL. II. 12 90 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Inca, who alleged his grounds of complaint against the Pizarros, and named the vale of Yucay as the place where he would confer with the marshal. The Spanish commander accordingly resumed his march, and, taking one half of his force, whose whole num ber fell somewhat short of five hundred men, he repaired in person to the place of rendezvous ; while the remainder of his army established their quarters at Urcos, about six leagues from the cap ital.7 The Spaniards in Cuzco, startled by the appear ance of this fresh body of troops in their neigh bourhood, doubted, when they learned the quarter whence they came, whether it betided them good or evil. Hernando Pizarro marched out of the city with a small force, and, drawing near to Urcos, heard with no little uneasiness of Almagro's purpose to insist on his pretensions to Cuzco. Though much inferior in strength to his rival, he determined to re sist him. Meanwhile, the Peruvians, who had witnessed the conference between the soldiers of the opposite camps, suspected some secret understanding be tween the parties, which would compromise the safety of the Inca. They communicated their dis trust to Manco, and the latter, adopting the same sentiments, or perhaps, from the first, meditating a surprise of the Spaniards, suddenly fell upon the latter in the valley of Yucay with a body of fif- '7 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Piru, MS. — Oviedo, Hist, de las Conq., MS. — Conq. i Pob. del Indias, MS., Parte 3, lib. 9, cap. 6. Ch. I.] HE RETURNS AND SEIZES CUZCO. 91 teen thousand men. But the veterans of Chili were too familiar with Indian tactics to be taken by surprise. And though a sharp engagement ensued, which lasted more than an hour, in which Orgonez had a horse killed under him, the natives were final ly driven back with great slaughter, and the Inca was so far crippled by the blow, that he was not likely for the present to give further molestation.8 Almagro, now joining the division left at Urcos, saw no further impediment to his operations on Cuzco. He sent, at once, an embassy to the mu nicipality of the place, requiring the recognition of him as its lawful governor, and presenting at the same time a copy of his credentials from the Crown. But the question of jurisdiction was not one easy to be settled, depending, as it did, on a knowledge of the true parallels of latitude, not very likely to be possessed by the rude followers of Pizarro. The royal grant had placed under his jurisdiction all the country extending two hundred and seventy leagues south of the river of Santiago, situated one degree and twenty minutes north of the equator. Two hundred and seventy leagues on the meridian, by our measurement, would fall more than a degree short of Cuzco, and, indeed, would barely include the city of Lima itself. But the Spanish leagues, of only seventeen and a half to a degree,9 would remove the southern boundary to nearly half a de- 8 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, 9 " Contando diez i siete leguas cap. 4. —Conq. i Pob. del Piru, i media por grado." Hen-era, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 21. Hist. General, dec. 0, lib. 3, cap. 5. 92 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. gree beyond the capital of the Incas, which would thus fall within the jurisdiction of Pizarro.10 Yet the division-line ran so close to the disputed ground, that the true result might reasonably be doubted, where no careful scientific observations had been made to obtain it; and each party was prompt to as sert, as they always are in such cases, that its own claim was clear and unquestionable.11 Thus summoned by Almagro, the authorities of Cuzco, unwilling to give umbrage to either of the contending chiefs, decided that they must wait until they could take counsel — which they promised to do at once — with certain pilots better instructed than themselves in the position of the Santiago. Meanwhile, a truce was arranged between the par ties, each solemnly engaging to abstain from hos tile measures, and to remain quiet in their present quarters. The weather now set in cold and rainy. Alma- H* The government had endeav- gaged Almagro in his Chili expe- oured early to provide against any dition, did not care to revive the dispute in regard to the limits of question, and the Bishop returned, the respective jurisdictions. The re infecta, to his diocese, with strong language of the original grants feelings of disgust towards the gov- gave room to some misunderstand- ernor. Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 3, cap. 1. ing ; and, as early as 1536, Fray n " All say," says Oviedo, in Jomas de Berlanga, Bishop of a letter to the emperor, " that Tierra Firme, had been sent to Cuzco falls within the territory of Lima with full powers to determine Almagro." Oviedo was, probably, the question of boundary, by fixing the best-informed man in the colo- the latitude of the river of Santiago, nies. Yet this was an error. Car- and measuring two hundred and ta desde Sto. Domingo, MS., 25 seventy leagues south on the me- de Oct. 1539. ridian. But Pizarro, having en- Ch. I.] HE RETURNS AND SEIZES CUZCO. 93 gro's soldiers, greatly discontented with their po sition, flooded as it was by the waters, were quick to discover that Hernando Pizarro was busily em ployed in strengthening himself in the city, contrary to agreement. They also learned with dismay, that a large body of men, sent by the governor from Lima, under command of Alonso de Alvarado, was on the march to relieve Cuzco. They exclaimed that they were betrayed, and that the truce had been only an artifice to secure their inactivity until the arrival of the expected succours. In this state of excitement, it was not very difficult to persuade their commander — too ready to surrender his own judgment to the rash advisers around him — to vio late the treaty, and take possession of the capital.12 Under cover of a dark and stormy night (April 8th, 1537), he entered the place without opposition, made himself master of the principal church, estab lished strong parties of cavalry at the head of the great avenues to prevent surprise, and detached Or gonez with a body of infantry to force the dwelling of Hernando Pizarro. That captain was lodged with his brother Gonzalo in one of the large halls built by the Incas for public diversions, with im mense doors of entrance that opened on the plaza. It was garrisoned by about twenty soldiers, who, as the gates were burst open, stood stoutly to the de- 12 According to Zarate, Alma- that " he had been deceived." gro, on entering the capital, found (Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 4.) no appearance of the designs im- He was probably easy of faith in puted to Hernando, and exclaimed the matter. 94 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. Book IV. fence of their leader. A smart struggle ensued, in which some lives were lost, till at length Orgonez, provoked by the obstinate resistance, set fire to the combustible roof of the building. It was speedily in flames, and the burning rafters falling on the heads of the inmates, they forced their reluctant leader to an unconditional surrender. Scarcely had the Spaniards left the building, when the whole roof fell in with a tremendous crash.13 Almagro was now master of Cuzco. He ordered the Pizarros, with fifteen or twenty of the princi pal cavaliers, to be secured and placed in confine ment. Except so far as required for securing his authority, he does not seem to have been guilty of acts of violence to the inhabitants,14 and he installed one of Pizarro's most able officers, Gabriel de Rojas, in the government of the city. The municipality, whose eyes were now open to the validity of Alma gro's pretensions, made no further scruple to recog nize his title to Cuzco. The marshal's first step was to send a message to Alonso de Alvarado's camp, advising that officer of his occupation of the city, and requiring his obe dience to him, as its legitimate master. Alvarado was lying, with a body of five hundred men, horse 13 Carta de Espinall, Tesorero general testimony ; yet Pedro Pi- de N. Toledo, 15 de Junio, 1539. zarro, one of the opposite faction, — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. — and among those imprisoned by Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Almagro, complains that that chief MS. — Oviedo, Hist, de las In- plundered them of their horses and dias, MS., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 21. other property. Descub. y Conq., 14 So it would appear from the MS. Ch. I.] HE RETURNS AND SEIZES CUZCO. 95 and foot, at Xauxa, about thirteen leagues from the capital. He had been detached several months pre viously for the relief of Cuzco ; but had, most unac countably, and, as it proved, most unfortunately for the Peruvian capital, remained at Xauxa with the alleged motive of protecting that settlement and the surrounding country against the insurgents.10 He now showed himself loyal to his commander ; and, when Almagro's ambassadors reached his camp, he put them in irons, and sent advice of what had been done to the governor at Lima. Almagro, offended by the detention of his emis saries, prepared at once to march against Alonso de Alvarado, and take more effectual means to bring him to submission. His lieutenant, Orgoiiez, strong ly urged him before his departure to strike off the heads of the Pizarros, alleging, ¦• that, while thev lived, his commander's life would never be safe "' ; and concluding with the Spanish proverb, " Dead men never bite." 16 But the marshal, though he detested Hernando in his heart, shrunk from so vi olent a measure : and, independently of other con siderations, he had still an attachment for his old associate, Francis Pizarro, and was unwilling to 15 Pizarro's secretary Picado largely trusted, both before and had an encomienda in that neigh- after, by the Pizarros : and we bourhood. and Alvarado. who was may presume there was some ex- under personal obligations to him, planation of his conduct, of which remained there, it is said, at his we are not possessed. instigation. (Herrera. Hist. Ge- 16 '' El muerto no mordia." nerai, dec. 5. lib. S. cap. 7.) Al- Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 2, cap. S. varado was a srood officer, and 96 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. sever the ties between them for ever. Contenting himself, therefore, with placing his prisoners under strong guard in one of the stone buildings belonging to the House of the Sun, he put himself at the head of his forces, and left the capital in quest of Alvarado. That officer had now taken up a position on the farther side of the Rio de Abancay, where he lay, with the strength of his little army, in front of a bridge, by which its rapid waters are traversed, while a strong detachment occupied a spot commanding a ford lower down the river. But in this detachment was a cavalier of much consideration in the army, Pedro de Lerma, who, from some pique against his commander, had entered into treasonable correspond ence with the opposite party. By his advice, Al magro, on reaching the border of the river, establish ed himself against the bridge in face of Alvarado, as if prepared to force a passage, thus concentrating his adversary's attention on that point. But, when darkness had set in, he detached a large body under Orgonez to pass the ford, and operate in concert with Lerma. Orgofiez executed this commission with his usual promptness. The ford was crossed, though the current ran so swiftly, that several of his men were swept away by it, and perished in the waters. Their leader received a severe wound him self in the mouth, as he was gaining the opposite bank, but, nothing daunted, he cheered on his men, and fell with fury on the enemy. He was speedily joined by Lerma, and such of the soldiers as he Ch. I.] ACTION OF ABANCAY. 97 had gained over, and, unable to distinguish friend from foe, the enemy's confusion was complete. Meanwhile, Alvarado, roused by the noise of the attack on this quarter, hastened to the support of his officer, when Almagro, seizing the occasion, pushed across the bridge, dispersed the small body left to defend it, and, falling on Alvarado's rear, that general saw himself hemmed in on all sides. The struggle did not last long ; and the unfortunate chief, uncertain on whom he could rely, surren dered with all his force, — those only excepted who had already deserted to the enemy. Such was the battle of Abancay, as it was called, from the river on whose banks it was fought, on the twelfth of July, 1537. Never was a victory more complete, or achieved with less cost of life ; and Almagro marched back, with an array of prisoners scarcely inferior to his own army in number, in tri umph to Cuzco.17 While the events related in the preceding pages were passing, Francisco Pizarro had remained at Lima, anxiously awaiting the arrival of the re inforcements which he had requested, to enable him to march to the relief of the beleaguered capital of the Incas. His appeal had not been unanswered. Among the rest was a corps of two hundred and fifty men, led by the Licentiate Gaspar de Espinosa, 17 Carta de Francisco Pizarro al Hist, de las Indias, MS., ubi supra. Obispo de Tierra Firme, MS., 28 —Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS.— de Agosto, 1539. — Pedro Pizarro, Carta de Espinall, MS. Descub. y Conq., MS. — Oviedo, VOL. II. 13 98 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. one of the three original associates, it may be re membered, who engaged in the conquest of Peru. He had now left his own residence at Panama, and came in person, for the first time, it would seem, to revive the drooping fortunes of his confederates. Pizarro received also a vessel laden with provisions, military stores, and other necessary supplies, be sides a rich wardrobe for himself, from Cortes, the Conqueror of Mexico, who generously stretched forth his hand to aid his kinsman in the hour of need.18 With a force amounting to four hundred and fifty men, half of them cavalry, the governor quitted Lima, and began his march on the Inca capital. He had not advanced far, when he received tidings of the return of Almagro, the seizure of Cuzco, and the imprisonment of his brothers ; and, before he had time to recover from this astounding intelli gence, he learned the total defeat and capture of Alvarado. Filled with consternation at these rapid successes of his rival, he now returned in all haste to Lima, which he put in the best posture of de fence, to secure it against the hostile movements, not unlikely, as he thought, to be directed against that capital itself. Meanwhile, far from indulging in im potent sallies of resentment, or in complaints of his ancient comrade, he only lamented that Almagro 18 << Fernando CortSs embi6 con rec,os, Vestidos de Seda, i vna Rodrigo de Grijalva en vn proprio Ropa de Martas." Gomara, Hist. Naviosuio, desde la Nueva Espafia, de las Ind., cap. 136. muchas Armas, Tiros, Jaeces, Ade- Ch. I.] GASPAR DE ESPINOSA. 99 should have resorted to these violent measures for the settlement of their dispute, and this less — if we may take his word for it — from personal consid erations than from the prejudice it might do to the interests of the Crown.19 But, while busily occupied with warlike prepara tions, he did not omit to try the effect of negotiation. He sent an embassy to Cuzco, consisting of several persons in whose discretion he placed the greatest confidence, with Espinosa at their head, as the party most interested in an amicable arrangement. The licentiate, on his arrival, did not find Al magro in as favorable a mood for an accommo dation as he could have wished. Elated by his recent successes, he now aspired not only to the possession of Cuzco, but of Lima itself, as falling within the limits of his jurisdiction. It was in vain that Espinosa urged the propriety, by every argu ment which prudence could suggest, of moderating his demands. His claims upon Cuzco, at least, were not to be shaken, and he declared himself ready to peril his life in maintaining them. The licentiate coolly replied by quoting the pithy Castil ian proverb, El vencido vencido, y el vencidor per- dido ; " The vanquished vanquished, and the victor undone." What influence the temperate arguments of the licentiate might eventually have had on the heated imagination of the soldier is doubtful ; but unfortu- w Henera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 2, cap. 7. 100 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. nately for the negotiation, it was abruptly terminated by, the death of Espinosa himself, which took place most unexpectedly, though, strange to say, in those times, without the imputation of poison.20 He was a great loss to the parties in the existing fermentation of their minds ; for he had the weight of character which belongs to wise and moderate counsels, and a deeper interest than any other man in recommend ing them. The name of Espinosa is memorable in history from his early connection with the expedition to Peru, which, but for the seasonable, though secret, application of his funds, could not then have been compassed. He had long been a resident in the Spanish colonies of Tierra Firme and Panama, where he had served in various capacities, some times as a legal functionary presiding in the courts of justice,21 and not unfrequently as an efficient leader in the early expeditions of conquest and dis covery. In these manifold vocations he acquired high reputation for probity, intelligence, and cour age, and his death at the present crisis was un doubtedly the most unfortunate event that could befall the country. All attempt at negotiation was now abandoned ; 20 Carta de Pizarro al Obispo Vasco Nufiez de Balboa. But it de Tierra Firme, MS . — Herrera, must be allowed, that he made great Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 2, cap. efforts to resist the tyrannical pro- 13. — Carta de Espinall, MS. ceedings of Pedrarias, and he ear- 21 He incurred some odium as nestly recommended the prisoner to presiding officer in the trial and mercy. See Herrera, Hist. Ge- condemnation of the unfortunate neral, dec. 2, lib. 2, cap. 21, 22. Ch. I.] ALMAGRO LEAVES CUZCO. 101 and Almagro announced his purpose to descend to the sea-coast, where he could plant a colony and es tablish a port for himself. This would secure him the means, so essential, of communication with the mother-country, and here he would resume negotia tions for the settlement of his dispute with Pizarro. Before quitting Cuzco, he sent Orgonez with a strong force against the Inca, not caring to leave the capital exposed in his absence to further annoyance from that quarter. But the Inca, discouraged by his late discomfiture, and unable, perhaps, to rally in sufficient strength for resistance, abandoned his strong-hold at Tambo, and retreated across the mountains. He was hotly pursued by Orgonez over hill and valley, till, desert ed by his followers, and with only one of his wives to bear him company, the royal fugitive took shelter in the remote fastnesses of the Andes.22 Before leaving the capital, Orgonez again urged his commander to strike off the heads of the Pizar ros, and then march at once upon Lima. By this decisive step he would bring the war to an issue, and for ever secure himself from the insidious machi nations of his enemies. But, in the mean time, a new friend had risen up to the captive brothers. This was Diego de Alvarado, brother of that Pedro, who, as mentioned in a preceding chapter, had con ducted the unfortunate expedition to Quito. After his brother's, departure, Diego had attached himself 22 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. 102 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. to the fortunes of Almagro, had accompanied him to Chili, and, as he was a cavalier of birth, and pos sessed of some truly noble qualities, he had gained deserved ascendency over his commander. Alvara do had frequently visited Hernando Pizarro in his confinement, where, to beguile the tediousness of captivity, he amused himself with gaming, — the passion of the Spaniard. They played deep, and Alvarado lost the enormous sum of eighty thousand gold castellanos. He was prompt in paying the debt, but Hernando Pizarro peremptorily declined to receive the money. By this politic generosity, he secured an important advocate in the council of Al magro. It stood him now in good stead. Alvarado represented to the marshal, that such a measure as that urged by Orgonez would not only outrage the feelings of his followers, but would ruin his fortunes by the indignation it must excite at court. When Almagro acquiesced in these views, as in truth most grateful to his own nature, Orgonez, chagrined at his determination, declared that the day would come when he would repent this mistaken lenity. " A Pizarro," he said, " was never known to forget an injury ; and that which they had already received from Almagro was too deep for them to forgive." Prophetic words ! On leaving Cuzco, the marshal gave orders that Gonzalo Pizarro and the other prisoners should be detained in strict custody. Hernando he took with him, closely guarded, on his march. Descending rapidly towards the coast, he reached the pleasant Ch. I.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH PIZARRO. 103 vale of Chincha in the latter part of August. Here he occupied himself with laying the founda tions of a town bearing his own name, which might serve as a counterpart to the City of the Kings, — thus bidding defiance, as it were, to his rival on his own borders. While occupied in this manner, he received the unwelcome tidings, that Gonzalo Pi zarro, Alonso de Alvarado, and the other prisoners, having tampered with their guards, had effected their escape from Cuzco, and he soon after heard of their safe arrival in the camp of Pizarro. Chafed by this intelligence, the marshal was not soothed by the insinuations of Orgonez, that it was owing to his ill-advised lenity ; and it might have gone hard with Hernando, but that Almagro's atten tion was diverted by the negotiation which Fran cisco Pizarro now proposed to resume. After some correspondence between the parties, it was agreed to submit the arbitration of the dis pute to a single individual, Fray Francisco de Bo- vadilla, a Brother of the Order of Mercy. Though living in Lima, and, as might be supposed, under the influence of Pizarro, he had a reputation for in tegrity that disposed Almagro to confide the settle ment of the question exclusively to him. In this implicit confidence in the friar's impartiality, Orgo fiez, of a less sanguine temper than his chief, did not participate 23 23 Carta de Gutierrez al Empe- Hist, de las Ind., MS., ubi supra. rador, MS., 10 de Feb. 1539. — — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, Carta de Espinall, MS. — Oviedo, lib. 2, cap. 8-14. — Pedro Pi- 104 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. An interview was arranged between the rival chiefs. It took place at Mala, November 13th, 1537 ; but very different was the deportment of the two commanders towards each other from that which they had exhibited at their former meetings. Almagro, indeed, doffing his bonnet, advanced in his usual open manner to salute his ancient comrade ; but Pizarro, hardly condescending to return the sa lute, haughtily demanded why the marshal had seized upon his city of Cuzco, and imprisoned his brothers. This led to a recrimination on the part of his asso ciate. The discussion assumed the tone of an angry altercation, till Almagro, taking a hint — or what he conceived to be such — from an attendant, that some treachery was intended, abruptly, quitted the apartment, mounted his horse, and galloped back to his quarters at Chincha.24 The conference closed, as might have been anticipated from the heated temper of their minds when they began it, by widening the breach it was intended to heal. The zarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — (Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, lib. 3, cap. 4.) Pedro Pizarro ad- cap. 8. — Naharro, Relacion Su- mits the truth of the design im- maria, MS. puted to Gonzalo, which he was 24 It was said that Gonzalo Pi- prevented from putting into execu- zarro lay in ambush with a strong tion by the commands of the gov force in the neighbourhood to in- ernor, who, the chronicler, with tercept the marshal, and that the edifying simplicity, or assurance, latter was warned of his danger informs us, was a man that scrupu- by an honorable cavalier of the lously kept his word. " Porque el opposite party, who repeated a dis- marquez don Francisco Picarro hera tich of an old ballad, hombre que guardava mucho su " Tiempo os el Caballero palabra." Descub. y Conq., MS. Tiempo ea de andar de aqui." Ch. I.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH PIZARRO. 105 friar, now left wholly to himself, after some de liberation, gave his award. He decided that a vessel, with a skilful pilot on board, should be sent to determine the exact latitude of the river of Santiago, the northern boundary of Pizarro's territory, by which all the measurements were to be regulated. In the mean time, Cuzco was to be delivered up by Almagro, and Hernando Pizarro to be set at liberty, on condition of his leaving the country in six weeks for Spain. Both parties were to retire within their undisputed territories, and to abandon all further hostilities.25 This award, as may be supposed, highly satisfac tory to Pizarro, was received by Almagro's men with indignation and scorn. They had been sold, they cried, by their general, broken, as he was, by age and infirmities. Their enemies were to occu py Cuzco and its pleasant places, while they were to be turned over to the barren wilderness of Char cas. Little did they dream that under this poor exterior were hidden the rich treasures of Potosi. They denounced the umpire as a hireling of the governor, and murmurs were heard among the troops, stimulated by Orgonez, demanding the head of Hernando. Never was that cavalier in greater danger. But his good genius in the form of Alva rado again interposed to protect him. His life in captivity was a succession of reprieves.28 25 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y x Espinall, Almagro's treas- Conq., MS. — Carta de Espinall, urer, denounces the friar " as MS. proving himself a very devil " by VOL. II. 14 106 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Yet his brother, the governor, was not disposed to abandon him to his fate. On the contrary, he was now prepared to make every concession to se cure his freedom. Concessions, that politic chief well knew, cost little to those who are not con cerned to abide by them. After some preliminary negotiation, another award, more equitable, or, at all events, more to the satisfaction of the discontented party, was given. The principal articles of it were, that, until the arrival of some definitive instructions on the point from Castile, the city of Cuzco, with its territory, should remain in the hands of Almagro ; and that Hernando Pizarro should be set at liberty, on the condition, above stipulated, of leaving the country in six weeks. — When the terms of this agreement were communicated to Orgonez, that officer intimated his opinion of them, by passing his finger across his throat, and exclaiming, " What has my fidelity to my commander cost me!"27 Almagro, in order to do greater honor to his pris oner, visited him in person, and announced to him that he was from that moment free. He expressed a hope, at the same time, that " all past differences would be buried in oblivion, and that henceforth this award. (Carta al Emperador, 27 " I tomando la barba con la MS.) And Oviedo, a more dis- mano izquierda, con la derecha hico passionate judge, quotes, without serial de cortarse la cabeca, dicien- condemning, a cavalier who told do : Orgonez, Orgonez, por el the father, that " a sentence so amistad de Don Diego de Almagro unjust had not been pronounced te han de cortar esta." Herrera, since the time of Pontius Pilate " ! Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 3, Hist, de las Indias, MS., Parte 3, cap. 9. lib. 8, cap. 21. Ch. I.] NEGOTIATIONS WITH PIZARRO. 107 they should live only in the recollection of their ancient friendship." Hernando replied, with ap parent cordiality, that "he desired nothing better for himself." He then swore in the most solemn manner, and pledged his knightly honor, — the lat ter, perhaps, a pledge of quite as much weight in his own mind as the former, — that he would faithfully comply with the terms stipulated in the treaty. He was next conducted by the marshal to his quar ters, where he partook of a collation in company with the principal officers ; several of whom, to gether with Diego Almagro, the general's son, after ward escorted the cavalier to his brother's camp, which had been transferred to the neighbouring town of Mala. Here the party received a most cordial greeting from the governor, who entertained them with a courtly hospitality, and lavished many attentions, in particular, on the son of his ancient associate. In short, such, on their return, was the account of their reception, that it left no doubt in the mind of Almagro that all was at length amicably settled.28 — He did not know Pizarro. 28 Ibid., loc. cit. — Carta de Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zarate, Gutierrez, MS. — Pedro Pizarro, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 9. CHAPTER II. Fiest Civil War. — Almagro retreats to Cuzco. — Battle ot Las Salinas. — Cruelty of the Conquerors. — Trial and Ex ecution of Almagro. — His Character. 1537 — 1538. Scarcely had Almagro's officers left the govern or's quarters, when the latter, calling his little army together, briefly recapitulated the many wrongs which had been done him by his rival, the seizure of his capital, the imprisonment of his brothers, the assault and defeat of his troops; and he concluded with the declaration, — heartily echoed back by his military audience, — that the time had now come for revenge. All the while that the negotiations were pending, Pizarro had been busily occupied with military preparations. He had mustered a force considerably larger than that of his rival, drawn from various quarters, but most of them familiar with service. He now declared, that, as he was too old to take charge of the campaign himself, he should devolve that duty on his brothers ; and he released Hernando from all his engagements to Almagro, as a measure justified by necessity. That cavalier, with graceful pertinacity, intimated his design to abide by the pledges he had given, but, at length, Ch. II.] FIRST CIVIL WAR. 109 yielded a reluctant assent to the commands of his brother, as to a measure imperatively demanded by his duty to the Crown.1 The governor's next step was to advise Alma gro that the treaty was at an end. At the same time, he warned him to relinquish his pretensions to Cuzco, and withdraw into his own territory, or the responsibility of the consequences would lie on his own head. Reposing in his false security, Almagro was now fully awakened to the consciousness of the error he had committed ; and the warning voice of his lieu tenant may have risen to his recollection. The first part of the prediction was fulfilled. And what should prevent the latter from being so ? To add to his distress, he was laboring at this time under a grievous malady, the result of early excesses, which shattered his constitution, and made him incapable alike of mental and bodily exertion.2 In this forlorn condition, he confided the manage ment of his affairs to Orgonez, on whose loyalty and courage he knew he might implicitly rely. The first step was to secure the passes of the Guaitara, a chain of hills that hemmed in the valley of Zanga- 11a, where Almagro was at present established. But, by some miscalculation, the passes were not secured in season ; and the active enemy, threading the dan- 1 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. It was a hard penalty, occurring at 6, lib. 3, cap. 10. this crisis, for the sins, perhaps, 2 " Cay6 enfermo i estuvo malo of earlieT days ; but a punto de muerte de bubas i dolo- „ The gods are just] and of our pleasant Tices res." (Carta de Espinall, MS.) Make instruments to scourge us." 110 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. gerous defiles, effected a passage across the sierra, where a much inferior force to his own might have taken him at advantage. The fortunes of Almagro were on the wane. His thoughts were now turned towards Cuzco, and he was anxious to get possession of this cap ital before the arrival of the enemy. Too feeble to sit on horseback, he was obliged to be carried in a litter ; and, when he reached the ancient town of Bilcas, not far from Guamanga, his indisposition was so severe that he was compelled to halt and remain there three weeks before resuming his march. The governor and his brothers, in the mean time, after traversing the pass of Guaitara, descended into the valley of lea, where Pizarro remained a consid erable while, to get his troops into order and com plete his preparations for the campaign. Then, tak ing leave of the army, he returned to Lima, com mitting the prosecution of the war, as he had before announced, to his younger and more active brothers. Hernando, soon after quitting lea, kept along the coast as far as Nasca, proposing to penetrate the country by a circuitous route in order to elude the enemy, who might have greatly embarrassed him in some of the passes of the Cordilleras. But unhap pily for him, this plan of operations, which would have given him such manifest advantage, was not adopted by Almagro ; and his adversary, without any other impediment than that arising from the natural difficulties of the march, arrived, in the latter part of April, 1538, in the neighbourhood of Cuzco. Ch. IL] ALMAGRO RETREATS TO CUZCO. 1 1 1 But Almagro was already in possession of that capital, which he had reached ten days before. A council of war was held by him respecting the course to be pursued. Some were for making good the de fence of the city. Almagro would have tried what could be done by negotiation. But Orgonez bluntly replied, — " It is too late ; you have liberated Her nando Pizarro, and nothing remains but to fight him." The opinion of Orgonez finally prevailed, to march out and give the enemy battle on the plains. The marshal, still disabled by illness from taking the command, devolved it on his trusty lieutenant, who, mustering his forces, left the city, and took up a position at Las Salinas, less than a league distant from Cuzco. The place received its name from certain pits or vats in the ground, used for the prep aration of salt, that was obtained from a natural spring in the neighbourhood. It was an injudicious choice of ground, since its broken character was most unfavorable to the free action of cavalry, in which the strength of Almagro's force consisted. But, although repeatedly urged by the officers to advance into the open country, Orgonez persisted in his position, as the most favorable for defence, since the front was protected by a marsh, and by a little stream that flowed over the plain. His forces amounted in all to about five hundred, more than half of them horse. His infantry was deficient in fire-arms, the place of which was supplied by the long pike. He had also six small cannon, or fal conets, as they were called, which, with his cavalry, 112 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. formed into two equal divisions, he disposed on the flanks of his infantry. Thus prepared, he calmly awaited the approach of the enemy. It was not long before the bright arms and ban ners of the Spaniards under Hernando Pizarro were seen emerging from the mountain passes. The troops came forward in good order, and like men whose steady step showed that they had been spared in the march, and were now fresh for action. They advanced slowly across the plain, and halted on the opposite border of the little stream which covered the front of Orgonez. Here Hernando, as the sun had set, took up his quarters for the night, proposing to defer the engagement till daylight.3 The rumors of the approaching battle had spread far and wide over the country ; and the mountains and rocky heights around were thronged with multi tudes of natives, eager to feast their eyes on a spec tacle, where, whichever side were victorious, the defeat would fall on their enemies.4 The Castilian women and children, too, with still deeper anxiety, had thronged out from Cuzco to witness the deadly strife in which brethren and kindred were to con tend for mastery.5 The whole number of the com batants was insignificant ; though not as compared with those usually engaged in these American wars. 3 Carta de Gutierrez, MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., lib. 2, cap. 36, 37. MS. — Herrera, Hist. General, 4 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. dec. 6, lib. 4, cap. 1-5. — Carta 6, lib. 4, cap. 5, 6. de Espinall, MS. — Zarate, Conq. 5 Ibid., ubi supra. del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 10, 11. — Ch. IL] BATTLE OF LAS SALINAS. 113 It is not, however, the number of the players, but the magnitude of the stake, that gives importance and interest to the game ; and in this bloody game, they were to play for the possession of an empire. The night passed away in silence, unbroken by the vast assembly which covered the surrounding hill-tops. Nor did the soldiers of the hostile camps, although keeping watch within hearing of one an other, and with the same blood flowing in their veins, attempt any communication. So deadly was the hate in their bosoms ! 6 The sun rose bright, as usual in this beautiful climate, on Saturday, the twenty-sixth day of April, 1538.7 But long before his beams were on the plain, the trumpet of Hernando Pizarro had called his men to arms. His forces amounted in all to about seven hundred. They were drawn from va rious quarters, the veterans of Pizarro, the follow ers of Alonso de Alvarado, — many of whom, since their defeat, had found their way back to Lima, — and the late reinforcement from the isles, most of them seasoned by many a toilsome march in 6 " I fue cosa de notar, que se circumstance leads Garcilasso to estuvieron toda la Noche, sin que suppose that the battle took place nadie de la vna i otra parte pen- on Saturday, the sixth, — the day sase en mover tratos de Paz : tanta after the Feast of Saint Lazarus, era la ira i aborrecimiento de am- — and not on the twenty-sixth has partes." Ibid., cap. 6. of April, as commonly reported. 7 A church dedicated to Saint Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. Lazarus was afterwards erected on 38. See also Montesinos, (An- the battle-ground, and the bodies nales, MS., afio 1538,) — an in- of those slain in the action were different authority for any thing. interred within its walls. This VOL. II. 15 114 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. the Indian campaigns, and many a hard-fought field. His mounted troops were inferior to those of Almagro ; but this was more than compensated by the strength of his infantry, comprehending a well-trained corps of arquebusiers, sent from St. Domingo, whose weapons were of the improved construction recently introduced from Flanders. They were of a large calibre, and threw double- headed shot, consisting of bullets linked together by an iron chain. It was doubtless a clumsy weapon compared with modern fire-arms, but, in hands ac customed to wield it, proved a destructive instru ment.8 Hernando Pizarro drew up his men in the same order of battle as that presented by the enemy, — throwing his infantry into the centre, and disposing his horse on the flanks ; one corps of which he placed under command of Alonso de Alvarado, and took charge of the, other himself. The infantry was headed by his brother Gonzalo, supported by Pedro de Valdivia, the future hero of Arauco, whose dis astrous story forms the burden of romance as well as of chronicle.9 Mass was said, as if the Spaniards were about to fight what they deemed the good fight of the faith, 8 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 3, never did the Muse venture on such cap. 8. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., a specification of details, not merely Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 36. poetical, but political, geographical, 9 The Araucana of Ercilla may and statistical, as in this celebrated claim the merit, indeed, — if it be Castilian epic. It is a military a merit, — of combining both ro- journal done into rhyme. mance and history in one. Surely Ch. IL] BATTLE OF LAS SALINAS. H5 instead of imbruing their hands in the blood of their countrymen. Hernando Pizarro then made a brief address to his soldiers. He touched on the personal injuries he and his family had received from Almagro ; reminded his brother's veterans that Cuz co had been wrested from their possession ; called up the glow of shame on the brows of Alvarado's men as he talked of the rout of Abancay, and, pointing out the Inca metropolis that sparkled in the morning sunshine, he told them that there was the prize of the victor. They answered his appeal with accla mations; and the signal being given, Gonzalo Pizar ro, heading his battalion of infantry, led it straight across the river. The water was neither broad nor deep, and the soldiers found no difficulty in gain ing a landing, as the enemy's horse was prevented by the marshy ground from approaching the borders. But, as they worked their way across the morass, the heavy guns of Orgonez played with effect on the leading files, and threw them into disorder. Gonzalo and Valdivia threw themselves into the midst of their followers, menacing some, encour aging others, and at length led them gallantly for ward to the firm ground. Here the arquebusiers, detaching themselves from the rest of the infantry, gained a small eminence, whence, in their turn, they opened a galling fire on Orgonez, scattering his array of spearmen, and sorely annoying the cav alry on the flanks. Meanwhile, Hernando, forming his two squadrons of horse into one column, crossed under cover of 116 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. this well-sustained fire, and, reaching the firm ground, rode at once against the enemy. Orgofiez, whose infantry was already much crippled, advanc ing his horse, formed the two squadrons into one body, like his antagonist, and spurred at full gallop against the assailants. The shock was terrible ; and it was hailed by the swarms of Indian spec tators on the surrounding heights with a fiendish yell of triumph, that rose far above the din of bat tle, till it was lost in distant echoes among the mountains.10 The struggle was desperate. For it was not that of the white man against the defenceless Ind ian, but of Spaniard against Spaniard ; both par ties cheering on their comrades with their battle- cries of " El Rey y Almagro," or " El Rey y Pizar ro," — while they fought with a hate, to which national antipathy was as nothing ; a hate strong in proportion to the strength of the ties that had been rent asunder. In this bloody field well did Orgonez do his du ty, fighting like one to whom battle was the natural element. Singling out a cavalier, whom, from the color of the sobre-vest on his armour, he erroneously 10 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. mode of attack, are told as vari- 6, lib. 4, cap. 6. — Pedro Pizarro, ously and confusedly, as if it had Descub. y Conq., MS. — Carta de been a contest between two great Espinall, MS. — Zarate, Conq. del armies, instead of a handful of men Peru, lib. 3, cap. 11. on either side. It would seem that Every thing relating to this bat- truth is nowhere so difficult to tie, — the disposition of the forces, come at, as on the battle-field. the character of the ground, the Ch. IL] BATTLE OF LAS SALINAS. 117 supposed to be Hernando Pizarro, he charged him in full career, and overthrew him with his lance. Another he ran through in like manner, and a third he struck down with his sword, as he was prema turely shouting "Victory!" But while thus doing the deeds of a paladin of romance, he was hit by a chain-shot from an arquebuse, which, penetrating the bars of his visor, grazed his forehead, and de prived him for a moment of reason. Before he had fully recovered, his horse was killed under him, and though the fallen cavalier succeeded in extricat ing himself from the stirrups, he was surrounded, and soon overpowered by numbers. Still refusing to deliver up his sword, he asked " if there was no knight to whom he could surrender." One Fu- entes, a menial of Pizarro, presenting himself as such, Orgonez gave his sword into his hands, — and the dastard, drawing his dagger, stabbed his defenceless prisoner to the heart! His head, then struck off, was stuck on a pike, and displayed, a bloody trophy, in the great square of Cuzco, as the head of a traitor.11 Thus perished as loyal a cava lier, as decided in council, and as bold in action, as ever crossed to the shores of America. The fight had now lasted more than an hour, and the fortune of the day was turning against the followers of Almagro. Orgonez being down, their confusion increased. The infantry, unable to en dure the fire of the arquebusiers, scattered and took 11 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y neral, ubi supra. — Zarate, Conq. Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- del Peru, ubi supra. 118 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. refuge behind the stone-walls, that here and there straggled across the country. Pedro de Lerma, vainly striving to rally the cavalry, spurred his horse against Hernando Pizarro, with whom he had a personal feud. Pizarro did not shrink from the en counter. The lances of both the knights took ef fect. That of Hernando penetrated the thigh of his opponent, while Lerma's weapon, glancing by his adversary's saddle-bow, struck him with such force above the groin, that it pierced the joints of his mail, slightly wounding the cavalier, and forcing his horse back on his haunches. But the press of the fight soon parted the combatants, and, in the turmoil that ensued, Lerma was unhorsed, and left on the field covered with wounds.12 There was no longer order, and scarcely resist ance, among the followers of Almagro. They fled, making the best of their way to Cuzco, and happy was the man who obtained quarter when he asked it. Almagro himself, too feeble to sit so long on his horse, reclined on a litter, and from a neighbour ing eminence surveyed the battle, watching its fluc tuations with all the interest of one who felt that honor, fortune, life itself, hung on the issue. With agony not to be described, he had seen his faithful 12 Herrera, Hist. General, ubi of it to Orgonez, that the latter supra. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., might distinguish him in the milie. Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 36. But a knight in Hernando's suite Hernando Pizarro wore a sur- also wore the same colors, it ap- coat of orange-colored velvet over pears, which led Orgonez into his armour, according to Garcilasso, error. and before the battle sent notice Cn. II.] CRUELTY OF THE CONQUERORS. 119 followers, after their hard struggle, borne down by their opponents, till, convinced that all was lost, he succeeded in mounting a mule, and rode off for a temporary refuge to the fortress of Cuzco. Thither he was speedily followed, taken, and brought in triumph to the capital, where, ill as he was, he was thrown into irons, and confined in the same apartment of the stone building in which he had imprisoned the Pizarros. The action lasted not quite two hours. The number of killed, variously stated, was probably not less than a hundred and fifty, — one of the com batants calls it two hundred,13 — a great number, considering the shortness of the time, and the small amount of forces engaged. No account is given of the wounded. Wounds were the portion of the cavalier. Pedro de Lerma is said to have received seventeen, and yet was taken alive from the field ! The loss fell chiefly on the followers of Almagro. But the slaughter was not confined to the heat of the action. Such was the deadly animosity of the parties, that several were murdered in cold blood, like Orgonez, after they had surrendered. 13 " Murieron en esta Batalla de que en el mundo se ha visto, porque las Salinas casi dozientos hombres matavan a los hombres rendidos e de vna parte y de otra." (Pedro desarmados, e por les quitar las Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS.) armas los mataban si presto no se Most authorities rate the loss at las quitaban, etrayendo a. las ancas less. The treasurer Espinall, a de un caballo a un Ruy Diaz vi- partisan of Almagro, says they niendo rendido e desarmado le ma- massacred a hundred and fifty after taron, i desta manera mataron mas the fight, in cold blood. " Siguie- de ciento e cinquenta hombres." ron el alcanze la mas cruelmente Carta, MS. 120 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Pedro de Lerma himself, while lying on his sick couch in the quarters of a friend in Cuzco, was visited by a soldier, named Samaniego, whom he had once struck for an act of disobedience. This person entered the solitary chamber of the wounded man, took his place by his bed-side, and then, up braiding him for the insult, told him that he had come to wash it away in his blood ! Lerma in vain assured him, that, when restored to health, he would give him the satisfaction he desired. The miscre ant, exclaiming " Now is the hour ! " plunged his sword into his bosom. He lived several years to vaunt this atrocious exploit, which he proclaimed as a reparation to his honor. It is some satisfaction to know that the insolence of this vaunt cost him his life.14 — Such anecdotes, revolting as they are, illustrate not merely the spirit of the times, but that peculiarly ferocious spirit which is engendered by civil wars, — the most unforgiving in their character of any, but wars of religion. In the hurry of the flight of one party, and the pursuit by the other, all pouring towards Cuzco, the field of battle had been deserted. But it soon swarmed with plunderers, as the Indians, descend ing like vultures from the mountains, took posses sion of the bloody ground, and, despoiling the dead, 14 Carta de Espinall, MS. — time, having outraged the feelings Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, of that officer and the community lib. 2, cap. 38. by the insolent and open manner He was hanged for this very in which he boasted of his atrocious crime by the governor of Puerto exploit. Viejo, about five years after this Ch. II.] CRUELTY OF THE CONQUERORS. 121 even to the minutest article of dress, left their corpses naked on the plain.15 It has been thought strange that the natives should not have availed them selves of their superior numbers to fall on the victors after they had been exhausted by the battle. But the scattered bodies of the Peruvians were without a leader ; they were broken in spirits, moreover, by re cent reverses, and the Castilians, although weakened for the moment by the struggle, were in far greater strength in Cuzco than they had ever been before. Indeed, the number of troops now assembled within its walls, amounting to full thirteen hundred, composed, as they were, of the most discordant materials, gave great uneasiness to Hernando Pi zarro. For there were enemies glaring on each other and on him with deadly though smothered rancor, and friends, if not so dangerous, not the less troublesome from their craving and unreasona ble demands. He had given the capital up to pil lage, and his followers found good booty in the quarters of Almagro's officers. But this did not suffice the more ambitious cavaliers ; and they clam orously urged their services, and demanded to be placed in charge of some expedition, nothing doubt ing that it must prove a golden one. All were in quest of an El Dorado. Hernando Pizarro acqui- 15 " Los Indios viendo la Batalla fender, porque como pasd el tropel fenescida, ellos tambien se dejaron de la Gente, siguiendo la Victoria, de la suia, iendo los vnos i los no huvo quien se lo impidiese ; de otros a desnudar los Espafioles manera que dexaron en cueros a muertos, i aun algunos vivos, que todos los caidos." Zarate, Conq. por sus heridas no se podian de- del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 11. VOL. II. 16 122 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. esced as far as possible in these desires, most wil ling to relieve himself of such importunate creditors. The expeditions, it is true, usually ended in disaster; but the country was explored by them. It was the lottery of adventure ; the prizes were few, but they were splendid ; and in the excitement of the game, few Spaniards paused to calculate the chances of success. Among those who left the capital was Diego, the son of Almagro. Hernando was mindful to send him, with a careful escort, to his brother the gov ernor, desirous to remove him at this crisis from the neighbourhood of his father. Meanwhile the mar shal himself was pining away in prison under the combined influence of bodily illness and distress of mind. Before the battle of Salinas, it had been told to Hernando Pizarro that Almagro was like to die. " Heaven forbid," he exclaimed, " that this should come to pass before he falls into my hands ! "16 Yet the gods seemed now disposed to grant but half of this pious prayer, since his captive seemed about to escape him just as he had come into his power. To console the unfortunate chief, Hernan do paid him a visit in his prison, and cheered him with the assurance that he only waited for the gov ernor's arrival to set him at liberty; adding, "that, if Pizarro did not come soon to the capital, he him self would assume the responsibility of releasing 16 " Respondia Hernando Pi- sin que le huviese a las manos." zarro, que no le haria Dios tan Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, gran mal, que le dexase morir, lib. 4, cap. 5. Ch. II.] TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF ALMAGRO. 123 him, and would furnish him with a conveyance to his brother's quarters." At the same time, with con siderate attention to his comfort, he inquired of the marshal " what mode of conveyance would be best suited to his state of health." After this he con tinued to send him delicacies from his own table to revive his faded appetite. Almagro, cheered by these kind attentions, and by the speedy prospect of freedom, gradually mended in health and spirits.17 He little dreamed that all this while a process was industriously preparing against him. It had been in stituted immediately on his capture, and every one, however humble, who had any cause of complaint against the unfortunate prisoner, was invited to pre sent it. The summons was readily answered ; and many an enemy now appeared in the hour of his fallen fortunes, like the base reptiles crawling into light amidst the ruins of some noble edifice ; and more than one, who had received benefits from his hands, were willing to court the favor of his enemy by turning on their benefactor. From these loath some sources a mass of accusations was collected which spread over two thousand folio pages ! Yet Almagro was the idol of his soldiers ! 18 Having completed the process, (July 8th, 1538,) it was not difficult to obtain a verdict against the 17 Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 4, cap. 9. Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, MS. 18 " De tal manera que los — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, MS. — Escrivanos no se davan manos, i ia Carta de Gutierrez, MS. — Pedro tenian escritas mas de dos mil ho- Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — jas." Ibid., dee. 6, lib. 4, cap. 7. Carta de Espinall, MS. 124 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. prisoner. The principal charges on which he was pronounced guilty were those of levying war against the Crown, and thereby occasioning the death of many of his Majesty's subjects; of entering into conspiracy with the Inca ; and finally, of dispossess ing the royal governor of the city of Cuzco. On these charges he was condemned to suffer death as a traitor, by being publicly beheaded in the great square of the city. Who were the judges, or what was the tribunal that condemned him, we are not informed. Indeed, the whole trial was a mockery ; if that can be called a trial, where the accused him self is not even aware of the accusation. The sentence was communicated by a friar de puted for the purpose to Almagro. The unhappy man, who all the while had been unconsciously slumbering on the brink of a precipice, could not at first comprehend the nature of his situation. Re covering from the first shock, " It was impossible," he said, " that such wrong could be done him, — he would not believe it." He then besought Hernando Pizarro to grant him an interview. That cavalier, not unwilling, it would seem, to witness the agony of his captive, consented ; and Almagro was so humbled by his misfortunes, that he condescended to beg for his life with the most piteous supplications. He reminded Hernando of his ancient relations with his brother, and the good offices he had ren dered him and his family in the earlier part of their career. He touched on his acknowledged services to his country, and besought his enemy " to spare Ch. II.] TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF ALMAGRO. 125 his gray hairs, and not to deprive him of the short remnant of an existence from which he had now nothing more to fear." — To this the other coldly replied, that " he was surprised to see Almagro de mean himself in a manner so unbecoming a brave cavalier ; that his fate was no worse than had befall en many a soldier before him ; and that, since God had given him the grace to be a Christian, he should employ his remaining moments in making up his account with Heaven ! " 19 But Almagro was not to be silenced. He urged the service he had rendered Hernando himself. " This was a hard requital," he said, " for having spared his life so recently under similar circum stances, and that, too, when he had been urged again and again by those around him to take it away." And he concluded by menacing his enemy with the vengeance of the emperor, who would never suffer this outrage on one who had rendered such signal services to the Crown to go unrequited. It was all in vain ; and Hernando abruptly closed the conference by repeating, that " his doom was in evitable, and he must prepare to meet it." w 19 " I que pues tuvo tanta gracia letter to the emperor,) in terms de Dios, que le hico Christiano, that would have touched the heart ordenase su Alma, i temiese a of an infidel. " De la qual el Dios." Herrera, Hist. General, dicho Adelantado apelo para ante dec. 6, lib. 5, cap. 1. V. M. i le rogo que por amor de 20 Ibid., ubi supra. Dios hincado de rodillas le otor- The marshal appealed from the gase el apelacion, diciendole que sentence of his judges to the mirase sus canas e vejez e quanto Crown, supplicating his conqueror, havia servido a V. M. i qe el havia (says the treasurer Espinall, in his sido el primer escalon para que el 126 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Almagro, finding that no impression was to be made on his iron-hearted conqueror, now seriously addressed himself to the settlement of his affairs. By the terms of the royal grant he was empowered to name his successor. He accordingly devolved his office on his son, appointing Diego de Alvarado, on whose integrity he had great reliance, administra tor of the province during his minority. All his property and possessions in Peru, of whatever kind, he devised to his master the emperor, assuring him that a large balance was still due to him in his un settled accounts with Pizarro. By this politic be quest, he hoped to secure the monarch's protection for his son, as well as a strict scrutiny into the affairs of his enemy. The knowledge of Almagro's sentence produced a deep sensation in the community of Cuzco. All were amazed at the presumption with which one, armed with a little brief authority, ventured to sit in judgment on a person of Almagro's station. There were few who did not call to mind some generous or good-natured act of the unfortunate veteran. Even those who had furnished materials for the accusation, now startled by the tragic result to which it was to lead, were heard to denounce Hernando's conduct as that of a tyrant. Some of the principal cavaliers, and among them Diego i sus hermanos subiesen en el esta- supe que dixo, que a. qualquier do en que estavan, i diciendole hombre, aunque fuera infiel, mo- otras muchas palabras de dolor e viera a piedad." Carta, MS. compasion que despues de muerto Ch. II.] TRIAL AND EXECUTION OF ALMAGRO. 127 de Alvarado, to whose intercession, as we have seen, Hernando Pizarro, when a captive, had owed his own life, waited on that commander, and endeav oured to dissuade him from so high-handed and atrocious a proceeding. It was in vain. But it had the effect of changing the mode of execution, which, instead of the public square, was now to take place in prison.21 On the day appointed, a strong corps of arque busiers was drawn up in the plaza. The guards were doubled over the houses where dwelt the prin cipal partisans of Almagro. The executioner, at tended by a priest, stealthily entered his prison ; and the unhappy man, after confessing and receiving the sacrament, submitted without resistance to the gar rote. Thus obscurely, in the gloomy silence of a dungeon, perished the hero of a hundred battles! His corpse was removed to the great square of the city, where, in obedience to the sentence, the head was severed from the body. A herald proclaimed aloud the nature of the crimes for which he had suf fered ; and his remains, rolled in their bloody shroud, were borne to the house of his friend Hernan Ponce de Leon, and the next day laid with all due solem- 21 Carta de Espinall, MS. — to Cuzco, and set him at liberty. Montesinos, Annales, MS., afio " It was too grave a matter," he 1538. rightly added, " to trust to a third Bishop Valverde, as he assures paTty." (Carta al Emperador, the emperor, remonstrated with MS.) The treasurer Espinall, Francisco Pizarro in Lima, against then in Cuzco, made a similar allowing violence towards the mar- ineffectual attempt to turn Her- shal ; urging it on him, as an im- nando from his purpose. perative duty, to go himself at once 128 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. nity in the church of Our Lady of Mercy. The Pizarros appeared among the principal mourners. It was remarked, that their brother had paid similar honors to the memory of Atahuallpa.22 Almagro, at the time of his death, was probably not far from seventy years of age. But this is somewhat uncertain ; for Almagro was a foundling, and his early history is lost in obscurity.23 He had many excellent qualities by nature ; and his defects, which were not few, may reasonably be palliated by the circumstances of his situation. For what ex tenuation is not authorized by the position of a foundling, — without parents, or early friends, or teacher to direct him, — his little bark set adrift on the ocean of life, to take its chance among the rude billows and breakers, without one friendly hand stretched forth to steer or to save it ! The name of " foundling " comprehends an apology for much, very much, that is wrong in after life.24 He was a man of strong passions, and not too well used to control them.25 But he was neither 23 Carta de Espinall, MS. — 2* Montesinos, for want of a bet- Herrera, Hist. General, loc. cit. — ter pedigree, says, — " He was the Carta de Valverde al Emperador, son of his own great deeds, and MS. — Carta de Gutierrez, MS. — such has been the parentage of Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., many a famous hero ! " (Annales, MS. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., MS., ano 1538.) It would go afio 1538. hard with a Castilian, if he could The date of Almagro's execu- not make out something like a tion is not given ; a strange omis- genealogy, — however shadowy. sion ; but of little moment, as that 2s " Hera vn hombre muy pro- event must have followed soon on fano, de muy mala lengua, que en the condemnation. enojandose tratava muy mal a. todos 23 Ante, vol. I. p. 207. los que con el andavan aunque Ch. IL] HIS CHARACTER. 129 vindictive nor habitually cruel. I have mentioned one atrocious outrage which he committed on the natives. But insensibility to the rights of the Ind ian he shared with many a better-instructed Span iard. Yet the Indians, after his conviction, bore testimony to his general humanity, by declaring that they had no such friend among the white men.26 Indeed, far from being vindictive, he was placable, and easily yielded to others. The facility with which he yielded, the result of good-natured credu lity, made him too often the dupe of the crafty ; and it showed, certainly, a want of that self-reliance which belongs to great strength of character. Yet his facility of temper, and the generosity of his na ture, made him popular with his followers. No com mander was ever more beloved by his soldiers. His generosity was often carried to prodigality. When he entered on the campaign of Chili, he lent a hun dred thousand gold ducats to the poorer cavaliers to equip themselves, and afterwards gave them up the debt.27 He was profuse to ostentation. But his extravagance did him no harm among the roving fuesen cavalleros." (Descub. y among his followers! " MandS Conq., MS.) It is the portrait sacar de su Posada mas de ciento drawn by an enemy. i ochenta cargas de Plata i veinte 26 " Los Indios lloraban amar- de Oro, i las repartio." (Dec. 5, gamente, diciendo, que de el nunca lib. 7, cap. 9.) A load was what recibieron mal tratamiento." Her- a man could easily carry. Such a rera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 5, statement taxes our credulity, but cap. 1. it is difficult to set the proper limits 27 If we may credit Herrera, he to one's credulity, in what relates distributed u, hundred and eighty to this land of gold. loads of silver and twenty of gold VOL. II. 17 130 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Bora IV. spirits of the camp, with whom prodigality is apt to gain more favor than a strict and well-regulated economy. He was a good soldier, careful and judicious in his plans, patient and intrepid in their execution. His body was covered with the scars of his battles, till the natural plainness of his person was converted almost into deformity. He must not be judged by his closing campaign, when, depressed by disease, he yielded to the superior genius of his rival ; but by his numerous expeditions by land and by water for the conquest of Peru and the remote Chili. Yet it may be doubted whether he possessed those uncommon qualities, either as a warrior or as a man, that, in ordinary circumstances, would have raised him to distinction. He was one of the three, or, to speak more strictly, of the two associates, who had the good fortune and the glory to make one of the most splendid discoveries in the Western World. He shares largely in the credit of this with Pizarro; for, when he did not accompany that leader in his perilous expeditions, he contributed no less to their success by his exertions in the colonies. Yet his connection with that chief can hardly be considered a fortunate circumstance in his career. A partnership between individuals for discovery and conquest is not likely to be very scrupulously ob served, especially by men more accustomed to gov ern others than to govern themselves. If causes for discord do not arise before, they will be sure to spring up on division of the spoil. But this asso- Ch. II.] HIS CHARACTER. 131 ciation was particularly ill-assorted. For the free, sanguine, and confiding temper of Almagro was no match for the cool and crafty policy of Pizarro ; and he was invariably circumvented by his com panion, whenever their respective interests came in collision. Still the final ruin of Almagro may be fairly im puted to himself. He made two capital blunders. The first was his appeal to arms by the seizure of Cuzco. The determination of a boundary-line was not to be settled by arms. It was a subject for arbitration ; and, if arbitrators could not be trusted, it should have been referred to the decision of the Crown. But, having once appealed to arms, he should not then have resorted to negotiation, — above all, to negotiation with Pizarro. This was his second and greatest error. He had seen enough of Pizarro to know that he was not to be trusted. Almagro did trust him, and he paid for it with his life. CHAPTER III. Pizarro revisits Cuzco. — Hernando returns to Castile. — His long Imprisonment. — Commissioner sent to Peru. — Hostili ties with the Inca. — Pizarro's active Administration. — Gonzalo Pizarro. 1539—1540. On the departure of his brother in pursuit of Almagro, the Marquess Francisco Pizarro, as we have seen, returned to Lima. There he anxiously awaited the result of the campaign ; and on receiv ing the welcome tidings of the victory of Las Sali nas, he instantly made preparations for his march to Cuzco. At Xauxa, however, he was long detained by the distracted state of the country, and still longer,^ as it would seem, by a reluctance to enter the Peruvian capital while the trial of Almagro was pending. He was met at Xauxa by the marshal's son Di ego, who had been sent to the coast by Hernando Pizarro. The young man was filled with the most gloomy apprehensions respecting his father's fate, and he besought the governor not to allow his brother to do him any violence. Pizarro, who re ceived Diego with much apparent kindness, bade him take heart, as no harm should come to his Ch. III.] PIZARRO REVISITS CUZCO. 133 father ; Y adding, that he trusted their ancient friend ship would soon be renewed. The youth, com forted by these assurances, took his way to Lima, where, by Pizarro's orders, he was received into his house, and treated as a son. The same assurances respecting the marshal's safety were given by the governor to Bishop Val verde, and some of the principal cavaliers who in terested themselves in behalf of the prisoner.2 Still Pizarro delayed his march to the capital ; and when he resumed it, he had advanced no farther than the Rio de Abancay when he received tidings of the death of his rival. He appeared greatly shocked by the intelligence, his whole frame was agitated, and he remained for some time with his eyes bent on the ground, showing signs of strong emotion.3 Such is the account given by his friends. A more probable version of the matter represents him to have been perfectly aware of the state of things at Cuzco. When the trial was concluded, it is said he received a message from Hernando, inquiring what was to be done with the prisoner. He answered in a few words : — " Deal with him 1 " I dixo, que no tuviese ningu- el antigua amistad con el. " Ibid., na pena, porque no consentiria, que dec. 6, lib. 4, cap. 9. su Padre fuese muerto." Her- 3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y rera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, Conq., MS. cap_ 3. He even shed many tears, derra- 2 " Que lo haria asi como lo md muchas lagrimas, according to decia, i que su de seo no era otro, Herrera, who evidently gives him sino ver el Reino en paz ; i que en small credit for them. Ibid., dec. lo que tocaba al Adelantado, per- 6, lib. 6, cap. 7. — Conf. lib. 5, diese cuidado, que bolveria a tener cap. 1. 134 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. so that he shall give us no more trouble."4 It is also stated that Hernando, afterwards, when laboring under the obloquy caused by Almagro's death, shielded himself under instructions affirmed to have been received from the governor.5 It is quite certain, that, during his long residence at Xauxa, the latter was in constant communication with Cuzco ; and that had he, as Valverde re peatedly urged him,6 quickened his march to that capital, he might easily have prevented the con summation of the tragedy. As commander-in-chief, Almagro's fate was in his hands ; and, whatever his own partisans may affirm of his innocence, the impartial judgment of history must hold him equally accountable with Hernando for the death of his as sociate. Neither did his subsequent conduct show any re morse for these proceedings. He entered Cuzco, says one who was present there to witness it, amidst the flourish of clarions and trumpets, at the head of his martial cavalcade, and dressed in the rich suit presented him by Cortes, with the proud bearing and joyous mien of a conqueror.7 When 4 " Respondid, que hiciese de Herrera's testimony is little short manera, que el Adelantado no los of that of a contemporary, since it pusiese en mas alborotos." (Ibid., was derived, he tells us, from the dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 7.) " De todo correspondence of the Conquerors, esto," says Espinall, " fue sabidor and the accounts given him by their el dicho Governador Pizarro i lo own sons. Lib. 6, cap. 7. que mi juicio i el de otros que 6 Carta de Valverde al Empera- en ello quisieron mirar alcanzo." dor, MS. Carta de Espinall, MS. t " En este medio tiempo vino a 5 Ibid., dec. 6, lib. 5, cap. 1. la dicha cibdad del Cuzco el Go- Ch. III.] PIZARRO REVISITS CUZCO. 135 Diego de Alvarado applied to him for the govern ment of the southern provinces, in the name of the young Almagro, whom his father, as we have seen, had consigned to his protection, Pizarro answered, that " the marshal, by his rebellion, had forfeited all claims to the government." And, when he was still further urged by the cavalier, he bluntly broke off the conversation by declaring that " his own terri tory covered all on this side of Flanders " !8 — inti mating, no doubt, by this magnificent vaunt, that he would endure no rival on this side of the water. In the same spirit, he had recently sent to super sede Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, who, he was informed, aspired to an independent government. Pizarro's emissary had orders to send the offending captain to Lima ; but Benalcazar, after pushing his victorious career far into the north, had returned to Castile to solicit his guerdon from the emperor. To the complaints of the injured natives, who invoked his protection, he showed himself strangely insensible, while the followers of Almagro he treated with undisguised contempt. The estates of the leaders were confiscated, and transferred without ceremony to his own partisans. Hernando had made attempts to conciliate some of the opposite faction by acts of liberality, but they had refused to bernadorD. Franco Pizarro, el qual " Mui asperamente le respondid entro con tronpetas i chirimias el Governador, diciendo, que su vestido con ropa de martas que fue Governacion no tenia Termino,i que el luto con que entro." Carta de llegaba hasta Flandes." Herrera, Espinall, MS. Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, 8 Carta de Espinall, MS. cap. 7. 136 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. accept any thing from the man whose hands were stained with the blood of their commander.9 The governor held to them no such encouragement ; and many were reduced to such abject poverty, that, too proud to expose their wretchedness to the eyes of their conquerors, they withdrew from the city, and sought a retreat among the neighbouring moun tains.10 For his own brothers he provided by such ample repartimientos, as excited the murmurs of his ad herents. He appointed Gonzalo to the command of a strong force destined to act against the natives of Charcas, a hardy people occupying the territory assigned by the Crown to Almagro. Gonzalo met with a sturdy resistance, but, after some severe fighting, succeeded in reducing the province to obe dience. He was recompensed, together with Her nando, who aided him in the conquest, by a large grant in the neighbourhood of Porco, the productive mines of which had been partially wrought under the Incas. The territory, thus situated, embraced part of those silver hills of Potosi which have since supplied Europe with such stores of the precious metals. Hernando comprehended the capabilities of the ground, and he began working the mines on 9 " Avia querido hazer amigos de ambre, fechos pedazos e adeu- de los principales de Chile, y ofre- dados, andando por los montes cidoles daria rrepartimientos y no desesperados por no parecer ante lo avian aceptado ni querido." gentes, porque no tienen otra cosa Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., que se vestir sino ropa de los In- MS. dios, ni dineros con que lo com- 10 " Viendolas oy en dia, muertOB prar." Carta de Espinall, MS; Ch. III.] HERNANDO RETURNS TO CASTILE. 137 a more extensive scale than that hitherto adopted, though it does not appear that any attempt was then made to penetrate the rich crust of Potosi.11 A few years more were to elapse before the Span iards were to bring to light the silver quarries that lay hidden in the bosom of its mountains.12 It was now the great business of Hernando to collect a sufficient quantity of treasure to take with him to Castile. Nearly a year had elapsed since Almagro's death ; and it was full time that he should return and present himself at court, where Diego de Alvarado and other friends of the marshal, who had long since left Peru, were industriously maintaining the claims of the younger Almagro, as well as demanding redress for the wrongs done to his father. But Hernando looked confidently to his gold to dispel the accusations against him. Before his departure, he counselled his brother to beware of the " men of Chili," as Almagro's fol lowers were called ; desperate men, who would stick at nothing, he said, for revenge. He besought 11 "Con la quietud," writes 1539. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Hernando Pizarro to the emperor, Conq., MS. — Montesinos, Anna- " questa tierra agora tiene han les, MS., ano 1539. descubierto i descubren cada dia The story is well known of the los vecinos muchas minas ricas de manner in which the mines of Po- oro i plata, de que los quintos i ren- tosi were discovered by an Indian, tas reales de V. M. cada dia se le who pulled a. bush out of the ofrecen i hacer casa a todo el Mun- ground to the fibres of which a do." Carta al Emperador, MS., quantity of silver globules was de Puerto Viejo, 6 de Julii, 1539. attached. The mine was not reg- 12 Carta de Carbajal al Empera- istered till 1545. The account is dor, MS., del Cuzco, 3 de Nov. given by Acosta, lib. 4, cap. 6. VOL. II. 18 138 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. the governor not to allow them to consort together in any number within fifty miles of his person ; if he did, it would be fatal to him. And he concluded by recommending a strong body-guard ; " for I," he added, " shall not be here to watch over you." But the governor laughed at the idle fears, as he termed them, of his brother, bidding the latter take no thought of him, " as every hair in the heads of Almagro's followers was a guaranty for his safe ty." 13 He did not know the character of his ene mies so well as Hernando. The latter soon after embarked at Lima in the summer of 1539. He did not take the route of Panama, for he had heard that it was the intention of the authorities there to detain him. He made a circuitous passage, therefore, by way of Mexico, land ed in the Bay of Tecoantepec, and was making his way across the narrow strip that divides the great oceans, when he was arrested and taken to the capital. But the Viceroy Mendoza did not con sider that he had a right to detain him, and he was suffered to embark at Vera Cruz, and to pro ceed on his voyage. Still he did not deem it safe to trust himself in Spain without further advices. 13 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. si los dexa juntar le an de matar. 6, lib. 6, cap. 10. — Zarate, Conq. Si a Vuestra Sefioria matan, yo del Peru, lib. 3, cap. 12. — Go- negociare mal y de vuestra senoria mara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 142. no quedara memoria. Estas pala- " No consienta vuestra sefioria bras dixo Hernando Picarro altas que se junten diez juntos en cin- que todos le oymos. Y abracando quenta leguas alrrededor de adonde al marquez se partio y se fue." Pe- vuestra senoria estuviere, porque dro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq.; MS. Ch. III.] HERNANDO RETURNS TO CASTILE. 139 He accordingly put in at one of the Azores, where he remained until he could communicate with home. He had some powerful friends at court, and by them he was encouraged to present himself before the emperor. He took their advice, and, shortly after, reached the Spanish coast in safety.14 The Court was at Valladolid ; but Hernando, who made his entrance into that city, with great pomp and a display of his Indian riches, met with a re ception colder than he had anticipated.15 For this he was mainly indebted to Diego de Alvarado, who was then residing there, and who, as a cavalier of honorable standing, and of high connections, had considerable influence. He had formerly, as we have seen, by his timely interposition, more than once saved the life of Hernando ; and he had con sented to receive a pecuniary obligation from him to a large amount. But all were now forgotten in the recollection of the wrong done to his com mander ; and, true to the trust reposed in him by that chief in his dying hour, he had come to Spain to vindicate the claims of the young Almagro. But although coldly received at first, Hernando's presence, and his own version of the dispute with Almagro, aided by the golden arguments which he dealt with no stinted hand, checked the current of indignation, and the opinion of his judges seemed for 14 Carta de Hernando Pizarro al 15 Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., Emperador, MS. — Herrera, Hist. cap. 143. General, dec. 6, lib. 6, cap. 10. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano 1539. 140 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. a time suspended. Alvarado, a cavalier more accus tomed to the prompt and decisive action of a camp than to the tortuous intrigues of a court, chafed at the delay, and challenged Hernando to settle their quarrel by single combat. But his prudent adversa ry had no desire to leave the issue to such an ordeal ; and the affair was speedily terminated by the death of Alvarado himself, which happened five days after the challenge. An event so opportune naturally suggested the suspicion of poison.16 But his accusations had not wholly fallen to the ground ; and Hernando Pizarro had carried meas ures with too high a hand, and too grossly outraged public sentiment, to be permitted to escape. He re ceived no formal sentence, but he was imprisoned in the strong fortress of Medina del Campo, where he was allowed to remain for twenty years, when in 1560, after a generation had nearly passed away, and time had, in some measure, thrown its softening veil over the past, he was suffered to regain his lib erty.17 But he came forth an aged man, bent down with infirmities and broken in spirit, — an object of pity, rather than indignation. Rarely has retribu tive justice been meted out in fuller measure to offenders so high in authority, — most rarely in Castile.18 16 " Pero todo lo ataj6 la repen- 17 This date is established by tina muerte de Diego de Alvarado, Quintana, from a legal process in- que sucedio luego en cinco dias, no stituted by Hernando's grandson, in sin sospecha de veneno." Herre- vindication of the title of Marquess, ra, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 8, in the year 1625. cap. 9. 18 Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ch. III.] HIS LONG IMPRISONMENT. 141 Yet Hernando bore this long imprisonment with an equanimity which, had it been founded on prin ciple, might command our respect. He saw broth ers and kindred, all on whom he leaned for support, cut off one after another ; his fortune, in part, con fiscated, while he was involved in expensive litiga tion for the remainder ; 19 his fame blighted, his career closed in an untimely hour, himself an exile in the heart of his own country ; — yet he bore it all with the constancy of a courageous spirit. Though very old when released, he still survived several years, and continued to the extraordinary age of a hundred.20 He lived long enough to see friends, rivals, and foes all called away to their account before him. Hernando Pizarro was in many respects a re markable character. He was the eldest of the brothers, to whom he was related only by the father's side , for he was born in wedlock, of hon- MS. — Pizarro y Orellana, Varones pension from government. Pizarro nustres p 341. — Montesinos, y Orellana, Varones Ilustres, p. Annales, M ., afio 1539. — Go- 342, and Discurso, p. 72. mara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 142. 20 " Multos da, Jupiter, annos " ; 19 Caro de Torres gives a royal the greatest boon, in Pizarro y cedula in reference to the working Or611ana's opinion, that Heaven of the silver mines of Porco, still can confer ! " Diole Dios, por owned by Hernando Pizarro, in todo, el premio mayor desta vida, 1555 ; and another document of pues fue tan larga, que excedio de nearly the same date, noticing his cien afios." (Varones Ilustres, p. receipt of ten thousand ducats by 342 ) According to the same the fleet from Peru. (Historia de somewhat partial authority, Her- las Ordenes MUitares Madrid, nando died, as he had lived, in 1629, p. 144.) Hernando's grand- the odor of sanctity ! " Viviendo son was created by Philip IV. aprender a morir, y saber morir, Marquess of the Conquest, Mar- quando llego la muerte. ques de la Conquista, with a liberal 142 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. orable parentage on both sides of his house. In his early years, he received a good education, — good for the time. He was taken by his father, while quite young, to Italy, and there learned the art of war under the Great Captain. Little is known of his history after his return to Spain ; but, when his brother had struck out for himself his brilliant career of discovery in Peru, Hernando con sented to take part in his adventures. He was much deferred to by Francisco, not only as his elder brother, but from his superior education and his knowledge of affairs. He was ready in his perceptions, fruitful in resources, and possessed of great vigor in action. Though courageous, he was cautious ; and his counsels, when not warped by passion, were wise and wary. But he had other qualities, which more than counterbalanced the good resulting from excellent parts and attainments. His ambition and avarice were insatiable. He was su percilious even to his equals ; and he had a vin dictive temper, which nothing could appease. Thus, instead of aiding his brother in the Conquest, he was the evil genius that blighted his path. He con ceived from the first an unwarrantable contempt for Almagro, whom he regarded as his brother's rival, instead of what he then was, the faithful partner of his fortunes. He treated him with personal indig nity, and, by his intrigues at court, had the means of doing him sensible injury. He fell into Alma gro's hands, and had nearly paid for these wrongs with his life. This was not to be forgiven by Her- Ch. III.] COMMISSIONER SENT TO PERU. 143 nando, and he coolly waited for the hour of revenge. Yet the execution of Almagro was a most impolitic act ; for an evil passion can rarely be gratified with impunity. Hernando thought to buy off justice with the gold of Peru. He had studied human nature on its weak and wicked side, and he expected to profit by it. Fortunately, he was deceived. He had, indeed, his revenge ; but the hour of his re venge was that of his ruin. The disorderly state of Peru was such as to de mand the immediate interposition of government. In the general license that prevailed there, the rights of the Indian and of the Spaniard were equally- trampled under foot. Yet the subject was one of great difficulty ; for Pizarro's authority was now firmly established over the country, which itself was too remote from Castile to be readily controlled at home. Pizarro, moreover, was a man not easy to be approached, confident in his own strength, jeal ous of interference, and possessed of a fiery temper, which would kindle into a flame at the least distrust of the government. It would not answer to send out a commission to suspend him from the exercise of his authority until his conduct could be investi gated, as was done with Cortes, and other great colonial officers, on whose rooted loyalty the Crown could confidently rely. Pizarro's loyalty sat, it was feared, too lightly on him to be a powerful restraint on his movements ; and there were not wanting those among his reckless followers, who, in case of extremity, would be prompt to urge him to throw off 144 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. his allegiance altogether, and set up an independent government for himself. Some one was to be sent out, therefore, who should possess, in some sort, a controlling, or, at least, concurrent power with the dangerous chief, while ostensibly he should act only in subordination to him. The person selected for this delicate mis sion, was the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, a member of the Royal Audience of Valladolid. He was a learned judge, a man of integrity and wisdom, and, though not bred to arms, had so much address, and such knowledge of character, as would enable him readily to turn the resources of others to his own account. His commission was guarded in a way which showed the embarrassment of the government. He was to appear before Pizarro in the capacity of a royal judge ; to consult with him on the redress of grievances, especially with reference to the unfortu nate natives ; to concert measures for the prevention of future evils ; and above all, to possess himself faithfully of the condition of the country in all its de tails, and to transmit intelligence of it to the Court of Castile. But, in case of Pizarro's death, he was to produce his warrant as royal governor, and as such to claim the obedience of the authorities throughout the land Events showed the wisdom of providing for this latter contingency.21 21 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. Conq., MS. — Gomara, Hist, de 9. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., las Ind., cap. 146. — Herrera, afio 1540. Ch. III.] COMMISSIONER SENT TO PERU. 145 The licentiate, thus commissioned, quitted his quiet residence at Valladolid, embarked at Seville, in the autumn of 1540, and, after a tedious voyage across the Atlantic, he traversed the Isthmus, and, encountering a succession of tempests on the Pacific, that had nearly sent his frail bark to the bottom, put in with her, a mere wreck, at the northerly port of Buenaventura.22 The affairs of the country were in a state to require his presence. The civil war which had lately distracted the land had left it in so unsettled a state, that the agi tation continued long after the immediate cause had ceased. This was especially the case among the na tives. In the violent transfer of repartimientos, the poor Indian hardly knew to whom he was to look as his master. The fierce struggles between the rival chieftains left him equally in doubt whom he was to regard as the rulers of the land. As to the authority of a common sovereign, across the waters, paramount over all, he held that in still greater dis trust ; for what was the authority which could not command the obedience even of its own vassals ? 