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BALBOA TAKInET'SMSESSION OF THE SOUTH SEA.

"•St^SESS:

CENTURY OF DISCOVERY.

BIOGRAPHICAL SKETCHES
OF THE PORTUGUESE AND SPANISH NAVIGATORS
FROM PRINCE HENRY TO PIZARRO.

TRANSLATED FROM THE GERMAN
OF
THEODORE VOGEL.

saith Itotlbt illttstrations.

SEELEY, JACKSON, & HALLIDAY, FLEET STREET,

LONDON. MDCCCLXXVII.

CONTENTS.

PART I.— THE PORTUGUESE.
<;h.\pter page
I. INTRODUCTORY - I
II. PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR - - 6
III. DIOGO CAM AND MARTIN BEHAIM 40
IV. BARTH0L0MEV7 DIAZ AND PEDRO DE COVILHAM 49
V. VASCO DA GAMA 57
VI. PEDRO ALVAREZ CABRAL AND JUAN DE NOVA 87
VII. FRANCISCO DE ALMEIDA - - g8
VIIL ALFONSO DE ALBUQUERQUE - - - II6
IX. THE LAST DISCOVERIES OF THE PORTUGUESE I3I
X. THE PORTUGUESE RULE IN INDIA AND ITS DECLINE I38
' PART II.- THE SPANIARDS.
I. INTRODUCTORY - 150
IL CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS -. 153
IIL AMERIGO VESPUCCI 219
IV. VASCO NUNEZ DE BALBOA - 234
V. FERNAM DE MAGALHAENS - 244
VI. HERNANDO CORTES - 263
VII. FRANCISCO PIZARRO - - 313
VIIL THE LAST DISCOVERIES OF THE SPANIARDS - 346
IX. THE SPANISH RULE IN AMERICA - - - 356

A
CENTURY OF DISCOVERY.
PART I.— THE PORTUGUESE.
CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTORY.
In the rugged mountain tract which separates the arid table
land of central Spain from the humid coast of the Bay
of Biscay we trace the origin of the modern states of the
Pyrenean peninsula. Into this wild and scarcely acces
sible region, which occupies the whole north-west corner
of the peninsula, and lies among the' Cantabrian Moun
tains, a thousand Christian families fled before the wild storm
of Arabs which in 711 destroyed at Xeres de la Frontera
the kingdom of the West Goths, and forthwith inundated the
whole peninsula. Thus was formed the Christian state of
Asturias, which still enjoys peculiar rights among the Spanish
provinces. From it the Crown Princes of Spain have been
used to take their title, and its inhabitants boast with genuine
Spanish arrogance that they, whose soil the foot of the Moslem
has never trodden, are the noblest of all the Spaniards.
From mere defence the Asturians soon proceeded to direct
attacks upon the invaders, and during the following centuries
the neighbouring states, by dint of never-ceasing struggles,
were gradually recovered by the Christians. It was usual in
I

2 A Century of Discovery.
those days for a territory to be divided on the death ofa prince,
and out of repeated divisions and reunfons two kingdoms at
length arose at the beginning of the eleventh century. In the
east was Arragon, with its capital, Saragossa, first wrested
from the Arabs in 113O, comprising also Catalonia, and later
on Navarre; and in the west, Castile, to which belonged
Gallicia, Asturias, and Leon.
King Alfonso VI. of Castile, in the year 1094, gave the
land between the Douro and the Minho as a fief to Count
Henry of Burgundy, a prince of the Capetian dynasty, who
came over the Pyrenees at the head of a large train of fol
lowers in order to stand by his brethren in the faith in their
struggle with the infidel. With the territory the King also
bestowed the hand of his daughter upon the young prince, in
the hope of thus binding him closely to the cause of the
Spanish Christians. The territory received the name of Portugal
from its most important harbour, Porto Cale, now called Oporto,
and the young state devoted itself most zealously to thenational
task — the driving of the Arabs from the Spanish soil. The ac
complishment of this task was specially looked for from the
spiritual orders of knighthood, and, in imitation ofthe Castilian
Orders of St. Jago of Compostella, Calatrava, and Alcantara,
there arose in Portugal the Order of Aviz. Gloriously did the
Portuguese kings henceforth share in the struggle against the
Moors. But as time went on they sought more and more to
direct the attention of their people to the neighbouring coast
of Africa, and so to make the enthusiasm of the Portuguese
for a religious war serviceable for the extension of their terri
tory. Though with no great result, the expeditions against
Ceuta and Tangier scarcely ceased from the beginning of the
fourteenth century, and they had a favourable effect upon the
Castilian and Arragonese conquests, inasmuch as they occu
pied the Moslems of Morocco in their own land and hindered
them from supporting their brethren in Spain.

Introductory. 3
But more important than all was the fact that Portugal gra
dually awoke to a consciousness of the value of its position
on the main ocean. The ancient highway of commerce from
the Mediterranean to the North Sea had never been com
pletely forgotten since those times when bold Punic seamen
first discovered it. But in the night which settled over these
shores during the irruption of the northern nations the inter
course ceased, and its timid recommencement at the time ofthe
Carlovingians was suppressed by the piracies of the Normans
and Danes. At last these wild forces raged themselves out, and
a more orderly state of things together with a certain culture
took the place of confusion. During the Crusades many a
ship, full of warlike Netherlanders, who had devoted their arms
to the service of the Holy Sepulchre, took the old road to the
Mediterranean. The Portuguese too many times found valu
able allies against the Arabs in these brave and enthusiastic
northern crusaders. But this route was not made use of as
a highway for commerce until a new centre of industry and of
trade sprang up in the Flemish towns of Antwerp, Bruges, and,
above all, Ghent. Between them and the great Italian republics
that traded in the productions of the east the commerce was
soon so important that the thrifty Genoese and Venetians
exchanged the troublesome and expensive land route over
the Alps and down the Rhine for the comfortable and far
cheaper way by sea through the Straits of Gibraltar. As
early as the year 1318 the Venetians sent five ships to the
fair at Antwerp, and from year to year the number of the
ships increased. This commerce was of the greatest use to
Portugal. All voyages were then made by creeping round
the coast, and this continued to be the case until the middle
of the fifteenth century, when the astrolabe was introduced,
which enabled ships on the open sea to make something like
a correct calculation with regard to latitude and longitude.
In the voyage between Flanders and Italy, as long as it was
I — 2

4 A Century of Discovery.
the custom to keep close to the shore, the harbour of Lisbon,.
which lay about half way, formed a welcome resting-place
into which ships seldom failed to run. In fact, this harbour
was so much frequented that in the time of King Ferdinand,
who ruled from 1367 to 1383, four hundred and fifty merchant-
ships might often be counted in it. In shipbuilding too the
Portuguese soon acquired such skill that they outdid their
teachers, and the Portuguese quick-sailing vessels, called
caravels, acquired a fame which they well deserved. A
caravel was a particularly round ship with a square stern.
It had two masts and carried four three-cornered sails, and
was armed like a galley ; and the persevering efforts of the
Portuguese kings to construct a caravel that should carry
cannon, without sacrifice of speed, were at length suc
cessful. The rapid growth of this little state soon secured it a great
name, and gave rise to many fables about the riches of the
Portuguese. It is certain that at the accession of King
Ferdinand the treasury of Lisbon contained, besides other
coins and things of value, 800,000 gold pieces and 400,000
marks of silver — an enormous sum for those days.
King Ferdinand, whose weak and disorderly government
swallowed up the treasure, was the last of his house. His
early death in 1383 called up many claimants for the crown,
above all the King of Castile, who coveted the possession of
a land so rich, lying on the borders of his own. But the half-
brother of the late King, John the Bastard, gained a glorious
victory over the foreigner at Aljubarrota, four miles from
Lisbon, where he afterwards founded the splendid Abbey of
Batalha, the fine ruins of which are still standing. It was a
burdensome inheritance on which the young Prince entered
and it cost him long years and much pains before the pros
perity of the land, ruined by the misrule of Ferdinand, was
restored. However, the prudence and energy of the young

Introductory. 5
Prince succeeded at last in healing the wounds of the land.
But his predecessor had left behind another inheritance in
which the glorious future of Portugal was bound up, and upon
which John and his whole family entered with hope and zeal
— Africa and the Ocean.

CHAPTER II.
PRINCE HENRY THE NAVIGATOR.
King John I., the Bastard, had by his marriage with Philippa
of Lancaster five noble sons, all of whom deserved well of
their country. Henr}'-, the third of these brothers, born on
the 4th of March, 1394, became grand master of the Order
of Christ, which King Dionysius had founded after the sup
pression of the Templars and endowed with their great wealth
— wealth which, according to the rules of the new foundation,
was to be employed for the extension of Christendom. It .
may have been this stipulation which first turned the attention
of the young Prince to the wide field which Africa presented
to his desire to spread the faith that he professed. When, on
investigating the matter, he found how exceedingly contradic
tory and full of fable was all the geographical knowledge then
possessed of that quarter of the world, it awoke in him an
ardent desire to lift the veil and win for his country the great
prize which this enterprise offered. The year 141 5 was decisive
in this matter. In this year King John, accompanied by his
three eldest sons, proceeded with a fleet to the fortified town
of Ceuta, which lies on the north coast of Africa, opposite to-
Gibraltar. After a gallant defence, Ceuta was taken by stornx
and plundered : and of the three Princes who won their spurs
that day,Henry especially exhibited extraordinary bravery.
Ceuta remained in the hands of the Portuguese, and became
the key to Africa. From that day forward Henry decided to
make the investigation of that as yet unknown portion of the

Prince Henry the Navigator. 7
world the task of his life, and for this the newly-conquered
town offered a good starting-point. In order to be as near as
possible to his field of labour, he afterwards removed his resi
dence to the Castle of Terganabal in Algarve, which he had
built for himself on the Bay of Sagres. Here he spent nearly
half a century in retirement, far from the splendour of the
court, poring over nautical charts and books of travel, and
with the most intense earnestness following every step that
was made in the investigation of Africa by the Portuguese
expeditions, which were all either undertaken at his expense,
or at any rate greatly assisted by him. Admirable, indeed, is
the quiet patience which he opposed to the mocking scepticism
of his contemporaries and the want of success which fell to
his lot for many years, until at the end of his life he saw his
efforts crowned with the highest success, and a path of glory
opened to his native land.
The current opinion of learned men about Africa was that
only the north coast of that continent was habitable, and that
farther south the land that lay under the tropics was burnt up
by the vertical rays of the sun, and was unsuitable for all
animal and vegetable life. This theory, which the great
Alexandrian geographer Ptolemy, following a suggestion of
Aristotle, had put forth, was held by all Arabian and
European savants of the Middle Ages as incontrovertible, and
found confirmation, as it appeared, in the band of desert
land which begins a few miles south of the shores of the
Mediterranean Sea, and which was regarded as a passage to
the completely desolate region of the tropics. South of that
fearful desert it was thought there might be a tract covered
with vegetation and providing man and beast with the means
of subsistence. This was the opinion of the Roman poet
Ovid, who, in his account of the Creation, says, " The middle
one of the five zones is uninhabitable on account of its heat,
the two extreme ones are covered with deep snow, but to the

8 A Century of Discovery.
two zones which God has placed between these He has given
an endurable climate by means of a mixture of heat and cold.
In the southern temperate zones was supposed to be the
dwelling-place of our antipodes, the existence of which, how
ever, orthodox savants, following the opinion of St. Augustine,
denied. But how penetrate to these happy regions.' Only in
East Africa did it appear possible, where the sacred Nile,
breaking through the desert, rendered the passage practicable,
which, farther west, was barred by the impenetrable waste.
Following the Nile upwards, according to the opinion of the
time, a glorious land was reached which formed the junction
between the two temperate zones, and therefore was specially
favoured by Nature, and appeared destined to rule the world.
No wonder that the passion for strange stories and the love of
the marvellous, which characterised the Middle Ages, should
have made the most of such inviting materials. Wonderful things
were related of this land, the inhabitants of which belonged to
the Christian religion, and under the rule of a priestly King,
Prester John, enjoyed an eternal peace and almost supernatural
happiness. This marvellous tradition, which pointed to the
highlands of Abyssinia, whose inhabitants had already become
Christians in the fourth century, long possessed the minds even
of educated men, and for centuries there were not wanting
people who recognised in every newly-discovered land of the
East the fabulous kingdom of Prester John, even if it only
bore in some slight degree a resemblance to that land of
marvels. Even Prince Henry had fallen into the popular delusion
that the region of the tropics was uninhabitable, until the
investigations which he made personally in Ceuta, and by
agents in Tunis, awoke doubt in his mind. He learnt that in
Morocco, as well as in Tunis, a regular commerce was carried
on with lands which lay on the other side of the great desert.

Prince Henry the Navigator. 9
He learnt that caravans traversed that uninhabited region in
thirty-seven days, and that they brought to the shores of the
Mediterranean gold, ivory, and slaves. Lastly, he learnt that
south of that belt of sand there were races that differed from
the northern Africans, in that they had black skins and
woolly hair ; that there were large towns in these territories,
such as Timbuctoo, Ghagho, and Kantor, and powerful
kingdoms, among which those of Melli and Gana are most
frequently mentioned. The latter, which the Portuguese
miscalled Guinea, was, according to the report of the traders,
the most western of all the central African kingdoms, and
extended to the ocean.
These reports had, indeed, before this reached the Italian
republics, and had called forth isolated attempts on the part
of the Genoese and Venetians to reach by sea the land of the
blacks ; but the small success of these expeditions had soon
•discouraged them. It is the distinguishing merit of Prince
Henry that he resumed these attempts with fresh vigour, and
made use of the singularly favourable position of Portugal for
this purpose. That the received opinion about the great
distance between the two temperate zones was founded on
gross exaggeration, he decided from certain information which
he obtained about the length of a caravan journey from
Morocco to the Soudan. He considered that the journey
might be made from Portugal in the same time by sea, if the
west coast of Africa were followed towards the south. This,
therefore, was the next task which Prince Henry set himself,
and he took it up with a fiery zeal.
But here hindrances met him which appeared almost
insurmountable. Uncomfortable reports were current about
the nature of the coast and sea, reports which had first been
set afloat by the Phenician and Carthaginian merchants.
These crafty traders had sought to monopolise the source of
their most important commodities, tin, amber, ivory, gum, &c.,

lo A Century of Discovery.
by spreading the most exaggerated and very often most
absurd tales about the dangers which awaited the foolhardy
navigator outside the Pillars of Hercules, if he sailed either
northward towards the tin-producing islands, or southward
to the hot lands where the black men dwelt. For a long time
all the Carthaginian stories about the northern seas had been
recognised as fables, for, with the fall of the Roman empire,
the centre of the civilised world had moved northwards; but the
faith in the horrible stories which had been related about the
coast of Africa was in no wise shaken. On the contrary, they
were received even by the learned as of undoubted authority.
On the coast of what is now called Morocco, the boldest sea
men did not venture farther south than Cape Non, for the
proverb said, " He who sails around Cape Non (Not) either
will return or not." At that point was supposed to begin the
sea of horrors, full of dangerous rocks and shallows. The
heat of the sun was said to evaporate the water, so that the
sea became more and more salt the farther south you ad
vanced, until at last it became such a dense mass that no ship
could cut through it. A constant calm prevented any escape,
and the evaporated water lay like a thick mist over the sea.
The restless popular fancy had also erected here magnetic
mountains which attracted every particle of iron, and thus
caused any ships which came into their neighbourhood to fall
to pieces. Of course there was no lack of horrible monsters
in the sea and giants on the land, who both lay wait for the
poor castaway seaman. And such fables were not mere
popular superstitions, but were treated of seriously in scientific
works. It was therefore an important result when, in the first ex
pedition which Prince Henry fitted out in order to reach
Guinea, a part of these superstitious fears were found to be
groundless. In the year 141 5— the year of the taking of
Ceuta — he sent out two more caravels, under the command of

Prince Henry the Navigator. 1 1
resolute Portuguese captains, with the express order to double
Cape Non, and to penetrate as far as possible towards the
south. The promontory which had been so much dreaded
was discovered to be perfectly safe, and the voyage along the
barren and uninhabited shore was prosperously made until,
about sixty miles beyond Cape Non,' an obstacle was en
countered which put an end to the farther progress of the
vessels. This consisted of a rocky peninsula, which stretched
far into the sea, and from which a reef extended for six miles.
The ocean here dashed with such boisterous violence against
the shore that the courage of the sailors sank, and they de
clared it utterly impossible to sail round the cape, which was
called Cape Bojador, from "bojar," to jut out.
Prince Henry would not for a moment entertain the idea
of abandoning his design, and the next year sent out many
ships, with orders to sail round this point; but not one
could fulfil the task. So low was nautical science still in
Portugal that none of the captains would venture to steer the
few miles out into the open sea which were necessary in order
to overcome the obstacle. They each clung in a craven
manner to the coast. A mere accident gave for a time another
direction to Prince Henry's energy.
A caravel, which he had sent out in the year 1419 to sail
round Cape Bojador, was caught by a storm before it reached
its goal, and driven far out into the open sea towards the west.
When the storm abated, the sailors found themselves on the
coast of an uninhabited island, which they^ christened Porto-
Santo. It was one of the Madeira Islands which they had hit
upon, an island that had some years previously been discovered
by some Italian sailors, but which had been almost forgotten
again. The next year the larger sister island was discovered, and
taken possession of. Its Portuguese discoverers called it St..
Lawrence, as they discovered it on St. Lawrence's day ; but

1 2 A Century of Discovery.
after a time it received the name which it now bears of
Madeira, which means the woody island. The whole island
was covered with thick forests, which, if we may believe the
statements of the Portuguese, consisted principally of cedars.
As soon as the Prince was informed of these discoveries—
the importance of which he could well appreciate — he made
preparations to people the newly-acquired lands, and to render
their productions useful. With the consent of the King, he
placed the islands under three governors, and called upon his
countrymen to emigrate to those fruitful lands whose virgin
soil promised a rich reward to the cultivator.
At the foundation of the little town of Funchal, on the south
coast of Madeira — which is still the capital of the group — a
part of the primeval forest was set on fire. The fire spread,
and burnt, according to some, for seven, according to others,
for nine years, and consumed all the timber of the island.
Now the island is poor in timber. The richness of soil, so
lavishly manured by the ashes of the conflagration, was incon
ceivable. The corn bore at first sixtyfold ; the sugar-cane,
transplanted thither from Sicily, brought forth a rich harvest ;
and the vine, which, by the Prince's care, was brought from
Cyprus, produced that wine to which the island owes so much
of its fame.
The zealous care which the Prince devoted to the newly-
discovered Archipelago was richly repaid to him, for as he had
fitted out and despatched the expedition, he received the fifth
part of all the revenues of the islands, and with the sums
which in this way flowed into the treasury of the Order of
Christ he could defray the expenses of new undertakings.
Afterwards the islands of Madeira, Porto Santo, and Diserta
were made over to the Prince by his brother, King Edward.
as his own possession, with all their revenues, and with the
penal and civil jurisdiction. All the spiritualities were pre
sented to the Order of Christ.

±^rtnce Henry the Navigator. 1 3
Under Henry's government the population rapidly increased,
and it now numbers about 100,000 inhabitants, principally of
Portuguese descent. The once flourishing wine trade has been
almost ruined by the grape disease, which first made its ap
pearance some years ago, and spread rapidly. In its palmiest
days the island produced 15,000 pipes of wine, on which the
Portuguese state laid heavy duties. Now the plains are covered
with sugar-canes, which form the most important article of
export ; and very recently attempts have been made to re
introduce the cultivation of the vine. The splendid climate of
Madeira has caused it to be chosen as a winter residence for
people suffering from pulmonary diseases.
The promising development of the young colony caused
the Prince to turn his attention to the neighbouring group of
the Canary Islands, and excited in him the wish to gain them
also for Portugal. These islands, which had never been quite
forgotten, lie not far from the African coast, opposite Cape
Non. It was here the old Greeks and Romans placed the
happy islands of the Hesperides ; it was here that a venerable
tradition of the Middle Ages pointed out the island of the holy
Brandon ; and it was in this direction, at the beginning of the
fourteenth century, that the first Venetian and Genoese fleets
that ventured into the open sea directed their course. Portu
guese ships had in 1335 brought to Lisbon men and goods
stolen from these islands, arid the name — which is said to mean
"the rediscovered islands" — clearly points out that an earlier
knowledge of them had existed.
In the bull issued from Avignon on the 15th of November,
1344, the Pope, in virtue of his assumed supremacy over all
lands, granted the island to the Spanish Prince Louis de la
Cerda, who, however, was prevented by death from entering
on his lordship. In the second half of the fourteenth century
the islands were now and again visited, partly for the purposes
of gain, that is, to carry off slaves and to procure dragon's

14 A Century of Discovery.
blood and orchil (a dye) from the inhabitants, and partly with
the object of converting them to Christianity.
Of all the islands on the coast of Africa, the Canaries were
the only ones that were peopled. From the scanty descrip
tions and vocabularies which the discoverers have handed down
to us, we may conclude that there was some relationship be
tween the Guanches— so the inhabitants were called— and the
people of the Atlas Mountains. How the migration from
Africa took place is a riddle, for it is certain that when the
Europeans arrived ships were unknown to the inhabitants, and
from want of boats the intercourse between island and island
was so small that the language of one island was not always
understood by the people of another. The Guanches are said
to have had tall athletic frames, were bright coloured, and had
long fair hair ; and this description has been confirmed by the
numerous mummies found in the sepulchres of the islands.
Their clothing was very scanty, and their dwellings were
either rude stone huts or the caves which had been formed
in great numbers by the upheaving of the basalt. Herbs,
roots, meal, and the milk and flesh of their flocks served
for their food. The use of fermented liquors was unknown
to them. Their tools also were clumsy; and since they
had no iron, they were forced to be content with wood and
stone, both for implements of industry and for arms. Cattle
and goats appear to have been numerous in all the islands ;
but the cultivation of corn was only carried on in those most
favoured by Nature — Tenerifife and Canary. On these the
number of the inhabitants was relatively great (Teneriffe is
represented as having 6000 fighting men, and Canary still
more), and the people too showed a great superiority over
those of the other islands in civil and social development
Canary was divided into two kingdoms, and each of the
Kings had to assist him a council of 190 men, chosen from the
noblest families. The people of Teneriffe were divided into

Prince Henry the Navigator. 15
tnany tribes, each with its chief at its head. The division into
the nobility, the common people, and a despised class, to
whom fell the unclean occupation of slaughtering cattle and
•goats, appears to have been common to all. Side by side
with the civil nobility, there was a priestly class, which pos
sessed considerable political influence. The position of the
Tiigh-priest of Canary is compared by the Spanish chronicler
to that of a Christian bishop, and he possessed the power of
examining into the claims of warriors who aspired to be made
cobles. Besides priests, priestesses are mentioned.
With regard to the religion of this remarkable people, there
are but few indications, which, however, tend to the conclusion
that the faith in a Creator of all things, who rewards the good
and punishes the wicked, was universal ; but that in particular
islands special divinities were also honoured. The dead — at
least, the illustrious dead — were embalmed, and, wrapped in
skins, were placed in holes and caves. Great praise is be
stowed on the manners and customs of these Guanches, and
'many incidents of their short history place them in a bright
light, to which the faithless cruelty of the Europeans forms a
¦very ugly contrast. They came confidingly to meet the
strangers, and the treaties concluded with them they never
broke. To shed blood needlessly appeared to them a most
shameful crime. Captives taken by them in war they never
killed, but included them in the lowest class. They were pas
sionately devoted to song and dance; but their favourite occu
pation was the exercise of arms, which they practised in great
tournaments. Even the European conquerors feared their
obstinate gallantry, although to the muskets and lances of the
Spaniards they could only oppose wooden clubs, slings, and
spears with points made of horn. Thus the Guanches appear
like the remains of a favoured race, once acquainted with a
higher civilisation, but, from long isolation, gradually degraded
to the condition of savages, though still retaining certain

1 6 A Century of Discovery.
social regulations and elevated tastes, like noble ruins in the
midst of a deserted plain.
It was the hope of conquering these islands, and bringing
their inhabitants over to the faith, which caused the Normart
nobleman Jean de B^thencourt, of the castle Grainville la
Teinturi^re, in the Pays de Caux, to embark from La Rochelle,
on the 1st of May, 1402, in a very good vessel, well pro
visioned and manned. Such is the story of the Franciscan
Boutier and the secular Le Verrier, who accompanied the
adventure-loving nobleman as attendants, and have written a
full account of the whole undertaking. The knight Gadifer
de la Salle, an adventurer, joined him. On the way, in
Corunna and Seville, where they lay to, they had to over
come difficulties raised by the rebellious spirit of the Gascon
and Norman seamen. After a short voyage from Seville,
they reached the Canary Islands, and the two knights took
possession of those which lay most to the north-\\'est. On
the most; northerly— Lanceroto, which took its name from a
Genoese, Lancelot Maloysel, its first discoverer, they built a
fortress, to which they gave the significant name of Rubicon.
But the small number of their forces made the subjugation of
the inhabitants impossible ; and so B^thencourt returned, in
order to procure assistance from Europe. Gadifer remained
behind to take his place, but was soon reduced to the utmost
extremity by a conspiracy, which was formed by his subor
dinate, Berthin de Berneval.
This traitqr embarked on board a Spanish ship with twenty
of the inhabitknts, whom he had kidnapped and thought to
sell as slaves, a/nd left Gadifer and his men behind in the utmost
need, as he cafrried off" with him all their provisions. From this
unpleasant situation, which was made worse by the hostihty
of the embittered Guanches, Gadifer was extricated at last
by the retu/n of B(!thencourt, who had paid homage to King
Henry II. 6f Castile, as his feudal lord, hoping thus to secure

Jr'rtnce Henry the Navigator. 1 7
a generous support. The subjugation of the island was then
speedily accomplished, and the inhabitants constrained to
receive Christianity, the King himself being baptised by the
chaplain, Le Verrier, and receiving the name of Louis. More
difficult was the subjugation • of the neighbouring island,
Erbania, or Fuerteventura, the capital of which still bears the
name of Bethencuria. It was only accomplished after a
year's hard struggle, with the support of the baptised Guanches
of Lancerote, and by a sagacious use of the discord between
the two races which inhabited the island — a discord so bitter
that the weaker race had built a wall for their defence right
across the island.
After the arrival of new colonists from Normandy, Bdthen-
court proceeded with the exploration and conquest of the rest
of the Canary Islands. But here he was not fortunate. He
suffered seriously in his conflicts with the gallant Guanches,
and could only establish a firm footing in the island of Ferro.
During these various expeditions he touched on the coast of
Africa south of Cape Bojador, and his biographers have much
to relate of the plans that he had formed for further discoveries
in this part of the world. Promising soon to return, and
making his nephew, Maciot, governor, he left the islands and
set sail for Rome, in order to make arrangements for the
spiritual welfare of his newly-converted subjects. At his re
quest. Pope Innocent VII. created a new bishopric for the
Canary^Islands, and made Albert de Maison the first bishop.
He took up his residence in Rubicon, being under the
Archbishop of Seville. From Rome Bithencourt turned
towards his home, and there, in the year 1425, he died,
without accomplishing his promised return to the Canary
Islands. Even before the death of this worthy knight, whose religious
zeal had been considerably influenced by selfishness and love
of adventure, his nephew had found it impossible to retain his
2

1 8 A Century of Discovery.
hold over the islands. He had not sufficient authority to
control the community, and the irregularity of the supplies
which he received from his uncle caused considerable suffering
to the colonists, and endangered the existence of the settle
ment. Added to this, he had to encounter the opposition of
the Guanches and the raids of the Spanish corsairs.
These were sufficient reasons to make Maciot de Bethen-
court tired of such an unprofitable undertaking, and he
entered into a negotiation with Prince Henry, and gave him
the Canary Islands in exchange for territories in Madeira.
Greatly pleased at the important acquisition, Henry in 1424
sent out a strong force to receive the islands from Maciot
He could not, however, conquer the larger islands of Canary,
Teneriffe, and Palma, all attempts being frustrated by the
gallant defence of the natives ; and before the Prince could
send reinforcements, the King of Castile stepped in with a
claim upon the whole Archipelago in virtue of the homage
rendet-ed to him by the elder B6thencourt. Considering the
expense and difficulty which the conquest of the islands
would cost. Prince Henry relinquished them on the payment
of a considerable sum of money.
The Castilians contented themselves at that time with the
possession of the islands Langerote, Fuerteventura, and Ferro,
which had already been conquered and colonised. It was not
until the middle of the century that they began the conquest
of the other island, and it took them about fifty years fully to
accomplish it. Unfortunately, only imperfect and one-sided
accounts of this tedious struggle have come dowTi to us, but it
is clear even from them that it was a desperate \rar, the
Guanches defending their liberty to the utmost against a
better armed enemy, and the Castilians giving proofs of that
gloomy, though chivalrous, fanaticism and that utter want
of feeling which were afterwards so terribly shown by their '-
conduct in the New World. Many times, even in this unequal

Prince Henry the Navigator. 19
struggle, they encountered serious defeats. For instance, the
celebrated Alonso de Sago, who finally conquered the island,
and \\ho is known to us by the name of Adelantado, was
often unfortunate in his contests with them. Thus, in the year
1493, he was allured into an ambush in the mountains by King
Benchomo, and lost eight hundred of the one thousand men
whom he commanded. In the middle of the battle, say the
Spanish historians, Benchomo came into the field and saw his
brother, who was wounded by a lance, sitting on one side of
the ravine. "What !" said the King, " resting while your soldiers
are fighting ?" " I have conquered," was the answer, " and
have fulfilled my duty as commander. Now my soldiers are
doing theirs : they are slaying." But this victory at Acentejo
was the last day of glory for a people worthy of a better fate.
Unheard-of misfortunes followed.. Returning in 1496 with
new forces, the Adelantado overthrew the Guanches of Tene
riffe, on whom fortune had turned her back. The treaty then
sworn to by the Spaniards was not kept, Benchomo was lured
on to a ship and taken as a rare animal to Spain, thence to
Rome and Venice in order to show him to the Pope and the
Doge. In Venice he died. The unhappy islanders were pur
sued into their most inaccessible hiding-places. Many threw
themselves down from the rocks, and died martyrs to a ,cause
they could no longer defend ; others fell with weapons in their
hands ; many were sold as slaves ; and the survivors, mingling
with new colonists who streamed into the fruitful land, adopted
their religion and language. In the whole island there has
been nobody for a hundred years who could boast of a pure
descent from the Guanches. But if as a people they have
passed away, the remembrance of their deeds is lovingly
cherished in the land, and the attention of the traveller who
climbs the peak of Teneriffe is drawn by the guide to many
spots rendered famous by the death-struggles of the Guanches.
After the failure of the attempt to gain the Canary Islands
2 — 2

20 A Century of Discovery.
for Portugal, Prince Henry turned his attention principally to
the government of Madeira, which quickly began to flourish.
But he did not relinquish his plans to penetrate into the king
dom of Guinea and the land of the blacks. The next thing
.to be done was to induce the Portuguese to give up the custom
of sailing close to the coast, and to inspire them with the
courage and knowledge which a voyage in the open sea
demanded. With this object he summoned from Majorca the
learned Master Jacob, who was celebrated not only for his skill
in seamanship, but also in drawing maps and constructing
astronomical intruments. Probably Henry himself did some
thing in the way of preparing charts, hence called Portulano ;
at any rate he .strove by example to inspire the Portuguese
with a desire for geographical and nautical knowledge. Just
at this time occurred the return of his elder brother, Pedro,
a prince whom in later years all the great services which he
had rendered to his country were powerless to protect from
shameful calumny and a miserable end. His thirst for know
ledge had driven him into distant lands. Knowing and
sharing his brother's tastes, he brought him from Venice a
valuable gift, a manuscript account of the travels of Marco
Polo, that bold Venetian who,in the latter part of the thirteenth
century, had experienced the most strange adventures in
Central and East Asia, and had drawn up a map in which the
supposed form of Africa was depicted, together with all the
known or imagined islands of the world. This gave a
higher flight to the plans and designs of Prince Henry.
Guinea, which had hitherto been the end and aim of his hopes,
now was looked upon by him merely as a midway station,
. and behind, in the bright distance, there arose a vision of the
earthly Paradise — the Indies.
The products of the Indies — that region so singularly favoured
by Nature — had always found a ready market in Europe, and
at every period when the intercourse between the East and

Prince Henry the Navigator. 21
the West had been reopened the demand for Indian wares had
increased ; when, for instance, Alexander the Great, on the
wings of victory, entered and Hellenised the East ; when the
Romans made conquests on the banks of the Euphrates and
Tigris ; and when the Arabs arose to subdue lands and found
kingdoms. At the time this intercourse seemed likely to be
limited, or indeed entirely interrupted by the advances ofthe
Turks — who understood only too well how to crush the civili
sation which they found, but were utterly unable to substitute
another — -the crusades began and brought about so close a con
nection between the East and the West that the trade in Indian
wares received a powerful impulse. Stuffs, such as silk and
cotton ; spices, such as pepper, cinnamon, ginger, and cloves ;
precious things, such as gold, ivory, gems, and pearls, soon
became indispensable to the luxury of Northern and Western
Europe. The commerce between Europe and the East
lay in the hands of some of the commercial republics of
Italy. Instinctively had Venice, the city of the lagoons, ex
pended her strength in the crusades, and found a rich reward
in the trading privileges which were conferred on her citizens
in Syria and the Byzantine empire.
An envious rival to Venice was Genoa, which, after the sup
pression of Pisa, assumed a ruling position in the western por
tion of the Mediterranean, continually seeking by a greater
activity and a more cunning diplomacy to surpass her. For
centuries did these two mighty states contend, and the scene
of their conflict was the coasts of the Black |nd ^gean Seas,
the imperial palace of Constantinople, and the seraglios of
Turkish and Arabian potentates. The renewed advances of
the Turks in the fifteenth century closed the harbours of the
Black Sea and Asia Minor to the Venetians and Genoese, and
henceforth the Indian traffic was carried on with a more com
plete exclusiveness through Egypt and Syria. With the
Mameluke sultans who ruled these lands from Cairo, the two

22 A Centttry of Discovery.
naval states had been from the earliest times on the most
friendly terms. The frequent prohibitions which the Pope had
issued against all intercourse with the infidel rulers of Egypt
had remained without effect, doubtless because they were op
posed to the singular advantages to be reaped from intercourse
with the East, and even the chair of St. Peter had not been*
altogether insensible to the golden benefits to be derived from.
the flourishing Egyptian traffic.
The extraordinary commerce which was carried on in the
beautiful valley of the Nile brought new life to that
ancient land. The trade itself was considerable, consist
ing principally in Indian wares brought by Arab sailors
from India to Suez, or other harbours of the Red Sea, and
from thence to Alexandria, the centre of the Levant commerce.
The yearly value of the trade of the Venetians in Alexandria
alone was, according to certain information, at least 600,000
ducats. But its real worth was far greater than this. The
Italian traders took advantage of their monopoly, and gained a
profit of 100 per cent, on the Indian wares. Upper Italy and
the Venetian territory alone, according to an official report made
by the Doge, Thomas Mocenizo, to the Signoria (the great
council of Venice) in the year 1420, yearly received 50,000 cwt.
of cotton, worth 250,000 ducats; 520 bales of cinnamon, at
160 ducats a bale ; 3400 loads of pepper, at 100 ducats a load ;
3000 cwt. of ginger ; more than lOOO cwt. of sugar, at an
average of 15 ducats for 100 lbs. And still greater was the
sale of these Indian wares in Germany, whither the \'enetians
sent their great trading expeditions. Indeed, this traffic, like
a magic wand, spread life and prosperity wherever it touched.
Trieste, Bozen, Sterzing, Mittenwald, flourished as intermediate
stations of the Venetian and Genoese trade, while Augsburg
was its centre, and through it attained that high point of power
and authority which rendered it such a happy example of
German city life in its richest .and noblest development. In a