23 This latter writer sees nothing tura, aunque yo la llamo Mala." short of a " divine mystery" in Descub. y Conq., MS. this forecast of government, so ^ " Piensan que les mienten los singularly sustained by events, que aca les dizen que ai un gran " Prevencion del gran espiritu del Sefior en Castilla, viendo que aca Rey, no sin misterio." Ubi supra, pelean unos capitanes contra otros ; 22 Or, as the port should rather y piensan que no ai otro Rei sino be called, Mala Ventura, as Pedro aquel que venze al otro, porque aca Pizarro punningly remarks. " Tu- entrellos no se acostumbra que un vo tan mal viaje en la mar que vbo capitan pelee contra otro, estando de desembarcar en la Buena Ven- entrambos debaxo de un Sefior." VOL. II. 19 146 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. The Inca Manco was not slow in taking advantage of this state of feeling. He left his obscure fast nesses in the depths of the Andes, and established himself with a strong body of followers in the mountain country lying between Cuzco and the coast. From this retreat, he made descents on the neighbouring plantations, destroying the houses, sweeping off the cattle, and massacring the people. He fell on travellers, as they were journeying sin gly or in caravans from the coast, and put them to death — it is told by his enemies — with cruel tortures. Single detachments were sent against him, from time to time, but without effect. Some he eluded, others he defeated ; and, on one occa sion, cut off a party of thirty troopers, to a man.24 At length, Pizarro found it necessary to send a considerable force under his brother Gonzalo against the Inca. The hardy Indian encountered his enemy several times in the rough passes of the Cordilleras. He was usually beaten, and sometimes with heavy loss, which he repaired with astonishing facility ; for he always contrived to make his escape, and so true were his followers, that, in defiance of pursuit and ambuscade, he found a safe shelter in the secret haunts of the sierra. Thus baffled, Pizarro determined to try the effect of pacific overtures. He sent to the Inca, both in Carta de Valverde al Emperador, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Carta de MS. Espinall, MS. — Carta de Valverle 24 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. al Emperador, MS. 6, lib. 6, cap. 7. — Pedro Pizarro, Ch. III.] HOSTILITIES WITH THE INCA. 147 his own name, and in that of the Bishop of Cuzco, whom the Peruvian prince held in reverence, to in vite him to enter into negotiation.25 Manco acqui esced, and indicated, as he had formerly done with Almagro, the valley of Yucay, as the scene of it. The governor repaired thither, at the appointed time, well guarded, and, to propitiate the barbarian monarch, sent him a rich present by the hands of an African slave. The slave was met on the route by a party of the Inca's men, who, whether with or without their master's orders, cruelly murdered him, and bore off the spoil to their quarters. Pizarro resented this outrage by another yet more atrocious. Among the Indian prisoners was one of the Inca's wives, a young and beautiful woman, to whom he was said to be fondly attached. The governor or dered her to be stripped naked, bound to a tree, and, in presence of the camp, to be scourged with rods, and then shot to death with arrows. The wretched victim bore the execution of the sentence 25 The Inca declined the inter- guntado que porque no se benia a view with the bishop, on the mi de paz, dixo el indio que dezia ground that he had seen him pay el inca que porque yo quando vine obeisance by taking off his cap to hize la mocha al gobemador, que Pizarro. It proved his inferiority quiere dezir que le quite el Bonete ; to the latter, he said, and that he que no queria venir a mi de paz, could never protect him against the que el que no havia de venir de governor. The passage in which paz sino a uno que viniese de it is related is curious. " Pre- castilla que no hiziese la mocha al guntando a indios del inca que gobemador, porque le paresze a el anda alzado que si sabe el inca que este lo podra defender por lo que yo soi venido a la tierra en que ha hecho y no otro." Carta nombre de S. M. para defendellos, de Valverde al Emperador, MS. dixo que mui bien lo sabia ; y pre- 148 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. with surprising fortitude. She did not beg for mer cy, where none was to be found. Not a complaint, scarcely a groan, escaped her under the infliction of these terrible torments. The iron Conquerors were amazed at this power of endurance in a delicate woman, and they expressed their admiration, while they condemned the cruelty of their commander, — in their hearts.26 Yet constancy under the most ex cruciating tortures that human cruelty can inflict is almost the universal characteristic of the American Indian. Pizarro now prepared, as the most effectual means of checking these disorders among the natives, to establish settlements in the heart of the disaffected country. These settlements, which received the dignified name of cities, might be regarded in the light of military colonies. The houses were usually built of stone, to which were added the various pub lic offices, and sometimes a fortress. A municipal corporation was organized. Settlers were invited by the distribution of large tracts of land in the neighbourhood, with a stipulated number of Indian 26 At least, we may presume cay, haziendola varear con varas y they did so, since they openly con- flechar con flechas por una burla demn him in their accounts of the que mango ynga le hizo que aqui transaction. I quote Pedro Pizarro, contare, y entiendo yo que por esta not disposed to criticise the con- crueldad y otra hermana del ynga duct of his general too severely, que mando matar en Lima quando " Se tomo una muger de mango los yndios pusieron cerco sobrella ynga que le queria mucho y se que se llamava Acarpay. me pa- guardo, creyendo que por ella sal- resce a mi que nuestro sefior le dria de paz. Esta muger mando castigo en el fin que tuvo." De- matar al marquez despues en Yn- scub. y Conq., MS. Ch. III.] PIZARRO'S ACTIVE ADMINISTRATION. 149 vassals to each. The soldiers then gathered there, sometimes accompanied by their wives and families ; for the women of Castile seem to have disdained the impediments of sex, in the ardor of conjugal at tachment, or, it may be, of romantic adventure. A populous settlement rapidly grew up in the wilder ness, affording protection to the surrounding territo ry, and furnishing a commercial depot for the coun try, and an armed force ready at all times to main tain public order. Such a settlement was that now made at Gua manga, midway between Cuzco and Lima, which effectually answered its purpose by guarding the communications with the coast.27 Another town was founded in the mining district of Charcas, un der the appropriate name of the Villa de la Plata, the " City of Silver." And Pizarro, as he jour neyed by a circuitous route along the shores of the southern sea towards Lima, planted there the city of Arequipa, since arisen to such commercial celebrity. Once more in his favorite capital of Lima, the governor found abundant occupation in attending to its municipal concerns, and in providing for the expansive growth of its population. Nor was he unmindful of the other rising settlements on the Pacific. He encouraged commerce with the re- 27 Cieza de Leon notices the Peru, todas de piedra, ladrillo, y uncommon beauty and solidity of teja, con grandes torres : de ma- the buildings at Guamanga. "La nera que no falta aposentos. La qual han edificado las mayores y placa esta liana y bien grande." mejores casas que ay en todo el Cronica, cap. 87. 150 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. moter colonies north of Peru, and took measures for facilitating internal intercourse. He stimulated industry in all its branches, paying great attention to husbandry, and importing seeds of the different European grains, which he had the satisfaction, in a short time, to see thriving luxuriantly in a country where the variety of soil and climate afforded a home for almost every product.28 Above all, he pro moted the working of the mines, which already began to make such returns, that the most com mon articles of life rose to exorbitant prices, while the precious metals themselves seemed the only things of little value. But they soon changed hands, and found their way to the mother-country, where they rose to their true level as they mingled with the general currency of Europe. The Spaniards found that they had at length reached the land of which they had been so long in search, — the land of gold and silver. Emigrants came in greater numbers to the country, and, spreading over its surface, formed in the increasing population the most effectual barrier against the rightful owners of the soil.29 Pizarro, strengthened by the arrival of fresh ad venturers, now turned his attention to the remoter quarters of the country. Pedro de Valdivia was sent 28 "I con que ia comencaba a rador,MS. — Montesinos, Annales, haver en aquellas Tierras cosecha MS., afios 1539 et 1541. — Pedro de Trigo, Cevada, i otras muchas Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — cosas de Castilla." Herrera, Hist. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 2. lib. 7, cap. 1. — Cieza de Leon, 29 Carta de Carvajal al Empe- Cronica, cap. 76 et alibi. Ch. Ill] GONZALO PIZARRO. 151 on his memorable expedition to Chili; and to his own brother Gonzalo the governor assigned the territory of Quito, with instructions to explore the unknown country towards the east, where, as report said, grew the cinnamon. As this chief, who had hitherto acted but a subordinate part in the Con quest, is henceforth to take the most conspicuous, it may be well to give some account of him. Little is known of his early life, for he sprang from the same obscure origin with Francisco, and seems to have been as little indebted as his elder brother to the fostering care of his parents. He entered early on the career of a soldier ; a career to which every man in that iron age, whether cavalier or vagabond, seems, if left to himself, to have most readily inclined. Here he soon distinguished him self by his skill in martial exercises, was an excel lent horseman, and, when he came to the New World, was esteemed the best lance in Peru.30 In talent and in expansion of views, he was in ferior to his brothers. Neither did he discover the same cool and crafty policy ; but he was equally courageous, and in the execution of his measures quite as unscrupulous. He had a handsome person, with open, engaging features, a free, soldier-like ad dress, and a confiding temper, which endeared him to his followers. His spirit was high and adventur- 30 The cavalier Pizarro y Orella- blood of the Pizarros flowed in the na has given biographical notices veins of the writer to his fingers' of each of the brothers. It requires ends. Yet his facts are less sus- no witchcraft to detect that the picious than his inferences. 152 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. ous, and, what was equally important, he could in spire others with the same spirit, and thus do much to insure the success of his enterprises. He was an excellent captain in guerilla warfare, an admira ble leader in doubtful and difficult expeditions ; but he had not the enlarged capacity for a great mili tary chief, still less for a civil ruler. It was his mis fortune to be called to fill both situations. CHAPTER IV. Gonzalo Pizarro's Expedition. — Passage across the Moun tains. — Discovers the Napo. — Incredible Sufferings. — Ore llana sails down the Amazon. — -Despair of the Spaniards. — The Survivors return to Quito. 1540 — 1542. Gonzalo Pizarro received the news of his ap pointment to the government of Quito with undis guised pleasure ; not so much for the possession that it gave him of this ancient Indian province, as for the field that it opened for discovery towards the east, — the fabled land of Oriental spices, which had long captivated the imagination of the Conquerors. He repaired to his government without delay, and found no difficulty in awakening a kindred enthusi asm to his own in the bosoms of his followers. In a short time, he mustered three hundred and fifty Spaniards, and four thousand Indians. One hun dred and fifty of his company were mounted, and all were equipped in the most thorough manner for the undertaking. He provided, moreover, against famine by a large stock of provisions, and an im mense drove of swine which followed in the rear.1 l Herrera, Hist. General, dec. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 2. 6, lib. 8, cap. 6, 7. — Garcilasso, — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, VOL. II. 20 154 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. It was the beginning of 1540, when he set out on this celebrated expedition. The first part of the journey was attended with comparatively little dif ficulty, while the Spaniards were yet in the land of the Incas ; for the distractions of Peru had not been felt in this distant province, where the simple people still lived as under the primitive sway of the Chil dren of the Sun. But the scene changed as they entered the territory of Quixos, where the character of the inhabitants, as well as of the climate, seemed to be of another description. The country was traversed by lofty ranges of the Andes, and the adventurers were soon entangled in their deep and intricate passes. As they rose into the more ele vated regions, the icy winds that swept down the sides of the Cordilleras benumbed their limbs, and many of the natives found a wintry grave in the wilderness. While crossing this formidable barrier, they experienced one of those tremendous earth quakes which, in these volcanic regions, so often shake the mountains to their base. In one place, the earth was rent asunder by the terrible throes of Nature, while streams of sulphurous vapor issued from the cavity, and a village with some hundreds of houses was precipitated into the frightful abyss ! 2 cap. 1, 2. — Gomara, Hist, de las a goodly supply of bacon for so Ind., cap. 143. — Montesinos, An- small a troop, since the Indians, nales, afio 1539. doubtless, lived on parched corn, Historians differ as to the num- coca, which usually formed their ber of Gonzalo's forces, — of his only support on the longest jour- men, his horses, and his hogs. neys. The last, according to Herrera, 2 Zarate states the number with amounted to no less than 5000 ; precision at five hundred houses. Ch. IV.] GONZALO PIZARRO'S EXPEDITION. 155 On descending the eastern slopes, the climate changed ; and, as they came on the lower level, the fierce cold was succeeded by a suffocating heat, while tempests of thunder and lightning, rushing from out the gorges of the sierra, poured on their heads with scarcely any intermission day or night, as if the offended deities of the place were willing to take vengeance on the invaders of their moun tain solitudes. For more than six weeks the del uge continued unabated, and the forlorn wanderers, wet, and weary with incessant toil, were scarcely able to drag their limbs along the soil broken up and saturated with the moisture. After some months of toilsome travel, in which they had to cross many a morass and mountain stream, they at length reached Canelas, the Land of Cinnamon.3 They saw the trees bearing the precious bark, spreading out into broad forests ; yet, however valu able an article for commerce it might have proved in accessible situations, in these remote regions it was of little worth to them. But, from the wandering tribes of savages whom they had occasionally met in their path, they learned that at ten days' distance was a rich and fruitful land abounding with gold, and inhabited by populous nations. Gonzalo Pi- " Sobrevino vn tan gran Terre- is nothing so satisfactory to the moto, con temblor, i tempestad de mind of the reader as precise num- Agua, i Relampagos, i Raios, i bers ; and nothing so little deserv- grandes Truenos, que abriendose la ing of his confidence. Tierra por muchas partes, se hun- 3 Canela is the Spanish for cin- dieron quinientas Casas." (Conq. namon. del Peru, lib. 4, cap: 2.) There 156 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. zarro had already reached the limits originally pro posed for the expedition. But this intelligence renewed his hopes, and he resolved to push the adventure farther. It would have been well for him and his followers, had they been content to return on their footsteps. Continuing their march, the country now spread out into broad savannas terminated by forests, which, as they drew near, seemed to stretch on every side to the very verge of the horizon. Here they beheld trees of that stupendous growth seen only in the equinoctial regions. Some were so large, that sixteen men could hardly encompass them with extended arms ! 4 The wood was thickly matted with creepers and parasitical vines, which hung in gaudy-colored festoons from tree to tree, clothing them in a drapery beautiful to the eye, but forming an impenetrable network. At every step of their way, they were obliged to hew open a passage with their axes, while their garments, rotting from the effects of the drenching rains to which they had been exposed, caught in every bush and 1 This, allowing six feet for the traveller in 1839, was found to be spread of a man's arms, would be a hundred and twelve feet in cir- about ninety-six feet in circum- cumference at the height of four ference, or thirty-two feet in diam- feet from the ground. This height eter; larger, probably, than the may correspond with that of the largest tree known in Europe, measurement taken by the Span- Yet it falls short of that famous iards. See a curious and learned giant of the forests mentioned by article on Forest-trees in No. M. de Humboldt as still flourishing 124 of the North American Re in the intendancy of Oaxaca, which, view. by the exact measurement of a Ch. IV.] DISCOVERS THE NAPO. 157 bramble, and hung about them in shreds.5 Their provisions, spoiled by the weather, had long since failed, and the live stock which they had taken with them had either been consumed or made their es cape in the woods and mountain passes. They had set out with nearly a thousand dogs, many of them of the ferocious breed used in hunting down the unfortunate natives. These they now gladly killed, but their miserable carcasses furnished a lean ban quet for the famishing travellers ; and, when these were gone, they had only such herbs and dangerous roots as they could gather in the forest.6 At length the way-worn company came on a broad expanse of water formed by the Napo, one of the great tributaries of the Amazon, and which, though only a third or fourth rate river in America, would pass for one of the first magnitude in the Old World. The sight gladdened their hearts, as, 5 The dramatist Molina, in his Cayeron los mas enfermos, play of "Los Amazonas en las Porque las ropas podridas r J , ton el eterno agua va, Indias, has devoted some dozen Nos dexd en las carnes yWas." columns of redondillas to an ac- 6 Capitulacion con Orellana, MS. count of the sufferings of his coun- _ pedro pizarr0j Descub. y Conq. _ trymen in the expedition to the MS. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., Amazon. The poet reckoned con- cajK 143._Zarate, Conq. delPeru, fidently on the patience of his au- lib_ 4> cap 2 _ Herrera, Hist. dience. The following verses de- General) dec. 6; ja. 8; cap. 6, 7. scribe the miserable condition to _ Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte which the Spaniards were reduced 2; jjb 3^ capi g_ by the incessant rains. The last writer obtained his in- ,,„. , „ , , ,,„_„- formation, as he tells us, from "Sin que el Sol en este tiempo ' ' Su cara ver nos permita, several who were present in the Ni las nubes tabemeras expedition. The reader may be Cessen de echamos encima assured that it has lost nothing in Dilubios inagotables, . . due hasta el alma nos bautizan. coming through his hands. 158 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. by winding along its banks, they hoped to find a safer and more practicable route. After traversing its borders for a considerable distance, closely beset with thickets which it taxed their strength to the utmost to overcome, Gonzalo and his party came within hearing of a rushing noise that sounded like subterranean thunder. The river, lashed into fury, tumbled along over rapids with frightful velocity, and conducted them to the brink of a magnificent cataract, which, to their wondering fancies, rushed down in one vast volume of foam to the depth of twelve hundred feet ! r The appalling sounds which they had heard for the distance of six leagues were rendered yet more oppressive to the spirits by the gloomy stillness of the surrounding forests. The rude warriors were filled with sentiments of awe. Not a bark dimpled the waters. No living thing was to be seen but the wild tenants of the wilder ness, the unwieldy boa, and the loathsome alligator basking on the borders of the stream. The trees towering in wide-spread magnificence towards the 7 " Al cabo de este largo camino the great cataract of the Tequen- hallaron que el rio hazia vn salto dama in the Bogota, as measured de una pena de mas de dozientas by Humboldt, usually esteemed bracas de alto : que hazia tan gran the highest in America, is not so ruydo, que lo oyeron mas de seys great as that of some of the eas- leguas antes que llegassen a el." cades thrown over the precipices in (Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, Switzerland. Yet the estimates lib. 3, cap. 3.) I find nothing to of the Spaniards, who, in the confirm or to confute the account gloomy state of their feelings, of this stupendous cataract in later were doubtless keenly alive to im- travellers, not very numerous in pressions of the sublime and the these wild regions. The alleged terrible, cannot safely be relied on. height of the falls, twice that of Ch. IV.] DISCOVERS THE NAPO. 159 heavens, the river rolling on in its rocky bed as it had rolled for ages, the solitude and silence of the scene, broken only by the hoarse fall of waters, or the faint rustling of the woods, — all seemed to spread out around them in the same wild and primi tive state as when they came from the hands of the Creator. For some distance above and below the falls, the bed of the river contracted so that its width did not exceed twenty feet. Sorely pressed by hunger, the adventurers determined, at all hazards, to cross to the opposite side, in hopes of finding a country that might afford them sustenance. A frail bridge was constructed by throwing the huge trunks of trees across the chasm, where the cliffs, as if split asunder by some convulsion of nature, descended sheer down a perpendicular depth of several hundred feet. Over this airy causeway the men and horses suc ceeded in effecting their passage with the loss of a single Spaniard, who, made giddy by heedlessly looking down, lost his footing and fell into the boil ing surges below. Yet they gained little by the exchange. The country wore the same unpromising aspect, and the river-banks were studded with gigantic trees, or fringed with impenetrable thickets. The tribes of Indians, whom they occasionally met in the pathless wilderness, were fierce and unfriendly, and they were engaged in perpetual skirmishes with them. From these they learned that a fruitful country was to be found down the river at the distance of only a 160 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV few days' journey, and the Spaniards held on their weary way, still hoping and still deceived, as the promised land flitted before them, like the rain bow, receding as they advanced. At length, spent with toil and suffering, Gonzalo resolved to construct a bark large enough to trans port the weaker part of his company and his bag gage. The forests furnished him with timber ; the shoes of the horses which had died on the road or been slaughtered for food, were converted into nails; gum distilled from the trees took the place of pitch ; and the tattered garments of the soldiers supplied a substitute for oakum. It was a work of difficulty ; but Gonzalo cheered his men in the task, and set an example by taking part in their labors. At the end of two months a brigantine was completed, rudely put together, but strong and of sufficient burden to carry half the company, — the first European ves sel that ever floated on these inland waters. Gonzalo gave the command to Francisco de Ore llana, a cavalier from Truxillo, on whose courage and devotion to himself he thought he could rely. The troops now moved forward, still following the de scending course of the river, while the brigantine kept alongside ; and when a bold promontory or more impracticable country intervened, it furnished timely aid by the transportation of the feebler sol diers. In this way they journeyed, for many a wea risome week, through the dreary wilderness on the borders of the Napo. Every scrap of provisions had been long since consumed. The last of their horses Ch. IV.] INCREDIBLE SUFFERINGS. 161 had been devoured. To appease the gnawings of hunger, they were fain to eat the leather of their saddles and belts. The woods supplied them with scanty sustenance, and they greedily fed upon toads, serpents, and such other reptiles as they occasional ly found.8 They were now told of a rich district, inhabited by a populous nation, where the Napo emptied into a still greater river that flowed towards the east. It was, as usual, at the distance of several days' jour ney ; and Gonzalo Pizarro resolved to halt where he was and send Orellana down in his brigantine to the confluence of the waters to procure a stock of pro visions, with which he might return and put them in condition to resume their march. That cavalier, accordingly, taking with him fifty of the adventurers, pushed off into the middle of the river, where the stream ran swiftly, and his bark, taken by the cur rent, shot forward with the speed of an arrow, and was soon out of sight. Days and weeks passed away, yet the vessel did not return ; and no speck was to be seen on the waters, as the Spaniards strained their eyes to the farthest point, where the line of light faded away in the dark shadows of the foliage on the borders. De- 8 " Yeruas y rayzes, y fruta Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 4. siluestre, sapos, y culebras, y otras — Capitulacion con Orellana, MS. malas sauandijas, si las auia por — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, aquellas montafias que todo les lib. 8, cap. 7. — Zarate, Conq. del hazia buen estomago a los Espafio- Peru, lib. 4, cap. 3, 4. — Gomara, les ; que peor les yua con la falta Hist, de las Ind., cap. 143. de cosas tan viles." Garcilasso, VOL. II. 21 162 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. tachments were sent out, and, though absent several days, came back without intelligence of their com rades. Unable longer to endure this suspense, or, indeed, to maintain themselves in their present quar ters, Gonzalo and his famishing followers now deter mined to proceed towards the junction of the rivers. Two months elapsed before they accomplished this terrible journey, — those of them who did not per ish on the way, — although the distance probably did not exceed two hundred leagues ; and they at length reached the spot so long desired, where the Napo pours its tide into the Amazon, that mighty stream, which, fed by its thousand tributaries, rolls on towards the ocean, for many hundred miles, through the heart of the great continent, — the most majestic of American rivers. But the Spaniards gathered no tidings of Ore llana, while the country, though more populous than the region they had left, was as little inviting in its aspect, and was tenanted by a race yet more fero cious. They now abandoned the hope of recover ing their comrades, who they supposed must have miserably perished by famine or by the hands of the natives. But their doubts were at length dispelled by the appearance of a white man wandering half- naked in the woods, in whose famine-stricken coun tenance they recognized the features of one of their countrymen. It was Sanchez de Vargas, a cavalier of good descent, and much esteemed in the army. He had a dismal tale to tell. Orellana, borne swiftly down the current of the Ch. IV.] ORELLANA SAILS DOWN THE AMAZON. 163 Napo, had reached the point of its confluence with the Amazon in less than three days ; accomplishing in this brief space of time what had cost Pizarro and his company two months. He had found the country altogether different from what had been rep resented ; and, so far from supplies for his country men, he could barely obtain sustenance for himself. Nor was it possible for him to return as he had come, and make head against the current of the river ; while the attempt to journey by land was an alternative scarcely less formidable. In this dilem ma, an idea flashed across his mind. It was to launch his bark at once on the bosom of the Ama zon, and descend its waters to its mouth. He would then visit the rich and populous nations that, as report said, lined its borders, sail out on the great ocean, cross to the neighbouring isles, and return to Spain to claim the glory and the guerdon of discov ery. The suggestion was eagerly taken up by his reckless companions, welcoming any course that would rescue them from the wretchedness of their present existence, and fired with the prospect of new and stirring adventure, — for the love of adventure was the last feeling to become extinct in the bosom of the Castilian cavalier. They heeded little their unfortunate comrades, whom they were to abandon in the wilderness ! 9 9 This statement of De Vargas on his return to Castile. The was confirmed by Orellana, as ap- document is preserved entire in the pears from the language of the Mufioz collection of MSS. royal grant made to that cavalier " Haviendo vos ido con ciertos 164 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. This is not the place to record the circumstances of Orellana's extraordinary expedition. He suc ceeded in his enterprise. But it is marvellous that he should have escaped shipwreck in the perilous and unknown navigation of that river. Many times his vessel was nearly dashed to pieces on its rocks and in its furious rapids ; 10 and he was in still greater peril from the warlike tribes on its borders, who fell on his little troop whenever he attempted to land, and followed in his wake for miles in their canoes. He at length emerged from the great river ; and, once upon the sea, Orellana made for the isle of Cubagua ; thence passing over to Spain, he repaired to court, and told the circumstances of his voyage, — of the nations of Amazons whom he had found on the banks of the river, the El Dorado which re port assured him existed in the neighbourhood, and other marvels, — the exaggeration rather than the coinage of a credulous fancy. His audience listened with willing ears to the tales of the traveller ; and compafieros un rio abajo a buscar 10 Condamine, who, in 1743, comida, con la corriente fuistes went down the Amazon, has often metidos por el dicho rio mas de occasion to notice the perils and 200 leguas donde no pudistes dar perplexities in which he was in- la buelta e por esta necesidad e volved in the navigation of this por la mucha noticia que tuvistes river, too difficult, as he says, to de la grandeza e riqueza de la be undertaken without the guid- tierra, posponiendo vuestro peligro, ance of a skilful pilot. See his sin interes ninguno por servir a Relation Abregee d'un Voyage S. M. os aventurastes a saber lo fait dans lTnterieur de l'Amerique que havia en aquellas provincias, e Meridionale. (Maestricht, 1778.) ansi descubristes e hallastes gran des poblaciones." Capitulacion con Orellana, MS. Ch. IV.] ORELLANA SAILS DOWN THE AMAZON. 165 in an age of wonders, when the mysteries of the East and the West were hourly coming to light, they might be excused for not discerning the true line between romance and reality.11 He found no difficulty in obtaining a commission to conquer and colonize the realms he had discov ered. He soon saw himself at the head of five hundred followers, prepared to share the perils and the profits of his expedition. But neither he, nor his country, was destined to realize these profits. He died on his outward passage, and the lands washed by the Amazon fell within the territories of Portugal. The unfortunate navigator did not even enjoy the undivided honor of giving his name to the waters he had discovered. He enjoyed only the barren glory of the discovery, surely not balanced by the iniquitous circumstances which attended it.12 11 It has not been easy to discern ing ventured upon a navigation of the exact line in later times, with near two thousand leagues, through all the lights of modern discovery, unknown nations, in a vessel hastily Condamine, after a careful inves- constructed, with green timber, and tigation, considers that there is good by very unskilful hands, without ground for believing in the exist- provisions, without a compass, or a ence of a community of armed pilot." (Robertson, America, (ed. women, once living somewhere in London, 1796,) vol. III. p. 84.) the neighbourhood of the Amazon, The historian of America does not though they have now disappeared, hold the moral balance with as un it would be hard to disprove the erring a hand as usual, in his judg- fact, but still harder, considering ment of Orellana's splendid enter- the embarrassments in perpetuat- prise. No success, however splen- ing such a community, to believe did, in the language of one, not it. Voyage dans l'Ame'rique Me- too severe a moralist, ndionale, p. 99, et seq. "Can blazon evil deeds or consecrate a 12 " His crime is, in some meas- crime." ure, balanced by the glory of hav- 166 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. One of Orellana's party maintained a stout oppo sition to his proceedings, as repugnant both to hu manity and honor. This was Sanchez de Vargas ; and the cruel commander was revenged on him by abandoning him to his fate in the desolate region where he was now found by his countrymen.13 The Spaniards listened with horror to the recital of Vargas, and their blood almost froze in their veins as they saw themselves thus deserted in the heart of this remote wilderness, and deprived of their only means of escape from it. They made an effort to prosecute their journey along the banks, but, after some toilsome days, strength and spirits failed, and they gave up in despair ! Then it was that the qualities of Gonzalo Pizarro, as a fit leader in the hour of despondency and dan ger, shone out conspicuous. To advance farther was hopeless. To stay where they were, without 13 An expedition more remark- Still, like Milton's lady in Comus, able than that of Orellana was she was permitted to come safely performed by a delicate female, out of all these perils, and, after Madame Godin, who, in 1769, at- unparalleled sufferings, falling in tempted to descend the Amazon in with some friendly Indians, she was an open boat to its mouth. She conducted by them to a French set- was attended by seven persons, tlement. Though a young woman, two of them her brothers, and two it will not be surprising that the her female domestics. The boat hardships and terrors she endured was wrecked, and Madame Godin, turned her hair perfectly white. narrowly escaping with her life, The details of the extraordinary endeavoured with her party to story are given in a letter to M. de accomplish the remainder of her la Condamine by her husband, who journey on foot. She saw them tells them in an earnest, unaffected perish, one after another, of hun- way that engages our confidence. ger and disease, till she was left Voyage dans l'Amerique Meri- alone in the howling wilderness, dionale, p. 329, et seq. Ch. IV.] DESPAIR OF THE SPANIARDS. 167 food or raiment, without defence from the fierce ani mals of the forest and the fiercer natives, was im possible. One only course remained ; it was to return to Quito. But this brought with it the recol lection of the past, of sufferings which they could too well estimate, — hardly to be endured even in imagination. They were now at least four hundred leagues from Quito, and more than a year had elapsed since they had set out on their painful pilgrimage. How could they encounter these perils again ! 14 Yet there was no alternative. Gonzalo endeav oured to reassure his followers by dwelling on the invincible constancy they had hitherto displayed ; adjuring them to show themselves still worthy of the name of Castilians. He reminded them of the glory they would for ever acquire by their heroic achievement, when they should reach their own country. He would lead them back, he said, by another route, and it could not be but that they should meet somewhere with those abundant re gions of which they had so often heard. It was something, at least, that every step would take them nearer home ; and as, at all events, it was clearly the only course now left, they should prepare to meet it like men. The spirit would sustain the 14 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte One must not expect from these 2, lib. 3, cap. 5. — Herrera, Hist, wanderers in the wilderness any General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 8. — exact computation of time or dis- Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, tance, destitute, as they were, of cap. 5. — Gomara, Hist, de las the means of making a correct ob- Ind., cap. 143. servation of either. 168 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV body ; and difficulties encountered in the right spirit were half vanquished already ! The soldiers listened eagerly to his words of promise and encouragement. The confidence of their leader gave life to the desponding. They felt the force of his reasoning, and, as they lent a wil ling ear to his assurances, the pride of the old Cas tilian honor revived in their bosoms, and every one caught somewhat of the generous enthusiasm of their commander. He was, in truth, entitled to their devotion. From the first hour of the expe dition, he had freely borne his part in its privations. Far from claiming the advantage of his position, he had taken his lot with the poorest soldier ; minister ing to the wants of the sick, cheering up the spirits of the desponding, sharing his stinted allowance with his famished followers, bearing his full part in the toil and burden of the march, ever showing himself their faithful comrade, no less than their captain. He found the benefit of this conduct in a trying hour like the present. I will spare the reader the recapitulation of the sufferings endured by the Spaniards on their retro grade march to Quito. They took a more northerly route than that by which they had approached the Amazon ; and, if it was attended with fewer diffi culties, they experienced yet greater distresses from their greater inability to overcome them. Their only nourishment was such scanty fare as they could pick up in the forest, or happily meet with in some forsaken Indian settlement, or wring by violence Ch. IV.] THE SURVIVORS RETURN TO QUITO. 169 from the natives. Some sickened and sank down by the way, for there was none to help them. Intense misery had made them selfish ; and many a poor wretch was abandoned to his fate, to die alone in the wilderness, or, more probably, to be devoured, while living, by the wild animals which roamed over it. At length, in June, 1542, after somewhat more than a year consumed in their homeward march, the way-worn company came on the elevated plains in the neighbourhood of Quito. But how different their aspect from that which they had exhibited on issuing from the gates of the same capital, two years and a half before, with high romantic hope and in all the pride of military array ! Their horses gone, their arms broken and rusted, the skins of wild animals instead of clothes hanging loosely about their limbs, their long and matted locks streaming wildly down their shoulders, their faces burned and blackened by the tropical sun, their bodies wasted by famine and sorely disfigured by scars, — it seemed as if the charnel-house had given up its dead, as, with uncer tain step, they glided slowly onwards like a troop of dismal spectres ! More than half of the four thou sand Indians who had accompanied the expedition had perished, and of the Spaniards only eighty, and many of these irretrievably broken in consti tution, returned to Quito.15 55 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Peru, Kb. 4, cap. 5. — Gomara, Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Hist, de las Ind., cap. 143. — Gar- vol. II. 22 170 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. The few Christian inhabitants of the place, with their wives and children, came out to welcome their countrymen. They ministered to them all the re lief and refreshment in their power; and, as they listened to the sad recital of their sufferings, they mingled their tears with those of the wanderers. The whole company then entered the capital, where their first act — to their credit be it mentioned — was to go in a body to the church, and offer up thanksgivings to the Almighty for their miraculous preservation through their long and perilous pilgrim age.16 Such was the end of the expedition to the Amazon ; an expedition which, for its dangers and hardships, the length of their duration, and the constancy with which they were endured, stands, perhaps, unmatched in the annals of American dis covery.cilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. entro en el Quito, triunfando del 3, cap. 15. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- valor, i sufrimiento, i de la con- neral, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. 14. stancia, recto, € immutable vigor The last historian, in dismissing del animo, pues Hombres Huma- his account of the expedition, nos no se hallan haver tanto sufrido, passes a panegyric on the courage ni padecido tantas desventuras." and constancy of his countrymen, Ibid., ubi supra. which we must admit to be well m Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. deserved. 4, cap. 5. " Finalmente, Goncalo Picarro CHAPTER V. The Almagro Faction. — Their desperate Condition. — Con spiracy against Francisco Pizarro. — Assassination of Pi zarro. — Acts of the Conspirators. — Pizarro's Character. 1541. When Gonzalo Pizarro reached Quito, he re ceived tidings of an event which showed that his expedition to the Amazon had been even more fatal to his interests than he had imagined. A revolution had taken place during his absence, which had changed the whole condition of things in Peru. In a preceding chapter we have seen, that, when Hernando Pizarro returned to Spain, his brother the marquess repaired to Lima, where he continued to occupy himself with building up his infant capital, and watching over the general interests of the coun try. While thus employed, he gave little heed to a danger that hourly beset his path, and this, too, in despite of repeated warnings from more circum spect friends. After the execution of Almagro, his followers, to the number of several hundred, remained scattered through the country ; but, however scattered, still united by a common sentiment of indignation against the Pizarros, the murderers, as they re- 172 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. garded them, of their leader. The governor was less the object of these feelings than his brother Hernando, as having been less instrumental in the perpetration of the deed. Under these circum stances, it was clearly Pizarro's policy to do one of two things ; to treat the opposite faction either as friends, or as open enemies. He might conciliate the most factious by acts of kindness, efface the remembrance of past injury, if he could, by pres ent benefits; in short, prove to them that his quarrel had been with their leader, not with them selves, and that it was plainly for their interest to come again under his banner. This would have been the most politic, as well as the most magnani mous course ; and, by augmenting the number of his adherents, would have greatly strengthened his power in the land. But, unhappily, he had not the magnanimity to pursue it. It was not in the nature of a Pizarro to forgive an injury, or the man whom he had injured. As he would not, therefore, try to conciliate Almagro's adherents, it was clearly the governor's policy to regard them as enemies, — not the less so for being in disguise, — and to take such measures as should disqualify them for doing mis chief. He should have followed the counsel of his more prudent brother Hernando, and distributed them in different quarters, taking care that no great number should assemble at any one point, or, above all, in the neighbourhood of his own residence. But the governor despised the broken followers of Almagro too heartily to stoop to precautionary Ch. V.] THE ALMAGRO FACTION. 173 measures. He suffered the son of his rival to re main in Lima, where his quarters soon became the resort of the disaffected cavaliers. The young man was well known to most of Almagro's soldiers, hav ing been trained along with them in the camp under his father's eye, and, now that his parent was removed, they naturally transferred their allegiance to the son who survived him. That the young Almagro, however, might be less able to maintain this retinue of unprofitable follow ers, he was deprived by Pizarro of a great part of his Indians and lands, while he was excluded from the government of New Toledo, which had been settled on him by his father's testament.1 Stripped of all means of support, without office or employ ment of any kind, the men of Chili, for so Alma gro's adherents continued to be called, were re duced to the utmost distress. So poor were they, as is the story of the time, that twelve cavaliers, who lodged in the same house, could muster only one cloak among them all ; and, with the usual feeling of pride that belongs to the poor hidalgo, unwilling to expose their poverty, they wore this cloak by turns, those who had no right to it remaining at home.2 Whether true or not, the anecdote well illus trates the extremity to which Almagro's faction was reduced. And this distress was rendered yet more galling by the effrontery of their enemies, who, en- 1 Carta de Almagro, MS. 2 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 8, cap. 6. 174 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. riched by their forfeitures, displayed before their eyes all the insolent bravery of equipage and apparel that could annoy their feelings. Men thus goaded by insult and injury were too dangerous to be lightly regarded. But, although Pizarro received various intimations intended to put him on his guard, he gave no heed to them. " Poor devils ! " he would exclaim, speaking with contempt uous pity of the men of Chili ; " they have had bad luck enough. We will not trouble them fur ther."3 And so little did he consider them, that he went freely about, as usual, riding without attend ants to all parts of the town and to its immediate environs.4 News now reached the colony of the appointment of a judge by the Crown to take cognizance of the affairs of Peru. Pizarro, although alarmed by the intelligence, sent orders to have him well entertained on his landing, and suitable accommodations pre pared for him on the route. The spirits of Alma gro's followers were greatly raised by the tidings. They confidently looked to this high functionary for the redress of their wrongs ; and two of their body, clad in suits of mourning, were chosen to go to the north, where the judge was expected to land, and to lay their grievances before him. But months elapsed, and no tidings came of his arrival, till, at length, a vessel, coming into port, an- 3 Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., * Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte cap. 144. 2, lib. 3, cap. 6. Ch. V.] THEIR DESPERATE CONDITION. 175 nounced that most of the squadron had foundered in the heavy storms on the coast, and that the commis sioner had probably perished with them. This was disheartening intelligence to the men of Chili, whose " miseries," to use the words of their young leader, " had become too grievous to be borne." 5 Symptoms of disaffection had already begun openly to manifest themselves. The haughty cavaliers did not always doff their bonnets, on meeting the gov ernor in the street; and on one occasion, three ropes were found suspended from the public gallows, with labels attached to them, bearing the names of Pi zarro, Velasquez the judge, and Picado the govern or's secretary.6 This last functionary was peculiarly odious to Almagro and his followers. As his master knewT neither how to read nor write, all his commu nications passed through Picado's hands ; and, as the latter was of a hard and arrogant nature, greatly elated by the consequence which his position gave him, he exercised a mischievous influence on the 5 " My sufferings," says Alma- luntad sirviendole aunque tuviese gro, in his letter to the Royal Au- meritos le destruya y este Picado dience of Panama, " were enough fue causa de que los de Chile to- to unsettle my reason." See his masen mas odio al marquez por Letter in the original, Appendix, donde le mataron. Porque queria No. 12. este que todos lo reverenciasen, y 6 " Hizo Picado el secreptario los de chile no hazian caso del, y del Marquez mucho dafio a muchos, por esta causa los perseguia este porque el marquez don Francisco mucho, y ansi vinieron a hazer lo Picarro como no savia ler ni escrivir que hizieron los de Chile." Pedro fiavase del y no hacia mas de lo Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — que el le aconsejava y ansi hizo Also ZaTate, Conq. del Peru, lib. este mucho mal en estos rreinos, 4, cap. 6. porque el que no andava a su vo- 176 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. governor's measures. Almagro's poverty-stricken followers were the objects of his open ridicule, and he revenged the insult now offered him by riding before their young leader's residence, displaying a tawdry magnificence in his dress, sparkling with gold and silver, and with the inscription, " For the Men of Chili," set in his bonnet. It was a foolish taunt ; but the poor cavaliers who were the object of it, made morbidly sensitive by their sufferings, had not the philosophy to despise it.7 At length, disheartened by the long protracted coming of Vaca de Castro, and still more by the re cent reports of his loss, Almagro's faction, despairing of redress from a legitimate authority, determined to take it into their own hands. They came to the desperate resolution of assassinating Pizarro. The day named for this was Sunday, the twenty-sixth of June, 1541. The conspirators, eighteen or twenty in number, were to assemble in Almagro's house, which stood in the great square next to the cathe dral, and, when the governor was returning from mass, they were to issue forth and fall on him in the street. A white flag, unfurled at the same time from an upper window in the house, was to be the signal for the rest of their comrades to move to the support of those immediately engaged in the execu tion of the deed.8 7 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 8 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Conq., MS. — Montesinos, An- Real., Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 6. — nales, MS., afio 1541. — Zarate, Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 6. lib. 10, cap. 2. Ch. V.] CONSPIRACY AGAINST PIZARRO. 177 These arrangements could hardly have been con cealed from Almagro, since his own quarters were to be the place of rendezvous. Yet there is no good evidence of his having taken part in the con spiracy.9 He was, indeed, too young to make it probable that he took a leading part in it. He is represented by contemporary writers to have given promise of many good qualities, though, unhappily, he was not placed in a situation favorable for their development. He was the son of an Indian woman of Panama ; but from early years had followed the troubled fortunes of his father, to whom he bore much resemblance in his free and generous nature, as well as in the violence of his passions. His youth and inexperience disqualified him from taking the lead in the perplexing circumstances in which he was placed, and made him little more than a puppet in the hands of others.10 9 Yet this would seem to be to have taken part in it, with the contradicted by Almagro's own further declaration, that it was sim- letter to the audience of Panama, ply to seize, not to slay, Pizarro ; in which he states, that, galled by — a declaration that no one who intolerable injuries, he and his fol- reads the history of the transaction lowers had resolved to take the will be very ready to credit. remedy into their own hands, by i° " Mancebo virtuoso, i de entering the governor's house and grande Animo, i bien ensefiado : i seizing his person. (See the orig- especialmente se havia exercitado inal in Appendix, No. 12.) It is mucho en cavalgar a Caballo, de certain, however, that in the full ambas sillas, lo qual hacia con accounts we have of the affair by mucha gracia, i destreca, i tambien writers who had the best means of en escrevir, i leer, lo qual hacia information, we do not find Alma- mas liberalmente, i mejor de lo que gro's name mentioned as one who requeria su Profesion. De este took an active part in the tragic tenia cargo, como Aio, Juan de drama. His own letter merely Herrada." Zarate, Conq. del Pe- expresses that it was his purpose ru, lib. 4, cap. 6. vol. ii. 23 178 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. The most conspicuous of his advisers was Juan de Herrada, or Rada, as his name is more usually spelt, — a cavalier of respectable family, but who, having early enlisted as a common soldier, had gradually risen to the highest posts in the army by his military talents. At this time he was well advanced in years ; but the fires of youth were not quenched in his bosom, and he burned with desire to avenge the wrongs done to his ancient command er. The attachment which he had ever felt for the elder Almagro he seems to have transferred in full measure to his son ; and it was apparently with reference to him, even more than to himself, that he devised this audacious plot, and prepared to take the lead in the execution of it. There was one, however, in the band of con spirators who felt some compunctions of conscience at the part he was acting, and who relieved his bosom by revealing the whole plot to his confes sor. The latter lost no time in reporting it to Picado, by whom in turn it was communicated to Pizarro. But, strange to say, it made little more impression on the governor's mind than the vague warnings he had so frequently received. "It is a device of the priest," said he ; " he wants a mitre."11 11 " Pues un dia antes un sacer- amigos. Esto me a dicho vno en dote clerigo llamado Benao fue de confision para que os venga a avi- noche y avisso a Picado el secrep- sar. Pues savido esto Picado se tario y dixole mafiana Domingo fue luego y lo conto al marquez y el quando el marquez saliere a misa le rrespondio. Ese clerigo obispa- tienen concertado los de Chile de do quiere." Pedro Pizarro, De- matar al marquee y a vos y a sus scub. y Conq., MS. Ch. V.] CONSPIRACY AGAINST PIZARRO. 179 Yet he repeated the story to the judge Velasquez, who, instead of ordering the conspirators to be seiz ed, and the proper steps taken for learning the truth of the accusation, seemed to be possessed with the same infatuation as Pizarro ; and he bade the gov ernor be under no apprehension, " for no harm should come to him, while the rod of justice," not a metaphorical badge of authority in Castile, " was in his hands." 12 Still, to obviate every possibility of danger, it was deemed prudent for Pizarro to abstain from going to mass on Sunday, and to re main at home on pretence of illness. On the day appointed, Rada and his companions met in Almagro's house, and waited with anxiety for the hour when the governor should issue from the church. But great was their" consternation, when they learned that he was not there, but was de tained at home, as currently reported, by illness. Little doubting that their design was discovered, they felt their own ruin to be the inevitable conse quence, and that, too, without enjoying the melan choly consolation of having struck the blow for which they had incurred it. Greatly perplexed, some were for disbanding, in the hope that Pizarro might, after all, be ignorant of their design. But most were for carrying it into execution at once, by assaulting him in his own house. The question was summarily decided by one of the party, who 12 " El Juan Velazquez le dixo. nadie se atrevera." Pedro Pizarro, No tema vuestra senoria que mien- Descub. y Conq., MS. tras yo tuviere esta vara en la mano 180 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. felt that in this latter course lay their only chance of safety. Throwing open the doors, he rushed out, calling on his comrades " to follow him, or he would proclaim the purpose for which they had met." There was no longer hesitation, and the cavaliers issued forth, with Rada at their head, shouting, as they went, " Long live the king ! Death to the tyrant ! " 13 It was the hour of dinner, which, in this primitive age of the Spanish colonies, was at noon. Yet numbers, roused by the cries of the assailants, came out into the square to inquire the cause. " They are going to kill the marquess," some said very coolly; others replied, "It is Picado." No one stirred in their defence. The power of Pizarro was not seated in the hearts of his people. As the conspirators traversed the plaza, one of the party made a circuit to avoid a little pool of water that lay in their path. " What ! " exclaimed Rada, " afraid of wetting your feet, when you are to wade up to your knees in blood ! " And he or dered the man to give up the enterprise and go home to his quarters. The anecdote is characteristic.14 The governor's palace stood on the opposite side 13 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. rodeo algun tanto por no mojarse ; 6, lib. 10, cap. 6. — Pedro Pizarro, repar6 en ello Juan de Rada, y Descub. y Conq., MS. — Zarate, entrandose atrevido por el agua le Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 8. — dijo: j Bamos a banamos en sangre Naharro, Rel. Sumaria, MS. — humana, y rehusais mojaros los Carta del Maestro, Martin deArau- pies en agua? Ea volveos. hizolo co, MS., 15 de Julio, 1541. volver y no asistio al hecho.'' 14 " Gomez Perez por haver alii Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano agua derramada de una acequia, 1541. Ch. V.] ASSASSINATION OF PIZARRO. 181 of the square. It was approached by two court yards. The entrance to the outer one was pro tected by a massive gate, capable of being made good against a hundred men or more. But it was left open, and the assailants, hurrying through to the inner court, still shouting their fearful battle- cry, were met by two domestics loitering in the yard. One of these they struck down. The other, flying in all haste towards the house, called out, " Help, help ! the men of Chili are all coming to murder the marquess ! " Pizarro at this time was at dinner, or, more probably, had just dined. He was surrounded by a party of friends, who had dropped in, it seems, after mass, to inquire after the state of his health, some of whom had remained to partake of his re past. Among these was Don Martinez de Alcan tara, Pizarro's half-brother by the mother's side, the judge Velasquez, the bishop elect of Quito, and several of the principal cavaliers in the place, to the number of fifteen or twenty. Some of them, alarmed by the uproar in the court-yard, left the Saloon, and, running down to the first landing on the stairway, inquired into the cause of the dis turbance. No sooner were they informed of it by the cries of the servant, than they retreated with precipitation into the house ; and, as they had no mind to abide the storm unarmed, or at best imper fectly armed, as most of them were, they made then- way to a corridor that overlooked the gardens, into which they easily let themselves down without in- 182 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. jury. Velasquez, the judge, the better to have the use of his hands in the descent, held his rod of office in his mouth, thus taking care, says a caus tic old chronicler, not to falsify his assurance, that " no harm should come to Pizarro while the rod df justice was in his hands " ! 15 Meanwhile, the marquess, learning the nature of the tumult, called out to Francisco de Chaves, an officer high in his confidence, and who was in the outer apartment opening on the staircase, to secure the door, while he and his brother Alcantara buckled on their armour. Had this order, coolly given, been as coolly obeyed, it would have saved them all, since the entrance could easily have been maintained against a much larger force, till the report of the cavaliers who had fled had brought support to Pi zarro. But unfortunately, Chaves, disobeying his commander, half opened the door, and attempted to enter into a parley with the conspirators. The latter had now reached the head of the stairs, and cut short the debate by running Chaves through the body, and tumbling his corpse down into the area below. For a moment they were kept at bay by the attendants of the slaughtered cavalier, but these, 15 " En lo qual no paresce haver Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., quebrantado su palataa, porque MS. — Naharro, Relacion Suma- despues huiendo (edmo adelante se ria, MS. Carta del Maestro dira) al tiempo, que quisieron ma- Martin de Arauco, MS. — Carta tar al Marques, se hecho de vna de Fray Vicente de Valverde a la Ventana abajo, a la Huerta, lie- Audiencia de Panama, MS., desde vando la Vara en la boca." Za- Tumbez, 15 Nov. 1541. Goma- rate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 7. ra, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 145. Ch. V.] ASSASSINATION OF PIZARRO. 183 too, were quickly despatched ; and Rada and his companions, entering the apartment, hurried across it, shouting out, "Where is the marquess? Death to the tyrant ! " Martinez de Alcantara, who in the adjoining room was assisting his brother to buckle on his mail, no sooner saw that the entrance to the antecham ber had been gained, than he sprang to the door way of the apartment, and, assisted by two young men, pages of Pizarro, and by one or two cava liers in attendance, endeavoured to resist the ap proach of the assailants. A desperate struggle now ensued. Blows were given on both sides, some of which proved fatal, and two of the conspirators were slain, while Alcantara and his brave compan ions were repeatedly wounded. At length, Pizarro, unable, in the hurry of the moment, to adjust the fastenings of his cuirass, threw it away, and, enveloping one arm in his cloak, with the other seized his sword, and sprang to his brother's assistance. It was too late ; for Alcantara was already staggering under the loss of blood, and soon fell to the ground. Pizarro threw himself on his invaders, like a lion roused in his lair, and dealt his blows with as much rapidity and force, as if age had no power to stiffen his limbs. " What ho ! " he cried, " traitors ! have you come to kill me in my own house ? " The conspirators drew back for a moment, as two of their body fell under Pizarro's sword ; but they quickly rallied, and, from their su perior numbers, fought at great advantage by reliev- 184 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. ing one another in the assault. Still the passage was narrow, and the struggle lasted for some min utes, till both of Pizarro's pages were stretched by his side, when Rada, impatient of the delay, called out, " Why are we so long about it ? Down with the tyrant ! " and taking one of his companions, Narvaez, in his arms, he thrust him against the mar quess. Pizarro, instantly grappling with his oppo nent, ran him through with his sword. But at that moment he received a wound in the throat, and reeling, he sank on the floor, while the swords of Rada and several of the conspirators were plunged into his body. " Jesu ! " exclaimed the dying man, and, tracing a cross with his finger on the bloody floor, he bent down his head to kiss it, when a stroke, more friendly than the rest, put an end to his existence.16 16 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. Cesar Espafiol, estando tan en si 4, cap. 8. — Naharro, Relacion que pidiendo confession con gran Sumaria, MS. — Pedro Pizarro, acto de contricion, haziendo la Descub. y Conq., MS. — HeTrera, senal de la Cruz con su misma Hist. General, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. sangre, y besandola murid." Va- 6. — Carta de la Justicia y Regi- rones Ilustres, p. 186. miento de la Ciudad de los Reyes, According to one authority, the MS., 15 de Julio, 1541. — Carta del mortal blow was given by a soldier Maestro, Martin de Arauco, MS. named Borregan, who, when Pi- — Carta de Fray Vicente Valverde, zarro was down, struck him on the desde Tumbez, MS. — Gomara, back of the head with a water-jar, Hist, de las Ind., ubi supra. — which he had snatched from the Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano table. (Herrera, Hist. General, 1541. dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 6.) Con- Pizarro y Orellana seems to have sidering the hurry and confusion of no doubt that his slaughtered kins- the scene, the different narratives man died in the odor of sanctity. — of the catastrophe, though neces- " Alii le acabaron los traidores sarily differing in minute details, enemigos, dandole cruelissimas have a remarkable agreement with heridas, con que acabd el Julio one another. Ch. V.] ACTS OF THE CONSPIRATORS. 185 The conspirators, having accomplished their bloody deed, rushed into the street, and, brandish ing their dripping weapons, shouted out, " The ty rant is dead ! The laws are restored ! Long live our master the emperor, and his governor, Almagro ! " The men of Chili, roused by the cheering cry, now flocked in from every side to join the banner of Rada, who soon found himself at the head of nearly three hundred followers, all armed and prepared to support his authority. A guard was placed over the houses of the principal partisans of the late gov ernor, and their persons were taken into custody. Pizarro's house, and that of his secretary Picado, were delivered up to pillage, and a large booty in gold and silver was found in the former. Picado himself took refuge in the dwelling of Riquelme, the treasurer ; but his hiding-place was detected, — be trayed, according to some accounts, by the looks, though not the words, of the treasurer himself, — and he was dragged forth and committed to a secure prison.17 The whole city was thrown into conster-# nation, as armed bodies hurried to and fro on their several errands, and all who were not in the faction of Almagro trembled lest they should be involved 17 " No se olvidaron de huscar a We find Riquelme's name, soon Antonio Picado, i iendo en casa after this, enrolled among the mu- del Tesorero Alonso Riquelme, el nicipality of Lima, showing that mismo iba diciendo : No se adonde he found it convenient to give in esta el Senor Picado, i con los ojos his temporary adhesion, at least, le mostraba, i le hallaron debaxo to Almagro. Carta de la Justicia de la cama." Herrera, Hist. Ge- y Regimiento de la Ciudad de los neral, dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 7. Reyes, MS. vol. II. 24 186 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. in the proscription of their enemies. So great was* the disorder, that the Brothers of Mercy, turning out in a body, paraded the streets in solemn pro cession, with the host elevated in the air, in hopes by the presence of the sacred symbol to calm the passions of the multitude. But no other violence was offered by Rada and his followers than to apprehend a few suspected per sons, and to seize upon horses and arms wherever they were to be found. The municipality was then summoned to recognize the authority of Almagro; the refractory were ejected without ceremony from their offices, and others of the Chili faction were substituted. The claims of the new aspirant were fully recognized ; and young Almagro, parading the streets on horseback, and escorted by a well-armed body of cavaliers, was proclaimed by sound of trumpet governor and captain-general of Peru. Meanwhile, the mangled bodies of Pizarro and his faithful adherents were left weltering in their blood. ^Sorne were for dragging forth the governor's corpse to the market-place, and fixing his head upon a gib bet. But Almagro was secretly prevailed on to grant the entreaties of Pizarro's friends, and allow his interment. This was stealthily and hastily per formed, in the fear of momentary interruption. A faithful attendant and his wife, with a few black domestics, wrapped the body in a cotton cloth and removed it to the cathedral. A grave was hastily dug in an obscure corner, the services were hurried through, and, in secrecy, and in darkness dispelled Ch. V.] ACTS OF THE CONSPIRATORS. 187 only by the feeble glimmering of a few tapers fur nished by these humble menials, the remains of Pi zarro, rolled in their bloody shroud, were consigned to their kindred dust. Such was the miserable end of the Conqueror of Peru, — of the man who but a few hours before had lorded it over the land with as absolute a sway as was possessed by its he reditary Incas. Cut off in the broad light of day, in the heart of his own capital, in the very midst of those who had been his companions in arms and shared with him his triumphs and his spoils, he per ished like a wretched outcast. " There was none, even," in the expressive language of the chronicler, " to say, God forgive him ! " 18 A few years later, when tranquillity was restored to the country, Pizarro's remains were placed in a sumptuous coffin and deposited under a monument in a conspicuous part of the cathedral. And in 1607, when time had thrown its friendly mantle over the past, and the memory of his errors and his crimes was merged in the consideration of the great services he had rendered to the Crown by the ex tension of her colonial empire, his bones were re moved to the new cathedral, and allowed to repose side by side with those of Mendoza, the wise and good viceroy of Peru.19 18 " Muri6 pidiendo confesion, i Carta del Maestro, Martin de haciendo la Cruz, sin que nadie Arauco, MS. — Carta de Fray dijese, Dios te perdone." Goma- Vicente Valverde, desde Tumbez, ra, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 144. MS. MS. de Caravantes. — Zarate, 19 " Sus huesos encerTados en Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 8. — una caxa guarnecida de terciopelo 188 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Pizarro was, probably, not far from sixty-five years of age at the time of his death ; though this, it must be added, is but loose conjecture, since there exists no authentic record of the date of his birth.20 He was never married ; but by an Indian princess of the Inca blood, daughter of Atahuallpa and granddaughter of the great Huayna Capac, he had two children, a son and a daughter. Both survived him ; but the son did not live to manhood. Their mother, after Pizarro's death, wedded a Spanish cavalier, named Ampuero, and removed with him to Spain. Her daughter Francisca accompanied her, and was there subsequently married to her uncle Hernando Pizarro, then a prisoner in the Mota del Medina. Neither the title nor estates of the Mar quess Francisco descended to his illegitimate off spring. But in the third generation, in the reign of Philip the Fourth, the title was revived in fa vor of Don Juan Hernando Pizarro, who, out of gratitude for the services of his ancestor, was created Marquess of the Conquest, Marques de la Con quista, with a liberal pension from government. His descendants, bearing the same title of nobility, are still to be found, it is said, at Truxillo, in the ancient province of Estremadura, the original birth place of the Pizarros.21 morado con passamanos de oro que See also the Discurso, Legal y yo he visto." MS. de Caravantes. Politico, annexed by Pizarro y 20 Ante, Book 2, chap. 2, note 1. Orellana to his bulky tome, in 21 MS. de Caravantes. — Quin- which that cavalier urges the claims tana, Espafioles Celebres, tom. II. , of Pizarro. It is in the nature of p. 417. a memorial to Philip IV. in behalf Ch. V.] PIZARRO'S CHARACTER. 189 Pizarro's person has been already described. He was tall in stature, well-proportioned, and with a countenance not unpleasing. Bred in camps, with nothing of the polish of a court, he had a soldier like bearing, and the air of one accustomed to com mand. But though not polished, there was no em barrassment or rusticity in his address, which, where it served his purpose, could be plausible and even insinuating. The proof of it is the favorable im pression made by him, on presenting himself, after his second expedition — stranger as he was to all its forms and usages — at the punctilious court of Castile. Unlike many of his countrymen, he had no pas sion for ostentatious dress, which he regarded as an incumbrance. The costume which he most affected on public occasions was a black cloak, with a white hat, and shoes of the same color ; the last, it is said, being in imitation-of the Great Captain, whose character he had early learned to admire in Italy, but to which his own, certainly, bore very faint resemblance.22of Pizarro's descendants, in which viceregal palace at Lima, repre- the -writer, after setting forth the sents him in a citizen's dress, with manifold services of the Conqueror, a sable cloak, — the capa y espada shows how little his posterity had of a Spanish gentleman. Each profited by the magnificent grants panel in the spacious sala de los conferred on him by the Crown. Vireyes was reserved for the por- The argument of the Royal Coun- trait of a viceroy. The long file sellor was not without its effect. is complete, from Pizarro to Pezue- 22 Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., la; and it is a curious fact, noticed cap. 144. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, by Stevenson, that the last panel lib. 4, cap. 9. was exactly filled when the reign The portrait of Pizarro, in the of the viceroys was abruptly ter- 190 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. He was temperate in eating, drank sparingly, and usually rose an hour before dawn. He was punctu al in attendance to business, and shrunk from no toil. He had, indeed, great powers of patient en durance. Like most of his nation, he was fond of play, and cared little for the quality of those with whom he played ; though, when his antagonist could not afford to lose, he would allow himself, it is said, to be the loser ; a mode of conferring an obligation much commended by a Castilian writer, for its del icacy.23 Though avaricious, it was in order to spend and not to hoard. His ample treasures, more am ple than those, probably, that ever before fell to the lot of an adventurer,24 were mostly dissipated in his enterprises, his architectural works, and schemes of public improvement, which, in a coun try where gold and silver might be said to have lost their value from their abundance, absorbed an incredible amount of money. While he regarded the whole country, in a manner, as his own, and distributed it freely among his captains, it is certain that the princely grant of a territory with twenty thousand vassals, made to him by the Crown, was minated by the Revolution. (Resi- 23 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte; dence in South America, vol. I. 2, lib. 3, cap. 9. p. 228.) It is a singular coinci- 24 " Hallo, i tuvo mas Oro, i dence that the same thing should Plata, que otro ningun Espanol de have occurred at Venice, where, quantos han pasado a Indias, ni if my memory serves me, the last que ninguno de quantos Capitanes niche reserved for the effigies of its han sido por el Mundo." Gomara, doges was just filled, when the Hist, de las Ind., cap. 144. ancient aristocracy was overturned. Ch. V.] PIZARROS CHARACTER. 191 never carried into effect ; nor did his heirs ever reap the benefit of it.25 To a man possessed of the active energies of Pi zarro, sloth was the greatest evil. The excitement of play was in a manner necessary to a spirit accus tomed to the habitual stimulants of war and adven ture. His uneducated mind had no relish for more refined, intellectual recreation. The deserted found ling had neither been taught to read nor write. This has been disputed by some, but it is attested by unexceptionable authorities.26 Montesinos says, indeed, that Pizarro, on his first voyage, tried to learn to read ; but the impatience of his temper prevented it, and he contented himself with learn ing to sign his name.27 But Montesinos was not a contemporary historian. Pedro Pizarro, his com panion in arms, expressly tells us he could neither read nor write ; m and Zarate, another contempo- 25 MS. de Caravantes. — Pi- cisco Pizarro, su letra i buena zarro y Orellana, Discurso Leg. y letra. Pol., ap. Varones Ilust. Gonzalo 27 "En este viage trato Pizarro Pizarro, when taken prisoner by de aprender a leer ; no le dio su President Gasca, challenged him to viveza lugar a ello ; contentose point out any quarter of the coun- solo con saber firmar, de lo que se try in which the royal grant had veia Almagro, y decia, que firmar been carried into effect hy a specific sin saber leer era lo mismo que assignment of land to his brother, recibir herida, sin poder darla. En See Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte adelante firmo siempre Pizarro por 2, lib. 5, cap. 36. si, y por Almagro su Secretario." 25 Even so experienced a person Montesinos, Annales, MS., afio as Mufioz seems to have fallen into 1525. this error. On one of Pizarro's ^ " Porque el marquez don letters 1 find the following copy of Franceses Picarro como no savia an autograph memorandum by this ler ni escrivir." Pedro Pizarro, eminent scholar : — Carta de Fran- Descub. y Conq., MS. 192 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. rary, well acquainted with the Conquerors, confirms this statement, and adds, that Pizarro could not so much as sign his name.29 This was done by his secretary — Picado, in his latter years — while the governor merely made the customary rubrica or flourish at the sides of his name. This is the case with the instruments I have examined, in which his signature, written probably by his secretary, or his title of Marques, in later life substituted for his name, is garnished with a flourish at the ends, exe cuted in as bungling a manner as if done by the hand of a ploughman. Yet we must not estimate this deficiency as we should in this period of general illumination, — general, at least, in our own fortu nate country. Reading and writing, so universal now, in the beginning of the sixteenth century might be regarded in the light of accomplishments ; and all who have occasion to consult the autograph memorials of that time will find the execution of them, even by persons of the highest rank, too often such as would do little credit to a schoolboy of the present day. Though bold in action and not easily turned from his purpose, Pizarro was slow in arriving at a decis- ^ " Siendo personas," says the todos los Despachos, que hacia, author, speaking both of Pizarro asi de Governacion, como de Re am! Almagro, "no solamente, no partimientos de Indios, libraba ha- leidas, pero que de todo punto no ciendo el dos sefiales, en medio sabian leer, ni aun firmar, que en de las quales Antonio Picado, su ellos fue cosa de gran* defecto. Secretario, firmaba el nombre de . . . . Fue el Marques tan con- Fran§isco Picarro." Zarate, Conq. nado de sus Criados, i Amigos, que del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 9. Ch. V.] PIZARRO'S CHARACTER. 193 ion. This gave him an appearance of irresolution foreign to his character.30 Perhaps the conscious ness of this led him to adopt the custom of saying " No," at first, to applicants for favor ; and after wards, at leisure, to revise his judgment, and grant what seemed to him expedient. He took the op posite course from his comrade Almagro, who, it was observed, generally said " Yes," but too often failed to keep his promise. This was characteristic of the careless and easy nature of the latter, gov erned by impulse rather than principle.31 It is hardly necessary to speak of the courage of a man pledged to such a career as that of Pizarro. Courage, indeed, was a cheap quality among the Spanish adventurers, for danger was their element. But he possessed something higher than mere animal courage, in that constancy of purpose which was rooted too deeply in his nature to be shaken by the wildest storms of fortune. It was this inflexible constancy which formed the key to his character, and constituted the secret of his success. A re markable evidence of it was given in his first expe dition, among the mangroves and dreary marshes of 30 This tardiness of resolve has do algo le pedian dezir siempre de even led Herrera to doubt his reso- no. esto dezia el que hazia por no lution altogether ; a judgment cer- faltar su palabra, y no obstante que tainly contradicted by the whole dezia no, correspondia con hazer lo tenor of his history. " Porque que le pedian no aviendo inconve- aunque era astuto, i recatado, por nimente Don Diego de Al ia maior parte fue de animo sus- magro hera a la contra que a todos penso, i no mui resoluto." Hist, dezia si, y con pocos lo cumplia." General, dec. 5, lib. 7, cap. 13. Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., 31 " Tenia por costumbre de quan- MS . VOL. II. 25 194 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Choco. He saw his followers pining around him under the blighting malaria, wasting before an invis ible enemy, and unable to strike a stroke in their own defence. Yet his spirit did not yield, nor did he falter in his enterprise. There is something oppressive to the imagination in this war against nature. In the struggle of man against man, the spirits are raised by a contest con ducted on equal terms ; but in a war with the ele ments, we feel, that, however bravely we may con tend, we can have no power to control. Nor are we cheered on by the prospect of glory in such a contest ; for, in the capricious estimate of human glory, the silent endurance of privations, however painful, is little, in comparison with the ostentatious trophies of victory. The laurel of the hero — alas for humanity that it should be so ! — grows best on the battle-field. This inflexible spirit of Pizarro was shown still more strongly, when, in the little island of Gallo, he drew the line on the sand, which was to separate him and his handful of followers from their country and from civilized man. He trusted that his own constancy would give strength to the feeble, and rally brave hearts around him for the prosecution of his enterprise. He looked with confidence to the future, and he did not miscalculate. This was heroic, and wanted only a nobler motive for its object to constitute the true moral sublime. Yet the same feature in his character was dis played in a manner scarcely less remarkable, when, Ch. V.] PIZARRO'S CHARACTER. 195 landing on the coast and ascertaining the real strength and civilization of the Incas, he persisted in marching into the interior at the head of a force of less than two hundred men. In this he undoubt edly proposed to himself the example of Cortes, so contagious to the adventurous spirits of that day, and especially to Pizarro, engaged, as he was, in a similar enterprise. Yet the hazard assumed by Pizarro was far greater than that of the Conqueror of Mexico, whose force was nearly three times as large, while the terrors of the Inca name — how ever justified by the result — were as widely spread as those of the Aztecs. It was doubtless in imitation of the same capti vating model, that Pizarro planned the seizure of Atahuallpa. But the situations of the two Spanish captains were as dissimilar as the manner in which their acts of violence were conducted. The wanton massacre of the Peruvians resembled that perpe trated by Alvarado in Mexico, and might have been attended with consequences as disastrous, if the Peruvian character had been as fierce as that of the Aztecs.32 But the blow which roused the latter to madness broke the tamer spirits of the Peruvians. It was a bold stroke, which left so much to chance, that it scarcely merits the name of policy. When Pizarro landed in the country, he found it distracted by a contest for the crown. It would seem to have been for his interest to play off one 32 See Conquest of Mexico, Book 4, chap 8. 196 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. party against the other, throwing his own weight into the scale that suited him. Instead of this, he resort ed to an act of audacious violence which crushed them both at a blow. His subsequent career afford ed no scope for the profound policy displayed by Cortes, when he gathered conflicting nations under his banner, and directed them against a common foe. Still less did he have the opportunity of dis playing the tactics and admirable strategy of his ri val. Cortes conducted his military operations on the scientific principles of a great captain at the head of a powerful host. Pizarro appears only as an adventurer, a fortunate knight-errant. By one bold stroke, he broke the spell which had so long held the land under the dominion of the Incas. The spell was broken, and the airy fabric of their empire, built on the superstition of ages, vanished at a touch. This was good fortune, rather than the result of policy. Pizarro was eminently perfidious. Yet nothing is more opposed to sound policy. One act of perfidy fully established becomes the ruin of its author. The man who relinquishes confidence in his good faith gives up the best basis for future operations. Who will knowingly build on a quicksand ? By his per fidious treatment of Almagro, Pizarro alienated the minds of the Spaniards. By his perfidious treat ment of Atahuallpa, and subsequently of the Inca Manco, he disgusted the Peruvians. The name of Pizarro became a by-word for perfidy. Alma gro took his revenge in a civil war ; Manco in an Ch. V.] PIZARRO'S CHARACTER. 197 insurrection which nearly cost Pizarro his domin ion. The civil war terminated in a conspiracy which cost him his life. Such were the fruits of his policy. Pizarro may be regarded as a cunning man ; but not, as he has been often eulogized by his coun trymen, as a politic one. When Pizarro obtained possession of Cuzco, he found a country well advanced in the arts of civili zation ; institutions under which the people lived in tranquillity and personal safety; the mountains and the uplands whitened with flocks ; the valleys teeming with the fruits of a scientific husbandry; the granaries and warehouses filled to overflowing ; the whole land rejoicing in its abundance ; and the character of the nation, softened under the influence of the mildest and most innocent form of supersti tion, well prepared for the reception of a higher and a Christian civilization. But, far from introducing this, Pizarro delivered up the conquered races to his brutal soldiery ; the sacred cloisters were abandoned to their lust ; the towns and villages were given up to pillage ; the wretched natives were parcelled out like slaves, to toil for their conquerors in the mines ; the flocks were scattered, and wantonly destroyed ; the granaries were dissipated ; the beautiful con trivances for the more perfect culture of the soil were suffered to fall into decay ; the paradise was converted into a desert. Instead of profiting by the ancient forms of civilization, Pizarro preferred to efface every vestige of them from the land, and on their ruin to erect the institutions of his own coun- 198 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. try. Yet these institutions did little for the poor Indian, held in iron bondage. It was little to him that the shores of the Pacific were studded with rising communities and cities, the marts of a flour ishing commerce. He had no share in the goodly heritage. He Avas an alien in the land of his fathers. The religion of the Peruvian, which directed him to the worship of that glorious luminary which is the best representative of the might and beneficence of the Creator, is perhaps the purest form of super stition that has existed among men. Yet it was much, that, under the new order of things, and through the benevolent zeal of the missionaries, some glimmerings of a nobler faith were permitted to dawn on his darkened soul. Pizarro, himself, cannot be charged with manifesting any overween ing solicitude for the propagation of the Faith. He was no bigot, like Cortes. Bigotry is the perver sion of the religious principle ; but the principle itself was wanting in Pizarro. The conversion of the heathen was a predominant motive with Cortes in his expedition. It was not a vain boast. He would have sacrificed his life for it at any time ; and more than once, by his indiscreet zeal, he actually did place his life and the success of his enterprise in jeopardy. It was his great purpose to purify the land from the brutish abominations of the Az tecs, by substituting the religion of Jesus. This gave to his expedition the character of a crusade. It furnished the best apology for the Conquest, Ch. V.] PIZARRO'S CHARACTER. 199 and does more than all other considerations towards enlisting our sympathies on the side of the con querors. But Pizarro's ruling motives, so far as they can be scanned by human judgment, were avarice and ambition. The good missionaries, indeed, fol lowed in his train to scatter the seeds of spiritual truth, and the Spanish government, as usual, di rected its beneficent legislation to the conversion of the natives. But the moving power with Pizarro and his followers was the lust of gold. This was the real stimulus to their toil, the price of perfidy, the true guerdon of their victories. This gave a base and mercenary character to their enterprise ; and when we contrast the ferocious cupidity of the conquerors with the mild and inoffensive manners of the conquered, our sympathies, the sympathies even of the Spaniard, are necessarily thrown into the scale of the Indian.33 But as no picture is without its lights, we must not, in justice to Pizarro, dwell exclusively on the darker features of his portrait. There was no one 33 The following vigorous lines Not t0 be wearied, not to be deterred, . „ , , ™„n Not to be overcome. A mighty realm of Souther condense, in a small *-.,., ., ui "«u"'°j ^ ) ^ He overran, and with relentless arm compass, the most remarkable traits giew or enslaved its unoffending sons, of Pizarro. The poet's epitaph And wealth and power and fame were his may certainly be acquitted of the There Another world, beyond the grave, imputation, generally well deserved, According to their deeds where men are of flattery towards the subject of it. judged. O Reader ! if thy daily bread be earned "for a column at truxillo. By daily labor, — yea, however low, " Pizarro here was born ; a greater name However wretched, be thy lot assigned, The list of Glory boasts not. Toil and Pain, Thank thou, with deepest gratitude, the God Famine, and hostile Elements, and Hosts Who made thee, that thou art not such as Embattled, failed to check him in his course, he." 200 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV, of her sons to whom Spain was under larger obli gations for extent of empire ; for his hand won for her the richest of the Indian jewels that once spar kled in her imperial diadem. When we contemplate the perils he braved, the sufferings he patiently endured, the incredible obstacles he overcame, the magnificent results he effected with his single arm, as it were, unaided by the government, — though neither a good, nor a great man in the highest sense of that term, it is impossible not to regard him as a very extraordinary one. Nor can we fairly omit to notice, in extenuation of his errors, the circumstances of his early life; for, like Almagro, he was the son of sin and sor row, early cast upon the world to seek his fortunes as he might. In his young and tender age he was to take the impression of those into whose society he was thrown. And when was it the lot of the needy outcast to fall into that of the wise and the virtuous ? His lot was cast among the licentious inmates of a camp, the school of rapine, whose only law was the sword, and who looked on the wretched Indian and his heritage as their rightful spoil. Who does not shudder at the thought of what his own fate might have been, trained in such a school ? The amount of crime does not necessarily show the criminality of the agent. History, indeed, is con cerned with the former, that it may be recorded as a warning to mankind ; but it is He alone who knowreth the heart, the strength of the temptation, and the means of resisting it, that can determine the measure of the guilt. CHAPTER VI. Movements or the Conspirators. — Advance of Vaca de Castro — Proceedings of Almagro. — Progress of the Governor. — The Forces approach each other. — Bloody Plains op Chu pas. — Conduct of Vaca de Castro. 1541 — 1543. The first step of the conspirators, after securing possession of the capital, was to send to the dif ferent cities, proclaiming the revolution which had taken place, and demanding the recognition of the young Almagro as governor of Peru. Where the summons was accompanied by a military force, as at Truxillo and Arequipa, it was obeyed without much cavil. But in other cities a colder assent was given, and in some the requisition was treated with con tempt. In Cuzco, the place of most importance next to Lima, a considerable number of the Alma gro faction secured the ascendency of their party ; and such of the magistracy as resisted were ejected from their offices to make room for others of a more accommodating temper. But the loyal inhabitants of the city, dissatisfied with this proceeding, privately sent to one of Pizarro's captains, named Alvarez de Holguin, who lay with a considerable force in the neighbourhood ; and that officer, entering the place, VOL. II. 26 202 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. soon dispossessed the new dignitaries of their hon ors, and restored the ancient capital to its alle giance. The conspirators experienced a still more deter mined opposition from Alonso de Alvarado, one of the principal captains of Pizarro, — defeated, as the reader will remember, by the elder Almagro at the bridge of Abancay, — and now lying in the north with a corps of about two hundred men, as good troops as any in the land. That officer, on receiving tidings of his general's assassination, instantly wrote to the Licentiate Vaca de Castro, - advising him of the state of affairs in Peru, and urging him to quick en his march towards the south.1 This functionary had been sent out by the Span ish Crown, as noticed in a preceding chapter, to cooperate with Pizarro in restoring tranquillity to the country, with authority to assume the govern ment himself, in case of that commander's death. After a long and tempestuous voyage, he had land ed, in the spring of 1541, at the port of Buena Ventura, and, disgusted with the dangers of the sea, preferred to continue his wearisome journey by land. But so enfeebled was he by the hardships he had undergone, that it was full three months before he reached Popayan, where he received the astounding tidings of the death of Pizarro. This was the 1 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, del Maestro, Martin de Arauco, cap. 13. — Herrera, Hist. General, MS . — Carta de Fray Vicente Val- dec. 6, lib. 10, cap. 7. — Declara- verde, desde Tumbez, MS. cion de Uscategui, MS. — Carta Ch. VI.] ADVANCE OF VACA DE CASTRO. 