Prince Henry the Navigator. 23
similar manner London flourished in England, and Ghent and
Antwerp in Flanders, though none of all these towns could
rival the splendour of Venice.
On the Grand Canal stood those costly palaces whose
fairy-like splendour is yet reflected in the desolate waters.
The churches, filled with the trophies of eastern victories, were
adorned by Titian and Paul Veronese. The market-place
and the Riva dei Schiavoni were full of life, and picturesque
with bright costumes. Like Paris now, Venice was then the
oracle of fashion ; it was the goal to which pleasure-seekers
most frequently turned their steps, and it was the best school
for grace of manner, and for learning the most refined method
of enjoying life. Around its venerable Doges, who ruled not
only Venice itself, but the kingdoms of Cyprus, Morea, Candia,
and a great part of Dalmatia and the valley of the Po, stood
the most experienced diplomatists of all the states of Europe,
who indeed looked upon this central point of the world's in
dustry, where the threads of eastern and western life were
twined together, as their highest school. And all this glory
stood upon the foundation of the trade with India.
But whilst this flood of prosperity was filling the city in the
lagoons, far in the west by the waves of the ocean a solitary
man was brooding over a scheme which was to put an end
to all this glory, destroy the foundation on which it rested,
and turn to his own land the current of fortune which
had been exclusively hers. The plans of the Prince soared
ever higher and higher. The representation of Africa given
him by the Venetian chart may not have resembled very
closely the real form of that continent ; but, at any rate, it
convinced the Prince that it was possible to sail round Africa,
and arrive directly at the source of the Indian trade. Happy
the people who should reach this goal ! To them must flow
all the riches of the earth, as from an inexhaustible spring.
And for what other people could this future be intended —

24 A Century of Discovery.
what other people had more reason and right to strive after
this object than the Portuguese .' It seemed only to need an
earnest will and a patient constancy, and the tempting fruit
would be theirs. But how long a time was to elapse before
the Prince's noble dreams were realised. Nearly seventy years
passed away before Vasco de Gama landed in Calcutta, and
a hundred years before the discoveries of the Portuguese,
and the almost contemporaneous conquest of Egypt by the
Turks, for ever stopped the source whence had flowed the
prosperity and wealth of Venice.
The Prince first determined to assure himself of the trust
worthiness of the chart, by sending out an expedition (1430)
to look for the islands which were marked somewhere in the
middle of the Atlantic Ocean, about 100 miles west of Cape
St. Vincent. This journey in the open ocean would also be
a test whether the instructions of Master Jacob had borne
good fruit. The Commander Gonsalo Velho Cabral ventured
on the bold enterprise, and came back without accident ; but
instead of the expected islands, he had only discovered certain
rocks, which, from the surging tumult of the waves around
them, he named Formigas, that is, " the Ants." Henry, how
ever, was not discouraged. The next year the commander
set sail again for another attempt, and this time with better
success. He landed, on the 15th August, 143 1, on the island
of Santa Maria, and thus became the discoverer, or redis-
coverer, of the Azores or Hawks' Islands, which, almost a
hundred years before, had been touched by some distressed
Venetian or Genoese ships. The discovery caused great joy
in Portugal. The most illustrious families took part in the
colonisation of the island, and to them Prince Henry gave large
territories as hereditary fiefs. Strange to say, the complete ex
ploration andconquest of theisland required almost thirty years,
and it was not until 1460, the year of the Prince's death, that tlie
most distant islands, Corvo and Flores, were discovered. The

Prince Henry the Navigator. 25
rush of colonists was very great, fdr the climate of the islands
was mild and healthy, though damp. The fertile soil was so
completely cleared of its forests that the islands now are poor
in wood, with the exception of an evergreen laurel forest in
San Miguel. But still, thanks to the dampness of the atmo
sphere, there has been no want of water from this reckless
destruction. Some Flemish nobles, who received large pos
sessions from the Prince, brought into the land many colonists
from the Netherlands and North Germany. The island of Fayal
was specially the one to which these strangers flocked, and hence
for a long time it was called Ilha del Framengos, or the Island
of the Flemings. Terceira, which the Prince gave (1450) to
the Flemish knight Jacob von Brugge, was soon rich and
flourishing from the careful cultivation bestowed upon it by
the Netherlanders. But it was Jobst van Hiirter, of Moer-
kerke, who had the chief merit of the Flemish emigration,
being sent to the Azores by the Duchess Isabella of Bur
gundy, to whom the islands of Fayal and Piro had been pre
sented. In i486, when he married his daughter to the Ger
man geographer Martin Behaim, he was still in high repute as
governor. The favourable results of Cabral's expeditions increased the
confidence of the Prince in the Venetian chart, and strength
ened his determination to proceed along the west coast of
Africa, hoping at last to arrive in the Indian Ocean by sailing
round the continent. One of the gentlemen of his court, Gil
Eannes (Gilianes), undertook to sail roun^ the formidable
Cape Bojador, which was still the limit of the West African'
discoveries, and set sail in 1433 with this object. But with
him, as with Cabral, the first attempt was not successful, all
his efforts were frustrated, and obliged to return, he sought to
indemnify himself for the fruitless enterprise by kidnapping
some of the inhabitants of the Canary Isles. But this breach
of the treaty which Prince Henry had concluded with the

26 A Century of Discovery.
crown of Castile, touching the Canaries, only made Gil Eannes s
crime blacker in the eyes of his master, and he could only
soften his anger by a solemn oath to solve the difficult problem
the following year. He kept his word, and sailed round Cape
Bojador, beyond which he found an uninhabited coast, whence
he brought home, as his only spoil, some strange plants —
Santa Maria roses. Notwithstanding, he met with a gracious
reception from the Prince, who looked upon these flowers as
satisfactory proofs of the erroneousness of the popular idea
that all vegetable life was impossible in the tropics.
The success of Gil Eannes attracted attention beyond
Portugal, and in his own land the rounding of the formidable
promontory was looked upon as an heroic deed which deserved
the highest honour "Though," says the historian, Jods de
Barros, " it is no longer considered difficult, it was then looked
upon as a mighty achievement, and there were people who
lauded it as worthy of Hercules." It refuted the false opinion
prevalent throughout Spain, and gave courage to many who
had not hitherto ventured to pursue these discoveries. Ex
cited by the popular ardour, the Prince sent out his cup
bearer, Alfonso Gonsalves Baldaya, with a larger ship, accom
panied by Gil Eannes, as guide. But their discoveries were
unimportant, and a second expedition, which was sent out in
1436, only added a few miles of sea to their previous know
ledge. The land was desolate. Only a few scattered inhabi
tants were met with, and these offered so determined an
opposition to the Portuguese that their wish to bring a prisoner
to the Prince, who might give him information about the
country, could not be carried out. To the great bay which
they then reached, and from M-hich the Portuguese brought a
cargo of sealskins, they afterwards gave the incongruous name
of Rio do Ouro (Golden River) in order to gild a fruitless
undertaking with a fine name, and to give the idea that the
problem, part of which was the discovery of this fabulous,

Prince Henry the Navigator. 27
river, was solved. But in this case, as so often afterwards,
the name preceded the discovery.
Although he was very far from being discouraged by these
failures. Prince Henry was unable for the next few years to
do anything towards the accomplishment of his plans. First,
he was occupied with a great war against Tangier, which he
himself had urged upon the King his brother, and to the
command of which he was himself appointed in conjunction
with his younger brother, Ferdinand. With an army of 6000
men the Princes sat down before the hostile town (1437), but
were soon reduced to the direst extremity by a powerful
Moorish army which threatened them in the rear. From this
situation they were only able to extricate themselves by a
disgraceful treaty, which allowed them to depart on the
promise of giving up Ceuta. Prince Ferdinand remained as
hostage in the hands of the victors, by whom he was brought
to the capital, Fez, where he died after a captivity of six years
from ill treatment on the part of the Mussulmans. The unfor
tunate Ferdinand, who well knew that the honour of Portugal
did not allow of his being released by the surrender of Ceuta,
bore his hopeless fate with a Christian patience which has
earned for him the name of the Constant Prince. Under this
name he still lives in the noble tragedy of the great Spanish
poet Calderon. Great was the grief and dismay of Portugal
at this disaster.
King Edward died of grief in 1438, leaving behind him art
infant heir. A bitter quarrel arose about the regency between
the widowed queen and Prince Pedro, which* was decided after
a year in favour of the latter. Distracted by these events, and
drawn into the war of factions, being called on both sides to,
act as mediator. Prince Henry was obliged to postpone the
execution of his plans until a more favourable time, and it
was not until peace had been restored under his brother
Pedro's rule that he could resume his work of discovery. In

28 A Century of Discovery.
the year 1441 he fitted out two ships, of which one, under the
command of Antonio Gonsalves, the Prince's master of the
robes, was to explore the coasts already discovered ; whilst
the other, under the bold Nuno Tristam, was to proceed as
far as possible along the coast Both were successful. The
united crews in a sharp night contest obtained possession of
twelve Moorish prisoners, from whom the Prince obtained
information about their home and trade with the south. So
important did the Prince consider this intelligence, and the
new discoveries made by Tristam, who had sailed along the
desolate coast as far as Cape Blanco, that in 1442 he sent an
embassy to Rome, to give an account to the Pope of the
recently-discovered islands and coasts, and to request that, as
compensation for the expense and trouble, Portugal might be
granted the investiture of all the land still to be discovered
between Cape Bojador and the Indies. By granting this
request, the Pope shut out all other nations from any concur
rence in these explorations, and removed the fears ofthe Prince,
that others might come before him and reap the harvest where
he had sown with so much pains.
The Pope, who, according to the spirit of the times, looked
upon the opening up of new countries chiefly as a means to
extend Christianity, rewarded the efforts of the Prince by
granting him the tithes and the spiritual jurisdiction in-all the
lands hitherto discovered or j^et to be discovered by the
Portuguese, and forbade any one, whoever he might be, under
heavy spiritual penalties, to go exploring without permission
of the Prince. This gift was rendered more important by a
decree of the Regent Pedro, which granted the monopoly of
the trade to the discovered lands to his brother Henry, and
so filled the Prince's exhausted coffers. Outside Portugal
attention was aroused, and not only learned and able men,
who took a scientific interest in the Prince's undertakings, but
many adventurers and fortune-seekers began to stream into

Prince Henry the Navigator. 29
the country. Thus a German nobleman, named Balthasar
(unfortunately his family name is not preserved), who had
taken part in the capture of Ceuta, accompanied Gonsalves
when the latter took back the Moorish prisoners into their
own country, where they were exchanged for gold dust and
negroes. Balthasar's wish to experience a good storm was
gratified, but it did not deter the bold and adventurous man
from taking a share in greater enterprises.
The people of Portugal were not at all eager — in fact, they
were unwilling — to pursue the African discoveries. The great
contrast between the fruitful islands which had been so quickly
peopled with industrious agriculturists, and the rocky and
barren lands which had been opened up on the west coast of
Africa, did not act upon the mind of the people as a stimulus
to push on more vigorously towards the south until that coast
of Guinea should be found which promised the adventurer
such a rich reward, but rather as a warning to expend no
more money or men on the discovery of lands which became
more and more barren the farther south you went, and which
appeared thoroughly to confirm the popular opinion that the
tropical regions were uninhabitable.
But Henry was not only convinced of the complete incor
rectness of this idea, he also felt sure that a single piece of
success would change the murmurs of the people into enthu
siastic rejoicing, and the general indifference into general zeal.
Therefore he remained unmoved, and in the year 1443 his
patience was rewarded.
Nuno Tristam sailed round Cape Blanco, which he had dis
covered two years before, and found, farther south, a bay con
taining several islands, and with rich and fertile shores. The
bay is now called the Bay of Arguim. Around it lived a strong
Moorish people, called the Azeneghi,who supported themselves
by fishing, and were said to be next-door neighbours to the
blacks. The news of this discovery awoke in the Portuguese

30 A Century of Discovery.
the spirit of enterprise. As eariy as 1444 there set sail from
Lagos, a town of Algarve, which, on account of its nearness,
had been made use of by the Prince for the fitting out of his
expeditions, a fleet of six caravels equipped by a merchant
company which had been formed in the town for the purpose
of turning the newly-discovered lands to good account. The
Prince had given his consent with joy, and had placed
Langarote, one of his household, in chief command of the
fleet Among the leading men also was Gil Eannes. It
was made a condition that a fifth part of the gain should go
to the Prince, who had contributed to the expense of the ex
pedition. The articles to which their attention was particu
larly directed were gold dust, the musk of the civet cat, and
slaves. Nobody considered the kidnapping of these heathen
people as either illegal or wrong. On the contrary, the
cunning and courage necessary in the struggle with these un
happy savages were considered so honourable that very many
Portuguese noblemen were knighted for such heroic deeds on
the shores of Africa. How lucrative this slave trade was is
shown, not only by the price of the living wares — a strong
slave was on an average, according to the present value of
money, worth ;^6o, — ^but also by the large number of ships
engaged in this traffic, fourteen being sent out in the year 144S
from Lagos alone, and twelve from other Portuguese harbours.
In accordance with the spirit of the times, the Prince also
thoughtlessly demanded the fifth of the slaves from every
returning ship. Indeed, in the course of time, the great
profit of this trade led to new agreements with the companies,
by which the Prince was to receive the fourth share if he did
not contribute to the expenses, and the half if he did. Though
it cannot be denied that the slave trade contributed to en
courage the African discoveries because the men-stealers
found themselves continually obliged to turn up new un
touched ground, yet the cruelties which they allowed them-

Prince Henry the Navigator. 31
-selves to commit upon the savage tribes did much harm to the
Portuguese themselves. Suspicion was excited, and an ever-
increasing bitterness towards foreigners, to which many of
them fell victims, Gonsalvo de Cintia, who was slain with
seven companions in the Bight of Alguim, in 1445, by the
Azeneghi, was but the first of many. After him one of the
most lamented was Nuno Tristam, the discoverer of Arguim,
Avho, with his followers, in the year 1446, was surrounded by
the negroes in thirteen large boats on the Rio Grande. When
the Portuguese discovered that the enemies' arrows were
poisoned it was unfortunately too late. Almost the whole
crew, Tristam included, died immediately, and the five men
who alone remained alive, although completely ignorant of
navigation, brought the ship into the harbour of Lagos after
a two months' voyage. But all these losses were outweighed
by the extraordinary advantages of the Guinea traffic, and
new expeditions were continually being arranged. Prince
Henry, whose permission it was necessary to obtain, made
this trade subservient to higher objects. From every ship
Ihat returned he required an exact report of the voyage, and
by the scientific expeditions, which he still continued to send
out yearly, he not only tested the correctness of these ac
counts, but also opened up new territories, into which the traders
soon followed. A proof of the anxious desire which Henry
manifested to obtain as correct information as possible is
found in the story of Joas Fernandez, one of the gentlemen
of his court. He consented to be landed on the coast of
Africa, and passed seven months among the Azeneghi in order
to obtain correct information about their manners and customs,
and about the neighbouring land, with which they were
acquainted. The Prince sent to fetch him off the next year,
and, out of gratitude for his self-sacrifice, named him a com
mander of the Order of Christ. A similar purpose was
answered by the fortified factory which was built in the year

32 A Century of Discovery.
1445 on the islands in the Bay of Arguim, and by the inter
course which was thus established with the Central African
traders. To information thus obtained he owed an exact ac
quaintance with the coasts, even before they were reached by
the Portuguese sailors, to whom he was able to give many
important hints and suggestions about their journey. Diniz
Fernandez, a rich citizen of Lisbon, or as some say, Diniz
Dias, once a page of the Prince, was the first to reach (1445)
the coasts of the black tribes, which were called Jaloffs. He
extended his voyage as far as a cape to which he gave the
significant name of Cape Verde.
In the same eventful year Lancarote, following the precise
descriptions of the Prince, discovered the mouth of the river
Senegal. It was thought to be a branch of the Nile, a mistake
which was repeated later about the great river which flows into
the Gulf of Guinea, and which still bears the name of the
Black Nile (Nilus Niger), which was then given to it. In the
next few years the boundary of the Portuguese possessions was
carried forward to the mouths of the rivers Gambia and Rio
Grande ; but there for a long time it remained — a fact which is
explained by the necessity under which Prince Henry found
himself of directing his exclusive attention to the internal
affairs of his country.
A bitter quarrel had broken out between the young King,
Alfonso (Affonso in Portuguese),and his uncle and foster-father,
Pedro, who up to this time had been regent Prince Henry
naturally played the part of a mediator, and his efforts were
successful in preventing the breaking out of an open quarrel for
two years ; but at last the ceaseless irritation kept up by the
courtiers, who understood how to excite the young King's jea
lousy, made civil war unavoidable. Pedro, with his adherents,
fell fighting valiantly, on the banks of the little river Alfarro-
beira, against the overwhelming army opposed to him. Al
though his heart was on the side of his much-loved brother.

Prince Henry the Navigator. 33
yet, when recourse was had to arms. Prince Henry remained
loyal to the King, and thus disarmed calumny and intrigue.
But his spirit was broken, and if the news of newly-discovered
lands still awoke his interest, he never again took an active
share in any expedition. Indeed, his time was pretty fully
occupied in the defence of Ceuta and the other Portuguese
possessions in Africa against the Moors — a task which had
been committed to him.
One spot of light in this dark period is the appearance of the
Venetian Luigi Casada Mosto,or Cadamosto, born in 1422, who,
accidentally finding himself in the neighbourhood of the Prince,
was impelled by a strong desire to have an interview with him,
on account of the wonderful things which he had heard about
the new lands. Whether his motive was a thirst for know
ledge, or a wish to grow rapidly rich, or perhaps a patriotic
dread of a danger threatening his native city — whatever it
was. Prince Henry was more ready to meet him because he
hoped to receive from one acquainted with the spice trade
authentic information about the spices of Guinea. On a pro
mise of half the profits, he placed at the disposal of the
Venetian a caravel under the command of Vincent Dias, the
freight of which was to be provided by Cadamosto. On March
22nd, 1455, it sailed from the harbour of Lagos. The account
which Cadamosto wrote of this and his next journey fortu
nately has been preserved, and is rich in information about the
condition of the newly-discovered lands. Porto Santo and
Madeira, at which places he touched, he found in great pros
perity ; indeed, the latter he describes as an earthly paradise.
Of the Canary Islands, he visited Gomera and Ferro, and has
given us an exceedingly interesting account of the Guanches,
who still held independent of Spanish control Canary, Tene
riffe, and Palma. The Bay of Arguim, whither he next turned,
was the seat of a lively trade with the Moorish merchants, who
brought from the south all kinds of wares, chiefly black slaves,
,3

34 A Century of Discovery.
of whom at that time from Arguim alone between 700 and 800
were annually shipped to Portugal. The most interesting intel
ligence which he received here about Central Africa concerned
a powerful negro state, the kingdom of Melli. A very exten
sive traffic was carried on between Timbuctoo and Melli in
rock salt, which, he was told, was not only eaten in large
quantities by the inhabitants to correct the impurity of the
blood occasioned by the extreme heat, but was also used to
exchange for gold with the inhabitants of some mysterious
islands on the coast of a far distant sea. The next place where
the Venetian stopped was the Senegal, where the green woody
banks, with the fine native race, appeared very pleasing
after the desolate landscape and the Moorish Azeneghi of
Arguim. Here trade was not so profitable as in earlier days
from the great competition, so Cadamosto, after sufficiently
satisfying his curiosity about the inhabitants of Senegambia
the Jaloffs, continued his journey south to a piece of land
which is now held by the French, under the name of Cayor.
Here he found a negro King, named Budomel, whose upright
ness and friendliness were already famed in Portugal, and
deservedly, as Cadamosto himself found. He spent fully four
weeks at the residence of Budomel, which was a hut surrounded
by seven courts, and situated at a distance of twenty-five miles
from the coast, and thus had sufficient opportunity of becoming
acquainted with the land and the people. The fruitfulness of
the land is so great that the necessaries of life — maize, millet,
and pulse— flourish in superabundance, although the lazy
negroes take scarcely any pains in their cultivation, and for
nine months in the year not a drop of rain falls. Wild animals
are very numerous ; the most important domestic ones are
goats and a small species of oxen. Cadamosto's traffic in this
place went on very smoothly and satisfactorily, and brought him
in a valuable cargo of slaves, which he bought for horses, cloth,
and silk. The rest of his goods he hoped to dispose of farther

Prince Henry the Navigator.

OD

south. After having, with this object in view, passed Cape
Verde, he was joined by two Portuguese caravels which Prince
Henry had meanwhile equipped and sent out, under the com
mand of the Genoese nobleman Antonio Usodimare, for traffic
and exploration. They entered the Gambia together, but the
negroes, embittered by previous Portuguese kidnapping raids,
attacked them fiercely, and utterly refused to enter into friendly
correspondence with them. The intention of the two captains
to penetrate farther into the country was frustrated by the
cowardice of their men, and so the return voyage was begun.
After a rapid and prosperous passage they reached Lagos,
where Prince Henry received the account of their adventures,
and the due share of the profits.
The attempt which Cadamosto had made in vain to enter
the interior up the great river was repeated more successfully
the next year by the Portuguese, Diogo Gomez, who passed
up the Gambia in a caravel as far as Cantor. Here he not
only disposed of his wares advantageously, but also received
valuable information about the kingdom of Melli, caravans
passing between it and Canton He was the first to bring an
account to Europe of a mighty river called Emin (the middle
course of the Niger), which ran through Melli, and a report of
violent wars and revolutions, which were laying waste the
Soudan, and rendering, the communications with it difficult
But this year 1456 was to be distinguished by an important
discovery. The two Italians — the Venetian, Cadamosto, and
the Genoese, Usodimare— who had met accidentally the year
before, proceeded together on an expedition, each providing a
caravel. The Prince added a third. They left Lagos in May,
and had sailed prosperously as far as Cape Blanco, when a
violent storm drove them out into the open sea. On the third
day, to their surprise, they discovered land ; it proved to be
the Cape Verde Islands, which had until then been left to the
west by the Guinea explorers. P'rom Buonavista — as they
3—2

36 A Century of Discovery.
named the first island — they saw to the north a second, Sal,,
and sailing on towards the south, they touched a third and
fourth, Santiago and Mago. All the islands were uninhabited,
but the soil seemed good, and water was abundant. Pigeons-
were very numerous, and so tame that they could be taken
with the hand ; and there were large turtles, the flesh of which.
was a great delicacy. The Italians sailed on without troubling
themselves to explore all the islands of the group. They were
not thoroughly investigated until six years later, when Diogo-
Gomez and the Genoese Antonio de Noli visited them. They
found that the islands lay in two groups, and although they
were mountainous and partly of volcanic origin, yet were well
adapted for cultivation. The immigration of Portuguese agri
culturists immediately began, but unfortunately their descen
dants — who now number little more than 100,000 over eighty
square miles — live in a miserable condition, from the mis
management of the Portuguese Government. The state takes-
no care of them beyond requiring the customary dues, and yet
if irrigation were undertaken with the support of the state, and
the valuable productions of the islands — salt, coffee, palm-oil,
&c. — fostered, this group might be restored to an equally favour
able condition with Madeira and the Azores.
On their farther journey the two Italians again entered the
Gambia, where this time they were received more amicably.
Sixty miles from the coast, at the residence of the negro-
Prince Battimansa, to which they were conducted, they began-
a traffic with the blacks, which was carried on very briskly.
The heat becoming unendurable, they returned to the ships,
and sailed still farther south. They touched at the mouth of
the river Casamansa, so called after a negro prince of that name,.
then at Rio Grande, and lastly at the Bissagos Islands, which
were inhabited by negroes, and where they would gladly have
stayed longer. The flotilla arrived safely at Lagos in the
year 1456. Their new discoveries, and the satisfactory results

Prince Henry the Navigator. 3/
-of their trading speculations, ensured them an honourable
reception with the Prince. Cadamosto undertook no more
expeditions, and, after some years spent in Portugal, returned,
a wealthy man, to his native city. But although not himself
visiting the coast of Africa, he certainly, as long as he re
mained in Portugal, took part in the profitable trade with
•Guinea; and his interest in the land and people ofthe tropics,
which makes his account so valuable, certainly did not flag.
We owe to him a very exact report of an expedition made by
the Captain Pero de Cintra, the materials for which he received
from an old secretary of his who took part in it. This voyage
¦of Pero de Cintra took place in the year 1461. It extended
beyond the Bissagos Islands, along a mountainous and beauti-
.fully-wooded shore, rising towards the south-east to a con-
-siderable range of mountains. On account of the thunder,
which resounded ceaselessly from the clouds hanging round
these mountains, they named them Sierra Leone, the Lion
Mountains — a name which a great part of the coast still bears.
The voyage extended a short distance beyond Cape Mesurado,
as far as six degrees north latitude, where the shore was
covered by a splendid forest — the Bosque de Santa Maria.
Prince Henry had not been able to take any share in the
•equipment of this expedition— a year before he was laid to
rest in the quiet cloister of Batalha. The last years of his
life had been troubled by the African campaigns of his ad
venturous nephew, Alfonso V. The attack on Alcazar el
5eguir, a harbour between Cintra and Tangier, which the
King made in the year 1458, was brougtit to a prosperous
issue chiefly by the wise counsel and energy of the Prince.
In the land which had witnessed the glorious deeds of his
youth the Prince found a fitting theatre for the achieve
ments of his old age He led the storming party, to him the
town surrendered, and it was he who protected from deeds of
violence the Moorish garrison as it marched out. But the

38 A Century of Discovery.
exertions which he had made seriously affected his healthy
and, after a tedious illness, death released him from his suff"er-
ings, November loth, 1460, aged sixty-six.
In him the world lost no common man. Indeed, if a man's
title to greatness in any way depends upon important results
following earnest strivings, he may well be called Prince Henry
the Great ; for he was the originator of that great work of
discovery which finally opened the way to India and gaVe to
ns a New World. And if the halo of brilliant success which
surrounds the names of Vasco de Gama and Christopher
Columbus is wanting to him, yet surely there was truer gran
deur in the patience which struggled for ten years against
superstition and ill-will, and in the perseverance with which
he pursued the object which he had set before him. Certainly
he was far from attaining this object, and it was many years
before the men appeared who grasped the costly prize ; but
he was the first who saw it — who sa^v it in the distance — and
prepared the way for its attainment Our knowledge of the
west coast of Africa was by him extended twenty degrees ;.
the discovery of fruitful islands and the profitable trade with
the blacks considerably increased the prosperity of his country;
the Portuguese seamanship, previously so rude that Cape
Bojador for many years prevented any farther advance, was,.
by his fostering care, so improved that Cadamosta pronounced
the Portuguese the best sailors in the world ; and, what was-
the most important of all, he inspired the people of Portugal,
who at first watched his proceedings with indifference, with
an ardent thirst for discovery. And he succeeded in effecting
all this without possessing attractive personal qualities or
winning eloquence. On the contrary, the hermit of Sagre was-
of a stern exterior, taciturn, and unsociable.
Unmarried, with no fancy for women's society, surrounded
only by grave men, to whom he was bound by common scien
tific aspirations. Prince Henry spent a long life, striving after.

Frtnce Henry the Navigator. 39
one object which made him indifferent to all the pleasures of
the world. How he shared in the details of the work, how he
helped Master Jacob in the preparation of his charts, is well
known. Apparently he wrote with his own hand the work,
" The History of the Discoveries of Prince Henry," the loss of
which is much to be deplored. His contemporaries were far
from being just to him, and it is therefore all the more the
duty of posterity to recognise his merits. A man, high in
rank, thus earnestly and unselfishly devoting his whole life to
the realisation of a great idea, becomes the benefactor of his
country, of Europe, of the human race, and has, in a much
higher degree than he himself ever imagined, carried out the
beautiful and modest motto which he assumed at his knight
hood on the taking of Ceuta — " Talent de bien faire."

CHAPTER III.
DIOGO CAM AND MARTIN BEHAIM.
«
The Prince's heir, Alfonso V., unfortunately had no desire
to tread in the footsteps of his uncle. Plans of conquest oc
cupied his active mind. Repeated incursions into North
Africa put him in possession of the Moorish towns of Arzilla
and Tangier, and justified his adoption of the proud title,
" King of the Algarves on both sides of the sea." He was
less successful in his long struggle with his Castilian neigh
bours. After the death of King Henry IV. of Castile, Alfonso
was betrothed to his young daughter, and laid claim to the
Castilian throne in virtue of this alliance. But the bloody
and costly war which the defence of this claim involved ended
in his total overthrow, in spite of heroic deeds of arms. His
opponents, Isabella, the sister of the late King, and her hus
band, the heir to Arragon, so fiercely inflamed the warlike
pride and national hatred of the Castilians against Portugal,
that Alfonso was forced to retreat into his own kingdom, and,
after a vain attempt to interest Louis XI. of France in his
behalf, was compelled to make peace. In order to obtain
this he had to sacrifice his bride, the unhappy Princess Joanna,
who was forced to take the veil in a Portuguese convent. This
peace, which was made in 1479, was of long duration, and had
a beneficial effect upon the foreign possessions of the two
states. The sovereignty of the Portuguese King over all lands
from Cape Non to the Indies, together with all the adjoining
seas and islands, over the Madeiras, the Azores, and the Cape

Diogo Cam and Martin Behaim. 41
Verde Islands, and over the conquests in the kingdom of
Fez, was solemnly recognised. Without the permission of
the King of Portugal, the Castilians were not allowed to trade
in those lands and islands ; while, on the other hand, the Kings
of Castile retained the Canary Islands, and reserved to them
selves the conquest of Granada.
A very considerable sum had already flowed into the Portu
guese treasury from the lands discovered by Prince Henry the
Navigator, especially from the sugar plantations of Madeira.
The revenues of the Cape Verde Islands and the tolls paid
by traders in Arguim were farmed at a high rate ; and the
ivory trade, of which the Crown retained the monopoly,
steadily increased in value. Also from the trade on the
Guinea coast King Alfonso wished to draw something, and
for this purpose he entered into a negotiation with the rich
merchant Ferdinand Gomez, in Lisbon. From the year 1469
Gomez agreed to pay yearly the sum of 500 cruzados for the
trade from the mouth of the Senegal to Sierra Leone, and he
promised to explore a hundred leagues of the coast every year
from the Bosque de Santa Maria. In order to carry out this
last article of the agreement, unquestionably the hardest,
Gomez made friends with the most experienced Portuguese
sailors. Unfortunately no record whatever has been kept of
these expeditions, a negligence which is the more striking
when compared with the care shown by Prince Henry in pre
serving accounts of those undertaken under his auspices.
From later sources we learn that, in 1470, Joas de Santarem
discovered the Gold Coast, now called Ashaiitee, north of the
Gulf of Guinea. This gulf the Portuguese ships boldly crossed
in a south-westerly direction, and thus discovered Prince's
Island, St. Thomas's Island, and Annabon— of course, crossing
the equator. These achievements, and the accounts brought
by the sailors of the luxuriant vegetation and dense popula
tion of these coasts, destroyed the last remains of the delusion

42 A Century of Discovery.
with regard to the impossibility of supporting either animal
or vegetable life in these tropical lands, and of the dangers
certain to be incurred by ships in those latitudes. Thus
Gomez honestly and unobtrusively carried out his contract,
and was rewarded for his services by being raised to the rank
of a noble. On the death of Alfonso, in 148 1, Cape St.
Catherine had been attained, a point 2 deg. 30 min. south
latitude. The death of the King brought about a great reaction.
The young King, Joas IL, to whom Portugal was indebted
for the peace with Castile, earnestly encouraged everything
which tended to the welfare of his kingdom ; but the African
discoveries he took up with the zeal of an enthusiast. This
may perhaps be partly accounted for by the fact that he was-
the author of works both on geography and astronomy.
Immediately on his accession he sent out a large squadron,
under the command of one of his most trusted servants, Diego
d'Azambuja, in order to found a port which should not only
give a greater impulse to the trade with the blacks, but should
also render assistance to expeditions sailing farther south.
Azambuja chose for this purpose a point on the Gold Coast,
where he landed, on the 19th of January, 1482, 500 soldiers
and 100 artisans.
The ruler of the country, Caramansa, with whom they had
requested an interview, appeared with a numerous retinue.
The weapons of the negroes consisted of spears and shields,
or bows and arrows. The chiefs were adorned with gold rings,
and were followed by servants carrying their shields, and also
seats, lest their masters should at any time feel fatigued.
Surrounded by all the splendour of his court, Caramansa ap
peared, striding proudly forward, his arms and legs adorned
with gold rings, and wearing round his neck a band, from
which hung a number of little bells, and his beard being orna
mented by little sprigs of gold. After a ceremonious greet-

Diogo Cam and Martin Behaim. 43
ing, Azambuja made a speech, in which he expressed the wish
of the King of Portugal that his brother Caramansa would
accept Christianity, conclude a treaty of commerce with him,
and allow the Portuguese merchants to build a fort. This
last demand appeared to the black King not only unneces
sary, but even likely to be hurtful. He said he feared that
constant intercourse between the blacks and whites would
lead to inevitable quarrels. As an illustration, he pointed out
the hostility between the sea and the land, each one trying to
rule the other. " On this account," he said, " it would be
better to remain as they were before, and he would very gladly
trade as of old with the ' ragged ' ships." It was not until
after a long discussion, and much persuasion, that consent
was wrung from the wise negro. The building of the fort,
which received the name of San Jorge da Mena — now called
Elmina — was immediately begun ; and here Azambuja re
mained with sixty men, having sent the rest of the fleet back
to Portugal.
Around the fort a settlement was quickly formed, which, as
early as the year i486, could claim the name and privileges
of a town. This rapid growth was principally in consequence
of the gold trade, which was carried on from this place with
the interior, and which gave its name to the whole coast.
Azambuja himself afterwards returned to Portugal, and rose
high in the favour of his King, by whose side he was ever found
in the most critical moments. For the next few years Joas
II. had hard work to hold down the rebellious jDarons of Por
tugal. He ventured on the execution of the first peer, the
Duke of Braganza, and did not shrink from murdering, with
his own hand, his cousin and brother-in-law, the Duke of
Viseu ; but, notwithstanding, his interest in the Guinea trade
did not abate He obtained (1484) from Pope Innocent VIII.
the ratification of his claim to all the African coasts and is
lands as far as the Indies ; indeed, the Pope added a clause