203 contingency which had been provided for, with such judicious forecast, in his instructions. Yet he was sorely perplexed by the difficulties of his situation. He was a stranger in the land, with a very imperfect knowledge of the country, without an armed force to support him, without even the military science which might be supposed necessary to avail himself of it. He knew nothing of the degree of Almagro's influence, or of the extent to which the insurrection had spread, — nothing, in short, of the dispositions of the people among whom he was cast. In such an emergency, a feebler spirit might have listened to the counsels of those who advised to return to Panama, and stay there until he had mus tered a sufficient force to enable him to take the field against the insurgents with advantage. But the courageous heart of Vaca de Castro shrunk from a step which would proclaim his incompetency to the task assigned him. He had confidence in his own resources, and in the virtue of the commission under which he acted. He relied, too, on the ha bitual loyalty of the Spaniards ; and, after mature deliberation, he determined to go forward, and trust to events for accomplishing the objects of his mis sion. He was confirmed in this purpose by the advices he now received from Alvarado ; and without longer delay, he continued his march towards Quito. Here he was well received by Gonzalo Pizarro's lieuten ant, who had charge of the place during his com- 204 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. mander's absence on his expedition to the Amazon. The licentiate was also joined by Benalcazar, the conqueror of Quito, who brought a small reinforce ment, and offered personally to assist him in the prosecution of his enterprise. He now displayed the royal commission, empowering him, on Pizarro's death, to assume the government. That contingen cy had arrived, and Vaca de Castro declared his purpose to exercise the authority conferred on him. At the same time, he sent emissaries to the princi pal cities, requiring their obedience to him as the lawful representative of the Crown, — taking care to employ discreet persons on the mission, whose character would have weight with the citizens. He then continued his march slowly towards the south.2 He was willing by his deliberate movements to give time for his summons to take effect, and for the fermentation caused by the late extraordinary events to subside. He reckoned confidently on the loyalty which made the Spaniard unwilling, unless in cases of the last extremity, to come into collision with the royal authority; and, however much this 2 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. country known as New Toledo, 6, lib. 10, cap. 4. — Carta de Ben- and bequeathed to him by his father alcazar al Emperador, desde Cali, " Porque yo le avise muchas veces MS., 20 Septiembre, 1542. no entrase en la tierra como Go- Benalcazar urged Vaca de Castro vernador, sino como Juez de V. M. to assume only the title of Judge, que venia a desagraviar a los agra- and not that of Governor, which viados, porque todos lo rescibirian would conflict with the pretensions de buena gana." Ubi supra. of Almagro to that part of the Ch. VI.] PROCEEDINGS OF ALMAGRO. 205 popular sentiment might be disturbed by temporary gusts of passion, he trusted to the habitual current of their feelings for giving the people a right di rection. In this he did not miscalculate ; for so deep-rooted was the principle of loyalty in the an cient Spaniard, that ages of oppression and misrule could alone have induced him to shake off his alle giance. Sad it is, but not strange, that the length of time passed under a bad government has not qualified him for devising a good one. While these events were passing in the north, Almagro's faction at Lima was daily receiving new accessions of strength. For, in addition to those who, from the first, had been avowedly of his fa ther's party, there were many others who, from some cause or other, had conceived a disgust for Pizarro, and who now willingly enlisted under the banner of the chief that had overthrown him. The first step of the young general, or rather of Rada, who directed his movements, was to secure the necessary supplies for the troops, most of whom, having long been in indigent circumstances, were wholly unprepared for service. Funds to a consider able amount were raised, by seizing on the moneys of the Crown in the hands of the treasurer. Pi zarro's secretary, Picado, was also drawn from his prison, and interrogated as to the place where his master's treasures were deposited. But, although put to the torture, he would not — or, as is probable, could not — give information on the subject; and the conspirators, who had a long arrear of injuries to 206 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. settle with him, closed their proceedings by publicly beheading him in the great square of Lima.3 Valverde, Bishop of Cuzco, as he himself assures us, vainly interposed in his behalf. It is singular, that, the last time this fanatical prelate appears on the stage, it should be in the benevolent character of a supplicant for mercy.4 Soon afterwards, he was permitted, with the judge, Velasquez, and some other adherents of Pizarro, to embark from the port of Lima. We have a letter from him, dated at Tumbez, in November, 1541 ; almost immediately after which he fell into the hands of the Indians, and with his companions was massacred at Puna. A violent death not unfrequently closed the stormy career of the American adventurer. Valverde was a Dominican friar, and, like Father Olmedo in the suite of Cortes, had been by his commander's side throughout the whole of his expedition. But he did not always, like the good Olmedo, use his in fluence to stay the uplifted hand of the warrior. At least, this was not the mild aspect in which he presented himself at the terrible massacre of Caxa malca. Yet some contemporary accounts represent 3 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y da e a todos sus capitanes, i les Conq., MS. — Carta de Barrio puse delante el servicio de Dios i Nuevo, MS. — Carta de Fray de S. M. i que bastase en lo fecho Vicente Valverde, desde Tumbez, por respeto de Dios, humillandome MS. a sus pies porque no lo matasen: 4 " Siendo informado que anda- i no basto que luego dende a pocos van ordenando la muerte a Antonio dias lo sacaron a la plaza desta Picado secretario del Marques que cibdad donde le cortaron la ca- tenian preso, fui a Don Diego e a beza." Carta de Fray Vicente de su Capitan General Joan de Herra- Valverde, desde Tumbez, MS. Ch. VI.] PROCEEDINGS OF ALMAGRO. 207 him, after he had been installed in his episcopal office, as unwearied in his labors to convert the natives, and to ameliorate their condition ; and his own correspondence with the government, after that period, shows great solicitude for these praiseworthy objects. Trained in the severest school of monastic discipline, which too often closes the heart against the common charities of life, he could not, like the benevolent Las Casas, rise so far above its fanatical tenets as to regard the heathen as his brother, while in the state of infidelity ; and, in the true spirit of that school, he doubtless conceived that the sanctity of the end justified the means, however revolting in themselves. Yet the same man, who thus freely shed the blood of the poor native to secure the triumph of his faith, would doubtless have as freely poured out his own in its defence. The character was no uncommon one in the sixteenth century.5 Almagro's followers, having supplied themselves with funds, made as little scruple to appropriate to their own use such horses and arms, of every de scription, as they could find in the city. And this they did with the less reluctance, as the inhabitants for the most part testified no good-will to their 5 " Quel Sefior obispo Fray paz & sosiego destos reynos, sino a Vicente de Balverde como persona sus intereses propios dando mal que jamas ha tenido fin ni zelo al ejemplo a todos." (Carta de Al- servicio de Dios ni de S. M. ni magro a la Audiencia de Panama, menos en la conversion de los na- MS. , 8 de Nov. 1541.) The writer, turales en los poner e dotrinar en it must be remembered, was his las cosas de nuestra santa fee ca- personal enemy. tholica, ni menos en entender en la 208 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. cause. While thus employed, Almagro received in telligence that Holguin had left Cuzco with a force of near three hundred men, with which he was preparing to effect a junction with Alvarado in the north. It was important to Almagro's success that he should defeat this junction. If to procrastinate was the policy of Vaca de Castro, it was clearly that of Almagro to quicken operations, and to bring matters to as speedy an issue as possible ; to march at once against Holguin, whom he might ex pect easily to overcome with his superior numbers ; then to follow up the stroke by the still easier defeat of Alvarado, when the new governor would be, in a manner, at his mercy. It would be easy to beat these several bodies in detail, which, once united, would present formidable odds. Almagro and his party had already arrayed themselves against the government by a proceeding too atrocious, and which struck too directly at the royal authority, for its perpetrators to flatter themselves with the hopes of pardon. Their only chance was boldly to follow up the blow, and, by success, to place themselves in so formidable an attitude as to excite the apprehen sions of government. The dread of its too potent vassal might extort terms that would never be con ceded to his prayers. But Almagro and his followers shrunk from this open collision with the Crown. They had taken up rebellion because it lay in their path, not be cause they had wished it. They had meant only to avenge their personal wrongs on Pizarro, and not to Ch. VI.] PROCEEDINGS OF ALMAGRO. 209 defy the royal authority. When, therefore, some of the more resolute, who followed things fearlessly to their consequences, proposed to march at once against Vaca de Castro, and, by striking at the head, settle the contest by a blow, it was almost universally rejected ; and it was not till after long debate that it was finally determined to move against Holguin, and cut off his communication with Alonso de Alvarado. Scarcely had Almagro commenced his march on Xauxa, where he proposed to give battle to his ene my, than he met with a severe misfortune in the death of Juan de Rada. He was a man somewhat advanced in years ; and the late exciting scenes, in which he had taken the principal part, had been too much for a frame greatly shattered by a life of ex traordinary hardship. He was thrown into a fever, of which he soon after died. By his death, Alma gro sustained an inestimable loss ; for, besides his devoted attachment to his young leader, he was, by his large experience, and his cautious though cour ageous character, better qualified than any other cavalier in the army to conduct him safely through the stormy sea on which he had led him to embark. Among the cavaliers of highest consideration af ter Rada's death, the two most aspiring were Chris- toval de Sotelo, and Garcia de Alvarado ; both pos sessed of considerable military talent, but the latter marked by a bold, presumptuous manner, which might remind one of his illustrious namesake, who achieved much higher renown under the banner of VOL. II. 27 210 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Cortes. Unhappily, a jealousy grew up between these two officers ; that jealousy, so common among the Spaniards, that it may seem a national charac teristic ; an impatience of equality, founded on a false principle of honor, which has ever been the fruitful source of faction among them, whether under a monarchy or a republic. This was peculiarly unfortunate for Almagro, whose inexperience led him to lean for support on others, and who, in the present distracted state of his council, knew scarcely where to turn for it. In the delay occasioned by these dissensions, his little army did not reach the valley of Xauxa till after the enemy had passed it. Almagro followed close, leav ing behind his baggage and artillery that he might move the lighter. But the golden opportunity was lost. The rivers, swollen by autumnal rains, im peded his pursuit ; and, though his light troops came up with a few stragglers of the rear-guard, Holguin succeeded in conducting his forces through the dan gerous passes of the mountains, and in effecting a junction with Alonso de Alvarado, near the northern seaport of Huaura. Disappointed in his object, Almagro prepared to march on Cuzco, — the capital, as he regarded it, of his own jurisdiction, — to get possession of that city, and there make preparations to meet his adver sary in the field. Sotelo was sent forward with a small corps in advance. He experienced no oppo sition from the now defenceless citizens; the gov ernment of the place was again restored to the Ch. VI.] PROCEEDINGS OF ALMAGRO. 211 hands of the men of Chili, and their young leader soon appeared at the head of his battalions, and established his winter-quarters in the Inca capital. Here, the jealousy of the rival captains broke out into an open feud. It was ended by the death of Sotelo, treacherously assassinated in his own apart ment by Garcia de Alvarado. Almagro, greatly out raged by this atrocity, was the more indignant, as he felt himself too weak to punish the offender. He smothered his resentment for the present, affecting to treat the dangerous officer with more distinguished favor. But Alvarado was not the dupe of this spe cious behaviour. He felt that he had forfeited the confidence of his commander. In revenge, he laid a plot to betray him ; and Almagro, driven to the necessity of self-defence, imitated the example of his officer, by entering his house with a party of armed men, who, laying violent hands on the in surgent, slew him on the spot.6 This irregular proceeding was followed by the best consequences. The seditious schemes of Alva rado perished with him. The seeds of insubordina tion were eradicated, and from that moment Alma gro experienced only implicit obedience and the most loyal support from his followers. From that hour, too, his own character seemed to be changed ; he relied far less on others than on himself, and de- 6 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y — Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. — , Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 6, Peru, lib. 4, cap. 10-14. — Go- lib. 10, cap. 13; dec. 7, lib. 3, mara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 147. cap. 1, 5. — Declaracion de Uscategui, MS. 212 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. veloped resources not to have been anticipated in one of his years ; for he had hardly reached the age of twenty-two.7 From this time he displayed an energy and forecast, which proved him, in despite of his youth, not unequal to the trying emergencies of the situation in which it was his unhappy lot to be placed. He instantly set about providing for the wants of his men, and strained every nerve to get them in good fighting order for the approaching campaign. He replenished his treasury with a large amount of silver which he drew from the mines of La Plata. Saltpetre, obtained in abundance in the neighbour hood of Cuzco, furnished the material for gun powder. He caused cannon, some of large dimen sions, to be cast under the superintendence of Pedro de Candia, the Greek, who, it may be remembered, had first come into the country with Pizarro, and who, with a number of his countrymen, — Levan tines, as they were called, — was well acquainted with this manufacture. Under their care, fire-arms were made, together with cuirasses and helmets, in which silver was mingled with copper,8 and of so excellent a quality, that they might vie, says an old 7 " Hico mas que su edad re- regido, demas de esto, todas las queria, porque seria de edad de armas de la Tierra; de manera, veinte i dos aiios." Zarate, Conq. que el que menos Armas tenia del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 20. entre su Gente, era Cota, i Cora- 8 " Y demas de esto hico armas cinas, 6 Coselete, i Celadas de la para la Gente de su Real, que no mesma Pasta, que los Indios hacen las tenia, de pasta de Plata, i Co- diestramente, por muestras de las bre, mezclado, de que salen mui de Milan." Zarate, Conq. del buenos Coseletes : haviendo cor- Peru, lib. 4, cap. 14. Ch. VI.] PROCEEDINGS OF ALMAGRO. 213 soldier of the time, with those from the workshops of Milan.9 Almagro received a seasonable supply, moreover, from a source scarcely to have been ex pected. This was from Manco, the wandering Inca, who, detesting the memory of Pizarro, transferred to the young Almagro the same friendly feelings which he had formerly borne to his father ; height ened, it may be, by the consideration that Indian blood flowed in the veins of the young commander. From this quarter Almagro obtained a liberal supply of swords, spears, shields, and arms and armour of every description, chiefly taken by the Inca at the memorable siege of Cuzco. He also received the gratifying assurance, that the latter would support him with a detachment of native troops when he opened the campaign. Before making a final appeal to arms, however, Almagro resolved to try the effect of negotiation with the new governor. In the spring, or early in the summer, of 1542, he sent an embassy to the lat ter, then at Lima, in which he deprecated the ne cessity of taking arms against an officer of the Crown. His only desire, he said, was to vindicate his own rights ; to secure the possession of New Toledo, the province bequeathed to him by his father, and from which he had been most unjustly excluded by Pizarro. He did not dispute the gov ernor's authority over New Castile, as the country 9 " Hombres de armas con tan tura Beltran al Emperador, MS., buenas celadas borgoiiesas como se desde Vilcas, 8 Octubre, 1542. hacen en Milan." Carta de Ven- 214 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV was designated which had been assigned to the marquess ; and he concluded by proposing that each party should remain within his respective territory until the determination of the Court of Castile could be made known to them. To this application, couched in respectful terms, Almagro received no answer. Frustrated in his hopes of a peaceful accommoda tion, the young captain now saw that nothing was left but the arbitrament of arms. Assembling his troops, preparatory to his departure from the capital, he made them a brief address. He protested that the step which he and his brave companions were about to take was not an act of rebellion against the Crown. It was forced on them by the conduct of the governor himself. The commission of that officer gave him no authority over the territory of New Toledo, settled on Almagro's father, and by his father bequeathed to him. If Vaca de Castro, by exceeding the limits of his authority, drove him to hostilities, the blood spilt in the quarrel would lie on the head of that commander, not on his. " In the assassination of Pizarro," he continued, " we took that justice into our own hands which elsewhere was denied us. It is the same now, in our contest with the royal governor. We are as true-hearted and loyal subjects of the Crown as he is." And he concluded by invoking his soldiers to stand by him heart and hand in the approaching contest, in which they were all equally interested with himself. The appeal was not made to an insensible audi- Ch. VI.] PROCEEDINGS OF ALMAGRO. 215 ence. There were few among them who did not feel that their fortunes were indissolubly connected with those of their commander ; and while they had little to expect from the austere character of the governor, they were warmly attached to the per son of their young chief, who, with all the popu lar qualities of his father, excited additional sympa thy from the circumstances of his age and his for lorn condition. Laying their hands on the cross, placed on an altar raised for the purpose, the officers and soldiers severally swore to brave every peril with Almagro, and remain true to him to the last. In point of numbers, his forces had not greatly strengthened since his departure from Lima. He mustered but little more than five hundred in all ; but among them were his father's veterans, well seasoned by many an Indian campaign. He had about two hundred horse, many of them clad in complete mail, a circumstance not too common in these wars, where a stuffed doublet of cotton was often the only panoply of the warrior. His infantry, formed of pikemen and arquebusiers, was excellently armed. But his strength lay in his heavy ordnance, consisting of sixteen pieces, eight large and eight smaller guns, or falconets, as they were called, forming, says one who saw it, a beautiful park of ar tillery, that would have made a brave show on the citadel of Burgos.10 The little army, in short, 10 "El artilleria hera suficiente 38 de la informacion hecha en el para hazer bateria en el Castillo de Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca de Burgos." Dicho del Capitan Fran- Castro, MS. cisco de Carvajal sobre la pregunta 216 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. though not imposing from its numbers, was under as good discipline, and as well appointed, as any that ever fought on the fields of Peru ; much better than any which Almagro's own father or Pizarro ever led into the field and won their conquests with. Putting himself at the head of his gallant company, the chieftain sallied forth from the walls of Cuzco about midsummer, in 1542, and directed his march towards the coast in expectation of meeting the enemy.11 While the events detailed in the preceding pages were passing, Vaca de Castro, whom we left at Quito in the preceding year, was advancing slowly towards the south. His first act, after leaving that city, showed his resolution to enter into no compro mise with the assassins of Pizarro. Benalcazar, the distinguished officer whom I have mentioned as having early given in his adherence to him, had pro tected one of the principal conspirators, his personal friend, who had come into his power, and had facili tated his escape. The governor, indignant at the proceeding, would listen to no explanation, but ordered the offending officer to return to his own district of Popayan. It was a bold step, in the pre carious state of his own fortunes. As the governor pursued his march, he was well received by the people on the way ; and when he 11 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Emperador, San Joan de la Fron- Conq.,MS. — Declaracion de Usca- tera, MS., 24 de Sep. 1542.— tegui, MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, Real., Parte 2, lib. 2, cap. 13.— lib. 3, cap. 1, 2. Carta del Cabildo de Arequipa al Ch. VI.] PROGRESS OF THE GOVERNOR. 217 entered the cities of San Miguel and of Truxillo, he was welcomed with loyal enthusiasm by the inhabi tants, who readily acknowledged his authority, though they showed little alacrity to take their chance with him in the coming struggle. After lingering a long time in each of these places, he resumed his march and reached the camp of Alonso de Alvarado at Huaura, early in 1542. Holguin had established his quarters at some little distance from his rival ; for a jealousy had sprung up, as usual, between these two captains, who both aspired to the supreme command of Captain-Gen eral of the army. The office of governor, conferred on Vaca de Castro, might seem to include that of commander-in-chief of the forces. But De Castro was a scholar, bred to the law ; and, whatever au thority he might arrogate to himself in civil matters, the two captains imagined that the military depart ment he would resign into the hands of others. They little knew the character of the man. Though possessed of no more military science than belonged to every cavalier in that martial age, the governor knew that to avow his ignorance, and to resign the management of affairs into the hands of others, would greatly impair his authority, if not bring him into contempt with the turbulent spirits among whom he was now thrown. He had both sagacity and spirit, and trusted to be able to supply his own deficiencies by the experience of others. His position placed the services of the ablest men in the country at his disposal, and with the aid of their VOL. II. 28 218 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. counsels he felt quite competent to decide on his plan of operations, and to enforce the execution of it. He knew, moreover, that the only way to allay the jealousy of the two parties in the pres ent crisis was to assume himself the office which was the cause of their dissension. Still he approached his ambitious officers with great caution ; and the representations, which he made through some judicious persons who had the most intimate access to them, were so successful, that both were in a short time prevailed on to relin quish their pretensions in his favor. Holguin, the more unreasonable of the two, then waited on him in his rival's quarters, where the governor had the further satisfaction to reconcile him to Alonso de Alvarado. It required some address, as their jeal ousy of each other had proceeded to such lengths that a challenge had passed between them. Harmony being thus restored, the licentiate passed over to Holguin's camp, where he was greeted with salvoes of artillery, and loud acclamations of " Viva el Rey " from the loyal soldiery. Ascending a plat form covered with velvet, he made an animated harangue to the troops ; his commission was read aloud by the secretary ; and the little army tendered their obedience to him as the representative of the Crown. Vaca de Castro's next step was to send off the greater part of his force, in the direction of Xauxa, while, at the head of a small corps, he directed his march towards Lima. Here he was received with Ch. VI.] THE FORCES APPROACH EACH OTHER. 219 lively demonstrations of joy by the citizens, who were generally attached to the cause of Pizarro, the founder and constant patron of their capital. In deed, the citizens had lost no time after Almagro's departure in expelling his creatures from the munici pality, and reasserting their allegiance. With these favorable dispositions towards himself, the governor found no difficulty in obtaining a considerable loan of money from the wealthier inhabitants. But he was less successful, at first, in his application for horses and arms, since the harvest had been too faithfully gleaned, already, by the men of Chili. As, however, he prolonged his stay some time in the capital, he obtained important supplies, before he left it, both of arms and ammunition, while he added to his force by a considerable body of recruits.12 As he was thus employed, he received tidings that the enemy had left Cuzco, and was on his march towards the coast. Quitting Los Reyes, therefore, with his trusty followers, Vaca de Castro marched at once to Xauxa, the appointed place of rendezvous. Here he mustered his forces, and found that they amounted to about seven hundred men. The caval ry, in which lay his strength, was superior in num bers to that of his antagonist, but neither so well mounted or armed. It included many cavaliers of birth, and well-tried soldiers, besides a number who, 12 Declaracion de Uscategui, Carta de Barrio Nuevo, MS. — HIS. Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Carta de Benalcazar al Emperador, Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- MS. neral, dec. 7, lib. 1, cap. 1. — 220 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. having great interests at stake, as possessed of large estates in the country, had left them at the call of government, to enlist under its banners.13 His in fantry, besides pikes, was indifferently well supplied with fire-arms ; but he had nothing to show in the way of artillery except three or four ill-mounted fal conets. Yet, notwithstanding these deficiencies, the royal army, if so insignificant a force can deserve that name, was so far superior in numbers to that of his rival, that the one might be thought, on the whole, to be no unequal match for the other.14 The reader, familiar with the large masses em ployed in European warfare, may smile at the pal try forces of the Spaniards. But in the New World, where a countless host of natives went for little, five hundred well-trained Europeans were regarded as a formidable body. No army, up to the period before us, had ever risen to a thousand. Yet it is 13 The Municipality of Arequi- Carbajal notices the politic man- pa, most of whose members were ner in which his commander bribed present in the army, stoutly urge recruits into his service, — paying their claims to a compensation for them with promises and fair words thus promptly leaving their estates, when ready money failed him. and taking up arms at the call of " Dando a unos dineros, e a otros government. Without such re- armas i caballos, i a otros palabras, ward, they say, their patriotic ex- i a otros promesas, i & otros gra- ample will not often be followed, ziosas respuestas de lo que con £1 The document, which is important negoziaban para tenerlos a todos for its historical details, may be muy conttentos i presttos en el ser- found in the Castilian, in Appendix, vicio de S. M. quando fuese menes- No. 13. tter." Dicho del Capitan Fran- u Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y cisco de Carbajal sobre la informa- Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del cion hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, k Peru, lib. 4, cap. 15. — Carta de favor de Vaca de Castro, MS. Barrio Nuevo, MS. Ch. VI.] THE FORCES APPROACH EACH OTHER. 221 not numbers, as I have already been led to remark, that give importance to a conflict ; but the conse quences that depend on it, — the magnitude of the stake, and the skill and courage of the players. The more limited the means, even, the greater may be the science shown in the use of them ; until, forgetting the poverty of the materials, we fix our attention on the conduct of the actors, and the greatness of the results. While at Xauxa, Vaca de Castro received an embassy from Gonzalo Pizarro, returned from his expedition from the " Land of Cinnamon," in which that chief made an offer of his services in the ap proaching contest. The governor's answer showed that he was not wholly averse to an accommodation with Almagro, provided it could be effected without compromising the royal authority. He was willing, perhaps, to avoid the final trial by battle, when he considered, that, from the equality of the contending forces, the issue must be extremely doubtful. He knew that the presence of Pizarro in the camp, the detested enemy of the Almagrians, would excite distrust in then bosoms that would probably baffle every effort at accommodation. Nor is it likely that the governor cared to have so restless a spirit intro duced into his own councils. He accordingly sent to Gonzalo, thanking him for the promptness of his support, but courteously declined it, while he advised him to remain in his province, and repose after the fatigues of his wearisome expedition. At the same time, he assured him that he would not fail to call for 222 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. his services when occasion required it. — The haugh ty cavalier was greatly disgusted by the repulse.15 The governor now received such an account of Almagro's movements as led him to suppose that he was preparing to occupy Guamanga, a fortified place of considerable strength, about thirty leagues from Xauxa.16 Anxious to secure this post, he broke up his encampment, and by forced marches, conducted in so irregular a manner as must have placed him in great danger if his enemy had been near to profit by it, he succeeded in anticipating Almagro, and threw himself into the place while his antagonist was at Bilcas, some ten leagues distant. At Guamanga, Vaca de Castro received another embassy from Almagro, of similar import with the former. The young chief again deprecated the ex istence of hostilities between brethren of the same family, and proposed an accommodation of the quar rel on the same basis as before. To these proposals the governor now condescended to reply. It might be thought, from his answer, that he felt some compassion for the youth and inexperience of Alma gro, and that he was willing to distinguish between him and the principal conspirators, provided he could detach him from their interests. But it is more probable that he intended only to amuse his enemy by a show of negotiation, while he gained time for tampering with the fidelity of his troops. He insisted that Almagro should deliver up to 15 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 16 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 4, cap. 15. 85. Ch. VI.] THE FORCES APPROACH EACH OTHER. 223 him all those immediately implicated in the death of Pizarro, and should then disband his forces. On these conditions the government would pass over his treasonable practices, and he should be reinstated in the royal favor. Together with this mission, Vaca de Castro, it is reported, sent a Spaniard, disguised as an Indian, who was instructed to communicate with certain officers in Almagro's camp, and prevail on them, if possible, to abandon his cause and re turn to their allegiance. Unfortunately, the disguise of the emissary was detected. He was seized, put to the torture, and, having confessed the whole of the transaction, was hanged as a spy. Almagro laid the proceeding before his captains. The terms proffered by the governor were such as no man with a particle of honor in his nature could entertain for a moment ; and Almagro's in dignation, as well as that of his companions, was heightened by the duplicity of their enemy, who could practise such insidious arts, while ostensibly engaged in a fair and open negotiation. Fearful, perhaps, lest the tempting offers of their antagonist might yet prevail over the constancy of some of the weaker spirits among them, they demanded that all negotiation should be broken off, and that they should be led at once against the enemy.17 17 Dicho del Capitan Francisco Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, de Carbajal sobre la informacion lib. 3, cap. 8. — Carta de Ventura hecha en el Cuzco en 1543, a favor Beltran, MS. — Gomara, Hist, de de Vaca de Castro, MS. — Zarate, las Ind., cap. 149. Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 16. — 224 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. The governor, meanwhile, finding the broken country around Guamanga unfavorable for his caval ry, on which he mainly relied, drew off his forces to the neighbouring lowlands, known as the Plains of Chupas. It was the tempestuous season of the year, and for several days the storm raged wildly among the hills, and, sweeping along their sides into the valley, poured down rain, sleet, and snow on the miserable bivouacs of the soldiers, till they were drenched to the skin and nearly stiffened by the cold.18 At length, on the sixteenth of September, 1542, the scouts brought in tidings that Almagro's troops were advancing, with the intention, apparent ly, of occupying the highlands around Chupas. The war of the elements had at last subsided, and was succeeded by one of those brilliant days which are found only in the tropics. The royal camp was early in motion, as Vaca de Castro, desirous to se cure the heights that commanded the valley, detach ed a body of arquebusiers on that service, supported by a corps of cavalry, which he soon followed with the rest of the forces. On reaching the eminence, news was brought that the enemy had come to a halt, and established himself in a strong position at less than a league's distance. It was now late in the afternoon, and the sun was not more than two hours above the horizon. The governor hesitated to begin the action when they 18 << Tuvieron tan gran tempe- ciendo con dia claro, i sereno." stad de agua, Truenos, i Nieve, Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. que pensaron perecer ; i amane- 3, cap. 8. Ch. VI.] BLOODY PLAINS OF CHUPAS. 225 must so soon be overtaken by night. But Alonso de Alvarado assured him that " now was the time ; for the spirits of his men were hot for fight, and it was better to take the benefit of it than to damp their ardor by delay." The governor acquiesced, exclaiming at the same time, — " O for the might of Joshua, to stay the sun in his course ! " 19 He then drew up his little army in order of battle, and made his dispositions for the attack. In the centre he placed his infantry, consisting of arquebusiers and pikemen, constituting the battle, as it was called. On the flanks, he established his cavalry, placing the right wing, together with the royal standard, under charge of Alonso de Alvarado, and the left under Holguin, supported by a gallant body of cavaliers. His artillery, too insignificant to be of much account, was also in the centre. He proposed himself to lead the van, and to break the first lance with the enemy ; but from this chival rous display he was dissuaded by his officers, who reminded him that too much depended on his life to have it thus wantonly exposed. The governor con tented himself, therefore, with heading a body of reserve, . consisting of forty horse, to act on any quarter as occasion might require. This corps, comprising the flower of his chivalry, was chiefly drawn from Alvarado's troop, greatly to the discon tent of that captain. The governor himself rode a 19 " Yasi Vaca de Castro signio tener el poder de Josue, para dete- su parescer, temiendo toda via la ner el Sol." ZaTate, Conq. del falta del Dia, i dijo, que quisiera Peru, lib. 4, cap. 18. VOL. II. 2!) 226 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. coal-black charger, and wore a rich surcoat of bro cade over his mail, through which the habit and em blems of the knightly order of St. James, conferred on him just before his departure from Castile, were conspicuous.20 It was a point of honor with the chivalry of the period to court danger by displaying their rank in the splendor of their military attire and the caparisons of their horses. Before commencing the assault, Vaca de Castro addressed a few remarks to his soldiers, in order to remove any hesitation that some might yet feel, who recollected the displeasure shown by the emperor to the victors as well as the vanquished after the battle of Salinas. He told them that their enemies were rebels. They were in arms against him, the repre sentative of the Crown, and it was his duty to quell this rebellion and punish the authors of it. He then caused the law to be read aloud, proclaiming the doom of traitors. By this law, Almagro and his followers had forfeited their lives and property, and the governor promised to distribute the latter among such of his men as showed the best claim to it by their conduct in the battle. This last politic prom ise vanquished the scruples of the most fastidious ; 20 " I visto esto por el dicho i con una ropa de brocado encima senor Governador, mando dar al de las armas con el abito de Sant- arma a mui gran priesa, i mando a iago en los pechos." Dicho del este testigo que sacase toda la Capitan Francisco de Carbajal so- gente al campo, i el se entro en su bre la informacion hecha en el tienda a se armar, i dende a poco Cuzco en 1543, a favor de Vaca de salio della encima de un cavallo Castro, MS. morcillo rabicano armado en bianco Ch. VI.] BLOODY PLAINS OF CHUPAS. 227 and, having completed his dispositions in the most judicious and soldier-like manner, Vaca de Castro gave the order to advance.21 As the forces turned a spur of the hills which had hitherto screened them from their enemies, they came in sight of the latter, formed along the crest of a gentle eminence, with their snow-white ban ners, the distinguishing color of the Almagrians, floating above their heads, and their bright arms flinging back the broad rays of the evening sun. Almagro's disposition of his troops was not unlike that of his adversary. In the centre was his ex cellent artillery, covered by his arquebusiers and spearmen ; while his cavalry rode on the flanks. The troops on the left he proposed to lead in per son. He had chosen his position with judgment, as the character of the ground gave full play to his guns, which opened an effective fire on the assailants as they drew near. Shaken by the storm of shot, Vaca de Castro saw the difficulty of advancing in open view of the hostile battery. He took the counsel, therefore, of Francisco de Carbajal, who un dertook to lead the forces by a circuitous, but safer, route. This is the first occasion on which the name 21 The governor's words, says determinadamente se partieron de Carbajal, who witnessed their ef- alii para ir a los enemigos como si feet, stirred the heart of the troops, fueron a fiestas donde estuvieran so that they went to the battle as convidados." Dicho del Capitan to a ball. " En pocas palabras Francisco de Carbajal, sobre la in- comprehendio tan grandes cosas formacion hecha en el Cuzco en que la gente de S. M. covro tan 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, grande animo con ellas, que tan MS. 228 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV of this veteran appears in these American wars, .where it was afterwards to acquire a melancholy notoriety. He had come to the country after the campaigns of forty years in Europe, where he had studied the art of war under the Great Captain, Gonsalvo de Cordova. Though now far advanced in age, he possessed all the courage and indomitable energy of youth, and well exemplified the lessons he had studied under his great commander. Taking advantage of a winding route that sloped round the declivity of the hills, he conducted the troops in such a manner, that, until they approached quite near the enemy, they were protected by the intervening ground. While thus advancing, they were assailed on the left flank by the Indian battal ions under Paullo, the Inca Manco's brother ; but a corps of musketeers, directing a scattering fire among them, soon rid the Spaniards of this annoy ance. When, at length, the royal troops, rising above the hill, again came into view of Almagro's lines, the artillery opened on them with fatal effect. It was but for a moment, however, as, from some unaccountable cause, the guns were pointed at such an angle, that, although presenting an obvious mark, by far the greater part of the shot passed over their heads. Whether this was the result of treachery, or merely of awkwardness, is uncertain. The artillery- was under charge of the engineer, Pedro de Can dia. This man, who, it may be remembered, was one of the thirteen that so gallantly stood by Pizar ro in the island of Gallo, had fought side by side Ch. VI.] BLOODY PLAINS OF CHUPAS. 229 with his leader through the whole of the Conquest. He had lately, however, conceived some disgust with him, and had taken part with the faction of Almagro. The death of his old commander, he may perhaps have thought, had settled all their differences, and he was now willing to return to his former allegiance. At least, it is said, that, at this very time, he was in correspondence with Vaca de Castro. Almagro himself seems to have had no doubt of his treachery. For, after remonstrating in vain with him on his present conduct, he ran him through the body, and the unfortunate cavalier fell lifeless on the field. Then, throwing himself on one of the guns, Almagro gave it a new direction, and that so successfully, that, when it was discharged, it struck down several of the cavalry.22 The firing now took better effect, and by one volley a whole file of the royal infantry was swept off, and though others quickly stepped in to fill up the ranks, the men, impatient of their sufferings, loudly called on the troopers, who had halted for a moment, to quicken their advance.23 This delay 22 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y de Ventura Beltran, MS. — De- Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del claracion de Uscategui, MS. — Peru, lib. 4, cap. 17-19. — Na- Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. harro, Relacion Sumaria, MS. — 149. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, According to Garcilasso, whose lib. 3, cap. 11. — ¦ Dicho del Capitan guns usually do more execution Francisco de Carbajal sobre la in- than those of any other authority, formacion hecha en el Cuzco en seventeen men were killed by this 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, wonderful shot. See Com. Real., MS. — Carta del Cabildo de Are- Parte 2, lib. 3, cap. 16. quipa al Emperador, MS. — Carta w The officers drove the men, 230 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. had been caused by Carbajal's desire to bring his own guns to bear on the opposite columns. But the design was quickly abandoned ; the clumsy ord nance was left on the field, and orders were given to the cavalry to charge ; the trumpets sounded, and, crying their war-cries, the bold cavaliers struck their spurs into their steeds, and rode at full speed against the enemy. Well had it been for Almagro, if he had remained firm on the post which gave him such advantage. But from a false point of honor, he thought it de rogatory to a brave knight passively to await the assault, and, ordering his own men to charge, the hostile squadrons, rapidly advancing against each other, met midway on the plain. The shock was terrible. Horse and rider reeled under the force of it. The spears flew into shivers ; M and the cava liers, drawing their swords, or wielding their maces and battle-axes, — though some of the royal troopers were armed only with a common axe, — dealt their blows with all the fury of civil hate. It was a fearful struggle, not merely of man against man, according to Zarate, at the point quedando muchos muertos, i caidos of their swords, to take the places de ambas partes." (Ibid., ubi of their fallen comrades. "Porque supra.) Zarate writes on this oc- vn tiro llevo toda vna hilera, e hico casion with the spirit and strength abrir el Escuadron, i los Capitanes of Thucydides. He was not pres- pusieron gran diligencia en hacerlo ent, but came into the country the cerrar, amenacando de muerte a following year, when he gleaned los Soldados, con las Espadas des- the particulars of the battle from envainadas, i se cerro." Conq. the best informed persons there, to del Peru, lib. 4, cap. 1. whom his position gave him ready 24 " Se encontraron de suerte, access. que casi todas las lane, as quebraron, Ch. VI.] BLOODY PLAINS OF CHUPAS. 231 but, to use the words of an eyewitness, of brother against brother, and friend against friend.23 No quarter was asked ; for the wrench that had been strong enough to tear asunder the dearest ties of kindred left no hold for humanity. The excellent arms of the Almagrians counterbalanced the odds of numbers ; but the royal partisans gained some ad vantage by striking at the horses instead of the mailed bodies of their antagonists. The infantry, meanwhile, on both sides, kept up a sharp cross-fire from their arquebuses, which did execution on the ranks of the cavaliers, as well as on one another. But Almagro's battery of heavy guns, now well directed, mowed down the advancing col umns of foot. The latter, staggering, began to fall back from the terrible fire, when Francisco de Carbajal, throwing himself before them, cried out, " Shame on you, my men ! Do you give way now ? I am twice as good a mark for the enemy as any of you ! " He was a very large man ; and, throwing off his steel helmet and cuirass, that he might have no advantage over his followers, he remained lightly attired in his cotton doublet, when, swinging his partisan over his head, he sprang boldly forward through blinding volumes of smoke and a tempest 25 It is the language of the gente mas cruel batalla, donde her- Conquerors themselves, who, in manos a hermanos, ni deudos a their letter to the Emperor, com- deudos, ni amigos a. amigos no se pare the action to the great battle davan vida uno a otro." Carta del of Ravenna. " Fue tan reiiida i Cabildo de Arequipa al Emperador, porfiada, que despues de la de Re- MS. bena, no se ha visto entre tan poca 232 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. of musket-balls, and, supported by the bravest of his troops, overpowered the gunners, and made himself master of their pieces. The shades of night had now, for some time, been coming thicker and thicker over the field. But still the deadly struggle went on in the dark ness, as the red and white badges intimated the respective parties, and their war-cries rose above the din, — " Vaca de Castro y el Rey," — " Almagro y el Rey," — while both invoked the aid of their mili tary apostle St. James. Holguin, who commanded the royalists on the left, pierced through by two musket-balls, had been slain early in the action. He had made himself conspicuous by a rich sobre- vest of white velvet over his armour. Still a gallant band of cavaliers maintained the fight so valiantly on that quarter, that the Almagrians found it diffi cult to keep their ground.26 It fared differently on the right, where Alonso de Alvarado commanded. He was there encoun tered by Almagro in person, who fought worthy of his name. By repeated charges on his opponent, he endeavoured to bear down his squadrons, so much worse mounted and worse armed than his own. Alvarado resisted with undiminished cour age ; but his numbers had been thinned, as we have 26 The battle was so equally talla estuvo mui gran rato en peso contested, says Beltran, one of sin conoscerse vitoria de la una Vaca de Castro's captains, that it parte a la otra." Carta de Ven- was long doubtful on which side tura Beltran, MS. victory was to incline. " I la ba- Ch. VI.] BLOODY PLAINS OF CHUPAS. 233 seen, before the battle, to supply the governor's reserve, and, fairly overpowered by the superior strength of his adversary, who had already won two of the royal banners, he was slowly giving ground. "Take, but kill not! " shouted the gener ous young chief, who felt himself sure of victory.27 But at this crisis, Vaca de Castro, who, with his reserve, had occupied a rising ground that com manded the field of action, was fully aware that the time had now come for him to take part in the struggle. He had long strained his eyes through the gloom to watch the movements of the com batants, and received constant tidings how the fight was going. He no longer hesitated, but, call ing on his men to follow, led off boldly into the thickest of the melee to the support of his stout hearted officer. The arrival of a new corps on the field, all fresh for action, gave another turn to the tide.28 Alvarado's men took heart and rallied. Al magro's, though driven back by the fury of the assault, quickly returned against their assailants. Thirteen of Vaca de Castro's cavaliers fell dead from their saddles. But it was the last effort of the Almagrians. Their strength, though not their spirit, failed them. They gave way in all directions, and, 27 " Gritaba, Victoria; i decia, day by this movement, and the Prender i no matar." Herrera, writers express their " admiration Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 3, cap. of the gallantry and courage he 11. displayed, so little to have been 98 The letter of the municipality expected from his age and profes- of Arequipa gives the governor sion." See the original in Appen- credit for deciding the fate of the dix, No. 13. VOL. II. 30 234 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. mingling together in the darkness, horse, foot, and artillery, they trampled one another down, as they made the best of their way from the press of their pursuers. Almagro used every effort to stay them. He performed miracles of valor, says one who wit nessed them ; but he was borne along by the tide, and, though he seemed to court death, by the free dom with which he exposed his person to danger, yet he escaped without a wound. Others there were of his company, and among them a young cavalier named Geronimo de Alvarado, who obstinately refused to quit the field ; and shout ing out, — " We slew Pizarro ! we killed the ty rant ! " they threw themselves on the lances of their conquerors, preferring death on the battle-field to the ignominious doom of the gibbet.29 It was nine o'clock when the battle ceased, though the firing was heard at intervals over the field at a much later hour, as some straggling party of fugitives were overtaken by their pursuers. Yet many succeeded in escaping in the obscurity of night, while some, it is said, contrived to elude pur suit in a more singular way ; tearing off the badges from the corpses of their enemies, they assumed them for themselves, and, mingling in the ranks as followers of Vaca de Castro, joined in the pursuit. That commander, at length, fearing some un- 23 " Se arrojaron en los Enemi- mate al Marques ; i asi anduvieron gos, como desesperados, hiriendo a hasta, que los hicieron pedacos." todas partes, diciendo cada vno por Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, 6u nombre : Yo soi Fulano, que cap. 19. Ch VI.] BLOODY PLAINS OF CHUPAS. 235 toward accident, and that the fugitives, should they rally again under cover of the darkness, might inflict some loss on their pursuers, caused his trumpets to sound, and recalled his scattered forces under their banners. All night they remained under arms on the field, which, so lately the scene of noisy strife, was now hushed in silence, broken only by the groans of the wounded and the dying. The natives, who had hung, during the fight, like a dark cloud, round the skirts of the mountains, contemplating with gloomy satisfaction the destruction of their ene mies, now availed themselves of the obscurity to descend, like a pack of famished wolves, upon the plains, where they stripped the bodies of the slain, and even of the living, but disabled wretches, who had in vain dragged themselves into the bushes for concealment. The following morning, Vaca de Cas tro gave orders that the wounded — those who had not perished in the cold damps of the night — should be committed to the care of the surgeons, while the priests were occupied with administering confession and absolution to the dying. Four large graves or pits were dug, in which the bodies of the slain — the conquerors and the conquered — were heaped in discriminately together. But the remains of Alvarez de Holguin and several other cavaliers of distinction were transported to Guamanga, where they were buried with the solemnities suited to their rank ; and the tattered banners won from their vanquished countrymen waved over their monuments, the mel ancholy trophies of their victory. 236 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. The number of killed is variously reported, — from three hundred to five hundred on both sides.30 The mortality was greatest among the conquerors, who suffered more from the cannon of the enemy before the action, than the latter suffered in the rout that followed it. The number of wounded was still greater ; and full half of the survivors of Alma gro's party were made prisoners. Many, indeed, escaped from the field to the neighbouring town of Guamanga, where they took refuge in the churches and monasteries. But their asylum was not respected, and they were dragged forth and thrown into prison. Their brave young commander fled with a few followers only to Cuzco, where he was instantly arrested by the magistrates whom he had himself placed over the city.31 At Guamanga, Vaca de Castro appointed a com mission, with the Licentiate de la Gama at its head, for the trial of the prisoners ; and justice was not 30 Zarate estimates the number MS. — Carta del Cabildo de Are- at three hundred. Uscategui, who quipa al Emperador, MS. — Carta belonged to the Almagrian party, de Barrio Nuevo, MS. — Gomara, and Garcilasso, both rate it as high Hist, de las Ind., cap. 149. — Gar- as five hundred. cilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 31 The particulars of the ac- 3, cap. 15-18. — Declaracion de tion are gathered from Pedro Pi- Uscategui, MS. zarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Many of these authorities were Carta de Ventura Beltran, MS. — personally present on the field; Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 4, cap. and it is rare that the details of a 17-20.' — Naharro, Relacion Su- battle are drawn from more au- maria, MS. — Dicho del Capitan thentic testimony. The student of Francisco de Carbajal sobre la in- history will not be surprised that formacion hecha en el Cuzco en in these details there should be the 1543, a favor de Vaca de Castro, greatest discrepancy. Ch. VI.] CONDUCT OF VACA DE CASTRO. 237 satisfied, till forty had been condemned to death, and thirty others — some of them with the loss of one or more of their members — sent into banish ment.32 Such severe reprisals have been too com mon with the Spaniards in their civil feuds. Strange that they should so blindly plunge into these, with this dreadful doom for the vanquished ! From the scene of this bloody tragedy, the gov ernor proceeded to Cuzco, which he entered at the head of his victorious battalions, with all the pomp and military display of a conqueror. He main tained a corresponding state in his way of living, at the expense of a sneer from some, who sarcasti cally contrasted this ostentatious profusion with the economical reforms he subsequently introduced into the finances.33 But Vaca de Castro was sensible of the effect of this outward show on the people generally, and disdained no means of giving au thority to his office. His first act was to determine the fate of his prisoner, Almagro. A council of war was held. Some were for sparing the unfortu nate chief, in consideration of his youth, and the strong cause of provocation he had received. But 32 Declaracion de Uscategui, would have had no reason to com- MS. — Carta de Ventura Beltran, plain ; but what was omitted then is MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, made up now, since the governor lib. 4, cap. 21. goes on quartering every day some The loyal burghers of Arequipa one or other of the traitors who seem to have been well contented escaped from the field." See the with these executions. " If night original in Appendix, No. 13. had not overtaken us," they say, ^ Herrera, Hist. General, dec. alluding to the action, in their let- 7, lib. 4, cap. 1. ter to the emperor, " your Majesty 238 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. the majority were of opinion that such mercy could not be extended to the leader of the rebels, and that his death was indispensable to the permanent tranquillity of the country. When led to execution in the great square of Cuzco, — the same spot where his father had suffer ed but a few years before, — Almagro exhibited the most perfect composure, though, as the herald pro claimed aloud the doom of the traitor, he indignant ly denied that he was one. He made no appeal for mercy to his judges, but simply requested that his bones might be laid by the side of his father's. He objected to having his eyes bandaged, as wras cus tomary on such occasions, and, after confession, he devoutly embraced the cross, and submitted his neck to the stroke of the executioner. His remains, agreeably to his request, were transported to the monastery of La Merced, where they were deposited side by side with those of his unfortunate parent.34 There have been few names, indeed, in the page of history, more unfortunate than that of Almagro. Yet the fate of the son excites a deeper sympathy than that of the father ; and this, not merely on ac count of his youth, and the peculiar circumstances of his situation. He possessed many of the good qualities of the elder Almagro, with a frank and manly nature, in which the bearing of the soldier was somewhat softened by the refinement of a bet- 34 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Relacion Sumaria, MS. — Herre- Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del ra, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 6, Peru, lib. 4, cap. 21. — Naharro, cap. I. Ch. VI.] CONDUCT OF VACA DE CASTRO. 239 ter education than is to be found in the license of a camp. His career, though short, gave promise of considerable talent, which required only a fair field for its development. But he was the child of mis fortune, and his morning of life was overcast by clouds and tempests. If his character, naturally benignant, sometimes showed the fiery sparkles of the vindictive Indian temper, some apology may be found, not merely in his blood, but in the circum stances of his situation. He was more sinned against than sinning ; and, if conspiracy could ever find a justification, it must be in a case like his, where, borne down by injuries heaped on his parent and himself, he could obtain no redress from the only quarter whence he had a right to look for it. With him, the name of Almagro became extinct, and the faction of Chili, so long the terror of the land, passed away for ever. While these events were occurring in Cuzco, the governor learned that Gonzalo Pizarro had arrived at Lima, where he showed himself greatly discontented with the state of things in Peru. He loudly com plained that the government of the country, after his brother's death, had not been placed in his hands ; and, as reported by some, he was now medi tating schemes for getting possession of it. Vaca de Castro well knew that there would be no lack of evil counsellors to urge Gonzalo to this desperate step ; and, anxious to extinguish the spark of insur rection before it had been fanned by these turbulent spirits into a flame, he detached a strong body to 240 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Lima to secure that capital. At the same time he commanded the presence of Gonzalo Pizarro in Cuzco. That chief did not think it prudent to disregard the summons ; and shortly after entered the Inca capital, at the head of a well-armed body of cava liers. He was at once admitted into the governor's presence, when the latter dismissed his guard, re marking that he had nothing to fear from a brave and loyal knight like Pizarro. He then questioned him as to his late adventures in Canelas, and showed great sympathy for his extraordinary sufferings. He took care not to alarm his jealousy by any allusion to his ambitious schemes, and concluded by recom mending him, now that the tranquillity of the coun try was reestablished, to retire and seek the repose he so much needed, on his valuable estates at Char cas. Gonzalo Pizarro, finding no ground opened for a quarrel with the cool and politic governor, and probably feeling that he was, at least not now, in sufficient strength to warrant it, thought it prudent to take the advice, and withdrew to La Plata, where he busied himself in working those rich mines of silver that soon put him in condition for a more momentous enterprise than any he had yet at tempted.35 Thus rid of his formidable competitor, Vaca de Castro occupied himself with measures for the set- 35 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y cap. 3. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Ge- lib. 4, cap. 22. neral, dec. 7, lib. 4, cap. 1 ; lib. 6, Ch. VI] CONDUCT OF VACA DE CASTRO. 241 tlement of the country. He began with his army, a part of which he had disbanded. But many cava liers still remained, pressing their demands for a suitable recompense for their services. These they were not disposed to undervalue, and the governor was happy to rid himself of their importunities by employing them on distant expeditions, among which was the exploration of the country watered by the great Rio de la Plata. The boiling spirits of the high-mettled cavaliers, without some such vent, would soon have thrown the whole country again into a state of fermentation. His next concern was to provide laws for the bet ter government of the colony. He gave especial care to the state of the Indian population ; and established schools for teaching them Christianity. By various provisions, he endeavoured to secure them from the exactions of their conquerors, and he encouraged the poor natives to transfer their own residence to the communities of the white men. He commanded the caciques to provide suppbes for the tambos, or houses for the accommodation of trav ellers, which lay in their neighbourhood, by which regulation he took away from the Spaniards a plau sible apology for rapine, and greatly promoted fa cility of intercourse. He was watchful over the finances, much dilapidated in the late troubles, and in several instances retrenched what he deemed excessive repartimientos among the Conquerors. This last act exposed him to much odium from the objects of it. But his measures were so just VOL. II. 31 242 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. and impartial, that he was supported by public opinion.36 Indeed, Vaca de Castro's conduct, from the hour of his arrival in the country, had been such as to command respect, and prove him competent to the difficult post for which he had been selected. With out funds, without troops, he had found the country, on his landing, in a state of anarchy ; yet, by cour age and address, he had gradually acquired sufficient strength to quell the insurrection. Though no sol dier, he had shown undaunted spirit and presence of mind in the hour of action, and made his military preparations with a forecast and discretion that excited the admiration of the most experienced veterans. If he may be thought to have abused the advan tages of victory by cruelty towards the conquered, it must be allowed that he was not influenced by any motives of a personal nature. He was a law yer, bred in high notions of royal prerogative. Re bellion he looked upon as an unpardonable crime ; and, if his austere nature was unrelenting in the exaction of justice, he lived in an iron age, when justice was rarely tempered by mercy. In his subsequent regulations for the settlement of the country, he showed equal impartiality and wisdom. The colonists were deeply sensible of the benefits of his administration, and afforded the best commentary on his services by petitioning the Court 36 Ibid., ubi supra. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 6, cap. 2. Ch. VI.] CONDUCT OF VACA DE CASTRO. 243 of Castile to continue him in the government of Peru.37 Unfortunately, such was not the policy of the Crown. 37 " I asi lo cscrivieron al Rei la sona, que procedia con rectitud, i Ciudad del Cuzco, la Villa de la que ih entendia el Govierno de Plata, i otras Comunidades, supli- aquellos Reinos." Herrera, Ibid., candole, que los dcxasc por Gover- loc. cil. nador a Vaca de Castro, como Per- CHAPTER VII. Abuses by the Conquerors. — Code for the Colonies. — Great Excitement in Peru. — Blasco Nunez the Viceroy. — His se vere Policy. — Opposed by Gonzalo Pizarro. 1543 — 1544. Before continuing the narrative of events in Peru, we must turn to the mother-country, where important changes were in progress in respect to the administration of the colonies. Since his accession to the Crown, Charles the Fifth had been chiefly engrossed by the politics of Europe, where a theatre was opened more stimu lating to his ambition than could be found in a struggle with the barbarian princes of the New World. In this quarter, therefore, an empire almost unheeded, as it were, had been suffered to grow up, until it had expanded into dimensions greater than those of his European dominions, and destined soon to become far more opulent. A scheme of government had, it is true, been devised, and laws enacted from time to time for the regulation of the colonies. But these laws were often accommodated less to the interests of the colonies themselves, than to those of the parent country ; and, when contrived in a better spirit, they were but imperfectly execut- Ch. VII.] ABUSES BY THE CONQUERORS. 245 ed ; for the voice of authority, however loudly pro claimed at home, too often died away in feeble echoes before it had crossed the waters. This state of things, and, indeed, the manner in which the Spanish territories in the New World had been originally acquired, were most unfortunate both for the conquered races and their masters. Had the provinces gained by the Spaniards been the fruit of peaceful acquisition, — of barter and negotiation, — or had their conquest been achieved under the immediate direction of government, the interests of the natives would have been more carefully protect ed. From the superior civilization of the Indians in the Spanish American colonies, they still continued after the Conquest to remain on the ground, and to mingle in the same communities, with the white men ; in this forming an obvious contrast to the condition of our own aborigines, who, shrinking from the contact of civilization, have withdrawn, as the latter has advanced, deeper and deeper into the heart of the wilderness. But the South Ameri can Indian was qualified by his previous institutions for a more refined legislation than could be adapted to the wild hunters of the forest ; and, had the sov ereign been there in person to superintend his con quests, he could never have suffered so large a portion of his vassals to be wantonly sacrificed to the cupidity and cruelty of the handful of adven turers who subdued them. But, as it was, the affair of reducing the country was committed to the hands of irresponsible indi- 246 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. viduals, soldiers of fortune, desperate adventurers, who entered on conquest as a game, which they were to play in the most unscrupulous manner, with little care but to win it. Receiving small encour agement from the government, they were indebted to their own valor for success ; and the right of con quest, they conceived, extinguished every existing right in the unfortunate natives. The lands, the persons, of the conquered races were parcelled out and appropriated by the victors as the legitimate spoils of victory ; and outrages were perpetrated every day, at the contemplation of which humanity shudders. These outrages, though nowhere perpetrated on so terrific a scale as in the islands, where, in a few years, they had nearly annihilated the native popula tion, were yet of sufficient magnitude in Peru to call down the vengeance of Heaven on the heads of their authors; and the Indian might feel that this vengeance was not long delayed, when he be held his oppressors, wrangling over their miserable spoil, and turning their swords against each other. Peru, as already mentioned, was subdued by ad venturers, for the most part, of a lower and more ferocious stamp than those who followed the banner of Cortes. The character of the followers partook, in some measure, of that of the leaders in their re spective enterprises. It was a sad fatality for the Incas ; for the reckless soldiers of Pizarro were bet ter suited to contend with the fierce Aztec than with the more refined and effeminate Peruvian. Intoxi- Ch. VII.] ABUSES BY THE CONQUERORS. 247 cated by the unaccustomed possession of power, and without the least notion of the responsibilities which attached to their situation as masters of the land, they too often abandoned themselves to the indulgence of every whim Avhich cruelty or caprice could dictate. Not unfrequently, says an unsuspi cious witness, I have seen the Spaniards, long after the Conquest, amuse themselves by hunting down the natives with bloodhounds for mere sport, or in order to train their dogs to the game ! 1 The most unbounded scope was given to licentiousness. The young maiden was torn without remorse from the arms of her family to gratify the passion of her brutal conqueror.2 The sacred houses of the Virgins of the Sun were broken open and violated, and the cavalier swelled his harem with a troop of Indian girls, making it seem that the Crescent would have been a much more fitting symbol for his banner than the immaculate Cross.3 But the dominant passion of the Spaniard was the lust of gold. For this he shrunk from no toil himself, and was merciless in his exactions of labor 1 " Espanoles hai que crian tra su voluntad, diciendo : Por la perros carniceros i los avezan a presente damos licencia a vos Fu- matar Indios, lo qual procuran a lano, para que os podais servir de las veces por pasatiempo, i ver si tal Indio 6 dc tal India e lo podais lo hacen bien los perros." Rela- tomar 6 sacar donde quiera que lo cion que dio el Provisor Morales hallaredes." Rel. del Provisor sobre las cosas que convenian pro- Morales, MS. varse en el Peru, MS. 3 " Es general el vicio del 2 " Que los Justicias dan cedulas amancebamiento con Indias, i algu- de Anaconas que por otros termi- nos tienen cantidad dellas como en nos los hacen esclavos e vivir con- serrallo." Ibid., MS. 248 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. from his Indian slave. Unfortunately, Peru abound ed in mines which too well repaid this labor ; and human life was the item of least account in the estimate of the Conquerors. Under his Incas, the Peruvian was never suffered to be idle ; but the task imposed on him was always proportioned to his strength. He had his seasons of rest and refresh ment, and was well protected against the inclem ency of the weather. Every care was shown for his personal safety. But the Spaniards, while they taxed the strength of the native to the utmost, de prived him of the means of repairing it, when ex hausted. They suffered the provident arrangements of the Incas to fall into decay. The granaries were emptied; the flocks were wasted in riotous living. They were slaughtered to gratify a mere epicurean whim, and many a llama was destroyed solely for the sake of the brains, — a dainty morsel, much coveted by the Spaniards.4 So reckless was the spirit of destruction after the Conquest, says Ondegardo, the wise governor of Cuzco, that in four years more of these animals perished than in four hundred, in the times of the Incas.5 The flocks, once so numerous over the broad table-lands, were now thinned to a scanty number, that sought shelter in the fastnesses of the Andes. The poor 4 " Muchos Espafioles han muer- 5 " Se puede aflrmar que hicie- to i matan increible cantidad de ron mas dafio los Espafioles en ovejas por comer solo los sesos, solos quatro afios que el Inga en hacer pasteles del tuetano i cande- quatrocientos." Ondegardo, Rel. las de la grasa. De ai hambre Seg., MS. general." Ibid., MS. Ch. VII.] ABUSES BY THE CONQUERORS. 249 Indian, without food, without the warm fleece which furnished him a defence against the cold, now wandered half-starved and naked over the plateau. Even those who had aided the Spaniards in the conquest fared no better ; and many an Inca noble roamed a mendicant over the lands where he once held rule, and if driven, perchance, by his necessi ties, to purloin something from the superfluity of his conquerors, he expiated it by a miserable death.6 It is true, there were good men, missionaries, faithful to their calling, who wrought hard in the spiritual conversion of the native, and who, touched by his misfortunes, would gladly have interposed their arm to shield him from his oppressors.7 But 6 '• Ahora no tienen que comer ni donde sembrar, i asi van a hur- tallo como solian, delito por que han aorcado a muchos." Rel. del Provisor Morales, MS. This, and some of the preceding citations, as the reader will see, have been taken from the MS. of the Bachelor Luis de Morales, who lived eighteen or twenty years in Cuzco; and, in 1541, about the time of Vaca de Castro's coming to Peru, prepared a Memorial for the government, embracing a hundred and nine chapters. It treats of the condition of the country, and the remedies which suggested them selves to the benevolent mind of its author. The emperor's notes on the margin show that it received atten tion at court. There is no reason, as far as I am aware, to distrust the testimony of the writer, and Mufioz VOL. II. 32 has made some sensible extracts from it for his inestimable collection. 7 Father Naharro notices twelve missionaries, some of his own or der, whose zealous labors and mir acles for the conversion of the Ind ians he deems worthy of com parison with those of the twelve Apostles of Christianity. It is a pity that history, while it has com memorated the names of so many persecutors of the poor heathen, should have omitted those of their benefactors. " Tomo su divina Magestad por instrumento 12 solos religiosos po- bres, descalzos i desconocidos, 5 del orden de la Merced, 4 de Pre- dicadores, i 3 de San Francisco, obraron lo mismo que los 12 apo- stolos en la conversion de todo el universo mundo." Naharro, Re lacion Sumaria, MS. 250 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. too often the ecclesiastic became infected by the genera] spirit of licentiousness ; and the religious fraternities, who led a life of easy indulgence on the lands cultivated by their Indian slaves, were apt to think less of the salvation of their souls than of profiting by the labor of their bodies.8 Yet still there were not wanting good and wise men in the colonies, who, from time to time, raised the voice of remonstrance against these abuses, and who carried their complaints to the foot of the throne. To the credit of the government, it must also be confessed, that it was solicitous to obtain such information as it could, both from its own officers, and from commissioners deputed expressly for the purpose, whose voluminous communications throw a flood of light on the internal condition of the country, and furnish the best materials for the historian.9 But it was found much easier to get this information than to profit by it. 8 " Todos los conventos de Do- This statement of the licentiate minicos i Mercenarios tienen re- shows a different side of the pic- partimientos. Ninguno dellos ha ture from that above quoted from dotrinado ni convertido un Indio. Father Naharro. Yet they are Procuran sacar dellos quanto pue- not irreconcilable. Human nature den, trabajarles en grangerias ; con has both its lights and its shadows. esto i con otras limosnas enrique- 9 I have several of these Me- cen. Mal egemplo. Ademas con- morials or Relaciones, as they are vendra no pasen frailes sino prece- called, in my possession, drawn up diendo diligente examen de vida i by residents in answer to queries dotrina." (Relacion de las cosas propounded by government. These que S. M. deve proveer para los queries, while their great object is reynos del Peru, embiada desde los to ascertain the nature of existing Reyes a la Corte por el Licenciado abuses, and to invite the suggestion Martel Santoyo, de quien va firma- of remedies, are often directed to da en principios de 1512, MS.) the laws and usages of the ancient Ch. VII.] CODE FOR THE COLONIES. 251 In 1541, Charles the Fifth, who had been much occupied by the affairs of Germany, revisited his an cestral dominions, where his attention was impera tively called to the state of the colonies. Several memorials in relation to it were laid before him ; but no one pressed the matter so strongly on the royal conscience as Las Casas, afterwards Bish op of Chiapa. This good ecclesiastic, whose long life had been devoted to those benevolent labors which gained him the honorable title of Protector of the Indians, had just completed his celebrated treatise on the Destruction of the Indies, the most remarkable record, probably, to be found, of human wickedness, but which, unfortunately, loses much of its effect from the credulity of the writer, and his obvious tendency to exaggerate. In 1542, Las Casas placed his manuscript in the hands of his royal master. That same year, a coun cil was called at Valladolid, composed chiefly of jurists and theologians, to devise a system of laws for the regulation of the American colonies. Las Casas appeared before this body, and made an elaborate argument, of which a part only has Incas. The responses, therefore, reports without a deep conviction are of great value to the historical of the pains taken by the Crown inquirer. The most important of to ascertain the nature of the abuses these documents in my possession in the domestic government of the is that by Ondegardo, governor of colonies, and their honest purpose Cuzco, covering near four hundred to amend them. Unfortunately, folio pages, once forming part of in this laudable purpose they were Lord Kingsborough's valuable col- not often seconded by the colonists ection. It is impossible to peruse themselves. these elaborate and conscientious 252 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. been given to the public. He there assumes, as a fundamental proposition, that the Indians were by the law of nature free ; that, as vassals of the Crown, they had a right to its protection, and should be declared free from that time, without exception and for ever.10 He sustains this proposition by a great variety of arguments, comprehending the sub stance of most that has been since urged in the same cause by the friends of humanity. He touch es on the ground of expediency, showing, that, without the interference of government, the Indian race must be gradually exterminated by the syste matic oppression of the Spaniards. In conclusion, he maintains, that, if the Indians, as it was pre tended, would not labor unless compelled, the white man would still find it for his interest to cultivate the soil ; and that if he should not be able to do so, that circumstance would give him no right over the Indian, since God does not allow evil that good may come of it.11 — This lofty morality, it will be re- 10 The perpetual emancipation servicios, dandolos por causa para of the Indians is urged in the most que los dexen servir de los indios emphatic manner by another bishop, como de esclavos : V. M. se los also a Dominican, but bearing cer- tiene mui bien pagados en los pro- tainly very little resemblance to Las vechos que han avido desta tierra, Casas. Fray Valverde makes this y no los ha de pagar con hazer a one of the prominent topics in a sus vasallos esclavos." Carta de communication, already cited, to the Valverde al Emperador, MS. government, the general scope of n " La loi de Dieu defend de which must be admitted to do more faire le mal pour qu'il en resulte credit to his humanity than some dubien." (Euvres de Las Casas, of the passages recorded of him in eveque de Chiapa, trad, par Llo- history. — " A V. M. representa- rente, (Paris, 1822,) tom. I. p. ran alia los conquistadores muchos 251. Ch. VII.] CODE FOR THE COLONIES. 253 membered, was from the lips of a Dominican, in the sixteenth century, one of the order that founded the Inquisition, and in the very country where the fiery tribunal was then in most active operation ! 12 The arguments of Las Casas encountered all the opposition naturally to be expected from indiffer ence, selfishness, and bigotry. They were also re sisted by some persons of just and benevolent views in his audience, who, while they admitted the gen eral correctness of his reasoning, and felt deep sym pathy for the wrongs of the natives, yet doubted whether his scheme of reform was not fraught with greater evils than those it was intended to correct. For Las Casas was the uncompromising friend of freedom. He intrenched himself strongly on the ground of natural right ; and, like some of the re formers of our own day, disdained to calculate the consequences of carrying out the principle to its full and unqualified extent. His earnest eloquence, in stinct with the generous love of humanity, and for tified by a host of facts, which it was not easy to assail, prevailed over his auditors. The result of their deliberations was a code of ordinances, which, however, far from being limited to the wants of the 12 It is a curious coincidence, ics of such interest to humanity, that this argument of Las Casas should not have been more freely should have been first published — consulted, or at least cited, by in a translated form, indeed — by those who have since trod in his a secretary of the Inquisition, footsteps. They are an arsenal Llorente. The original still re- from which many a serviceable mains in MS. It is singular that weapon for the good cause might these volumes, containing the views be borrowed. of this great philanthropist on top- 254 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. natives, had particular reference to the European population, and the distractions of the country. It was of general application to all the American colonies. It will be necessary here only to point out some of the provisions having immediate refer ence to Peru. The Indians were declared true and loyal vassals of the Crown, and their freedom as such was fully recognized. Yet, to maintain inviolate the guaran ty of the government to the Conquerors, it was de cided, that those lawfully possessed of slaves might still retain them ; but, at the death of the present proprietors, they were to revert to the Crown. It was provided, however, that slaves, in any event, should be forfeited by all those who had shown themselves unworthy to hold them by neglect or ill-usage ; by all public functionaries, or such as had held offices under the government ; by eccle siastics and religious corporations ; and lastly, — a sweeping clause, — by all who had taken a criminal part in the feuds of Almagro and Pizarro. It was further ordered, that the Indians should be moderately taxed ; that they should not be compelled to labor where they did not choose, and that where, from particular circumstances, this was made neces sary, they should receive a fair compensation. It was also decreed, that, as the repartimientos of land were often excessive, they should in such cases be reduced ; and that, where proprietors had been guilty of a notorious abuse of their slaves, their estates should be forfeited altogether. Ch. VII.] CODE FOR THE COLONIES. 255 As Peru had always shown a spirit of insubordi nation, which required a more vigorous interposition of authority than was necessary in the other colo nies, it was resolved to send a viceroy to that coun try, who should display a state, and be armed with powers, that might make him a more fitting repre sentative of the sovereign. He was to be accom panied by a Royal Audience, consisting of four judges, with extensive powers of jurisdiction, both criminal and civil, who, besides a court of justice, should constitute a sort of council to advise with and aid the viceroy. The Audience of Panama was to be dissolved, and the new tribunal, with the vice- king's court, was to be established at Los Reyes, or Lima, as it now began to be called, — henceforth the metropolis of the Spanish empire on the Pacific.13 Such were some of the principal features of this remarkable code, which, touching on the most del icate relations of society, broke up the very founda tions of property, and, by a stroke of the pen, as it were, converted a nation of slaves into freemen. It would have required, we may suppose, but little forecast to divine, that in the remote regions of America, and especially in Peru, where the colo nists had been hitherto accustomed to unbounded license, a reform, so salutary in essential points, could be enforced thus summarily only at the price 13 The provisions of this cele- writers. Herrera gives them in brated code are to be found, with extenso. Hist. General, dec. 7, more or less — generally less — ac- lib. 6, cap. 5. curacy, in the various contemporary 256 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. of a revolution. — Yet the ordinances received the sanction of the emperor that same year, and in November, 1543, were published at Madrid.14 No sooner was their import known than it was conveyed by numerous letters to the colonists, from their friends in Spain. The tidings flew like wild fire over the land, from Mexico to Chili. Men were astounded at the prospect of the ruin that awaited them, In Peru, particularly, there was scarcely one that could hope to escape the operation of the law. Few there were who had not taken part, at some time or other, in the civil feuds of Almagro and Pizarro ; and still fewer of those that remained that would not be entangled in some one or other of the insidious clauses that seemed spread out, like a web, to ensnare them. The whole country was thrown into commotion. Men assembled tumultuousry in the squares and public places, and, as the regulations were made known, they were received with universal groans and hisses. " Is this the fruit," they cried, " of all our toil ? Is it for this that we have poured out our blood like water ? Now that we are broken down by hardships and sufferings, to be left at the end of our campaigns as poor as at the beginning ! Is this the way government rewards our services in 14 Las Casas pressed the matter elusive condition of converting the home on the royal conscience, by heathen, and that the Almighty representing that the Papal See would hold him accountable for the conceded the right of conquest to execution of this trust. CEuvres the Spanish sovereigns on the ex- de Las Casas, ubi supra. Ch. VII.] GREAT EXCITEMENT IN PERU. 257 winning for it an empire ? The government has done little to aid us in making the conquest, and for what we have we may thank our own good swords ; and with these same swords," they continued, warming into menace, " we know how to defend it." Then, stripping up his sleeve, the war-worn veteran bared his arm, or, exposing his naked bosom, pointed to his scars, as the best title to his estates.15 The governor, Vaca de Castro, watched the storm thus gathering from all quarters, with the deepest concern. He was himself in the very heart of dis affection ; for Cuzco, tenanted by a mixed and law less population, was so far removed into the depths of the mountains, that it had much less intercourse with the parent country, and was consequently much less under her influence, than the great towns on the coast. The people now invoked the govern or to protect them against the tyranny of the Court ; but he endeavoured to calm the agitation by repre senting, that by these violent measures they would only defeat their own object. He counselled them to name deputies to lay their petition before the 15 Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a reduce the country to beggary. Pedro de Valdivia, MS., desde Los Benalcazar was a conqueror, and Reyes, 31 deOct., 1538. — Zarate, one of the most respectable of his Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 1.— caste. His argument is a good Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, specimen of the reasoning of his lib. 6, cap. 10, 11. party on this subject, and presents Benalcazar, in a letter to Charles a decided counterblast to that of the Fifth, indulges in a strain of Las Casas. Carta de Benalcazar al invective against the ordinances, EmpeTador, MS., desde Cali, 20 which, by stripping the planters of de Diciembre, 1544. their Indian slaves, must inevitably vol. ii. 33 258 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Crown, stating the impracticability of the present scheme of reform, and praying for the repeal of it ; and he conjured them to wait patiently for the ar rival of the viceroy, who might be prevailed on to suspend the ordinances till further advices could be received from Castile. But it was not easy to still the tempest ; and the people now eagerly looked for some one whose in terests and sympathies might lie with theirs, and whose position in the community might afford them protection. The person to whom they naturally turned in this crisis was Gonzalo Pizarro, the last in the land of that family who had led the armies of the Conquest, — a cavalier whose gallantry and pop ular manners had made him always a favorite with the people. He was now beset with applications to interpose in their behalf with the government, and shield them from the oppressive ordinances. But Gonzalo Pizarro was at Charcas, busily occu pied in exploring the rich veins of Potosi, whose silver fountains, just brought into light, were soon to pour such streams of wealth over Europe. Though gratified with this appeal to his protection, the cautious cavalier was more intent on providing for the means of enterprise than on plunging pre maturely into it ; and, while he secretly encouraged the malecontents, he did not commit himself by tak ing part in any revolutionary movement. At the same period, he received letters from Vaca de Cas tro, — whose vigilant eye watched all the aspects of the time, — cautioning Gonzalo and his friends not Ch. VII.] BLASCO NUNEZ THE VICEROY. 259 to be seduced, by any wild schemes of reform, from their allegiance. And, to check still further these disorderly movements, he ordered his alcaldes to arrest every man guilty of seditious language, and bring him at once to punishment. By this firm yet temperate conduct the minds of the populace were overawed, and there was a temporary lull in the troubled waters, while all looked anxiously for the coming of the viceroy.16 The person selected for this critical post was a knight of Avila, named Blasco Nunez Vela. He was a cavalier of ancient family, handsome in per son, though now somewhat advanced in years, and reputed brave and devout. He had filled some offices of responsibility to the satisfaction of Charles the Fifth, by whom he was now appointed to this post in Peru. The selection did no credit to the monarch's discernment. It may seem strange that this important place should not have been bestowed on Vaca de Castro, already on the spot, and who had shown himself so well qualified to fill it. But ever since that officer's mission to Peru, there had been a series of assassinations, insurrections, and civil wars, that menaced the wretched colony with ruin ; and, though his wise administration had now brought things into order, the communication with the In dies was so tardy, that the results of his policy were 16 Ibid., ubi supra. — Zarate, Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Val- Conq. del Peru, ubi supra. — Pedro divia, MS. — Montesinos, Annales, Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — MS., ano 1543. 