44 A Century of Discovery.
by which all discoveries made by other nations in this direc
tion were to fall to the Portuguese. On the strength of this
the King added to his titles that of Lord of Guinea. At the
same time he ordered that every ship should carry on board
some stone pillars {padram), on which should be written, in
Latin and Portuguese, the name of the King and the captain,
with the date of the year These pillars were to be erected
on the newly-discovered coasts, as a sign of their being taken
possession of by Portugal.
The first man who sailed under these new orders was Diogo
Cam, who in 1484 passed Cape St. Catherine, and reached
the mouth of a mighty stream, now called the Congo, which
the natives called Zaire, but to which Cam gave the name of
Rio do Padrao, the Pillar River, because there he set up the
first pillar. He sailed some miles up the stream and found
the banks thickly peopled. Taking four natives on board as
hostages for some of his men who ventured to remain in the
country for the purpose of exploring it, he set sail, promising
to return. He proceeded prosperously along the coast as far
as Cape Serra, near Whale Bay, in twenty-two degrees south
latitude. On his return voyage he entered the Zaire, and exchanged
the natives for his own people, who spoke very highly of the
treatment they had received from the natives. A very lively
intercourse was begun between them, and Cam understood
how to manage the negroes so well that the chief gave him
ivory and garments curiously made of palm leaves as presents
foi- King John, and sent a request that he would give him priests
to baptise him and his people. This response was most readily
responded to, and thus the Portuguese laid the foundation of
their dominion on those coasts, where they still possess the
so-called kingdoms of Angola and Benguela.
These states consist of about seventeen thousand square
miles, with about five hundred thousand inhabitants, who ac-

Diogo Cam and Martin Behaim. 45
knowledge the Portuguese supremacy, paying tribute and
providing troops when called upon. Congo itself has passed
out of the hands ofthe Portuguese, and the Christianity which
they planted there — at the end of the seventeenth century
there were about one hundred Christian churches — has been
rooted out. W^hat kind of Christianity it was may be guessed
from the fact that one priest baptised on one day five thousand
heathen, and that most of those who had the charge of souls
there not only tolerated the slave trade, but themselves took
part in it, and grew rich by it. Even in Angola and Benguela
the activity of the Government was exerted in the slave trade.
The capital, San Paul de Loanda, among all the places on the
coast, was most constantly and for the longest period engaged
in it, and so enormous was the number of victims that the effect
was felt to the very centre of Africa. Since the philanthropic
zeal of England has put an end to the slave trade on the west
coast of Africa, the whole commerce of the Portuguese
dominions there has been stopped, and it appears unlikely
that the wretched administration will succeed in developing
the resources of the rich lands.
Diogo Cam was accompanied on this voyage by Martin
Behaim, the celebrated German geographer. He was born
in 1459 ii^ the town of Nuremberg, and was descended from
the illustrious family of Schwarzbach. After the early death
of his father the gifted youth was taken care of by his uncle,
Leonard Behaim, who gave him a good education. Like
most youths of good family, he devoted himsey to trade, and
during his journeys in the Netherlands learnt early to know
the world. In the Netherlands he determined in 1480 to visit
the Azores, to which islands at that tiriie numbers of emigrants
from Flanders were flocking. Here he entered into intimate
relations with the principal families, and in i486 married the
daughter of Jobst van Heurter, governor of Fayal. But at
the same time he had acquired great' influence in Lisbon, and

46 A Century of Discovery.
made himself a name. In the circle of famous mathematicians
and astronomers, who assembled there to turn to scientific ad
vantage the discoveries of the Portuguese sailors, and by cal
culations and conjectures to plan new ones, Behaim met with
a deferential reception, because he could boast that in his
•early days he had enjoyed the acquaintance of the greatest
astronomer of those times, Johann Muller, of Konigsberg in
Franconia, also called Regiomontanus.
This great scholar had resided between 147 1 and 1475 at
Nuremberg, before he was called as cardinal to Rom.e, and it
is probable that young Behaim, inquiring and eager for know
ledge, may have been his pupil. At any rate the astronomical
knowledge of the latter produced an impression on the learned
society in Portugal, and his reputation, which spread rapidly,
drew upon him the attention of King John. He was made '
member of the scientific commission which consisted of the
president. Bishop Diego Ortiz, and the two Jewish physicians
to the King, Josef and Rodrigo. It was at that time engaged
in drawing up tables of the sun's altitude for use on the
other side of the equator. In consequence of the want of
acquaintance with the southern stars, the altitude of the
sun was the only means of reckoning the geographical lati
tude when the polar star was lost sight of hy passing the
equator This nautical commission, as it appears, completed
its task by recommending to the sailors the use of the astro
labe, an instrument which had hitherto only been used on
land, and which calculated the latitude by the culmination of
the most important stars. The instrument itself they im
proved, made it of metal, and so arranged it that it could be
hung up. They also furnished it with tables in which they
laid down the course of the constellations in the southern
hemisphere This work brought Behaim into close intercourse
with the King, and the clever and accomplished German won
so high a place in his confidence that he employed him on

JJiogo Cam and Martin Behaim. 47
•many occasions in difficult private affairs. In 1484 Behaim,
impelled by the wish to make himself acquainted with the
wonders of Africa, accompanied Cam as cosmographer, and
received equal honours with Cam on his return. He was
¦made a knight of the Order of Christ, and at the ceremony
the King himself girded him with his sword, and the Crown
Trince Emanuel put on his spurs. Overwhelmed with gifts,
'he returned to the Azores, where he settled down and spent
the next few years in quiet domestic happiness. But home
sickness seized upon him, and he undertook the long journey
to Nuremberg, and spent almost two years (1491, 1492) in his
old home, admired by his fellow-citizens, who hung on the
lips of their travelled countryman, and would only let him^go
when he had carried out their wish and made a globe showing
all the known lands.
This globe, made of wood covered with parchment, i foot
8 inches in diameter, is still in the possession of the Behaims
in Nuremberg, and is specially curious as furnishing a faithful
representation of the state of geographical knowledge in the
very year in which the discovery of a new world was to bring
about so mighty a revolution.
The west coast of Africa is exactly and faithfully delineated
.as far as the Cape of Good Hope, which had already been
discovered by Bartholomew Diaz, and the places where, ac
cording to the orders of the King, stone pillars had been
erected are marked by Portuguese flags. But the east of
Africa and the coasts and islands of the Indian Ocean are
represented in a fanciful manner. The remarks and descriptions
.also contain, mixed up with what is correct, a number of absurd
statements, and the authority quoted with regard to South
Asia and East Africa is Marco Polo, the Venetian, who, in the
years 1270 — 1295, made his astounding journey through
Asia to Mongolia and China. The, most curious part of the
globe is the expanse of sea between the west coast of Europe

48 A Centtiry of Discovery.
and the east coast of Asia. Of the existence of the New
World, which was discovered that very year, Behaim had no
notion. On the contrary, he filled the space with innumerable
islands, among which was Cipang Qapan), and farther east he
marked two great lonely islands, St. Brandon's Land and
Antilha, to which he attached as remarks the absurd old fables.
In the year 1493 he returned to Fayal, which, however, he
must have left again in the same year, to execute a secret
commission of the King's in Flanders. On this journey he
was very unfortunate ; twice he fell into the hands of pirates,
and in England he became so dangerously ill that he thought
his^ last hour was come. Notwithstanding, he succeeded in
accomplishing the King's commission to his satisfaction, and
then he could allow himself to think of domestic bliss in Fayal,.
which had become to him a second home. We know nothing
of him from 1494 to 1507 ; but some remarks of the great
Magalhaens make it not improbable that he took part in one
of the expeditions to South America, perhaps that of Christian
Jaquez in 1503, and attained a point so far south that he was-
able to establish the existence of the important highway
which Magalhaens a few years later discovered.
In 1507 death overtook him in Lisbon, where he was then
residing. Apparently he was in bad circumstances, for after
the death of King John, 1495, the salary which he had received
as envoy was withdrawn. He died in a German hospital, and
was buried in a Dominican church. His only son, Martin,,
resided from 1519 — 1520 among his relations in Nuremberg,
who, in vain, tried to make him worthy of his father After
that he disappeared ; but there is still living in Nuremberg a
family of his name which was ennobled in 16S1.

CHAPTER IV.
BARTHOLOMEW DIAZ AND PEDRO DE COVILHAM.
Shortly after the departure of Cam, Joas Alfonso de Aveiro
had been despatched by King John for the special purpose of
exploring the Bight of Benin. Previous expeditions had
crossed it in a south-easterly direction, but its north coast
liad not been visited. Aveiro found it inhabited by a popula
tion of strong healthy negroes. Their chief came to meet the
Portuguese, and sent an ambassador with them on their return
to request that the King would give them Christian priests,
-and would establish a factory there. The desire was willingly
responded to, but when it was discovered that the cunning
-chief had merely designed to enrich himself by the slave trade,
and that neither he nor his people showed any intention of
being baptised, the factory was abandoned ; and this was
¦done the more readily because many of the whites had fallen
victims to the fatal climate.
From another point of view the exploration of Benin
promised important results. Every ship engaged in the work
of discovery was, by command of the King, bound to carry
samples of all the Indian spices, in order to make clear to the
natives what they were looking for. Now it was from Benin
that the first African pepper was brought, and this aroused in
the King the hope that his people would be able to compete
with the Venetians. But the pepper proved to be inferior to
th6 Indian, and therefore was of less value in the spice market.
The King at first comforted himself with the hope that this
4

50 A Century of Discovery.
arose from a mistake in the treatment of the fruit ; but ex
perience has proved him wrong and shown that the African
pepper is a different and inferior kind.
Encouraged by Cam's discoveries. King John sent out a new-
squadron in July or August, i486, consisting of two caravels
and a small ship laden with provisions. It was commanded
by Bartholomew Diaz de Novaes, a distinguished seaman, of
whose antecedents we know nothing, except that he was in
the service of the court and belonged to a family which had
already produced many daring sailors, among whom probably
was Diniz Diaz, who had discovered Cape Verde in 1445.
Joas Infante, a nobleman, commanded under him : they took
with them some negroes and negresses whom Cam had brought
home, and-who now, having mastered the Portuguese language, _
were to be returned to their homes. They had been very
kindly treated, and before they were set on shore were decked
out in bright garments and dazzling ornaments, in order to
fill their countrymen with astonishment at the power and
riches of the King of Portugal. They were also made to
promise to penetrate as far as possible into the interior, and
to inquire everywhere for the country of Prester John. A
large reward was to be given to any one who should bring
information. So closely was the kingdom of this Christian
Priest-king connected in people's minds with the land of
spice !
Having accomplished this commission, the little fleet sailed
on towards the south, and had soon left behind Cam's utmost
limit. In the neighbourhood of Walvisch Bay the first pillar
was set up, and from the contrary winds which obliged him to
keep constantly tacking, Diaz gave the name of Angra das
Voltas, or the Bay of Tacks, to the bay now called St. Helena's
Bay. In order to escape the dangers which threatened him in
such unfavourable weather on an unknown coast, Diaz made
for the open sea. Here, however, the ship was overtaken by a

Bartholomew Diaz and Pedro de Covilham. 51
tremendous storm. For fourteen days it was driven wildly hither
and thither ; tremendous waves broke over it ; and the cold,
which by this time was sensibly greater, took such hold upon
the wearied crew that, when at length the sky cleared, they
were scarcely in a condition to prepare for the homeward
voyage. They tried to reach the coast of Africa, but they had
been driven so far towards the east that their efforts were
fruitless. This at least was their first idea, but in a little while
the suspicion came across them that perhaps they had passed
the extreme south of Africa, and thus accomplished an impor
tant part of Prince Henry's plan. They steered therefore to
the north, and the coast was soon reached.
They came to anchor in a large bay near a small rocky
island, which they baptised Santa Cruz, and there they erected
a stone pillar. This island is situated in the north-west corner
of what is now called Algoa Bay. From the numerous woolly-
headed natives who were pasturing their flocks on the shore,
Diaz called this bay Angra dos Vaqueiros, or the Cowherds'
Bay. The joy which Diaz would have felt at this prosperous
issue to his voyage was damped in a most vexatious manner.
His crew began to murmur and demand to return home, com
plaining of the hardships they had endured, and of the loss of
the ship which contained the greater part of their provisions.
Diaz called a council of his officers, and they also were unani
mous for a return. He was therefore obliged to yield, but
made it a condition that the ships shoi>ld hold on their present
course for three days, in order that they might discover whether
the coast turned towards the north. The three days expired,
and the coast still continuing to lie west and east, they turned
round at the mouth of a river which they named Rio do In
fante, from the second commander. It was a very great sorrow
to Diaz to be obliged to relinquish the wish to be the first to
carry the Portuguese flag into the Indian Sea. He clung to
the pillar which he had erected on Santa Cruz, and took leave
4—2

52 A Century of Discovery.
of it with as much grief, says the historian Barros, as if it had
been a child whom he was leaving for ever.
On the return voyage he soon found the spot where the
west and south coasts of Africa meet, and on this important
point set up a third pillar In remembrance of the fearful
tempest by which the ship had been overtaken near this spot,
Diaz called it the Cape of Storms (Cabo Tormentoso). On
the coast of Congo the lost vessel was recovered, and after
visiting San Jorge da Mina to take on board a quantity of
gold-dust, Diaz directed his course homewards.
In December, 1487, the fleet entered the Tagus, after a
voyage of sixteen months and seventeen days. The joy ofthe
King was extreme ; not only a strip of coast 375 miles long
had been explored, but, what was much more important, it had
been proved that it was possible to sail round Africa, and the
Indian Ocean was open to the Portuguese. In the height of
his exultation, and to show to the world the importance of
the discovery, he altered the name of the Stormy Cape to the
Cape of Good Hope, which the south point of Africa still
bears. Diaz was richly rewarded and highly honoured. King John
might perhaps have sent him out again had he not been pre
vented by troubles which came upon him. His successor,
Emanuel, immediately after his accession, charged him with
the preparation of a squadron. _ This squadron he accompanied
only as far as the Cape Verde Islands, leaving it then withliis
ship for San Jorge da Mina, according to orders which he had
received, for it was the sagacious but ingenious principle of the
Portuguese crown never to reward a discoverer with the con
duct of the next expedition. This method of proceeding
i-elieved the King of the burden of gratitude, for when a num
ber of persons took part in a discovery there was no one person
in particular to whom he felt indebted. Once more we hear
of the noble Diaz in an expedition under the command of

Bartholomew Dias and Pedro de Covilham. 53
Cabral. Near the Cape of Good Hope a violent storm over
took the fleet, and on the 23rd of May, 1500, he found a watery
grave beneath the waves of the Atlantic Ocean.
The year 1487 — rendered such an auspicious one for Portu
gal by the discovery of the Cape of Good Hope — was made
further noteworthy by tidings received from the East.
From the negro ambassador of the King of Benin it had
been learnt that about twenty months' journey from Benin
there was a powerful Prince named Ogane. The sound of the
name and certain striking peculiarities made the King quite
certain that this Ogane was no other than Prester John, the
ruler of the Christian kingdom of Abyssinia. It appeared to
him most desirable to enter into communication with this
mighty Prince and to make sure of his friendship, as it would
be very valuable to the Portuguese in their advance towards
India. For this purpose he sent out two men who were good
Arabic scholars and thoroughly acquainted with African
affairs — Pedro de Covilham and Alfonso de Payva. They left
Lisbon in May, 1487, and in the character of merchants reached
Alexandria safely. Here they discovered that though Prester
John, or, in other words, the King of Abyssinia, was undoubtedly
a Christian, he did not possess the slightest influence in Indian
trade. Hereupon they separated. While Payva went direct
to Abyssinia — where he very shortly died — Covilham, still in
disguise, pursued his way to India. There he visited the places
most important for trade, collected valuable information about
the price of Indian wares and Arabian commerce, and returned
by Ormuz, from which place he took advantage of a favour
able opportunity to visit the east coast of Africa in an Arabian
ship. He went to Sofala and Madagascar, and after a prospe
rous journey arrived safely in Cairo, where, instead of finding
his companion, whom he had arranged to meet there, he re
ceived the news of his death. But there were awaiting him two
messengers from the King of Portugal, Jews, one a learned

54 A Century of Discovery.
Rabbin, the other a poor shoemaker from Lamego, who
brought him orders to proceed, instead of Payva, to Prester
John in Abyssinia. Before Covilham set out he wrote an
account of his journey, and ofthe impressions to which they
had given rise, and sent it back by the two Jews to Portugal.'
He was very well received in Abyssinia, whose King, Escander
(Alexander), felt himselfvery much flattered by such an atten
tion from a European sovereign. He was at first in hopes of
being able very soon to return to Portugal, but the sudden
death of Escander rendered this impossible. The new Prince
held firmly to the old principle of Abyssinia : "iet strangers
into your country, but never let them out." In vain were all
the attempts of the Portuguese to procure his release.
Rodriga de Lima, whom King Emanuel sent to Abyssinia
in 1520 — a time when the Portuguese power was ruling the
whole of the Indian Ocean, and was dominant even in the Red
Sea — received for answer that they had given the stranger a
wife and property, and that he could live at ease with his
family, and altogether had nothing to wish for
Pedro de Covilham died in Abyssinia without seeing his
home again, but the history which he drew up in Cairo
reached the King, and disclosed to him many important
matters. It informed him that of all the harbours on the
coast of India, Calicut was the most important, its ruler,
Zamorin, possessing authority over all the other Princes of
Malabar, the west coast of India. It was chiefly from this
place that Arabian ships fetched the precious spices, pepper
and ginger being produced in the land itself, and cinnamon
and cloves being brought there by ships from countries in the
far east. The profit of a direct intercourse with the Indian
harbours would necessarily be very important, for from
Covilham's account it appeared the price of spices in Calicut
was less by three times, or even five times, than in Alexandria,
so that they might reckon safely on annihilating the Venetian.