260 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. not yet fully disclosed. As it was designed, more over, to make important innovations in the govern ment, it was thought better to send some one who would have no personal prejudices to encounter, from the part he had already taken, and who, coming directly from the Court, and clothed with extraordinary powers, might present himself with greater authority than could one who had become familiar to the people in an inferior capacity. The monarch, however, wrote a letter with his own hand to Vaca de Castro, in which he thanked that officer for his past services, and directed him, after aiding the new viceroy with the fruits of his large experience, to return to Castile, and take his seat in the Royal Council. Letters of a similar compli mentary kind were sent to the loyal colonists who had stood by the governor in the late troubles of the country. Freighted with these testimonials, and with the ill-starred ordinances, Blasco Nunez em barked at San Lucar, on the 3d of November, 1543. He was attended by the four judges of the Au dience, and by a numerous retinue, that he might appear in the state befitting his distinguished rank.17 About the middle of the following January, 1544, the viceroy, after a favorable passage, landed at Nombre de Dios. He found there a vessel laden with silver from the Peruvian mines, ready to sail for Spain. His first act was to lay an embargo on " Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte Valdivia, MS. — Herrera, Hist. 1, lib. 1, cap. 6. —Zarate, MS. General, dec. 7, lib. 6, cap. 9. — Ch. VII.] HIS SEVERE POLICY. 261 it for the government, as containing the proceeds of slave labor. After this extraordinary measure, taken in opposition to the advice of the Audience, he crossed the Isthmus to Panama. Here he gave sure token of his future policy, by causing more than three hundred Indians, who had been brought by their owners from Peru, to be liberated and sent back to their own country. This high-handed measure created the greatest sensation in the city, and was strongly resisted by the judges of the Audi ence. They besought him not to begin thus precipi tately to execute his commission, but to wait till his arrival in the colony, when he should have taken time to acquaint himself somewhat with the country, and with the temper of the people. But Blasco Nufiez coldly replied, that "he had come, not to tamper with the laws, nor to discuss their merits, but to execute them, — and execute them he would, to the letter, whatever might be the consequence.'118 This answer, and the peremptory tone in which it was delivered, promptly adjourned the debate ; for the judges saw that debate was useless with one who seemed to consider all remonstrance as an at tempt to turn him from his duty, and whose ideas of duty precluded all discretionary exercise of au thority, even where the public good demanded it. Is " Estas y otras cosas le dixo de executar las ordenan§as como el Licenciado Carate : que no fueron en ellas se contenia : sin esperar al gusto del Virey : antes se enojo para ello terminos algunos, ni dila- mucho por ello, y respondio con ciones." Fernandez, Hist, del alguna aspereza : jurando, que auia Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 6, 262 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Leaving the Audience, as one of its body was ill, at Panama, the viceroy proceeded on his way, and, coasting down the shores of the Pacific, on the fourth of March he disembarked at Tumbez. He was well received by the loyal inhabitants ; his authority was publicly proclaimed, and the people were over awed by the display of a magnificence and state such as had not till then been seen in Peru. He took an early occasion to intimate his future line of policy by liberating a number of Indian slaves on the application of their caciques. He then proceed ed by land towards the south, and showed his deter mination to conform in his own person to the strict letter of the ordinances, by causing his baggage to be carried by mules, where it was practicable ; and where absolutely necessary to make use of Indians, he paid them fairly for their services.19 The whole country was thrown into consternation by reports of the proceedings of the viceroy, and of his conversations, most unguarded, which were eagerly circulated, and, no doubt, often exagger ated. Meetings were again called in the cities. Discussions were held on the expediency of resisting his further progress, and a deputation of citizens from Cuzco, who were then in Lima, strongly urged the people to close the gates of that capital against him. But Vaca de Castro had also left Cuzco for the latter city, on the earliest intimation of the vice- 19 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. zalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. — 5, cap. 2. — Fernandez, Hist, del Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano Peru, ubi supra. — Carta de Gon- 1544. Ch. VII.] OPPOSED BY GONZALO PIZARRO. 263 roy's approach, and, with some difficulty, he pre vailed on the inhabitants not to swerve from their loyalty, but to receive their new ruler with suitable honors, and trust to his calmer judgment for post poning the execution of the law till the case could be laid before the throne. But the great body of the Spaniards, after what they had heard, had slender confidence in the relief to be obtained from this quarter. They now turned with more eagerness than ever towards Gonzalo Pi zarro ; and letters and addresses poured in upon him from all parts of the country, inviting him to take on himself the office of their protector. These applica tions found a more favorable response than on the former occasion. There were, indeed, many motives at work to call Gonzalo into action. It was to his family, mainly, that Spain was indebted for this extension of her colonial empire ; and he had felt deeply ag grieved that the government of the colony should be trusted to other hands than his. He had felt this on the arrival of Vaca de Castro, and much more so when the appointment of a viceroy proved it to be the settled policy of the Crown to exclude his family from the management of affairs. His brother Hernando still languished in prison, and he himself was now to be sacrificed as the principal victim of the fatal ordinances. For who had taken so promi nent a part in the civil war with the elder Almagro ? And the viceroy was currently reported — it may have been scandal — to have intimated that Pizarro 264 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. would be dealt with accordingly.20 Yet there was no one in the country who had so great a stake, who had so much to lose by the revolution. Abandoned thus by the government, he conceived that it was now time to take care of himself. Assembling together some eighteen or twenty cavaliers in whom he most trusted, and taking a large amount of silver, drawn from the mines, he accepted the invitation to repair to Cuzco. As he approached this capital, he was met by a numer ous body of the citizens, who came out to welcome him, making the air ring with their shouts, as they saluted him with the title of Procurator-General of Peru. The title was speedily confirmed by the mu nicipality of the city, who invited him to head a deputation to Lima, in order to state their griev ances to the viceroy, and solicit the present suspen sion of the ordinances. But the spark of ambition was kindled in the bosom of Pizarro. He felt strong in the affections of the people ; and, from the more elevated position in which he now stood, his desires took a loftier and 20 " It was not fair," the viceroy dos en la batalla de las Salinas i en said, " that the country should re- las diferencias de Almagro, i que main longer in the hands of mulet- una tierra como esta no era justo eers and swineherds, (alluding to que estuviese en poder de gente the origin of the Pizarros,) and he tan vaxa que llamava el a los desta would take measures to restore it tierra porqueros i arrieros, sino que to the Crown." estuviese toda en la Corona real." ' ' Que asi me la havia de cortar Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdi- amiia todos los que havian seido via, MS. notablemente, como el decia, culpa- Ch. VII.] OPPOSED BY GONZALO PIZARRO. 265 more unbounded range. Yet, if he harboured a criminal ambition in his breast, he skilfully veiled it from others, — perhaps from himself. The only ob ject he professed to have in view was the good of the people ; 21 a suspicious phrase, usually meaning the good of the individual. He now demanded permission to raise and organize an armed force, with the further title of Captain-General. His views were entirely pacific ; but it was not safe, un less strongly protected, to urge them on a person of the viceroy's impatient and arbitrary temper. It was further contended by Pizarro's friends, that such a force was demanded, to rid the country of their old enemy, the Inca Manco, who hovered in the neighbouring mountains with a body of warriors, ready, at the first opportunity, to descend on the Spaniards. The municipality of Cuzco hesitated, as well it might, to confer powers so far beyond its legitimate authority. But Pizarro avowed his pur pose, in case of refusal, to decline the office of Pro curator ; and the efforts of his partisans, backed by those of the people, at length silenced the scruples of the magistrates, who bestowed on the ambitious chief the military command to which he aspired. Pizarro accepted it with the modest assurance, that he did so " purely from regard to the inter ests of the king, of the Indies, and, above all, of Peru " ! 22 21 " Diciendo que no queria na- rera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 7, da para si, sino para el beneficio cap. 20. universal, i que por todos havia de & " Acepte lo por ver que en poner todas sus fuercas." Her- ello hacia servicio a Dios i a S. M. VOL. II. 34 266 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. i gran bien a esta tierra i general- mente a todas las Indias." Car ta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 7, cap. 19, 20. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 4, 8. — Fer nandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 8. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. — Mon tesinos, Annales, MS., afio 1544. CHAPTER VIII. The Viceroy arrives at Lima. — Gonzalo Pizarro marches from Cuzco. — Death of the Inca Manco. — Rash Conduct of the Viceroy. — Seized and deposed by the Audience. — Gon zalo PROCLAIMED GOVERNOR OF PERU. 1544. While the events recorded in the preceding pages were in progress, Blasco Nunez had been journeying towards Lima. But the alienation which his conduct had already caused in the minds of the colonists was shown in the cold reception which he occasionally experienced on the route, and in the scanty accommodations provided for him and his retinue. In one place where he took up his quar ters, he found an ominous inscription over the door : — " He that takes my property must expect to pay for it with his life." ' Neither daunted, nor diverted from his purpose, the inflexible viceroy held on his way towards the capital, where the inhabitants, pre ceded by Vaca de Castro and the municipal authori ties, came out to receive him. He entered in great state, under a canopy of crimson cloth, embroidered with the arms of Spain, and supported by stout poles 1 "A quien me viniere a quitar Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 7, mi hacienda, quitarle he la vida." lib. 7, cap. 18. 268 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. or staves of solid silver, which were borne by the members of the municipality. A cavalier, holding a mace, the emblem of authority, rode before him ; and after the oaths of office were administered in the council-chamber, the procession moved towards the cathedral, where Te Deum was sung, and Blasco Nunez was installed in his new dignity of viceroy of Peru.2 His first act was to proclaim his determination in respect to the ordinances. He had no warrant to suspend their execution. He should fulfil his com mission ; but he offered to join the colonists in a memorial to the emperor, soliciting the repeal of a code which he now believed would be for the in terests neither of the country nor of the Crown.3 With this avowed view of the subject, it may seem strange that Blasco Nunez should not have taken 2 " Entro en la cibdad de Lima de las guardar y cumplir todas sus a 17 de Mayo de 1544 : saliole a libertades y provisiones de S. M. ; recibir todo el pueblo a pie y a y luego fueron desta manera hasta caballo dos tiros de ballesta del la iglesia, salieron los clerigos con pueblo, y a la entrada de la cibdad la cruz a la puerta y le metieron estaba un arco triunfal de verde dentro cantando Te deum laudamus, con las Armas de Espafia, y las y despues que obo dicho su oracion, de la misma cibdad ; estaban le fue con el cabildo y toda la ciudad esperando el Regimiento y Justi- a su palacio donde fue recebido y cia, y oficiales del Rey con ropas hizo un parlamento breve en que largas, hasta en pies de carmesi, contento a toda la gente." Rela- y un palio del mesmo carmesi cion de los sucesos del Peru desde aforrado en lo mesmo, con ocho que entro el virrey Blasco Nunez baras guarnecidas de plata y toma- acaecidos en mar y tierra, MS. ronle debajo todos a pie, cada Re- 3 " Porque llanamente el confe- gidor y justicia con una bara del saba, que asi para su Magestad, palio, y el Virrey en su caballo como para aquellos Reinos, eran con las mazas delante tomaronle perjudiciales." Zarate, Conq. del juramento en un libro misal, y juro Peru, lib. 5, cap. 5. Ch. VIII.] GONZALO PIZARRO MARCHES FROM CUZCO. 269 the responsibility of suspending the law until his sovereign could be assured of the inevitable conse quences of enforcing it. The pacha of a Turkish despot, who had allowed himself this latitude for the interests of his master, might, indeed, have reckoned on the bowstring. But the example of Mendoza, the prudent viceroy of Mexico, who adopted this course in a similar crisis, and precisely at the same period, showed its propriety under existing circum stances. The ordinances were suspended by him till the Crown could be warned of the consequences of enforcing them, — and Mexico was saved from revolution.4 But Blasco Nunez had not the wisdom of Mendoza. The public apprehension was now far from being allayed. Secret cabals were formed in Lima, and communications held with the different towns. No distrust, however, was raised in the breast of the viceroy, and, when informed of the preparations of Gonzalo Pizarro, he took no other step than to send a message to his camp, announcing the extraordinary powers with which he was himself invested, and requiring that chief to disband his forces. He seemed to think that a mere word from him would be sufficient to dissipate rebellion. But it required more than a breath to scatter the iron soldiery of Peru. Gonzalo Pizarro, meanwhile, was busily occu pied in mustering his army. His first step was to 4 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 2-5. 270 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. order from Guamanga sixteen pieces of artillery, sent there by Vaca de Castro, who, in the present state of excitement, was unwilling to trust the vola tile people of Cuzco with these implements of de struction. Gonzalo, who had no scruples as to Indian labor, appropriated six thousand of the na tives to the service of transporting this train of ordnance across the mountains.5 By his exertions and those of his friends, the active chief soon mustered a force of nearly four hundred men, which, if not very imposing in the outset, he conceived would be swelled, in his descent to the coast, by tributary levies from the towns and villages on the way. All his own funds were ex pended in equipping his men and providing for the march ; and, to supply deficiencies, he made no scruple — since, to use his words, it was for the public interest — to appropriate the moneys in the royal treasury. With this seasonable aid, his troops, well mounted and thoroughly equipped, were put in excellent fighting order ; and, after making them a brief harangue, in which he was careful to insist on the pacific character of his enterprise, somewhat at variance with its military preparations, Gonzalo Pizarro sallied forth from the gates of the capital. Before leaving it, he received an important acces sion of strength in the person of Francisco de Car bajal, the veteran who performed so conspicuous a part in the battle of Chupas. He was at Charcas 5 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 8. Ch. VIII.] DEATH OF THE INCA MANCO. 271 when the news of the ordinances reached Peru ; and he instantly resolved to quit the country and re turn to Spain, convinced that the New World would be no longer the land for him, — no longer the golden Indies. Turning his effects into money, he prepared to embark them on board the first ship that offered. But no opportunity occurred, and he could have little expectation now of escaping the vigilant eye of the viceroy. Yet, though solicited by Pizar ro to take command under him in the present expe dition, the veteran declined, saying, he was eighty years old, and had no wish but to return home, and spend his few remaining days in quiet.6 Well had it been for him, had he persisted in his refusal. But he yielded to the importunities of his friend ; and the short space that yet remained to him of life proved long enough to brand his memory with per petual infamy. Soon after quitting Cuzco, Pizarro learned the death of the Inca Manco. He was massacred by a party of Spaniards, of the faction of Almagro, who, on the defeat of their young leader, had taken ref uge in the Indian camp. They, in turn, were all slain by the Peruvians. It is impossible to deter mine on whom the blame of the quarrel should rest, since no one present at the time has recorded it.7 The death of Manco Inca, as he was com monly called, is an event not to be silently passed § Herrera, Hist. General, dec. Conq., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. 7, lib. 7, cap. 22. Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 7. 7 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 272 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. over in Peruvian history ; for he was the last of his race that may be said to have been animated by the heroic spirit of the ancient Incas. Though placed on the throne by Pizarro, far from remaining a mere puppet in his hands, Manco soon showed that his lot was not to be cast with that of his conquerors. With the ancient institutions of his country lying a wreck around him, he yet struggled bravely, like Guatemozin, the last of the Aztecs, to uphold her tottering fortunes, or to bury his oppres sors under her ruins. By the assault on his own capital of Cuzco, in which so large a portion of it was demolished, he gave a check to the arms of Pizarro, and, for a season, the fate of the Con querors trembled in the balance. Though foiled, in the end, by the superior science of his adversary, the young barbarian still showed the same uncon querable spirit as before. He withdrew into the fastnesses of his native mountains, whence sallying forth as occasion offered, he fell on the caravan of the traveller, or on some scattered party of the mili tary ; and, in the event of a civil war, was sure to throw his own weight into the weaker scale, thus prolonging the contest of his enemies, and feeding his revenge by the sight of their calamities. Mov ing lightly from spot to spot, he eluded pursuit amidst the wilds of the Cordilleras ; and, hovering in the neighbourhood of the towns, or lying in am bush on the great thoroughfares 'of the country, the Inca Manco made his name a terror to the Spaniards. Often did they hold out to him terms Ch. VIII.] DEATH OF THE INCA MANCO. 273 of accommodation ; and every succeeding ruler, down to Blasco Nunez, bore instructions from the Crown to employ every art to conciliate the formi dable warrior. But Manco did not trust the promises of the white man ; and he chose rather to maintain his savage independence in the mountains, with the few brave spirits around him, than to live a slave in the land which had once owned the sway of his ancestors. The death of the Inca removed one of the great pretexts for Gonzalo Pizarro's military preparations ; but it had little influence on him, as may be readily imagined. He was much more sensible to the de sertion of some of his followers, which took place early on the march. Several of the cavaliers of Cuzco, startled by his unceremonious appropriation of the public moneys, and by the belligerent aspect of affairs, now for the first time seemed to realize that they were in the path of rebellion. A number of these, including some principal men of the city, secretly withdrew from the army, and, hasten ing to Lima, offered their services to the viceroy. The troops were disheartened by this desertion, and even Pizarro for a moment faltered in his purpose, and thought of retiring with some fifty followers to Charcas, . and there making his composition with government. But a little reflection, aided by the re monstrances of the courageous Carbajal, who never turned his back on an enterprise which he had once assumed, convinced him that he had gone too far to recede, — that his only safety was to advance. vol. II. 35 274 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. He was reassured by more decided manifesta tions, which he soon after received, of the public opinion. An officer named Puelles, who command ed at Guanuco, joined him, with a body of horse with which he had been intrusted by the viceroy. This defection was followed by that of others, and Gonzalo, as he descended the sides of the table-land, found his numbers gradually swelled to nearly dou ble the amount with which he had left the Indian capital. As he traversed with a freer step the bloody field of Chupas, Carbajal pointed out the various locali ties of the battle-ground, and Pizarro might have found food for anxious reflection, as he meditated on the fortunes of a rebel. At Guamanga he was received with open arms by the inhabitants, many of whom eagerly enlisted under his banner ; for they trembled for their property, as they heard from all quarters of the inflexible temper of the viceroy.8 That functionary began now to be convinced that he was in a critical position. Before Puelles's treachery, above noticed, had been consummated, the viceroy had received some vague intimation of his purpose. Though scarcely crediting it, he detached one of his company, named Diaz, with a force to in tercept him. But, although that cavalier undertook the mission with alacrity, he was soon after pre- 8 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 5-9. — Carta Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 14, 16. — Za- de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, rate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. MS. — Relacion de los Sucesos 9, 10.— Herrera, Hist. General, del Peru, MS. Ch. VIII.] RASH CONDUCT OF THE VICEROY. 275 vailed on to follow the example of his comrade, and, with the greater part of the mea under his com mand, went over to the enemy. In the civil feuds of this unhappy land, parties changed sides so light ly, that treachery to a commander had almost ceased to be a stain on the honor of a cavalier. Yet all, on whichever side they cast their fortunes, loudly proclaimed their loyalty to the Crown. Thus betrayed by his own men, by those ap parently most devoted to his service, Blasco Nunez became suspicious of every one around him. Unfor tunately, his suspicions fell on some who were most deserving of his confidence. Among these was his predecessor, Vaca de Castro. That officer had con ducted himself, in the delicate situation in which he had been placed, with his usual discretion, and with perfect integrity and honor. He had frankly com municated with the viceroy, and well had it been for Blasco Nuiiez, if he had known how to profit by it. But he was too much puffed up by the arro gance of office, and by the conceit of his own su perior wisdom, to defer much to the counsels of his experienced predecessor. The latter was now sus pected by the viceroy of maintaining a secret cor respondence with his enemies at Cuzco, — a sus picion which seems to have had no better foundation than the personal friendship which Vaca de Castro was known to entertain for these individuals. But, with Blasco Nunez, to suspect was to be convinced ; and he ordered De Castro to be placed under ar rest, and confined on board of a vessel lying in 276 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. the harbour. This high-handed measure was fol lowed by the arrest and imprisonment of several other cavaliers, probably on grounds equally frivo lous.9 He now turned his attention towards the enemy. Notwithstanding his former failure, he still did not altogether despair of effecting something by nego tiation, and he sent another embassy, having the bishop of Lima at its head, to Gonzalo Pizarro's camp, with promises of a general amnesty, and some proposals of a more tempting character to the commander. But this step, while it proclaimed his own weakness, had no better success than the pre ceding.10 The viceroy now vigorously prepared for war. His first care was to put the capital in a posture of defence, by strengthening its fortifications, and throwing barricades across the streets. He ordered a general enrolment of the citizens, and called in levies from the neighbouring towns, — a call not very promptly answered. A squadron of eight or ten vessels was got ready in the port to act in con cert with the land forces. The bells were taken from the churches, and used in the manufacture of muskets ; " and funds were procured from the 9 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, lest his presence should shake the cap. 3. —Pedro Pizarro, Descub. constancy of the soldiers. (See y Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist. Relacion de los Sucesos del Peru, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 10. MS.) The account occupies more 1° Loaysa, the bishop, was space than it deserves in most of robbed of his despatches, and not the authorities. even allowed to enter the camp, u " Hico hacer gran Copia de Ch. VIII.] RASH CONDUCT OF THE VICEROY. 277 fifths which had accumulated in the royal treasury. The most extravagant bounty was offered to the sol diers, and prices were paid for mules and horses, which showed that gold, or rather silver, was the commodity of least value in Peru.12 By these ef forts, the active commander soon assembled a force considerably larger than that of his adversary. But how could he confide in it ? While these preparations were going forward, the judges of the Audience arrived at Lima. They had shown, throughout their progress, no great re spect either for the ordinances, or the will of the viceroy ; for they had taxed the poor natives as free ly and unscrupulously as any of the Conquerors. We have seen the entire want of cordiality subsist ing between them and their principal in Panama. It became more apparent, on their landing at Lima. They disapproved of his proceedings in every par ticular ; of his refusal to suspend the ordinances, — although, in fact, he had found no opportunity, of late, to enforce them ; of his preparations for de fence, declaring that he ought rather trust to the effect of negotiation ; and, finally, of his imprison- Arcabuces, asi de Hierro, como de Hacienda Real, treinta i cinco Ma- Fundicion, de ciertas Campanas de chos, en que hiciesen la Jornada, la Iglesia Maior, que para ello que costaron mas de doce mil du- quito." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, cados." (Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 6. lib. 5, cap. 10.) The South- 12 Blasco Nufiez paid, according American of our day might well to Zarate, who had the means of be surprised at such prices for ani- knowing, twelve thousand ducats mals since so abundant in his coun- for thirty-five mules. — "El Vi- try. sorrei les mand6 comprar, de la 278 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. ment of so many loyal cavaliers, which they pro nounced an arbitrary act, altogether beyond the bounds of his authority; and they did not scruple to visit the prison in person, and discharge the cap tives from their confinement.13 This bold proceeding, while it conciliated the good-will of the people, severed, at once, all rela tions with the viceroy. There was in the Au dience a lawyer, named Cepeda, a cunning, am bitious man, with considerable knowledge in the way of his profession, and with still greater talent for intrigue. He did not disdain the low arts of a demagogue to gain the favor of the populace, and trusted to find his own account in fomenting a mis understanding with Blasco Nunez. The latter, it must be confessed, did all in his power to aid his counsellor in this laudable design. A certain cavalier in the place, named Suarez de Carbajal, who had long held an office under gov ernment, fell under the viceroy's displeasure, on suspicion of conniving at the secession of some of his kinsmen, who had lately taken part with the malecontents. The viceroy summoned Carbajal to attend him at his palace, late at night ; and when conducted to his presence, he bluntly charged him with treason. The latter stoutly denied the ac cusation, in tones as haughty as those of his ac cuser. The altercation grew warm, until, in the 13 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, 2, 10. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 10. — Herrera, a Valdivia, MS. Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. Ch. VIII.] RASH CONDUCT OF THE VICEROY. 279 heat of passion, Blasco Nunez struck him with his poniard. In an instant, the attendants, taking this as a signal, plunged their swords into the body of the unfortunate man, who fell lifeless on the floor.14 Gready alarmed for the consequences of his rash act, — for Carbajal was much beloved in Lima, — •Blasco Nunez ordered the corpse of the murdered man to be removed by a private stairway from the house, and carried to the cathedral, where, rolled in his bloody cloak, it was laid in a ffrave hastily dug to receive it. So tragic a proceeding, known to so many witnesses, could not long be kept secret. \ ague rumors of the fact explained the mysterious disappearance of Carbajal. The grave was opened. and the mangled remains of the slaughtered cavalier established the guilt of the viceroy.15 From this hour Blasco Nunez was held in univer sal abhorrence : and his crime, in this instance, 14 "He struck him in the bosom prudent to qualify his remark be- with his dagger, as some say. but fore publication. — "They say," the viceroy denies it." — So says says another contemporary, familiar Zarate. in the printed copy of his with these events and friendly to historv. (Lib. 5. cap. 11.) In the the viceroy, •¦'that he gave him original manuscript of this work, still several wounds with his dagger.'' extant at Simancas. he states the And he makes no attempt to refute fact without anv qualification at all. the charge. (Relacion de los Su- '• Luego el dicho Virrei echo mano cesos del Peru, MS.i Indeed, this a una daga, i arremetio con el, i le version of the story seems to have dio una pufialada, i a grandes voces been generally received at the time mando que le matasen." (Zarate, by those who had the best means MS. ) This was doubtless his of knowing the truth. honest conviction, when on the 15 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, ubi spot soon after the event occurred, supra. The politic historian thought i; 280 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. assumed the deeper dye of ingratitude, since the deceased was known to have had the greatest in fluence in reconciling the citizens early to his gov ernment. No one knew where the blow would fall next, or how soon he might himself become the vic tim of the ungovernable passions of the viceroy. In this state of things, some looked to the Audi ence, and yet more to Gonzalo Pizarro, to protect them. That chief was slowly advancing towards Lima, from which, indeed, he was removed but a few days' march. Greatly perplexed, Blasco Nunez now felt the loneliness of his condition. Standing aloof, as it were, from his own followers, thwarted by the Audience, betrayed by his soldiers, he might well feel the consequences of his misconduct. Yet there seemed no other course for him, but either to march out and meet the enemy, or to remain in Lima and defend it. He had placed the town in a posture of defence, which argued this last to have been his original purpose. But he felt he could no longer rely on his troops, and he decided on a third course, most unexpected. This was to abandon the capital, and withdraw to Truxillo, about eighty leagues distant. The women would embark on board the squadron, and, with the effects of the citizens, be transported by water. The troops, with the rest of the inhabitants, would march by land, laying waste the country as they pro ceeded. Gonzalo Pizarro, when he arrived at Lima, would find it without supplies for his army, and, Ch. VUI.] RASH CONDUCT OF THE VICEROY. 281 thus straitened, he would not care to take a long march across a desert in search of his enemy.16 What the viceroy proposed to effect by this move ment is not clear, unless it were to gain time ; and yet the more time he had gained, thus far, the wrorse it had proved for him. But he was destined to encounter a decided opposition from the judges. They contended that he had no warrant for such an act, and that the Audience could not lawfully hold its sessions out of the capital. Blasco Nunez per sisted in his determination, menacing that body with force, if necessary. The judges appealed to the citi zens to support them in resisting such an arbitrary measure. They mustered a force for their own pro tection, and that same day passed a decree that the viceroy should be arrested. Late at night, Blasco Nufiez was informed of the hostile preparations of the judges. He instantly summoned his followers, to the number of more than two hundred, put on his armour, and prepared to march out at the head of his troops against the Au dience. This was the true course ; for in a crisis like that in which he was placed, requiring prompt ness and decision, the presence of the leader is es sential to insure success. But, unluckily, he yield ed to the remonstrances of his brother and other friends, who dissuaded him from rashly exposing his fife in such a venture. What Blasco Nufiez neglected to do was done by 16 Ibid., lib. 5, cap. 12. — Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 18. VOL. II. 36 282 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. die judges. They sallied forth at the head of their followers, whose number, though small at first, they felt confident would be swelled by volunteers as they advanced. Rushing forward, they cried out, — " Liberty ! Liberty ! Long live the king and the Audience ! " It was early dawn, and the inhabi tants, startled from their slumbers, ran to the win dows and balconies, and, learning the object of the movement, some snatched up their arms and joined in it, while the women, waving their scarfs and kerchiefs, cheered on the assault. When the mob arrived before the viceroy's palace, they halted for a moment, uncertain what to do. Orders were given to fire on them from the win dows, and a volley passed over their heads. No one was injured ; and the greater part of the viceroy's men, with most of the officers, — including some of those who had been so anxious for his personal safety, — now openly joined the populace. The palace was then entered, and abandoned to pillage. Blasco Nuiiez, deserted by all but a few faithful adherents, made no resistance. Tie surrendered to the assailants, was led before the judges, and by them was placed in strict confinement. The citi zens, delighted with the result, provided a collation for the soldiers ; and the affair ended without the loss of a single life. Never was there so bloodless a revolution.17 17 Relacion de los Sucesos del MS. — Podro Pizarro, Descub. y Peru, MS. — Relacion Anonima, Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist. Cu. VIII.] SEIZED AND DEPOSED BY THE AUDIENCE. 283 The first business of the judges was to dispose of the prisoner. He was sent, under a strong guard, to a neighbouring island, till some measures could be taken respecting him. He was declared to be deposed from his office ; a provisional government was established, consisting of their own body, with Cepeda at its head, as president; and its first act was to pronounce the detested ordinances sus pended, till instructions could be received from Court. It was also decided to send Blasco Nuiiez back to Spain with one of their own body, who sliould explain to the emperor the nature of the late disturbances, and vindicate the measures of the Au dience. This was soon put in execution. The Licentiate Alvarez was the person selected to bear the viceroy company ; and the unfortunate com mander, after passing several days on the desolate island, with scarcely any food, and exposed to all the inclemencies of the weather, took his departure for Panama. 1S A more formidable adversary yet remained in dot Pom, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 19. el bien desta tierra. " Carta, MS., — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, ubi supra. cap. 11. — Carta de Gonzalo Pi- IS Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a zarro a Valdivia, MS. Valdivia, MS. — Relacion de los Gonzalo Pizarro devoutly draws Sucesos del Peru, MS. n conclusion from this, that the rev- The story of the seizure of the olution was olearlv brought about viceroy is well told by the writer by the hand of God for the good of the last MS., who seems here, of the land. "E hizoso sin que at least, not unduly biased in favor muriese un hombre, ni fueso herido, of Blasco Nufiez, though a par- como obra quo Dios la guiava para tisan. 284 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Gonzalo Pizarro, who had now advanced to Xauxa, about ninety miles from Lima. Here he halted, while numbers of the citizens prepared to join his banner, choosing rather to take service under him than to remain under the self-constituted authority of the Audience. The judges, meanwhile, who had tasted the sweets of office too short a time to be content to resign them, after considerable delay, sent an embassy to the Procurator. They announced to him the revolution that had taken place, and the suspension of the ordinances. The great object of his mission had been thus accomplished ; and, as a new government was now organized, they called on him to show his obedience to it, by disbanding his forces, and withdrawing to the unmolested enjoy ment of his estates. It was a bold demand, — though couched in the most courteous and compli mentary phrase, — to make of one in Pizarro's po sition. It was attempting to scare away the eagle just ready to stoop on his prey. If the chief had faltered, however, he would have been reassured by his lion-hearted lieutenant. " Never show faint heart," exclaimed the latter, " when you are so near the goal. Success has followed every step of your path. You have now only to stretch forth your hand, and seize the government. Every thing else will follow." — The envoy who brought the message from the judges was sent back with the answer, that " the people had called Gonzalo Pizarro to the government of the country, and, if the Audience did Ch. VIII.] SEIZED AND DEPOSED BY THE AUDIENCE. 285 not at once invest him with it, the city should be delivered up to pillage."' 19 The bewildered magistrates were thrown into dismay by this decisive answer. Yet loth to resign, they took counsel in then perplexitv of Vaca de Castro, still detained on board of one of the vessels. But that commander had received too little favor at the hands of his successors to think it necessary to peril his life on their account by thwarting the plans of Pizarro. He maintained a discreet silence, therefore, and left the matter to the wisdom of the Audience. Meanwhile, Carbajal was sent into the city to quicken their dehberations. He came at night, attended only by a small party of soldiers, intimat ing his contempt of the power of the judges. His first act was to seize a number of cavaliers, whom he draped from their beds, and placed under ar rest. They were men of Cuzco, the same alreadv noticed as having left Pizarro's ranks soon after his departure from that capital. While the Audience still hesitated as to the course they should pursue, Carbajal caused three of his prisoners, persons of consideration and property, to be placed on the backs of mules, and escorted out of town to the suburbs, where, with brief space allowed for con- 19 Zarate, Conq. del Peru. lib. royal comptroller, was the en- 5, cap. 13. Y05 ! not much, as it appears, to It required some courage to carry his own satisfaction. He escaped, the message of the Audience to however, unharmed, and has made Gonzalo and his desperate follow- a full report of the aflair in his ers. The histori.-.n Zarate, the chronicle. 286 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. fession, he hung them all on the branches of a tree. He superintended the execution himself, and taunt ingly complimented one of his victims, by telling him, that, " in consideration of his higher rank, he should have the privilege of selecting the bough on which to be hanged ! " 20 The ferocious officer would have proceeded still further in his executions, it is said, had it not been for orders received from his leader. But enough was done to quicken the perceptions of the Audience as to their course, for they felt their own lives suspended by a thread in such unscrupulous hands. Without further delay, therefore, they sent to invite Gonzalo Pizarro to enter the city, declaring that the security of the country and the general good required the govern ment to be placed in his hands.21 That chief had now advanced within half a ao " Le queria dar su muerte justicia hasta que S. M. proveyese con una preeminencia sefialada, lo que mas a su real servicio con- que escogiese en qual de las Ramas venia. Los Oydores visto que asi de aquel Arbol queria que le col- convenia al servicio de Dios i al gasen." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, de S. M. i al bien destos reynos," lib. 5, cap. 13. — See also Rela- &c. (Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a cion Anonima, MS. — Fernandez, Valdivia, MS.) But Gonzalo's Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 25. account of himself must be re- 21 According to Gonzalo Pizarro, ceived with more than the usual the Audience gave this invitation grain of allowance. His letter, in obedience to the demands of the which is addressed to Valdivia, the representatives of the cities. — celebrated conqueror of Chili, con- " Y a esta sazon llegue yo a Lima, tains a full account of the rise and i todos los procuradores de las progress of his rebellion. It is cibdades destos reynos suplicaron the best vindication, therefore, to al Audiencia me hiciesen Gover- be found of himself, and, as a nador para resistir los robos e fuer- counterpoise to the narratives of zas que Blasco Nufiez andava fa- his enemies, is of inestimable value ciendo, i para tener la tierra en to the historian. Ch. VIII.] GONZALO PROCLAIMED GOVERNOR OF PERU. 287 league of the capital, which soon after, on the twenty-eighth of October, 1544, he entered in bat tle-array. His whole force was little short of twelve hundred Spaniards, besides several thousand Ind ians, who dragged his heavy guns in the advance.22 Then came the files of spearmen and arquebusiers, making a formidable corps of infantry for a colonial army ; and lastly, the cavalry, at the head of which rode Pizarro himself, on a powerful charger, gayly caparisoned. The rider was in complete mail, over which floated a richly embroidered surcoat, and his head was protected by a crimson cap, highly orna mented, — his showy livery setting off his handsome, soldierlike person to advantage.23 Before him was borne the royal standard of Castile ; for every one, royalist or rebel, was careful to fight under that sign. This emblem of loyalty was supported on the right by a banner, emblazoned with the arms of Cuzco, and by another on the left, displaying the armorial bearings granted by the Crown to the Pizarros. As the martial pageant swept through the streets of Lima, the air was rent with acclamations from the populace, and from the spectators in the bal conies. The cannon sounded at intervals, and the bells of the city — those that the viceroy had spared 22 He employed twelve thousand & " Y el armado y con una capa Indians on this service, says the de grana cubierta con muchas guar- writer of the Relacion Anonima, niciones de oro e con sayo de bro- MS. But this author, although cado sobre las armas." Relacion living in the colonies at the time, de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. — talks too much at random to gain Also Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. our implicit confidence. 5, cap. 13. 288 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. — rang out a joyous peal, as if in honor of a vic tory ! The oaths of office were duly administered by the judges of the Royal Audience, and Gonzalo Pizarro was proclaimed Governor and Captain-General of Peru, till his Majesty's pleasure could be known in respect to the government. The new ruler then took up his quarters in the palace of his brother, — where the stains of that brother's blood were not yet effaced. Fetes, bull-fights, and tournaments graced the ceremony of inauguration, and were pro longed for several days, while the giddy populace of the capital abandoned themselves to jubilee, as if a new and more auspicious order of things had commenced for Peru ! ^ 24 For the preceding pages re- Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. — lating to Gonzalo Pizarro, see Re- Zarate, loc. cit. — Herrera, Hist lacion Anonima, MS. — Fernan- General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cap. 16-19. dez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. — Relacion de los Sucesos del 1, cap. 25.— Pedro Pizarro, De- Peru, MS. — Montesinos, Annales, scub. y Conq., MS. — Carta de MS., afio 1544. CHAPTER IX. Measures op Gonzalo Pizarro. — Escape of Vaca de Castro. — reappearance ok the vlceroy. — his disastrous retreat. — Defeat and Death of the Viceroy. — Gonzalo Pizarro Lord ok Peru. 1544— 1546. The first act of Gonzalo Pizarro was to cause those persons to be apprehended who had taken the most active part against him in the late troubles. Several he condemned to death ; but afterwards commuted the sentence, and contented himself with driving them into banishment and confiscating their estates.' His next concern was lo establish his authority on a firm basis. He filled the municipal government of Lima with his own partisans. He sent his lieutenants to take charge of the principal cities. He caused galleys to be built at Arequipa to .secure the command of the seas ; and brought his forces into the best possible condition, to prepare for future emergencies. l Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y did not attach himself to Gonzalo's Conq. MS. party, and was among those who The honest soldier, who tolls barely escaped hanging on this us this, was more truo to his king occasion, llo seems to have had than to his kindred. At least, he little respect for his namesake. VOL. II. 37 290 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. The Royal Audience existed only in name ; for its powers were speedily absorbed by the new ruler, who desired to place the government on the same footing as under the marquess, his brother. Indeed, the Audience necessarily fell to pieces, from the po sition of its several members. Alvarez had been sent with the viceroy to Castile. Cepeda, the most aspiring of the court, now that he had failed in his own schemes of ambition, was content to become a tool in the hands of the military chief who had dis placed him. Zarate, a third judge, who had, from the first, protested against the violent measures of his colleagues, was confined to his house by a mor tal illness ; 2 and Tepeda, the remaining magistrate, Gonzalo now proposed to send back to Castile with such an account of the late transactions as should vindicate his own conduct in the eyes of the em peror. This step was opposed by Carbajal, who bluntly told his commander that " he had gone too far to expect favor from the Crown ; and that he had better rely for his vindication on his pikes and muskets ! " 3 But the ship which was to transport Tepeda was found to have suddenly disappeared from the port. It was the same in which Vaca de Castro was con fined ; and that officer, not caring to trust to the 2 Zarato, the judge, must not secretary of tho royal council in be confounded with Zarate, the Spain. historian, who went out to Peru 3 Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., with tho Court of Audience, as cap. 172.— Garcilasso, Com. Real., conlador real, royal comptroller, — Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 21. having before filled the office of Ch. IX.] ESCAPE OF VACA DE CASTRO. 291 forbearance of one whose advances, on a former oc casion, he had so unceremoniously repulsed, and convinced, moreover, that his own presence could profit nothing in a land where he held no legiti mate authority, had prevailed on the captain to sail with him to Panama. He then crossed the Isth mus, and embarked for Spain. The rumors of his coming had already preceded him, and charges were not wanting against him from some of those whom he had offended by his administration. He was accused of having carried measures with a high hand, regardless of the rights, both of the colonist and of the native ; and, above all, of having embez zled the public moneys, and of returning with his coffers richly freighted to Castile. This last was an unpardonable crime. No sooner had the governor set foot in his own country than he was arrested, and hurried to the fortress of Arevalo ; and, though he was afterwards removed to better quarters, where he was treated with the indulgence due to his rank, he was still kept a prisoner of state for twelve years, when the tardy tribunals of Castile pronounced a judgment in his favor. He was acquitted of every charge that had been brought against him, and, so far from peculation, was proved to have returned home no richer than he went. He was released from con finement, reinstated in his honors and dignities, took his seat anew in the royal council, and Vaca de Castro enjoyed, during the remainder of his days, the consideration to which he was entitled by his 292 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. deserts.4 The best eulogium on the wisdom of his administration was afforded by the troubles brought on the colonies by that of his successor. The na tion became gradually sensible of the value of his services ; though the manner in which they were requited by the government must be allowed to form a cold commentary on the gratitude of princes. Gonzalo Pizarro was doomed to experience a still greater disappointment than that caused by the es cape of Vaca de Castro, in the return of Blasco Nunez. The vessel which bore him from the coun try had hardly left the shore, when Alvarez, the judge, whether from remorse at the part which he had taken, or apprehensive of the consequences of carrying back the viceroy to Spain, presented him self before that dignitary, and announced that he was no longer a prisoner. At the same time he excused himself for the part he had taken, by his desire .to save the life of Blasco Nunez, and extri cate him from his perilous situation. He now placed the vessel at his disposal, and assured him it should take him wherever he chose. The viceroy, whatever faith he may have placed in the judge's explanation, eagerly availed himself of his offer. His proud spirit revolted at the idea of returning home in disgrace, foiled, as he had been, in every object of his mission. He deter mined to try his fortune again in the land, and his i 4 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, Peru, MS. — Montesinos, Annales, cap. 15. — Relacion Anonima, MS. MS., afio 1545. — Fernandez, Hist. — Relacion de los Sucesos del del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 28. Ch. IX.] REAPPEARANCE OF THE VICEROY. 293 only doubt was, on wrhat point to attempt to rally his partisans around him. At Panama he might remain in safety, while he invoked assistance from Nicaragua, and other colonies at the north. But this would be to abandon his government at once ; and such a confession of weakness would have a bad effect on his followers in Peru. He determined, therefore, to direct his steps towards Quito, which, while it was within his jurisdiction, was still re moved far enough from the theatre of the late troubles to give him time to rally, and make head against his enemies. In pursuance of this purpose, the viceroy and his suite disembarked at Tumbez, about the middle of October, 1544. On landing, he issued a manifesto setting forth the violent proceedings of Gonzalo Pizarro and his followers, whom he denounced as traitors to their prince, and he called on all true sub jects in the colony to support him in maintaining the royal authority. The call was not unheeded ; and volunteers came in, though tardily, from San Miguel, Puerto Viejo, and other places on the coast, cheering the heart of the vicerov with the convic- tion that the sentiment of loyalty wras not yet ex tinct in the bosoms of the Spaniards. But, while thus occupied, he received tidings of the arrival of one of Pizarro's captains on the coast, with a force superior to his own. Their number was exaggerated ; but Blasco Nunez, w'ithout wait ing to ascertain the truth, abandoned his position at Tumbez, and, with as much expedition as he could 294 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. make across a wild and mountainous country half- buried in snow, he marched to Quito. But this capital, situated at the northern extremity of his province, was not a favorable point for the rendez vous of his followers ; and, after prolonging his stay till he had received assurance from Benalcazar, the loyal commander at Popayan, that he would support him with all his strength in the coming conflict, he made a rapid countermarch to the coast, and took up his position at the town of San Miguel. This was a spot well suited to his purposes, as lying on the great high road along the shores of the Pa cific, besides being the chief mart for commercial intercourse with Panama and the north. Here the viceroy erected his standard, and in a few weeks found himself at the head of a force amounting to nearly five hundred in all, horse and foot, ill provided with arms and ammunition, but apparently zealous in the cause. Finding himself in sufficient strength to commence active operations, he now sallied forth against several of Pizarro's cap tains in the neighbourhood, over whom he obtained some decided advantages, which renewed his confi dence, and flattered him with the hopes of reestab lishing his ascendency in the country.5 5 Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 23. — Relacion Valdivia, MS. — Zarate, Conq. del de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. Peru, lib. 5, cap. 14, 15. — Her- The author of the document last rera, Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 8, cited notices the strong feeling for cap. 19, 20. — Relacion Anonima, the Crown existing in several of MS. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, the cities ; and mentions also the Ch. IX.] HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT. 295 During this time, Gonzalo Pizarro was not idle. He had watched with anxiety the viceroy's move ments ; and was now convinced that it was time to act, and that, if he would not be unseated himself, he must dislodge his formidable rival. He accord ingly placed a strong garrison under a faithful officer in Lima, and, after sending forward a force of some six hundred men by land to Truxillo, he embarked for the same port himself, on the 4th of March, 1545, the very day on which the viceroy had marched from Quito. At Truxillo, Pizarro put himself at the head of his little army, and moved without loss of time against San Miguel. His rival, eager to bring their quarrel to an issue, would fain have marched out to give him battle ; but his soldiers, mostly young and in experienced levies, hastily brought together, were intimidated by the name of Pizarro. They loudly insisted on being led into the upper country, where they would be reinforced by Benalcazar ; and their unfortunate commander, like the rider of some un manageable steed, to whose humors he is obliged to submit, was hurried away in a direction contrary to his wishes. It was the fate of Blasco Nunez to have his purposes baffled alike by his friends and his enemies. On arriving before San Miguel, Gonzalo Pizarro found, to his great mortification, that his antagonist had left it. Without entering the town, he quick- rumor of a meditated assault on of Blasco Nufiez ; and the facility Cuzco by the Indians. — The writer with which exiles credit reports in belonged to the discomfited party their own favor is proverbial. 296 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. ened his pace, and, after traversing a valley of some extent, reached the skirts of a mountain chain, into which Blasco Nunez had entered but a few hours before. It was late in the evening ; but Pizarro, knowing the importance of despatch, sent forward Carbajal with a party of light troops to overtake the fugitives. That captain succeeded in coming up with their lonely bivouac among the mountains at midnight, when the weary troops were buried in slumber. Startled from their repose by the blast of the trumpet, which, strange to say, their enemy had incautiously sounded,6 the viceroy and his men sprang to their feet, mounted their horses, grasped their arquebuses, and poured such a volley into the ranks of their assailants, that Carbajal, disconcerted by his reception, found it prudent, with his inferior force, to retreat. The viceroy followed, till, fearing an ambuscade in the darkness of the night, he with drew, and allowed his adversary to rejoin the main body of the army under Pizarro. This conduct of Carbajal, by which he allowed the game to slip through his hands, from mere carelessness, is inexplicable. It forms a singular ex ception to the habitual caution and vigilance dis played in his military career. Had it been the act of any other captain, it would have cost him his head. But Pizarro, although greatly incensed, set 6 " Mas Francisco Caruajal q los arma : y sentido por el Virey se yua siguiendo, llego quatro horas Ieuant6 luego el primero." Fer- de la noche a dode estauan : y con nandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, vna Trompeta que lleuaua les toco lib. 1, cap. 40. Ch. IX.] HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT. 297 too high a value on the services and well-tried at tachment of his lieutenant, to quarrel with him. Still it was considered of the last importance to overtake the enemv. before he had advanced much farther to the north, where the difficulties of the ground would great! v embarrass the pursuit. Car bajal. anxious to retrieve his error, was accordingly again placed at the head of a corps of light troops, with instructions to harass the enemy's march, cut oft' his stores, and keep him in check, if possible, till the arrival of Pizarro.7 But the vieerov had profited bv the recent delay to gain considerably on his pursuers. His road led across the valley of Caxas, a broad, uncultivated dis trict, affording little sustenance for man or beast. Dav after day, his troops held on their march through this dreary region, intersected with bairan- cas and rocky ravines that added incrediblv to their toil. Their principal food was the parched corn, which usually formed the nourishment of the travel ling Indians, though held of much less account by the Spaniards : and this meagre fare was reinforced bv such herbs as they found on the way-side, which, for want of better utensils, the soldiers were fain to boil in their helmets.5 Carbajal, mean while, pressed on them so close, that their baggage, " Ibid., ubi supra. — Herrera, algunas Jervas, que cocian en las Hist. General, dec. 7. lib. 9, cap. Celadas. quando paraban a dar 22. — Garcilasso, Com. Real.. Mb. aliento a los Caballos."' Herrera, 4. cap. 26. Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 9. cap. s li Caminando, pues, comiendo 24. VOL. II. 38 298 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. ammunition, and sometimes their mules, fell into his hands. The indefatigable warrior was always on their track, by day and by night, allowing them scarcely any repose. They spread no tent, and lay down in their arms, with their steeds standing saddled beside them ; and hardly had the weary soldier closed his eyes, when he was startled by the cry that the enemy was upon him.9 At length, the harassed followers of Blasco Nu fiez reached the depoblado, or desert of Paltos, which stretches towards the north for many a dreary league. The ground, intersected by numer ous streams, has the character of a great quagmire, and men and horses floundered about in the stag nant waters, or with difficulty worked their way over the marsh, or opened a passage through the tangled underwood that shot up in rank luxuriance from the surface. The wayworn horses, without food, except such as they could pick up in the wilderness, were often spent with travel, and, be coming unserviceable, were left to die on the road, with their hamstrings cut, that they might be of no use to the enemy ; though more frequently they were despatched to afford a miserable banquet to their masters.10 Many of the men now fainted by 9 " I sin que en todo el camino Caballos del Cabestro, sin esperar los vnos, ni los otros, quitasen las a poner Toldos, ni a aderecar las Sillas a los Caballos, aunque en este otras formas, que se suelen tener caso estaba mas alerta la Gente del para atar los Caballos de Noche." Visorei, porque si algun pequeiio Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, rato de la Noche reposaban, era cap. 29. vestidos, i teniendo siempre los 10 " I en cansandose el Caballo, Ch. IX.] HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT. 299 the way from mere exhaustion, or loitered in the woods, unable to keep up with the march. And woe to the straggler who fell into the hands of Carbajal, at least if he had once belonged to the party of Pizarro. The mere suspicion of treason sealed his doom with the unrelenting soldier.11 The sufferings of Pizarro and his troop were scarcely less than those of the viceroy ; though they were somewhat mitigated by the natives of the country, who, with ready instinct, discerned which party was the strongest, and, of course, the most to be feared. But, with every alleviation, the chieftain's sufferings were terrible. It was repeat ing the dismal scenes of the expedition to the Amazon. The soldiers of the Conquest must be admitted to have purchased their triumphs dearly. Yet the viceroy had one source of disquietude, greater, perhaps, than any arising from physical suffering. This was the distrust of his own fol lowers. There were several of the principal cava liers in his suite whom he suspected of being in correspondence with the enemy, and even of de signing to betray him into their hands. He was so well convinced of this, that he caused two of these officers to be put to death on the march ; and their dead bodies, as they lay by the roadside, meeting le desjarretaba, i le dexaba, porque been hung up by his lieutenant, sus contrarios no se aprovechasen who pleasantly quoted the old Span- de 41." Ibid., loc. cit. ish proverb, — ' The fewer of our 11 " Had it not been for Gonzalo enemies the better.' " De los ene- Pizarro's interference," says Fer- migos, los menos. Hist, del Peru, nandez, " many more would have Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 40. 300 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. the eye of the soldier, told him that there were others to be feared in these frightful solitudes be sides the enemy in his rear.12 Another cavalier, who held the chief command under the viceroy, was executed, after a more for mal investigation of his case, at the first place where the army halted. At this distance of time, it is impossible to determine how far the suspicions of Blasco Nunez were founded on truth. The judg ments of contemporaries are at variance.13 In times of political ferment, the opinion of the writer is generally determined by the complexion of his party To judge from the character of Blasco Nunez, jealous and irritable, we might suppose him to have acted without sufficient cause. But this considera tion is counterbalanced by that of the facility with which his followers swerved from their allegiance to their commander, who seems to have had so light a hold on their affections, that they were shaken off by the least reverse of fortune. Whether his sus- 12 " Los afligidos Soldados, que death, had served him to that time por el cansancio de los Caballos with their lives and fortunes, dis- iban & pie con terrible angustia, por misses the affair with the temperate la persecucion de los Enemigos, reflection, that men formed differ- que iban cerca, i por la fatiga de ent judgments on it. " Sobre estas la hambre, quando vieron los Cuer- muertes uuo en el Peru varios y pos de los dos Capitanes muertos contrarios juyzios y opiniones, de en aquel camino quedaron atoni- culpa y de su descargo." (Hist. tos." Herrera, Hist. General, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 41.) dec. 7, lib. 9, cap. 25. Gomara says, more unequivocally, 13 Fernandez, who held a loyal " All condemned it." (Hist, de pen, and one sufficiently friendly to las Ind., cap. 167.) The weight the viceroy, after stating that the of opinion seems to have been officers, whom the latter put to against the viceroy. Ch. IX] HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT. 301 picions were well or ill founded, the effect was the same on the mind of the viceroy. With an enemy in his rear whom he dared not fight, and followers whom he dared not trust, the cup of his calamities was nearlv full. At length, he issued forth on firm ground, and, passing through Tomebamba, Blasco Nunez reen tered his northern capital of Quito. But his recep tion was not so cordial as that which he had before experienced. He now came as a fugitive, with a formidable enemy in pursuit ; and he was soon made to feel that the surest war to receive sup port is not to need it. Shaking from his feet the dust of the disloyal city, whose superstitious people were alive to many an omen that boded his approaching ruin,14 the unfortunate commander held on his way towards Pastos, in the jurisdiction of Benalcazar. Pizarro and his forces entered Quito not long after, disap pointed, that, with all his diligence, the enemy still eluded his pursuit. He halted only to breathe his men, and, declaring that "he would follow up the viceroy to the North Sea but he would overtake him,'' 15 he resumed his march. At Pastos, he nearlv accomplished his object. His advance-guard 14 Some of these omens recorded Perros andaban por las Calles, by the historian — as the howling dando grandes i temerosos ahulli- of dogs — were certainly no mira- dos, i los Hombres andaban asom- cles. '• En esta lamentable, i an- brados, i fuera de si." Herrera, gustiosa partida, muchos afirma- Hist. General, dec. 7, lib. 10, ron, haver visto por el Aire mu- cap. 4. chos Cornetas, i que quadrillas de ^ Ibid ., ubi supra. 302 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. came up with Blasco Nunez as the latter was halt ing on the opposite bank of a rivulet. Pizarro's men, fainting from toil and heat, staggered feebly to the water-side, to slake their burning thirst, and it would have been easy for the viceroy's troops, re freshed by repose, and superior in number to their foes, to have routed them. But Blasco Nunez could not bring his soldiers to the charge. They had fled so long before their enemy, that the mere sight of him filled their hearts with panic, and they would have no more thought of turning against him than the hare would turn against the hound that pursues her. Their safety, they felt, was to fly, not to fight, and they profited by the exhaustion of their pursu ers only to quicken their retreat. Gonzalo Pizarro continued the chase some leagues beyond Pastos ; when, finding himself carried far ther than he desired into the territories of Benal cazar, and not caring to encounter this formidable captain at disadvantage, he came to a halt, and, notwithstanding his magnificent vaunt about the North Sea, ordered a retreat, and made a rapid countermarch on Quito. Here he found occupation in repairing the wasted spirits of his troops, and in strengthening himself with fresh reinforcements, which much increased his numbers ; though these were again diminished by a body that he detached under Carbajal to suppress an insurrection, which he now learned had broken out in the south. It was headed by Diego Centeno, one of his own offi cers, whom he had established in La Plata, the in- Ch. IX.] HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT. 303 habitants of which place had joined in the revolt and raised the standard for the Crown. With the rest of his forces, Pizarro resolved to remain at Quito, waiting the hour when the viceroy would reenter his dominions ; as the tiger crouches by some spring in the wilderness, patiently waiting the return of his victims. Meanwhile Blasco Nunez had pushed forward his retreat to Popayan, the capital of Benalcazar's prov ince. Here he was kindly received by the people ; and his soldiers, reduced by desertion and disease to one fifth of their original number, rested from the unparalleled fatigues of a march which had con tinued for more than two hundred leagues.16 It was not long before he was joined by Cabrera, Benalcazar's lieutenant, with a stout reinforcement, and, soon after, by that chieftain himself. His whole force now amounted to near four hundred men, most of them in good condition, and well trained in the school of American warfare. His own men were sorely deficient both in arms and ammunition ; and he set about repairing the want by building furnaces for manufacturing arquebuses and 16 This retreat of Blasco Nufiez Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 19, may undoubtedly compare, if not 29. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a in duration, at least in sharpness Valdivia, MS. — Herrera, Hist. of suffering, with any expedition General, dec. 7, lib. 9, cap. 20-26. in the New World, — save, in- — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte deed, that of Gonzalo Pizarro him- 1, lib. 1, cap. 40, et seq. — Rela- self to the Amazon. The particu- cion de los Sucesos del Peru, MS. lars of it may be found, with more — Relacion Anonima, MS. — Mon- or less amplification, in Zarate, tesinos, Annales, MS., afio 1545. 304 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. pikes.'17 — One familiar with the history of these times is surprised to see the readiness with which the Spanish adventurers turned their hands to va rious trades and handicrafts usually requiring a long apprenticeship. They displayed the dexterity so necessary to settlers in a new country, where every man must become in some degree his own artisan. But this state of things, however favorable to the ingenuity of the artist, is not very propitious to the advancement of the art ; and there can be little doubt that the weapons thus made by the sol diers of Blasco Nunez were of the most rude and imperfect construction. As week after week rolled away, Gonzalo Pizar ro, though fortified with the patience of a Spanish soldier, felt uneasy at the protracted stay of Blasco Nunez in the north, and he resorted to stratagem to decoy him from his retreat. He marched out of Quito with the greater part of his forces, pretending that he was going to support his lieutenant in the south, while he left a garrison in the city under the command of Puelles, the same officer who had for merly deserted from the viceroy. These tidings he took care should be conveyed to the enemy's camp. The artifice succeeded as he wished. Blasco Nunez and his followers, confident in their superiority over Puelles, did not hesitate for a moment to profit by 17 " Provei6, que se tragese alii tiempo se forjaron en ellas docien- todo el hierro que se pudo haver tos Arcabuces, con todos sus apare- en la Provincia, i busc6 Maestros, jos." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, i hico aderecar Fraguas, i en breve lib. 5, cap. 34. Ch. IX.] HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT. 305 the supposed absence of Pizarro. Abandoning Po payan, the viceroy, early in January, 1546, moved by rapid marches towards the south. But before he reached the place of his destination, he became ap prised of the snare into which he had been drawn. He communicated the fact to his officers ; but he had already suffered so much from suspense, that his only desire now was, to bring his quarrel with Pi zarro to the final arbitrament of arms. That chief, meanwhile, had been well informed, through his spies, of the viceroy's movements. On learning the departure of the latter from Popayan, he had reentered Quito, joined his forces with those of Puelles, and, issuing from the capital, had taken up a strong position about three leagues to the north, on a high ground that commanded a stream, across which the enemy must pass. It was not long before the latter came in sight, and Blasco Nufiez, as night began to fall, established himself on the opposite bank of the rivulet. It was so near to the enemy's quarters, that the voices of the sentinels could be distinctly heard in the opposite camps, and they did not fail to salute one another with the epithet of " traitors." In these civil wars, as we have seen, each party claimed for itself the exclu sive merit of loyalty.18 But Benalcazar soon saw that Pizarro's position 18 " Que se llegaron a hablar los tentaba la voz del Rei, i asi estu- Corredores de ambas partes, 11a- vieron toda aquella noche aguar- mandose Traidores los vnos a los dando." Ibid., ubi supra. , otros, fundando, que cada vno sus- vol. II. 39 306 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. was' too strong to be assailed with any chance of success. He proposed, therefore, to the viceroy, to draw off his forces secretly in the night ; and, mak ing a detour round the hills, to fall on the enemy's rear, where he would be least prepared to receive them. The counsel was approved ; and, no sooner were the two hosts shrouded from each other's eyes by the darkness, than, leaving his camp-fires burning to deceive the enemy, Blasco Nunez broke up his quarters, and began his circuitous march in the di rection of Quito. But either he had been mis informed, or his guides misled him ; for the roads proved so impracticable, that he was compelled to make a circuit of such extent, that dawn broke before he drew near the point of attack. Finding that he must now abandon the advantage of a sur prise, he pressed forward to Quito, where he arrived with men and horses sorely fatigued by a night- march of eight leagues, from a point which, by the direct route, would not have exceeded three. It was a fatal error on the eve of an engagement.19 19 For the preceding pages, see battle with Pizarro nine days later. Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, (Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. cap. 34, 35. — Gomara, Hist, de 1.) This last event, which, by the las Ind., cap. 167. — Carta de testimony of Fernandez, was on Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. the eighteenth of the month, was, — Montesinos, Annales, MS., ano by the agreement of such contem- 1546. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, porary authorities as I have con- Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 50-52. suited, — as stated in the text, — Herrera, in his account of these on the evening of the same day in transactions, has fallen into a strange which the viceroy entered Quito. confusion of dates, fixing the time Herrera, though his work is ar- of the viceroy's entry into Quito on ranged on the chronological system the 10th of January, and that of his of annals, is by no means immac- Ch. IX] HIS DISASTROUS RETREAT. 307 He found the capital nearly deserted by the men. They had all joined the standard of Pizarro ; for they had now caught the general spirit of disaffec tion, and looked upon that chief as their protector from the oppressive ordinances. Pizarro was the representative of the people. Greatly moved at this desertion, the unhappy viceroy, lifting his hands to heaven, exclaimed, — " Is it thus, Lord, that thou abandonest thy servants ? " The women and chil dren came out, and in vain offered him food, of which he stood obviously in need, asking him, at the same time, " Why he had come there to die ? " His followers, with more indifference than their com mander, entered the houses of the inhabitants, and unceremoniously appropriated whatever they could find to appease the cravings of appetite. Benalcazar, who saw the temerity of giving bat tle, in their present condition, recommended the viceroy to try the effect of negotiation, and of fered himself to go to the enemy's camp, and ar range, if possible, terms of accommodation with Pizarro. But Blasco Nunez, if he had desponded for a moment, had now recovered his wonted con stancy, and he proudly replied, — " There is no faith to be kept with traitors. We have come to fight, not to parley ; and we must do our duty like good and loyal cavaliers. I will do mine," he continued, ulate as to his dates. Quintana lier period of the Peruvian con- has exposed several glaring anach- quest. See his Espafioles Cele- ronisms of the historian in the ear- bres, tom. II. Appendix, No. 7. 308 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. " and be assured I will be the first man to break a lance with the enemy." w He then called his troops together, and addressed to them a few words preparatory to marching. " You are all brave men," he said, " and loyal to your sovereign. For my own part, I hold life as little in comparison with my duty to my prince. Yet let us not distrust our success; the Spaniard, in a good cause, has often overcome greater odds than these. And we are fighting for the right ; it is the cause of God, — the cause of God,"21 he concluded, and the soldiers, kindled by his generous ardor, an swered him with huzzas that went to the heart of the unfortunate commander, little accustomed of late to this display of enthusiasm. It was the eighteenth of January, 1546, when Blasco Nunez marched out at the head of his array, from the ancient city of Quito. He had proceeded but a mile,22 when he came in view of the enemy, formed along the crest of some high lands, which, by a gentle swell, rose gradually from the plains of Anaquito. Gonzalo Pizarro, greatly chagrined on ascertaining the departure of the viceroy, early in the morning, had broken up his camp, and directed his march on the capital, fully resolved that his enemy should not escape him. 20 " Yo os prometo, que la pri- Dios es la causa, de Dios es la mera laca que se rompa en los ene- causa." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, migos, sea la mia (y assi lo cum- lib. 5, cap. 35. plio)." Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, 22 << TJn quarto de legua de la Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 53. ciudad." Carta de Gonzalo Pi- ai " Que de Dios es la causa, de zarro a Valdivia, MS. Ch. IX.] DF.FEAT AND DEATH OF THE VICEROY. 309 The viceroy's troops, now coming to a halt, were formed in order of battle. A small body of arquebu siers was stationed in the advance to begin the fight. The remainder of that corps was distributed among the spearmen, who occupied the centre, protected on the flanks by the horse drawn up in two nearly equal squadrons. The cavalry amounted to about one hundred and forty, being little inferior to that on the other side, though the whole number of the viceroy's forces, being less than four hundred, did not much exceed the half of his rival's. On the right, and in front of the royal banner, Blasco Nu nez, supported by thirteen chosen cavaliers, took his station, prepared to head the attack. Pizarro had formed his troops in a corresponding manner with that of his adversary. They mustered about seven hundred in all, well appointed, in good condition, and officered by the best knights in Pe ru.23 As, notwithstanding his superiority of num bers, Pizarro did not seem inclined to abandon his advantageous position, Blasco Nunez gave or ders to advance. The action commenced with the arquebusiers, and in a few moments the dense clouds of smoke, rolling over the field, obscured every object ; for it was late in the day when 23 The amount of the numbers writers. Pizarro estimates his ad- on both sides is variously given, as versary's force at four hundred and usual, making, however, more than fifty men, and his own at only six the usual difference in the relative hundred ; an estimate, it may be proportions, since the sum total is remarked, that does not make that so small. I have conformed to the given in the text any less cred- statements of the best-instructed ible. 310 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV the action began, and the light was rapidly fad ing. The infantry, now levelling their pikes, advanced under cover of the smoke, and were soon hotly en gaged with the opposite files of spearmen. Then came the charge of the cavalry, which — notwith standing they were thrown into some disorder by the fire of Pizarro's arquebusiers, far superior in number to their own — was conducted with such spirit that the enemy's horse were compelled to reel and fall back before it. But it was only to recoil with greater violence, as, like an overwhelming wave, Pizarro's troopers rushed on their foes, driving them along the slope, and bearing down man and horse in indiscriminate ruin. Yet these, in turn, at length rallied, cheered on by the cries and desperate efforts of their officers. The lances were shivered, and they fought hand to hand with swords and battle- axes mingled together in wild confusion. But the struggle was of no long duration ; for, though the numbers were nearly equal, the viceroy's cavalry, jaded by the severe march of the previous night,24 were no match for their antagonists. The ground was strewn with the wreck of their bodies ; and horses and riders, the dead and the dying, lay heaped on one another. Cabrera, the brave lieutenant of Benalcazar, was slain, and that commander was thrown under his horse's feet, covered with wounds, and left for dead on the field. Alvarez, the judge, 24 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35. Ch. IX.] DEFEAT AND DEATH OF THE VICEROY. 311 was mortally wounded. Both he and his colleague Cepeda were in the action, though ranged on oppo site sides, fighting as if they had been bred to arms, not to the peaceful profession of the law. Yet Blasco Nunez and his companions maintained a brave struggle on the right of the field. The viceroy had kept his word by being the first to break his lance against the enemy, and by a well- directed blow had borne a cavalier, named Alonso de Montalvo, clean out of his saddle. But he was at length overwhelmed by numbers, and, as his com panions, one after another, fell by his side, he was left nearly unprotected. He was already wounded, when a blow on the head from the battle-axe of a soldier struck him from his horse, and he fell stun ned on the ground. Had his person been known, he might have been taken alive, but he wore a sobre-vest of Indian cotton over his armour, which concealed the military order of St. James, and the other badges of his rank.25 His person, however, was soon recognized by one of Pizarro's followers, who, not improbably, 25 He wore this dress, says Gar- — It must be confessed that this is cilasso de la Vega, that he might the general motive for a disguise. fare no better than a common sol- " I Blasco Nunez puso mucha dier, but take his chance with the diligencia por poder huirse si pu rest. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. diera, porque venia vestido con una 4, cap. 34.) Pizarro gives him camiseta de Yndios por no ser co- credit for no such magnanimous in- nocido, i no quiso Dios porque tent. According to him, the vice- pagase quantos males por su causa roy assumed this disguise, that, his se havian hecho." Carta de Gon- rank being unknown, he might zalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. have the better chance for escape. 312 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. had once followed the viceroy's banner. The sol dier immediately pointed him out to the Licentiate Carbajal. This person was the brother of the cav alier whom, as the reader may remember, Blasco Nunez had so rashly put to death in his palace at Lima. The licentiate had afterwards taken ser vice under Pizarro, and, with several of his kindred, was pledged to take vengeance on the viceroy. Instantly riding up, he taunted the fallen command er with the murder of his brother, and was in the act of dismounting to despatch him with his own hand, when Puelles remonstrating on this, as an act of degradation, commanded one of his attendants, a black slave, to cut off the viceroy's head. This the fellow executed with a single stroke of his sabre, while the wretched man, perhaps then dying of his wounds, uttered no word, but with eyes imploringly turned up towards heaven, received the fatal blow.26 The head was then borne aloft on a pike, and some were brutal enough to pluck out the grey hairs from the beard and set them in their caps, as grisly trophies of their victory.27 The fate of the day was now decided. Yet still the 26 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, rera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54. — Zarate, 1, cap. 3. Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 35. 27 « Aviendo algunos capitanes " Mandd a un Negro que traia, y personas arrancado y pelado al- que le cortase la Cabeca, i en todo gunas dc sus blancas y leales bar- esto no se conocid flaqueca en el uas, para traer por empresa, y Jua Visorrei, ni habld palabra, ni hico de la Torre las traxo despues publi- mas movimiento, que alcar los ojos camente en la gorra por la ciudad al Cielo, darido muestras de mucha de los Reyes." Fernandez, Hist. Christiandad, i constancia." Her- del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54. Ch. IX.] DEFEAT AND DEATH OF THE VICEROY. 313 infantry made a brave stand, keeping Pizarro's horse at bay with their bristling array of pikes. But their numbers were thinned by the arque busiers ; and, thrown into disorder, they could no longer resist the onset of the horse, who broke into their column, and soon scattered and drove them off the ground. The pursuit was neither long nor bloody ; for darkness came on, and Pi zarro bade his trumpets sound, to call his men together under their banners. Though the action lasted but a short time, nearly one third of the viceroy's troops had perished. The loss of their opponents was inconsiderable.23 Sev eral of the vanquished cavaliers took refuge in the churches of Quito. But they were dragged from the sanctuary, and some — probably those who had once espoused the cause of Pizarro — were led to execution, and others banished to Chili. The great er part were pardoned by the conqueror. Benal cazar, who recovered from his wounds, was per mitted to return to his government, on condition of no more bearing arms against Pizarro. His troops were invited to take service under the banner of the victor, who, however, never treated them with the confidence shown to his ancient partisans. He was greatly displeased at the indignities offered to 28 The estimates of lulled and own at only seven killed and but a wounded in this action are as dis- few wounded. But how rarely is cordant as usual. Some carry the it that a faithful bulletin is issued viceroy's loss to two hundred, by the parties engaged in the ac- while Gonzalo Pizarro rates his tion ! VOL. II. 40 314 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. the viceroy; whose mangled remains he caused to be buried with the honors due to his rank in the cathedral of Quito. Gonzalo Pizarro, attired in black, walked as chief mourner in the procession. — It was usual with the Pizarros, as we have seen, to pay these obituary honors to their victims.29 Such was the sad end of Blasco Nunez Vela, first viceroy of Peru. It was less than two years since he had set foot in the country, a period of unmitigated disaster and disgrace. His misfortunes may be im puted partly to circumstances, and partly to his own character. The minister of an odious and oppres sive law, he was intrusted with no discretionary power in the execution of it.30 Yet every man may, to a certain extent, claim the right to such a power; 29 For the accounts of the battle se viniese a meter en las manos of Anaquito, rather summarily de- para quitamos de tantos cuidados, spatched by most writers, see Carta i que pagase quantos males havia de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. fecho en la tierra, la qual quedd — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. tan asosegada i tan en paz i servicio 170. — Herrera, Hist. General, de S. M. como lo estuvo en tiempo dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 1-3. — Pedro del Marques mi hermano." Carta Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 30 Garcilasso's reflections on this 35. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., point are commendably tolerant. ano 1546. — Garcilasso, Com. " Assi acabd este buen cauallero, Real., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 33-35. por querer porfiar tanto en la exe- — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, cucion de lo que ni a su Rey ni a Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 53, 54. aquel Reyno conuenia: donde se Gonzalo Pizarro seems to regard causaron tantas muertes y dafios de the battle as a sort of judicial trial Espafioles, y de Yndios : aunque by combat, in which Heaven, by no tuuo tanta culpa como se le the result, plainly indicated the atribuye, porque lleud preciso man- right. His remarks are edifying, dato de lo que hizo." Com. Real., " Por donde parecera claramente Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 34. que Nuestro Sefior fue servido este Ch. IX] DEFEAT AISD DEATH OF THE VICEROY. 