BARTHOLOMEW DIAZ TAKING LEAVE OF SANTA CRUZ.

uart/wcomew uiaz and Pedro de Covilham. 55
trade, if Portuguese ships could fetch the wares from Malabar
itself. Of the east coast of Africa also Covilham gave most im
portant information. He had been assured in Sofala that a
voyage along the coast towards the south-west was obstructed
by no danger or difficulty. Between East Africa and India,
as he could testify from what he had himself seen, lay an open
sea, constantly traversed by Arabian ships. So he concluded
his account — of which, unfortunately, we possess only an
abstract — by earnestly pressing the King to continue, un
tiringly, the expeditions to the coast of Africa. " When once
the south point of that continent is found "—that it had already
been discovered by Bartholomew Diaz, he could not know — -
" it will be easy to reach Sofala and Zanzibar." There a
pilot must be taken on board, a native pilot, and the long
desired Indian paradise will soon be reached. Information
so certain^and assurances so confident naturally inflamed the
ardour of the King. Only one link was wanting to complete
the chain between India and Portugal. He began immediately
to prepare an imposing fleet which should sail round the Cape
of Good Hope and find its way, by Covilham's directions.
India. But a terrible event occurred which ruined the ambi
tious plans of the King. His only son, Prince Alfonso, a
handsome accomplished youth, whom his father idolised, was
killed by a fall from his horse only a few months after his
marriage with Isabella, the probable heiress of Castile and
Arragon. The unhappy father was utterly shattered'by this terrible
blow. When, after a long sorrowful retirement, he again
-appeared in public, not only did his altered countenance
testify to the deepest anguish, but his character seemed to
have entirely lost the energy and ardour which had been its
distinguishing mark. The departure of the fleet, whose com
mander had been already named, was constantly delayed ;

56 A Century of Discovery.
and when, in 1493, Columbus, on his return from his first
journey, entered Lisbon, it was with bitter jealousy that King
John found that the prize for which once he had striven so
hard had fallen to the Castilians. But even jealousy could not
overcome the dejection into which he had fallen, and he con
cluded that it was now too late to enter the lists with his more
fortunate rivals. Until his death, which occurred on October
25th, 1495, there was a complete cessation of all expeditions.
Thus was Portugal, when it had almost reached the goal
again, hindered by a freak of fortune, and obliged to share
with a neighbouring people the prize which otherwise would
have been hers alone. For there is no doubt that the journey
of Columbus would never have taken place had the Portuguese
previously landed in India, the country which he continually
hoped to reach. Certain it is that it would have been much
longer before the New World was discovered, and it would be
impossible to divine what the next century would have been,
had not the treasures of America made the Kings of Spain the
masters of Europe. Thus the sudden death of a youth became
in the hand of Providence the cause of the most complete
revolution in the whole history of Europe.

CHAPTER V.
VASCO DA GAMA.
King Emanuel, to whom history has given the honourable
surname of Great, at once brought new life into the languish
ing plans of discovery and reaped the costly harvest sown by
his predecessors. Prince Henry and King John II. At his
command the preparation of a squadron of four vessels by
Bartholomew Diaz was urged on with great zeal and with
such success that the expedition set sail from Restello, a port
in the immediate neighbourhood of Lisbon, on the 8th of
June, 1497. .
The King appointed Vasco da Gama commander, and in
this choice, which really only confirmed an arrangement
already made by John IL, had selected the right man for the
great undertaking. Vasco, who sprang from a distinguished
family, was born at Sinis, a Portuguese seaport, not far from
Lisbon, apparently earlier than 1469, which is generally given
as the year of his birth. The seaman's life to which, following
the example of his father, he devoted himself ,led him into the
African Seas, and soon gave him an opportunity of displaying
his striking qualities. His name is first mentioned when, in
the service of the King, he took possession of all the French
ships found in the harbours of the kingdom. It was intended
by this means to avenge the capture by French pirates of a
caravel laden with gold coming from San Juan da Mina.
But since King Charles VIII. hastened to make good the

58 A Century of Discovery.
injury and to punish the offender, the affair had no further
consequences. It is unknown how Vasca da Gama succeeded in attracting
to himself the notice of the King to such a degree that he
was named commander of the fleet which, following in the
steps of Bartholomew Diaz and Pedro de Covilham, was to
penetrate to India.
He was at this time. in the prime of life. While small in
person, and in later years very corpulent, he pleased every one
by his dignified bearing and pleasant manners. But affable
and agreeable as hfe could be, he was yet fearful in his wrath.
Then his eye flashed, so that the bravest quailed before his
glance. Then he knew no sympathy and no mercy, and in
these bursts of passion was sometimes guilty of deeds of
wild cruelty such as not even the merciless policy of Portugal
towards the Moors could justify or excuse. But he possessed
exactly the qualities necessary for the great undertaking : an
eye which nothing escaped, calm presence of mind, firmness,
and thorough control over the crew, whose affection, how
ever, he knew how to gain by courtesy and a zealous care
for the welfare of the individual members. All these qualities
were united in Gama in such a high degree that it would
have been difficult to find in Portugal an equally suitable
person, and the choice reflects high honour on the King who
made it.
The want of an account of Gama's expedition from the pen
of an eye-witness, which has been so much deplored, has been
supplied since 1858 by the discovery and publication of a
manuscript written by a sailor named AlvaroVelhes — a manu
script which has special worth from its childlike descriptions,
and at the same time from the keen power of observation
evidently possessed by its uncultivated author It bears the
.unpretending title " An Account of a Journey."
But the deeds of " the great Gama " have been more worthily

l^asco da Gama. 59
celebrated by the classical Portuguese poet Camoens, whose
"Lusiade" (the deeds of Lus, the fabulous ancestor of the
Lusitanians or Portuguese) treats Vasco da Gama in the same
way as the " Odyssey " and the " ^neid " treat the heroes
whose names they bear.
The squadron, which left Restello on June 8th, 1497, con
sisted of four ships : the St. Gabriel of 1 20 tons, the St.
Raphael of 100 tons, the Berrio of 50 tons, and a provision
ship of 200 tons, which was only to go part of the way.
Under Vasco da Gama commanded his brother Paul da Gama,
the experienced sailor Nicholas Coelho, and Gonzalo Nuhes,
who had the charge of the provision ship.
The fleet was provisioned for three years, with crews
numbering one hundred and seventy men, and every ship had
as pilot a man already proved in the squadron of Bartholomew
Diaz. Before their departure the King himself received the
sailors and exhorted them to patience and obedience to their
commander. To Da Gama he presented a silk flag adorned
with the cross of the Order of Christ and credentials for the
African and Indian Kings, and exact instructions following
the reports of Diaz and Covilham. Then Vasco and all his
men, having confessed, marched to the ships and weighed
anchor amidst the good wishes of the crowd of spectators.
Passing the Canaries, they touched at the Cape Verde
Islands, to take in meat, wood, and water, and repair the
damage which some of the ships had incurred in a storm.
Here Bartholomew Diaz separated from them, to go to his
post at San Jorge da Mina. Gama himself left on August
3rd, and held his course in the open sea far to the west of the
African shore. It was not till the 4th of November that they
touched the coast, and found a wide bay which received from
Gama the name of St. Helena's Bay. Stopping here some
days, they had much intercourse with the natives, sometimes
iriendly and sometimes hostile. On November 22nd they sailed

6o A Century of Discovery.
round the Cape of Good Hope, but an unfavourable wind for
several days prevented them from running into the Bay of
San Bras, now called Mossel Bay, where the provision ship
was unladed, and the stores being divided among the three
ships, it was sent home.
They found here a large population of a race similar to that
around St Helena's Bay. They were Hottentots, of the tribe
of the Gonaqua, which has since ceased to exist. They had
large herds of cattle — beautiful fat beasts, mostly of a black
colour, and so fine that our informant speaks of them as bear
ing a comparison with those of his native province, Alemtajo.
He also praises, the musical taste ofthe savages. "They
began to play on four or five pipes, one playing loud and the
others softly, and the harmony was very good for negroes,
from whom no one expects music. They also began to dance
in negro fashion, and our captain commanded the trumpets
to blow, and we danced in our ships, and the captain also
danced after he had come back to us from the land. After
the end of the feast we landed at the usual place, and bought
a black ox for three bracelets, which we ate the next Sunday.
It was very fat and the meat was good, tasting just like Portu
guese beef"
Unfortunately this concord did not last Gama, without'
sufficient cause, grew suspicious and made some hostile demon
strations, firing four discharges of powder only to frighten the
natives. The unwonted noise caused such a panic that the
whole troop fled to the mountains, and were never seen again.
Besides intercourse with the natives, the sailors amused them
selves by shooting the penguins, which were here first seen, and
hunting seals. Before they finally returned to the ships they
erected a pillar and a cross on the shore. These, however,
they saw thrown down by the natives, as they sailed away.
As they pursued their course towards the east their fleet
touched some islands, which they called Ilheos Chaos, or the

yasco da Gama. 6i
Flat Islands, but which the English call the Bird Islands. The
wind changing, they tried to reach the coast, but the current
was so strong that they were driven in one night to Santa
Cruz. Gama's confident bearing reassured the dispirited crew.
By renewed efforts they succeeded in mastering the stream
and making an advance along the coast, which now bent more
decidedly to the north-east and north. Just at Christmas-time
they sighted a pleasant land, which still bears the name of
Christmas Land, or Natal. The favourable wind, however, for
bade any pause here, and they contented themselves with
viewing the land from a distance. As long as the wind lasted
it was necessary to use it for their onward progress, and the
men were now in such spirits that even when obliged, from the
want of water, to use salt water for cooking, they bore it with
out a murmur. However, they found themselves at last forced
to run into the shore.
On the loth January, 1498, they landed at the mouth of a
small river, the Rio do Cobre. Here they found the land
thickly peopled. From the sailor's description, the people .
appear to have been Kaffirs, as is evident from the fact that
he was surprised at their size, so superior to that of the Hot
tentots. In the Kaffirs the Portuguese became acquainted
v/ith a comparatively civilised people, with whom it was easy
to hold intercourse. One of the chiefs was soon won over to
the strangers by the gift of a red jacket and pair of trousers,
a cap, and a bracelet. Dressed in his new attire, he showed
himself to his subjects, who testified their admiration by re
peated clapping of hands. He received very hospitably into
his hut a sailor, named Martin Alfonso, who, having lived
some time in Congo, understood several negro languages, and
acted as interpreter He sent him back the next morning to
the ships, with a present of poultry. Then a very brisk traffic
was begun between them, and the water-casks were speedily
, filled, with the help of the blacks. We are told the natives

62 A Century of Discovery.
wore much copper — the rings on their arms and legs, and the
ornaments in their hair, were all of copper. Besides the
azagays and the lances, six feet long, the PortHguese noticed
particulafly the daggers with iron points and ivory hilts. The
natives also understood how to manufacture salt, by dipping
up the sea-water, and leaving it to evaporate in large flat
trenches. When the Portuguese, after many days, again set sail, they
named the country the Land of Good People, in memory of
their pleasant interoourse. The estact spot where they made
this landing was probably north of Delagoa Bay, at the
mouth of the river now called Inhambane, south of Cape
Corrientes. Sailing onward, a flat coast on the left hand was
discovered ; and as they wanted to make inve' "ligations, and
also to repair the ships, they again anchored at the mouth
of a great river, now called the Zambesi. The natives of this
region were negroes; and manifested a most friendly disposi
tion. Both men and women were well formed, but the latter
had the strange custom of piercing the upper lip in three
places, and inserting bent pieces of tin as ornaments. They
lived on corn and vegetables, which they cultivated in the
extremely fertile soil, and with which they willingly supplied
the Portuguese.
The sailors here learnt with extreme ' joy that they were
approaching civilised parts, and therefore near attaining the
object of their voyage. " After we had been two or three
days at that place," says Alvaro Velhes, " two of the principal
men came to visit us. One wore a silk turban, with bright-
coloured stripes, and the other a cap of green satin. They
brought with them a young man, who, as far as we could
understand by their signs, came from a country a long way
off, and had seen ships as large as ours. We were exceedingly
rejoiced at this account, because it seemed as if we were ap
proaching the lands we were seeking."

vasco DA GAMA AND THE KAFFIR CHIEF.

Vasco da Gama. 63
Before their departure they erected a pillar, and named the
stream the River of Good Tidings. But the long visit to the
flat marshy coasts had unpleasant consequences. A great
number of the sailors were attacked by a violent sickness.
From the symptoms — swellings of the hands and feet, and
festering soreness of the gums, which made it painful and diffi
cult to eat — they called it scorbutus, or scurvy, a disease until
then unknown. The medical knowledge of Paul da Gama,
and the extreme care which the commander took of the sick,
checked the disease before it had got a hold, and a supply
of fresh meat put a stop to it altogether.
Vasco da Gama set sail again on February 24th, and the
. next day three little islands appeared ; but he continued his
course towards the north without stopping, and did not come
to anchor again until March 2nd, when they reached an island
separated from the coast by a narrow strait, the entrance to
which was much impeded by shallows. On this Island of
Mozambique they became perfectly assured of their approach
to the civilised East. The copper-coloured inhabitants were
Mohammedans, and understood the Arabic language. Their
clothing was very rich — bright-striped robes of linen or cotton,
turbans of glistening silks interwoven with gold thread, and
Moorish swords and daggers. In the harbour lay Moorish
merchant-ships, very large, but without decks, and the
planks being held together without nails, by means of bast,.
which was prepared from the shell of the cocoa-nut ; the
sails consisted of matting made of palm-kaves, and the
whole rigging was very scanty. Yet these miserable vessels
made long voyages, and, to the astonishment of the Admiral,
were well provided with compasses, quadrants, and charts.
They were laden with gold and silver, cloth, cloves, pepper,
pearls, and precious stones ; and the natives stated that all
these valuable commodities were to be found in a country not
far distant. "These precious stones, pearls, and spice so

64 A Centtiry of Discovery.
abounded that there was no need to buy them ; they could
be picked up by the basketful. The way thither was ren
dered dangerous by shallows, but all along the coast there
were towns. We should also pass a very rich island, the in
habitants of which were half Christian and half Mohammedan."
The reports about Prester John also were very numerous.
Vasco was told that his kingdom was quite near ; that he pos
sessed towns by the sea inhabited by rich merchants ; but that
he himself lived in the interior, and could only be visited by un
dertaking a long journey on camels. Vasco became acquainted
with some of the subjects of this mysterious prince. With the
Moors came on board two Abyssinian slaves, who proved
themselves to be Christians by immediately prostrating them
selves before an image of St. Gabriel. This caused a firm
conviction in the fleet that, as they advanced towards India,
the population would become more Christian. The sailors
grew hopeful and excited on receiving this news. " We were
so glad that we wept for joy, and prayed God that He would
keep us in health, that we might at last feast our eyes with
that which we had so ardently longed for"
The Prince of Mozambique came many times on board and
exchanged presents with Gama. He also granted him two
pilots, whose pay was to be thirty ducats and two cloaks. But
the condition which Gama insisted on, that from the time of
the conclusion of the treaty one of the pilots should be con
stantly on board, caused a disturbance of the friendly relations.
In fact, the Arabs, who were the chief people of the island, were
impelled by hostile feelings towards the strangers, since they
had discovered that they were not Turks, as they had at first
supposed them to be, but infidels. Besides religious hatred,
anxiety was aroused lest the monopoly of the Indian trade
should pass out of the hands of the Arabs. On the other side*
the Portuguese were unnecessarily suspicious, and often dis
covered some crafty treason in a perfectly innocent trans-

Vasco da Gama. 65
From fear of a surprise, the Portuguese fleet left the har
bour, and anchored off a little island which they called St
George. The boats which were sent to fetch back one of the
runaway pilots met with resistance, and a skirmish began
which was only put an end to by the arrival of the caravel
Berrio. Reserving the punishment of the Moors for a later
period, Gama set sail with his squadron, which was well stocked
with goats, poultry, and pigeons. But a dead calm detained
him for many days ; the stream which runs southward along
the east coast of Africa carried him, against his will, back to
Mozambique. While taking in water an affray began, and
in consequence of a formal challenge, the Portuguese vessels
placed themselves before the palisade fortification with which
the Moors had tried to protect their little town, and opened
a fire, which did much damage, and caused such a panic
that during a pause in the firing the whole population passed
over to the mainland. Gama pursued their canoes ; some
were taken, and their contents given as plunder to the sailors,
and their crews taken prisoners.
After this revenge, which was made use of as a precedent
for an endless series of acts of violence, by means of which the
Portuguese put an end to the Arab trade in the Indian Seas,
a favourable wind permitted their departure on May 29th ; but
they were still in fear of treason. The Mozambique pilot v/as
suspiciously watched, and it was not without reason that the
worst designs were attributed to him. The little group of the
Querimba Isles long bore the name of Ilhas tio Acoutado,
Whipping Islands, from the punishment inflicted on him for
declaring that these' islands were a part of the mainland.
The most important town on the east coast of Africa at that
time was Kiloa or Quiloa, 9° south latitude, which was the seat
of a brisk trade. The pilots wished to bring the fleet into this
place, which was ruled by a Prince who also possessed au
thority over many other towns ; but a strong south-west wind
5

66 A Century of Discovery.
prevented this, and the Portuguese escaped what they after
wards discovered to have been a plot for their destruction..
With the help of two Moors, whom they captured in a boat on
the open sea, they reached on April 7th the harbour of Mom-
baza, 4° south latitude.
This town was on an island separated from the mainland
by a canal, and being situated on hilly ground would have
attracted the Portuguese, had it not been for the numerous
merchant ships lying at anchor. On this account they thought
it safest to remain outside the harbour, and to receive there
the messengers of the King of Mombaza, who brought them
preserits of fruit and a sheep, and invited them to visit the
pl^ce. Four Moors of rank remained as hostages for the
envoys whom Gama sent into the town. These latter were
struck by the regularity of the streets, by the stone houses,.
and by the ceremonious etiquette with which the King re
ceived them, and signified his acceptance of Gama's gift, some
valuable coral.
The large Christian population of which the pilots from
Mozambique had spoken were reduced to two Abyssinian
merchants, to whom the Portuguese paid, visits. Then they
returned to their ships with many specimens of the spices
which were to be bought in the town. This decided Gama to
enter the harbour ; but the conduct of the Moors upon a slight
accident which happened to the Admiral's ship again aroused
his suspicion. The Moors who were on board were tortured
with boiling oil until they confessed that the destruction of
the Portuguese had been determined on as a revenge for the
cruelties they had practised in Mozambique. The fleet there
fore remained in its position outside the harbour, but it was
not safe there, and the night-watch often had to chase away
men who were found swimming round the ships, trying to cut
the ropes of the anchors.
In consequence of the treachery both real and imaginary.

Vasco da Gama. 67
great discontent arose among the seamen, who were also suffer
ing much from sickness. All the Moors who were on board,
even the closely- watched pilots from Mozambique, succeeded
in throwing themselves into the water and swimming away,
otherwise they would certainly have fallen victims to the
sailors' ill-humour. " These dogs," says Alvaro Velhes,
"planned these atrocities and many others, but the Lord
would not let them succeed, because they did not believe
in Him." Probably we may put down to their embittered
fancy the unlikely story that the little fortress which pro
tected the harbour of Mombaza was full of Christian slaves
in chains.
On leaving the inhospitable Mombaza, Gama found himself
in great embarrassment. He dared not venture on the voyage
across the Indian Ocean without pilots, but, from the hostility
of the Moors, he saw no way of providing himself with these
indispensable guides. Fortune, however, favoured him, and
compensated him for his earlier difficulties by unexpectedly
fulfilling his wishes.
A few miles from Mombaza he captured a Moorish boat
containing seventeen men, besides a valuable cargo. From
these he learnt that the little town of Melinda — which they
reached the first evening — was governed by a Prince whose
peace-loving disposition promised to the Portuguese the fulfil
ment of their wish. Gama determined to try and open com
munication with him, and therefore, while the fleet anchored
far from the town, he sent on shore an old Moor — the most
trustworthy of the prisoners— to negotiate with the Prince of
Melinda. The same day — Easter Monday— a ship came out
bringing a high dignitary with presents, a civility which Gama
immediately reciprocated. The result of the intercourse thus
auspiciously begun was that the day after the fleet entered the
harbour. After a few days a personal interview between the
Admiral and the Moorish Prince took place, each in his boat ;
S-2

68 A Century of Discovery.
they met in the middle of the harbour, and held a long friendly
conversation. The report of the cruelties of the Portuguese had reached
Melinda, but, notwithstanding, the Prince showed himself un
prejudiced and friendly. He came near the ships to examine
them, and was pleased at the salute which the Portuguese
fired in his honour ; and when he returned to the town left
his son and chief minister as hostages in the ships, while some
of the Portuguese accompanied him to his palace.
The next day a second interview on land was proposed, but
Gama's prudence forbade his landing. He excused himself
on the ground of an express prohibition of his King, and would
not yield to the earnest request of the Prince, who wished to
show the strangers to his lame father. So the meeting took
place on the beach. Well-armed boats rowed along the shore,
which was covered with an enormous crowd. The town —
which contained many white stone buildings, and was sur
rounded by a majestic forest of palms — presented a very plea
sant appearance. For the convenience of trade there was a
high stone pier, from which steps led up to the palace of the
Prince. Here the Portuguese stopped and awaited the Prince,
who appeared borne in a palanquin, dressed in magnificent
attire, and surrounded by his chief men. Again assurances of
friendship and presents were exchanged, and Gama received
the promise that an experienced Christian pilot — who knew
the way to India — should be given him. But when two days
had passed away, and yet the pilot did not appear, Gama
seized a man of rank, and said he should keep him prisoner
until the promise was redeemed. The pilot immediately ap
peared, a certain Malemo, surnamed Canaca, born at Gujerat,
who was experienced in nautical matters, and at the same time
trustworthy. The Portuguese were pleasantly surprised to find in the
harbour of Melinda four ships manned by Indian Christian

yasco da Gama. 69
members of the ancient Church said to have been founded
by St. Thomas. With these brethren in the faith a hearty
intercourse sprang up. They came daily on board the Portu
guese ships and performed their devotions before the crucifix
and the image of the Virgin. They were people of a brown
complexion with long hair and beard, but their clothing was
scanty. They lived very simply and did not eat meat. With
Melinda, where a whole colony of Indians had settled, they
carried on a brisk trade, bringing Indian wares into the land
and exchanging them for gold, amber, tar, wax, and ivory.
Their friendship for the Portuguese became so hearty that
they gave them a great feast on their ships.
This meeting gave the discoverers the idea that India was
a Christian country, and at first they looked upon the Buddhists
also as co-religionists. The mistrust which Gama felt towards
the Moors was increased by these Indian Christians, but with
regard to the Prince of Melinda it was never justified. On
the contrary, he merited the fullest confidence, not only by his
conduct on this occasion, but also by his ready help and
assistance on subsequent visits of Portuguese fleets.
The anchor was weighed on the 24th of April, and once
fairly on the open sea the ships struck boldly across the
Indian Ocean in order thus to reach the coast of Malabar A
strong south-west wind swelled the sails, and it remained true
to the Portuguese until they had reached their goal. It was
the monsoon, a periodical wind which regulates the trade in
the Indian Ocean.
In the unusually short time of twenty-three 'days the Portu
guese ships traversed the 750 miles which separated them
from India, and by the 17th of May they saw the coast of
Malabar before them. That name is still given to the 220
miles of coast which lie between Cape Comorin and the mouth
of the river Nerbudda. Along the whole coast hes the chain
of the Western Ghauts which forms a boundary to the Deccan.

70 A Century of Discovery.
Upon an average these mountains have a height of 3000 feet,
but some points attain an altitude of 8000 feet. The sea
washes their base, and only in the extreme south is there,
between it and the mountains, a narrow swampy plain. A
number of excellent harbours distinguishes this west coast
from Coromandel, the flat eastern coast, and even in old times
made it very important. Not only were the productions of
the interior exported from these harbours — such as indigo,
pepper, and cotton — but the Arab ships also found stored up
here the productions of the countries still farther east — cinna
mon from Ceylon, nutmegs and cloves from the Sunda Islands.
Thus the Portuguese had discovered the very source whence
the Arabs drew the Indian wares in which they trafficked, and
it was therefore evident that the Arabs would do all they could
to prevent the Portuguese settling there. But it was doubtful
how the Indians would act, and to gain them, and particularly
their Princes, was of the utmost importance to Portugal.
The whole of India was broken up at that time into in
numerable little' kingdoms ; but whilst the north had had to
suffer the attacks of foreign conquerors, by which the people
and their religion had been very much affected, the whole
south of the peninsula, and particularly the coasts, were in
habited by an unmixed Hindoo race who remained true to
their religion.
Almost every town on the west coast, where the Portuguese
first landed, was the seat of a little Prince. Most of them,
however, were subject to a mighty King who had his residence
at Calicut, the most populous and thriving town of Malabar
To this King the Portuguese gave the title of Zamorin, which
was their version either of Tamutiri Rajah, that is, lord of the
hills and waves, or of Samoudri Rajah, that is, lord of the
ocean. The Portuguese cast anchor in the open road before Cah-
cut on the 20th of May, a time of year in which there were

yasco da Gama. 7 1
not many ships in the harbour, it being much more frequented
in the early autumn, as the autumn monsoon was useful for
the return voyage to Arabia.
Some boats came out to greet the newcomers, and on one
¦of them was a Moor from Tunis, so that the Portuguese were '
most agreeably surprised by receiving a welcome in their own
language : " Good luck ! Good luck ! lots of rubies, lots of
emeralds. You may thank God that He has led you into a
land where there is so much riches." This Moor, whose name
was Moncaide, was of most important service to the Portuguese
during their stay in India, and accompanied Gama to Portugal,
where he was baptised into the Christian faith and finally
-settled down.
From him the Admiral learnt that the Zamorin was not at
that moment in Calicut, but fifteen miles up the country. It
appeared necessary to salute him, and therefore two men were
despatched to announce the arrival of the squadron to the
Prince, and to beg an audience for their leader Although
the population of Calicut must have been considerable, the
town made no great impression on the Europeans. With the
exception of the stone houses which the Moors settled there
had built, it only consisted of wooden houses with roofs of
palm-leaves. The palace of the Zamorin, together with the
houses of the principal men, was situated in a palm wood, half
a mile from the town. The brown inhabitants were mistaken
by the Portuguese for Christians simply because they were not
Mohammedans ; some of them wore long hair and beards, and
some had their heads shaven with the exception of the crown.
They wore fine cotton clothes, but were naked from the waist
upwards. Both men and women, but especially the women,
were covered with ornaments — in their ears, on their arms,
breasts, and even toes were decorations of gold ; and in many
cases beautiful diamonds were to be seen. The people too
appeared to be sensible, good-tempered, and sociable.

72 A Century of Discovery.
The Zamorin gave Gama's ambassadors a very friendly
reception, offering many presents and assurances of goodwill.
He promised to go himself at once to Calicut, and begged the
Admiral, with the help of a pilot whom he sent to him, to
leave the insecure road and cast anchor at a neighbouring
place called Pangaray, the usual landing-place of foreign ships,
and a spot which offered perfect security against storms.
After a little consideration, this counsel was followed, but
feehng a little mistrust, Gama would not allow the ships to
approach as near to the land as the pilot wished. Gama now
received a visit from one of the principal officers of the
Zamorin, a man who appears to have been the commander of
the town, and who had to watch over the intercourse of the
people with foreign traders. He brought an invitation from
the Zamorin, which he accepted for the 28th of May. The
thirteen men who accompanied him put on their best clothes,
and with waving banners and with a flourish of trumpets, the
Admiral stepped upon the shore of India. The commander
awaited him with a great train and an immense crowd of
people. Gama took his seat in a litter which was borne by
six men. Behind him came the Portuguese, among whom
was Alvaro Vilhes, and the native train. After a meal of
rice and excellent fish, which was offered to the foreigners in
the house of one of the great men, Gama stepped into a boat
prepared for the purpose and went up a piece of tlie river
Avhich flows into the sea by Calicut. Numbers of large ships
were to be seen, but drawn up to the shore on account of the
season. Then the procession resumed its course by land until
a second halting-place was reached, this time a temple, which
the Portuguese took for a Christian church.
In the spacious building they saw some bronze pillars,
several images of different gods, and seven little bells. They
were still more strengthened in their mistake when some
priests came to meet them and sprinkled them with water

l/asco da Gama. 73
and ashes ; and when they saw in a little side chapel, to which
only the priests had entrance, an image of the beautiful
Maha Madja, and on her breast her little son Buddha, they
naturally took it for the Virgin and Child, fell down upon
their knees, crossed themselves, and, with Gama at their head,
piously offered their devotions. They took little account of
the hideousness of the crowd of saints whose pictures covered
the walls, in spite of the fact that some of them had their
tongues an inch out of their mouths, and others had four or
five arms. Only John de Saa, a man given to doubt, enter
tained any misgiving as to the Christianity ofthe saints. He
made the Admiral laugh by exclaiming, in order to render
himself perfectly secure in kneeling before the image, " If it is
a devil, may my prayer be heard, not by him, but by the true
God." As the train of Portuguese advanced the surrounding
crowds increased, so that it was difficult to make way through
them. But at length the vicinity of the palace was reached,
and from it there issued a procession of people, who came with
music to welcome the Portuguese and conduct them to the
Zamorin. The latter awaited his guests in a splendid apartment, re
clining o"n a couch. He was dressed in a very full garment,
which reached down to the knees and was made of the finest
white cotton, embroidered with golden roses, and on his head
he had a cap adorned with gold and jewels. The heavy rings
on his arms and legs sparkled and flashed with costly stones.
Near him stood a large golden bowl filled with betel, which
the inhabitants of India are passionately fond of chewing, in
order to lessen by its spicy aroma the depressing effect of the
heat. In his hand he held a golden cup, into which every
now and then he spat out the chewed betel. All those who
were present covered their mouths with their left hands, in order
to prevent their breath reaching the Zamorin, a crime which

74 A Century of Discovery.
would have been punished as severely as if one had dared to
sneeze or spit in the presence of the Prince.
After the salutations had been made in the fashion of the
country the Prince desired the strangers to take their places
and ordered fruits to be offered them. Then he retired with
Gama into another room, where the latter gave him an ac
count of his home and of his King, after which Gama was
dismissed with every assurance of goodwill. The Portuguese
passed the night in a hall at some distance from the palace,
which had been prepared for their reception.
A second audience was arranged for the next day, but a
most unpleasant circumstance compelled Gama to postpone,
it. He had noticed that no one dared approach the Zamorin
with empty hands, and therefore had brought presents from
the ship. These would have been very suitable for a Hotten
tot chief, but were not at all fitted for an Indian Prince who
was accustomed to every luxury ; twelve pieces of cloth,
twelve cloaks, six hats, four branches of coral, a small chest
with six bottles, a chest of sugar, two casks of oil, and two of
honey. The officers who were sent to inspect these presents
declared that they were much too common, that they would
not dare to offer them to the Zamorin, and asked whether
Gama had not brought with him more valuable things — if pos
sible, gold. The Moors also, settled in the country, spoke
just as contemptuously of the presents ; Gama therefore was
very much disconcerted and determined not to offer them.
When he appeared again before the King, a few days later,
there was a significant lessening of cordiality. In his conver
sation the Zamorin made it evident that he expected a suitable
present. " What did you want to discover here," he inquired,
"" stones or men .' If men, why did you bring nothing for
them .?" At last he said that he had heard about a golden
statue of the Virgin which Gama had on board ; this must be
given him. With sailor-like honesty the Admiral replied.

Vasco da Gama. 75
that the statue was not of gold, and that even if it had
been it could not have been given to the Prince. On the
other hand, the letter from King Emanuel, which was presented
and interpreted by one of the learned Moors, made a favour
able impression on the Zamorin, and he granted his permission
to the Portuguese to unlade their wares and open a trade.
Thereupon Gama wished to return immediately to the ships,
but he and his men were detained on the shore. Many mis
understandings and the suspiciousness of the Portuguese made
their case worse. At last the matter became really serious,
and it was not until Paul da Gama, at his brother's order, had
sent some wares on shore, that they were set free and allowed
to return to the ships.
"We thank God," says Alvaro Velhes, " that He has saved
us from men who are as deaf to all reason as if they sprang
from beasts. We knew well that if the Admiral were once
on board, any one of us who might be yet on shore had nothing
to fear." The expedition had occupied five days, and during
all that time those who had remained with the ships had
suffered the greatest anxiety.
Meanwhile the Moors settled in Calicut had thoroughly
¦awoke to a consciousness of the injury that would result to
them and their trade if the Portuguese were allowed to come
in, and therefore they did their best to increase the disagree
ment between the Zamorin and Gama. The discontent which
¦the Zamorin and his officers felt at the stinginess of the Portu
guese, and the want of reverence which theyjiad shown in
their manner of approaching him, offered them a very good
handle. They represented the Portuguese as pirates, and by
bribery won over to their side the powerful Catwal or com
mander, whom the Portuguese soon discovered to be their
most formidable enemy.
At first, indeed, Gama obtained permission from the Zamorin
to carry on trade with the natives, and the people of Cali-

76 A Century of Discovery.
cut showed themselves so friendly that the Portuguese were
able to make purchases without any danger, and a kind of
factory was established. But the Moors had the ear of the
Zamorin, as the Portuguese were not long in finding out.
Diego Dias, whom Gama despatched to the Zamorin as his
ambassador, was indeed admitted, but the magnificent presents
which he carried with him were again rejected as unworthy,
and he himself ungraciously dismissed.
By-and-by the Portuguese became suspicious that there
was a design to detain them until the Moorish fleet should
arrive and could assist in, their overthrow. This suspicion was
strengthened when the Zamorin laid an arrest upon all the
goods still on shore, and placed a guard over those who
had the charge of them. At the same time all intercourse
was forbidden with the natives. Notwithstanding, the prisoners
succeeded in sending news to Gama of their situation, where
upon he enticed nineteen Indians on board, and kept them as
hostages for the Portuguese. At the same time he announced
his intention of returning to Europe, and of coming back again
shortly, fully prepared to take signal vengeance for the injus
tice with which he had been treated. This resolute way of
proceeding made an impression.
The Zamorin summoned Diego Dias before him, expressed
himself as perfectly unaware of what had been done by his
officers, ordered a strict investigation, and restored freedom
to the imprisoned Portuguese. At the same time he sent a
letter to Gama by Dias for the King of Portugal. It ran
thus : " Vasco da Gama, a nobleman of your house, has visited
my land, which gave me much pleasure. In my land there is
cinnamon, cloves, ginger, pepper, and precious stones in abund
ance. And what I want from your land is gold, silver, coral,
and scarlet."
The remarkable shortness and complete want of polite
phrases, which the people of the East usually employ so