315 since, to execute a commission, which circumstances show must certainly defeat the object for wliich it was designed, would be absurd. But it requires sagacity to determine the existence of such a con tingency, and moral courage to assume the respon sibility of acting on it. Such a crisis is the se verest test of character. To dare to disobey from a paramount sense of duty, is a paradox that a little soul can hardly comprehend. Unfortunatelv, Blasco Nuiiez was a pedantic martinet, a man of narrow views, who could not feel himself authorized under any circumstances to swerve from the letter of the law. Puffed up by his brief authoritv, moreover, he considered opposition to the ordinances as trea son to himself; and thus, identifying himself with his commission, he was prompted bv personal feel ings, quite as much as by those of a public and patriotic nature. Neither was the viceroy's character of a kind that tended to mitigate the odium of his measures, and reconcile the people to their execution. It af forded a strong contrast to that of his rival. Pizarro, whose frank, chivalrous bearing, and generous con fidence in his followers, made him universallv popu lar, blinding their judgments, and giving to the worse the semblance of the better cause. Blasco Nuiiez, on the contrary, irritable and suspicious, placed him self in a false position with all whom he approached : for a suspicious temper creates an atmosphere of distrust around it that kills every kindly affection. His first step was to alienate the members of the 316 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Audience who were sent to act in concert with him. But this was their fault as well as his, since they were as much too lax, as he was too severe, in the interpretation of the law.31 He next alienated and outraged the people whom he was appointed to govern. And, lastly, he disgusted his own friends, and too often turned them into enemies ; so that, in his final struggle for power and for existence, he was obliged to rely on the arm of the stranger. Yet in the catalogue of his qualities we must not pass in silence over his virtues. There are two to the credit of which he is undeniably entitled, — a loyalty, which shone the brighter amidst the general defection around him, and a constancy under mis fortune, which might challenge the respect even of his enemies. But with the most liberal allow ance for his merits, it can scarcely be doubted that a person more incompetent to the task assigned him could not have been found in Castile.32 31 Blasco Nufiez characterized Vela rests chiefly on the authority the four judges of the Audience in of loyal writers, some of whom a manner more concise than com- wrote after their return to Castile. plimentary, — a boy, a madman, a They would, therefore, more natu- booby, and a dunce ! " Decia mu- rally lean to the side of the true chas veces Blasco Nufiez, que le representative of the Crown, than havian dado el Emperador, i su to that of the rebel. Indeed, the Consejo de Indias vn Moco, un only voice raised decidedly in favor Loco, un Necio, vn Tonto por Oi- of Pizarro is his own, — a very dores, que asi lo havian hecho suspicious authority. Yet, with all como ellos eran. Moco era Cepe- the prestiges in his favor, the ad- da, i llamaha Loco a Juan Alvarez, ministration of Blasco Nunez, from i Necio a Tejada, que no sabia universal testimony, was a total Latin." Gomara, Hist, de las failure. And there is little to in- Ind., cap. 171. terest us in the story of the man, 32 The account of Blasco Nufiez except his unparalleled misfortunes, Ch. IX.] GONZALO PIZARRO LORD OF PERU. 317 The victory of Anaquito was received with gen eral joy in the neighbouring capital ; all the cities of Peru looked on it as sealing the downfall of the detested ordinances, and the name of Gonzalo Pi zarro was sounded from one end of the country to the other as that of its deliverer. That chief con tinued to prolong his stay in Quito during the wet season, dividing his time between the licentious pleasures of the reckless adventurer and the cares of business that now pressed on him as ruler of the state. His administration was stained with fewer acts of violence than might have been expected from the circumstances of his situation. So long as Carbajal, the counsellor in whom he unfortunately placed greatest reliance, was absent, Gonzalo sanc tioned no execution, it was observed, but accord ing to the forms of law.33 He rewarded his follow ers by new grants of land, and detached several on expeditions, to no greater distance, however, than would leave it in his power readily to recall them. He made various provisions for the welfare of the natives, and some, in particular, for instructing them in the Christian faith. He paid attention to the faithful collection of the royal dues, urging on the colonists that they should deport themselves so as to conciliate the good-will of the Crown, and induce and the firmness with which he mas de su Consejo, lo aproba- bore them. sen : i entonces con Proceso en 33 " Nunca 'Picarro, en ausencia forma de Derecho, i confesados de Francisco de Carvajal, su Maes- primero." Gomara, Hist, de las tre de Campo, mato, ni consintio Ind., cap. 172. matar Espanol, sin que todos, los 318 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. a revocation of the ordinances. His administration, in short, was so conducted, that even the austere Gasca, his successor, allowed "it was a good gov ernment, — for a tyrant."34 At length, in July, 1546, the new governor bade adieu to Quito, and, leaving there a sufficient garri son under his officer Puelles, began his journey to the south. It was a triumphal progress, and every where he was received on the road with enthusiasm by the people. At Truxillo, the citizens came out in a body to welcome him, and the clergy chanted an thems in his honor, extolling him as the " victorious prince," and imploring the Almighty " to lengthen his days, and give him honor." x At Lima, it was proposed to clear away some of the buildings, and open a new street for his entrance, which might ever after bear the name of the victor. But the politic chieftain declined this flattering tribute, and modestly preferred to enter the city by the usual way. A procession was formed of the citizens, the soldiers, and the clergy, and Pizarro made his entry into the capital with two of his principal captains on foot, holding the reins of his charger, while the archbishop of Lima, and the bishops of Cuzco, 34 Ibid., ubi supra. — Fernandez praise of Gomara is less suspicious gives a less favorable picture of than the censure of Fernandez. Gonzalo's administration. (Hist. 35 " Victorioso Principe, hagate del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 1, cap. 54 ; Dios dichoso, i bienaventurado, el lib. 2, cap. 13.) Fernandez wrote te mantenga, i te conserve." Her at the instance of the Court ; rera, Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, Gomara, though present at court, cap. 9. wrote to please himself. The Ch. IX.] GONZALO PIZARRO LORD OF PERU. 319 Quito, and Bogota, the last of whom had lately come to the city to be consecrated, rode by his side. The streets were strewn with boughs, the walls of the houses hung with showy tapestries, and triumphal arches were thrown over the way in honor of the victor. Every balcony, veranda, and house top was crowded with spectators, who sent up huz zas, loud and long, saluting the victorious soldier with the titles of " Liberator, and Protector of the people." The bells rang out their joyous peal, as on his former entrance into the capital ; and amidst strains of enlivening music, and the blithe sounds of jubilee, Gonzalo held on his way to the palace of his brother. Peru was once more placed under the dynasty of the Pizarros.36 Deputies came from different parts of the country, tendering the congratulations of their respective cities ; and every one eagerly urged his own claims to consideration for the services he had rendered in the revolution. Pizarro, at the same time, received the welcome intelligence of the success of his arms in the south. Diego Centeno, as before stated, had there raised the standard of rebellion, or rather, of loyalty to his sovereign. He had made himself master of La Plata, and the spirit of insurrection had spread over the broad province of Charcas. Carbajal, who had been sent against him from 36 For an account of this pa- Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. geant, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. 5. — Carta de Gonzalo Pizarro a y Conq., MS. — Herrera, Hist. Valdivia, MS. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. 9. — 320 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. Quito, after repairing to Lima, had passed at once to Cuzco, and there, strengthening his forces, had descended by rapid marches on the refractory dis trict. Centeno did not trust himself in the field against this formidable champion. He retreated with his troops into the fastnesses of the sierra. Carbajal pursued, following on his track with the pertinacity of a bloodhound ; over mountain and moor, through forests and dangerous ravines, allow ing him no respite, by day or by night. Eating, drinking, sleeping in his saddle, the veteran, eighty years of age, saw his own followers tire one after another, while he urged on the chase, like the wild huntsman of Burger, as if endowed with an un earthly frame, incapable of fatigue ! During this terrible pursuit, which continued for more than two hundred leagues over a savage country, Centeno found himself abandoned by most of his followers. Such of them as fell into Carbajal's hands were sent to speedy execution ; for that inexorable chief had no mercy on those who had been false to their party.37 At length, Centeno, with a handful of men, arrived on the borders of the Pacific, and there, separating from one another, they provided, each in the best way he could, for their own safety. Their leader found an asylum in a cave in the mountains, where he was secretly fed by an Indian curaca, till 37 Poblando los arboles con sus strongly ; alluding to the manner in cuerpos, " peopling the trees with which the ferocious officer hung their bodies," says Fernandez, up his captives on the branches. Ch. IX.] GONZALO PIZARRO LORD OF PERU. 321 the time again came for him to unfurl the standard of revolt.33 Carbajal, after some further decisive movements, which fully established the ascendency of Pizarro over the south, returned in triumph to La Plata. There he occupied himself with working the silver mines of Potosi, in which a vein, recently opened, promised to make richer returns than any yet dis covered in Mexico or Peru ; 39 and he was soon en abled to send large remittances to Lima, deducting no stinted commission for himself, — for the cupidity of the lieutenant was equal to his cruelty. Gonzalo Pizarro was now undisputed master of Peru. From Quito to the northern confines of Chili, the whole country acknowledged his authori ty. His fleet rode triumphant on the Pacific, and gave him the command of every city and hamlet on 38 For the expedition of Carba- derful than theirs, since the Span- jal, see Herrera, Hist. General, ish captain had reached an age dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 9, et seq. — when the failing energies usually Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, crave repose. But the veteran's cap. 1. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., body seems to have been as in- Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. 28, 29, 36, 39. sensible as his soul. Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 39 The vein now discovered at 1, lib. 2, cap. 1, et seq. — Carta Potosi was so rich, that the other de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. mines were comparatively deserted It is impossible to give, in a page in order to work this. (Zarate, or two, any adequate idea of the Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 4.) hairbreadth escapes and perilous The effect of the sudden influx of risks of Carbajal, not only from wealth was such, according to Gar- the enemy, but from his own men, cilasso, that in ten years from this whose strength he overtasked in period an iron horseshoe, in that the chase. They rival those of the quarter, came to be worth nearly renowned Scanderbeg, or our own its weight in silver. Com. Real., Kentucky hero, Colonel Boone. Parte 1, lib. 8, cap. 24. They were, indeed, far more won- VOL. II. 41 322 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. its borders. His admiral, Hinojosa, a discreet and gallant officer, had secured him Panama, and, march ing across the Isthmus, had since obtaiued for him the possession of Nombre de Dios, — the principal key of communication with Europe. His forces were on an excellent footing, including the flower of the warriors who had fought under his brother, and who now eagerly rallied under the name of Pizarro ; while the tide of wealth that flowed in from the mines of Potosi supplied him with the resources of an European monarch. The new governor now began to assume a state correspondent with his full-blown fortunes. He was attended by a body-guard of cightv soldiers. He dined always in public, and usuallv with not less than a hundred guests at table. He even affected, it was said, the more decided etiquette of royalty, giving his hand to be kissed, and allowing no one, of whatever rank, to be seated in his presence.40 But this is denied by others. It would not he strange that a vain man like Pizarro, with a su perficial, undisciplined mind, when he saw himself thus raised from an humble condition to the highest post in the land, should be somewhat intoxicated by the possession of power, and treat with supercilious ness those whom he had once approached with deference. But one who had often seen him in 40 " Traia Guarda de ochenta ba, i a mui pocos quitaba la Gorra." Alabarderos, i otros muchos de Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, Caballo, que le acompanaban, i ia cap. 5. . en su presencia ninguno se senta- Ch. IX.] GONZALO. PIZARRO LORD OF PERU. 323 his prosperity assures us, that it was not so, and that the governor continued to show the same frank and soldierlike bearing as before his elevation, min gling on familiar terms with his comrades, and dis playing the same qualities which had hitherto en deared him to the people.41 However this may be, it is certain there were not wanting those who urged him to throw off his allegiance to the Crown, and set up an independent government for himself. Among these was his lieu tenant, Carbajal, whose daring spirit never shrunk from following things to their consequences. He plainly counselled Pizarro to renounce his allegiance at once. " In fact, you have already done so," he said. " You have been in arms against a viceroy, have driven him from the country, beaten and slain him in battle. What favor, or even mercy, can you expect from the Crown ? You have gone too far either to halt, or to recede. You must go boldly on, proclaim yourself king ; the troops, the people, will support you." And he concluded, it is said, by ad vising him to marry the Coya, the female represent ative of the Incas, that the two races might hence forth repose in quiet under a common sceptre ! ** 41 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte race, was not lost on the historian 2 lib. 4 cap. 42. of the Incas, who has depicted Garcilasso had opportunities of Gonzalo Pizarro in more favorable personal acquaintance with Gon- colors than most of his own coun- zalo's manner of living ; for, when trymen. a boy, he was sometimes admitted, 42 Tbid., Parte 2, lib. 4, cap. as he tells us, to a place at his 40. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., table. This courtesy, so rare from cap. 172. — Fernandez, Hist, del the Conquerors to any of the Indian Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 13. 324 CIVIL WARS OF THE CONQUERORS. [Book IV. The advice of the bold counsellor was, perhaps, the most politic that could have been given to Pi zarro under existing circumstances. For he was like one who had heedlessly climbed far up a dizzy precipice, — too far to descend safely, while he had no sure hold where he was. His only chance was to climb still higher, till he had gained the summit. But Gonzalo Pizarro shrunk from the attitude, in which this placed him, of avowed rebellion. Not withstanding the criminal course into which he had been, of late, seduced, the sentiment of loyalty was too deeply implanted in his bosom to be wholly eradicated. Though in arms against the measures and ministers of his sovereign, he was not prepared to raise the sword against that sovereign him self. He, doubtless, had conflicting emotions in his bosom ; like Macbeth, and many a less noble nature, " Would not play false, And yet would wrongly win." And however grateful to his vanity might be the picture of the air-drawn sceptre thus painted to his imagination, he had not the audacity — we may, perhaps, say, the criminal ambition — to attempt to grasp it. The poet Molina has worked zalo. Julius Cscsar himself was up this scene between Carbajal and not more magnanimous. his commander with good effect, « Sepa ml Key, sepa Espafia, in his Amazonas en las Indias, Que muero por no ofenderla, where he uses something of a Tan facil de conservarta, ^, ,- - , , , Que pierdo por no agraviarla, poet's license in the homage he Quanto infame en poseerla, pays to the modest merits of Gon- Una Corona ofrecida." Ch. IX.] HERRERA. — GOMARA. 325 Even at this very moment, when urged to this desperate extremity, he was preparing a mission to Spain, in order to vindicate the course he had taken, and to solicit an amnesty for the past, with a full confirmation of his authority, as successor to his brother in the government of Peru. — Pizarro did not read the future with the calm, prophetic eye of Carbajal. Among the biographical notices of the writers on Spanish colonial affairs, the name of Herrera, who has done more for this vast subject than any other author, should certainly not be omitted. His account of Peru takes its proper place in his great work, the Historia General de las Indias, according to the chronological plan on which that history is arranged. But as it suggests reflections not different in character from those suggested by other portions of the work, I shall take the liberty to refer the reader to the Postscript to Book Third of the Con quest of Mexico , for a full account of these volumes and their learned author. Another chronicler, to whom I have been frequently indebted in the progress of the narrative, is Francisco Lopezjde Gomara. The reader will also find a notice of this author in the Conquest of Mexico, Vol. III., Book 5, Postscript. But as the remarks on his writings are there confined to his Cronica de Nueva Espana, it may be well to add here some reflections on his greater work, Historia de las Indias, in which the Peruvian story bears a conspicuous part. The ' ' History of the Indies ' ' is intended to give a brief view of the whole range of Spanish conquest in the islands and on the American continent, as far as had been achieved by the middle of the sixteenth century. For this account, Gomara, though it does not appear that he ever visited the New World, was in a situation that opened to him the best means of information. He was well acquainted with the principal men of the time, and gathered the details of their history from their own lips ; while, from his residence at court, he was in possession of the state of opinion there, and of the impression made by passing events on those most competent to judge of them. He was thus enabled to intro duce into his work many interesting particulars, not to be found in other 326 GOMARA. — OVIEDO. [Book IV. records of the period. His range of inquiry extended beyond the mere doings of the Conquerors, and led him to a survey of the general re sources of the countries he describes, and especially of their physical aspect and productions. The conduct of his work, no less than its dic tion, shows the cultivated scholar, practised in the art of composition. Instead of the naivete, engaging, but childlike, of the old military chron iclers, Gomara handles his various topics with the shrewd and piquant criticism of a man of the world ; while his descriptions are managed with a comprehensive brevity that forms the opposite to the long- winded and rambling paragraphs of the monkish annalist. These liter ary merits, combined with the knowledge of the writer's opportunities for information, secured his productions from the oblivion which too often awaits the unpublished manuscript ; and he had the satisfaction to see them pass into more than one edition in his own day. Yet they do not bear the highest stamp of authenticity. The author too readily admits accounts into his pages which are not supported by con temporary testimony. This he does, not from credulity, for his mind rather leans in an opposite direction, but from a want, apparently, of the true spirit of historic conscientiousness. The imputation of careless ness in his statements — to use a temperate phrase — was brought against Gomara in his own day ; and Garcilasso tells us, that, when called to account by some of the Peruvian cavaliers for misstatements which bore hard on themselves, the historian made but an awkward explanation. This is a great blemish on his productions, and renders them of far less value to the modern compiler, who seeks for the well of truth undefiled, than many an humbler but less unscrupulous chronicle. There is still another authority used in this work, Gonzalo Fernandez de Oviedo, of whom I have given an account elsewhere ; and the reader curious in the matter will permit me to refer him for a critical notice of his life and writings to the Conquest of Mexico, Book 4, Postscript. — His account of Peru is incorporated into his great work, Natural e General Historia de las Indias, MS., where it forms the forty-sixth and forty-seventh books. It extends from Pizarro's landing at Tumbez to Almagro's return from Chili, and thus covers the entire portion of what may be called the conquest of the country. The style of its execution, corresponding with that of the residue of the work to which it belongs, affords no ground for criticism different from that already passed on the general character of Oviedo's writings. This eminent person was at once a scholar and a man of the world. Living much at court, and familiar with persons of the highest distinc tion in Castile, he yet passed much of his time in the colonies, and thus added the fruits of personal experience to what he had gained from the Ch. IX.] CIEZA DE LEON. 327 reports of others. His curiosity was indefatigable, extending to every department of natural science, as well as to the civil and personal his tory of the colonists, lie was, at once, their Pliny and their Tacitus. His works abound in portraitures of character, sketched with freedom and animation. His reflections are piquant, and often rise to a philo sophic tone, which discards the usual trammels of the age ; and the progress of the story is varied by a multiplicity of personal anecdotes, that give a rapid insight into the characters of the parties. With his eminent qualifications, and with a social position that com manded respect, it is strange that so much of his writings — the whole of his great Historia de las Indias, and his curious Quiyicuagcnas — should be so long suffered to remain in manuscript. This is partly chargeable to the caprice of fortune ; for the History was more than once on the eve of publication, and is even now understood to be pre pared for the press Yet it has serious defects, which may have con tributed to keep it in its present form. In its desultory and episodical style of composition, it resembles rather notes for a great historv, than history itself. It may be regarded in the light of commentaries, or as illustrations of the times. In that view his pages are of high worth, and have been frequently resorted to by writers who have not too scru pulously appropriated the statements of the old chronicler, with slight acknowledgments to their author. It is a pity that Oviedo should have shown more solicitude to tell what was new, than to ascertain how much of it was strictly true. Among his merits will scarcely be found that of historical accuracv. And vet we may find an apology for this, to some extent, in the fact. that his writings, as already intimated, are not so much in the nature of finished compositions, as of loose memoranda, where every thing, rumor as well as fact, — even the most contradictory rumors, — are all set down at random, forming a miscellaneous heap of materials, of which the discreet historian may avail himself to rear a symmetrical fabric on foundations of greater strength and solidity. Another author worthy of particular note is J'edro Cieza de Leon. His lYrfjuVd del Peru should more properly be styled an Itinerary, or rather Geography, °' Peru. It gives a minute topographical view of the country at the time of the Conquest ; of its provinces and towns. both Indian and Spanish ; its flourishing sea-eoast ; its forests, valleys. and interminable ranges of mountains in the interior ; with many inter- estiutr particulars of the existing population, — their dress, manners. architectural remains, and public works, while, scattered here and there, may be found notices of their early history and social polity. It is, in short, a lively picture of the country in its physical and moral relations, lis it met the eve at the time of the Conquest, and in that transition 328 CIEZA DE LEON. [Book IV. period when it was first subjected to European influences. The con ception of a work, at so early a period, on this philosophical plan, re minding us of that of Malte-Brun in our own time, — parva componere magnis, — was, of itself, indicative of great comprehensiveness of mind in its author. It was a task of no little difficulty, where there was yet no pathway opened by the labors of the antiquarian ; no hints from the sketch-book of the traveller, or the measurements of the sci entific explorer. Yet the distances from place to place are all care fully jotted down by the industrious compiler, and the hearings of the different places and their peculiar features are exhibited with sufficient precision, considering the nature of the obstacles he had to encounter. The literary execution of the work, moreover, is highly respectable, sometimes even rich and picturesque ; and the author describes the grand and beautiful scenery of the Cordilleras with a sensibility to its charms, not often found in the tasteless topographer, still less often in the rude Conqueror. Cieza de Leon came to the New World, as he informs us, at the early age of thirteen. But it is not till Gasca's time that we find his name enrolled among the actors in the busy scenes of civil strife, when he accompanied the president in his campaign against Gonzalo Pizarro. His Chronicle, or, at least, the notes for it, was compiled in such leisure as he could snatch from his more stirring avocations ; and after ten years from the time he undertook it, the First Part — all we have — was completed in 1550, when the author had reached only the age of thirty-two. It appeared at Seville in 1553, and the following year at Antwerp; while an Italian translation, printed at Rome, in 1555, attest ed the rapid celebrity of the work. The edition of Antwerp — the one used by me in this compilation — is in the duodecimo form, exceedingly well printed, and garnished with wood-cuts, in which Satan, — for the author had a full measure of the ancient credulity, — with his usual bugbear accompaniments, frequently appears in bodily presence. In the Preface, Cieza announces his purpose to continue the work in three other parts, illustrating respectively the ancient history of the country under the Incas, its conquest by the Spaniards, and the civil wars which ensued. He even gives, with curious minuteness, the contents of the several books of the projected history. But the First Part, as already noticed, was alone completed ; and the author, having returned to Spain, died there in 1560, at the premature age of forty-two, without having covered any portion of the magnificent ground-plan which he had thus confidently laid out. The deficiency is much to be regretted, considering the talent of the writer, and his opportunities for personal observation. But he has done enough to render us grateful for his labors. By the vivid delineation of scenes and scenery, as they were Ch. IX.] CIEZA DE LEON. 329 presented fresh to his own eyes, he has furnished us with a background to the historic picture, — the landscape, as it were, in which the per sonages of the time might be more fitly portrayed. It would have been impossible to exhibit the ancient topography of the land so faith fully at a subsequent period, when old things had passed away, and the Conqueror, breaking down the landmarks of ancient civilization, had effaced many of the features oven of the physical aspect of the country, as it existed under the elaborate culture of the Incas. VOL. II. BOOK FIFTH SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. BOOK V- SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. CHAPTER I. Or, r at Sknsation in Spun. — ¦ Punno dk la. Gasca. — His K.un.v JiHK. — Uis Mission to Prhu. — His Politic Conduct. — His Orrvii.s to Pizakko. — Gains the Fi.i-kt. 1545 — 1547. While the important revolution detailed in the preceding pages was going forward in Peru, rumors of it, from time to time, found their way to the mother-country ; but the distance was so great, and opportunities for communication so rare, that the ti dings were usually very long behind the occurrence of the events to which they related. The govern ment hoard with dismay of the troubles caused by the ordinances and the intemperate conduct, of the vice roy ; and it was not long before it learned that this functionary was deposed and driven from his capi tal, while the whole country, under Gonzalo Pizarro, was arraved in arms against him. All classes wore filled with consternation at this alarming intelli- 334 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. gence ; and many that had before approved the ordinances now loudly condemned the ministers, who, without considering the inflammable temper of the people, had thus rashly fired a train which menaced a general explosion throughout the colo nies.1 No such rebellion, within the memory of man, had occurred in the Spanish empire. It was compared with the famous war of the comunidades, in the beginning of Charles the Fifth's reign. But the Peruvian insurrection seemed the more formida ble of the two. The troubles of Castile, being under the eye of the Court, might be the more easily managed ; while it was difficult to make the same power felt on the remote shores of the Indies. Lying along the distant Pacific, the principle of attraction which held Peru to the parent country was so feeble, that this colony might, at any time, with a less impulse than that now given to it, fly from its political orbit. It seemed as if the fairest of its jewels was about to fall from the imperial diadem ! Such was the state of things in the summer of 1545, when Charles the Fifth was absent in Ger many, occupied with the religious troubles of the empire. The government was in the hands of his 1 " Que aquello era contra una los mas de ellos ; y que tambien cedula que tenian del Emperador era contra otra cedula real que que les daba el repartimiento de los ninguno podia ser despojado de sus indios de su vida, y del hijo mayor, indios sin ser primero oido a justicia y no teniendo hijos a sus mugeres, y condenado." Historia de Don con mandarles espresamente . que Pedro Gasca, Obispo de Siguenza, se casasen como lo habian ya hecho MS. Ch. I.] GREAT SENSATION IN SPAIN. 335 son, who, under the name of Philip the Second, was soon to sway the sceptre over the largest por tion of his father's dominions, and who was then holding his court at Valladolid. He called together a council of prelates, jurists, and military men of greatest experience, to deliberate on the measures to be pursued for restoring order in the colonies. All agreed in regarding Pizarro's movement in the light of an audacious rebellion ; and there were few, at first, who were not willing to employ the whole strength of government to vindicate the honor of the Crown, — to quell the insurrection, and bring the authors of it to punishment.2 But, however desirable this might appear, a very little reflection showed that it was not easy to be done, if, indeed, it were practicable. The great distance of Peru required troops to be transported not merely across the ocean, but over the broad ex tent of the great continent. And how was this to be effected, when the principal posts, the keys of communication with the country, were in the hands of the rebels, while their fleet rode in the Pacific, the mistress of its waters, cutting off all approach to the coast ? Even if a Spanish force could be landed in Peru, what chance would it have, unaccus tomed, as it would be, to the country and the cli mate, of coping with the veterans of Pizarro, trained 2 MS. de Caravantes. — Hist, lebrity afterwards in the Nether- de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. lands. We may well believe his One of this council was the great voice was for coercion. Dnke of Alva, of such gloomy ce- 336 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. to war in the Indies and warmly attached to the person of their commander ? The new levies thus sent out might become themselves infected with the spirit of insurrection, and cast off their own al legiance.3 Nothing remained, therefore, but to try concilia tory measures. The government, however morti fying to its pride, must retrace its steps. A free grace must be extended to those who submitted, and such persuasive arguments should be used, and such politic concessions made, as would convince the re fractory colonists that it was their interest, as well as their duty, to return to their allegiance. But to approach the people in their present state of excitement, and to make those concessions with out too far compromising the dignity and permanent authority of the Crown, was a delicate matter, for the success of which they must rely wholly on the character of the agent. After much deliberation, a competent person, as it was thought, was found in an ecclesiastic, by the name of Pedro de la Gasca, — a name which, brighter by contrast with the gloomy times in which it first appeared, still shines with undiminished splendor after the lapse of ages. Pedro de la Gasca was born, probably, towards 3 " Ventilose la forma del reme- la imposibilidad y falto de dinero dio de tan grave caso en que huvo para llevar gente, cavallos, armas, dos opiniones ; la una de imbiar un municiones y vastimentos, y para gran soldado con fuerza de gente a sustentarlos en tierra firme y pa- la demostracion de este castigo; sarlos al Pint." MS. de Cara- la otra que se llevase el negocio vantes. por prudentes y suaves medios, por Ch. I.] PEDRO DE LA GASCA. 337 the close of the fifteenth century, in a small village in Castile, named Barco de Avila. He came, both by father and mother's side, from an ancient and noble lineage ; ancient indeed, if, as his biographers contend, he derived his descent from Casca, one of the conspirators against Julius Caesar!4 Having the misfortune to lose his father early in life, he was placed by his uncle in the famous seminary of Al- cala de Henares, founded by the great Ximenes. Here he made rapid proficiency in liberal studies, especially in those connected with his profession, and at length received the degree of Master of Theology. The young man, however, discovered other tal ents than those demanded by his sacred calling. The war of the comunidades was then raging in the country ; and the authorities of his college showed a disposition to take the popular side. But Gasca, putting himself at the head of an armed force, seized one of the gates of the city, and, with assist ance from the royal troops, secured the place to the interests of the Crown. This early display of loy alty was probably not lost on his vigilant sovereign.5 * " Pasando a Espafia vinieron strong enough to hang a pedigree a tierra de Avila y quedo del nom- upon in Castile. bre dellos el lugar y familia de 5 This account of the early his- Gasca ; mudandose por la afinidad tory of Gasca I have derived chief- de la pronunciacion, que hay entre ly from a manuscript biographical las dos letras consonantes c. y. g. notice written in 1465, during the el nombre de Casca en Gasca." prelate's life. The name of the Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. author, who speaks apparently from Similarity of name is a peg quite personal knowledge, is not given ; vol. ii. 43 338 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. From Alcala, Gasca was afterwards removed to Salamanca ; where he distinguished himself by his skill in scholastic disputation, and obtained the high est academic honors in that ancient university, the fruitful nursery of scholarship and genius. He was subsequently intrusted with the management of some important affairs of an ecclesiastical nature, and made a member of the Council of the In quisition. In this latter capacity he was sent to Valencia, about 1540, to examine into certain alleged cases of heresy in that quarter of the country. These were involved in great obscurity ; and, although Gasca had the assistance of several eminent jurists in the investigation, it occupied him nearly two years. In the conduct of this difficult matter, he showed so much penetration, and such perfect im partiality, that he was appointed by the Cortes of Valencia to the office of visitador of that kingdom ; a highly responsible post, requiring great discretion in the person who filled it, since it was his province to inspect the condition of the courts of justice and of finance, throughout the land, with authority to reform abuses. It was proof of extraordinary con- but it seems to be the work of a which has been passed over in pro- scholar, and is written with a cer- found silence by Castilian histo- tain pretension to elegance. The rians. It is to be regretted that original MS. forms part of the the author did not continue his valuable collection of Don Pascual labors beyond the period when de Gayangos of Madrid. It is of the subject of them received his much value for the light it throws appointment to the Peruvian mis- on the early career of Gasca, sion. Ch. I.] HIS EARLY LIFE. 339 sideration, that it should have been bestowed on Gasca ; since it was a departure from the established usage — and that in a nation most wedded to usage — to confer the office on any but a subject of the Aragonese crown.6 Gasca executed the task assigned to him with in dependence and ability. While he was thus occu pied, the people of Valencia were thrown into con sternation by a meditated invasion of the French and the Turks, yvho, under the redoubtable Barbarossa, menaced the coast and the neighbouring Balearic isles. Fears were generally entertained of a rising of the Morisco population ; and the Spanish officers who had command in that quarter, being left without the protection of a navy, despaired of making head against the enemy. In this season of general panic, Gasca alone appeared calm and self-possessed. He remonstrated with the Spanish commanders on their unsoldierlike despondency ; encouraged them to confide in the loyalty of the Moriscos ; and advised the immediate erection of fortifications along the shores for their protection. He was, in conse quence, named one of a commission to superintend these works, and to raise levies for defending the sea-coast ; and so faithfully was the task performed, 6 " Era tanta la opinion que en sino fuere natural de la Corona de Valencia tenian de la integridad y Araugon, y consintiendo que aquel pruilencia de Gasca, que en las fuero se derogase el Emperador lo Cortes de Monzon los Estados dc concedid a instancia y peticion de- aquel Reyno le pidieron por Visi- llos." Hist, de Don Pedro Gasca, tador contra la costumbre y fuero MS. de aquel Reyno, que no puede serlo 340 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. that Barbarossa, after some ineffectual attempts to make good his landing, was baffled at all points, and compelled to abandon the enterprise as hopeless. The chief credit of this resistance must be assigned to Gasca, who superintended the construction of the defences, and who was enabled to contribute a large part of the requisite funds by the economical re forms he had introduced into the administration of Valencia.7 It was at this time, the latter part of the year 1545, that the council of Philip selected Gasca as the person most competent to undertake the perilous mission to Peru.8 His character, indeed, seemed especially suited to it. His loyalty had been shown through his whole life. With great suavity of man ners he combined the most intrepid resolution. Though his demeanour w7as humble, as beseemed his calling, it was far from abject ; for he was sus tained by a conscious rectitude of purpose, that im pressed respect on all with whom he had inter course. He was acute in his perceptions, had a shrewd knowledge of character, and, though bred to the cloister, possessed an acquaintance with affairs, 7 " Que parece cierto," says his que para ello hizo." Hist, de Don enthusiastic biographer, " que por Pedro Gasca, MS. disposicion Divina vino a hallarse 8 "Finding a lion would not Gasca entonces en la Ciudad de answer, they sent a lamb," says Valencia, para remedio de aquel Gomara ; — " Finalmente, quiso Reyno y Islas do Mallorca y Me- embiar una Oveja, pues un Leon no norca & lviza, segun la 6rden, pre- aprovecho ; y asi eseogi& al Licen- vencion y diligencia que en la de- ciado Pedro Gasca." Hist, de las fensa contra las armadas del Turco Ind., cap. 174. y Francia tuvo, y las provisiones Cu. I.] HIS MISSION TO PERU. 341 and oven with military science, such as was to have been expected only from one roared in courts and camps. Without hesitation, therefore, the council unani mously recommended him to the emperor, and requested his approbation of their proceedings. Charles had not boon an inattentive observer of Gasca's course. His attention had been particu larly called to the able manner in which he had conducted the judicial process against the here tics of Valencia.9 Tho monarch saw, at once, that ho was the man for the present emergency; and he immediately wrote to him, with his own hand, ox- pressing his entire satisfaction at the appointment, and intimating his purpose to testify his sense of his worth by preferring him to one of the principal soos then vacant. Gasoa accepted the important mission now ten dered to him without hesitation ; and, repairing to Madrid, received the instructions of tho government as to the course to be pursued. They were express ed in the most benign and conciliatory tone, perfect ly in accordance with the suggestions of his own be nevolent temper.10 But, while he commended the 51 Gasea made what the author eeives, of his zeal for the faith. — calls vna bit re v copyosa relacion " Queriendo entender muy de raizo of the proceedings to the emperor todo lo que pasaba, como Principe in Valencia ; and the monarch was tan zeloso que era de las eosas de so intent on the inquiry, that he la religion." Hist, de Don Pedro devoted the whole afternoon to it, Gasea, MS. notwithstanding his son Philip was 10 These instructions, the patri- waiting for him to attend a fiesta ! archal tone of which is highly irrefragable proof, as the writer eon- creditable to the government, are 342 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. tone of the instructions, he considered the powers with which he was to be intrusted as wholly incom petent to their object. They were conceived in the jealous spirit with which the Spanish government usually limited the authority of its great colonial offi cers, whose distance from home gave peculiar cause for distrust. On every strange and unexpected emergency, Gasca saw that he should be obliged to send back for instructions. This must cause delay, where promptitude was essential to success. The Court, moreover, as he represented to the council, was, from its remoteness from the scene of action, ut terly incompetent to pronounce as to the expediency of the measures to be pursued. Some one should be sent out in whom the king could implicitly con fide, and who should be invested with powers com petent to every emergency ; powers not merely to decide on what was best, but to carry that decision into execution ; and he boldly demanded that he should go not only as the representative of the sovereign, but clothed with all the authority of the sovereign himself. Less than this would defeat the very object for which he was to be sent. " For my self," he concluded, " I ask neither salary nor com pensation of any kind. I covet no display of state or military array. With my stole and breviary I trust to do the work that is committed to me.11 Infirm as given in extenso in the MS. of que la mas fuerca que lleuaua, era Caravantes, and in no other work su abito de clerigo y breuiario." which I have consulted. Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 11 " De suerte que juzgassen 1, lib. 2, cap. 16. Ch. I.] HIS MISSION TO PERU. 343 I am in body, the repose of my own home would have been more grateful to me than this dangerous mission ; but I will not shrink from it at the bid ding of my sovereign, and if, as is very probable, I may not be permitted again to see my native land, I shall, at least, be cheered by the consciousness of having done my best to serve its interests." 12 The members of the council, while they listened with admiration to the disinterested avowal of Gas ca, were astounded by the boldness of his demands. Not that they distrusted the purity of his motives, for these were above suspicion. But the powers for which he stipulated were so far beyond those hith erto delegated to a colonial viceroy, that they felt they had no warrant to grant them. They even shrank from soliciting them from the emperor, and required that Gasca himself should address the mon arch, and state precisely the grounds on which de mands so extraordinary were founded. Gasca readily adopted the suggestion, and wrote in the most full and explicit manner to his sovereign, who had then transferred his residence to Flanders. But Charles was not so tenacious, or, at least, so jealous, of authority, as his ministers. He had been too long in possession of it to feel that jealousy ; and, indeed, many years were not to elapse, before, oppressed by its weight, he was to resign it alto- l2 MS. de Caravantes. — Hist, did solicit one favor of the em- de Don Pedro Gasca, MS. — Fer- peror, — the appointment of his nandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, brother, an eminent jurist, to a lib. 2 cap. 16, 17. vacant place on the bench of one Though not for himself, Gasca of the Castilian tribunals. 344 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. gether into the hands of his son. His sagacious mind, moreover, readily comprehended the difficul ties of Gasca's position. He felt that the present extraordinary crisis was to be met only by extraor dinary measures. He assented to the force of his vassal's arguments, and, on the sixteenth of Februa ry, 1546, wrote him another letter expressive of his approbation, and intimated his willingness to grant him powers as absolute as those he had requested. Gasca was to be styled President of the Royal Audience. But, under this simple title, he was placed at the head of every department in the colo ny, civil, military, and judicial. He was empow ered to make new repartimientos, and to confirm those already made. He might declare war, levy troops, appoint to all offices, or remove from them, at "pleasure. He might exercise the royal prerogative of pardoning offences, and was especially authorized to grant an amnesty to all, without exception, im plicated in the present rebellion. He was, more over, to proclaim at once the revocation of the odious ordinances. These two last provisions might be said to form the basis of all his operations. Since ecclesiastics were not to be reached by the secular arm, and yet were often found fomenting troubles in the colonies, Gasca was permitted to banish from Peru such as he thought fit. He might even send home the viceroy, if the good of the country required it. Agreeably to his own sugges tion, he was to receive no specified stipend ; but he had unlimited orders on the treasuries both of Ch. I.] HIS MISSION TO PERU. 345 Panama and Peru. He was furnished with letters from the emperor to the principal authorities, not only in Peru, but in Mexico and the neighbouring colonies, requiring their countenance and support ; and, lastly, blank letters, bearing the royal signa ture, were delivered to him, which he was to fill up at his pleasure.13 While the grant of such unbounded powers ex cited the warmest sentiments of gratitude in Gasca towards the sovereign who could repose in him so much confidence, it seems — which is more extra ordinary — not to have raised corresponding feel ings of envy in the courtiers. They knew well that it was not for himself that the good ecclesiastic had solicited them. On the contrary, some of the council were desirous that he should be preferred to the bishopric, as already promised him, before his departure ; conceiving that he would thus go with greater authority than as an humble ecclesiastic, and fearing, moreover, that Gasca himself, were it omitted, might feel some natural disappointment. But the president hastened to remove these im pressions. " The honor would avail me little," he said, " where I am going ; and it would be mani festly wrong to appoint me to an office in the Church, while 1 remain at such a distance that 1 cannot discharge the duties of it. The conscious- 13 Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 17, 6, cap. 6. — HeTrera, Hist. Gene- 18. — Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., ral, dec. 8, lib. 1, cap. 6. — MS. cap. 174. —Hist, de Don Pedro de Caravantes. — Fernandez, Hist. Gasca, MS. VOL. II. 44 346 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. ness of my insufficiency," he continued, " should I never return, would lie heavy on my soul in my last moments." u The politic reluctance to accept the mitre has passed into a proverb. But there was no affectation here ; and Gasca's friends, yield ing to his arguments, forbore to urge the matter further. The new president now went forward with his preparations. They were few and simple ; for he was to be accompanied by a slender train of follow ers, among whom the most conspicuous was Alonso de Alvarado, the gallant officer who, as the reader may remember, long commanded under Francisco Pizarro. He had resided of late years at court ; and now at Gasca's request accompanied him to Peru, where his presence might facilitate negotia tions with the insurgents, while his military experi ence would prove no less valuable in case of an appeal to arms.15 Some delay necessarily occurred in getting ready his little squadron, and it was not till the 26th of May, 1546, that the president and his suite embarked at San Lucar for the New World. After a prosperous voyage, and not a long one for that day, he landed, about the middle of July, at the port of Santa Martha. Here he received the as tounding intelligence of the battle of Anaquito, of 14 " Especialmente, si alia mu- aceptado." Fernandez, Hist, de riesse d le matassen : que entdces Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 18. de nada le podria ser buena, sino 15 From this cavalier descended para partir desta vida, con mas the noble house of the counts of congoxa y pena de la poca cuenta Villamor in Spain. MS. de Cara- que daua de la prouision que auia vantes. Ch. I.] HIS POLITIC CONDUCT. 347 the defeat and death of the viceroy, and of the man ner in which Gonzalo Pizarro had since established his absolute rule over the land. Although these events had occurred several months before Gasca's departure from Spain, yet, so imperfect was the in tercourse, no tidings of them had then reached that country. They now filled the president with great anxiety ; as he reflected that the insurgents, after so atrocious an act as the slaughter of the viceroy, might well despair of grace, and become reckless of conse quences. He was careful, therefore, to have it un derstood, that the date of his commission was subse quent to that of the fatal battle, and that it author ized an entire amnesty of all offences hitherto committed against the government.16 Yet, in some points of view, the death of Blasco Nunez might be regarded as an auspicious circum stance for the settlement of the country. Had he lived till Gasca's arrival, the latter would have been greatly embarrassed by the necessity of acting in concert with a person so generally detested in the colony, or by the unwelcome alternative of sending him back to Castile. The insurgents, moreover, would, in all probability, be now more amenable to reason, since all personal animosity might naturally be buried in the grave of their enemy. The president wras much embarrassed by deciding in what quarter he should attempt to enter Peru. 16 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 21. 348 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. Every port was in the hands of Pizarro, and was placed under the care of his officers, with strict charge to intercept any communications from Spain, and to detain such persons as bore a commission from that country until his pleasure could be known respecting them. Gasca, at length, decided on crossing over to Nombre de Dios, then held with a strong force by Hernan Mexia, an officer to whose charge Gonzalo had committed this strong gate to his dominions, as to a person on whose attachment to his cause he could confidently rely. Had Gasca appeared off this place in a menacing attitude, with a military array, or, indeed, with any display of official pomp that might have awakened distrust in the commander, he would doubtless have found it no easy matter to effect a landing. But Mexia saw nothing to apprehend in the approach of a poor ecclesiastic, without an armed force, with hardly even a retinue to support him, coming solely, as it seemed, on an errand of mercy. No sooner, therefore, was he acquainted with the character of the envoy and his mission, than he prepared to re ceive him with the honors due to his rank, and marched out at the head of his soldiers, together with a considerable body of ecclesiastics resident in the place. There was nothing in the person of Gasca, still less in his humble clerical attire and modest retinue, to impress the vulgar spectator with feelings of awe or reverence. Indeed, the poverty- stricken aspect, as it seemed, of himself and his fol lowers, so different from the usual state affected by Ch. I.] HIS POLITIC CONDUCT. 349 the Indian viceroys, excited some merriment among the rude soldiery, who did not scruple to break their coarse jests on his appearance, in hearing of the president himself.17 " If this is the sort of governor his Majesty sends over to us," they exclaimed, " Pizarro need not trouble his head much about it." Yet the president, far from being ruffled by this ribaldry, or from showing resentment to its authors, submitted to it with the utmost humility, and only seemed the more grateful to his own brethren, who, by their respectful demeanour, appeared anxious to do him honor. But, however plain and unpretending the manners of Gasca, Mexia, on his first interview with him, soon discovered that he had no common man to deal with. The president, after briefly explaining the nature of his commission, told him that he had come as a messenger of peace ; and that it was on peace ful measures he relied for his success. He then stated the general scope of his commission, his au thority to grant a free pardon to all, without excep tion, who at once submitted to government, and, finally, his purpose to proclaim the revocation of the ordinances. The objects of the revolution were thus attained. To contend longer would be mani fest rebellion, and that without a motive ; and he urged the commander by every principle of loyalty 17 " Especialmente muchos de sidente (viendo que era necessario) los soldados, que estauan desaca- hazia las orejas sordas." Ibid., tados, y decian palabras feas, y Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 23. desuergocadas. A lo qual el Pre- 350 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. and patriotism to support him in settling the dis tractions of the country, and bringing it back to its allegiance. The candid and conciliatory language of the president, so different from the arrogance of Blasco Nunez, and the austere demeanour of Vaca de Castro, made a sensible impression on Mexia. He admitted the force of Gasca's reasoning, and flattered himself that Gonzalo Pizarro would not be insensible to it. Though attached to the for tunes of that leader, he was loyal in heart, and, like most of the party, had been led by accident, rather than by design, into rebellion ; and now that so good an opportunity occurred to do it with safety, he was not unwilling to retrace his steps, and secure the royal favor by thus early returning to his allegiance. This he signified to the presi dent, assuring him of his hearty cooperation in the good work of reform.18 This was an important step for Gasca. It was yet more important for him to secure the obedience of Hinojosa, the governor of Panama, in the har bour of which city lay Pizarro's navy, consisting of two-and-twenty vessels. But it was not easy to approach this officer. He was a. person of much higher character than was usually found among the reckless adventurers in the New World. He was attached to the interests of Pizarro, and the latter 18 Ibid., ubi supra. — Carta de 1546. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. lib. 6, cap. 6. — Herrera, Hist. — Montesinos, Annales, MS., aiio General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. 5. Ch. I.] HIS POLITIC CONDUCT. 351 had requited him by placing him in command of his armada and of Panama, the key to his territories on the Pacific. The president first sent Mexia and Alonso de Alvarado to prepare the way for his own coming, by advising Hinojosa of the purport of his mission. He soon after followed, and was received by that commander with every show of outward respect. But while the latter listened with deference to the representations of Gasca, they failed to work the change in him which they had wrought in Mexia ; and he concluded by asking the president to show him his powers, and by inquiring yvhether they gave him authority to confirm Pizarro in his present post, to which he was entitled no less by his own services than by the general voice of the people. This yvas an embarrassing question. Such a con cession would have been altogether too humiliating to the Crown ; but to have openly avowed this at the present juncture to so stanch an adherent of Pizarro might have precluded all further negotiation. The president evaded the question, therefore, by simply stating, that the time had not yet come for him to produce his powers, but that Hinojosa might be assured they were such as to secure an ample recompense to every loyal servant of his country.19 Hinojosa yvas not satisfied ; and he immediately 19 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 7. — Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 25. — Zarate, MS. de Caravantes. 352 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. wrote to Pizarro, acquainting him with Gasca's ar rival and with the object of his mission, at the same time plainly intimating his own conviction that the president had no authority to confirm him in the government. But before the departure of the ship, Gasca secured the services of a Dominican friar, who had taken his passage on board for one of the towns on the coast. This man he intrusted with manifestoes, setting forth the purport of his visit, and proclaiming the abolition of the ordinances, with a free pardon to all who returned to their obe dience. He wrote, also, to the prelates and to the corporations of the different cities. The former he requested to cooperate with him in introducing a spirit of loyalty and subordination among the people, yvhile he intimated to the towns his purpose to con fer with them hereafter, in order to devise some ef fectual measures for the welfare of the country. These papers the Dominican engaged to distribute, himself, among the principal cities of the colony; and he faithfully kept his word, though, as it proved, at no little hazard of his life. The seeds thus scat tered might many of them fall on barren ground. But the greater part, the president trusted, would take root in the hearts of the people ; and he pa tiently yvaited for the harvest. Meanwhile, though he failed to remove the scruples of Hinojosa, the courteous manners of Gasca, and his mild, persuasive discourse, had a vis ible effect on other individuals with whom he had daily intercourse. Several of these, and among Ch. I.] HIS OFFERS TO PIZARRO. 353 them some of the principal cavaliers in Panama, as well as in the squadron, expressed their willingness to join the royal cause, and aid the president in maintaining it. Gasca profited by their assistance to open a communication with the authorities of Guatemala and Mexico, whom he advised of his mission, while he admonished them to allow no in tercourse to be carried on with the insurgents on the coast of Peru. He, at length, also prevailed on the governor of Panama to furnish him with the means of entering into communication with Gonzalo Pi zarro himself; and a ship was despatched to Lima, bearing a letter from Charles tho Fifth, addressed to that chief, with an epistle also from Gasca. The emperor's communication yvas couched in the most condescending and even conciliatory terms. Far from taxing Gonzalo with rebellion, his royal master affected to regard his conduct as in a manner imposed on him by circumstances, especially by the obduracy of the viceroy Nuiiez in denying the colo nists the inalienable right of petition. He gave no intimation of an intent to confirm Pizarro in the •government, or, indeed, to remove him from it ; but simplv referred him to Gasea as one who would ac quaint him with the royal pleasure, and with whom ho yvas to cooperate in restoring tranquillity to the country. Gasca's own letter yvas pitched on the same pol itic key. He remarked, however, that the exi gencies which had hitherto determined Gonzalo's line of conduct existed no longer. All that had VOL. II. 45 354 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. been asked was conceded. There was nothing now to contend for ; and it only remained for Pizarro and his followers to show their loyalty and the sin cerity of their principles by obedience to the Crown. Hitherto, the president said, Pizarro had been in arms against the viceroy ; and the people had sup ported him as against a common enemy. If he prolonged the contest, that enemy must be his sovereign. In such a struggle, the people would be sure to desert him ; and Gasca conjured him, by his honor as a cavalier, and his duty as a loyal vassal, to respect the royal authority, and not rashly provoke a contest which must prove to the world that his con duct hitherto had been dictated less by patriotic motives than by selfish ambition. This letter, which wras conveyed in language the most courteous and complimentary to the subject of it, was of great length. It yvas accompanied by another much more concise, to Cepeda, the in triguing lawyer, who, as Gasca knew, had the greatest influence over Pizarro, in the absence of Carbajal, then employed in reaping the silver har vest from the newly discovered mines of Potosi.20 In this epistle, Gasca affected to defer to the cun ning politician as a member of the Royal Audience, and he conferred with him on the best manner of supplying a vacancy in that bodv. These several despatches were committed to a cavalier, named 20 " El Licenciado Cepeda que quiero mucho." Carta de Gonzalo tengo yo agora por teniente, de Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. quien yo hago mucho caso i le Ch. I.] HIS OFFERS TO PIZARRO. 355 Paniagua, a faithful adherent of the president, and one of those yvho had accompanied him from Castile. To this same emissary he also gave manifestoes and letters, like those intrusted to the Dominican, with orders secretly to distribute them in Lima, before he quitted that capital.21 Weeks and months rolled away, while the presi dent still remained at Panama, where, indeed, as his communications were jealously cut off with Peru, he might be said to be detained as a sort of prisoner of state. Meanwhile, both he and Hino josa were looking with anxiety for the arrival of some messenger from Pizarro, who should indicate the manner in which the president's mission was to be received by that chief. The governor of Panama was not blind to the perilous position in which he was himself placed, nor to the madness of provok ing a contest with the Court of Castile. But he had a reluctance — not too often shared by the cav aliers of Peru — to abandon the fortunes of the commander who had reposed in him so great confi dence. Yet he trusted that this commander would 21 The letters noticed in the text The benignant tone of this homily may be found in Zarate, Conq. del maybe inferred from its concluding Peru, lib. 6, cap. 7, and Fernandez, sentence ; " Nuestro seiior por su Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. infinita bodad alumbre a vuestra 29, 30. The president's letter merced, y a todos los demas para covers several pages. Much of it que acierten a hazer en este nego- is taken up with historic precedents cio lo que couiene a sus almas, and illustrations, to show the folly, honras, vidas y haziendas : y guarde as well as wickedness, of a col- en su sancto servicio la IUustre per- lision with the imperial authority, sona de vuestra merced." 356 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. embrace the opportunity now offered, of placing himself and the country in a state of permanent se curity. Several of the cavaliers who had given in their adhesion to Gasca, displeased by this obstinacy, as they termed it, of Hinojosa, proposed to seize his person and then get possession of the armada. But the president at once rejected this offer. His mis sion, he said, was one of peace, and he would not stain it at the outset by an act of violence. He even respected the scruples of Hinojosa ; and a cava lier of so honorable a nature, he conceived, if once he could be gained by fair means, would be much more likely to be true to his interests, than if over come either by force or fraud. Gasca thought he might safely abide his time. There was policy, as well as honesty, in this ; indeed, they always go together. Meantime, persons were occasionally arriving from Lima and the neighbouring places, who gave ac counts of Pizarro, varying according to the character and situation of the parties. Some represented him as winning all hearts by his open temper and the politic profusion with which, though covetous of wealth, he distributed repartimientos and favors among his followers. Others spoke of him as car rying matters with a high hand, while the greatest timidity and distrust prevailed among the citizens of Lima. All agreed that his power rested on too se cure a basis to be shaken ; and that, if the president should go to Lima, he must either consent to be- Ch. I.] HIS OFFERS TO PIZARRO. 357 come Pizarro's instrument and confirm him in the government, or forfeit his own life.22 It was undoubtedly true, that Gonzalo, while he gave attention, as his friends say, to the public business, found time for free • indulgence in those pleasures which wait on the soldier of fortune in his hour of triumph. He was the object of flattery and homage ; courted even by those who hated him. For such as did not love the successful chieftain had good cause to fear him ; and his exploits were com memorated in romances or ballads, as rivalling — it was not far from truth — those of the most doughty paladins of chivalry.23 Amidst this burst of adulation, the cup of joy commended to Pizarro's lips had one drop of bitter ness in it that gave its flavor to all the rest ; for, notwithstanding his show of confidence, he looked with unceasing anxiety to the arrival of tidings that might assure him in what light his conduct was re garded by the government at home. This yvas proved by his jealous precautions to guard the ap proaches to the coast, and to detain the persons of the royal emissaries. He learned, therefore, with no little uneasiness, from Hinojosa, the landing of President Gasca, and the purport of his mission. 22 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, tando romances, y coplas, de todo Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 27. — Herrera, lo que auia hecho : encaresciendo Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. sus hazaiias, y victorias. En lo 7, MS. de Caravantes. qual mucho se deleytaua como 23 " Y con esto, estaua siempre hombre de gruesso entedimiento." en fiestas y recozijo, holgandose Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte mucho que le diessen musicas, can- 1, lib. 2, cap. 32. 358 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. But his discontent was mitigated, when he under stood that the new envoy had come without mili tary array, without any of the ostentatious trappings of office to impose on the minds of the vulgar, but alone, as it were, in the plain garb of an humble missionary.24 Pizarro could not discern, that under this modest exterior lay a moral power, stronger than his own steel-clad battalions, which, operating silently on public opinion, — the more sure that it was silent, — was even now undermining his strength, like a subterraneous channel eating away the foundations of some stately edifice, that stands secure in its pride of place ! But, although Gonzalo Pizarro could not foresee this result, he saw enough to satisfy him that it would be safest to exclude the president from Peru. The tidings of his arrival, moreover, quickened his former purpose of sending an embassy to Spain to vindicate his late proceedings, and request the royal confirmation of his authority. The person placed at the head of this mission was Lorenzo de Aldana, a cavalier of discretion as well as courage, and high in the confidence of Pizarro, as one of his most de voted partisans. He had occupied some important posts under that chief, one secret of whose Sue s'* Gonzalo, in his letter to Val- christiano i hombre de buena vida divia, speaks of Gasca as a clergy- i clerigo, i dicen que viene a estas man of a godly reputation, who, partes con buena intencion i no without recompense, in the true quiso salario ninguno del Rey sino spirit of a missionary, had come venir para poner paz en estos rey- over to settle the affairs of the nos con sus cristiandades." Carta country. " Dicen ques mui buen de Gonzalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. Ch. I.] HIS OFFERS TO PIZARRO. 359 cesses was the sagacity he showed in the selection of his agents. Besides Aldana and one or two cavaliers, the bishop of Lima was joined in the commission, as likely, from his position, to have a favorable influence on Gonzalo's fortunes at court. Together with the despatches for the government, the envoys were in trusted with a letter to Gasca from the inhabitants of Lima ; in which, after civilly congratulating the president on his arrival, they announce their regret that he had come too late. The troubles of the country were now settled by the overthrow of the viceroy, and the nation was reposing in quiet under the rule of Pizarro. An embassy, they stated, was on its way to Castile, not to solicit pardon, for they had committed no crime,25 but to petition the em peror to confirm their leader in the government, as the man in Peru best entitled to it by his virtues.26 They expressed the conviction that Gasca's presence would only serve to renew the distractions of the country, and they darkly intimated that his attempt to land would probably cost him his life. — The language of this singular document was more re spectful than might be inferred from its import. It was dated the 14th of October, 1546, and was subscribed by seventy of the principal cavaliers in 25 " Porque perdo ninguno de Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte nosotros le pide, porque no enten- 1, lib. 2, cap. 33. demos que emos errado, sino serui- $6 " Porque el por sus virtudes do a su Magestad : conseruado es muy amado de todos : y tenido nuestro derecho ; que por sus leyes por padre del Peru." Ibid., ubi Reales a sus vasallos es permitido. ' ' supra. 360 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V the city. It was not improbably dictated by Ce peda, whose hand is visible in most of the intrigues of Pizarro's little court. It is also said, — the au thority is somewhat questionable, — that Aldana received instructions from Gonzalo secretly to offer a bribe of fifty thousand pesos de oro to the presi dent, to prevail on him to return to Castile ; and in case of his refusal, some darker and more effec tual way was to be devised to rid the country of his presence.27 Aldana, fortified with his despatches, sped swiftly on his voyage to Panama. Through him the gov ernor learned the actual state of feeling in the coun cils of Pizarro ; and he listened with regret to the envoy's conviction, that no terms would be admitted by that chief or his companions, that did not con firm him in the possession of Peru.28 27 Ibid., loc. cit. — Herrera, que aunque arriba digo que dicen Hist. General, dec. 8, lib. 2, cap. ques un santo, es un hombre mas 10. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. mafioso que havia en toda Espafia 6, cap. 8. — Gomara, Hist, de las e mas sabio ; e asi venia por pre- Ind., cap. 177. — Montesinos, An- sidente e Governador, e todo quanto nales, MS., ano 1546. el quiera ; e para poderme embiar Pizarro, in his letter to Valdivia, a mi a Espafia, i a cabo de dos notices this remonstrance to Gasca, aiios que andavamos fuera de nues- who, with all his reputation as a tras casas queria el Rey darme saint, was as deep as any man in este pago, mas yo con todos los Spain, and had now come to send cavalleros deste Reyno le embia- him home, as a reward, no doubt, of vamos a decir que se vaya, sino his faithful services. " But I and que haremos con el como con the rest of the cavaliers," he con- Blasco Nunez." Carta de Con cludes, " have warned him not to zalo Pizarro a Valdivia, MS. set foot here." " Y agora que yo 28 With Aldana's mission to tenia puesta esta tierra en sosiego Castile Gonzalo Pizarro closes the embiava su parte al de la Gasca, important letter, so often cited in Ch. I.] HIS OFFERS TO PIZARRO. 361 Aldana was soon admitted to an audience by the president. It was attended with very different results from what had followed from the conferences with Hinojosa : for Pizarro's envoy was not armed by nature with that stubborn panoply which had hitherto made the other proof against all argument. He now learned with surprise the nature of Gasca's powers, and the extent of the royal concessions to the insurgents. He had embarked with Gonzalo Pizarro on a desperate venture, and he found that it had proved successful. The colony had noth ing more, in reason, to demand : and. though de voted in heart to his leader, he did not feel bound by any principle of honor to take part with him, solely to gratify his ambition, in a wild contest with the Crown that must end in inevitable ruin. He consequently abandoned his mission to Castile, prob ably never very palatable to him, and announced his purpose to accept the pardon proffered bv govern ment, and support the president in settling the affairs of Peru. He subsequently yvrote, it should be add ed, to his former commander in Lima, stating the course he had taken, and earnestly recommending the latter to follow his example. The influence of this precedent in so important a person as Aldana, aided, doubtless, by the conviction these pages, and which may be openly espoused the cause of Gasca, supposed to furnish the best argu- and his troops formed part of the ments for his own conduct. It is forces who contended with Pizurro. a curious fict. that Valdivia, the not long afterwards, at Huarina. conqueror of Chili, to whom the Such was the friend on whom Gon- epistle is addressed, soon after this zalo relied ! VOL. II. 46 362 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. that no change yvas now to be expected in Pizarro, while delay would be fatal to himself, at length pre vailed over Hinojosa's scruples, and he intimated to Gasca his willingness to place the fleet under his command. The act was performed with great pomp and ceremony. Some of Pizarro's stanchest parti sans yvere previously removed from the vessels ; and on the nineteenth of November, 1546, Hinojosa and his captains resigned their commissions into the hands of the president. They next took the oaths of allegiance to Castile ; a free pardon for all past offences was proclaimed by the herald from a scaf fold erected in the great square of the city ; and the president, greeting them as true and loyal vassals of the Crown, restored their several commissions to the cavaliers. The royal standard of Spain was then unfurled on board the squadron, and proclaimed that this strong-hold of Pizarro's power had passed away from him for ever.29 The return of their commissions to the insurgent captains was a politic act in Gasca. It secured the services of the ablest officers in the country, and turned against Pizarro the very arm on which he had most leaned for support. Thus was this great 29 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y a wholesome counterpoise to the Conq., MS. — -Zarate, Conq. del unfavorable views taken of his con- Peru, lib. 6, cap. 9. — Fernandez, duct by most other writers. — in Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2. cap. his notice of this transaction, seems 38, 42. — Gomara, Hist, de las disposed to allow little credit to Indias, cap. 178. — MS. de Cara- that loyalty which is shown by the vantes. sacrifice of a benefactor. Com. Garcilasso de la Vega, — whose Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 4. partiality for Gonzalo Pizarro forms Ch. I.] GAINS THE FLEET. 363 step achieved, without force or fraud, by Gasca's patience and judicious forecast. He was content to bide his time ; and he now might rely with well- grounded confidence on the ultimate success of his mission. CHAPTER II. Gasca assembles his Forces. — Defection or Pizarro's Follow ers. — He musters his Levies. — Agitation in Lima. — He ABANDONS THE ClTY. GaSOA SAILS FROM PANAMA. — BLOODY Battle of Huarina. 1547. No sooner was Gasca placed in possession of Panama and the fleet, than he entered on a more decisive course of policy than he had been hitherto allowed to pursue. He raised levies of men, and drew together supplies from all quarters. He took care to discharge the arrears already due to the sol diers, and promised liberal pay for the future ; for, though mindful that his personal charges should cost little to the Crown, he did not stint his expenditure when the public good required it. As the funds in the treasury were exhausted, he obtained loans on the credit of the government from the yvealthy citi zens of Panama, who, relying on his good faith, readily made the necessary advances. He next sent letters to the authorities of Guatemala and Mexico, requiring their assistance in carrying on hostilities, if necessary, against the insurgents ; and he despatched a summons, in like manner, to Benalcazar, in the provinces north of Peru, to meet him, on his landing in that country, with his whole available force. Ch. II.] GASCA ASSEMBLES HIS FORCES. 365 The greatest enthusiasm was shown by the peo ple of Panama in getting the little navy in order for his intended voyage ; and prelates and commanders did not disdain to prove their loyalty by taking part in the good work, along with the soldiers and sailors.1 Before his own departure, however, Gasca proposed to send a small squadron of four ships under Aldana, to cruise off the port of Lima, with instructions to give protection to those well affected to the royal cause, and receive them, if need be, on board his vessels. He was also in trusted with authenticated copies of the president's commission, to be delivered to Gonzalo Pizarro, that the chief might feel, there yvas yet time to return before the gates of mercy were closed against him.2 While these events were going on, Gasca's proc lamations and letters were doing their work in Peru. It required but little sagacity to perceive that the nation at large, secured in the protection of person and property, had nothuig to gain by revolution. Interest and duty, fortunately, now lay on the same side ; and the ancient sentiment of loyalty, smoth ered for a time, but not extinguished, revived in the breasts of the people. Still this was not mani- 1 "Y ponia sus fuereas con 2 Ibid., ubi supra. — Montesinos, tanta llaneza y obediencia, que los Annales, MS., ano 1546. — Go- Obispos y clerigos y los capitanes mara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. 178. y mas principales personas eran los — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, que primero eehauan mano, y ti- cap. 9. — Herrera, Hist. General, rauan de las gumenas y cables de dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 3. los nauios, para los sacar a la costa." Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 70. 366 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. fested, at once, by any overt act ; for, under a strong military rule, men dared hardly think for themselves, much less communicate their thoughts to one another. But changes of public opinion, like changes in the atmosphere that come on slowly and imperceptibly, make themselves more and more widely felt, till, by a sort of silent sympathy, they spread to the remotest corners of the land. Some intimations of such a change of sentiment at length found their way to Lima, although all accounts of the president's mission had been jealously excluded from that capital. Gonzalo Pizarro himself became sensible of these symptoms of disaffection, though almost too faint and feeble, as yet, for the most ex perienced eye to descry in them the coming tempest. Several of the president's proclamations had been forwarded to Gonzalo by his faithful partisans ; and Carbajal, who had been summoned from Potosi, de clared they were "more to be dreaded than the lances of Castile."3 Yet Pizarro did not, for a mo ment, lose his confidence in his own strength ; and with a navy like that now in Panama at his com mand, he felt he might bid defiance to any enemy on his coasts. He had implicit confidence in the fidelity of Hinojosa. It was at this period that Paniagua arrived off the port with Gasca's despatches to Pizarro, consisting of the emperor's letter and his own. They were instantly submitted by that chieftain to his trusty 3 " Que eran mas de temer Rey de Castilla." Fernandez, Hist. aquellas cartas que a las lagas del del Peru Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 45. Ch. II.] DEFECTION OF PIZARRO'S FOLLOWERS. 367 counsellors, Carbajal and Cepeda, and their opinions asked as to the course to be pursued. It was the crisis of Pizarro's fate. Carbajal, whose sagacious eye fully comprehended the position in which they stood, was in favor of ac cepting the royal grace on the terms proposed ; and he intimated his sense of their importance by declaring, that " he would pave the way for the bearer of them into the capital with ingots of gold and silver." 4 Cepeda was of a different way of thinking. He was a judge of the Royal Audience ; and had been sent to Peru as the immediate coun sellor of Blasco Nunez. But he had turned against the viceroy, had encountered him in battle, and his garments might be said to be yet wet with his blood ! What grace was there, then, for him ? Whatever respect might be shown to the letter of the royal provisions, in point of fact, he must ever live under the Castilian rule a ruined man. He accordingly strongly urged the rejection of Gasca's offers. " They will cost you your government," he said to Pizarro; "the smooth-tongued priest is not so simple a person as you take him to be. He is deep and politic.5 He knows well what promises to make ; and, once master of the country, he will know, too, how to keep them." 4 " Y le enladrillen los cami- 5 " Que no lo embiauan por nos por do viniere con barras de hombre sencillo y llano, sino de plata, y tejos de Oro." Garci- grandes cautelas, astucias, false- lasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, dades y engaflos." Ibid., loc. cit. cap. 5. 368 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. Carbajal was not shaken by the arguments or the sneers of his companions ; and as the discus sion waxed warm, Cepeda taxed his opponent with giving counsel suggested by fears for his own safety, — a foolish taunt, sufficiently disproved by the whole life of the doughty old warrior. Carbajal did not insist further on his own views, however, as he found them unwelcome to Pizarro, and contented himself with coolly remarking, that " he had, indeed, no relish for rebellion ; but he had as long a neck for a halter, he believed, as any of his companions ; and as he could hardly expect to live much longer, at any rate, it was, after all, of little moment to him."6 Pizarro, spurred on by a fiery ambition that over leaped every obstacle,7 did not condescend to count the desperate chances of a contest with the Crown. He threw his own weight into the scale with Cepe da. The offer of grace was rejected ; and he thus cast away the last tie which held him to his coun try, and, by the act, proclaimed himself a rebel.8 6 " Por lo demas, quado acaezca powering him, in case he judged it otra cosa, ya yo he viuido muchos necessary to the preservation of afios, y tengo tan bue palmo de the royal authority, to confirm Pi- pescueco para la soga, como cada zarro in the government, " it being uno de vuesas mercedes." Ibid., little matter if the Devil ruled loc. cit. there, provided the country re- 7 " Loca y luciferina soberuia," mained to the Crown!" The as Fernandez characterizes the as- fact was so reported by Paniagua, piring temper of Gonzalo. Hist, who continued in Peru after these del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 15. events. (Com. Real., Parte 2, 8 MS. de Caravantes. Kb. 5, cap. 5.) This is possible. According to Garcilasso, Pania- But it is more probable that a gua was furnished with secret in- credulous gossip, like Garcilasso, structions by the president, em- should be in error, than that Charles Ch. IL] DEFECTION OF PIZARRO'S FOLLOWERS. 369 It was not long after the departure of Paniagua, that Pizarro received tidings of the defection of Aldana and Hinojosa. and of the surrender of the fleet, on which he had expended an immense sum, as the chief bulwark of his power. This unwel come intelligence was followed bv accoimts of the further defection of some of the principal towns in the north, and of the assassination of Puelles, the faithful lieutenant to whom he had confided the government of Quito. It was not very long, also, before he found his authoritv assailed in the opposite quarter at Cuzco : for Centeno. the loyal chieftain who, as the reader may remember, had been driven by Carbajal to take refuge in a cave near Arequipa. had issued from his conceal ment after remaining there a year. and. on learning the arrival of Gasca, had again raised the roval standard. Then collecting a small body of follow ers, and falling on Cuzco by night, he made himself master of that capital, defeated the garrison who held it, and secured it for the Crown. Marching soon after into the province of Charcas, the bold chief allied himself with the officer who commanded for Pizarro in La Plata : and their combined forces, to the number of a thousand, took up a position on the borders of Lake Titicaca. where the two cava liers coollv waited an opportunity to take the field against their ancient eommauder. the Fifth should have been prepared selected for Gasca's confidence to make such an acknowledgment should have so indiscreetly betray- of :..s imbecility, or that the man eu his trust. VOL. II. 47 370 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. Gonzalo Pizarro, touched to the heart by the de sertion of those in whom he most confided, was stunned by the dismal tidings of his losses coming so thick upon him. Yet he did not waste his time in idle crimination or complaint ; but immediately set about making preparations to meet the storm with all his characteristic energy. He wrote, at once, to such of his captains as he believed still faithful, commanding them to be ready with their troops to march to his assistance at the shortest notice. He reminded them of their obligations to him, and that their interests were identical with his own. The president's commission, he added, had been made out before the news had reached Spain of the battle of Anaquito, and could never cover a pardon to those concerned in the death of the viceroy.9 Pizarro was equally active in enforcing his levies in the capital, and in putting them in the best fight ing order. He soon saw himself at the head of a thousand men, beautifully equipped, and complete in all their appointments ; " as gallant an array," says an old writer, " though so small in number, as ever trod the plains of Italy," — displaying in the ex cellence of their arms, their gorgeous uniforms, and the caparisons of their horses, a magnificence that could be furnished only by the silver of Peru.10 9 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y lib. 2, cap. 45, 59. — Montesinos, Conq., MS. — Zarate, Conq. del Annales, MS., afio 1547. Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11, 13._Fer- l° "Mil Hombres tan bien ar- nandcz, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, mados i aderecados, como se han Ch. II.] HE MUSTERS HIS LEVIES. 371 Each company was provided with a new stand of colors, emblazoned with its peculiar device. Some bore the initials and arms of Pizarro, and one or two of these were audaciously surmounted by a crown, as if to intimate the rank to which their commander might aspire.11 Among the leaders most conspicuous on this oc casion was Cepeda, " who," in the words of a writ er of his time, "had exchanged the robe of the licentiate for the plumed casque and mailed harness of the warrior." 12 But the cavalier to whom Pi zarro confided the chief care of organizing his bat talions yvas the veteran Carbajal, who had studied the art of war under the best captains of Europe, and whose life of adventure had been a practical commentary on their early lessons. It was on his visto en Italia, en la maior prospe- ello despacho cartas a todas las ridad, porque ninguno havia, demas ciudades del Peru. " (Montesinos, de las Armas, que no Uevase Cal- Annales, MS., ano 1547.) But it cas, i Jubon de Seda, i muchos de is hardly probable he could have Tela de Oro, i de Brocado, i otros placed so blind a confidence in the bordados, i recamados de Oro, i colonists at this crisis, as to have Plata, con mucha Chaperia de Oro meditated so rash a step. The por los Sombreros, i especialmente loyal Castilian historians are not por Frascos, i Caxas de Arcubu- slow to receive reports to the dis- ces." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. credit of the rebel. 6, cap. 11. 12 " El qual en este tiempo, 11 Ibid., ubi supra. oluidado de lo que conuenia a sus Some writers even assert that letras, y profession, y officio de Pizarro was preparing for his coro- Oydor ; salio en calcas jubon, y nation at this time, and that he had cuera, de muchos recamados : y actually despatched his summons gorra con plumas." Fernandez, to the different towns to send their Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, deputies to assist at it. " Queria cap. 62. apresurar su coronacion, y para 372 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. arm that Gonzalo most leaned in the hour of dan ger ; and well had it been for him, if he had profited by his counsels at an earlier period. It gives one some idea of the luxurious accommo dations of Pizarro's forces, that he endeavoured to provide each of his musketeers with a horse. The expenses incurred by him were enormous. The im mediate cost of his preparations, we are told, yvas not less than half a million of pesos de oro ; and his pay to the cavaliers, and, indeed, to the common soldiers, in his little army, was on an extravagant scale, nowhere to be met with but on the silver soil of Peru.13 When his own funds were exhausted, he supplied the deficiency by fines imposed on the rich citizens of Lima as the price of exemption from service, by forced loans, and various other schemes of military exaction.14 From this time, it is said, the chieftain's temper underwent a visible change.15 He became more violent in his passions, more'" impatient of control, and indulged more freely in acts of cruelty and license. The desperate cause in which he was involved made him reckless of consequences. Though naturally frank and confiding, the frequent defection of his followers filled him with suspicion. He knew not in whom to confide. Every one who 13 Ibid., ubi supra. — Zarate, h Fernandez, Parte 1, lib. 2, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 11. — cap. 62. — Montesinos, Annales, Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, MS., aiio 1547. lib. 3, cap. 5. — Montesinos, An- 15 Gomara, Hist, de las Ind,, nales, aiio 1547. cap. 172. Ch. II.] AGITATION IN LIMA. 373 showed himself indifferent to his cause, or was sus pected of being so, was dealt with as an open ene my. The greatest distrust prevailed in Lima. No man dared confide in his neighbour. Some concealed their effects ; others contrived to elude the vigilance of the sentinels, and hid themselves in the neigh bouring woods and mountains.16 No one was allow ed to enter or leave the city without a license. All commerce, all intercourse, with other places was cut off. It was long since the fifths belonging to the Crown had been remitted to Castile ; as Pi zarro had appropriated them to his own use. He now took possession of the mints, broke up the royal stamps, and issued a debased coin, emblazoned with his own cipher.17 It was the most decisive act of sovereignty. At this gloomy period, the lawyer Cepeda contriv ed a solemn farce, the intent of which was to give a sort of legal sanction to the rebel cause in the eyes of the populace. He caused a process to be pre pared against Gasca, Hinojosa, and Aldana, in which they were accused of treason against the existing 16 " Andaba la Gente tan asom- " Assi mismo echo Gozalo Picarro brada con el temor de la muerte, a toda la plata que gastaua y destri- que no se podian entender, ni te- buya su marca, que era una G. nian animo para huir, i algunos, rebuelta en una P. y pregono que que hallaron mejor aparejo, se so pena de muerte, todos recibiessen escondieron por los Canaverales, por plata fina la que tuuiesse aquel- i Cuevas, enterrando sus Hacien- la marca : sin ensayo, ni otra dili- das." Zarate, Conq. del Peru, gencia alguna. Y desta suerte lib. 6, cap. 15. hiz0 passar mucha plata de ley 17 Rel. Anonima, MS. — Mon- haja por fina." Fernandez, Hist. tesinos, Annales, MS., aiio 1547. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 62. 374 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. government of Peru, were convicted, and condemn ed to death. This instrument he submitted to a number of jurists in the capital, requiring their sig natures. But they had no mind thus inevitably to implicate themselves, by affixing their names to such a paper ; and they evaded it by representing, that it would only serve to cut off all chance, should any of the accused be so disposed, of their again embracing the cause they had deserted. Cepeda was the only man who signed the document. Carbajal treated the whole thing with ridicule. " What is the ob ject of your process ? " said he to Cepeda. " Its object," replied the latter, " is to prevent delay, that, if taken at any time, the guilty party may be at once led to execution." " I cry you mercy," retorted Carbajal ; " I thought there must be some virtue in the instrument, that would have killed them outright. Let but one of these same trai tors fall into my hands, and I will march him off to execution, without waiting for the sentence of a court, I promise you ! " 1S While this paper war was going on, news was brought that Aldana's squadron was off the port of Callao. That commander had sailed from Panama, 18 " Riose muoho entonccs Car- 2, cap. 55.) Among the jurists in uajal y dixo ; que sogii auia hocho Lima who thus independently re la instancia, que auia ontendido, sisted Copeda's requisition to sign que la justicia como rayo, auia de tho paper was the Licentiate Polo yr luego a justiciaries. Y dezia Ondegardo, a man of much discre- que si cl los tuuioese presos, no se tion, and ono of the best authorities le daria vn clauo por su sentecia, for tlio ancient institutions of tho ni firmas." (Ibid., Parte 1, lib. Incas. Ch. II.] HE ABANDONS THE CITY. 375 the middle of February, 1547. On his passage down the coast he had landed at Truxillo, where the citizens welcomed him with enthusiasm, and eagerly proclaimed their submission to the royal authority. He received, at the same time, mes sages from several of Pizarro's officers in the in terior, intimating their return to their duty, and their readiness to support the president. Aldana named Caxamalca as a place of rendezvous, where they should concentrate their forces, and wait the landing of Gasca. He then continued his voyage towards Lima. No sooner was Pizarro informed of his approach, than, fearful lest it might have a disastrous effect in seducing his followers from their fidelity, he marched them about a league out of the city, and there en camped. He yvas two leagues from the coast, and he posted a guard on the shore, to intercept all com munication with the vessels. Before leaving the capital, Cepeda resorted to an expedient for securing the inhabitants more firmly, as he conceived, in Pi zarro's interests. He caused the citizens to be as sembled, and made them a studied harangue, in which he expatiated on the services of their governor, and the security which the country had enjoyed under his rule. Ho then told them that every man was at liberty to choose for himself; to remain under the protection of their present ruler, or, if they prefer red, to transfer their allegiance to his enemy. He invited them to speak their minds, but required every one who would still continue under Pizarro to take 376 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. an oath of fidelity to his cause, with the assurance, that, if any should be so false hereafter as to vio late this pledge, he should pay for it with his life.19 There was no one found bold enough — with his head thus in the lion's mouth — to swerve from his obedience to Pizarro ; and every man took the oath prescribed, which was administered in the most solemn and imposing form by the licentiate. Carbajal, as usual, made a jest of the whole pro ceeding. " How long," he asked his companion, " do you think these same oaths will stand ? The first wind that blows off the coast after we are gone will scatter them in air ! " His prediction was soon verified. Meantime, Aldana anchored off the port, where there was no vessel of the insurgents to molest him. By Cepeda's advice, some four or five had been burnt a short time before, during the absence of Carbajal, in order to cut off all means by which the inhabitants could leave the place. This was deeply deplored by the veteran soldier on his return. " It was destroying," he said, " the guardian angels of Lima."20 And certainly, under such a commander, they might now have stood Pizarro in good stead ; but his star was on the wane. The first act of Aldana was to cause the copy 19 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 2» " Entre otras cosas dixo a Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist. Goncalo Picarro vuesa Senoria del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 61. mandd quemar cinco angeles que — Montesinos, Annales, MS., aiio tenia en su puerto para guarda y 1547. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, defensa de la costa del Peru." Kb. 6, cap. 11, 14. Garcilasso, Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 6. Ch II.] HE ABANDONS THE CITY. 377 of Gasca's powers, with which he had been intrust ed, to be conveyed to his ancient commander, by whom it was indignantly torn in pieces. Aldana next contrived, by means of his agents, to circulate among the citizens, and even the soldiers of the camp, the president's manifestoes. They were not long in producing their eflect. Few had been at all aware of the real purport of Gasca's mission, of the extent of his powers, or of the generous terms of fered by government. Thev shrunk from the des perate course into which they had been thus unwa rily seduced, and thev sought only in yvhat way they could, with least danger, extricate themselves from their present position, and return to their allegiance. Some escaped by night from the camp, eluded the vigilance of the sentinels, and effected their retreat on board the vessels. Some were taken, and found no quarter at the hands of Carbajal aud his merci less ministers. But. whore the spirit of disaffection was abroad, means of escape were not wanting. As the fugitives were cut off from Lima and the neighbouring coast, they secreted themselves in the forests and mountains, and watched their opportuni ty for making their way to Truxillo and other ports at a distance : and so contagious was the example, that it not unfrequendy happened that the very soldiers sent iu pursuit of the deserters joined with them. Among those that fled was the Licentiate Carbajal, who must not be confounded with his military- namesake. He was the same cavalier whoso brotlier had been put to death in Lima by VOL. II. 4$ 378 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. Blasco Nunez, and who revenged himself, as wc have seen, by imbruing his own hands in the blood of the viceroy. That a person thus implicated should trust to the royal pardon showed that no one need despair of it; and the example proved most disastrous to Pizarro.21 Carbajal, who made a jest of every thing, even of the misfortunes which pinched him the sharp est, when told of the desertion of his comrades, amused himself by humming the words of a popular ditty : — " The wind blows the hairs oft* my head, mother; Two at a time, it blows them away ! " 22 But the defection of his followers made a deeper impression on Pizarro, and he was sorely distressed as he beheld the gallant array, to which he had so confidently looked for gaining his battles, thus melt ing away like a morning mist. Bewildered by the treachery of those in whom he had most trusted, he knew not where to turn, nor what course to take. It was evident that he must leave his present dan gerous quarters without loss of time. But whither should he direct his steps ? In the north, the great towns had abandoned his cause, and the president was already marching against him ; while Centeno held the passes of the south, with a force double his ai Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y & •• Estos mis Cabellicos, Madre, Conq., MS. — Gomara, Hist, de Dos a dos me los lleva el Aire." las Ind., cap. 180. — Fernandez, Gomara, Hist, de las Ind., cap. Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, 180. cap. 63, 65. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 6, cap. 15, 16. Ch. II.] HE ABANDONS THE CITY. 379 own. In this emergency, he at length resolved to occupy Arequipa, a seaport still true to him, where he might remain till he had decided on some future course of operations. After a painful but rapid march, Gonzalo arrived at this place, where he was speedily joined by a re inforcement that he had detached for the recovery of Cuzco. But so frequent had been the deser tions from both companies, — though in Pizarro's corps these had greatly lessened since the departure from the neighbourhood of Lima, — that his whole number did not exceed five hundred men, less than half of the force which he had so recently mustered in the capital. To such humble circumstances was the man now reduced, who had so lately lorded it over the land with unlimited sway! Still the chief did not despond. He had gathered new spirit from the excitement of his march and his distance from Lima; and he seemed to recover his former confidence, as he exclaimed, — " It is misfortune that teaches us who are our friends. If but ten only remain true to me, fear not but I will again be master of Peru ! " 23 No sooner had the rebel forces withdrawn from the neighbourhood of Lima, than the inhabitants of that city, little troubled, as Carbajal had predicted, by their compulsory oaths of allegiance to Pizarro, threw open their gates to Aldana, who took posses- 23 " Aunque siempre dijo : que de nuevo el Peril : tanta era su con diez Amigos que le quedasen, sana, 6 su sobervia." Ibid., loc. havia de conservarse, i conquistar cit. 380 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. sion of this important place in the name of the pres ident. That commander, meanyvhile, had sailed with his whole fleet from Panama, on the tenth of April, 1547. The first part of his voyage was prosperous ; but he was soon perplexed by contrary currents, and the weather became rough and tem pestuous. The violence of the storm continuing day after day, the sea was lashed into fury, and the fleet was tossed about on the billows, which ran mountain high, as if emulating the yvild character of the region they bounded. The rain descended in torrents, and the lightning was so incessant, that the vessels, to quote the lively language of the chronicler, " seemed to be driving through seas of flame ! " 24 The hearts of the stoutest mariners were filled with dismay. They considered it hope less to struggle against the elements, and they loud ly demanded to return to the continent, and post pone the voyage till a more favorable season of the year. But the president saw in this the ruin of his cause, as well as of the loyal vassals who had en gaged, on his landing, to support it. " I am willing to die," he said, " but not to return " ; and, regard less of the remonstrances of his more timid follow ers, he insisted on carrying as much sail as the 3* " Y los truenos y relapagos Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71.) eran tantos y tales ; que siempre The vivid coloring of the old chron- parecia que estauan en llamas, y icier shows that he had himself que sobre ellos venian Rayos (que been familiar with these tropical en todas aquellas partes caen mu- tempests on the Pacific. chos)." (Fernandez, Hist, del On. II.] CASCA SAILS FROM PANAMA. 381 ships could possibly bear, at every interval of the storm.'25 Meanwhile, to divert tho minds of the seamen from tlioir present danger, Gasca amused them by explaining some of the strange phenom ena exhibited by the ocean in the tempest, which had filled their superstitious minds with mysterious dread.26 Signals had boon given for tho ships to make the best of their way, each for itself, to the island of Gorgona. Here they arrived, one after another, with but a single exception, though all more or loss shattered by the weather. The president waited only for the fury of the elements to spend itself, when he again embarked, and, on smoother waters, crossed over to Manta. From this place he soon after continued his voyage to Tumbez, and landed at that port on the thirteenth of Juno. He was everywhere received with enthusiasm, and all scorn ed anxious to efface the remembrance of the past by professions of future fidelity to the Crown. Gas ea received, also, numerous letters of congratulation from cavaliers in the interior, most of whom bad formerly taken service under Pizarro. He made 25 " \ con lo poco quo on aquella observed to hover round the masts sazon, cl Presidente ostimaua la and rigging of the president's vos- vida si no auia de hazer la Jornada : sol; and ho amused (he seamen, V el gran desseo que tenia de ha- according to Fernandez, by ex- zeiia se. puso cotra ellos diziendo, plaining the phenomenon, and toll- quo qual quiera que le toeasse en ing the fables to which they had abaxar vela, le oostana la vida." given rise in ancient mythology. — Fernandez, Parte I, lib. 2, cap. 71. This little anecdote affords a key 06 The phosphoric lisjhts. some- to Casca's popularity with even limes seen in a storm at sea. were the humblest classes. 382 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. courteous acknowledgments for their offers of assist ance, and commanded them to repair to Caxamalca, the general place of rendezvous. To this same spot he sent Hinojosa, so soon as that officer had disembarked with the land forces from the fleet, ordering him to take command of the levies assembled there, and then join him at Xauxa. Here he determined to establish his head-quarters. It lay in a rich and abundant territory, and by its central position afforded a point for acting with greatest advantage against the enemy. He then moved forward, at the head of a small detachment of cavalry, along the level road on the coast towards Truxillo. After halting for a short time in that loyal city, he traversed the mountain range on the southeast, and soon entered the fruit ful valley of Xauxa. There he was presently joined by reinforcements from the north, as well as from the principal places on the coast; and, not long after his arrival, received a message from Cen teno, informing him that he held the passes by which Gonzalo Pizarro yvas preparing to make his escape from the country, and that the insurgent chief must soon fall into his hands. The royal camp was greatly elated by these tidings. The war, then, was at length terminated, and that without the president having been called upon so much as to lift his sword against a Span iard. Several of his counsellors now advised him to disband the greater part of his forces, as burden some and no longer necessary. But the president Ch. II.] BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA. 383 was too wise to weaken his strength before he had secured the victory. He consented, however, to countermand the requisition for levies from Mexico and the adjoining colonies, as now feeling sufficient ly strong in the general loyalty of the country. But, concentrating his forces at Xauxa, he estab lished his quarters in that town, as he had first in tended, resolved to await there tidings of the opera tions in the south. The result was different from what he had expected.27 Pizarro, meanwhile, whom we left at Arequipa, had decided, after much deliberation, to evacuate Peru, and pass into Chili. In this territory, beyond the president's jurisdiction, he might find a safe re treat. The fickle people, he thought, would soon weary of their new ruler ; and he would then rally in sufficient strength to resume active operations for the recovery of his domain. Such were the calcula tions of the rebel chieftain. But how was he to effect his object, while the passes among the moun tains, where his route lay, were held by Centeno with a force more than double his own ? He re- 27 For the preceding pages, see ties of information which have en- Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., abled him to furnish several par- MS. Zarate, Conq. del Peru, ticulars not to be met with else- lib. 7, cap. 1. — Herrera, Hist, where, respecting the principal General, dec. 8, lib. 3, cap. 14, et actors in these turbulent times. seq. _ Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, His work, still in manuscript, which Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 71-77. — MS. formerly existed in the archives of de Caravantes. tbe University of Salamanca, has This last writer, who held an been transferred to the King's li- important post in the department brary at Madrid. of colonial finance, had opportuni- 384 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. solved to try negotiation ; for that captain had once served under him, and had, indeed, been most ac tive in persuading Pizarro to take on himself the office of procurator. Advancing, accordingly, in the direction of Lake Titicaca, in the neighbourhood of yvhich Centeno had pitched his camp, Gonzalo de spatched an emissary to his quarters to open a ne gotiation. He called to his adversary's recollection the friendly relations that had once subsisted be tween them ; and reminded him of one occasion in particular, in which he had spared his life, when convicted of a conspiracy against himself. He harboured no sentiments of unkindness, he said, for Centeno's recent conduct, and had not now come to seek a quarrel with him. His purpose was to abandon Peru ; and the only favor he had to re quest of his former associate was to leave him a free passage across the mountains. To this communication Centeno made answer in terms as courtly as those of Pizarro himself, that he was not unmindful of their ancient friendship. He was now ready to serve his former commander in any way not inconsistent with honor, or obe dience to his sovereign. But he was there in arms for the royal cause, and he could not swerve from his duty. If Pizarro would but rely on his faith, and surrender himself up, he pledged his knightly word to use all his interest with the government, to secure as favorable terms for him and his followers as had been granted to the rest of their countrymen. — Gonzalo listened to the smooth promises of his Cu. II.] BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA. 385 ancient comrade with bitter scorn depicted in his countenance, and, snatching the letter from his sec retary, cast it away from him with indignation. There was nothing left but an appeal to arms.28 He at once broke up his encampment, and di rected his march on the borders of Lake Titicaca, near which lay his rival. He resorted, however, to stratagem, that he might still, if possible, avoid an encounter. He sent forward his scouts in a differ ent direction from that which he intended to take, and then quickened his march on Huarina. This was a small town situated on the southeastern ex tremity of Lake Titicaca, the shores of which, the scat of the primitive civilization of the Incas, were soon to resound with the murderous strife of their more civilized conquerors ! But I'izarro's movements had been secretly com municated to Centeno, and that commander, ac cordingly, changing his ground, took up a position not far from Huarina, on the same day on which Gonzalo reached this place. The videttcs of the two camps came in sight of each other that even ing, and the rival forces, lying on their arms, pre pared for action on the following morning. It was the twenty-sixth of October, 1547, when the two commanders, having formed their troops in order of battle, advanced to the encounter on the plains of Huarina. The ground, defended on one side by a bold spur of the AndejsjMandinnot-ifaii re- ¦ull ni .•¦¦"ion il mi n — , "Tiul 28 Pedro PizaiTO, Descub. y Rettl.," Parte '0, 'lib, -*,' cap. ¦ I!©: — Conq., MS. — Garcilasso, Com. Zardtd, CtMupJitel 'Perll,lib.'7. ; VOL. II. 19 386 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. moved on the other from the waters of Titicaca, was an open and level plain, well suited to military manoeuvres. It seemed as if prepared by Nature as the lists for an encounter. Centeno's army amounted to about a thousand men. His cavalry consisted of near two hundred and fifty, well equipped and mounted. Among them were several gentlemen of family, some of whom had once followed the banners of Pizarro , the whole forming an efficient corps, in which rode some of the best lances of Peru. His arquebusiers were less numerous, not exceeding a hundred and fifty, indifferently provided with ammunition. The remainder, and much the larger part of Centeno's army, consisted . of spearmen, irregular levies hastily drawn together, and possessed of little discipline.29 This corps of infantry formed the centre of his line, flanked by the arquebusiers in two nearly equal divisions, while his cavalry were also disposed in two bodies on the right and left wings. Un fortunately, Centeno had been for the past week ill of a pleurisy, — so ill, indeed, that on the preceding day he had been bled several times. He was now too feeble to keep his saddle, but was carried in a litter, and when he had seen his men formed in order, he withdrew to a distance from the field, un able to take part in the action. But Solano, the ?? In the estimate of Centeno's taken the intermediate number of a forces, — which ranges, in the dif- thousand adopted by Zarate, as, ferent acoounts, from seven hun- on the whole, more probable than dred to twelve hundred, — I have either extreme. Ch. II.] BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA. 387 militant bishop of Cuzco, who, with several of his followers, took part in the engagement, — a circum stance, indeed, of no strange occurrence, — rode along the ranks with the crucifix in his hand, be stowing his benediction on the soldiers, and exhort ing each man to do his duty. Pizarro"s forces were less than half of his rival's, not amounting to more than four hundred and eighty men. The horse did not muster above eighty-five in all, and he posted them in a single bodv on the right of his battalion. The strength of his army lav in his arquebusiers, about three hundred and fifty in number. It was an admirable corps, com manded by Carbajal, by whom it had been carefully drilled. Considering the excellence of its arms, and its thorough discipline, this litde bodv of in fantry might be considered as the flower of the Pe ruvian soldierv, and on it Pizarro mainly relied for the success of the day.30 The remainder of hi* force, consisting of pikemen. not formidable for their numbers, though, like the rest of the infantry, under excellent discipline, he distributed on the left of hi> musketeers, so as to repel the enemy's horse. Pizarro himself had charge of the cavalry, taking his place, as usual, in the foremost rank. He was superblv accoutred. Over his shining mail he wore a sobre-vest of slashed velvet of a rich crimson 30 FJor de la milkia d:i Pe^i. in ;T:cli a manner as must infallibly =o.v= Garcilasso de la Vera, who secure him the victory. Com. compares Carba;al to an expert Real., Parte 2. lib. 5. cap. IS. chess-plaver, disposing h:= pieces 388 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. color ; and he rode a high-mettled charger, whose gaudy caparisons, with the showy livery of his rider, made the fearless commander the most conspicuous object in the field. His lieutenant, Carbajal, was equipped in a very different style. He wore armour of proof of the most homely appearance, but strong and service able ; and his steel bonnet, yvith its closely barred visor of the same material, protected his head from more than one desperate blow on that day. Over his arms he wore a surcoat of a greenish color, and he rode an active, strong-boned jennet, which, though capable of enduring fatigue, possessed nei ther grace nor beauty. It would not have been easy to distinguish the veteran from the most or dinary cavalier. The two hosts arrived within six hundred paces of each other, when they both halted. Carbajal preferred to receive the attack of the enemy, rathei than advance further ; for the ground he now oc cupied afforded a free range for bis musketry, unob structed by the trees or bushes that were sprinkled over some other parts of the field. There was a singular motive, in addition, for retaining his present position. The soldiers were encumbered, some with two, some yvith three, arquebuses each, being the arms left by those who, from time to time, had de serted the camp. This uncommon supply of mus kets, however serious an impediment on a march, might afford great advantage to troops waiting an assault; since, from the imperfect knowledge as well o.i. ii.] m.oonv battle of huarina. 389 as oonstniotion of fire-arms at tlvat day, much time was wast i'd in loading thom.m Preferring, therefore, that the enemy should begin the attack, Carbajal came to a halt, while the oppo site squadron, after a short respite, continued their advance a hundred paces farther. Seeing that they then remained immovable, Carbajal detached a small party of skirmishers lo the front, in order to proxoke them; but it was soon encountered by a similar partv of the enemy, and some shots wore exchanged, though with little damage to either side. Finding (his nunuMiuv fail, the veteran ordered his men to advance a few paces, still hoping to pro voke his antagonist to the charge. This succeeded. " We lose honor." exclaimed Centeno's soldiers ; who, with a bastard sort of chivalry, belonging to undisciplined troops, felt it a disgrace to await an assault. In vain their officers called out to them to remain at their post. Their commander yvas ab sent, and they wore urged on by the erics of a frantic friar, named Oomingo l\ui/„ who. believing the Philistines were delivered into their hands, called out. — " Now is the time! Onward, onward, fall on the enemy!"34 There needed nothing fur s' Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi Ilnarina . and the pwtiotilars which Mtpva. he ga\o his son enahled the latter The historian's lather — of the to supply many dolieienoies in the xtuHi namo w U.h himself — v as one reports of historians. of the few noble ea\alievs who S1- " A las manos, a las manos : Tenmivtod faithful to Ironstalo Pi- si olios, a ellos." Fernandez. Hist. *«1\\ in the wane of his fortunes del Peru. Parte 1, lib. i, e.ip. ~.\>. He was present at the Iwttlo of 390 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. ther, and the men rushed forward in tumultuous haste, the pikemen carrying their levelled weapons so heedlessly as to interfere with one another, and in some instances to wound their comrades. The musketeers, at the same time, kept up a disorderly fire as they advanced, which, from their rapid mo tion and the distance, did no execution. Carbajal was well pleased to see his enemies thus wasting their ammunition. Though he allowed a few muskets to be discharged, in order to stimulate his opponents the more, he commanded the great body of his infantry to reserve their fire till every shot could take effect. As he knew the tendency of marksmen to shoot above the mark, he directed his men to aim at the girdle, or even a little below it ; adding, that a shot that fell short might still do damage, while one that passed a hair's breadth above the head was wasted.33 The veteran's company stood calm and unmoved, as Centeno's rapidly advanced ; but when the latter had arrived within a hundred paces of their antago nists, Carbajal gave the word to fire. An instanta neous volley ran along the line, and a tempest of balls was poured into the ranks of the assailants, with such unerring aim, that more than a hundred fell dead on the field, while a still greater number were wounded. Before they could recover from their disorder, Carbajal's men, snatching up their remaining pieces, discharged them with the like 33 Garcilasso, Com. Real., ubi supra. Ch. II.] BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA. 391 dreadful effect into the thick of the enemy. The confusion of the latter yvas now complete. Unable to sustain the incessant shower of balls which fell on them from the scattering fire kept up by the arquebusiers, they were seized with a panic, and fled, scarcely making a show of further fight, from the field. But very different was the fortune of the day in the cavalry combat. Gonzalo Pizarro had drawn up his troop somewhat in the rear of Carbajal's right, in order to give the latter a freer range for the play of his musketry. When the enemy's horse on the left galloped briskly against him, Pizarro, still favoring Carbajal, — whose fire, moreover, inflicted some loss on the assailants, — advanced but a few rods to receive the charge. Centeno's squadron, accordingly, came thundering on in full career, and, notwithstanding the mischief sustained from their enemy's musketry, fell with such fury on their ad versaries as to overturn them, man and horse, in the dust ; " riding over their prostrate bodies," says the historian, "as if they had been a flock of sheep ! " M The latter, with great difficulty recov ering from the first shock, attempted to rally and sustain the fight on more equal terms. Yet the chief could not regain the ground he had lost. His men were driven back at all points. 34 " Los de Diego Centeno, los tropellaron como si fueran oue- como yuan con la pujanea de vna jas, y cayeron cauallos y caualle- carrera larga, lleuaron a los de ros." Poid., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 19. Goncalo Picarro de encuentro, y 392 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. Many were slain, many more wounded, on both sides, and the ground yvas covered with the dead bodies of men and horses. But the loss fell much the most heavily on Pizarro's troop ; and the greater part of those who escaped with life were obliged to surrender as prisoners. Cepeda, who fought with the fury of despair, received a severe cut from a sa bre across the face, which disabled him and forced him to yield.35 Pizarro, after seeing his best and bravest fall around him, was set upon by three or four cavaliers at once. Disentangling himself from the melee, he put spurs to his horse, and the noble animal, bleeding from a severe wound across the back, outstripped all his pursuers except one, who stayed him by seizing the bridle. It would have gone hard yvith Gonzalo, but, grasping a light battle-axe, which hung by his side, he dealt such a blow on the head of his enemy's horse that he plunged violently, and compelled his rider to release his hold. A num ber of arquebusiers, in the mean time, seeing Pi zarro's distress, sprang forward to his rescue, slew two of his assailants yvho had now come up with him, and forced the others to fly in their turn.36 35 Cepeda's wound laid open his ed him on his own. This timely nose, leaving so hideous a scar aid to the rebel did no service to that he was obliged afterwards to the generous cavalier in after times, Cover it with a patch, as Garcilasso but was urged against him by his tells us, who frequently saw him enemies as a crime. The fact is in Cuzco. stoutly denied by his son, the his- 36 According to most authori- torian, who seems anxious to re- ties, Pizarro's horse was not only lieve his father from this honorable wounded but slain in the fight, and imputation, which threw a cloud the loss was supplied by his friend over both their fortunes. Ibid., Garcilasso de la Vega, who mount- Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 23. Ch. IL] BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA. 393 The rout of the cavalry was complete ; and Pi zarro considered the day as lost, as he heard the enemy's trumpet sending forth the note of victory. But the sounds had scarcely died away, when they were taken up by the opposite side. Centeno's in fantry had been discomfited, as we have seen, and driven off the ground. But his cavalry on the right had charged Carbajal's left, consisting of spearmen mingled yvith arquebusiers. The horse rode straight against this formidable phalanx. But they were unable to break through the dense array of pikes, held by the steady hands of troops who stood firm and fearless on their post ; while, at the same time, the assailants were greatly annoyed by the galling fire of the arquebusiers in the rear of the spearmen. Finding it impracticable to make a breach, the horsemen rode round the flanks in much disorder, and finally joined themselves with the victorious squadron of Centeno's cavalry in the rear. Both parties now attempted another charge on Carbajal's battalion. But his men facing about with the promptness and discipline of yvell-trained soldiers, the rear was converted into the front. The same forest of spears was presented to the attack ; while an incessant discharge of balls punished the au dacity of the cavaliers, yvho, broken and completely dispirited by their ineffectual attempt, at length imitated the example of the panic-struck foot, and abandoned the field. Pizarro and a few of his comrades still fit for ac tion followed up the pursuit for a short distance VOL. II. 50 394 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. only, as, indeed, they were in no condition them selves, nor sufficiently strong in numbers, long to continue it. The victory was complete, and the in surgent chief took possession of the deserted tents of the enemy, where an immense booty was obtained in silver ; 37 and where he also found the tables spread for the refreshment of Centeno's soldiers after their return from the field. So confident were they of success ! The repast now served the neces sities of their conquerors. Such is the fortune of war ! It was, indeed, a most decisive action ; and Gonzalo Pizarro, as he rode over the field strewed with the corpses of his enemies, was observed sev eral times to cross himself and exclaim, — "Jesu! what a victory ! " No less than three hundred and fifty of Centeno's followers were killed, and the number of yvounded was even greater. More than a hundred of these are computed to have perished from exposure during the following night ; for, although the climate in this elevated region is temperate, yet the night yvinds blowing over the mountains are sharp and piercing, and many a wounded wretch, who might have been restored by careful treatment, yvas chilled by the damps, and found a stiffened corpse at sunrise. 3? The booty amounted to no less The amount is, doubtless, grossly than one million four hundred thou- exaggerated. But wc get to be sand pesos, according to Fernandez, so familiar with the golden won- " El saco que vuo fue grande : que dcrs of Peru, that, like the reader se dixo ser de mas de vn millon of the "Arabian Nights," we be- y quatrocietos mil pesos." (Hist, come of too easy faith to resort to del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 79.) the vulgar standard of probability. Ch. II.] BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA. 395 The victory was not purchased without a heavy loss on the part of the conquerors, a hundred or more of whom were left on the field. Their bodies lay thick on that part of the ground occupied by Pizar ro's cavalry, yvhere the fight raged hottest. In this narrow space were found, also, the bodies of more than a hundred horses, the greater part of which, as well as those of their riders, usually slain with them, belonged to the victorious army. It was the most fatal battle that had yet been fought on the blood-stained soil of Peru.33 The glory of the day — the melancholy glory — must be referred almost wholly to Carbajal and his valiant squadron. The judicious arrangements of the old warrior, yvith the thorough discipline and unflinching courage of his follower-s, retrieved the fortunes of the fight, when it was nearly lost by the cavalry, and secured the victory. Carbajal, proof against all fatigue, followed up the pursuit with those of his men that yvcre in condition to join him. Such of the unhappy fugitives as fell into his hands — most of whom had been traitors to 38 '' La mas sangrienta batalla and all assign to Carbajal the credit que vuo en el Peru." Ibid., lop. of the victory. — For authorities, cit. besides Garcilasso and Fernandez, In the accounts of this battle repeatedly quoted, see Pedro Pi- there are discrepancies, as usual, zarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. (He which the historian must reconcile was present in the action.) — Za- as he can. But on the whole, rate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. there is a general conformity in the 3. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. outline and in the prominent points. 8, lib. 4, cap. 2. — Gomara, Hist. All concur in representing it as the de las Indias, cap. 181. — Montesi- bloodiest fight that had yet occurred nos, Annales, MS., ano 1547. between the Spaniards in Peru, 396 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. the cause of Pizarro — yvere sent to instant execu tion. The laurels he had won in the field against brave men in arms, like himself, yvere tarnished by cruelty towards his defenceless captives. Their commander, Centeno, more fortunate, made his es cape. Finding the battle lost, he quitted his litter, threw himself upon his horse, and, notwithstanding his illness, urged on by the dreadful doom that ayvaited him, if taken, he succeeded in making his way into the neighbouring sierra. Here he vanish ed from his pursuers, and, like a wounded stag, with the chase close upon his track, he still contrived to elude it, by plunging into the depths of the forests, till, by a circuitous route, he miraculously succeeded in effecting his escape to Lima. The bishop of Cuzco, who went off in a different direction, was no less fortunate. Happy for him that he did not fall into the hands of the ruthless Carbajal, who, as the bishop had once been a partisan of Pizarro, yvould, to judge from the Httle respect he usually showed those of his cloth, have felt as little com punction in sentencing him to the gibbet as if he had been the meanest of the common file.39 On the day folloyving the action, Gonzalo Pizarro caused the bodies of the soldiers, still lying side by side on the field yvhere they had been so lately en gaged together in mortal strife, to be deposited in a common sepulchre. Those of higher rank — for 39 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y 7, cap. 3. — Garcilasso, Com. Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 21, 22. del Peru, ubi supra. — Zarate, lib. Ch. IL] BLOODY BATTLE OF HUARINA. 397 distinctions of rank were not to be forgotten in the grave — yvere removed to the church of the village of Huarina, which gave its name to the battle. There they were interred with all fitting solemnity. But in later times they were transported to the ca thedral church of La Paz, " The City of Peace," and laid under a mausoleum erected by general sub scription in that quarter. For few there were who had not to mourn the loss of some friend or relative on that fatal day. The victor now profited by his success to send detachments to Arequipa, La Plata, and other cities in that part of the country, to raise funds and rein forcements for the yvar. His own losses were more than compensated by the number of the vanquished party yvho yvere content to take service under his banner. Mustering his forces, he directed his march to Cuzco, which capital, though occasionally se duced into a display of loyalty to the Crown, had early manifested an attachment to his cause. Here the inhabitants yvere prepared to receive him in triumph, under arches thrown across the streets, yvith bands of music, and minstrelsy com memorating his successes. But Pizarro, with more discretion, declined the honors of an ovation while the country remained in the hands of his enemies. Sending forward the main body of his troops, he followed on foot, attended by a slender retinue of friends and citizens, and proceeded at once to the cathedral, yvhere thanksgivings yvere offered up, and Te Deum was chanted in honor of his victory. He 398 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V then withdrew to his residence, announcing his pur pose to establish his quarters, for the present, in the venerable capital of the Incas.'10 All thoughts of a retreat into Chili were aban doned ; for his recent, success had kindled new hopes in his bosom, and revived his ancient confi dence. He trusted that it would have a similar ef fect on the vacillating temper of those w hose fidel ity had boon shaken by fears for their own safety, and their distrust of his ability to cope, with the president. They would now see that his star was still in the ascendant. Without further apprehen sions for the event, he resolved to remain in Cuzco, and (here quietly await the hour yvhen a last appeal to arms should decide wliich of the two was to re^ main master of Peru. 40 Ibid., Parle 2, lib. 5, cap. 27. after an interval of many veins. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y ( 'on<|., In consequence of his father's rank, MS. — Zarate, Conq. del I'eiu, he had easy access lo the palace lib. 7, cap. 3. of Pizarro ; and this portion of his Garcilasso de la Vega., who was narrative may claim tho oonsidcra- a boy tit. the .time, witnessed J'izar- lion due not merely lo a conlcni- io'h entry into Cuzco. Ho writes, porary, but to an eyewitness. therefore, from memory ; though CHAPTER III. Dismvy in Gasca's Camp. — IDs Wintku Quarters. — Resumes. nts Mutru. — Ci;osst:s Tire Apurimac. — Pizakko's Conduct in Cl'/.eO. — Hk KNCAMl'S NEAR THE ClTY. ROUT OF X-Wl'lXA- e.l'ANA. 15-17 — 1548. While the events recorded in the preceding chapter wore passing. President Gasca had remain ed at Xauxa, awaiting further tidings from Cente no, little doubting that they yvould inform him of tho total discomfiture of the rebels. Great was his dismay, therefore, on learning the issue of the fatal conflict at Huarina, — that the royalists had been scattered far and wide before the sword of Pizarro, while their commander had vanished like an apparition,1 leaving the greatest uncertainty as to his fate. The intelligence spread general consternation among the soldiers, proportioned to their former con fidence ; and thev felt it was almost hopeless to con tend with a man who seemed protected by a charm that made him invincible against the greatest odds. Tho president, however sore his disappointment, 1 '• V salio a la Ciudad do los fue, sino que parecio enoantanu- tieves, sin quo Carbajal, ni slsrimo onto." Garcilasso, Com. Real., do los suvos supiesse por donde Parte 3, lib. 3, cap. CO. 400 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. was careful to conceal it, while he endeavoured to restore the spirits of his followers. " They had been too sanguine," he said, " and it was in this way that Heaven rebuked their presumption. Yet it was but in the usual course of events, that Provi dence, when it designed to humble the guilty, should allow him to reach as high an elevation as possible, that his fall might be the greater ! " But while Gasca thus strove to reassure the su perstitious and the timid, he bent his mind, with his usual energy, to repair the injury which the cause had sustained by the defeat at Huarina. He sent a detachment under Alvarado to Lima, to collect such of the royalists as had fled thither from the field of battle, and to dismantle the ships of their cannon, and bring them to the camp. Another body was sent to Guamanga, about sixty leagues from Cuzco, for the similar purpose of protecting the fugitives. and also of preventing the Indian caciques from for warding supplies to the insurgent army in Cuzco. As his own forces now amounted to considerably more than any his opponent could bring against him, Gasca determined to break up bis camp without further delay, and march on the Inca capital.2 2 Gasca, according to Ondegnr- ed by the hungry Conquerors. — do, supported his army, during his " Cuando cl Senor Presidente Gasoa stay at Xauxa, from tho Peruvian passu con la gento do castigo i\r granaries in the valley, as he found Gonzalo Pizarro por el Vallo de a quantity of maize still remain- Jauja, csl.uvo alii side scmanas a ing in them sufficient for several lo quo me acuerdo, se hallaron en years' consumption. It is pass- doposito maiz do cuatro y de tics y ingslrango that theso depositaries do dos afios mas do 15,000 hane- should havo boon so long respect- . gas junto al camino, d alii comio la Cn 111.] GASCA'S WINTER QUARTERS. 401 Quitting Xauxa, December '29, 1547, he passed through Guamanga, and after a severe march, ren dered particularly fatiguing by tho inclement state of the weather and tho badness of the roads, he entered the province of Andaguaylas. It was a fair and fruitful country, and since the road beyond would take him into tho depths of a gloomy sierra, scarcely passable in the winter snows, Gasca resolv ed to remain in his present quarters until the se verity of the season was mitigated. As many of the troops had already contracted diseases from ex posure to the incessant rains, he established a camp hospital : and the good president personally visited the quarters of the sick, ministering to their wants, and winning their hearts by his sympathy.3 Meanwhile, the royal camp was strengthened by tho continual arrival of reinforcements : for not withstanding the shock that was caused through out the country by the first tidings of Pizarro's vie- tor\, a liitle reflection convinced the people that the right was the strongest, and must eventually prevail. There came. also, yvith those levies, several of the most distinguished captains in the country. Cen teno. burning to retrieve his late disgrace, after re covering from his illness, joined the camp with his followers from I a ma. Benalcazar. the conqueror of Quito, who. as the reader will remember, had shared cento." Oudesrardo. Rel. Seg., Peru, Parte 1. lib. 2. cap. SO- So. \(>; ¦ — Pedro Puvarro. Descub. y Conq., * Zarate. Conq del Peru, lib. MS. — Cieza de Leon. cap. 90. 7, cap. 4. — Foni.uuh", Hist, del vol. It. f>l 402 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. in the defeat of Blasco Nunez in the north, came with another detachment ; and was soon after fol lowed by Valdivia, the famous conqueror of Chili, who, having returned to Peru to gather recruits for his expedition, had learned the state of the country, and had thrown himself, without hesitation, into the same scale with the president, though it brought him into collision with his old friend and comrade, Gonzalo Pizarro. The arrival of this last ally was greeted with general rejoicing by the camp ; for Valdivia, schooled in the Italian wars, was esteemed the most accomplished soldier in Peru ; and Gasca complimented him by declaring " he would rather see him than a reinforcement of eight hundred men ! " 4 Besides these warlike auxiliaries, the president was attended by a train of ecclesiastics and ci vilians, such as was rarely found in the martial fields of Peru. Among them were the bishops of Quito, Cuzco, and Lima, the four judges of the new Audience, and a considerable number of churchmen and monkish missionaries.5 However little they might serve to strengthen his arm in battle, their presence gave authority and something of a sacred character to the cause, which had their effect on the minds of the soldiers. The wintry season now began to give way before * At least, so says Valdivia in hombres de guerra que le pudieran his letter to the emperor. " I dixo venir aquella hora." Carta de publico que estimara mas mi per- Valdivia, MS. sona que a los mejores ochocientos 5 Zarate, MS. Ch. III.] RESUMES HIS MARCH. 403 the mild influence of spring, which makes itself earlv felt in these tropical, but from their elevation temperate, regions : and Gasca, after nearly three months' detention in Andaguaylas. mustered his levies for the final march upon Cuzco.5 Their whole number fell little short of two thousand, — the largest European force yet assembled in Peru. Nearly half were provided with fire-arms : and in fantry was more available than horse in the moun tain countries which they were to traverse. But his cavalry was also numerous, and he carried with him a train of eleven heavy guns. The equipment and discipline of the troops were good : thev w ere well provided with ammunition and military stores ; and were led bv officers whose names were associated with the most memorable achievements in the New ^ orld. All who had aiiv real interest in the weal of the countrv were to be found, in short, under the president's banner, making a striking contrast to the wild and reckless adventurers who now swelled the ranks of Pizarro. Gasea. who did not affect a greater knowledge of military affairs than he really possessed, had giv en the charge of his forces to Hinqjosa. naming the Marshal Alvarado as second in command. \ aldivia, who came after these dispositions had been made, accepted a colonel's commission, with the under- 6 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. present in the campaign, he lei'ts gn vi : so ;ha: his testimony, a. ways The old chronicler, or rather good, becomes for the remaining aeorrapher, C:ez.a de Leon, was events of more than usual value. 404 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V standing that he was to be consulted and employed in all matters of moment.7 — Having completed his arrangements, the president broke up his camp in March, l.r>48, and moved upon Cuzco. The first obstacle to his progress was the river Abancay, the bridge over which had been broken down by the enemy. But as there was no force to annoy them on the opposite hank, the army was not long in preparing a new bridge, and throwing it across the stream, which in this place had nothing formidable in its character. The road now struck into the heart of a mountain region, where woods, precipices, and ravines were mingled together in a sort of chaotic confusion, with here and there a green and sheltered valley, glittering like an island of verdure amidst the wild breakers of a troubled ocean ! The bold peaks of the Andes, rising far above the clouds, wore enveloped in snow, which, descending far down their sides, gave a piercing coldness to the winds that swept over their surface, until men and horses were benumbed and stiffened under their influence. The roads, in these regions, 7 Valdivia, indeed, claims to quo les mandaso acerca do la gllorra, have had tho whole command in- i cmupliesen mis mnndaniionlos trusted to him by Casca. "Luego como los wuyoN." (Cntla do Val ine dio cl auloriclad toda quo traia divia, MS.) Hut other authorities de partodo V. M. para en los cases stale il, wilh more probability, ns tocantes ii la. guerra, i mo encargo given in the te\l. Valdivia, it todo cl oxercito, i lo puso baxo do must bo confessed, loses nothing mi mano rogamlo i pidiendo por from modesty. The whole of his merced do SU parte a todos aquellos letter lo tlio emperor is writlou in caballcros capitanes e gento do a strain of sell'-gloiilicalioii, in rely guerra, i do la do V. M. mnndan- matched even by a Castilian In doles mo obedesciesen en todo Io dnh'o. Cu. III.] CROSSES THE APURIMAC. 405 were in some places so narrow and broken, as to be nearly impracticable for cavalry. The cav aliers were compelled to dismount ; and the presi dent, with the rest, performed the journey on foot, so hazardous, that, even in later times, it has been no uncommon thing for the sure-footed mule to be precipitated, with its cargo of silver, thousands of feet down the sheer sides of a precipice.8 By these impediments of the ground, the march was so retarded, that the troops seldom accomplish ed more than two leagues a day.9 Fortunately, the distance was not great ; and the president looked with moro apprehension to the passage of the Apurimac, which he yvas now approaching. This river, one of the most formidable tributaries of the Amazon, rolls its broad waters through the gorges of the Cordilleras, that rise up like an im mense rampart of rock on either side, presenting a natural barrier which it yvould be easy for an enemy to make good against a force much superior to his own. The bridges over this river, as Gasca learned before his departure from Andaguaylas, had been all destroyed by Pizarro. The president, accordingly, had sent to explore the banks of the stream, and determine the most eligible spot for reestablishing communications yvith the opposite side. The plaeo selected was near the Indian village of Cotapampa, about nine leagues from Cuzco ; for the river, though rapid and turbulent from being com pressed within more narrow limits, was here less 8 Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 91. 9 MS. de Caravantes. 406 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. than two hundred paces in width ; a distance, how ever, not inconsiderable. Directions had been given to collect materials in large quantities in the neigh bourhood of this spot as soon as possible ; and at the same time, in order to perplex the enemy and com pel him to divide his forces, should he be disposed to resist, materials in smaller quantities were as sembled on three other points of the river. The officer stationed in the neighbourhood of Cotapampa was instructed not to begin to lay the bridge, till the arrival of a sufficient force should accelerate the work, and insure its success. The structure in question, it should be remem bered, was one of those suspension bridges for merly employed by the Incas, and still used in cross ing the deep and turbulent rivers of South America. They arc made of osier withes, twisted into enor mous cables, which, when stretched across the wa ter, are attached to heavy blocks of masonry, or, where it will serve, to the natural rock. Planks arc laid transversely across these cables, and a passage is thus secured, yvhich, notwithstanding the light and fragile appearance of the bridge, as it swings at an elevation sometimes of several hun dred feet above the abyss, affords a tolerably safe means of conveyance for men, and even for such heavy burdens as artillery.10 10 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, y Conq., MS. — MS. de Caravan- Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 80, 87.— tes. — Carta do Valdivia, MS.— Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS. cap. 5. — Pedro Pizarro, Descub. Ch. III.] CROSSES THE APURIMAC. 407 Notwithstanding the peremptory commands of Gasca, the officer intrusted yvith collecting the ma terials for the bridge yvas so anxious to have the honor of completing the work himself, that he com menced it at once. The president, greatly dis pleased at learning this, quickened his march, in order to cover the work with his whole force. But, while toiling through the mountain labyrinth, tidings were brought him that a party of the enemy had demolished the small portion of the bridge already made, by cutting the cables on the opposite bank. Valdivia, accordingly, hastened forward at the head of two hundred arquebusiers, while the main body of tho army followed yvith as much speed as practi cable. That officer, on reaching the spot, found that the interruption had been caused by a small party of Pizarro's followers, not exceeding tyventy in number, assisted by a stronger body of Indians. Ho at once caused balsas, broad and clumsy barks, or rather rafts, of the country, to be provided, and by this moans passed his men over, without opposition, to the other side of the river. Tho enemv, discon certed by the arrival of such a force, retreated and made the best of their way to report the affair to their commander at Cuzco. Meanwhile, Valdivia, who saw the importance of every moment in the present crisis, pushed forward the work with the greatest vigor. Through all that night his weary troops continued the labor, which yvas already well advanced, when the president and his battalions, 408 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. emerging from the passes of the Cordilleras, pre sented themselves at sunrise on the opposite bank. Little time was given for repose, as all felt assured that the success of their enterprise hung on the short respite now given them by the improvident enemy. The president, with his principal officers, took part in the labor yvith the common soldiers;11 and before ten o'clock in the evening, Gasca had the satisfaction to see the bridge so well secured, that the leading files of the army, unencumbered by their baggage, might venture to cross it. A short time sufficed to place several hundred men on the other bank. But here a new difficulty, not less formidable than that of the river, presented itself to the troops. The ground rose up with an abrupt, almost precipitous, swell from the river-side, till, in the highest peaks, it reached an elevation of several thousand feet. This steep ascent, though not to its full height, indeed, was now to be surmounted. The difficul ties of the ground, broken up into fearful chasms and water-courses, and tangled with thickets, yvere greatly increased by the darkness of the night ; and the soldiers, as they toiled slowly upward, Were filled with apprehension, akin to fear, from the un certainty whether each successive step might not bring them into an ambuscade, for which the ground was so favorable. More than once, the Spaniards 11 " La gente que estaua, de la persona quisiesse tener preuilegio vna parte y de la otra, todos ti- para dexar de trabajar." Fernan- rauan y trabajauan al poner, y dez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. apretar de las Criznejas: sin que 2, cap. 87. el Presidente ni Obispos, ni otra Ch. III.] CROSSES THE APURIMAC. 409 were thrown into a panic by false reports that the enemy yvere upon them. But Hinojosa and Valdi via were at hand to rally their men, and cheer them on, until, at length, before dawn broke, the bold cavaliers and their followers placed themselves on the highest point traversed by the road, where they waited the arrival of the president. This was not long delayed ; and in the course of the follow ing morning, the royalists were already in sufficient strength to bid defiance to their enemy. The passage of the river had been effected with less loss than might have been expected, considering the darkness of the night, and the numbers that crowded over the aerial causeway. Some few, in deed, fell into the water, and yvere drowned ; and more than sixty horses, in the attempt to swim them across the river, yvere hurried down the current, and dashed against the rocks below.12 It still required time to bring up the heavy train of ordnance and the military wagons; and the president encamped on the strong ground which he now occupied, to await their arrival, and to breathe his troops after their extraordinary efforts. In these quarters we must leave him, to acquaint the reader with the state of things in the insurgent army, and with the 12 " Aquel dia pasaron mas de en vnas penas, donde se hacian quatrocientos Hombres, llevando pedacos, sin darles lugar el impetu los Caballos a nado, encima de del rio, a que pudiesen nadar." ellos atadas sus armas, i arcabuces, Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, caso que se perdieron mas de se- cap. 5. — Gomara, Hist, de las senta Caballos, que con la corriente Indias, cap. 184. grande se desataron, i luego daban VOL. II. 52 410 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. cause of its strange remissness in guarding the passes of the Apurimac.13 From the time of Pizarro's occupation of Cuzco, he had lived in careless luxury in the midst of his followers, like a soldier of fortune in the hour of prosperity ; enjoying the present, with as little con cern for the future as if the crown of Peru were already fixed irrevocably upon his head. It was otherwise with Carbajal. He looked on the victory at Huarina as the commencement, not the close, of the struggle for empire ; and he was indefatigable in placing his troops in the best condition for maintain ing their present advantage. At the first streak of dawn, the veteran might be seen mounted on his mule, with the garb and air of a common soldier, riding about in the different quarters of the capital, sometimes superintending the manufacture of arms, or providing military stores, and sometimes drilling his men, for he was most careful always to maintain the strictest discipline.14 His restless spirit seemed to find no pleasure but in incessant action ; living, as he had always done, in the turmoil of military ad- 13 Ibid., ubi supra. — Fernandez, y bermejo, yo no le vi en otra ca- Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, ualgadura en todo el tiempo que cap. 87. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, estuuo en el Cozco antes de la lib. 7, cap. 5. — Pedro Pizarro, batalla de Sacsahuana. Era tan Descub. y Conq. , MS. — MS. de eontino y diligete en solicitar lo Caravantes. — Carta de Valdivia, que a su exercito conuenia, que a MS. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, todas horas del dia y de la noche cap. 91. — Relacion del Lie. Gasca, le topauan sus soldados haziendo MS. su oficio, y los agenos." Garci- 14 " Andaua siempre en vna lasso, Com. Real., Parte 1, lib. 5, mula crescida dc color entre pardo cap. 27. Ch. III.] PIZARROS CONDUCT IN CUZCO. 41 1 venture, he had no relish for any thing unconnected with war, and in the city saw only the materials for a well-organized camp. With these feelings, he was much dissatisfied at the course taken by his younger leader, who now professed his intention to abide where he was, and, when the enemy advanced, to give him battle. Carbajal advised a very different policy. He had not that full confidence, it would seem, in the loyalty of Pizarro's partisans, at least, not of those who had once followed the banner of Centeno. These men, some three hundred in number, had been in a man ner compelled to take service under Pizarro. They showed no heartiness in the cause, and the veteran strongly urged his commander to disband them at once ; since it was far better to go to battle with a few faithful followers than with a host of the false and faint-hearted. But Carbajal thought, also, that his leader was not sufficiently strong in numbers to encounter his opponent, supported as he was by the best cap tains of Peru. He advised, accordingly, that he should abandon Cuzco, carrying off all the treasure, provisions, and stores of every kind from the city, which might, in any way, serve the necessities of the royalists. The latter, on their arrival, disap pointed by the poverty of a place yvhere they had expected to find so much booty, would become dis gusted with the service. Pizarro, meanwhile, might take refuge with his men in the neighbouring fast nesses, where, familiar with the ground, it would be 412 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. easy to elude the enemy ; and if the latter perse vered in the pursuit, with numbers diminished by desertion, it would not be difficult in the moun tain passes to find an opportunity for assailing him at advantage. — Such yvas the wary counsel of the old warrior. But it was not to the taste of his fiery commander, who preferred to risk the chances of a battle, rather than turn his back on a foe. Neither did Pizarro show more favor to a propo sition, said to have been made by the Licentiate Cepeda, — that he should avail himself of his late success to enter into negotiations yvith Gasca. Such advice, from the man who had so recently resisted all overtures of the president, could only have proceeded from a conviction, that the late victory placed Pizarro on a vantage-ground for de manding terms far better than would have been before conceded to him. It may be that subse quent experience had also led him to distrust the fidelity of Gonzalo's followers, or, possibly, the ca pacity of their chief to conduct them through the present crisis. Whatever may have been the mo tives of the slippery counsellor, Pizarro gave little heed to the suggestion, and even showed some re sentment, as the matter yvas pressed on him. In every contest, with Indian or European, whatever had been the odds, he had come off victorious. He was not now for the first time to despond ; and he resolved to remain in Cuzco, and hazard all on the chances of a battle. There was something in the hazard itself captivating to his bold and Ch. III.] PIZARRO'S CONDUCT IN CUZCO. 413 chivalrous temper. In this, too, he was confirmed by some of the cavaliers who had followed him through all his fortunes ; reckless young adventur ers, who, like himself, would rather risk all on a single throw of the dice, than adopt the cautious, and, as it seemed to them, timid, policy of graver counsellors. It was by such advisers, then, that Pizarro's future course was to be shaped.13 Such yvas the state of affairs in Cuzco, yvhen Pizarro's soldiers returned yvith the tidings, that a detachment of the enemy had crossed the Apuri mac, and yvere busy in reestablishing the bridge. Carbajal sawr at once the absolute necessity of maintaining this pass. "It is my affair," he said; " I claim to be employed on this service. Give me but a hundred picked men, and I will engage to defend the pass against an army, and bring back the chaplain — the name by which the pres ident was known in the rebel camp — a prisoner to Cuzco."16 "I cannot spare you, father," said Gonzalo, addressing him by this affectionate epi thet, yvhich he usually applied to his aged follow er,17 " I cannot spare you so far from my own person " ; and he gave the commission to Juan de 15 Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 16 "Paresceme vuestra Senoria 2, lib. 5, cap. 27. — Gomara, Hist, se vaya a la vuelta del Collao y de las Indias, cap. 182. — Fernan- me deje cien hombres, los que yo dez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. escojiere, que yo me ire a vista 2, cap. 88. deste capellan, que ansi llamaba el " Finalmente, Goncalo Pizarro al presidente." Pedro Pizarro, dixo que queria prouar su ventura : Descub. y Conq., MS. pues siempre auia sido vencedor, y n Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte jamas vencido." Ibid., ubi supra. 2, lib. 5, cap. 31. 414 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. Acosta, a young cavalier warmly attached to his commander, and who had given undoubted evidence of his valor on more than one occasion, but who, as the event proved, was signally deficient in the qualities demanded for so critical an undertaking as the present. Acosta, accordingly, was placed at the head of two hundred mounted musketeers, and, after much wholesome counsel from Carbajal, set out on his expedition. But he soon forgot the veteran's advice, and moved at so dull a pace over the difficult roads, that, although the distance was not more than nine leagues, he found, on his arrival, the bridge com pleted, and so large a body of the enemy already crossed, that he was in no strength to attack them. Acosta did, indeed, meditate an ambuscade by night ; but the design was betrayed by a deserter, and he contented himself with retreating to a safe distance, and sending for a further reinforcement from Cuzco. Three hundred men were promptly detached to his support ; but when they arrived, the enemy was already planted in full force on the crest of the eminence. The golden opportunity was ir recoverably lost; and the disconsolate cavalier rode back in all haste to report the failure of his en terprise to his commander in Cuzco.18 18 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y dated at Concepcion, was written Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist about two years after the events del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 88. above recorded. It is chiefly taken — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, up with his Chilian conquests, to cap. 5. — Carta de Valdivia, MS. which his campaign under Gasca, Valdivia's letter to the emperor, on his visit to Peru, forms a kind Ch. III.] HE ENCAMPS NEAR THE CITY. 415 The only question now to be decided was as to the spot where Gonzalo Pizarro should give battle to his enemies. He determined at once to abandon the capital, and wait for his opponents in the neigh bouring valley of Xaquixaguana. It was about five leagues distant, and the reader may remember it as the place where Francis Pizarro burned the Peru vian general Challcuchima, on his first occupation of Cuzco. The valley, fenced round by the lofty rampart of the Andes, was, for the most part, green and luxuriant, affording many picturesque points of view ; and, from the genial temperature of the cli mate, had been a favorite summer residence of the Indian nobles, many of yvhose pleasure-houses still dotted the sides of the mountains. A river, or rath er stream, of no great volume, flowed through one end of this inclosure, and the neighbouring soil was so wet and miry as to have the character of a morass. Here the rebel commander arrived, after a tedious march over roads not easily traversed by his train of heavy wagons and artillery. His forces amounted in all to about nine hundred men, with some half- of brilliant episode. This letter, sessed by the writers, are of the the original of which is preserved highest worth. The despatches in Simancas, covers about seventy addressed to the Court, particular- folio pages in the copy belonging ly, may compare with the cele- to me. It is one of that class of brated Relazioni made by the Ve- historical documents, consisting of netian ambassadors to their repub- the despatches and correspondence lie, and now happily in the course of the colonial governors, which, of publication, at Florence, under from the minuteness of the details the editorial auspices of the learned and the means of information pos- Alberi. 416 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. dozen pieces of ordnance. It was a well-appointed body, and under excellent discipline, for it had been schooled by the strictest martinet in the Peruvian service. But it was the misfortune of Pizarro that his army was composed, in part, at least, of men on whose attachment to his cause he could not confi dently rely. This was a deficiency which no cour age nor skill in the leader could supply. On entering the valley, Pizarro selected the east ern quarter of it, towards Cuzco, as the most fa vorable spot for his encampment. It was crossed by the stream above mentioned, and he stationed his army in such a manner, that, while one extremity of the camp rested on a natural barrier formed by the mountain cliffs that here rose up almost per pendicularly, the other was protected by the river. While it was scarcely possible, therefore, to assail his flanks, the approaches in front were so extreme ly narrowed by these obstacles, that it would not be easy to overpower him by numbers in that direc tion. In the rear, his communications remained open with Cuzco, furnishing a ready means for ob taining supplies. Having secured this strong po sition, he resolved patiently to wait the assault of the enemy.19 Meanwhile, the royal army had been toiling up the steep sides of the Cordilleras, until, at the close 19 Carta de Valdivia, MS. — Gar- Hist, de las Indias, cap. 185.— cilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte cap. 33, 34. — Pedro Pizarro, Des- 1, lib. 2, cap. 88. cub. y Conq., MS. — Gomara, Ch. III.] HE ENCAMPS NEAR THE CITY. 417 of the third day, the president had the satisfaction to find himself surrounded by his whole force, with their guns and military stores. Having now suf ficiently refreshed his men, he resumed his march, and all went forward with the buoyant confidence of bringing their quarrel with the tyrant, as Pizarro was called, to a speedy issue. Their advance was slow, as in the previous part of the march, for the ground was equally embar rassing. It was not long, however, before the pres ident learned that his antagonist had pitched his camp in the neighbouring valley of Xaquixaguana. Soon afterward, two friars, sent by Gonzalo him self, appeared in the army, for the ostensible pur pose of demanding a sight of the powers with which Gasca was intrusted. But as their conduct gave reason to suspect they were spies, the president caused the holy men to be seized, and refused to allow them to return to Pizarro. By an emissary of his own, whom he despatched to the rebel chief, he renewed the assurance of pardon already given him, in case he would lay down his arms and submit. Such an act of generosity, at this late hour, must be allowed to be highly creditable to Gasca, believing, as he probably did, that the game was in his own hands. — It is a pity that the anec dote does not rest on the best authority.20 20 The fact is not mentioned by cumstances, in Gomara (Hist, de any of the parties present at these las Indias, cap. 185) and Zarate transactions. It is to be found, (Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6) ; with some little discrepancy of cir- and their positive testimony may VOL. II. 53 418 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. After a march of a couple of days, the advanced guard of the royalists came suddenly on the out posts of the insurgents, from whom they had been concealed by a thick mist, and a slight skirmish took place between them. At length, on the morning of the eighth of April, the royal army, turning the crest of the lofty range that belts round the lovely valley of Xaquixaguana, beheld far below on the opposite side the glittering lines of the enemy, with their white pavilions, looking like clusters of wild fowl nestling among the cliffs of the mountains. And still further off might be descried a host of In dian warriors, showing gaudily in their variegated costumes ; for the natives, in this part of the coun try, with little perception of their true interests, manifested great zeal in the cause of Pizarro. Quickening their step, the royal army now hastily descended the steep sides of the sierra ; and notwith standing every effort of their officers, they moved in so little order, each man picking his way as he could, that the straggling column presented many a vulnerable point to the enemy ; and the descent would not have been accomplished without consid erable loss, had Pizarro's cannon been planted on any of the favorable positions which the ground af forded. But that commander, far from attempting to check the president's approach, remained doggedly in the strong position he had occupied, with the full confidence that his adversaries would not hesitate to be thought by most readers to the silence of other contempora- outweigh the negative afforded by ries. Ch. III.] ROUT OF XAQUIXAGUANA. 419 assail it, strong as it was, in the same manner as they had done at Huarina.21 Yet he did not omit to detach a corps of arque busiers to secure a neighbouring eminence or spur of the Cordilleras, which in the hands of the enemy might cause some annoyance to his own camp, while it commanded still more effectually the ground soon to be occupied by the assailants. But his manoeuvre was noticed by Hinojosa ; and he de feated it by sending a stronger detachment of the royal musketeers, who repulsed the rebels, and, after a short skirmish, got possession of the heights. Gasca's general profited by this success to plant a small battery of cannon on the eminence, from which, although the distance was too great for him to do much execution, he threw some shot into the hostile camp. One ball, indeed, struck down two men, one of them Pizarro's page, killing a horse, at the same time, which he held by the bridle ; and the chief in stantly ordered the tents to be struck, considering that they afforded too obvious a mark for the artillery.22 21 " Sali6 a Xaquixaguana con Carta de Valdivia, MS. — Relacion toda su gente y alii nos aguardo en del Lie. Gasca, MS. un llano junto a un cerro alto por ^ " Porq. muchas pelotas dieron donde bajabamos ; y cierto nuestro en medio de la gente, y una dellas Seilor le cego el entendimiento, matd juto a. Goncalo Pizarro vn porque si nos aguardaran al pie de criado suyo que se estaua armando : la bajada, hicieran mucho daiio a y mato otro hombre y vn cauallo : nosotros. Retiraronse a un llano que puso grande alteracion en el junto a una cienaga, creyendo que campo, y abatieron todas las tiedas nuestro campo alii les acometiera y toldos." Fernandez, Hist, del y con la ventaja que nos tenian Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 89.— del puesto nos vencieran." Pedro Cartade Valdivia, MS. — Relacion Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — del Lie. Gasca, MS. 420 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY [Book V. Meanwhile, the president's forces had descended into the valley, and as they came on the plain were formed into line by their officers. The ground occupied by the army was somewhat lower than that of their enemy, whose shot, as discharged, from time to time, from his batteries, passed over their heads. Information was now brought by a deserter, one of Centeno's old followers, that Pizarro was getting ready for a night attack. The president, in consequence, commanded his whole force to be drawn up in battle array, pre pared, at any instant, to repulse the assault. But if such were meditated by the insurgent chief, he abandoned it, — and, as it is said, from a distrust of the fidelity of some of the troops, who, under cover of the darkness, he feared, would go over to the opposite side. If this be true, he must have felt the full force of Carbajal's admonition, when too late to profit by it. The unfortunate command er was in the situation of some bold, high-mettled cavalier, rushing to battle on a war-horse whose tottering joints threaten to give way under him at every step, and leave his rider to the mercy of his enemies ! The president's troops stood to their arms the greater part of the night, although the air from the mountains was so keen, that it was with difficulty they could hold their lances in their hands.23 But 23 " I asi estuvo el Campo toda que no podian tener las Lancas en la Noche en Arma, desarmadas las las manos." Zarate, Conq. del Tiendas, padesciendo mui gran frio Peru, lib. 7, cap. 6. Ch. III.] ROUT OF XAQUIXAGUANA. 421 before the rising sun had kindled into a glow the highest peaks of the sierra, both camps were in motion, and busily engaged in preparations for the combat. The royal army was formed into two bat talions of infantry, one to attack the enemy in front, and the other, if possible, to operate on his flank. These battalions yvere protected by squadrons of horse on the wings and in the rear, while reserves both of horse and arquebusiers w^ere stationed to act as occasion might require. The dispositions yvere made in so masterly a manner, as to draw forth a hearty eulogium from old Carbajal, yvho exclaimed, " Surely the Devil or Valdivia must be among them ! " an undeniable compliment to the latter, since the speaker was ignorant of that commander's presence in the camp.24 Gasca, leaying the conduct of the battle to his officers, yvithdrew to the rear yyith his train of cler gy and licentiates, the last of whom did not share in the ambition of their rebel brother, Cepeda, to break a lance in the field. Gonzalo Pizarro formed his squadron in the same manner as he had done on the plains of Hua rina ; except that tlio increased number of his horse noyv enabled him to cover both flanks of his s* " Y assi quando vio Francisco Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS. — de Caruajal el campo Real ; pare- Carta de Valdivia. MS. — Gomara, ciendole que los esquadrones venian Hist, de las Indias. cap. 1S5. — trie ordenados dixo. Valdiuia esta Zarate. Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. en la tierra, y rige el campo. 6 el 6. — Garcilasso. Com. Real., Parte diablo." Fernandez, Hist, del 2, lib. 5, cap. 34. — Pedro Pizarro, Peru, Parte 1. lib. 2. cap. 80.— Descub. y Conq., MS. 422 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. infantry. It was still on his fire-arms, however, that he chiefly relied. As the ranks were formed, he rode among them, encouraging his men to do their duty like brave cavaliers, and true soldiers of the Conquest. Pizarro was superbly armed, as usual, and wore a complete suit of mail, of the finest manufacture, which, as well as his helmet, was richly inlaid with gold.25 He rode a chestnut horse of great strength and spirit, and as he galloped along the line, brandishing his lance, and displaying his easy horsemanship, he might be thought to form no bad personification of the Genius of Chivalry. To complete his dispositions, he ordered Cepeda to lead up the infantry ; for the licentiate seems to have had a larger share in the conduct of his af fairs of late, or at least in the present military ar rangements, than Carbajal. The latter, indeed, whether from disgust at the course taken by his leader, or from a distrust, which, it is said, he did not affect to conceal, of the success of the present operations, disclaimed all responsibility for them, and chose to serve rather as a private cavalier than as a commander.26 Yet Cepeda, as the event show- 25 "Iba mui galan, i gen til desdeiiado de que Gongalo Picarro hombre sobre vn poderoso caballo no huuiesse querido seguir su pa- castaRo, armado de Cota, i Cora- recer y consejo (dandose ya por cinas ricas, con vna sobre ropa de vencido) , no quiso hazer oficio de Raso bien golpeada, i vn Capacete Maesse de campo, como solia, y de Oro en la cabeca, con su barbote assi fue a ponerse en el esquadron de lo mismo." Gomara, Hist, de con su compania, como vno de los las Indias, cap. 185. capitanes de ynfanteria." Garci- 28 " Porque el Maesse de campo lasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, Francisco de Caruajal, como hombre cap. 35. Ch. III.] ROUT OF XAQUIXAGUANA. 423 ed, was no less shrewd in detecting the coming ruin. When he had received his orders from Pizarro, he rode forward as if to select the ground for his troops to occupy ; and in doing so disappeared for a few moments behind a projecting cliff. He soon reap peared, however, and was seen galloping at full speed across the plain. His men looked with aston ishment, yet not distrusting his motives, till, as he continued his course direct towards the enemy's lines, his treachery became apparent. Several pushed for ward to overtake him, and among them a cavalier, better mounted than Cepeda. The latter rode a horse of no great strength or speed, quite unfit for this critical manoeuvre of his master. The animal, was, moreover, encumbered by the weight of the caparisons with which his ambitious rider had loaded him, so that, on reaching a piece of miry ground that lay between the armies, his pace was greatly retarded.27 Cepeda's pursuers rapidly gained on him, and the cavalier above noticed came, at length, so near as to throw a lance at the fugitive, which, wounding him in the thigh, pierced his horse's flank, and they both came headlong to the ground. It would have fared ill with the licentiate, in this emergency, but fortunately a small party of troopers on the other side, yvho had watched the chase, nowr galloped briskly forward to the rescue, and, beating off his pursuers, they recovered Cepeda from the mire, and bore him to the president's quarters. 27 Ibid., ubi supra. 424 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. He was received by Gasca with the greatest sat isfaction, — so great, that, according to one chroni cler, he did not disdain to show it by saluting the licentiate on the cheek.28 The anecdote is scarcely reconcilable with the characters and relations of the parties, or with the president's subsequent conduct. Gasca, however, recognized the full value of his prize, and the effect which his desertion at such a time must have on the spirits of the rebels. Cepe da's movement, so unexpected by his own party, was the result of previous deliberation, as he had secretly given assurance, it is said, to the prior of Arequipa, then in the royal camp, that, if Gonzalo Pizarro could not be induced to accept the pardon offered him, he would renounce his cause.29 The time selected by the crafty counsellor for doing so was that most fatal to the interests of his com mander. The example of Cepeda was contagious. Gar cilasso de la Vega, father of the historian, a cava lier of old family, and probably of higher considera tion than any other in Pizarro's party, put spurs to his horse, at the same time with the licentiate, and rode over to the enemy. Ten or a dozen of the arquebusiers followed in the same direction, and 28 " Gasca abracd, i besd en el Castro, Prior de Santo Domingo en carrillo a Cepeda, aunque lo lleva- Arequipa, que si Picarro no quisi- ba encenagado, teniendo por venci- esse concierto ninguno, el se pasa do a Picarro, con su falta." Go- ria al servicio del Emperador & mara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. 185. tiempo que le deshiciese." Ibid., 23 " Ca, segun parecio, Cepeda ubi supra. le huvo avisado con Fr. Antonio de Ch. III.] ROUT OF XAQUIXAGUANA. 425 succeeded in placing themselves under the protec tion of the advanced guard of the royalists. Pizarro stood aghast at this desertion, in so criti cal a juncture, of those in whom he had most trust ed. He was, for a moment, bewildered. The very ground on which he stood seemed to be crumbling beneath him. With this state of feeling among his soldiers, he saw that every minute of delay was fatal. He dared not wait for the assault, as he had intended, in his strong position, but instantly gave the word to advance. Gasca's general, Hinojosa, seeing the enemy in motion, gave similar orders to his own troops. Instantly the skirmishers and ar quebusiers on the flanks moved rapidly forward, the artillery prepared to open their fire, and " the whole army," says the president in his own account of the affair, " advanced with steady step and perfect de termination." 30 But before a shot was fired, a column of arque busiers, composed chiefly of Centeno's followers, abandoned their post, and marched directly over to the enemy. A squadron of horse, sent in pursuit of them, followed their example. The president in stantly commanded his men to halt, unwilling to spill blood unnecessarily, as the rebel host was like to fall to pieces of itself. 30 " Visto por Gonzalo Pizarro se empezaron a llegar a ellos i a i Caravajal su Maestre de Campo disparar en ellos i que lo mesmo que se les iva gente procuraron de hizo la artilleria, i todo el campo eaminar en su orden hacia el campo con paso bien concertado i entera de S. 5 1, i que viendo esto los lados determinacion se llegd a ellos.' i sobre salientes del exercito real Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS. VOL. II. 51 426 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. Pizarro's faithful adherents yvere seized with a panic, as they saw themselves and their leader thus betrayed into the enemy's hands. Further resist ance was useless. Some threw down their arms, and fled in the direction of Cuzco. Others sought to escape to the mountains ; and some crossed to the opposite side, and surrendered themselves prisoners, hoping it was not too late to profit by the promises of grace. The Indian allies, on seeing the Span iards falter, had been the first to go off the ground.31 Pizarro, amidst the general yvreck, found himself left with only a few cavaliers who disdained to fly. Stunned by the unexpected reverse of fortune, the unhappy chief could hardly comprehend his situ ation. " What remains for us ? " said he to Acosta, one of those who still adhered to him. " Fall on the enemy, since nothing else is left," answered the lion-hearted soldier, " and die like Romans ! " " Better to die like Christians," replied his com mander ; and, slowly turning his horse, he rode off in the direction of the royal army.32 31 "Los Indios que tenian los — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, enemigos que diz que eran mucha cap. 7. — Herrera, Hist. General, cantidad huyeron mui a furia." dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 16. (Relacion del Lie. Gasca, MS.) 32 " Gongalo Picarro boluiendo For the particulars of the battle, el rostro, a Juan de Acosta, que more or less minute, see Carta de estaua cerca del, le dixo, que hare- yraldivia, MS. — Garcilasso, Com. mos hermano Juan? Acosta pre- Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 35. — sumiendo mas de valiente que de Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., discreto respondid, Senor arreme- MS. ¦ — ¦ Gomara, Hist, de las In- tamos, y muramos como los anti- dias, cap. 185. — Fernandez, Hist, guos Romanos. Goncalo Picarro del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. dixo mejor es morir como Cristia Ch. III.] ROUT OF XAQUIXAGUANA. 427 He had not proceeded far, when he was met bv an ofncer, to whom, after ascertaining his name and rank, Pizarro delivered up his sword, and yielded himself prisoner. The officer, overjoyed at his prize, conducted him, at once, to the president's quarters. Gasca was on horseback, surrounded bv his captains, some of whom, when thev recognized the person of the captive, had the grace to with draw, that thev might not witness his humiliation.33 Even the best of them, with a sense of right on their side, mav have felt some touch of compunction at the thought that their desertion had brought their benefactor to this condition. Pizarro kept his seat in his saddle, but. as he ap proached, made a respectful obeisance to the presi dent, which the latter acknowledged bv a cold sa lute. Then, addressing his prisoner in a tone of severitv. Gasca abruptly inquired, — •• Why he had thrown the country into such confusion ; — raising the banner of revolt ; killing the viceroy : usurping the government ; nnd obstinately refusing the offers of grace that had been repeatedly made him ? " Gonzalo attempted to justify himself by referring the fate of the viceroy to his misconduct, and his own usurpation, as it was styled, to the free election of the people, as well as that of the Royal Audience. •• It was mv familv," he said, •• who conquered the country : and. as their representative here, I felt I nos."' Garcilasso. Com. Real.. ~ Garcilasfo. Com. Real., ubi Parte 2. lib. 5. cap. 36. — Zarate. supra. Conq. del Peru, lib. 7. cap. 7. 428 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. had a right to the government." To this Gasca re plied, in a still severer tone, " Your brother did, indeed, conquer the land ; and for this the emperor yvas pleased to raise both him and you from the dust. He lived and died a true and loyal subject; and it only makes your ingratitude to your sovereign the more heinous." Then, seeing his prisoner about to reply, the president cut short the conference, order ing him into close confinement. He was committed to the charge of Centeno, who had sought the office, not from any unworthy desire to gratify his revenge, — for he seems to have had a generous nature, — but for the honorable purpose of ministering to the com fort of the captive. Though held in strict custody by this officer, therefore, Pizarro was treated with the deference due to his rank, and allowed every indulgence by his keeper, except his freedom.34 In this general wreck of their fortunes, Francisco de Carbajal fared no better than his chief. As he saw the soldiers deserting their posts and going over to the enemy, one after another, he coolly hummed the words of his favorite old ballad, — " The wind blows the hairs off my head, mother ! " But when he found the field nearly empty, and his stout-hearted followers vanished like a wreath of smoke, he felt it was time to provide for his own 34 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. 185. — Garcilasso, Com. Real., Historians, of course, report the Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 36. — Rela- dialogue between Gasca and his cion del Lie. Gasca, MS. prisoner with some variety. See Ch. III.] ROUT OF XAQUIXAGUANA. 429 safety. He knew there could be no favor for him ; and, putting spurs to his horse, he betook himself to flight with all the speed he could make. He crossed the stream that flowed, as already mentioned, by the camp, but, in scabng the opposite bank, which was steep and stony, his horse, somewhat old, and op pressed by the weight of his rider, who was large and corpulent, lost his footing and fell with him in to the water. Before he could extricate himself, Carbajal was seized by some of his own followers, yvho hoped, by such a prize, to make their peace with the victor, and hurried off towards the presi dent's quarters. The convoy was soon swelled by a number of the common file from the royal army, some of whom had long arrears to settle with the prisoner ; and, not content with heaping reproaches and impreca tions on his head, they now threatened to proceed to acts of personal violence, which Carbajal, far from deprecating, seemed rather to court, as the speediest way of ridding himself of life.35 When he approach ed the president's quarters, Centeno, who was near, rebuked the disorderly rabble, and compelled them to give way. Carbajal, on seeing this, yvith a re spectful air demanded to whom he was indebted for this courteous protection. To which his ancient comrade replied, "Do you not knoyv me? — Die 35 " Lueco llevaron antel dicho ofendidas que le querian matar, el Licenciado Caravajal Maestre de qual diz que mostrava que olgara campo del dicho Pizarro i tan cer- que le mataran alii." Relacion cado de gentes que del havian sido del Lie. Gasca, MS. 430 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. go Centeno ! " "1 crave your pardon," said the veteran, sarcastically alluding to his long flight in the Charcas, and his recent defeat at Huarina ; " it is so long since I have seen any thing but your back, that I had forgotten your face ! " 36 Among the president's suite was the martial bishop of Cuzco, who, it will be remembered, had shared with Centeno in the disgrace of his defeat. His brother had been taken by Carbajal, in his flight from the field, and instantly hung up by that fierce chief, who, as we have had more than one occasion to see, was no respecter of persons. The bishop now reproached him with his brother's murder, and, incensed by his cool replies, was ungenerous enough to strike the prisoner on the face. Carbajal made no attempt at resistance. Nor would he return a word to the queries put to him by Gasca ; but, looking haughtily round on the circle, maintained a contemptuous silence. The president, seeing that nothing further was to be gained from his captive, ordered him, together with Acosta, and the other cavaliers who had surrendered, into strict custody, until their fate should be decided.37 36 " Diego Centeno reprehendia niendo le de cara, no le conocia." mucho a los que le offendian. Por Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte lo qual Caruajal le mird, y le dixo, 1, lib. 2, cap. 90. Sefior quien es vuestra merced que 37 Ibid., ubi supra. tanta merced me haze 1 a lo qual It is but fair to state that Garci- Centeno respondio, Que no conoce lasso, who was personally acquaint- vuestra merced a Diego Centeno? ed with the bishop of Cuzco, doubts Dixo entonces Caruajal, Por Dios the fact of the indecorous conduct senor que como siempre vi a vuestra imputed to him by Fernandez, as merced de espaldas, que agora te- inconsistent with the prelate's char- Ch. III.] ROUT OF XAQUIXAGUANA. 431 Gasca's next concern was to send an officer to Cuzco, to restrain his partisans from committing ex cesses in consequence of the late victory, — if victo ry that could be called, where not a blow had been struck. Every thing belonging to the vanquished, their tents, arms, ammunition, and military stores, became the property of the victors. Their camp was well victualled, furnishing a seasonable supply to the royalists, who had nearly expended their own stock of provisions. There was, moreover, considerable booty in the way of plate and money ; for Pizarro's men, as was not uncommon in those turbulent times, went, many of them, to the war with the whole of their worldly wealth, not knowing of any safe place in which to bestow it. An anecdote is told of one of Gasca's soldiers, who, seeing a mule running over the field, with a large pack on his back, seized the animal, and mounted him, having first thrown away the burden, supposing it to contain armour, or some thing of little worth. Another soldier, more shrewd, picked up the parcel, as his share of the spoil, and found it contained several thousand gold ducats ! It was the fortune of war.M Thus terminated the battle, or rather rout, of Xaquixaguana. The number of killed and wound ed — for some few perished in the pursuit — was not great ; according to most accounts, not exceed ing fifteen killed on the rebel side, and one only on that of the royalists ! and that one, by the careless- acter. Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. & Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. 39. 7, cap. 8. 432 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. ness of a comrade.39 Never was there a cheaper victory ; so bloodless a termination of a fierce and bloody rebellion! It was gained not so much by tlie strength of the victors as by the weakness of the vanquished. They fell to pieces of their own accord, because they had no sure ground to stand on. The arm, not nerved by the sense of right, became powerless in the hour of batde. It was better that they should thus be overcome by moral force than by a brutal appeal to arms. Such a victory was more in harmony with the beneficent character of the conqueror and of his cause. It was the triumph of order ; the best homage to law and justice. 39 " Temiose que en esta batalla without date, and in the character muriria mucha gente de ambas of the sixteenth century. It is partes por haver en ellas mill i principally taken up with the battle, quatrocientos arcabuceros i seis- and the events immediately con- cientos de caballo i mucho numero nected with it ; and although very de piqueros i diez i ocho piezas de brief, every sentence is of value as artilleria, pero plugo a Dios que coming from so high a source. solo muri6 un hombre del campo Alcedo, in his Biblioteca Amen de S. M. i quince de los contrarios cana, MS., gives the title of a como esta dicho." Relacion del work from Gasca's pen, which Lie. Gasca, MS. would seem to be an account of his The MS. above referred to is own administration, Historia del supposed by Mqfioz to have been Peru, y de su Pacificacion, 1576, written by Gasca, or rather dictated fol. — I have never met with the by him to his secretary. The work, or with any other allusion original is preserved at Simancas, to it. CHAPTER IV. Execution or Carbajal. — Gonzalo Pizakro beheaded. — Spoils of Victory. — Wise Reforms by Gasca. — He returns to Spain. — His Death and Character. 1548—1550. It yvas now necessary to decide on the fate of the prisoners ; and Alonso de Alvarado, with the Li centiate Cianca, one of the new Royal Audience, was instructed to prepare the process. It did not require a long time. The guilt of the prisoners was too manifest, taken, as they had been, with arms in their hands. They were all sentenced to be executed, and their estates were confiscated to the use of the Crown. Gonzalo Pizarro was to be beheaded, and Carbajal to be drawn and quartered. No mercy was shown to him who had shown none to others. There was some talk of deferring the execution till the arrival of the troops in Cuzco ; but the fear of disturbances from those friendly to Pizarro determined the president to carry the sentence into effect the folloyving day, on the field of battle.1 1 The sentence passed upon Pi- rian omitted it in his printed work ; zarro is given at length in the but the curious reader may find it manuscript copy of Zarate's His- entire, cited in the original, in tory, to which I have had occasion Appendix, No. 14. more than once to refer. The histo- VOL. II. 55 434 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. When his doom was communicated to Carbajal, he heard it yvith his usual indifference. " They can but kill me," he said, as if he had already settled the matter in his own mind.2 During the day, many came to see him in his confinement ; some to upbraid him yvith his cruelties ; but most, from curiosity to see the fierce warrior who had made his name so terrible through the land. He showed no unwillingness to talk with them, though it wras in those sallies of caustic humor in which he usually indulged at the expense of his hearer. Among these visiters was a cavalier of no note, wdiose life, it appears, Carbajal had formerly spared, when in his power. This person expressed to the prisoner his strong desire to serve him ; and as he reiterated his professions, Carbajal cut them short by exclaiming, — "And what service can you do me? Can you set me free ? If you cannot do that, you can do nothing. If I spared your Hfe, as you say, it was probably because I did not think it worth while to take it" Some piously disposed persons urged him to see a priest, if it were only to unburden his conscience before leaving the wrorld. " But of what use would that be ? " asked Carbajal. " I have nothing that lies heavy on my conscience, unless it be, indeed, the debt of half a real to a shopkeeper in Seville, which I forgot to pay before leaving the country ! " 3 2 " Basta matar." Fernandez, 3 "En esso no tengo que con- Hist. del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, fessar : porque juro a tal, que no cap. 91. tengo otro cargo, si no medio real Ch. IV.] EXECUTION OF CARBAJAL. 435 He was carried to execution on a hurdle, or rather in a basket, drawn by two mules. His arms were pinioned, and, as they forced his bulky body into this miserable conveyance, he exclaimed, — " Cra dles for infants, and a cradle for the old man too, it seems ! " 4 Notwithstanding the disinclination he had manifested to a confessor, he was attended by several ecclesiastics on his way to the gallows ; and one of them repeatedly urged him to give some token of penitence at this solemn hour, if it were only by repeating the Pater Noster and Ave Maria. Carbajal, to rid himself of the ghostly father's importunity, replied by coolly repeating the words, " Pater Noster," "Ave Maria " ! He then remained obstinately silent. He died, as he had lived, with a jest, or rather a scoff, upon his lips.5 Francisco de Carbajal was one of the most extra ordinary characters of these dark and turbulent times ; the more extraordinary from his great age ; for, at the period of his death, he was in his eighty- fourth year ; — an age when the bodily poyvers, and, fortunately, the passions, are usually blunted ; when, in the witty words of the French moralist, "We flat ter ourselves we are leaving our vices, whereas it que deuo en Seuilla a vna bodego- mas a la postrer vez que me habl6 nera de la puerta del Arenal, del llevandole a matar le decia el sa- tiempo que passe a Indias." Ihid., cerdote que con el iba, que se en- ubi supra. comendase a Dios y dijese el Pater 4 " Nino en cuna, y viejo en Noster y el Ave Maria, y dicen cuna." Ibid., loc. cit. que dijo Pater Noster, Ave Maria, 5 '• Murio como gentil, porque y que no dijo otra palabra." Pe- dicen, que yo no le quise ver, que dro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq. ansi le di la palabra de no velle ; MS. 436 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. is our vices that are leaving us." 6 But the fires of youth glowed fierce and unquenchable in the bosom of Carbajal. The date of his birth carries us back towards the middle of the fifteenth century, before the times of Ferdinand and Isabella. He was of obscure parent age, and born, as it is said, at Arevalo. For forty years he served in the Italian wars, under the most illustrious captains of the day, Gonsalvo de Cor dova, Navarro, and the Colonnas. He was an en sign at the battle of Ravenna ; witnessed the cap ture of Francis the First at Pavia ; and followed the banner of the ill-starred Bourbon at the sack of Rome. He got no gold for his share of the booty, on this occasion, but simply the papers of a notary's office, which, Carbajal shrewdly thought, would be worth gold to him. And so it proved ; for the no tary yvas fain to redeem them at a price which ena bled the adventurer to cross the seas to Mexico, and seek his fortune in the Neyv World. On the insur rection of the Peruvians, he was sent to the support of Francis Pizarro, and was rewarded by that chief with a grant of land in Cuzco. Here he remained for s'everal years, busily employed in increasing his substance ; for the love of lucre was a ruling passion in his bosom. On the arrival of Vaca de Castro, we find him doing good service under the royal banner ; and at the breaking out of the great 6 I quote from memory, but be- wisdom, The Characters of La lieve the reflection may be found in Bruyere. that admirable digest of worldly Ch. IV.] EXECUTION OF CARBAJAL. 437 rebellion under Gonzalo Pizarro, he converted his property into gold, and prepared to return to Cas tile. He seemed to have a presentiment that to remain where he was would be fatal. But, al though he made every effort to leave Peru, he was unsuccessful, for the viceroy had laid an embargo on the shipping.7 He remained in the country, therefore, and took service, as we have seen, though reluctantly, under Pizarro. It was his destiny. The tumultuous life on which he now entered roused all the slumbering passions of his soul, which lay there, perhaps unconsciously to himself; cruelty, avarice, revenge. He found ample exercise for them in the war with his countrymen ; for civil yvar is proverbially the most sanguinary and ferocious of all. The atrocities recorded of Carbajal, in his neyv ca reer, and the number of his victims, are scarcely credible. For the honor of humanity, we may trust the accounts are greatly exaggerated ; but that he should have given rise to them at all is sufficient to consign his name to infamy.8 He even took a diabolical pleasure, it is said, in 7 Pedro Pizarro hears testimony doom of the prisoners who fell to Carbajal's endeavours to leave into his hands. the country, in which he was aided, 8 Out of three hundred and forty though ineffectually, by the chroni- executions, according to Fernan- cler, who was, at that time, in dez, three hundred were by Car- the most friendly relations with bajal. (Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, him. Civil war parted these an- lib. 2, cap. 91.) Zarate swells cient comrades ; but Carbajal did the number of these executions to not forget his obligations to Pedro five hundred. (Conq. del Peru, Pizarro, which he afterwards re- lib. 7, cap. 1.) The discrepancy paid by exempting him on two shows how little we can confide in different occasions from the general the accuracy of such estimates. 438 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. amusing himself with the sufferings of his victims, and in the hour of execution would give utterance to frightful jests, that made them taste more keenly the bitterness of death ! He had a sportive vein, if such it could be called, which he freely indulged on every occasion. Many of his sallies were preserved by the soldiery ; but they are, for the most part, of a coarse, repulsive character, flowing from a mind familiar with the weak and wicked side of hu manity, and distrusting every other. He had his jest for every thing, — for the misfortunes of others, and for his own. He looked on life as a farce, — though he too often made it a tragedy. Carbajal must be allowed one virtue ; that of fidelity to his party. This made him less tolerant of perfidy in others. He was never known to show mercy to a renegade. This undeviating fidelity, though to a bad cause, may challenge something like a feeling of respect, yvhere fidelity was so rare.9 As a military man, Carbajal takes a high rank among the soldiers of the New World. He was strict, even severe, in enforcing discipline, so that he 9 Fidelity, indeed, is hut one of doubtless, to his father's position many virtues claimed for Carbajal in the rebel army, he has well by Garcilasso, who considers most repaid by depicting their portraits of the tales of cruelty and avarice in the favorable colors in which circulated of the veteran, as well they appeared to his young imagi- as the hardened levity imputed to nation. But the garrulous old man him in his latter moments, as in- has recorded several individual in ventions of his enemies. The Inca stances of atrocity in the career chronicler was a boy when Gon- of Carbajal, which form but an zalo and his chivalry occupied indifferent commentary on the cor- Cuzco ; and the kind treatment he rectness of his general assertions experienced from them, owing, in respect to his character. Ch. IV.] GONZALO PIZARRO BEHEADED. 439 was little loved by his followers. Whether he had the genius for military combinations requisite for conducting war on an extended scale may be doubted ; but in the shifts and turns of guerilla warfare he was unrivalled. Prompt, active, and persevering, he was insensible to danger or fatigue, and, after days spent in the saddle, seemed to attach little value to the luxury of a bed.10 He knew familiarly every mountain pass, and, such were the sagacity and the resources displayed in his roving expeditions, that he was vulgarly be lieved to be attended by a familiar.11 With a character so extraordinary, with powers prolonged so far beyond the usual term of humanity, and passions so fierce in one tottering on the verge of the grave, it was not surprising that many fabulous stories should be eagerly circulated respecting him, and that Carbajal should be clothed with myste rious terrors as a sort of supernatural being, — the demon of the Andes ! Very different yvere the circumstances attending the closing scene of Gonzalo Pizarro. At his re in « ;pue maior sufridor de tra- have entertained feelings not un- bajos, que requeria su edad, porque friendly to Carbajal, thus sums up a maravilla se quitaba las Armas his character in a. few words. de Dia, ni de Noche, i quando era " Era mui lenguaz: hablaba muy necesario, tampoco se acostaba, ni discreptamente y a gusto de los dormia mas de quanto recostado en que le oian : era hombre sagaz, vna Silla, se le cansaba la mano cruel, bien entendido en la guerra. en que arrimaba la Cabeca." Za- Este Carbajal era tan sabio rate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 5, cap. que decian tenia familiar." Des 14. cub. y Conq., MS. 11 Pedro Pizarro, who seems to 440 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. quest, no one had been allowed to visit him in his confinement. He was heard pacing his tent during the greater part of the day, and when night came, having ascertained from Centeno that his execution was to take place on the following noon, he laid himself down to rest. He did not sleep long, how ever, but soon rose, and continued to traverse his apartment, as if buried in meditation, till dawn. He then sent for a confessor, and remained with him till after the hour of noon, taking little or no refreshment. The officers of justice became im patient ; but their eagerness was sternly rebuked by the soldiery, many of whom, having served under Gonzalo's banner, were touched with pity for his misfortunes. When the chieftain came forth to execution, he showed in his dress the same love of magnificence and display as in happier days. Over his doublet he wore a superb cloak of yellow velvet, stiff with gold embroidery, while his head was protected by a cap of the same materials, richly decorated, in like manner, with ornaments of gold.12 In this gaudy attire he mounted his mule, and the sentence was so far relaxed that his arms were suffered to remain unshackled. He was escorted by a goodly number of priests and friars, who held up the crucifix before his eyes, while he carried in his own hand an image 12 " Al tiempo que lo mataron, toda cubierta de Chaperia de Oro, dio al Verdugo toda la Ropa, que i vn Chapeo de la misma forma." traia que era mui rica, i de mucho Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, valor, porque tenia vna Ropa de cap. 8. Armas de Terciopelo amarillo, casi Ch. IV.] GONZALO PIZARRO BEHEADED. 441 of the Virgin. She had ever been the peculiar ob ject of Pizarro's devotion ; so much so, that those who knew him best in the hour of his prosperity were careful, when they had a petition, to prefer it in the name of the blessed Mary. Pizarro's lips were frequently pressed to the em blem of his divinity, while his eyes were bent on the crucifix in apparent devotion, heedless of the objects around him. On reaching the scaffold, he ascended it with a firm step, and asked leave to ad dress a few words to the soldiery gathered round it. " There are many among you," said he, " who have grown rich on my brother's bounty, and my own. Yet, of all my riches, nothing remains to me but the garments I have on ; and even these are not mine, but the property of the executioner. I am without means, therefore, to purchase a mass for the welfare of my soul ; and I implore you, by the re membrance of past benefits, to extend this charity to me when I am gone, that it may be well yvith you in the hour of death." A profound silence reigned throughout the martial multitude, broken only by sighs and groans, as they listened to Pizarro's re quest ; and it was faithfully responded to, since, after his death, masses were said in many of the towns for the welfare of the departed chieftain. Then, kneeling down before a crucifix placed on a table, Pizarro remained for some minutes absorbed in prayer ; after which, addressing the soldier who yvas to act as the minister of justice, he calmly bade him "do his duty yvith a steady hand." He refused vol. n. 56 442 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. to have his eyes bandaged, and, bending forward his neck, submitted it to the sword of the executioner, who struck off the head with a single blow, so true that the body remained for some moments in the same erect posture as in life.13 The head was taken to Lima, where it was set in a cage or frame, and then fixed on a gibbet by the side of Carbajal's. On it was placed a label, bearing, — " This is the head of the traitor Gonzalo Pizarro, who rebelled in Peru against his sovereign, and battied in the cause of tyranny and treason against the royal stand ard in the valley of Xaquixaguana."14 His large estates, including the rich mines in Potosi, were confiscated ; his mansion in Lima was razed to the ground, the place strewed with salt, and a stone pillar set up, with an inscription interdicting any one from building on a spot which had been pro faned by the residence of a traitor. Gonzalo's remains were not exposed to the indig nities inflicted on Carbajal's, whose quarters were hung in chains on the four great roads leading to Cuzco. Centeno saved Pizarro's body from being 13 " The executioner," says 14 ¦' Esta es la cabeza del trai- Garcilasso, with a simile more ex- dor de Gonzalo Pizarro que se hizo pressive than elegant, " did his justicia del en el valle de Aquixa- work as cleanly as if he had been guana, donde did la batalla campal slicing off a head of lettuce ! ' ' contra el estandarte real queriendo " De vn reues le cortd la cabeca defender su traicion e tirania : nin- con tanta facilidad, como si fuera guno sea osado de la quitar de vna hoja de lechuga, y se quedo aqui so pena de muerte natural." con ella en la mano, y tardo el Zarate, MS. cuerpo algun espacio en caer en el suelo." Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43. Ch. IV.] GONZALO PIZARRO BEHEADED. 443 stripped, by redeeming his costly raiment from the executioner, and in this sumptuous shroud it yvas laid in the chapel of the convent of Our Lady of Mercy in Cuzco. It was the same spot where, side by side, lay the bloody remains of the Almagros, father and son, who in like manner had perished by the hand of justice, and were indebted to private charity for their burial. All these were now con signed " to the same grave," says the historian, with some bitterness, " as if Peru could not afford land enough for a burial-place to its conquerors." 15 Gonzalo Pizarro had reached only his forty-second year at the time of his death, — being just half the space allotted to his follower Carbajal. He was the youngest of the remarkable family to whom Spain was indebted for the acquisition of Peru. He came over to the country yvith his brother Fran cisco, on the return of the latter from his visit to Castile. Gonzalo was present in all the remarkable passages of the Conquest. He witnessed the seiz ure of Atahuallpa, took an active part in suppressing the insurrection of the Incas, and especially in the reduction of Charcas. He afterwards led the disas trous expedition to the Amazon ; and, finally, head- 15 " Y las sepolturas vna sola MS. de Caravantes. — Pedro Pi- auiendo de ser tres: que aun la zarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — tierra parece que les faltd para auer Gomara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. los de cubrir." Garcilasso, Com. 186. — Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Real., Parte 2, lib. 5, cap. 43. Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 91. — Zarate, For the tragic particulars of the Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 8. — preceding pages, see Ibid., cap. Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, 39_43. — Relacion del Lie. Gasca, lib. 4, cap. 16. MS. — Carta de Valdivia, MS.— 444 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V ed the memorable rebellion which ended so fatally to himself. There are but few men whose lives abound in such wild and romantic adventure, and, for the most part, crowned with success. The space which he occupies in the page of history is altogether disproportioned to his talents. It may be in some measure ascribed to fortune, but still more to those showy qualities which form a sort of substitute for mental talent, and which secured his popularity with the vulgar. He had a brilliant exterior ; excelled in all martial exercises ; rode well, fenced well, managed his lance to perfection, yvas a first-rate marksman with the arquebuse, and added the accomplishment of being an excellent draughtsman. He was bold and chival rous, even to temerity ; courted adventure, and yvas always in the front of danger. He was a knight- errant, in short, in the most extravagant sense of the term, and, " mounted on his favorite charger," says one who had often seen him, " made no more account of a squadron of Indians than of a swarm of flies." 16 While thus, by his brilliant exploits and showy manners, he captivated the imaginations of his coun trymen, he won their hearts no less by his soldier like frankness, his trust in their fidelity, — too often abused, — and his liberal largesses ; for Pizarro, though avaricious of the property of others, yvas, 16 " Quando Gontjalo Pizarro, drones de Yndios, que si fueran de que aya gloria, se veya en su zay- moscas." Garcilasso, Parte 2, lib. nillo, no hazia mas caso de esqua- 5, cap. 43. Ch. IV.] GONZALO PIZARRO BEHEADED. 445 like the Roman conspirator, prodigal of his own. This was his portrait in happier days, when his heart had not been corrupted by success ; for that some change was wrought on him by his prosperity is well attested. His head was made giddy by his elevation ; and it is proof of a want of talent equal to his success, that he knew not how to profit by it. Obeying the dictates of his own rash judgment, he rejected the warnings of his wisest counsellors, and relied with blind confidence on his destiny. Garci lasso imputes this to the malignant influence of the stars.17 But the superstitious chronicler might have better explained it by a common principle of human nature ; by the presumption nourished by success ; the insanity, as the Roman, or rather Grecian, prov erb calls it, with which the gods afflict men when they design to ruin them.18 Gonzalo was without education, except such as he had picked up in the rough school of war. He had little even of that wisdom which springs from natural shrewdness and insight into character. In all this he was inferior to his elder brothers, although he fully equalled them in ambition. Had he pos sessed a tithe of their sagacity, he would not have madly persisted in rebellion, after the coming of the oresident. Before this period, he represented the .7 " Dezian que no era falta de Garcilasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, entendimiento, pueslo tenia bastan- lib. 5, cap. 33. te, sino que deuia de ser sobra de 18 " "Orav 8c Aalpav dvBpl iropo u- influencia de signos y planetas, que vn koko., Io cegauan y forcauan a que pu- Tbv voiv cf5\aijr£ ¦n-pwrov." siesse la garganta al cuchillo." Eurip. Fragmenta. 446 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. people. Their interests and his were united. He had their support, for he was contending for the re dress of their wrongs. When these were redressed by the government, there was nothing to contend for. From that time, he was battling only for himself. The people had no part nor interest in the contest. Without a common sympathy to bind them together, was it strange that they should fall off from him, like leaves in winter, and leave him exposed, a bare and sapless trunk, to the fury of the tempest ? Cepeda, more criminal than Pizarro, since he had both superior education and intelligence, which he employed only to mislead his commander, did not long survive him. He had come to the country in an office of high responsibility. His first step yvas to betray the viceroy whom he was sent to support ; his next was to betray the Audience with whom he should have acted ; and lastly, he betrayed the lead er whom he most affected to serve. His wdiole career was treachery to his own government. His life was one long perfidy. After his surrender, several of the cavaliers, dis gusted at his cold-blooded apostasy, would have persuaded Gasca to send him to execution along with his commander ; but the president refused, in consideration of the signal service he had rendered the Crown by his defection. He was put under arrest, however, and sent to Castile. There he was arraigned for high-treason. He made a plausible defence, and as he had friends at court, it is not improbable he would have been acquitted; but, Ch. IV.] GONZALO PIZARRO BEHEADED 447 before the trial was terminated, he died in prison. It was the retributive justice not always to be found in the affairs of this world.19 Indeed, it so happened, that several of those yvho had been most forward to abandon the cause of Pizarro survived their commander but a short time. The gallant Centeno, and the Licentiate Carbajal, who deserted him near Lima, and bore the royal standard on the field of Xaquixaguana, both died within a year after Pizarro. Hinojosa was assassinated but two years later in La Plata ; and his old comrade Valdivia, after a series of bril liant exploits in Chili, which furnished her most glo rious theme to the epic Muse of Castile, was cut off bv the invincible warriors of Arauco. The Manes of Pizarro were amply avenged. Acosta, and three or four other cavaliers yvho sur rendered with Gonzalo, were sent to execution on the same day with their chief ; and Gasca, on the morning following the dismal tragedy, broke up his quarters and marched with his whole army to Cuzco, where he was received by the politic people with the same enthusiasm yvhich they had so re cently shown to his rival. He found there a num ber of the rebel army wTho had taken refuge in the city after their late defeat, where they were 19 The cunning lawyer prepared from the perusal of it with an so plausible an argument in his entire conviction of the writer's own justification, that Yllescas, the innocence, and of his unshaken celebrated historian of the Popes, loyalty to the Crown. See the declares that no one who read the passage quoted by Garcilasso, paper attentively, but must rise Com. Real.. Parte 2, lib. 6, cap. 10. 448 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. immediately placed under arrest. Proceedings, by Gasca's command, were instituted against them. The principal cavaliers, to the number of ten or twelve, were executed ; others were banished or sent to the galleys. The same rigorous decrees were pass ed against such as had fled and were not yet taken ; and the estates of all were confiscated. The estates of the rebels supplied a fund for the recompense of the loyal.20 The execution of justice may seem to have been severe ; but Gasca was willing that the rod should fall heavily on those who had so often re jected his proffers of grace. Lenity was wasted on a rude, licentious soldiery, who hardly recognized the existence of government, unless they felt its rigor. A new duty now devolved on the president, — that of rewarding his faithful followers, — not less difficult, as it proved, than that of punishing the guilty. The applicants were numerous ; since every one who had raised a finger in behalf of the gov ernment claimed his reward. They urged their de mands with a clamorous importunity which per plexed the good president, and consumed every moment of his time. Disgusted with this unprofitable state of things, Gasca resolved to rid himself of the annoyance at once, by retiring to the valley of Guaynarima, about twelve leagues distant from the city, and there di gesting, in quiet, a scheme of compensation, adjust- 20 Podro Pizarro, Descub. y — Carta do Valdivia, MS. — Za- Conq., MS. — Fernandez, Hist, rate, Conq. del Porn, lib. 7, cap. del Peru, Parto 1, lib. 2, cap. 91. 8. — Relacion dol Lie. Gasca, MS. Ch. IV.] SPOILS OF VICTORY. 449 ed to the merits of the parties. He was accompa nied only by his secretary, and by Loaysa, now archbishop of Lima, a man of sense, and well acquainted with the affairs of the country. In this seclusion the president remained three months, making a careful examination into the conflicting claims, and apportioning the forfeitures among the parties according to their respective services. The repartimientos, it should be remarked, were usually granted only for life, and, on the death of the in cumbent, reverted to the Crown, to be reassigned or retained at its pleasure. When his arduous task was completed, Gasca de termined to withdraw to Lima, leaving the instru ment of partition with the archbishop, to be com municated to the army. Notwithstanding all the care that had been taken for an equitable adjust ment, Gasca yvas aware that it yvas impossible to satisfy the demands of a jealous and irritable sol diery, where each man would be likely to exag gerate his own deserts, while he underrated those of his comrades ; and he did not care to expose himself to importunities and complaints that could serve no other purpose than to annoy him. On his departure, the troops were called together by the archbishop in the cathedral, to learn the con tents of the schedule intrusted to him. A discourse yvas first preached by a worthy Dominican, the prior of Arequipa, in which the reverend father ex patiated on the virtue of contentment, the duty of obedience, and the folly, as well as wickedness, of VOL. II. 57 450 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. an attempt to resist the constituted authorities, — topics, in short, which he conceived might best conciliate the good-will and conformity of his au dience. A letter from the president was then read from the pulpit. It was addressed to the officers and sol diers of the army. The writer began with briefly exposing the difficulties of his task, owing to the limited amount of the gratuities, and the great num ber and services of the claimants. He had given the matter the most careful consideration, he said, and endeavoured to assign to each his share, accord ing to his deserts, without prejudice or partiality. He had, no doubt, fallen into errors, but he trusted his followers would excuse them, when they reflect ed that he had done according to the best of his poor abilities ; and all, he believed, would do him the justice to acknowledge he had not been in fluenced by motives of personal interest. He bore emphatic testimony to the services they had ren dered to the good cause, and concluded with the most affectionate wishes for their future prosperity and happiness. The letter was dated at Guayna- rima, August 17, 1548, and bore the simple signa ture of the Licentiate Gasca.21 The archbishop next read the paper containing the president's award. The annual rent of the estates to be distributed amounted to a hundred and thirty 21 MS. de Caravantes. — Pedro cap. 9. — Fernandez, Hist, del Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., MS. — Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 92. Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lib. 7, Ch. IV.] SPOILS OF VICTORY. 451 thousand pesos ensayados ;~ a large amount, con sidering the worth of money in that day, — in any other country than Peru, where money was a drug.23 The repartimientos thus distributed varied in value from one hundred to thirty-five hundred pesos of yearly rent ; all, apparently, graduated yvith the 29 The peso en&iyado, according to Garcilasso, was one fifth more in value than the Castilian ducat. Com. Real., Parte i, lib. 6, cap. 3. 93 " Entre los cavalleros capi tanes y soldados que le ayudaron en esta ocasion repartio el Presidente Pedro de la Gasea 135,000 pesos ensayados de renta que estaban vaeos, y no un millon y tantos mil pesos, como dize Diego Fernandez, que eserivid en Palencia estas al- teraciones, y de quien lo tomd An tonio de Herrera: y porque esta ocasion fue la segunda en que los benemeritos del Pird fundan con razon los servicios de sus pasados, porque mediante esta batalla ase guro la corona de Castilla las pro vincias mas ricas que tiene en America, pondre sus nombres para que se conserbe con certeza su memoria como pareze en el auto original que proveyo en el asiento de Guainarima cerca de la ciudad del Cu*co en diez y siete de Agosto de 154*!, que esta en los aichivos del govierno." MS. de Caravan tes. The sum mentioned in the text, as thus divided among the army, falls verv tar short of the amount stated by Garcilasso, Fernandez, Zarate, and, indeed, every other writer on the subject, none of whom estimate it at less than a million of pesos. But Caravantes, from whom I have taken it, copies the original act of partition preserr- ed in the royal archives. Yet Gar cilasso de la Vega ought to have been well informed of the value of these estates, which, accord ing to him, far exceeded the esti mate given in the schedule. Thus, for instance, Hinojosa, he says. obtained from the share of lands and rich mines assigned to him from the property of Gonsalo Pizarro no less than 200.000 pesos annu ally, while Aldana, the Licentiate Carbajal. and others, had estates which yielded them from 10,000 to 50,000 jws,v. (Ibid., ubi supra.) It is impossible to reconcile these monstrous discrepancies. No sum seems to have been too large for the credulity of the ancient chroni cler ; and the imagination of the reader is so completely bewildered bv the actual riches of this El Dorado, th3t it is difficult to adjust his faith by any standard of proba- bilitv. 452 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. nicest precision to the merits of the parties. The number of pensioners was about two hundred and fifty ; for the fund would not have sufficed for general distribution, nor were the services of the greater part deemed worthy of such a mark of con sideration.24 The effect produced by the document, on men whose minds were filled with the most indefinite ex pectations, was just such as had been anticipated by the president. It was received with a general mur mur of disapprobation. Even those who had got more than they expected were discontented, on com paring their condition with that of their comrades, whom they thought still better remunerated in pro portion to their deserts. They especially inveighed against the preference shown to the old partisans of Gonzalo Pizarro — as Hinojosa, Centeno, and Al dana — over those who had always remained loyal to the Crown. There was some ground for such a pref erence ; for none had rendered so essential services in crushing the rebellion; and it was these services that Gasca proposed to recompense. To reward every man who had proved himself loyal, simply for his loyalty, would have frittered away the donative into fractions that would be of little value to any.25 ' 24 Caravantes has transcribed on them the hands of the rich from the original act a full cata- widows of the cavaliers who had logue of the pensioners, with the perished in the war. The inclina- amount of the sums set against tions of the ladies do not seem to each of their names. have been always consulted in this 25 The president found an in- politic arrangement. See Garci- genious way of remunerating scv- lasso, Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 6, eral of his followers, by bestowing cap. 3. Ch. IV.] SPOILS OF VICTORY. 4o3 It was in vain, however, that the archbishop, sec onded bv some of the principal cavaliers, endeav oured to infuse a more contented spirit into the multitude. Thev insisted that the award should be rescinded, and a new one made on more equitable principles ; threatening, moreover, that, if this were not done by the president, they would take the re dress of the matter into their own hands. Their discontent, fomented by some mischievous persons who thought to find their account in it, at length proceeded so far as to menace a mutiny ; and it was not suppressed till the commander of Cuzco sentenced one of the ringleaders to death, and sev eral others to banishment. The iron soldiery of the Conquest required an iron hand to rule them. Meanwhile, the president had continued his jour ney towards Lima ; and on the yvay wras every where received bv the people with an enthusiasm. the more grateful to his heart that he felt he had deserved it. As he drew near the capital, the loyal inhabitants prepared to give him a magnificent re ception. The whole population came forth from the gates, led by the authorities of the city, with Alda na as corregidor at their head. Gasca rode on a mule, dressed in his ecclesiastical robes. On his ri°-ht, borne on a horse richly caparisoned, was the roval seal, in a box curiously chased and orna mented. A gorgeous canopy of brocade was sup ported above his head by the officers of the munici pality, who, in their robes of crimson velvet, walked bareheaded by his side. Gay troops of dancers, 454 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. clothed in fantastic dresses of gaudy-colored silk, followed the procession, strewing flowTers and chant ing verses as thev went, in honor of the president. They yvere designed as emblematical of the different cities of the colony ; and they bore legends or mot toes in rhyme on their caps, intimating their loyal devotion to the Crown, and evincing much more loyalty in their composition, it may be added, than poetical merit.26 In this way, without beat of drum, or noise of artillery, or any of the rude accompani ments of wrar, the good president made his peaceful entrv into the Citv of the Kings, wdiile the air was rent with the acclamations of the people, who hailed him as their " Father and Deliverer, the Saviour of their country ! " 27 But, however grateful was this homage to Gasca's heart, he was not a man to waste his time in idle vanities. He now thought onlv bv what means he could eradicate the seeds of disorder which shot up so readily in this fruitful soil, and how he could place the authoritv of the government on a permanent basis. Bv virtue of his office, he presided over the Royal Audience, the great judicial, and, indeed, executive tribunal of the colony ; and he gave great 26 Fernandez has collected these Pueblo, por verse libre de Tiranos : flowers of colonial poesy, which i toda la Gente, a voces, bendecia prove that the old Conquerors were al Presidente, i le llamaban : Pa- much more expert with the sword dre, Restaurador, i Pacificador, than with the pen. Hist, del Peru, dando gracias a Dios, por haver Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 93. vengado las injurias hechas a su 27 " Fue recibimiento mui so- Divina Magestad." Herrera, Hist. lemne, con universal alegria del General, dec. 8, lib. 4, cap. 17. Cn. IV.] WISE REFORMS BY GASCA. 455 despatch to the business, which had much accumu lated during the late disturbances. In the unsettled state of property, there was abundant subject for litigation ; but, fortunately, the new Audience was composed of able, upright judges, who labored dili gently with their chief to correct the mischief caused by the misrule of their predecessors Neither was Gasca unmindful of the unfortunate natives ; and he occupied himself earnestly with that difficult problem, — the best means practicable of ameliorating their condition. He sent a number of commissioners, as visitors, into different parts of the country, whose business it was to inspect the enco- miendas, and ascertain the manner in which the Indians were treated, by conversing not only with the proprietors, but with the natives themselves. They were also to learn the nature and extent of the tributes paid in former times by the vassals of the Incas.23 In this way, a large amount of valuable informa tion was obtained, which enabled Gasca, with the aid of a council of ecclesiastics and jurists, to di gest a uniform system of taxation for the natives, lighter even than that imposed on them by the Pe- 28 " El Presidente Gasca mando comete semejante negocio despues visitar todas las provincias y repar- que sea Cristiana : lo segundo se timientos deste reyno, norabrando les dio instruccion de lo que hauian para ello personas de autoridad y de averiguar, que fueron muchas de quien se tenia entendido que cosas : el numero, las haciendas, tenian conoscimiento de la tierra los tratos ygrangerias, la calidad de que se les encargavan, que ha de la gente y de sus tierras y comarca, ser la principal calidad, que se ha y lo que davan de tribute." Onde- buscar en la persona, a quien se gardo, Rel. Prim., MS. 456 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. ruvian princes. The president would gladly have relieved the conquered races from the obligations of personal service ; but, on mature consideration, this was judged impracticable in the present state of the country, since the colonists, more especially in the tropical regions, looked to the natives for the per formance of labor, and the latter, it was found from experience, would not work at all, unless compelled to do so. The president, however, limited the amount of service to be exacted with great precis ion, so that it was in the nature of a moderate per sonal tax. No Peruvian was to be required to change his place of residence, from the climate to which he had been accustomed, to another ; a fruitful source of discomfort, as well as of disease, in past times. By these various regulations, the condition of the natives, though not such as had been contemplated by the sanguine philanthropy of Las Casas, was improved far more than was com patible with the craving demands of the colonists ; and all the firmness of the Audience was required to enforce provisions so unpalatable to the latter. Still they were enforced. Slavery, in its most odi ous sense, was no longer tolerated in Peru. The term " slave " was not recognized as having rela tion to her institutions ; and the historian of the Indies makes the proud boast, — it should have been qualified by the limitations I have noticed, — that every Indian vassal might aspire to the rank of a freeman.29 29 " El Presidente, i el Audiencia dieron tales ordenes, que este Ch. IV.] WISE REFORMS BY GASCA. 457 Besides these reforms, Gasca introduced several in the municipal government of the cities, and oth ers yet more important in the management of the finances, and in the mode of keeping the accounts. By these and other changes in the internal econo my of the colony, he placed the administration on a new basis, and greatly facilitated the way for a more sure and orderly government by his successors. As a final step, to secure the repose of the country after he was gone, he detached some of the more aspiring cavaliers on distant expeditions, trusting that they would draw off the fight and restless spirits, who might otherwise gather together and disturb the public tranquillity : as we sometimes see the mists yvhich have been scattered by the genial influence of the sun become condensed, and settle into a storm, on his departure.31 Gasca had been now more than fifteen months in Lima, and nearly three years had elapsed since his first entrance into Peru. In that time, he had ac complished the great objects of his mission. When he landed, he found the colony in a state of anarchy, or rather organized rebelbon under a powerful and popular chief. He came without funds or forces to support him. The former he procured through the credit which he established in his good faith : the negocio se asento, de manera. que x MS. de Caravantes. — Go- para adelante no se platico mas mara, Hist, de las Indias, cap. 1ST. este nombre de Esclavos. sino que — Fernandez. HisT. delPeru. Parte lalibertad fue general por todo el 1. lib. 2, cap. 93-95. —Zarate, Reino." Herrera, Hist. Gen., Conq. del Peru. lib. 7, cap. 10. dec. 5. lib. 5, cap. 7. VOL. II. 58 458 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. latter he won over by argument and persuasion from the very persons to whom they had been confided by his rival. Thus he turned the arms of that rival against himself. By a calm appeal to reason he wrought a change in the hearts of the people ; and, without costing a drop of blood to a single loyal sub ject, he suppressed a rebellion which had menaced Spain with the loss of the wealthiest of her prov inces. He had punished the guilty, and in their spoils found the means to recompense the faithful. He had, moreover, so well husbanded the resources of the country, that he was enabled to pay off the large loan he had negotiated with the merchants of the colony, for the expenses of the war, exceeding nine hundred thousand pesos de oro.31 Nay, more, by his economy he had saved a million and a half of ducats for the government, which for some years had received nothing from Peru ; and he now proposed to carry back this acceptable treasure to swell the royal coffers.32 All this had been accomplished with out the cost of outfit or salary, or any charge to the Crown except that of his own frugal expenditure.33 31 " Recogi6 tanta suma de di- fueron muchas, remitid a S. M. y nero, que pago novecientos mil lo llevo consigo 264,422 marcos de pesos de Oro, que se halld haver plata, que a seis ducados valieron gastado, desde el Dia que entro en 1 millon 588, 332 ducados." MS. Panama, hasta que se acab& la de Caravantes. Guerra, los quales tomd prestados." 33 " No tubo ni quiso salario el Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 8, Presidente Gasca sino cedilla para lib. 5, cap. 7. — Zarate, Conq. del que a un mayordomo suyo diosen Peru, lib. 7, cap. 10. los Oficiales reales lo necesario de 32 " Aviendo pagado el Presi- la real Hacienda, que como pareze dente las costas de la guerra que de los quadernos de su gasto fue' Ch. IV.] HE RETURNS TO SPAIN. 459 The country was now in a state of tranquillity. Gasca felt that his work was done ; and that he yvas free to gratify his natural longing to return to his native land. Before his departure, he arranged a distribution of those repartimientos which had lapsed to the Crown during the past year by the death of the in cumbents. Life was short in Peru ; since those yvho lived by the sword, if they did not die by the sword, too often fell early victims to the hardships incident to their adventurous career. Many were the applicants for the new bounty of government ; and, as among them were some of those who had been discontented with the former partition, Gasca was assailed by remonstrances, and sometimes by reproaches couched in no very decorous or respectful language. But they had no power to disturb his equanimity ; he patiently listened, and replied to all in the mild tone of expostulation best calculated to turn awray wrath ; " bv this victory over him self," says an old writer, " acquiring more real glory, than by all his victories over his enemies.'534 An incident occurred on the eve of his departure, touching in itself, and honorable to the parties con cerned. The Indian caciques of the neighbouring muy moderado." (MS. de Cara- M •' En lo qual hizo mas que en vantes.) Gasca, it appears, was veneer y ganar todo aquel Ympe most exact in keeping the accounts rio : porque foe vencerse assi pro of his disbursements for the ex- prio." Garcilasso, Com. Real., penses of himself and household, Parte 2. lib. 6, cap. 7. from the time he embarked for the colonies. 460 . SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. country, mindful of the great benefits he had ren dered their people, presented him with a considera ble quantity of plate in token of their gratitude. But Gasca refused to receive it, though in doing so he gave much concern to the Peruvians, who feared they had unwittingly fallen under his dis pleasure. Many of the principal colonists, also, from the same wish to show their sense of his important ser vices, sent to him, after he had embarked, a mag nificent donative of fifty thousand gold castella nos. " As he had taken leave of Peru," they said, " there could be no longer any ground for declining it." But Gasca was as decided in his rejection of this present, as he had been of the other. " He had come to the country," he remarked, " to serve the king, and to secure the blessings of peace to the inhabitants ; and now that, by the favor of Heaven, he had been permitted to accomplish this, he would not dishonor the cause by any act that might throw suspicion on the purity of his motives." Notwith standing his refusal, the colonists contrived to se crete the sum of twenty thousand castellanos on board of his vessel, with the idea, that, once in his own country, with his mission concluded, the presi dent's scruples would be removed. Gasca did, in deed, accept the donative ; for he felt that it would be ungracious to send it back ; but it was only till he could ascertain the relatives of the donors, when he distributed it among the most needy.35 35 Fernandez, Hist, del Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 95. Ch. IV.] HE RETURNS TO SPAIN. 461 Having now settled all diis affairs, the president committed the government, until the arrival of a vice roy, to his faithful partners of the Royal Audience ; and in January, 1550, he embarked with the royal treasure on board of a squadron for Panama. He was accompanied to the shore by a numerous crowd of the inhabitants, cavaliers and common people, persons of all ages and conditions, who followed to take their last look of their benefactor, and watch with straining eyes the vessel that bore him away from their land. His voyage was prosperous, and early in March the president reached his destined port. He stayed there only till he could muster horses and mules suf ficient to carry the treasure across the mountains ; for he knew that this part of the country 'abounded in wild, predatory spirits, who would be sorely tempted to some act of violence by a knowledge of the wealth which he had yvith him. Pushing for ward, therefore, he crossed the rugged Isthmus, and, after a painful march, arrived in safety at Nombre de Dios. The. event justified his apprehensions. He had been gone but three days, yvhen a ruffian horde, after murdering the bishop of Guatemala, broke into Panama with the design of inflicting the same fate on the president, and of seizing the booty. No sooner were the tidings communicated to Gasca, than, with his usual energy, he levied a force and prepared to march to the relief of the invaded capi tal. But Fortune — or, to speak more correctly, 462 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. Providence — favored him here, as usual; and, on the eve of his departure, he learned that the maraud ers had been met by the citizens, and discomfit ed with great slaughter. Disbanding his forces, therefore, he equipped a fleet, of nineteen vessels to transport himself and the royal treasure to Spain, where he arrived in safety, entering the harbour of Seville after a little more than four years from the period when he had sailed from the same port."'' Great was the sensation throughout the country caused by his arrival. Men could hardly believe that results so momentous had been accomplished in so short a time by a single individual, — a poor ec clesiastic, who, unaided by government, had, by his own strength, as it wen1, put down a rebellion which had so long set the arms of Spain at defiance ! The emperor was absent in Flanders. He was overjoyed on learning the complete success of Gas ca's mission ; and not less satisfied with (he tidings of the treasure he had brought, with him ; for the exchequer, rarely filled to overflowing, had been ex hausted by the recent troubles in Germany. Charles instantly wrote to the president, requiring his pres ence at court, that he might learn from his own lips the particulars of his expedition. Casca, ac cordingly, attended by a numerous retinue of nobles and cavaliers, — for who does not pay homage lo 30 MS. do Caravantcn. — Go- del Peru, lib. 7, cap. 13. — Ifnr- rnara, Hist. de. las Indias, cap. 1H3. rora, Ili»t. Gonoral, doc, 8, lib. 0, — Fernandez, Hist, del I'cru, I'arlo cap. 17. 2, lib. 1, cap. 10. — /liirato, Conq. On. IV.] HE RETURN'S TO SPAIN. 463 him whom the king delighteth to honor ? — em barked at Barcelona, and, after a favorable vovage, joined the Court in Flanders. lie was received by his royal master, who fully appreciated his services, in a manner most grateful to his feelings ; and not long afterward he was raised to the bishopric of Valencia, — a mode of acknowledg ment best suited to his character and deserts. Here lie remained till 1561, when he was promoted to the vacant sec of Siguen/.a. The rest of his davs he passed peacefully in the discharge of his episcopal functions; honored by his sovereign, and enjo\ing the admiration and respect of his countrymen.'" In his retirement, he was still consulted bv the government in matters of importance relating to the Indies. The disturbances of that unhappy land were renewed, though on a much smaller scale than before, soon after the president's departure. Thev were chiefly caused by discontent with the reparti mientos, and with the constancy of the Audience in enforcing the benevolent restrictions as to the per sonal services oi the names. But these troubles subsided, after a very few voars. under the wise rule o( the Merulo/.as, — two successive viceroys of that illustrious house which has given so many of its sons to the sen ice oi Spain. Under their rule, the mild \ct determined policy was pursued, oi which Gasca had set the example. The aucient distractions of " Ibid, ubi supra. —MS. de His', del Peru, Pane 2, lib. 1, l\-,ra\. nne*. — Honiara. Hist, de cap. 10. — Zarate, Conq. del Peru, lis Indias. cap. IS'- — Fernandez, lib. 7, cap. 13. 464 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. the country were permanently healed. With peace, prosperity returned within the borders of Peru ; and the consciousness of the beneficent results of his labors may have shed a ray of satisfaction, as it did of glory, over the evening of the president's life. That life was brought to a close in November, 1567, at an age, probably, not far from the one fixed by the sacred writer as the term of human exist ence.33 He died at Valladolid, and was buried in the church of Santa Maria Magdalena, in that city, which he had built and liberally endowed. His monument, surmounted by the sculptured effigy of a priest in his sacerdotal robes, is still to be seen there, attracting the admiration of the traveller by the beauty of its execution. The banners taken from Gonzalo Pizarro on the field of Xaquixaguana were suspended over his tomb, as the trophies of his memorable mission to Peru.39 The banners have long since mouldered into dust, with the remains of him who slept beneath them ; but the memory of his good deeds will endure for ever.40 38 I have met with no account 39 " Muri6 en Valladolid, donde of the year in which Gasca was mando enterrar su cuerpo en la born ; but an inscription on his Iglesia de la advocacion de la Mag- portrait in the sacristy of St. Ma- dalena, que hizo edificar en aquella ry Magdalene at Valladolid, from ciudad, donde se pusieron las van- which the engraving prefixed to deras que gano a Gonzalo Pizarro." this volume is taken, states that MS. de Caravantes. he died in 1567, at the age of 40 The memory of his achieve- seventy-ono. This is perfectly con- ments has not been left entirely sistent with the time of life at which to the care of the historian. It he had probably arrived when we is but a few years since the find him a collegiate at Salamanca, character and administration of in the year 1522. Gasca formed the subject of an Ch. IV.] HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 465 Gasea was plain in person, and his countenance was far from comely. He was awkward and ill- proportioned ; for his limbs were too long for his body, — so that w hen he rode, he appeared to be much shorter than he really was.41 His dress was humble, his manners simple, and there was nothing imposing in his presence. But. on a nearer inter course, there was a charm in his discourse that effaced every unfavorable impression produced by his exterior, and won the hearts of his hearers. The presidents character may be thought to have been sufficiently portrayed in the historv already given of his life. It presented a combination of qualities which generally serve to neutralize each other, but which were mixed in such proportions in him as to give it additional strength. He was gentle, vet resolute ; by nature intrepid, yet pre ferring to relv on the softer arts of policy. He yvas frugal in his personal expenditure, and economical elaborate panegvrie from one of 41 '¦ Era nmy pequeiio de cuerpo the most distinguished statesmen in con estrafia heehura. que de la cin- the Brit.sh parliament. (See Lord tura abaxo tenia tanto cuerpo. como ptreugham's speech on the mal- qualquiera hombre alto, y de la treatment of the Xerth American cintura al hembro no tenia vna colonies. February, 1S3S.) The tereia. Ane.uido a cauallo pareseia enlightened Spaniard of our day. * vn mas pequeiio de lo que era, who contemplates with sorrow the porque todo era piornas : de rostro excesses committed bv his country- era muy feo : pero lo que la natu- menof die sixteenth century in the raleza le nego de las dotes del New AVorld. may feel an honest cuerpo. se los doblo en les del pride, that in this company of dark animo." Garcilasso. Com. Real.. spirits sliould be found one to Parte 2. lib. o. cap. 2. whom the present generation may turn as to the brightest model of integrity and w.sdeni. VOL. II. 59 466 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. in the public ; yet caring nothing for riches on his own account, and never stinting his bounty when the public good required it. He was benevolent and placable, yet could deal sternly with the impenitent offender ; lowly in his deportment, yet with a full measure of that self-respect which springs from conscious rectitude of purpose ; modest and unpre tending, yet not shrinking from the most difficult enterprises ; deferring greatly to others, yet, in the last resort, relying mainly on himself ; moving with deliberation, — patiently waiting his time; but, when that came, bold, prompt, and decisive. Gasca was not a man of genius, in the vulgar sense of that term. At least, no one of his intel lectual powers seems to have received an extraordi nary development, beyond what is found in others. He was not a great writer, nor a great orator, nor a great general. He did not affect to be either. He committed the care of his military matters to milita ry men ; of ecclesiastical, to the clergy ; and his civil and judicial concerns he reposed on the members of the Audience. He was not one of those little great men who aspire to do every thing themselves, under the conviction that nothing can be done so well by others. But the president was a keen judge of character. Whatever might be the office, he select ed the best man for it. He did more. He assured himself of the fidelity of his agents , presided at their deliberations; dictated a general line of policy, and thus infused a spirit of unity into their plans, which made all move in concert to the accomplish ment of one grand result. Ch. IV.] HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 467 A distinguishing feature of his mind was his com mon sense, — the best substitute for genius in a ruler who has the destinies of his fellow-men at his disposal, and more indispensable than genius itself. In Gasca, the different qualities were blended in such harmony, that there was no room for excess. They seemed to regulate each other. While his sympathy with mankind taught him the nature of their wrants, his reason suggested to what extent these were capable of relief, as well as the best mode of effecting it. He did not waste his strength on illusory schemes of benevolence, like Las Casas, on the one hand; nor did he countenance the selfish policy of the colonists, on the other. He aimed at the practicable, — the greatest good practicable. In accomplishing his objects, he disclaimed force equally with fraud. He trusted for success to his power over the convictions of his hearers ; and the source of this power was the confidence he inspired in his own integrity Amidst all the calumnies of faction, no imputation was ever cast on the integrity of Gasca.42 No wonder that a virtue so rare should be of high price in Peru. There are some men whose characters have been so wonderfully adapted to the peculiar crisis in which they appeared, that they seem to have been 42 " Fue tan recatado y estre- hizo : con todo esso, jamas nadie mado en esta virtud, que puesto dixo del, ni sospecho ; que en esto, que de muchos quedd mal quisto, ni otra cosa, se vuiesse mouido por quando del Peru se partio para codicia." Fernandez, Hist, del Espaiia, por el repartimiento que Peru, Parte 1, lib. 2, cap. 95. 468 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. specially designed for it by Providence. Such was Washington in our own country, and Gasca in Peru. We can conceive of individuals with higher quali ties, at least with higher intellectual qualities, than belonged to either of these great men. But it was the wonderful conformity of their characters to the exigencies of their situation, the perfect adaptation of the means to the end, that constituted the secret of their success ; that enabled Gasca so gloriously to crush revolution, and Washington still more glori ously to achieve it. Gasca's conduct on his first coming to the colonies affords the best illustration of his character. Had he come backed by a military array, or even clothed in the paraphernalia of authority, every heart and hand would have been closed against him. But the humble ecclesiastic excited no apprehension ; and his enemies were already disarmed, before he had begun his approaches. Had Gasca, impatient of Hinojosa's tardiness, listened to the suggestions of those who advised his seizure, he would have brought his cause into jeopardy by this early dis play of violence. But he wisely chose to win over his enemy by operating on his conviction. In like manner, he waited his time for making his entry into Peru. He suffered his communications to do their work in the minds of the people, and was careful not to thrust in the sickle before the harvest was ripe. In this way, wherever he went, every thing was prepared for his coming ; and when he set foot in Peru, the country was already his own. Ch. IV.] HIS DEATH AND CHARACTER. 469 After the dark and turbulent spirits with which we have been hitherto occupied, it is refreshing to dwell on a character like that of Gasca. In the long procession which has passed in review before us, we have seen only the mail-clad cavalier, bran dishing his bloody lance, and mounted on his war- horse, riding over the helpless natives, or battling with his own friends and brothers ; fierce, arrogant, and cruel, urged on by the lust of gold, or the scarce more honorable love of a bastard glory. Mingled with these qualities, indeed, we have seen sparkles of the chivalrous and romantic temper which belongs to the heroic age of Spain. But, with some honora ble exceptions, it was the scum of her chivalry that resorted to Peru, and took service under the banner of the Pizarros. At the close of this long array of iron warriors, we behold the poor and humble missionary coming into the land on an errand of mercy, and everywhere proclaiming the glad tidings of peace. No warlike trumpet heralds his approach, nor is his course to be tracked by the groans of the wounded and the dying. The means he employs are in perfect harmony with his end. His weapons are argument and mild persuasion. It is the reason he would conquer, not the body. He wins his way by conviction, not by violence. It is a moral vic tory to which he aspires, more potent, and hap pily more permanent, than that of the blood-stained conqueror. As he thus calmly, and imperceptibly, as it were, comes to his great results, he may re mind us of the slow, insensible manner in which 470 SETTLEMENT OF THE COUNTRY. [Book V. Nature works out her great changes in the material world, that are to endure when the ravages of the hurricane are passed away and forgotten. With the mission of Gasca terminates the his tory of the Conquest of Peru. The Conquest, in deed, strictly terminates with the suppression of the Peruvian revolt, when the strength, if not the spirit, of the Inca race was crushed for ever. The reader, however, might feel a natural curiosity to follow to its close the fate of the remarkable family who achieved the Conquest. Nor would the story of the invasion itself be complete without some account of the civil wars which grew out of it ; which serve, moreover, as a moral commentary on preced ing events, by showing that the indulgence of fierce, unbridled passions is sure to recoil, sooner or later, even in this life, on the heads of the guilty. It is true, indeed, that the troubles of the coun try were renewed on the departure of Gasca. The waters had been too fearfully agitated to be stilled, at once, into a calm ; but they gradually subsided, under the temperate rule of his successors, who wisely profited by his policy and example. Thus the influence of the good president remained after he was withdrawn from the scene of his la bors ; and Peru, hitherto so distracted, continued to enjoy as large a share of repose as any portion of the colonial empire of Spain. With the benevolent mission of Gasca, then, the historian of the Con quest may be permitted to terminate his labors, — with feelings not unlike those of the traveller, who, Ch. IV.] ZARATE. 471 having long journeyed among the dreary forests and dangerous defiles of the mountains, at length emerges on some pleasant landscape smiling in tranquillity and peace. Augustin de Zarate — a highly respectable authority, frequently cited in the later portion of this work — was Contador de Mercedes, Comptroller of Accounts, for Castile. This office he filled for fifteen years ; after which he was sent by the government to Peru to examine into the state of the colonial finances, which had been greatly deranged by the recent troubles, and to bring them, if possible, into order. Zarate went out accordingly in the train of the viceroy Blasco Nuiiez, and found himself, through the passions of his imprudent leader, en tangled, soon after his arrival, in the inextricable meshes of civil discord. In the struggle which ensued, he remained with the Royal Audience ; and we find him in Lima, on the approach of Gonzalo Pizarro to that capital, when Zarate was deputed by the judges to wait on the insur gent chief, and require him to disband his troops and withdraw to his own estates. The historian executed the mission, for which he seems to have had little relish, and which certainly was not without danger. From this period, we rarely hear of him in the troubled scenes that ensued. He probably took no further part in affairs than was abso lutely forced on him by circumstances ; but the unfavorable bearing of his remarks on Gonzalo Pizarro intimates, that, however he may hava been discontented with the conduct of the viceroy, he did not counte nance, for a moment, the criminal ambition of his rival. The times were certainly unpropitious to the execution of the financial reforms for which Zarate had come to Peru. But he showed so much real devotion to the interests of the Crown, that the emperor, on his re turn, signified kis satisfaction by making him Superintendent of the Finances in Flanders. Soon after his arrival in Peru, he seems to have conceived the idea of making his countrymen at home acquainted with the stirring events passing in the colony, which, moreover, afforded some striking passages for the study of the historian. Although he collected notes and diaries, as he tells us, for this purpose, he did not dare to avail himself of them till his return to Castile. " For to have begun the history in Peru," he says, " would have alone been enough to put my life in jeopardy; gince a certain commander, named Francisco de Carbajal, threatened 472 ZARATE. [Book V. to take vengeance on any one who should be so rash as to attempt the relation of his exploits, — far less deserving, as they were, to be placed on record, than to be consigned to eternal oblivion." In this same commander, the reader will readily recognize the veteran lieutenant of Gonzalo Pizarro. On his return home, Zarate set about the compilation of his work. His first purpose was to confine it to the events that followed the arrival of Blasco Nunez ; but he soon found, that, to make these intelligible, he must trace the stream of history higher up towards its sources. He accordingly enlarged his plan, and, beginning with the discovery of Peru, gave an entire view of the conquest and subsequent occupation of the country, bringing the narrative down to the close of Gasca's mission. For the earlier portion of the story, he relied on the accounts of persons who took a leading part in the events. He disposes more summarily of this portion than of that in which he himself was both a spectator and an actor ; where his testimony, considering the advantages his position gave him for information, is of the highest value. Alcedo in his Biblioteca Americana, MS., speaks of Zarate's work as " containing much that is good, but as not entitled to the praise of exactness." He wrote under the influence of party heat, which neces sarily operates to warp the fairest mind somewhat from its natural bent. For this we must make allowance, in perusing accounts of conflicting parties. But there is no intention, apparently, to turn the truth aside in support of his own cause ; and his access to the best sources of knowl edge often supplies us with particulars not within the reach of other chroniclers. His narrative is seasoned, moreover, with sensible re flections and passing comments, that open gleams of light into the dark passages of that eventful period. Yet the style of the author can make but moderate pretensions to the praise of elegance or exactness ; while the sentences run into that tedious, interminable length which belongs to the garrulous compositions of the regular thoroughbred chronicler of the olden time. The personalities, necessarily incident, more or less, to such a work, led its author to shrink from publication, at least during his life. By the jealous spirit of the Castilian cavalier, " censure," he says, " how ever light, is regarded with indignation, and even praise is rarely dealt out in a measure satisfactory to the subject of it. " And he expresses his conviction that those do wisely, who allow their accounts of their own times to repose in the quiet security of manuscript, till the genera tion that is to be affected by them has passed away. His own manu script, however, was submitted to the emperor ; and it received such commendation from this royal authority, that Zarate, plucking up a more courageous spirit, consented to give it to the press. It accordingly ap- Ch. IV.] FERNANDEZ. 473 peared at Antwerp, in 1555, in octavo ; and a second edition was printed, in folio, at Seville, in 1577. It has since been incorporated in Barcia's valuable collection ; and, whatever indignation or displeasure it may have excited among contemporaries, who smarted under the author's censure, or felt themselves defrauded of their legitimate guerdon, Za rate's work has taken a permanent rank among the most respectable authorities for a history of the time. The name of Zarate naturally suggests that of Fernandez, for both were laborers in the same field of history. Diego Fernandez de Pa- lencia, or Palentino, as he is usually called, from the place of his birth, eame over to Peru, and served as a private in the royal armv raised to quell the insurrections that broke out after Gasca's return to Castile. Amidst his military occupations, he found leisure to collect materials for a history of the period, to which he was further urged by the viceroy, Mendoza, Marques de Caiiete, who bestowed on him, as he tells us, the post of Chronicler of Peru. This mark of confidence in his literary capacity intimates higher attainments in Fernandez than might be in ferred from the humble station that he occupied. AVith the fruits of his researches the soldier-chronicler returned to Spain, and, after a time, complete'1 his narrative of the insurrection of Giron. The manuscript was seen by the President of the Council of the In dies, and he was so much pleased with its execution, that he urged the author to write the account, in like manner, of Gonzalo Pizarro's rebellion, and of the administration of Gasca. The historian was fur ther stimulated, as he mentions in his dedication to Philip the Second, by the promise of a guerdon from that monarch, on the completion of his labors ; a very proper, as well as politic, promise, but wliich inevitably suggests the idea of an influence not altogether favor able to severe historic impartiality. Nor will such an inference bs found altogether at variance with truth ; for while the narrative of Fernandez studiously exhibits the royal cause in the most favorable aspect to the reader, it does scanty justice to the claims of the opposite party. It would not be meet, indeed, that an apology for rebellion should be found in the pages of a royal pensioner ; but there are always mitioatino- circumstances, which, however we may condemn the guilt, may serve to lessen our indignation towards the guilty. These circum stances are not to be found in the pages of Fernandez. It is unfor tunate for the historian of such events, that it is so difficult to find one disposed to do even justice to the claims of the unsuccessful rebel. Yet the Inca Garcilasso has not shrunk from this, in the case of Gon zalo Pizarro ; and even Gomara, though living under the shadow, or rather in the sunshine, of the Court, has occasionally ventured a gen erous protest in his behalf. VOL. II. 60 474 FERNANDEZ. [Book V. The countenance thus afforded to Fernandez from the highest quarter opened to him the best fountains of intelligence, — at least, on the government side of the quarrel. Besides personal communication with the royalist leaders, he had access to their correspondence, diaries, and official documents. He industriously profited by his opportunities ; and his narrative, taking up the story of the rebellion from its birth, con tinues it to its final extinction, and the end of Gasca's administration. Thus the First Part of his work, as it was now called, was brought down to the commencement of the Second, and the whole presented a complete picture of the distractions of the nation, till a new order of things was introduced, and tranquillity was permanently established throughout the country. The diction is sufficiently plain, not aspiring to rhetorical beauties beyond the reach of its author, and out of keeping with the simpla character of a chronicle. The sentences are arranged with more art than in most of the unwieldy compositions of the time ; and, while there is no attempt at erudition or philosophic speculation, the current of events flows on in an orderly manner, tolerably prolix, it is true, but leaving a clear and intelligible impression on the mind of the reader. No history of that period compares with it in the copiousness of its details ; and it has accordingly been resorted to by later compilers, as an inexhaustible reservoir for the supply of their own pages ; a cir cumstance that may be thought of itself to bear no slight testimony to the general fidelity, as well as fulness, of the narrative. — The Chronicle of Fernandez, thus arranged in two parts, under the general title of Historia del Peru, was given to the world in the author's lifetime, at Seville, in 1571, in one volume, folio, being the edition used in tho preparation of this work. APPENDIX. APPENDIX No. L — See Vol. I., p. 28. DESCRIPTION OF THE ROYAL PROGRESSES OF THE INCAS ; EXTRACTED FROM SARMIENTO'S RELACION, MS. [The original manuscript, which was copied for Lord Kingsborough's valuable collection, is in the Library of the Escurial.] Quando en tiempo de paz salian los Yngas a visitar su Reyno, cuen- tan que iban por el con gran majestad, sentados en ricas andas armadas sobre unos palos lisos largos, dc manera escclente, engastadas on oro y argenteria, y de las andas salian dos arcos altos hechos de oro, engasta- dos en piedras preciosas : caian unas mantas algo largas por todas las andas, de tal manera que las cubrian todas, y sino era queriendo el que iba dentro, no podia ser visto, ni alzaban las mantas si no era cuando entraba y salia, tanta era su estimacion ; y para que le entrase aire, y el pudiese ver cl camino, havia on las mantas hechos algunos agujeros hechos por todas partes. En estas andas habia riqueza, y en algunas estaba esculpido el Sol y la luna, y en otras unas culebras grandes on- dadas y unos como bastoncs que las atravesaban. Esto traliian por encima por armas, y estas andas las llevaban en ombros de los Senores, los mayores y mas principales del Reyno, y aquel que mas con ellas midaba, aquel se tenia por mas onrado y por mas faborecido. En rede dor de las andas, a la ila, iba la guardia del Rey con los arqueros y ala- barderos, y delante iban cinco mil honderos, y detras venian otros tantos Lanceros con sus Capitanes, y por los lados del camino y por el mesmo camino iban corredores fides, descubriendo lo que habia, y avisando la ida del Senor ; y acudia tanta gente por lo ver, que pareeia que todos lo* eerros y laderas estaba Ueno de ella, y todos le davan las vendiciones, alzando alaridos, y grita grande a su usanza, llamandole, Ancha atunapo 478 APPENDIX. [No. II. indichiri campa capalla apatuco pacha camba botla Yulley, que en nuestra lengua dira " Muy grande y poderoso Senor, hijo del Sol, tu solo eres Senor, todo el mundo te oya en verdad," y sin esto le decian otras cosas mas altas, tanto que poco faltaba para le adorar por Dios. Todo el camino iban Yndios llimpiandolo, de tal manera que ni yerba ni piedra no parecia, sino todo limpio y barrido. Andaba cada dia cuatro leguas, o lo que el queria, paraba lo que era servido, para entender el estado de su Reyno, oia alegremente a los que con quejas le venian, remedian do, y castigando a quien hacia injusticias ; los que con ellos iban no se desmandaban a nada ni salian un paso del camino. Los naturales pro- veian a lo necesario, sin lo cual lo havia tan cumplido en los depositos, que sobraba, y ninguna cosa faltaba. Por donde iba, salian muchos hombres y mujeres y muchachos a servir personalmente en lo que les era mandado, y para llebar las cargas, los de un pueblo las llebaban hasta otro, de donde los unos las tomabanylos otros las dejaban, y como era un dia, y cuando mucho dos, no lo sentian, ni de ello recivian agra- vio ninguno. Pues yendo el Sellor de esta manera, caminaba por su tierra el tiempo que le placia, viendo por sus ojos lo que pasaba, y pro- veyendo lo que entendia que convenia, que todo era cosas grandes e im- ponantes ; lo cual hecho, daba la buelta al Cuzco, principal Ciudad de todo su imperio. No. H.— See Vol. I., p. 64. ACCOUNT OF THE GREAT ROAD MADE BT THE INCAS OVER THE PLA- TEAC, FROM QUITO TO CCZCO ; EXTRACTED FROM SARMIENTO'S RE- LACIOX, MS. Una de las cosas de que yo mas me admire, contemplando y notando las cosas de estos Reynos, fue pensar como v de que manera se pudieron hacer caminos tan grandes y sovervios como por el vemos, y que fuerzas de hombres bastaran a lo hacer, y con que herramientas v instrumentos pudieron allanar los montes y quebrantar las penas para hacerlos tan anchos y buenos como estan ; por que me parece que si el Emperador quisiese mandar hacer otro camino Real como el que ba del Quito al Cuzco 6 sale del Cuzco para ir a Chile, ciertam" creo, con todo su poder, para ello no fuese poderoso, ni fuerzas de hombres lo pudiesen hacer, sino fuese con la orden tan grande que para ello los Yngas mandaron que hubiese : por que si fuera Camino de cinquenta leguas, 6 de ciento, 6 de No. III.] APPENDIX. 479 doscientas, es de creer que aunque la tierra fuera mas aspera, no se tu- biera en mucho con buena diligencia hacerlo ; mas estos eran tan largos que havia alguno que tenia mas de mil y cien leguas, todo hechado por sierras tan grandes y espantosas que por algunas partes mirando abajo se quitaba la vista, y algunas de estas Sierras derechas y llenas de pie dras, tanto que era menester cavar por las laderas en pena viva para hacer el camino ancho y llano, todo lo qual hacian con fuego y con sus picos ; por otras lugares havia subidas tan altas y asperas, que hacian desde lo bajo escalones para poder subir por ellos a lo mas alto, haciendo entre medias de ellos algunos descansos anchos para el reposo de la gente ; en otros lugares havia montones de nieve que eran mas de temer, y estos no en un lugar sino en muchas partes, y no asi como quiera sino que no ba ponderado ni encarecido como ello 6s, ni como lo bemos, y por estas nieves y por donde havia montafias, de arboles y cespedes lo hacian llano y empedrado si menester fuese. Los que leyeren este Libro y hubieren estado en el Peru, miren el Camino que ba desde Lima a Xauxa por las Sierras tan asperas de Guayacoire y por las montafias nevadas de Pavacaca, y entenderan los que a ellos lo oyeren si es mas lo que ellos vieron que no lo que yo escrivo. No. in. — See Vol. I., p. 79. POLICY OBSERVED BY THE INCAS IN THEIR CONQUESTS; TAKEN FROM SARMIENTO'S RELACION, MS. Una de las cosas de que mas se tiene embidia a estos Senores, is entender quan bien supieron conquistar tan grandes tierras y ponerlas con su prudencia en tanta razon como los Espafioles las hallaron quando por ellos fue descubierto este Reyno, y de que esto sea asi muchas vezes me acuerdo yo estando en alguna Provincia indomita fuera de estoe Reynos oir luego a los mesmos Espafioles yo aseguro que si los Yngas anduvieran por aqui que otra cosa fuera esto, es decir no con- quistaran los Yngas esto como lo otro porque supieran servir y tributar, por manera que quanto a esto, conozida esta la ventaja que nos hacen pues con su orden las gentes vivian con ella y crecian en multiplicacion, y de las Provincias esteriles hacian fertiles y abundantes en tanta ma nera y por tan galana orden como se dira, siempre procuraron de hacer por bien las cosas y no por mal en el comienzo de los negocios, despues 480 APPENDIX. [No. III. algunos Yngas hicieron gTandes castigos en muchas partes, pero antes todos afirman que fue grande con la benevolencia y amicicia que pro curaban el atraer a su servicio estas gentes, ellos salian del Cuzco con su gente y aparato de guerra y caminaban con gran concierto hasta cerca de donde havian de ir, y querian conquistar, donde muy bastante- mente se informaban del poder que tenian los enemigos y de las ayudas que podrian tener y de que parte les podrian venir favores y por que Camino, y esto entendido por ellos, procuraban por las vias a ellos posibles estorvar que no fuesen socorridos ora con dones grandes que hacian ora con resistencias que ponian, entendiendo sin esto de mandar hacer sus fuertes, los quales eran en Cerro 6 ladera hechos en ellos ciertas Cercas altas y largas, con su puerta cada una, porque perdida la una pudiesen pasarse a la otra y de la otra hasta lo mas alto, y em biaban esanchas de los Confederados para marcar la tierra y ver los caminos y conocer del arte qe estaban aguardando y por donde havia mas mantenimiento, saviendo por el camino que havian de llevar y la orden con que havian de ir, embiabales mensageros propios con los quales les embiaba a decir, que el los queria tener por parientes y aliados, por tanto que con buen animo y corazon alegre se saliesen a lo recevir y recevirlo en su Provincia, para que en ella le sea dada la obediencia como en las demas, y porqe lo hagan con voluntad, embiaba presentes a los Sefiores naturales, y con esto y con otras buenas maneras que tenia entraron en muchas tierras sin guerra, en las quales mandaban a la gente de guerra que con el iba que no hiciesen daiio ni injuria ninguna ni robo ni fuerza, y si en tal Provincia no havia mantenimiento mandaba que de otra parte se proveyese, porque a los nuebamente venidos a su servicio no les pareciese desde luego pesado su mando y conocimiento, y el conocerle y aborrecerle fuese en un tiempo, y si en alguna de estas Provincias no havia ganado mandaba luego que les diese por quenta tantas mil Cavezas, lo qual mandaban que mirasen mucho y con ello multiplicasen para pToberse de Lana para sus Ropas, y que no fuesen osados de comer ni matar ninguna cria por los aiios y tiempo que les senalaba, y si havia ganado y tenian de otra cosa falta era lo mismo, y si estaban en Collados y arenales bien les hacian enten der con buenas palabras que hiciesen Pueblos y Casas en lo mas llano de las Sierras y laderas, y como muchos no eran diestros en cultibar las tierras abecavanles como lo havian de hacer imponiendoles en que supi- esen sacar acequias y regar con ellas los Campos, en todo los havian de proveer tan concertadamente que quando entraba por amistad alguno da los Yngas en Provincias de estas, en brebe tiempo quedaba tal que pa recia otra y los naturales le daban la obediencia consintiendo que sus ¦No. III.] APPENDIX. 481 delegados quedasen en ellos, y lo mismo los Mitimaes ; en otras muchas que entraron de guerra y por fuerza de armas mandabase que en los mantenimientos y Casas de los enemigos se hiciese poco dafio, diciendo les el Sefior, presto seran estos nuestros como los que ya lo son ; como esto tenian conocido, procuraban q. la guerra fuese la mas liviana que ser pudiese, no embargante que en muchos lugares se dieron grandes batallas, porque todavia los naturales de ellos querian conservarse en la livortad antigua sin perder sus costumbres y Religion por tomar otras cstranas, mas durando la guerra siempre, havian los Yngas lo mejor, y vencidos no los destruian de nueho, antes mandaban restituhir los Presos si algunos havia y el despojo y ponerlos en posesion dc sus haciendas y seiiorio, amonestandolcs que no quieran ser locos en tener contra su Persona Real competencias ni dejar su amistad, antes querian ser sus amigos como lo son los Comarcanos suyos, y diciendoles esto, dabanles algunas mugeres hermosas y presas ricas de Lana 6 de metal de oro, con estas dadivas y buenas palabras havia las voluntades de todos, de tal manera que sin ningun temor los huidos a los montes se bolvian a sus Casas y todos dejaban las armas y el que mas veces veia al Ynga se tenia por mas bien aventurado y dichoso. Los sefiorios nunca los tiraban a los naturales, a todos mandaban unos y otros que por Dios adorascn el Sol ; sus demas religiones y costumbres no se las prohivian, pero mandabanles que se governasen por las Leyes y costumbres que se governaban en el Cuzco y que todos hablasen en la Lengua general, y puesto Governador por el Senor con guarniciones de gente de guerra, parlen para lo de adelante ; y si estas Provincias eran grandes, luego se entendia en cdificar Templo del Sol y coloear las mugeres que ponian en los demas y hacer Palaciospara los Sefiores, y cobraban para los tributos que havian de pagar sin Uevarles nada demasiado ni agraviarles on cosa ninn-una, cncaminandolcs en su policia y en que supiesen hacer edi ficios y traer ropas largas y vivir concertadaniente en sus Pueblos, a los quales si algo les faltaba de que tubicsen necesidad eran provehidos y ensefiados como lo havian de sembrar y beneliciar, de tal manera se hacia esto quo sabemos en muchos Lugares que no havia maiz, tenello despues sobrado, y en todo lo demas andaban como salvages mal vestidos y dcscalsos, y desde que conocieron a estos Sefiores usaron de Camisetas lares y mantas y las mugeres lo mismo y de otras buenas cosas, tanto que para siempre habra memoria de todo ello ; y en el Collao y en otras partes mando pasar Mitimaes a la Sierra de los Andes para que sembra- sen maiz y coca y otras frutas y raizes de todos los Pueblos la cantidad combeniente, los quales con sus mugeres vivian siempre en aquella parte donde sembraban y cojian tanto de lo que digo que se sentia poco la VOL. II. 61 482 APPENDIX. [No. IT. falta por traer mucho de estas partes y no haver Pueblo ninguno por pequeiio que fuese que no tnbiese de estos Mitimaes. Adelante tratare mos quantas suertes havia de estos Mitimaes y hacian los unos v enten dian los otros. No. TV.— See Vol. I., p. 171. EXTRACT FROM THE LAST WILL AND TESTAMENT OF 3IANCIO SIERRA LEIESEMA, MS. [The following is the preamble of the testament of a sol dier of the Conquest, named Lejesema. It is in the nature of a death-bed confession ; and seems intended to relieve the writer's mind, who sought to expiate his own sins by this sin cere though tardy tribute to the merits of the vanquished. As the work in which it appears is rarelv to be met with, I have extracted the whole of the preamble.] A erdadera confesion y protestacion en articulo de muerte hecha por uno de los primeros espauoles conquistadores del Peru, nombrado Man- cio Sierra Lejesema, con su testamento otorgado en la ciudad del Cuaco el dia 15 de Setiembre de 1559 ante Geronimo Sanchez de Quesada escribano publico : la qual la trae el P. Fr. Antonio Calancha del orden de hermitanes de San Agustin en la cronica de su religion en el lib. 1, cap. 15. folio 95. y es del tenor siguiente. ' ¦ Primeramente antes de empezar dicho mi testamento. dee! aro que ha muchos alos que yo he deseado tener orden de advertir a la Catolica Majestad del Rey Don Felipe, nuestro Senor. viendo cuan catolico v cristianisimoes. y cuan zeloso del servicio de Dies nuestro Senor, por lo que toca al descargo de mi anima. a cacsa de haber sido yo mucho parte en descubrimiento, conquista. y poblacion de estos Reynos, cuando los quitamos a los que eran Senores Ingas, v los poseian. v regian corao suyos propios, y los pusimos debajo de la real corona, que entienda su Majestad Catolica que los dichos Ingas los tenian sobemados de tal manera, que en todos ellos no habia un Lad ron ni hombre vieioso. ni hombre holgazan, ni una muger adtiltera r,i mala ; ni se permiiii entre ellos ni gente de mal vivir en lo moral ; que los hombres tenian sua No. IV.] APPENDIX. 483 ocupaciones honcstas y provcchosas ; y que los montes y minas, pastos, caza y madera, y todo genero de aprovechamientos estaba gobernado y repartido de suerte que cada uno conocia y tenia su hacienda sin que otro ninguno se la ocupase 6 tomase, ni sobre ello habian pleytos ; y que las cosas de guerra, aunque eran muchas, no impedian a las del Comercio, ni estas a las cosas de labranza, 6 cultivar de las tierras, ni otra cosa alguna, y que en todo, desde lo mayor hasta lo mas menudo, tenia su orden y concierto con mucho acierto : y que los Ingas eran tenidos y obecidos y respetados de sus subditos como gente muy capaz y de mucho Gobierno, y que lo mismo eran sus Gobernadores y Capitanes, y que como en estos hallamos la fuerza y el mando y la resistencia para poderlos sugetar e oprimir al servicio de Dios nuestro Sefior y quitarles su tierra y ponerla debaxo de la real corona, fue necesario quitarles totalmente el poder y mando y los bienes, como se los quitamos a fuerza de armas : y que mediante haberlo permitido Dios nuestro Senor nos fue posible sujetar este reyno de tanta multitud de gente y riqueza, y de Senores los hicimos Siervos tan sujetos, como se ve : y que entienda su Magestad que el intento que me mueve a hacer esta relacion, es por descargo de mi conciencia, y por hallarme culpado en ello, pues habemoa destruido con nuestro mal exemplo gente de tanto gobiemo como eran estos naturales, y tan quitados de cometer delitos ni excesos asi hombres como mugeres, tanto por el Indio que tenia cien mil pesos de oro y plata en su casa, y otros indios dejaban abierta y puesta una escoba 6 un palo pequefio atravesado en la puerta para sefial de que no estaba alii su duefio, y con esto segun su costumbre no podia entrar nadie adentro, ni tomar cosa de las que alii habia, y cuando ellos vieron que nosotros poniamos puertas y Haves en nuestras casas entendieron que era de miedo de ellos, porque no nos matasen, pero no porque creyesen que ninguno tomase ni hurtase a otro su hacienda ; y asi cuando vieron que habia entre nosotros ladrones, y hombres que incitaban a pecado a sus mugeres y hijas nos tubieron en poco, y han venido a tal rotura en ofensa de Dios estos naturales por el mal exemplo que les hemos dado en todo, que aquel extremo de no hacer cosa mala se ha convertido en que hoy ninguna 6 pocas hacen buenas, y requieren remedio, y esto toca a su Magestad, para que descargue su conciencia, y se lo advierte, pues no soy parte para mas ; y con esto suplieo a mi Dios me perdone ; y mueveme a decirlo porque soy el postrero que mueve de todos los des- cubridores y conquistadores, que como es notorio ya no hay ninguno, sino yo solo en este reyno, ni fuera de el, y con esto hago lo que puedo para descargo de mi conciencia." 484 APPENDIX. [No. V. No. V. — See Vol. L, p. 233. TRANSLATION FROM OVIEDO'S HISTORIA GENERAL DE LAS INDIAS, MS., PARTE II., CAP. 23. {This chapter of the gossiping old chronicler describes a conversation between the governor of Tierra Firme and Almagro, at which the writer was present. It is told with much spirit ; and is altogether so curious, from the light it throws on the characters of the parties, that I have thought the following translation, which has been prepared for me, might not be uninteresting to the English reader.] The Interview between Almagro and Pedrarias, in which the latter relinquished his share of the profits arising from the Discovery of Peru. Translated from Oviedo, Historia General, MS., Parte II. , Cap. 23. In February, 1527, I had some accounts to settle with Pedrarias, and was frequently at his house for the purpose. While there one day, Almagro came in and said to him, — " Your Excellency is of course aware that you contracted with Francisco Pizarro, Don Fernando de Luque, the schoolmaster, and myself, to fit out an expedition for the discovery of Peru. You have contributed nothing for the enterprise, while we have sunk both fortune and credit ; for our expenses have already amounted to about fifteen thousand castellanos de oro. Pizarro and his foDowers are now in the greatest distress, and require a supply of provisions, with a reinforcement of brave recruits. Unless these are promptly raised, we shall be wholly ruined, and our glorious enter prise, from which the most brilliant results have been justly anticipated, will fall to the ground. An exact account will be kept of our expenses, that each may share the profits of the discovery in proportion to the amount of his contribution towards the outfit. You have connected yourself with us in the adventure, and, from the terms of our contract, have no right to waste our time and involve us in ruin. But if you no longer wish to be a member of the partnership, pay down your share of what has already been advanced, and leave the affair to us." To this proposal Pedrarias replied with indignation : — " One would really think, from the lofty tone you take, that my power was at an end ; but if I have not been degraded from my office, you shall be punished for your insolence. You shall be made to answer for the lives of the No. V.] APPENDIX. 485 Christians who have perished through Pizarro's obstinacy and your own. A day of reckoning will come for all these disturbances and murders, as you shall see, and that before you leave Panama." " I grant," returned Almagro, " that, as there is an almighty Judge, before whose tribunal we must appear, it is proper that all should ren der account of the living as well as the dead. And, Sir, I shall not shrink from doing so, when I have received an account from you, to be immediately sent to Pizarro, of the gratitude wliich our sovereign, the emperor, has been pleased to express for out services. Pay, — if you wish to enjoy the fruits of this enterprise ; for you neither sweat nor toil for them, and have not contributed even a third of the sum you promised when the contract was drawn up, — your whole expenditure not exceeding two or three paltry pesos. But if you prefer to leave the partnership at once, we will remit one half of what you owe us, for our past outlays." Pedrarias, with a bitter smile, replied, — " It would not ruin you, if you were to give me four thousand pesos to dissolve our connection." " To forward so happy an event," said Almagro, " we will release you from your whole debt, although it may prove our ruin ; but we will trust our fortunes in the hand of God." Although Pedrarias found himself relieved from the debt incurred for the outfit of the expedition, which could not be less than four or five thousand pesos, he was not satisfied, but asked, " What more will you give me ? ' ' Almagro, much chagrined, said, " I will give three hundred pesos, though I swear by God, I have not so much money in the world ; but I will borrow it to be rid of such an incubus." " You must give me two thousand." " Five hundred is the most I will offer." " You must pay me more than a thousand." " A thousand pesos, then," cried the captain in a rage, " I will give you, though I do not own them ; but I will find sufficient security for their future payment." Pedrarias declared liimself satisfied with this arrangement ; and a contract was accordingly drawn up, in which it was agreed, that, on the receipt of a thousand pesos, the governor should abandon the partnership, and give up his share in the profits of the expedition. I was one of the witnesses who signed this instrument, in which Pedrarias released and assigned over all his interest in Peru to Almagro and his associates, — by this act deserting the enterprise, and, by his littleness of soul for feiting the rich treasures wliich it is well known he might have acquir ed from the golden empire of the Incas. 486 APPENDIX. [No. VI. No. VI. — See Vol. L, p. 236. CONTRACT BETWEEN PIZARRO, ALMAGRO, AND LUQUE ; EXTRACTED FROM MONTESINOS, ANNALES, MS., ANO 1526. [This memorable contract between three adventurers for the discovery and partition of an empire is to be found en tire in the manuscript history of Montesinos, whose work derives more value from the insertion in it of this, and of other original documents, than from any merit of its own. This instrument, which may be considered as the basis of the operations of Pizarro, seems to form a necessary appen dage to a history of the Conquest of Peru.] En el nombre de la santisima Trinidad, Padre, Hijo y Espiritu-San- to, tres personas distintas y un solo Dios verdadero, y de la santisima Virgen nuestra Senora hacemos esta compania. — Sepan cuantos esta carta de compania vieren como yo don Fernando de Luque, clerigo presbitero, vicario de la santa iglesia de Panama, de la una parte ; y de la otra el capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, vecinos que somos en esta ciudad de Panama, decimos : que somos concertados y convenidos de hacer y formar compania la cual sea firme y valedera para siempre jamas en esta manera : — Que por cuanto nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, tenemos licencia del sefior gobemador Pedro Arias de Avila para descubrir y conquistar las tierras y provincias de los reinos llamados del Peru, que esta, por noticia que hay, pasado el golfo y travesia del mar de la otra parte ; y porque para hacer la dicha conquista y Jornada y navios y gente y bastimento y otras cosas que son necesarias, no lo podemos hacer por no tener dinero y posibilidad tanta cuanta es menester ; y vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque nos los dais porque esta compania la hagamos por iguales partes : somos contentos y convenidos de que todos tres hermanablemente, sin que hagan de haber ventaja ninguna mas el uno que el otro, ni el otro que el otro de todo lo que se descubriere, ganare y conquistare, y poblar en los dichos reinos y provincias del Peru:. Y por cuanto vos el dicho D. Fernando de Luque nos disteis, y poneis de puesto por vuestra parte en esta dicha compania para gastos de la armada y gente que se hace para la dicha Jornada y conquista del dicho reino del Peru, veinte mil pesos en barras de oro y de a cuatro- cientos y cincuenta maravedis el peso, los cuales los recibimos luego en No. VI.] APPENDIX. 487 las dichas barras de oro que pasaron de vuestro poder al nuestro en presencia del escribano de esta carta, que lo valio y monto ; y yo Her nando del Castillo doy fe que los vide pesar los dichos veinte mil pesos en las dichas barras de oro y lo recibieron en mi presencia los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, y se dieron por eonten- tos y pagados de ella. Y nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro ponemos de nuestra parte en esta dicha compania la merced que tenemos del dicho senor gobemador, y que la dicha con quista y reino que descuhriremos de la tierra del dicho Peni, que en nombre de S. M. nos ha hecho, y las demas mercedes que nos hiciere y acrescentare S. M.. y- los de su consejo de las Indias de aqui adelante, para que de todo goceis y hayais vuestra tercera parte, sin que en cosa alguna hayamos de tener mas parte cada uno de nos, el uno que el otro, sino que hayamos de todo ello partes iguales. Y mas ponemos en esta dicha compania nuestras personas y el haber de hacer la dicha conquista y descubrimiento con asistir con elLs en la guerra todo el tiempo que se tardare en conquistar y ganar y poblar el dicho reino del Peru, sin que por ello havamos de llevar ninguno ventaja y parte mas de la que vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque llevaredes, que ha de ser por iguales partes todos tres, asi de los aprovechamientos que con nuestras personas tuvieremos, v ventajas de las partes que nos cupieren en la guerra y en los despojos y ganancias y suertes que en la dicha tierra del Peni hu- bieremos v gozaremos, y nos cupieren por cualquier via y forma que sea, asi a mi el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro como a mi Diego de Alma gro. habeis de haber de todo ello, y es vuestro, y os lo daremos bien y fielmente, sin desfraudaros en cosa alguna de ello, la tercera parte, porque desde ahora en lo que Dios nuestro Sefior nos diere, decimos y confesamos que es vuestro y de vuestros herederos y succesores. de quien en esta dicha compania succediere y lo hubiere de haber. en vuestro nombre se lo daremos. y le daremos cuenta de todo ello a vos. y a vuestros succesores, quieta y pacificamente, sin llevar mas parte cada uno de nos, que vos el dicho don Fernando de Luque, y quien vuestro poder hubiere v le perteneciere ; y asi de cualquier dictado y estado de senorio perpetuo, 6 por tiempo seualado que S. M. nos hiciere merced en el dicho reino del Peni , asi a mi el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro, 6 a mi el dicho Dieso de Almagro, 6 a cualquiera de nos. sea vuestro el tereio de toda la renta v estado y vasallos que a cada uno de nos se nos diere y hiciere merced en cualquiera manera 6 forma que sea en el dicho reino del Peni por via de estado, 6 renta, repartimiento de indios, situa ciones. vasallos. seais sefior y goceis de la tercia parte de ello como nosotros mismos, sin adicion ni condicion ninguna, y si la hubiere y 488 APPENDIX. [No. VI. alegaremos, yo el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, y en nuestros nombres nuestros herederos, que no seamos oidos en juicio ni fuera del, y nos damos por condenados en todo y por todo como en esta escriptura se contiene para lo pagar y que haya efecto ; y yo el dicho D. Fernando de Luque hago la dicha compafiia en la forma y manera que de suso esta declarado,y doy los veinte mil pesos de buen oro para el dicho descubrimiento y conquista del dicho reino del Peni, a. perdida 6 ganancia, como Dios nuestro Sefior sea servido, y de lo sucedido en el dicho descubrimiento de la dicha gobernacion y tierra, he yo de gozar y haber la tercera parte, y la otra tercera para el capitan Francisco Pizarro, y la otra tercera para Diego de Almagro, sin que el uno Heve mas que el otro, asi de estado de senor, como de repartimiento de indios perpetuos, como de tierras y solares y heredades ; como de tesoros, y escondijos encubiertos, como de cualquier riqueza 6 aprove- chamiento de oro, plata, perlas, esmeraldas, diamantes y rubies, y de cualquier estado y condicion que sea, que los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro hayais y tengais en cl dicho reino del Peru, me habeis de dar la tercera parte. Y nos el dicho capitan Fran cisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro decimos que aceptamos la dicha compania y la hacemos con el dicho don Fernando de Luque de la forma y manera que lo pide el, y lo declara para que todos por iguales partes hayamos en todo y por todo, asi de estados perpetuos que S. M. nos hiciese mercedes en vasallos 6 indios 6 en otras cualesquiera rentas, goce el derecho don Fernando de Luque, y haya la dicha tercia parte de todo ello enteramente, y goce de ello como cosa suya desde el dia que S. M. nos hiciere cualesquiera mercedes como dicho es. Y para mayor verdad y seguridad de esta escriptura de compafiia, y de todo lo en ella contenido, y que os aeudiremos y pagaremos nos los dichos capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro a vos el dicho Fernando de Luque con la tereia parte de todo lo que se hubiere y descubriere, y nosotros hubierrmos por cualquiera via y forma que sea ; para mayor fuerza de que lo cumpliremos como en esta escriptura se contiene, ju ramos a Dios nuestro sefior y a los Santos Evangelios donde mas larga- mente son escritos y estan en este libro Misal, donde pusieron sus manos el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro, y Diego de Almagro, hicieron la serial de la cruz en semejanza de esta f con sus dedos de la mano en presencia de mf el presente escribano, y dijeron que guardaran y cum- pliran esta dicha compania y escriptura en todo y por todo, como en ello se contiene, sopena de infames y mains cristianos, y cacr en caso de menos valer, y que Dios sc lo demando mal y earamente ; y dijeron el dicho capitan Francisco Pizarro y Diego de Almagro, amen ; y asi lo No. VI] APPENDIX. 489 juramos y le daremos el toteio do todo lo que desoubrieronios y eon- quistaromos y poMaromos en el dicho reino y tierra del Peni, y que gooo do ello como nuestras personas, do todo aquello ou que fuere nues tro y tuvieremos parte como dicho os ou esta dicha escriptura ; y nos obligamos do acudir eon olio ii vos ol dioho don Fernando de Luque, y a quiou on vuestro nombre lo peitonooiero y hubiere de haber, y les dare mos cuenta con pago de todo olio cada y ouatulo quo se nos pidiero. hecho ol dicho doseubrinnonto y conquista y poblacion del dicho reino y tierra dot Peril ; y pronietonios quo on la dicha conquista y desoubrimionto nos oouparemos y trubajaremos eon nuestras personas sin ocnparnos en otra cosa hasta quo se eonquisto la tierra y se ganaro, y si no lo hicieremos seamos oastigados por todo rigor do justicia por infanies y perjures, soamos obligados a volvor a vos ol dicho don Fernando do Luque los dichos veinte mil pesos de oro quo do vos rooibimos. Y para lo cumplir y pagar y haber por firme todo lo on osta escriptura contenido, cada uno por lo quo le toea, renuneiaron todas y cualesquier loves y ordenauiien- tos, y pramatioas, y otras cualesquier constitueiones, ordenanzas que eston foelias on su favor, y cualesquiera de ellos para que aunque las pidau y aleguon, quo no les valga. Y valga esta escriptura dicha, y todo lo ou ella contenido, y traiga aparejada y debida ejecucion asi ou sus personas oonio en sns hiones, mueblos y raiees habidos y por haber ; y para lo eumplir y pagar, cada uno por lo quo lo toca, obligaron sus personas v bienes habidos y por haber segun dicho os, y dieron poder eumphdo a oualosquior justicias y jaecos de S. M. para que por todo rigor y mas breve remedio do derecho los convpelan y apremien ii lo asi eumplir v pairar, oonio si lo quo dioho os fuese seiiteneia difinitiva de jue» oompotento pssada en oosa jnigada; y renuneiaron cualesquier loves v doTeeb.es quo en su favor habian. especialmente la ley que dice : Que general renouoiaeion de leyes no vala : Que es feoha en la ciudad de Panama a diei dias del mes de mano. afio del nacimiento de nuestro Salvador Jesuoristo do mil quinientos veinte y seis afios: testigos qvie fueron presontes a lo que dicho os Juan do Panes, y Alvaro del Quiro v Juan do Yallojo. vocinos do la ciudad do Panama, y tirmo ol dicho D. Fernando do Lnquo : y porque no saben firmar el dicho capitan Francisco Piiarro v Diego do Almagro, firmaron por olios en el registro de osta carta Juan do Panes y Alvaro del Quiro, a los cuales otorgantos vo el presente escribano doy te quo conoaco. Don Fernando de Luque. A su ruego do Francisco Piiano — Juan do Panes : y a su ruego de Dieiro do Almagro — Alvaro del Quito: E yo Hernando del Cas tillo, escribano do S. M. y escribano publico y del numero de esta ciudad de Panama, presente fui al otorgamiento de esta carta, y la fice VOL. II. tv-J 490 APPENDIX. [No. VII. escribir en estas cuatro fojas con esta, y por ende fice aqui este mi signo a tal en testimonio de verdad. Hernando del Castillo, escribano publico. No. VII. — See Vol. I., pp. 211, 307. CAPITULATION MADE BY FRANCIS PIZARRO WITH THE QUEEN, MS., DATED TOLEDO, JULY 26, 1529. [For a copy of this document, I am indebted to Don Martin Fernandez de Navarrete, late Director of the Royal Academy of History at Madrid. Though sufficiently long, it is of no less importance than the preceding contract, form ing, like that, the foundation on which the enterprise of Pi zarro and his associates may be said to have rested.] La Reina : — Por cuanto vos el capitan Francisco Pizarro, vecino de Tierra firme, llamada Castilla del Oro, por vos y en nombre del venera ble padre D. Fernando de Luque, maestre escuela y provisor de la igle sia del Darien, sede vacante, que es en la dicha Castilla del Oro, y el capitan Diego de Almagro, vecino de la ciudad de Panama, nos hicisteis relacion, que vos e los dichos vuestros compafieros con deseo de nos servir e del bien e acrecentamiento de nuestra corona real, puede haber cinco afios, poco mas o menos, que con licencia e parecer de Pedrarias Davila, nuestro gobemador e capitan general que fue de la dicha Tierra firme, tomastes cargo de ir a conquistar, descubrir e pacificar e poblar por la costa del mar del Sur, de la dicha tierra a la parte de Levante, a vuestra costa e de los dichos vuestros compafieros, todo lo mas que por aquella parte pudieredes, e hicisteis para ello dos navios e un bergantin en la dicha costa, en que asi en esto por se haber de pasar la jarcia e aparejos necesarios al dicho viaje e armada desde el Nombre de Dios, que es la costa del Norte, a la otra costa del Sur, como con la gente e otras cosas necesarias al dicho viaje, e tomar a rehacer la dicha armada, gastasteis mucha suma de pesos de oro, e fuistcs a hacer e hicisteis el dicho descubrimiento, donde pasastes muchos peligros e trabajo, a causa de lo cual os dejo toda la gente que con vos iba en una isla despoblada con solos trece hombres que no vos quisieron dejar, y que con ellos y con el socorro que de navfos e gente vos hizo el dicho capitan Diego de No. Til.] APPENDIX. 491 Almagro. pasastes de h dicha isla e desrubrisles las tierras e previ-eias del Pird e ciudad de Tumbes, en que habeis gastado tos e los dichas Tuesuos eompaneros mas dc treinta mil pesos de oro. e que cod el deseo que teneis de nos servir qoerrisdee continual h dicha conquista e pob!-i- cku a vr.esaa costa c mision, sin que en ningun tiempo seamos ohhga- dos a vos pagar ni saiisfteer 'os gastos que en ello hkieredes, mas de lo que en esta eapiiuheion vos fuese oturgado, e me supBeasieis e pedisles por merced vos niandase eneonieodar la eone.v.:sv.i de las d:ci.--s tierras, e vos concediese e owrgase las mencedes, e con las condieioues que de suso seran conienidas : sobre Io cual yo mande totoar con vos el asiento y capndscion su:uiente. Frimeramente doy heeacia y fecuhad a tos el dicho capitan Francisco Pharro. paia que per nee y en n_estiv nombre e de la corona real de Casclla. jwi.iis continuar el dkhe desx-ubiimienio. conquista y poblacion de ..-, cieis. provincia del Peru, fss« rh,-i;^iis leguas de tierra per la nrsirs costa, :as easles dichas d-ceie sras leguas coroieman cks>de el pu eblo que en lengua de m£e..^e:.vAs leguas de costa, poco rnas o mer.cs. Item : Fnteodseado ser cumpicero al servicio de Dios nuestro Se-Sor r ~ues:ro, y por honrar tmcstt-.. persons, e por vos hseer meroed, prome- tcraiis de vos hacer nuestro gobemador e capitan general de toda 'is dicha proTirx-ix del Pir4, e tierras y pueblos que al presente hay e sde-inre hubiere en tccis Ias dichas ducientas kgv.is. per loi.-s Ins dias de voes- tra vida, eoa saline, de seiivientes e reinte y cinco mill maraTecis cada aBo, conta^es desde el

dixo, Aquellos perros de Tumbez y Puerto Viejo que avian de hazer sino tomar destos para hazer Ropa a mi padre ! Y es ansi questos murcielagos de aquellas partes muerden de noche a los indios y a espafioles y a cavallos, y sacan tanta sangre ques eossa de misterio, y ansi se averiguo ser este vestido de lana de murcielagos, y ansi hera la color como dellos del vestido, que en Puerto Viejo y en Tumbez y sus comarcas ay gran cantidad deUos. Pues acontestio vn dia que vinieudose k quexar vn indio que vn espafiol tomava vnos bestidos do Atabalipa, el marquez me mando fuesse yo a saver quien hera y Uamar al espanol para castigallo. El indio me llevo a vn buhio donde avia gran cantidad de petacas, porquel espafiol ya 504 APPENDIX. [No. X. hera ydo, diciendome que de alii avia tornado vn bestido del sefior ; e yo preguntandole que que tenian aquellas petacas, me mostro algunas en que tenian todo aquello que Atabalipa avia tocado con las manos, y avia estado de pies, y vestidos que el avia deshechado ; en vnas los junquillos que le hechavan delante a los pies quando comia ; en otras los guessos de las carnes 6 aves que comia, que el avia tocado con las manos ; en otras los maslos de las mazorcas de mahiz que avia tornado en sus ma nos ; en otras las rropas que havia deshechado : finalmente todo aquello que el avia tocado. Preguntelee, que para que tenian aquello alii? Respondieronme, que para quemallo, porque cada afio quemavan todo esto, porque lo que tocavan los senores que heran hijos del sol, se avia de quemar y hazer seniza y hechallo por el ayre, que nadie avia de tocar a ello ; y en guarda desto estava vn prencipal con indios que lo guardava y rrecoxia de las mugeres que les Servian. Estos sefiores dormian en el suelo en vnos colchones grandes de algodon : tenian vnas ffrecadas grandes de lana con que se cubijaban : y no e visto en todo este Piru indio semejante a este Atabalipa ni de su ferocidad ni autoridad. No. X. — See Vol. I., p. 491. CONTEMPORARY ACCOUNTS OF THE EXECUTION OF ATAHUALLPA. [The following notices of the execution of the Inca are from the hands of eyewitnesses ; for Oviedo, though not present himself, collected his particulars from those who were. I give the notices here in the original, as the best authority for the account of this dismal tragedy.] Pedro Pizarro, Descubrimiento y Conquista de los Reynos del Peru, MS. Acordaron pues los officiales y Almagro que Atabalipa muriese, tra tando entre si que muerto Atabalipa se acababa el auto hecho acerca del tesoro. Pues dixeron al Marquez don Francisco Piijarro que no convenia que Atabalipa biviese ; porque si se soltava, S. Mag. perderia la tierra y todos los espafioles serian muertos ; y a la verdad, si esto no fuera tratado con malicia, como esta dicho, tenian Razon, porque hera imposible soltan- dose poder ganar la tierra. Pues el marquez no quiso venir en ello. Visto esto los oficiales hizieronle muchos rrequerimientos, poniendole el No. X.] APPENDIX. 505 servicio de S. Mag. por delante. Pues estando asi atravesose vn demo- nid de vna lengua que se dezia ffelipillo, vno de los muchachos que el marquez avia llevado a Espana, que al presente hera lengua, y andava enamorado de vna muger de Atabalipa, y por avella hizo entender al marquez que Atabalipa hazia gran junta de gente para matar los espafio les en Caxas. Pues sabido el marquez esto prendio a. Challicuchima que estava suelto y preguntandole por esta gente que dezia la lengua se jun- tavan, aunque negava y dezia que no, el ffelipillo dezia a la contra tras- tornando las palabras dezian a quien se preguntava este casso. Pues el marquez don Francisco Pigarro acordo embiar a Soto a Caxas a. saver si se hazia alii alguna junta de gente, porque cierto el marquez no quisiera matalle. Pues visto Almagro y los oficiales la yda de Soto apretaron al marquez con muchos rrequirimientos, y la lengua por su parte que ayu- dava con sus rretruecos, vinieron a convencer al marquez que muriese Atabalipa, porque el marquez hera muy zeloso del servicio de S. Mag. y ansi le hizieron temer, y contra su voluntad sentencio a muerte a Ataba lipa mandando le diesen garrote, y despues de muerto le quemasen por que tenia las hermanas por mugeres. Cierto pocas leyes avian leido estos senores ni entendido, pues al infiel sin aver sido predicado le davan esta sentencia. Pues el Atabalipa llorava y dezia que no le matasen, que no abria yndio en la tierra que se meneasse sin su mandado, y que presso le tenian, que de que temian 1 y que si lo avian por oro y plata, que el daria dos tanto de lo que avia mandado. Yo vide llorar al marques de pesar por no podelle dar la vida, porque cierto temio los requirimientos y el rriezgo que avia en la tierra si se soltava. Este Atabalipa avia hecho en tender a sus mugeres e yndios que si no le quemavan el cuerpo, aunque le matassen avia de bolver a ellos, que el sol su padre le rresucitaria. Pues sacandole a, dar garrote a la plaza el padre fray Vicente de Bal- verde ya dicho le predico diziendole se tornase cristiano : y el dixo que si el se tornava christiano, si le quemarian, y dixeronle que no : y dixo que pues no le avian de quemar que queria ser baptizado, y ansi fray Vicente le baptizo y le dieron garrote, y otro dia le enterraron en la yglesia que en Caxamalca teniamos los espafioles. Esto se hizo antes que Soto bol viese a dar aviso de lo que le hera mandado ; y quando vino truxo poT nueva no aver visto nada ni aver nada, de que al marquez le peso mucho de avelle muerto, y al Soto mucho mas, porque dezia el, y tenia rrazon, que mejor ffuera embialle a Espana, y. que el se obligara a ponello en la mar : y cierto esto fuera lo mejor que con este indio se pudiera hazer, porque quedar en la tierra no convenia : tambien se entendio que no biviera muchos dias, aunque le embiara, porque el hera muy regalado y muy sefior. vol. II. 64 506 APPENDIX. [No. X. Relacion del Primer Descubrimiento de la Costa y Mar del Sur, MS. Dando forma como se Uevaria Atabalipa de camino, y que guardia se le pondria, y consultando y tratando si seriamos parte para defenderle en aquellos pasos malos y rios si nos le quisiesen tomar los suyos : comen- z6se a decir y a certificar entre los Indios, que el mandaba venir grand multitud de gente sobre nosotros : esta nueva se fue encendiendo tanto, que se tomo informacion de muchos sefiores de la tierra, que todos a una dijeron que era verdad, que el mandaba venir sobre nosotros para que le salvasen, y nos matasen si pudiesen, y que estaba toda la gente en cierta provincia ayuntada que ya venia de camino. Tomada esta information, juntaronse el dicho Gobemador, y AlmagTo, y los Oficiales de S. Mag. no estando ahi Hernando Pizarro, porque ya era partido para Espafia con alguna parte del quinto de S. Mag. y a darle noticia y nueva de lo acaecido ; y resumieronse, aunque contra voluntad del dicho Gobemador, que nunca estubo bien en ello, que Atabalipa, pues quebrantaba la paz, y queria hacer traicion y traher gentes para matar los cristianos, muri ese, porque con su muerte cesaria todo, y se allanaria la tierra : a lo cual hubo contrarfos pareceres, y la mas de la gente se puso en defender que no muriese ; al cabo insistiendo mucho en su muerte el dicho Capitan Almagro, y dando muchas razones por que debia morir, el fui muerto, aunque para el no fue muerte, sino vida, porque murio cristiano, y es de creer que se fue al ciek). Publicado por toda la tierra su muerte, la gente comun, y de pueblos venian donde el dicho Gobemador estaba a dar la obediencia a S. Mag. ; pero los capitanes y gente de guerra que estaban en Xauxa y en el Cuzco, antes se rehicieron, y no quisieron venir de paz. Aqui acaeci6 la cosa mas estrafia que se ha visto en el mundo, que yo vi por mis ojos, y fue ; que estando en la iglesia cantan- do los oficios de difuntos a Atabalipa, presente el cuerpo, llegaron cier tas sefioras hermanas y mugeres suyas, y otros privados con grand estruendo, tal que impidieron el oficio, y dijeron que les hiciesen aqueUa fiesta muy mayor, porque era costumbre cuando el grand sefior moria, que todos aquellos que bien le querian, se enterrasen vivos con el : a los cuales se les respondio, que Atabalipa habia muerto como cristiano, y como tal le hacian aquel oficio, que no se habia de hacer lo que ellos pedian, que era muy mal hecho y contra cristianidad ; que se fuesen de alii, y no les estorbasen, y se le dejasen enterrar, y ansi se fueron a sus aposentos, y se ahorcaron todos ellos y eUos. Las cosas que pasaron en estos dias, y los extremos y Uantos de la gente son muy largas y prolijas, y por eso no se diran aqui. No. X] APPENDIX. 507 Oviedo, Historia General de las Indios, MS., lib. 46, rap. i-i. Cuando el Marques Don Francisco Pizarro tubo proso al gran Hey Atabaliva. le aconsejaron hombres faltos de buen entendimiento, que le matase, i'i el oho goiui, porquo como so vieron cargados do oro pareoio- les que muerto aquel Sorter lo podian poner mas k su salvo en Espafia donde quisiesen, o dejando la tierra, y quo asimismo serian mas parte para se sostener en ella sin aquel eserupuloso impedimento, que no con- scrvaiidoso la vida do un Principe tan grande, o tan temido d neatado de sus naturales, y en todas aquellas partes ; 6 la esperieneia ha mostrado cuan mal aeordodo e^ peor fecho fue todo lo qne contra Atabaliva so hizo despues do su prision en le quitar la vida, eon la cual demas de doscrvirsc Dios qnitaron al Emperador nuestro Senor, 4 u los mismos Espafioles que on aquellas partes so hallaron, y !\ los quo en Espafia quedaron, quo entonces vivian y a los quo nora. viven <> naeeran innumerables tesoros, que aquel Principe les diera ; S. M. destos Reinos, e subdclegados por cl mui llustro Sefior ol Licen ciado Pedro de la Gazca del Consejo do S. M. de la Santa Inquisition, Presidente destos Reinos 6 provincias del Peru, para lo infra escripto, la notoriedad de los muchos graves d atroces delitos quo Gonzalo Pizarro ha cometido 6 conscnlido comctcr a los que le ban seguido, despues que a estos Reinos ha venido el Visorrey Blasco Nunez Vela, en descrvicio 6 desaeato do S. M. 6 de su prominentia 6 corona lieal, e contra la natural obligation 6 fidelidad quo como su vasallo tenia 6 devia a. su Rti 6 sefior natural 6 do personas particulares, los quales por ser tan notorios del dicho no se rcquicro orden ni tola do juicio, mayormenle que muchos de los dichos delitos consta por confesion del dicho Cnn- zalo Pizarro 6 la notoriedad por la informacion que se ha tornado, 6 que comliienc para la pacification destos Reinos e exemplo con brcvcdad hacer justicia del dicho Gonzalo Pizarro. Fallamos atcnto lo susodicho junta la dispusicion del derecho, que devemos dcclarar 6 declaramos cl dicho Gonzalo Pizarro haver cometido crimen laesae Majcstalis contra la corona Real Despafia on todos los grados e causas en derecho contonidas despues que a estos Reinos vino cl Virrey Blasco Nufiez Vela, c asi lc declaramos 6 condenamos al dicho Gonzalo Pizarro por traidor, e haver incurrido cl c sus dosoeti- dientcs nacidos despues quel comctid este dicho crimen d traicion los por linoa maseulina hasta la segunda geiieraeion, 6 por la femenina hasta la primora, en la iufamia d inabilidad ; bv Gasca's Apurimac, passage army, n. 4 .'7, 4>6. Aqueducts. Peruvian, i. 131. 133.1 Keni^ins c-:1 13o. 6ee:i bv S-oaa- ; lards, STS. 330. Arch, nse or", unknown to Peruvians, : 1. 156. Architecture, illustrates national character, i. 155. Caaraeteristies j of Peruvian, 156-156. Iaoocsis- !-:---.-ies in it, 153. ArchiTes, Peruvian, how ceostituted. 1. 113. Arequipa, Ahnagro arrives at, n. 69. Taken possession of by :ae Alma- [ grian faction, COl. Mem .-rial off the Municipality of. SO, A:>pen- 1 dis, Ne. XIII." Gonzalo Fizairo builds galleys at, &¦£>. Retires to, from Lima, 379. Armour of the Peruvians, i. T3. Arms, used by Peruvians, i. 73, «#fc, ii.47.iMts. Manuracrored at Cuz co by Almagro, 213; by Blasco Nunez, at Popayan, 303. Arms, family, of Pizarro, i. 310. Army, number of Pizarro's, i. 366- Geuzalo Pizarro's, il. 370. Arquebuse, astonishment of lie Pe ruvians at, i. 276. Art. specimens es" Peruvian, 1. 151. Artillery, park of, possessed by young Almagro, u. 215. Astrology, 1. 123. Astronomy, PeruTian, i. 136-123. Inferior to that of other American races. 127. Ar.ic.nv.u desert o£, crossed by Al magro, u. 63. Atahuallpa, i. 837. Receives half his father's kingdom, SS6. His restless spirit. 341. M .ikes war on his brother, 343. RaTages Cana ris, 343. Is victorious at Quipay pan, 345. Tikes Huascar prison er, 346. 6:orv of his crueltv, 347. 6V.e Inca of Peru, 350. Sends envoys to Pizarro, 363. 365, 367. His reception of Prsrro's utessea- sers. 366, 335. His camp, 330. In- terriew of Hernando Pizarro with, 337. 3l>?- Y:s:;s Pizarro at Caxa malca, 410- His interview with Vabrerde. 415. Taken prisoner. 422. Ccr.temporary nanatiTes of his seii-.uv. Appendix, No. VIH. In captrritT. 425-427. 435.454. His persons! appearance. 426. 466- His treatment of the Christian refr- ste:_. 417,436,466. Offers a ransom, 432. Expects to reevver his free dom, 434, a*'?- Puts Huascar to death, 436. Accused of causing a rising of his subjects. 441. Ins interview with Challcuchima, 453. State maintained by him, 454. 526 INDEX. His forebodings, 462. Refused his liberty, 474. Brought to trial, 480. Accusations against him, 461, note. Sentenced to be burned, 482. His emotion, 484. Led to execution, 485. Is baptized, 466. Perishes by the garrote, 467. Different accounts of his execution, Ap pendix, No. X. His character, 468. Funeral obsequies, 469. His remains, 490. Reflections on the treatment of, 492. Opinions of chroniclers respecting it, 496. In fluence of his death in Peru, 498. His successor, 500. Pedro Pizar ro's account of his personal habits, Appendix, No. IX. Athenians, marriage custom of, I. 113, note. Audience, Royal, first appointment and purpose of, i. 196. Sent to Peru with Blasco Nuiiez, n. 255. Arrive at Lima, 277. Differ from the viceroy, 276. Threat ened by him, 231. Take him prisoner, 262. Send an embassy to Gonzato Pizarro, 284. Resign their power into his hands, 286, 286, 290. Judges of, character ized by Blasco Nuiiez, 316, note. Avila, Pedro Arias de, I. 197. Founds Panama, 198. Discover ies made by, 199. Expeditions of, 2115. Refuses to aid Almagro, 230. His interview with him, Appendix, No. V. Resigns his interest in Pizarro's enterprise, 232. Subsequent fate of, 234. Aztecs, belief of, respecting the soul of the warrior, I. o2, note. Con trast between the Peruvians and, ii. 5. B. Balances, of silver used by Peruvi ans, 1. 155. For weighing gold, found by Spaniards, 245. Balboa, Vasco Nuiiez de, discovers the Pacific, i. 194, 205. Hears of the Peruvian empire, 195. Quin- tana's account of, 197, note. Balsas, Indian vessels, i. 65, note. First seen by the Spaniards, 244, 245, note. Fleet of, 272. Banana, I. 139. Prolific nature of, 139, note. Banquet given to Pizarro by an Ind ian princess, i. 267. Barco de Avila, birthplace of Gas ca, ii. 337. Battles, of Pizarro with Indians, i. 225, 253. On the isle of Puna, 329. Of Ambato, 342. Of Qui paypan, 345. Of Caxamalca, 419. Of the Abancay, 507. With Quizquiz, n. 10. On the Yucay, 46-46. At Cuzco, 60, 64, 72. At Tambo, 74. Of Abancay, 96, 97. Of Las Salinas, 116. Of Chupas, 230. Of Anaquito, 310. Of Huarina, 390. Of Xaquixa guana, 419. Benalcazar conquers Quito, n. 16. Appointed governor of Quito, 22. Goes to Castile, 135. Joins Vaca de Castro, 204. His advice to him, 204, note. Sent by him to Popa}"an, 216. "Writes a letter to the emperor on the ordinances, 257, note. Takes sides with Blas co Nuiiez, 2!;-l. Reinforces him, 303. Advises against a battle with Gonzaio Pizarro, 307. Wounded and taken prisoner, 310. Re stored to his government by Pi zarro, 313. Joins Gasca's army, 401. Betel, chewing of, I. 140, note. Bilcas, Almagro halts at, n. 110. Birii river, accounts of Peru obtain ed at, i. 206, note. Pizarro enters, 211. Body, the Peruvians believed in the resurrection of, i. 89. Embalm ed by them, 90. INDEX. 327 Boiardo, quotation from, i. 265, note. Boundary, dispute respecting, be tween Pizarro and Almagro, n. 92, note. Bovadifla arbitrates between Alma gro and Pizarro, n. 103, 105, note. Bricks, manufacture and use of, in Peru, i. 156. Bridges, suspension, i. 64, 65, note, 503, ii. 96. Constructed over the Apurimac by Gasca, 406-408. Buena Ventura, Vaca de Castro lands at, n. 202. Buildings, Peruvian, materials and construction of, i. 156, 373, 393, 447, 519. Adaptation of, to cli mate, 159. Remains of, 160. Royal, at Quito, 169. Burial, i. 90. Of treasure and uten sils with the dead, 90, 91, note. Burnt offerings, a form of sacrifice peculiar to the Peruvians, i. 92. C. Cacao, i. 251. Calatayud, emperor's court at, n. 27 Calendar, Peruvian, i. 126, 123. Of Muyscas, 127. Canares, ravage of, i. 343. Candia, Pedro de, one of Pizarro's thirteen companions, i. 263. Vis its Tumbez, 277. Fable concern ing, 278, note. Accompanies Pizar ro to Spain, 29.2. Rewarded by Charles, 306. Superintends the casting of cannon for Almagro, n. 212. Directs artillery at the bat tle of Chupas, 223. Put to death by Almagro, 22!i. Canelas, or Land of Cinnamon, Gonzalo Pizarro's expedition to, n. 154. Reached by him, 155. Cannibalism, not allowed in Peru, I. 105. Met with by Pizarro, 221. Cannon manufactured by young Al magro at Cuzco, n. 212. Capac, Huayna, anecdote of, i. 50, note. Reign of, 333. Impression made on, by arrival of Spaniards, 334, 335. Posterity of, 337. His bequest of the crown, 333. His death, 338, note, 339. His liberal ity to females, 339, note. His ob sequies, 340. Capac, Manco, tradition respecting, i. 8, 12, note. Meaning of word, 9, note. Capitulation of Pizarro with the Crown, i. 305, 307, note, Appen dix, No. VII. Almagro's dissatis faction with the, 315. Capture of Atahuallpa, i. 421, 422, Appendix, No. VIII. Caraques, Alvarado lands at, n. 11. Caravantes, manuscript of, i. 239, note. Account of Gasca's instruc tions by, n. 341, note. Opportu nities of information possessed by, 383, note. Carbajal, Francisco de, n. 227. His early life, 228, 436. At the battle of Chupas, 231. Joins Gonzalo Pizarro, 270. Desires to leave Pe ru, 271, 437, note. Urges Gon zalo Pizarro to rebellion, 273. His cruelties at Lima, 285. Sur prises Blasco Nuiiez, 296. Sent against Centeno, 302. His influ ence with Pizarro, 317, 371. His fierce pursuit of Centeno, 320. Works the mines of Potosi, 321, 354. His extraordinary adven tures, 321, note. Urges Gonzalo to cast offliis allegiance, 323. His opinion of Gasca's letter, 367. His sayings to Cepeda, 368, 374, 376. His military skill, 371, 438. His practical philosophy, 378, 428, 434. His corps of musketeers, 387, 390. At the battle of Hua rina, 388. Gains the victory for Pizarro, 393 - 395. His energy and activity, 410. Dissatisfied 528 INDEX wilh Pizarro's conduct, 411. His counsel rejected, 412. Refused the defence of the Apurimac, 413. His eulogium on Valdivia, 421. Taken prisoner at Xaquixaguana, 429. His sarcasm on Centeno, 430. Sentenced to be drawn and quartered, 433. His indifference, 434. His caustic remarks, 434, 435. Executed, 435. His remark able character, 435. Atrocities reported of bim, 437. His hu morous vein, 438. Carbajal, Suarez de, assassinated by Blasco Nunez, n. 279. Casques used by the Peruvians, i. 73, n. 47. Castellano, value of the, i. 467, note. Castes, division into, in Peru, i. 151. Favorable to dexterity in the arts, 151, note. Cataract of the Napo, n. 158. Causeways on the great Peruvian roads, i. 65, 513. Caxamalca, the Inca encamped at, i. 386, 388. Hot- water springs at, 386. Valley of, 389. The Spaniards en ter the city of, 392, 394. Descrip tion of it, 393. Atahuallpa enters square of, 415. Attack on the Pe ruvians at, 420. Capture, trial, and execution of Atahuallpa at, 426, 482, 487. Arrival of Almagro at, 461. Proceedings of Pizarro at, 500. He leaves it for Cuzco, 501. The rendezvous for Gasca's forces, n. 375. Caxas, De Soto sent to, i. 369. His proceedings at, 372. Valley of, crossed by Blasco Nunez, n. 297. Cement, of gold, i. 31, note. Used by the Peruvians, 157, note. Centeno, Diego, revolts against Gon zalo Pizarro, n. 302, 319. Pur sued by Carbajal, 320. Hides in a cave, 321. Seizes Cuzco, 369. Intercepts Pizarro, 384. Narrow escape of, at the battle of Huarina, 396. Carbajal's sarcasm upon, 430. His death, 447. Cepeda, it. 278. Made head of Royal Audience, 283. Adheres to Gonzalo Pizarro, 290. Dic tates the letter from Lima to Gasca, 360. Urges the rejection of Gas ca's offers, 367. Accuses Carba jal of cowardice, 368. One of Pizarro's generals, 371. His pro cess against Gasca, 373. Addresses the citizens of Lima, 375. Deserts his commander at Xaquixaguana, 423. His reception by Gasca, 424. Arraigned for high treason in Castile, 446. Dies in prison, 446. Chain of gold of Huayna Capac, i. 336, note. Challcuchima, i. 342. At Xauxa, 451. Goes to Caxamalca, 453. His interview with Atahuallpa, 454. Accused by Pizarro, 477, 511. Brought to trial, 514. Burnt at the stake, 515. Charcas, reduced by Gonzalo Pizar ro, ii. 136. He explores the sil ver mines at, 258. Revolts from him, 319. Charles V., at Toledo, i. 302. Much interested in Pizarro, 303. Af fected to tears by his narrative, 304. His Queen executes the capitulation with Pizarro, 305. Treasure sent home to, 465. Her nando Pizarro's interview with, n. 27. His grants and letter to the Conquerors, 28. His neglect of his Transatlantic possessions, 244. Returns to Spain, 250. Me morial of Las Casas to, 251. Sanc tions the Ordinances, 256. Ap points Blasco Nunez viceroy, 259. Writes a letter to Vaca de Castro, 260. In Germany, 334. Writes to Gasca confirming his appoint ment, 341. Grants his request for unlimited powers, 344. Sends for INDEX. 529 him to come to Flanders, 462. His gracious reception of him, 463. Chasquis, Peruvian runners, i. 66, note. Chaves, Francisco de, u. 1S2. Chicama, i. 223. Chicha, a Peruvian drink, 1. 387, 400, n. 4. Chili, Inca Yupanqui penetrates to, i. 14, 332. Almagro's expedition to, n. 83-88. The Men of; 137, 173. Yaldivia sent to, 151. He returns from, 402. Chimborazo, i. 6- First seen by Pizarro, 271. Battle at the foot of, 342. Chinese, establishment of posts among, i. 69, note. Chivalry, order of; in Peru, i. 20, 22. Christianity, resemblance to the rites ofj in Peruvian customs, 1. 106, 109. Attempts to convert Atahuallpa to, 416, 486. Efforts of mission aries to convert the natives to, n. 7,9. Chronology of the Peruvians, 1. 126. Indifference of ancient chroniclers to, 247, note, 271, note. Chupas, plains of, n. 224. Battle of, 227, 230. Gonzalo Pizarro at, 274. Churches erected by the Spaniards in Peru, 1. 100, 471, n. 7, 25, 113, note. Cieza de Leon, representations of Satan in the book of, 1. 109, note. Critical notice of, n. 327- A Taluable authority, 403, note. Civilization, origin of the Peruvian, t. 6. Marks of, in the Peruvian institutions, 40, 125, 146. Span iards meet tokens of, 251, 270, 264. Climate, great Tarieties of, in Peru, i. 138. doth manufactured by the Peru vians, 1. 149, 245, 303. Coaque, Spaniards sack a Tillage in, i. 320. VOL. II. 67 Coca, I. 140. Baneful effects of use of, 141, note, n. 154, note. Code of laws for the colonies, n. 255, note. Colonial governments, character of the Spanish, 1. 195. Colonial officers, policy of the Crown towards, i- 233. Colonies planted by Pizarro, i. 358, u. 24, 149. Columbus, error of, as to the nature of his discoveries, 1. 166. Jurisdic tion of; in New World, 195. Commerce, not engaged in by the Peruvians, i. 144, 154. Of an cient nations, 186. Of the Middle Ages, 167. Condor, 1. 147, 334, n. 15, 84. Conquerors of Peru, excesses com mitted by, n. 40, 197, 247. Of a low er stamp than those of Mexico, 246. Conquest of Mexico, History ofj illus trations of coincidences between Christian and pagan rites in, 1. 109, note. Conquests, of Huayna Capac, I. 14. Peruvian mode of dealing with, like Roman, 76. Manner of secur ing, employed by Peruvian princes, 77-82. Account of the Inca's policy towards, Appendix, No. n. Conspiracv against Pizarro, n. 176. Contract between Pizarro, Almagro, and Luque, i. 235, Appendix, No. VI. Convents of Virgins of the Sun, i. 111. At Tumbez, 279. At Cax amalca, 393. At Cuzco, 456, n. 41, note. Escape the conflagration of Cuzco, 54. Broken into by the Spaniards, 247. Copper, instruments made of, 1. 152. Coricancha, temple of the Sun, i. 95. Cortes, Hernando, prevented from accompanying Ojeda, i. 204. In Spain with Pizarro, 304. Aids Pi zarro, 313, n. 93. Example of; be fore Pizarro, i. 331, 362, 405, n. 195. 530 INDEX. Cotapampa, Gasca crosses the Apu rimac at, n 405. Cotopaxi first seen by the Spaniards, i. 271. Cotton, tunics of, i. 73, it. 231. Cultivation of, in Peru, 144. Sails made of, 244. Council of the Indies, Pizarro eludes the search of, i. 314. Council, for government of the Peru vian provinces, i. 42. Summoned by Philip II. to consider the state of the colonies, ii. 335. Couriers, Peruvian, i. 68, 69, note, 434. Crime, punishment of, by the Peru vians, i. 44, 46. Crown, Pizarro resolves to apply to the, i. 290. Policy of the, 308. Efforts of the, to reform abuses in the colonies, n. 250, note. Crusader, religion of the, 1. 192. Cubagua, Isle of, Orellana sails to, ii. 164. Cupay, or evil principle, i. 89. Currency, ancient and modern value of, i. 467, note. Cuzco, valley of, source of Peruvian civilization, i. 8. Meaning of word, 8, note. City of, 15, 518. Fortress of, 16, 17, note, 520. Tem ple of the Sun at, 16, 95, 456, 522. Division of the city of, 41. The t Peruvian Mecca, 100. Obsequies of Huayna Capac at, 340. Ata huallpa's generals take possession of, 346. Atahuallpa orders gold from, 434. Emissaries sent to, by Pizarro, 442. Their accounts of, 456, 501. Their rapacious con duct at, 458. Treasure obtained at, 458, 524. Pizarro's march to, 503. His entrance into, 517. De scription of, 519. Manco crowned Inca at, ii. 4. Quarrel between Almagro and the Pizarros at, 34. Compact between him and Pi zarro at, 35. Manco escapes from, 45. Besieged by him, 51. Con flagration of, 52. Distress of the Spaniards in, 57, 67. They attack the fortress of, 63. Chivalrous combats around, 72. Almagro claims jurisdiction over, 91. He seizes, 93. Conceded lo him by Pizarro, 106. Almagro seized and imprisoned at, 119, 122. Con demned and executed at, 124, 127. Pizarro enters, 134. Almagrian faction at, 201. Young Almagro seizes, 210. Marches from, 216. Vaca de Castro enters, 237. Al magro executed at, 238. Gonzalo Pizarro enters, 264. His proceed ings there, 265. Musters forces at, 269. Leaves, 270. Centeno seizes, 369. Gonzalo Pizarro en ters, 397. His careless life at, 410. Leaves for Xaquixaguana, 415. Gasca takes possession of, 431. Executions at, 435, 441, 447. Gasca leaves, 448. Distribution of repartimientos at, 450. Mutiny of soldiers at, 453. D. Dancing, a favorite amusement of the Peruvians, i. 107. Dead, embalming of, i. 89. Burial of the, 90, 91, note. Deities worshipped in Peru, i. 91 , 92, 93. Deluge, tradition respecting the, i. 88, note. Despatches, addressed to the Court from the colonies, n. 415, note. Despotism, great efficiency of, in Peru, i. 18, 165. Its oppressive character, 166. Discovery, efforts in, by European nations, i. 187. Great object of, in fifteenth century, 189. Expedi tions of, from Panama, 199. Im pulse given to, by the conquest of INDEX. 531 Mexico, 300. Pizarro's first -voy age, 310. Uncertainty of the ob jects of, HI. Divination by inspection of entrails, 1. 106, MteL Domestic animals, use of, in Peru, i- 146. Dramatic compositions of the Peru- Tians, l, 125. Dress, of the Inca, 1.25, 396, 414,455. Different races, under Peruvian empire, distinguished by, 62, mate. Of the Inca sacred, 455. E. Ears, ornaments for, I. 22. safe. Eating, habits and times of, among the Peruvians, •- 26, male. Eclipses not understood by the Peru vians, 1. 130. Education, forbidden to the people in Pern. I. 116. Of the Inca blood- roTal, 117. Schools and amautas, 116- Pirsrros want e£, 203, 496, h. 191. 9a\ Fj«h»lmii»j- Peruvian process of, 1.33,90. Emeriids. used by the Peruvians, i. 152. RiTer of" 252. Mines of, 252, male. Region of, 321. Broken bv Sitaniards. 321. Emigration to the New World, fever tor. in Spain, I. 16?. sa.v. n. 30. Encouraged by the Spanish government, i. 307. Encampment of Arxbu£ipa. i. 395. Eneiso, Bachelor, Pizarro iajpris.-^- edbT,..3M. Epidemic, Sraaisris attacked by an, i. 324. Equinoxes, how determined bv the Perarians. 1. 136. Importance of. lo them, 127- Ereilla, the Araueana of, o. 114. »«!f- Eseobar, Marts de, £rst introduced wheat into Peru, r. 142. mate. Escutcheon of the Pizarro family, i. 310. Espinosa, Gaspar de, advances mon ey for Pizarro's expedition, i. "230. His share of the Inca's ran som, 472. Brings aid to Pizarro, n.97. Sent on a mission to Alma gro, 93. His death, 100. Estete, i. 447, mote. Europe, condition of, in the Mid dle Ages, I. 167. Effect of the diseoTerT of America upon, 169. Evil spirit, beliex-ed in by the Peru vians, I. 39. F. Fairs, 1. 137. Famine, sufferings of the Spaniards from, .. 213, 216, 21?. 246, 361. n. 64. 157. 169, 297. Fauejra, i- 46. *.jte- Felipillo, Pizarro's interpreter, I. 266. His hostility to Atahuallpa, 426, 476- Intrigue of, 476. nate. Perrerts the testimony of witnesses against the Inca, 482. Hanged by Almagro, 4i*7. note. Fernandez, loyalty of. n. 300, mate. K e marks upon, 360, swfe. Critical notice of. 473- FestiTals, religious, 1. 103. Feast of Raymi, 104-106. Fish brought nen the Pacific to Cuzco by runners. 1. 69, iwfj- Forests. Srani^rds entangled in, i. 214, 31tC 247. Fornication, punishment of, in Peru. i. 44, male. Fortresses, massiTe work of, at Cuz co, 1. 17. 520- A part of the Peru Tian mijisrv policy, 19. For the accommodation of the Inca's ar mies. 66, 74, *efc, 365. Seen by the Sps-iirds. 333, 393. Fttr-re lite. Perurian ideas respect- ™S> Intended oniv for the hisber classes. 69. 532 INDEX. Gallo, Isle of} Ruiz anchors at, 1.243. Pizarro lands at, 250. Spaniards left on, 256. Tafur arrives at, 262. Garcilasso de la Vega, not trustwor thy in his geography, I. 4, note. Fulness of, 42, note. Authority of, contradicted, 93, note, 106, note. Critical notice of, 293. Defects of, as an historian, 335, note. Proba bly imposed upon, 370, note. Fond of romancing, 422, note. A Peruvian by birth, 498, note. Is partial to Gonzalo Pizarro, n. 323, note, 362, note, 438, note. The fa- therof,389,raote,392,7iOte,424. An eyewitness of Gonzalo's proceed ings in Lima, 398, note, 438, note. Gardens of Yucay, i. 30. Garrote, i. 486, note. Atahuallpa dies by the, 487. Gasca, Pedro de la, n. 336. Birth and early life of, 337, note. His able conduct at Valencia, 339. Appointed to the Peruvian mis sion, 341. Demands unlimited powers, 342. Writes to the em peror, 343. His request granted, 344. Refuses a mitre, 345. Ar rives at Santa Martha, 346. Crosses to Nombre de Dios, 348. Politic conduct of, 349, 351. Gains over Mexia, 350. Sends manifestoes through the land, 352. Sends to i Gonzalo Pizarro, 353. Writes to him and Cepeda, 354, 355, note. Refuses to seize Hinojosa, 356. Gains over Aldana, 361. Re ceives the fleet from Hinojosa, 362. Raises levies, 364. Con demned by Cepeda, 373. Sails from Panama, 380. Quiets the apprehensions of the seamen, 381. Fixes his head-quarters at Xauxa, 383. His vigorous proceedings, 400. Marches to Andaguaylas, 401. Compliments Valdivia, 402. His army, 403. Crosses the Aban cay and Apurimac, 404, 407, 408. Offers terms to Pizarro, 417. Ar rives at Xaquixaguana, 418. His reception of Cepeda, 424 ; of Gon zalo Pizarro, 427; of Carbajal, 430. Relacion of, 432, note. Enters Cuz co, 447. His difficulties in mak ing repartimientos, 449. Enters Lima, 453. His care of the na tives, 455. His wise reforms, 457. His wisdom and economy, 458. Refuses presents, 460. Leaves Peru, 461. Arrives in Spain, 462. Visits the emperor, and appointed bishop of Siguenza, 463. Dies, 464. His character, 465-468. Geography, knowledge of, by the Peruvians, i. 126. Causes of the slow advance in, 185. Of ancient nations, 186. Of Middle Ages, 187. Gnomon, used for determining the equinoxes, i. 126. In Florence, 127, note. God, elevated conceptions of, on the American continent, i. 87. See Religion. Gold, ornaments of, in the royal pal aces, i. 29. Monopolized by the Inca, 31. Cement of, 31, note. In the temple of the Sun, 95. Ex clusive use of, in the services of the Peruvian religion, 98. Con cealed by the Peruvians, 99, 169, note, 450, 499. Ornaments of, at Quito, 151, note. Manner of pro curing, 153, 154. The great object sought by the Spaniards, 191,218, 221, 229, 498, n. 199, 247. Ob tained by Pizarro, i. 201. Gained by the Spaniards, 221, 223, 227, 242, 321, 360. At Caxamalca, 430, 440, 467. At Pachacamac, 450. At Cuzco, 457, 458, 525. Division of, 322, 470, 525, n. 451. Sent to Panama by Pizarro, I. 340. Sent to Spain, 465, n. 26, 137. Profusion of, among the Span- INDEX. 533 iards, i. 526, it. 150, 277. Carried home by Gasca, 458. Gomara, criticaf notice of, n. 325. Gomera, Isle of, i. 314. Granite, use of, in Peru, 1. 156. Greeks, skilled in the art of naviga tion, i. 186. Guaitara, passes of, n. 109. Guamanga, ii. 222. Dead interred at, 235. Almagro's followers taken, tried, and executed at, 236, 237. Inhabitants of, take sides with Gon zalo Pizarro, 274. Guancabamba, I. 373. Guano, account of, i. 135, 136. H. Haravecs, Peruvian poets, I. 123, note. Heir-apparent of Incas, education of the, i. 20 Insignia of the, 23. Herrera, value of the testimony of, n. 134. Anachronisms of, exposed by Quintana, 306, note. Critical notice of, 325. Hinojosa, governor of Panama, ii. 351. Suspicious of Gasca, 351. Surrenders the fleet of Pizarro to him, 362. Highly confided in by Pizarro, 366. Commands Gasca's army, 403, 419. Assassinated, 447. Holguin, Alvarez de, dispossesses the Almagriansof Cuzco, n. 202. His ealousy of Alvarado, 217. Rec onciled to him, 218. Killed at Chupas, 232. Horse, terror of Indians at the, 1.254. Horsemanship, exhibition of, by De Soto, i. 399. Hoyas, i. 134. Huacas, i. 93, note. Huanacas. See Sheep, Peruvian. Huarina, battle at, n. 389, 393. Huascar, meaning of the word, i. 336, note. Heir of Huayna Capac, 338. Gentle disposition of, 340. Re monstrates with Atahuallpa, 341. At war with Atahuallpa, 342. Defeated by him, 343. Battle of Quipaypan, 345. Taken prisoner by his brother, 346. His efforts to procure his liberty, 436. Put to death by Atahuallpa, 438. Huaura, n. 210. Vaca de Castro joins Alvarado at, 217. Hudibras, quotation from, i. 256, note. Human sacrifices, on the death of the Inca, i. 32, note. Evidence that they existed in Peru, 106, note. Humboldt, M. de, exceflent descrip tion of scenery of the Cordiileras by, i. 6, note. Account of Peruvian bridges by, 65, note. Analysis of Muysca calendar by, 128, note. Analysis of a Peruvian chisel by, 152, note. Hunts, great annual, I. 148. 1. Ica, Pizarro at, n. 110. Idleness punished as a crime in Peru, i. 53. Imagination, early and later works of, i. 184. Inca, the, meaning of the word, i. 9, note. Sceptre of, 19. Queen of, 19, note. Heir of, 20, note. Despot ic power of, 18, 24, 114, 115, 165, 498. Elevated character of, 24, 435, 454. Dress and insignia of, 25, 396, 414, 455. Royal pro gresses of, 27, Appendix, No. I. Palaces of, 28, 29. Household of, 30, 396. Wealth and revenues of, 31, 48. Obsequies of, 32. Sin gular custom respecting the bodies of, 34, 35. Commanded armies, 74, 84. Reverence paid to, 166, 453, 498. Policy of, 168. Throne of, 414, 470. See Atahuallpa and Manco. 534 INDEX. Inca chief, visits Pizarro, i. 274. Bravery of an, it. 66. Inca nobility, I. 35. Little spoken of by chroniclers, 48, note. Ex empt from taxation, 59. Impor tance of, 166. Inca race, uncertainty as to the ori gin and annals of, t. 13. Progress of, 14. Crania of, 39. Indians, Pizarro traffics with, i. 205. His intercourse with, 218, 223, 376. Battles with, 223, 225, 227, 329. Conversion of, 234, 307. Met by Ruiz, 244, 246. Hospitality of, to the Spaniards, 278, 282, 365. Their dread of the Spaniards, 324. Ef forts of Las Casas in behalf of the, ii. 252. Ordinances in favor of, 254. Employed by Gonzalo Pi zarro, 270, 289, note. Inns. See Tambos. Interpreters employed by Pizarro, i. 371, 399. Iron, not known to the Peruvians, i. 152, 275. Their substitute for, 153. Silver used instead of, by the Spaniards, 451. Irrigation, admirable system of, among the Peruvians, i. 131, 364. Irving, Life of Balboa by, 1. 198, note. Isles of Pearls, i. 211. Pizarro sends Montenegro to, 216. Almagro touches at, 228. J. Jewels, i. 25, 35, 96, 104. Judea, laws of property of, com pared with Peruvian, i. 47. Justice, provisions for the adminis tration of, in Peru, i. 44, Mexi can and Peruvian provision for, compared, 46. lis cheap and effi cient administration, 47, note. K. Knighthood, Peruvian order of, i. 20,22 L. Labor, distribution and rotation of, in Peru, I. 56. Laboring classes, care for, under Pe ruvian government, I. 56. Lands, remarkable division of, in Peru, i. 48. Cultivation of, GO. Language, Quichua dialect, i. 80, 124. La Plata, foundation of, n. 149. Takes sides with the Crown, 303. Carbajal at, 321. Las Casas, efforts of, in behalf of Indians, n. 252, 256, note. Las Salinas, Almagro's army takes position at, n. 111. Battle of, 113-118. Lasso used as a weapon by Peruvi ans, n. 56. Laws, simplicity and severity of Pe ruvian, i. 44. Passed by Vaca de Castro for the colonies, it. 241. Lawyers forbidden to go to the New World, i. 307. Lejesama, panegyric of, on Peruvian institutions, i. 171, note. Will of, quoted in Appendix, No. IV. Liberty, the great object sought by settlers in North America, 1. 192. Lima, foundation of, n. 24. Pizar ro's zeal in building up, 37, 149, 171. Besieged by the Peruvians, 57, 68. Pizarro marches from, against Almagro, 98. Hernando leaves, for Spain, 138. Pizarro at, 149. Assassination of Pizarro at, 182-184. Taken possession of by the Almagrians, 201, 205. Vaca de Castro enters, 219. Blasco Nufiez arrives at, 267. Arrival of the Royal Audience at, 277. Blas co Nunez imprisoned at, 283. En trance of Gonzalo Pizarro into, 287. His operations at, 289. He leaves, 295. His triumphal entry into, 318. He sends Aldana from, 359. Arrivaf of Paniagua at, 366. Proceedings of Gonzalo at, INDEX. 535 368, 370, 373. The president's fleet anchors at, 376. Departure of Pizarro from, 379. Taken pos session of by Gasca, 380. His en try into, 453. His proceedings at, 454, 456. He leaves, 461. Linen, substitute for, 1. 144. Litter of the Inca, i. 26, 414. Llamas, i. 7. Appropriated to the Sun and the Inca, 51. Grants of, 51, note. Care of, 52. Use of, as beasts of burden, 145. Herds of, kept by government, 146. First seen by Pizarro, 273. Exhibited to the emperor, 303. Destruction of, by the Spaniards, 430, n. 248. Im mense flocks of, seen by them, i. 430, 458. Llorente, first publisher of Las Ca- sas's argument, n. 253, note. Loaysa, sent on an embassy to Gon zalo Pizarro, II. 276. Luque, Hernando de, i. 208. Asso ciated with Pizarro and Almagro, 209. Influences Pedrarias, 231. Administers the sacrament to his associates, 236. Epithet applied to, 237, note. Signs the contract for Espinosa, 239. Writes to en courage Pizarro, 262. Pleads his cause with the governor, 268. Distrusts Pizarro, 292. Rewarded by the Crown, 306. His death, 472. M. Magazines, i. 57, 58. For military stores, 74, 373. Works of art found in, 151. Discovered and used by the Spaniards, 431, 447, 503, n. 400, note. Magistrates, Peruvian, stimulus to fidelity of, i. 42. Their character and authoritv, 43. Maize, cultivated and used in Peru, i. 139. Liquor made from, 139, note. Fields of, seen by the Span iards, 251, 364, 446. Mala, interview of Pizarro and Al magro at, n. 104. Mama, Oello Huaco, i. 8. Meaning of word, 9, note. Manco, Inca, i. 337. Claims the pro tection of Pizarro, 515. Crowned Inca by him, n. 3. Lofty spirit of, 41. Escapes from the Spaniards, 42. Retaken, 43. Escapes again, 45. Beleaguers Cuzco, 51. At tacked at Tambo, 73. Defeated by Almagro, 91. Pursued by Orgo nez, 101. His hostilities with the Spaniards, 146, 272. Pizarro attempts to negotiate with, 147 Death of, 271. His character, 272. Manes, wives and domestics sacri ficed to, in Peru, i. 90. Manufactures, superintended by the Inca government, i. 53. Of cloths for the Inca, 53, note. Connection between agriculture and, 143. Ad vantages for, in Peru, 144. Skill of the Peruvians in woollen, 149, 150. Stores of, found by the Span iards, 431. Specimens of, sent to the emperor, n. 27. Manures used by the Peruvians, I. 135. Marmontel, 1. 105, note. Marriage, Peruvian provisions for, I. 48, note. Of the Incas and nobles, 112. Of people, 113. No free dom in, 114. McCulloh, error of, I. 11, note. On proofs of refinement in Peruvian institutions, 46, note. High au thority of, on American antiqui ties, 92, note. Mechanical arts in Peru, I. 52, 54. Memorials of colonial officers to the government, n. 250, note. Men of Chili, Pizarro cautioned against, n. 137. Destitute condi tion of, 173. Conspire against Pi- 536 INDEX. zarro, 176. Assault him, 183. Put him to death, 184. Proceed ings of, 185, 201. Attachment of, to young Almagro, 215. Severity of Vaca de Castro towards, 237. Mendoza, releases Hernando Pizar ro, n. 138. Prudent conduct of, in respect to ordinances, 269. Mexia, Hernan, governor of Nom bre de Dios, n. 348. His inter view with Gasca, 349. Gives his allegiance to him, 350. Sent by Gasca to Hinojosa, 351. Mexicans, established currency among, i. 155. Middle Ages, geographical science in, i. 187. Military weapons and tactics of Pe ruvians, i. 73. Expeditions, 74. Milk, use of, not known on the American continent, i. 145, note. Mines, working of, i. 31, 53, 54, note, 57, note. Exclusive property of the Incas, 54. Of Potosi, n. 136, 137, note, 258, 321. Minstrelsy, Peruvian national, i. 51, 123. Missionaries, n. 7, 250. Twelve, commemorated by Naharro, 249, note. Mitimaes, i. 82, 83, note. Molina, Alonso de, visits Tumbez, i. 276. Is left there by Pizarro, 288. Money, use of, unknown to Peruvi ans, i. 154. Montenegro sent for aid to Pana ma, I. 216. Returns to Pizarro, 219. Rescues him from Indians, 225. Montesinos, critical notice of, n. 76. A poor authority, 113, note. Monuments of the dead, I. 90. Treasure concealed in, 91, note, 523. Moon, temple to, i. 97. Morales, Luis de, memorial of, ii. 249, note. Morasses crossed by the Spaniards, i. 212, 214, 248. Morton, work of, on skulls, i. 39, note. Motupe, Pizarro halts at, i. 375. Mummies of Peruvian princes, i. 34, note, 523. Brought out at the coronation of Manco, n. 5. Muskets manufactured from the church-bells of Lima, n. 276. Muyscas, astronomy of, i. 127. Piedrahita's account of, 128, note. N. Naharro, I. 416, note. Napo, river of, discovered by Gon zalo Pizarro, n. 157. His diffi cult passage of, 159. Nasca, n. 110. Navigation, improvements in the art of, i. 167. Of the first discoverers, 220. New Worfd, emigration to, I. 189, note, n. 30. Romantic adventure in, 1. 190. Nombre de Dios, Pizarro sails from, i. 301. Returns to, 314. Suffer ings of Hernando Pizarro's fol- fowers at, II. 30. Blasco Nunez lands at, 260. Secured for Gon zalo Pizarro, 322. Given up to Gasca, 350. Nuiiez Vela, Blasco, appointed vice roy of Peru, ii. 259. Arrives at Nombre de Dios, 260. His high handed measures, 261. Goes to Tumbez, 262. At Lima, 268. Determines to enforce the ordi nances, 269. Confines Vaca de Castro, 275. Prepares for war with Gonzalo Pizarro, 27C. As sassinates Carbajal, 279. His un popularity, 280. Made prisoner by the Royal Audience, 282. Sent to Panama, 283. Escapes INDEX. 537 to Tumbez, 293. Musters an ar my, 294. Pursued by Gonzalo, 297, 298. Driven to Popayan, 303. Moves south, 305. Gives battle to Pizarro, 308. Defeated and killed, 310, 312. His charac ter, 315. See Gonzalo Pizarro and Carbajal. O. Ojeda, Alonso de, i. 204. Olmedo, Father, n. 206. Omens, at Feast of Raymi, I. 107. Seen in Peru on the arrival of the white men, 335. At Quito, ii. 301 . Ondegardo, ingenious views of, re specting the property laws of Peru, I. 61, note. Conscientiousness of, 68, note. Critical notice of, 177. Notice of, ii. 374, note. Ordinances, code of, respecting Ind ians, n. 254, 255, note. Blasco Nunez resolves to enforce, 268. Ore, Peruvian method of smelting, i. 154. Orejones, i. 22, note. Orellana, Francisco de, n. 160. Sails down the Napo, 161, 163. His extraordinary expedition down the Amazon, 164, 165, note. His death, 165. Orgonez, Rodrigo de, n. 87. Sent to seize the Pizarros, 93. Urges Almagro to behead them, 95, 101 , 105. Wounded on the Abancay, 96. Pursues the Inca Manco, 101. His distrust of the Pizarros, 106. Commands Almagro's army, 109 At the battle of Las Salinas, 112. His bravery, 116. Killed on the field of battle, 117. Oriental nations, resemblance of, to the Peruvians, I. 143. Outrages perpetrated by the conquer ors of Peru, n. 40, 247. Oviedo, account of the Pizarros by, I. VOL. II. 68 311, 312, note. Copies Xerez, 387, note. Authority of, 491, note. Hardness of feeling shown by, ii. 86, note. Information of, 92, note. Critical notice of, 326 Pachacamac, Peruvian deity, i. 91. Meaningof the word, 91, note. Re mains of the temple of, 11, note, 92, note, 443. Town of, 442. Her nando Pizarro at, 447. He de stroys idol at, 449. Festivities of Pizarro and Alvarado at, n. 21. Pacific Ocean first discovered, 1. 195, 205. Discoveries on coast of, 207. Pajonal, i. 384. Palaces of the Incas, i. 28. Account of, by Velasco, 23,note. At Bilcas, 29, note. At Yucay, 30. Paltos, desert of, crossed by Blasco Nufiez, ii. 228. Panama, founded, I. 198. Expedi tions fitted out at, 199. Pizarro at, 201. His first voyage from, 210. Almagro sails from, 226. Returns to, 230. Pedro de los Rios governor of, 233. Contract for discovery made at, 235. Pizar ro's second voyage from, 241 . Al magro returns to, 249, 260. Tafur sent from, 261. Pizarro returns to, 288. Sails to Spain from, 292. His final departure from, 319. That of Almagro, 461. Followers of Hernando Pizarro at, n. 31. Pi zarro sends to, for aid, 70. Espino sa leaves, 98. Vaca de Castro sails to, 293. Hinojosa, Pizarro's gov ernor at, 322, 350. Gasca at, 355. Fleet surrendered to him at, 362. He sends Aldana from, 365. He sails from, 380. His narrow es cape at, 461. Paniagua, sent to Gonzalo Pizarro with despatches, n. 366. 538 INDEX. Papa, use of word, I. 9, note. Pastos, Blasco Nuiiez at, ii. 301. Payta, I. 262. Pearls, Peruvians not allowed to fish for, i. 152, note. Collected by Pi zarro, 205. People, Peruvian distribution of, i. 42, 43. Burdens laid upon, 59. Condition of, 60, 62, 117. Re gard for, in the Peruvian laws, 167. National character of, 171, 173. Peru, extent of, at time of the con quest, i. 4. Topographical aspect of, 5. Coast of, 6. Probable origin of the empire of, 12. Uncertainty of early history of, 13, note. The name, 40, 41, note. Division of the empire of, 41, 43. The Spaniards first hear of, 194. Rumors about, 200, 218, 228. Expedition for the discovery of, 201. Pizarro learns of the empire of, 265, 355, 360, 374. His ideas about, deemed visionary, 269. History of, previous to the conquest, 332. Pizarro marches into, 363. State of, on the death of the Inca, 499. The Spaniards com plete masters of, n. 4, -10, 143. Dis orderly state of, 143, 246. Com motion produced in, by the ordi nances, 262, 269. Gonzalo Pizarro master of, 321. Reduced to a state of tranquillity by Gasca, 458. Peruvian institutions, artificial char acter of, l. 40. Adapted to the people's character, 62. Reflections on, 160. Compared with Aztec, 161. Resemblance of, to those of Eastern Asia, 164, 165, note, 175. Opinions of early Span iards respecting, 170. Compared with those of United States, 172. Good results of, 174. Peruvians, political condition of, i. 42, 46, 50,56, 60,62. Military pro- 1 visions of, 75. Religion of, 67. 1 Education of, 116. Agriculture I of, 130. Mechanical skill of, 150. Refinement of the intellectual char acter of, 125. Mind of, imitative, not inventive, 152. First inter course of, with Spaniards, 273. Pi zarro's policy towards, 357. Their kind treatment of the Spaniards, 365. Massacre of, at Caxamalca, 420, 424. Excesses of, on the Inca's death, 499. Battle of Soto with, 507. Mild and submissive character of, n. 5, 39. Efforts to Christianize, 8, 249. Outrageous treatment of, by the Spaniards, 40, note, 197, 245, 246. Rise against Pizarro, 42. Attack Juan Pizarro, 47. Besiege Cuz co, 49. Set fire to the city, 51. Use Spanish arms, 60, 61. Cut off supplies from Pizarro, 69. Withdraw from Cuzco, 71. Chiv alrous contests with the Spaniards, 72. Defeat them at Tambo, 74. Battle of, with Afmagro, 93. Watch the battle between the Spanish armies, 112. Efforts of Gasca in behaff of, 455. Peso de oro, value of, i. 467, note. Peso ensayado, value of, n. 451, note. Petition of the Indians for immuni ties, i. 349, note. Picado, Pizarro's secretary, n. 175. Insults the men of Chili, 176. Discloses their conspiracy to Pizarro, 176. Thrown into pris on, 165. Put to the torture, 205. Beheaded, 206. Pits emploved in Peruvian hus bandry, 1. 134. Pizarro, Francisco, 1.201. His birth and early life, 202, 203. At His paniola, 204. Employed by Pedra rias, 205. Accompanies him to Panama, 206. Associates himself with Almagro and Luque, 208. Sails on his first expedition, 210. His difficulties, 213. His courtesy, INDEX. 539 215, 226. Encounters the natives, 218, 223. His dangerous adven ture, 225. Lands at Chicama., 226. Distrusts Almagro, 232, 255. His famous contract with Almagro and Luque, 235, Appendix, No. VI. Sails on his second voyage, 241. Lands his forces, 243. Marches into the country, 247. His suf ferings and losses, 24t. Receives brilliant accounts from Ruiz. 249. Sails along the coast, 250. Sees proofs of wealth and civilization, 252,254,284. Quarrels with Alma gro, 256. On the Isle of Gallo, 260. Ordered to return to Panama, 261. Draws the line on the sand, 263. Abandoned with thirteen com panions, 266. Vessel sent to him, 269. Sails south, 270. At Tum bez, 272. His intercourse with the natives, 273, 275, 278, 281, 283. Suffers from tempests, 282. Re ceives distinct accounts of the Pe ruvian empire, 2-3. Entertained by an Indian princess, 2-7. Re turns to Panama, 2-3. Coldly received by the governor, 290. Sets out for Spain, 2.33. His reception there, 301. Inter view with Charles V., 303, Capitulation with the Crown, 305, Appendix, No. VII. His greedi ness of honors, 308. Visits his family, 311. Sails from Seville, 313. Arrives at Panama, 314. His difficulty with Almagro, 316. Fits out vessels, 318. Sails for the conquest of Peru, 319. Lands on the coast, 320. Plunders an Indian town, 321. His exhausting march, 324. Reaches Puerto Viejo, 325. At the Isle of Puna, 329. Receives reinforcements. 330. Learns the state of the Peru vian empire, 331, 360. Crosses to Tumbez, 352. Marches into the country, 356. His liberal policy towards the natives, 357. Founds San Miguel, a59. His designs, 361. Sets out for Caxamalca, 363. His firm nes^ and courage, 364, 37-,4o2. Stops disaffection in his army, 367. Receives envoys from the Inca, 369, 385, 3-7. His mes sage to him, 371. Continues hi? march, 375. His anxieties, 376 Sends an envoy to Atahuallpa, 377. His stirring eloquence, 379. Crosses the .Andes, 382. Distrusts the Inca's designs, 389. His first view of Atahuallpa's camp, 390. Enters. Caxamalca, 393. Reani mates his followers, 400. His daring plaD, 405. Prepares for Atahuallpa's receptioD, 408, 409. Urges his entrance into the town, 412. Gives the signal of attack, 419. Protects Atahuallpa's life, 421. Takes him prisoner, 423. Entertains him after the battle, 425. Pays him every attention, 426, 435. Addresses his troops, 42- Releases his Indian prisoners, 421'. Sends for reinforcements, 431. Accepts the Inca's offer of ransom, 434. Endeavours to convert him, 436. S-.nds Hernan do to Pachacamac, 442. Hears ac counts of Cuzco, 456. Recenesa reinforcement with Almagro, 460 Sends Hernando to Spain with treasure, 465. Melts down the gold, 469. Divides it, 470. Equ'n; of his division, 473. Refuses to liberate Atahuallpa, 475. Ac cuses him of treason, 477. Ap prehensions of the Peruvians, 47: ' Brings the Inca to trial, 481. Consents to his execution, 4-5. Goes into mourning for him, 4-:'. Upbraided by De Soto, 401. His responsibility, 493, 495. Story of his ignorance, 406. Appoints a new Inca. 500. Seis out for Cuzco, 501. Arrives at Xauxa, 540 INDEX. 505. Charges Challcuchima with conspiracy, 511. Condemns him to the stake, 514 ; and executes him , 515. Receives prince Manco, 516. Enters Cuzco, 517. Forbids dwellings to be molested, 522. Is disappointed in the amount of treas ure, 524. Crowns Manco, n. 4. Organizes a government for Cuzco, 5. Attends to religious interests, 7. Sends Almagro against Quiz- quiz, 9. Learns" the arrival of Alvarado, 10. His interview with him at Pachacamac, 21. Founds Lima, 24. Grants to Mm from Charles confirmed, 28. Checks a feud between his brothers and Almagro, 34. Enters into a com pact with Almagro, 35, Appen dix, No. XI. Establishes settle ments, 37. His treatment of Manco, 41. Repels the Peruvians from Lima, 68. His anxiety about Cuzco, 69. His letters for aid, 70. At Lima, 97. His controversy with Almagro, 98. Negotiates with him, 99, 103, 106. His treachery towards him, 108,131. Sends Hernando against him, 110. Hears of his death, 132. Affected by it, 133. Instructions to his brother about it, 134. His partial ity to his own family, 136. His deference for Hernando, 142. His unlimited authority in Peru, 143. His troubles with the Indians, 146, 143. His cruelty to Manco's wife, 147. Founds Arequipa, 149. Appoints Gonzalo governor of Quito, 151. His treatment of the Almagrian faction, 172. Con spiracy against him, 176. Dis closed to him, 173. His indif ference, 179. Attacked in his house, 181. Killed, 184. Treat ment of his remains, 187. His descendants, 168. His personal appearance, 189. His want of education 191, 192, note. His courage, 193. His inflexibility, 194. His perfidy, 196. His treat ment of Indians, 197. His want of religion, 198. His ruling mo tives, 199. Pizarro, Gonzalo, I. 311. At the siege of Cuzco, n. 59, 75. Con fined there by Almagro, 94, 102. Makes his escape, 103. At the battle of Las Salinas, 115. Sent to Charcas, 136. Early life and character of, 151. Appointed gov ernor of Quito, 153. His expe dition to the "Land of Cinna mon," 154. Reaches the Ama zon, 162. Reassures his follow ers, 167. His generous spirit, 168. Returns to Quito, 169. Learns the assassination of his brother, 171. Offers his services to Vaca de Castro, 221. Goes to Lima, 239. Summoned to Cuzco, 240. Withdraws to La Plata, 240. Works the mines of Potosi, 258. Appealed to against the viceroy, 258, 263. Repairs to Cuzco, 264. Obtains military command, 265. Musters an army, 270. Leaves Cuzco, 271. Favored by the peo ple, 274. Approaches Lima, 284. Enforces his demands on the Au dience, 285. His letter to Valdi via, 286, note. Enters Lima in triumph, 287. Proclaimed gov ernor of Peru, 288. His pro ceedings at Lima, 289. Marches against Blasco Nuiiez, 295. Pur sues him to Quito, 297-301. His stratagem, 304. Battle of Anaqui to, 309. His clemency to his pris oners, 313. His ideas respecting battle, 314, note. His mild admin istration, 317. His triumphal pro gress to Lima, 318. State assumed by him, 322. Hesitates to throw off his allegiance, 324. Commu nications to him from Gasca, 353. INDEX. 541 His anxiety, 357. Sends Aldana to Spain, 353. His opinion of Gasca, 356, note, 360, note. His bold self-confidence, 367. Rejects Gasca's offers, 368. Prepares his forces, 370. His trust in Carba jal, 371. His change of temper, 372. Leaves Lima, 378. His dis tress, 378. Marches to Arequipa, 379. Resolves to retire into Chili, 383. Arrives at Huarina, 365. Battle of Huarina, 390. His dan gerous situation, 392. His victory , 395. Marches to Cuzco, 397. His careless indifference, 410. Rejects Carbajal's adTice, 412. Takes position at Xaquixaguana, 415. Sends spies to Gasca's camp, 417. Prepares for battle, 421. His fine appearance, 422. Desertion of his followers, 423-425. Surrenders himself prisoner, 426. His inter view with Gasca, 427. Sentenced to death, 433, Appendix, No. XIV. His execution, 440—442. His character, 444. Pizarro, Hernando, i. 311. Char acter of, 312. Accompanies his brother, 314. His hostility to Al magro, 316, 465. Is wounded, 330. Rescues Spaniards at Tum bez, 352. Accounts of Atahuall pa obtained by, 377. Sent on an embassv to him, 394. Interview with him, 396, 399, note. Recon noitres the country, 442. Sent to Pachacamac, 443. Forces open the temple, 446. Destroys the idol, 449. Brings Challcuchima to Pi zarro, 453- Sent with treasure to Spain, 465. Kindness towards Ata huallpa, 476. ArriTes at Seville, n. 26. Interview with the emper or, 27. Rewards conferred on him, 28. Fits out an armament, 30. ArriTes at Panama, 31. GoTern- or of Cuzco, 44. Suffers Manco to escape, 45. Besieged in Cuzco, 49-71. Attack of the fortress, 65. Repulsed at Tambo, 75. Taken prisoner by Almagro, 94. His danger, 95, 101, 103. Set at liberty, 106. His pursuit of Alma gro, 110. Battle of Las Salinas, 114. Takes Almagro prisoner, 119. His perfidy towards him, 122, 123. His interview with him, 125. Puts him to death, 127. His warn ings to his brother, 137. Embarks for Spain, 138. Coldly received at Court, 139. Imprisoned for twenty years, 140. His release and death, 141. Hi« remarkable character, 142. Pizarro, Juan, made Regidor of Cuzco, n. 5. Sent in pursuit of Manco, 45. At the battle of Yu cay, 46- Entangled in the moun tains, 46. Leads the attack on the fortress at Cuzco, 62. Is killed, 64. Pizarro, Pedro, his ignorance of Pe ruvian institutions, i. 173, note- Critical notice of; II. 76. Loyal ty of, 289, note. Life of, spared by Carbajal, 437, note. Pizarro y Orellana, Memorial of, n. 166. Plough, Peruvian substitute for, I. 136. Plutarch, I. 107, note. Poetry and poets in Peru, i. 123. Poor, anecdote respecting the culti vation of the lands of, i. 50, note- Provisions for, under the Peruvian government, 61 , note. Popavan, Vaca de Castro arrives at, n. 202. Benalcazar governor at, 216. Blasco Nunez retreats to, 303. He abandons, 305. Porphyry used as a building materi al by the Perurians, 1. 156. Portugal, efforts of; in the cause of discovery, i. 166. Posts, Peruvian system of, i- 67. Houses for, 66, note, 503. System of, in Eastern nations, 69, note. 542 INDEX. Potato, cultivated in Peru, i. 141, 248, 251. Unknown in Mexico, 141, note. Potosi, hills of, given to Gonzalo Pizarro, ii. 136. Discovery of mines of, 137, note. Mines of, worked by Pizarro, 258 ; by Car bajal, 321. Immense riches drawn from, 321, note. Poverty, unknown in Peru,i. 61,170. Present sent to Pizarro by Atahu allpa, i. 369, 385. Priesthood, Peruvian, i. 101. How- composed, 102. How supported, 102, note. Duties of, 103. See Religion. Progresses, royal, of the Incas, I. 27, Appendix, No. I. Propertv, regulation and distribution of, in Peru, i. 47-57. Provinces, Peruvian, I. 36, 42. Puelles joins Gonzalo Pizarro, n. 274. Left by him at Quito, 304, 318. Puerto de la Hambre, ,. 220, 227. Puerto de Pinas, I. 211. Puerto Viejo, the Spaniards reach, i. 325. Puna, Isle of, Pizarro arrives at, I. 326. Battle with the inhabitants of, 329. Warriors of, check Ata huallpa, 344. Punta de Pasado, Ruiz reaches, i. 246. Punta Quemada, i. 222. Q. Queen of the Inca, i. 19, note. Quichua dialect, i. 124. Quintana, account of Balboa by, I. 197, note. Impartiality of, 497, note. Quipaypan, battle of, i. 345. Quipucamayus, i. 58, 119. Quipus, i. 55, 118. Uses of, 119, 120. Defects of, as a symbol of thought, 121. Skill of the Peru vians in the use of, 119, 123. Pres ent use of, 120, note. Resemblance of, to wampum, 122, note. Quito, elevation of the plains of, ,. 7, note. Subjection of, 79, note. Conquest of, by Huayna Capac, 219, note, 333. Reached by Pi zarro, 252. Kingdom of, given to Atahuallpa, 338. Atahuallpa's re mains carried to, 490. Alvarado's march to, n. 12 - 14. Benalcazar seizes, 16. Almagro arrives at, 17. Gonzalo Pizarro appointed governor of, 151. He arrives at, 153; leaves, on Iris expedition to the Amazon, 154. His return to, 169. Vaca de Castro at, 204. Blasco Nunez marches to, 294. He is pursued to, by Pizarro, 301. Gonzalo Pizarro at, 302. He leaves, 304 ; and reenters, 305. Blasco Nunez at, 308. Pizarro's proceedings at, 313, 317. He leaves, 318. Quixos, territory of, n. 154. Quizquiz, i. 342. His battles with Almagro, n. 10. Put to death by his own soldiers, 10. R. Rada, Juan de, heads the conspiracy against Pizarro, n. 176. Saying of, 180. At Pizarro's assassina tion, 184. Chief counsellor of young Almagro, 205. Death of, 209. Rainbow, worshipped by the Peruvi ans, i. 93, 97. Ransom of Atahuallpa, i. 432, 467. Raymi, Feast of, I. 103. Registers, statistical, kept by the In ca, i. 54, 58, 119. Religion, revenues for the support of, in Peru, i. 47. A pretext for war, 71. Of foreign nations, how INDEX. 543 treated by the Peruvians, 77, 94. Provisions for, among Indian na tions, 87. The basis of the Inca government. 86. Peruvian ideas of God, 91. Worship of the sun and moon, 92. Inferior deities, 93. Only precious metals used for the purposes of, 98. Temples of, 100. Ministers of, 102. Festivals of, 103. Cruelties practised in the name of, 192. Of the Conquerors, 408, 416, 427, 432, 449, 486, 514, ii. 8, 249. Religious men, Pizarro bound to take with him, i. 307. Remains, of Peruvian architecture, i. 29, note, 118, note. Of Peruvian industry, 62. Of aqueducts, 132. Repartimientos made by Pizarro, n. 37, 136. Ordinances respecting, 254. Distribution of, by Gasca, 451, 459. Resurrection, Peruvian belief in, l. 69. Retreat of Blasco Nunez, n. 303, note. Of Diego Centeno, 320. Revenues of the Inca, from lands, i. 48. From herds and manufac tures, 51, 52. From mines, 53. Rios, Don Pedro de los, governor of Panama, i. 233. Favors Almagro, 249. Orders Pizarro to return, 261. His anger at his refusal, 268. Refuses to aid the confederates, 290. Roads, in Peru, i. 62. From Cuzco to Quito, 63-66, 373, 376, 444. Description of, by a Spaniard, 64, note. Care of, 66. Remains of, 67. Military uses of, 70. Mac adamized, 158, note. Sarmiento's account of, Appendix, No. II. Traversed by Pizarro, 502; by Almagro, n. 83. Robertson, manuscript of, I. 17, note. Romans not a maritime nation, 1. 186. Room, where Atahuallpa was con fined, i. 434, note. Ruins on the borders of Lake Titi caca, i. 11, 13, note. Ruiz, Bartholomew, i. 242. Ex ploring voyage of, 243. Discoveries of, 246. Goes with Pizarro, 267. Returns to Panama, 266. Ac companies Pizarro on his southern voyage, 270. Honor conferred on, by the Crown, 306. Sacrifices, of wives and domestics on the tombs of nobles, ¦. 90, 489. Of burnt offerings, 92, 107. Human, rare in Peru, 105. At the Feast of Raymi, 106, 107. Sancho, Pedro, high authority of, i. 517, note. San Juan, Rio de, Spaniards land at, i. 242. Almagro returns to, 249. San Lucar, Gasca embarks at, II. 346. San Miguel, origin of the name, I. 329, note. Founded by Pizarro, 359. He marches from, against Atahuailpa, 363. Almagro arrives at, 459. Benalcazar made gov ernor of, n. 16. Santa, port of, i. 264. Place where Peruvian mummies were pre served, 265. Santa Clara, Isle of, I. 271. Santa Cruz, Pizarro visits an Indian princess at, I. 266. Santa Martha, I. 314. Gasca lands at, n. 346. Santiago, order of, conferred on Fran cisco Pizarro, I. 310 ; on Hernan do, n. 28. Santiago, Rio de, northern limit of Almagro's jurisdiction, n. 91. Sarabia, ingenious device of, I. 256. Sarmiento, high authority of, I. 79, note. Critical notice of, 175. Satan believed by chroniclers to counterfeit rites of Christianity, i. 108, note. 544 INDEX. Saxon law of hundreds and tithings, i. 43, note. Science, engrossed by the amautas, I. 117. The Peruvian mind not adapted to, 125. Modern, superior to ancient, 183. Progress of, com pared with that of the fine arts, 184. Sculpture, remarkable specimens of, i. 153. Sechura, desert of, crossed by Pizar ro, I. 282. Seneca, remarkable prediction of, i. 186, note. Seville, almost depopulated by emi gration, i. 189, note. Pizarro ar rives at, 301. He sails from, 314. Hernando Pizarro reaches, n. 26. Gasca returns to, 467. Sheep, Peruvian, 1. 144. The llama, 145. Alpacas, 146. Huanacas and vicunas, 147. Mode of taking, 148. Wool of, 149. See Llama. Silver, exclusively used in worship of the moon, I. 97. Twelve vases of, 98, note. Mines of, at Porco, 154. Used for shoeing horses, instead of iron, 452. Mines of, at Potosi, n. 136, 137, note, 258, 321, note. City of, 149. Mingled with copper in making arms, 212. A vessel laden with, sent to Spain, 260. Slavery of Indians, laws respecting, n. 254. Abolished by Gasca in Peru, 456. Sora, an intoxicating liquor, l. 139, note. Sotelo, Christoval dc, n. 209. His jealousy of Alvarado, 210. As sassinated by him, 211. Soto, Hernando de, i. 330. Sent to Caxas, 369, 372. Goes on an embassy to Atahuallpa, 394. Exhibition of horsemanship by, 399. Friendly to Atahuallpa, 474, 491. Sent to Guaniaehucho, 480. Reproves Pizarro, 491. Entangled in the sierra, 507. His battle with the Indians, 507. Soul, separate existence of, believed in by the Peruvians, i. 89. Southey, epitaph on Pizarro by, n. 199, note. Spain, one of first nations in making discoveries, i. 188. Emigration from, to the New World, 189. Colonial domain of, 195. Pizarro goes to, 301. Hernando Pizarro in, n. 26, 139. Commotion pro duced in, by Gonzalo Pizarro's rebellion, 334. Spaniards, in the New World, 1. 190, 193. Hear rumors of Peru, 194, 200, 228, 289. Omens and prod igies respecting, 335, 336, 462. Unwillingness of, to engage with Pizarro, 210, 240, 260, 313, 318. Sufferings of, 213, 216, 219, 248, 261, 323, o. 30, 158, 162, 169, 299. Losses of, i 217, 240, 248, n. 169. Discontent and murmurs of, 1. 215, 267, 366. Battles of, with the na tives, 225, 329, 419, 506, n. 10, 46, 56, 60, 64, 72, 74, 91. Impressions produced by, in Peru, i. 272, 283, 330, 336. Division of treasure among, 322, 471, 525. Anxiety of, 355. Pleasant march of, 365. Number of, with Pizarro, 366. Their enthusiasm, 379. Theirse- vere march over the Andes, 382. Their entrance into Caxamalca, 392. Their gloomy forebodings, 401. Pizarro's address to, 402. Their religious enthusiasm, 402, 409, 511. Their attack on Atahu allpa, 419. Their rapacity, 458. Atahuallpa's impression respects ing, 481. Their march to Cuzco, 50.2. Enter Cuzco, 517. Effect of wealth on, 526. With Al varado, n. 12. Cruelty of, to the natives, 40, 85, 246. At the siege of Cuzco, 52' 56, 67. Desire to abandon the city, 57. On the Chili expedition, 84, 89. Their battles among themselves, 116, INDEX. 545 230, 310, 390. On the Amazon expedition, 154, 156. Their deep feelings of loyalty, 205. Attached to young Almagro, 215. Their passion for gofd, 247. Their improvidence, 248. Thrown into consternation at the ordinances, 256, 262. Appeal to Vaca de Castro against them, 257 ; and to Gonzalo Pizarro, 258, 263. Take sides with Gonzalo, 274. Influ ence of Gasca's proclamation on, 365. Desert from Gonzalo Pi zarro, 377, 420. Their discontent with the repartimientos, 453. See Gold and Peruvians. Spanish colonies, the mode of their acquisition, unfavorable to the in terests of the natives, n. 245. Springs of warm water at Caxamalca, i. 386. Stars, objects of Peruvian worship, i. 92, 97. Stevenson, description of the River of Emeralds by, i. 252, note; of Caxamalca, 392, note. St. Matthew, Bay of, Ruiz enters, i. 243. Pizarro reaches, 251. He disembarks his forces at, 319. Stone, tools made of, i. 152. Sun, tradition respecting, i. 8. Temple of, at Cuzco, 16, 95, 456, 522. Lands assigned to, 47. Peculiar sanctity of, 92, 94. Tem ples of, 95, 96, 99, 101. Virgins of, 100, 107, 112. See Religion and Temples. T. Tacamez, i. 251. Touched at by Pizarro, 270. Tacitus, I. 43, note. Tambo, the Royal buildings at, i. 31, note. The Inca Manco at, ii. 71. Attacked by Hernando Pi zarro, 73. Tambos, or inns, i. 27. vol. ii. 69 Tangarala, settlement made at, i. 358 Almagro's camp at, n. 109. Tempests suffered by Spaniards, i 213,222,250,262. Temples, to Pachacamac, i. 91, 92, note, 447, 448. To Thunder and Lightning, 92. To the Rainbow, 93. Of the Sun, 16, 95, 322, 456- Of inferior deities, 100. Ternaux-Compans, eiegance of his translations, n. 79. Terraces on theCordilleras, i. 7, 133. Theatrical exhibitions in Peru, i. 125. Theft, punishment of, in Peru, i. 44, note. Thirteen companions of Pizarro, i. 263, 306. Thought, symbols for the expression of, i. 122. Thunder, Peruvian word for, i. 92, note. An object of worship in Peru, 92, 97. Time, Peruvian method of measur ing, i. 126. Titicaca lake, i. 3. Ruins on the bor ders of, 11, 13. Centeno encamps on the borders of, 369. Gonzalo Pizarro approaches, n. 385. Bat tle of Huarina on, 389. Titicussi, Memorial of, n. 423, note. Tobacco, cultivation of, i. 140. Toledo, Pizarro visits the emperor at, i. 302. Tomebamba, Blasco Nunez passes through, n. 301. Tools, of the Peruvians, i. 152, note. Toparca, Inca, crowned by Pizarro, i. 500. Death of, 512. Traditions, respecting the origin of the Peruvian empire, I. 8. Puerile character of, in Peru, 83. Re specting a hidden treasure at Cuz co, 160, note. Treachery, commonness of, among the Conquerors, II. 275. Treasure, found in Peruvian monu ments, i. 90, 91, note. Hidden at Cuzco, 160, note. Sent by Pizarro 546 INDEX. to Panama, 322. Relinquished by the Spaniards, 360. Division of, 467, 470, 471. Shown by Manco to Hernando Pizarro, it. 45. See Gold. Tribunals, account of Peruvian, very meagre, i. 44, note. See Justice. Trinity, Peruvian knowledge of, in ferred, i. 92, note. Truxillo, Pizarro's native place, i. 311. Visited by him, 312. Truxillo, in Peru, foundation of, n. 37. Besieged by the Peruvians, 57. Gonzalo Pizarro musters his forces at, 295. Reception of Al dana at, 374 ; of Gasca, 382. Tumbez, natives of, seen by Ruiz, i. 246. Visited by Pizarro, 272. His intercourse with the inhabi tants of, 273. Visit of Molina to, 275; of Pedro de Candia, 277. Temple at, 278. Gardens and con vents of, 289. Luque appointed bishop of, 306. The Spaniards take possession of, 354. Deserted and dismantled by its inhabitants, 354. Pizarro leaves a force at, 356. Gasca arrives at, n. 381. Tumults in Peru occasioned by the royal ordinances, n. 256. U. Umu, Villac, high-priest of Peru, n. 36. Urges the rising of the Peruvians, 42. Urcos, Almagro's army at, n. 90. Vaca de Castro, n. 144. Embarks for Peru, 145. Arrives at Buena Ventuni, 202. Difficult position and boldness of, 203. Goes to Quito and assumes the govern ment, 204. Marches south, 216. Takes command of the army, 217. Reconciles his generals, 218. Arrives at Lima, 219. His army, 220. Declines Gonzalo Pizarro's assistance, 221. Nego tiates with Almagro, 222. Ad vances to Chupas, 224. Addresses his troops, 226. Battle of Chupas, 229. Decides the action, 233. His severity towards the vanquished, 236. His mode of life at Cuzco, 237. Puts to death Almagro, 238. His treatment of Gonzalo Pizarro, 240. His judicious proceedings, 242. His efforts to quiet discon tent with the ordinances, 257. Letters of the emperor to him, 260. Prevents an insurrection at Lima, 263. His reception of Blas co Nuiiez, 267. Suspected and put in confinement by him, 275. Returns to Spain, 291. His sub sequent fate, 291, 292. Valdivia, Pedro de, n. 114. Brav ery of, at Las Salinas, 115. Letter of Gonzalo Pizarro to, 360, note. Joins Gasca, 402. His self-glorifi cation, 404, note. At the passes of the Apurimac, 407. His letter to the emperor, 414, note. Killed by the Araucans, 447. Valencia, Gasca at, n. 338. Valverde, Pizarro's chaplain, i. 415. His interview with Atahuallpa, 416, 418, note. His efforts to con vert Challcuchima, 514. Performs mass at the coronation of Manco, n. 4. Made bishop of Cuzco, 7. His letter to the emperor, 54, note. Intercedes for Almagro, 127, note. Interposes in behalf of Picado, 206. His death, 207. His fanat ical character, 208. His efforts in behalf of the Indians, 252, note. Vargas, Fray Juan de, i. 319. Vargas, Sanchez de, opposes Orella na's voyage, n. 166. INDEX. 547 Vases of silver in tho temple of the Moon, i. 98, note. Vattel on the trial of Atahuallpa, i. 484, note. Venus, Peruvian worship of, i. 92. Viceroys of the provinces of the Pe ruvian empire, I. 42. Vicunas, habits of, I. 147. Viracocha, a Peruvian deity, i. 91. Meaning of the word, 91, note. Virgins of the Sun, i. Ill, note. Houses of, 102, 279, 393, n. 7. Chastity of, 7, note. Outrages upon, 40, 41, note, 247. W. War, Peruvian method of conduct ing, i. 73, 75. Religious charac ter of, among the Peruvians, 85. Weights used by the Peruvians, 1. 155. Wheat first introduced into Peru, i. 142, note. Wives of the Peruvian monarchs, i. 19, 35, note. Wool, the distribution and manufac ture of, 1.52. Of llamas, 144. Of huanacos and vicunas, 147. How obtained and used by the Pe ruvians, 149. X. Xaquixaguana, valley of, Francis Pizarro halts at, I. 513. Challcu chima burnt at, 515. Selected as a battle-ground by Gonzalo Pizar ro, n. 415. Arrival of Gasca's army at, 418. Rout of, 425. Xauxa, 1.452. The Spaniards arrive at, 503, 505. They leave treasure at, 512. Letter of municipality of, 517, note. Battles with Quiz- quiz at, n. 10. Great Indian hunt at, 20. Besieged by the Peruvians, 60. Pizarro at, 103. Vaca de Castro musters forces at, 219. Gasca's quarters at, 382, 399. He leaves, 404. Xerez, mistake of, as to the Inca's name, i. 371, note. Error in Ter- naux's translation of, 445, note. V. Year, how divided by the Permi- ans, I. 126. Yucay, valley of, a favorite residence of the Incas, I. 30. Battles with the Poruvians at, n. 46, 91. Yupanqui, meaning of the term, i. 9, note. Conquests by Topa Inca, 14. His maxim, 116. Zaran, I. 368. Zarate, vigor and spirit of, n. 230, note. Royal comptroller to the Audience, 290, note. Critical no tice of, 471. THE END. YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY 3 9002 03080 0537