Vasco da Gama. 77
lavishly, show that the Zamorin had little esteem for the King
of Portugal and his ambassadors. And this was doubtless
¦owing to the calumnies of the Arabs, and to the unconcili-
.atory conduct of the Portuguese, which was shown even in
little things. For example, Gama insisted in placing on
the land a pillar with the Portuguese coat-of-arms engraved
upon it, in spite of the most violent opposition on the part of
-the Zamorin, who looked upon it as an attack upon his princely
¦rights, and without considering that it would be knocked down
immediately on the departure ofthe Portuguese.
When the released Portuguese were conducted back to the
ships, Gama only set free six of the Indians, and declared that
he should retain the others until all the Portuguese wares were
restored. But when next day the wares were brought in
seven boats, mutual mistrust prevented a peaceful conclusion
¦of the matter. From fear of treachery on the part of the
foreigners, only three boats approached, while the remaining
-four kept at a distance. They made signs to the Portuguese
to place the hostages in the boat which hung at the back of
the Admiral's ship, from which they would fetch them, and at
the same time unlade the wares. This proposal was con
sidered a cunning trick. Alvaro Velhes calls it a trick worthy
of a fox, and Gama declared that now he would not receive
the wares at all, but should take the hostages to Portugal.
Naturally this was looked upon in Calicut as an open breach
of the treaty, and as a horrible piece of kidnapping; audit
served to verify all the evil reports which the IMoors had spread
with regard to the Portuguese. The next morning seventy
strongly-manned boats rowed out to compel the release of the
prisoners, but a few cannon-shots sufficed to scatter them.
On the same day, August the 9th, Gama set sail and left
-Calicut, after a stay of 104 days.
During this period Gama had succeeded in almost filling
-the ships. But it is much to be lamented that the Portuguese

78 A Century of Discovery.
left India in a state of irritation, and full of the most
hostile feelings. They believed themselves throughout to
have been slighted and treated in an underhand way, and the
just mistrust which they had at first felt with regard to the
behaviour of the Moors at last became a mania. An im
partial investigation of the matter leads to the conclusion that
the ignorance of the Portuguese with regard to the manners of
Eastern lands was the chief cause of the discord. They came
with empty hands where every one was accustomed to pre
sents and bribery ; they stood up stiffly and defiantly where
people were accustomed to the greatest deference ; and they
often showed a mistrust of the most solemn assurances, which
did them the greatest injury.
Hitherto the Portuguese had only held intercourse with
the rude inhabitants of the coast of Africa, for whom their
behaviour was exactly suitable ; they were quite unable
to appreciate the peculiar character of Indian civilisation,
and would not condescend to hold intercourse with the
natives as equals.
Their mistake in the matter of religion had contributed not
a little to this estrangement. They had imagined that, to
gether with the coast of Africa, they had left behind the ter
ritory of Islam, and had calculated that the Indians, whose
Buddha worship they had taken for Christianity, would render
them active assistance against thehated Musselmans; and when
they discovered the contrary, their vexation was much in
creased. Our informant says, "We were the more provoked that
such a trick should have been played us by a Christian King,
to whom our Admiral had made presents at his own expense,.
desiring nothing more than that he should listen to reason."
Thus they left Calicut with unpleasant remembrances and
desires of revenge, which they hoped it would please God to
enable them to accomplish. Rivers of blood and indescribable

Vasco da Gama. jg
suffering resulted from this quarrel — a quarrel which induced
the Portuguese to depart from their original plan of peaceable
commerce, and enter on the path of conquest. Gama, de
layed by repeated calms, continued coasting towards the north.
On September 19th he cast anchor off a little island 15° 44'
north latitude, named Anchediva. Here they set up their
third pillar ; and as repairs were necessary for the ships, this
island, on which were found both large forests and excellent
water, was chosen for a long rest With the inhabitants of the
neighbouring coasts they had frequent communication, buying
from them fruit and wares, particularly cinnamon, and finding
them always friendly.
But here also the mistrust of the Portuguese caused much
trouble. When eight ships arrived, coming from the open sea,
they concluded that they had been sent in pursuit from Calicut,
and received them with a discharge of their guns, and drove
them from the shore. The same treatment awaited seven
other vessels, although their crews were Christians, and they
had come adorned with flags to the sound of music, to greet
their brethren in the faith.
About this time the Portuguese made acquaintance with a
singular individual. A man presented himself, of about forty
years of age, fully clothed, wearing turban and sabre. He
greeted the strangers, to their great astonishment, in pure
Itahan. He was, according to his own account, the descen
dant ofa Jewish family from Posen ; he himself had been born
and brought up in Alexandria, but had trawelled, for trade
through a great part of Asia, and was now in the service of a
powerful Prince, residing in the neighbouring town of Goa.
At first the Portuguese received him in a very friendly manner,
but, becoming suspicious of him, they flogged him four or five
times, and then he confessed that his Prince had sent him to
find out the strength of the Portuguese, and to entice them on
shore for the purpose of overpowering them. How much

'So A Century of Discovery.
belief is due to the confession is a question. That the Prince
of Goa wished to seize the Portuguese, in order by the help of
such brave men to overcome the neighbouring princes — such
was the Jew's story — does not seem very probable ; but the
Portuguese were pleased at this acknowledgment of their
valour, and congratulated themselves on the prudence by
which they had escaped the danger " They had, you see,
said Alvares, " reckoned without their host." The destiny of
the Jew was curious. He was forced to accompany Gama to
Portugal. There he was converted to Christianity, and in
baptism took the name of the man who had flogged him,
Caspar da Gama. His knowledge of languages made him a
most important man. He accompanied the next Portuguese
fleet to India as interpreter, and rendered signal service to his
new countrymen. At last he was made, by King Emanuel,
'' Knight of the Palace," under the name of Caspar da India,
and died at Lisbon, looked up to by all, and the intimate friend
of learned men.
On the 6th of October they began their return \'oyage,
hoping soon to arrive at home with the news of their great
success. But the return voyage was a time of intense suffering
to the sorely-tried sailors. From ignorance of the winds and
currents of the Indian Ocean, and not having a pilot on board,
they left the East Indian coastexactly at the most unfavourable
time. A month later the north-east monsoon would have
filled their sails and carried them safely and quickly to Africa,
where the current would have borne them comfortably along
the shore to the Cape. At present the voyage is made be
tween Bombay and the Cape by sailing ships in about thirty
days. But the Portuguese were driven away from the region ofthe
monsoon, which soon began to blow towards the south, and
arrived in the region of calms, which— situated exactly north
of the equator — divides the territories of the periodical winds

Vasco da Gama. 8i
from one another Gama's fleet was here held^fast as if by an
invisible power, and had to endure the insupportable heat of
a tropical summer. No wonder that dire disease soon made
its appearance.
" In the midst of all this misfortune the scurvy broke out.
The flesh grew over the teeth, so that the sufferers could not
eat ; the legs began to swell, and the swelling spread so com
pletely over the whole body that there was nothing to do but
die. Thirty people now died of it, without counting the thirty
whom it had previously killed. There were left at the most
only seven or eight men on each ship to do the necessary work,
and even they were not well. Therefore I can declare certainly
that if the voyage had lasted a fortnight longer, no one would
ever have ventured to follow our example. Things had al
ready got to such a pass that we saw our end approaching,
and could do nothing but make vows to the saints, and implore
their aid in behalf of our ships. The captains held a council,
and determined that if a contrary wind should arise, they
would return to India, and wait until their men had recovered.
But it pleased God in His mercy to send us a wind which in six
days brought us to the coast, at which we were as glad as if
we had reached Portugal, for we hoped now soon to be well
again." The sufferings thus described lasted almost three months,
for it was the 2nd of February, 1499, when the ships reached
the coast bf East Africa. Steering southward, they reached a
town with stately buildings rising from the sea. ¦ When Gama
heard that it was Magadoxo (2° i' south latitude), which he
had been told was a chief seat of the Moors, he determined to
give these crafty people a lesson, and sailing straight to the
town, fired upon it.
A very favourable wind carried the ships to the south, and
after dispersing with their guns some Moorish boats which
attacked them near the town of Pate, the Portuguese found
6

82 A Century of Discovery.
themselves on the pth of February off the friendly Melinda;
Here they were well received by the King and the inhabitants,.
and fresh provisions amply furnished. In order not to lose
the favourable wind, Gama weighed anchor after a stay of only
five days. As a proof of friendship, the Prince of Mehnda.
allowed a pillar to be erected, and also despatched an am
bassador to the Portuguese King. Pursuing its course, the
fleet sailed past Mombaza, Zanzibar, and Mozambique.
The condition of one of the larger ships, the St. Raphael,
rendered some delay necessary. Many times stranded, once
damaged by lightning, the ship was no longer in a condition
to pursue its course. As the number of the men had so
dwindled down that they were insufficient to man three ships,
they divided the cargo and crew of the St. Raphael between the
two other ships, the Gabriel and the Berrio, and surrendered
the proud vessel to the flames.
On the 3rd of March they reached Mossel Bay, near the
Cape, where they were constrained by a violent west wind to
stay longer than they had intended. On the 20th of March
they succeeded in sailing round the Cape of Good Hope, and
found themselves in well-known waters. Impatience to see
again their native shore now grew strong in every breast. In
the neighbourhood of the Cape Verde Islands the ships lost
sight of each other, and whilst the Berrio, commanded by
Nicolas Coelho, with Alvaro Velhes on board, continued its
way home, and ran into Lisbon on the lOth of July, the
Gabriel anchored off Santiago, one of the Cape Verde
Islands. Near the end of the voyage the Admiral was visited by a
bitter grief. His faithful brother Paul had long been ill, and
whilst all the other invalids had quickly recovered after pass
ing the Cape of Good Hope, the strength of Paul da Gama
visibly declined. The Admiral, who clung to him with tender
affection, left the flagship to follow, and with his sick brother

Vasco da Gama. 83
went on board a swift caravel that he might arrive more
quickly in healthy regions. But in the neighbourhood of the
Azores the sick man's state became so alarming that the worst
was dreaded. He was carried on shore at Terceira, and there
he died in the arms of his afflicted brother, who for many
weeks could not tear himself from the grave. Gama did
not reach Lisbon till the 29th of August, 1499, his voyage
having lasted two years and two months. Here, though still
bowed down with grief, he had to take part in the magnificent
festivities which King Emanuel had prepared in honour of the
great seaman and his glorious achievement.
After spending nine days in prayer at Restello, whence the
expedition had started, he entered Lisbon in procession amidst
the shouts of a dense multitude, which had gathered from far
and near to see the man who had first unfurled the Portuguese
flag on the coasts of India. The important news had been
communicated by the King immediately after the arrival of
Coelho to all the towns and villages of Portugal, and a special
messenger had been despatched to inform the court at Rome.
On Gama and his companions — only fifty-five men returned
out of one hundred and seventy — the King showered his
fav^ours. Vasco da Gama was made Admiral of the Indies,
and at the same time raised to the highest rank among the
nobility and allowed to adopt the title of Dom and to quarter
the royal arms with his own. In addition to these honours,
when the King some time later discovered the immense ad
vantage of direct intercourse with India, he made the Admiral
Count of Vidigueira, and also bestowed upon him the annual
income of 300,000 reals (about ;^3000), then a very great
sum, which was to pass to his descendants. In an equally
liberal manner did the King treat Nicolas Coelho and none
of the much-tried seamen went unrewarded.
His pious disposition also made the monarch anxious to
show his gratitude to Heaven, and at Restello, on the spot from
6—2

84 A Century of Discovery.
which Vasco da Gama had embarked and on which he had
landed, he laid the foundation of a splendid cloister which
he destined to be the last resting-place of the royal family,
and named Bethlehem or Belem. This splendid building is
still standing, having been spared by the great earthquake of
Lisbon, to remind posterity of the enthusiasm to which it
owed its origin.
A touching proof of the respect in which he held the
memory of his great uncle is afforded by the statue of Prince
Henry the Navigator which he erected at the entrance of the
cloister and by the weekly mass which he instituted for his
soul. Many years of rest were granted to Vasco da Gama to
restore his shattered health, whilst others were commissioned
to carry on his work. It was not until the loth of February,
1502, that he again left Lisbon at the head ofa fleet of twenty
ships, strongly manned, with the object of securing the influence
of Portugal in India, and monopolising for her the whole of
the eastern trade.
No doubt Gama enjoyed appearing at the head of such an
important force in seas where, the weakness of his first fleet
had prevented him from adopting decisive measures, and was
well pleased to show himself in the full splendour of power to
those who had treatedhim so contemptuously. He visited on his
outward journey Sofala, rich in gold, and concluded a treaty
with the Prince of Mozambique, who granted leave for the
founding of a factory, and promised that Portuguese vessels
sailing past should always be supplied with provisions. Then
the fleet stopped before Quiloa, where the Portuguese ships
had been insulted, and after a violent cannonade the Prince
was brought to declare himself a feudatory of the King of
Portugal and to promise a yearly tribute.
Gama's irreconcilable antipathy towards the Moors showed
itself in still more fearful colours after his arrival in India.

yasco da Gama. 85
He pursued all Moorish ships with fire and sword. One large
ship, the Mcrii, which was carrying Mohammedan pilgrims to
Mecca from all parts of Asia, was attacked by the Portuguese
fleet on the 3rd of October and sunk after a whole day's
resistance on the part of the pilgrims. About three hundred
men and women fell victims to this act of vengeance. Twenty
children were spared that they might be brought up as Chris
tians. Even after this deed of cruelty, which is a foul blot on
Gama's name, the implacable man did not think he had suffi
ciently avenged himself on the Moors. Remembering the treat
ment which he had received in Calicut, he appeared before the
town, and when the Zamorin did not immediately grant his
demand to drive all the Moors out of the land, he opened a
terrible fire on the unhappy town, and put to death by torture
any Moor who fell into his hands. Then taking in a rich
cargo at the ports of Cochin and Cananore, and leaving the
full chastisement of the Zamorin for some future time, he set
out on his return to Europe. Five ships were left behind as
a defence to the factories erected on the Indian coast, and five
more were to cruise at the entrance of the Red Sea in order
to capture Arabian merchant-ships.
On the 1st of September, 1503, Vasco da Gama entered the
mouth of the Tagus after having encountered many storms on
the voyage. With great ceremony he presented to the King
the first tribute of the Prince of Quiloa and the treaties
which he had concluded with the Kings of Cochin and Cana
nore. He boasted of having completely frightened away the
hostile Moors by his severity.
The reception which he met with from King Emanuel was
most honourable. It seems therefore very strange that the
King never employed him again. Year after year powerful
fleets sailed to India, and all the important men of Portugal
took part in the enterprise. But Gama's name is connected.

86 A Centiiry of Discovery.
with none of the great deeds which were - ' - • •-'¦ ' ^''' ¦..i the
ocean discovered by him. !¦>¦
It is not until after Emanuel's death that he reappears on
the scene. John III. sent him to India on the 9th of April,
1524, with fourteen ships and three thousand men as his vice
roy. On the voyage thither a great earthquake, which made
the waves rise mountains high, gave occasion to the lofty words
with which he sought to encourage his trembling companions:
"Why should we fear.? Do you not see that the ocean is
trembling before us T
He busied himself on his arrival in India in great plans
which he was not destined to accomplish. For the sickness
which attacked him on his arrival increased from day to day,
and on the 24th of December, 1524, he died at Cochin.
It was some time before his ashes found rest. Interred first
in Cochin, then in Travancore, his body was in 1538, by com
mand of King John IIL, brought to Portugal and buried in
a chapel not far from Vidigueira, from which place he took
his title, and where two of his descendants also rest. The in
scription on the grave-stone runs thus : " Here lies the great
Argonaut, Dom Vasco da Gama, first Count of Vidigueira,
Admiral of the East Indies, the famous discoverer." The tomb
was broken into in the year 1840, and has been restored at
the expense of the State ; but the proposition which has so
often been made to prepare a worthy resting-place for the
ashes of the great sailor in the cloister of Belem has never
been carried into execution.

CHAPTER VL
PEDRO ALVAREZ CABRAL AND JUAN DE NOVA.
The return of the first Portuguese ships, laden with the pro
ducts of India, had aroused in Portugal a storm of. national
enthusiasm, and presented to the imagination of all such an
alluring picture of endless riches that they watched with im
patience for further steps on the part of the King.
To this disposition of the people, which was indeed most agree
able to his wishes, Emanuel willingly responded, and hastened
the preparation of a new fleet, which he intended to sail by
the beginning of March ; for, according to the experience of
Vasco da Gama with regard to the winds and currents, that
appeared the most favourable time for a rapid voyage to
India. • If everything prospered, the adventurers would land
on the Indian coast in autumn, could lade the ship there at
their ease, and then, in the spring of the next year, begin
their return. The correctness of this calculation, which ex
perience has verified, is a proof that Gama's observations were
carefully made and his conclusions trustworthy.
To the command of the fleet, which consisted of thirteen
sail, and carried 1500 men on board, the King appointed
Pedro Alvarez Cabral, of whose earlier life nothing more is
knowfi than that he belonged to one of the chief families of
Portugal, and had distinguished himself as a well-informed
and gallant man. It is possible that he was related to Gon
salvo Velhes Cabral, who had been sent out by Prince Llenry,
in 1430, to discover the Azores.

88 • A Centtiry of Discovery.
Under him commanded Bartholomew Dias and Nicolas
Coelho, who had accompanied Gama. The strength of the
crews shows that they reckoned on hostilities with the Moors.
Yet the instructions which Cabral received from King Emanuel
directed him to strive for peaceful intercourse, and to conclude
treaties of commerce. Besides, an attempt was to be made,.
by the wish of the pious King, to convert the heathen ; and
for this purpose the fleet carried on board eight Franciscan
monks and eight seculars, together with a vicar, who were in
tended to take the spiritual charge in the fort to be founded..
Earthly weapons were not to be employed unless these peace
ful and pious efforts had no result. Even in that case, Cabral
was limited by precise directions from the King, who was in
formed on all points and had foreseen all emergencies.
On the 9th of March, 1500, the fleet set sail and steered for
the open sea, with the good wishes of all. At the Cape Verde
Islands a pause was made, that some of the ships which had
become scattered by a storm might join company again. Ac
cording to the advice of Gama, they ought now to follow a
southerly course, until the latitude of the Cape of Good Hope
had been reached. This is still considered the shortest pas
sage through the two regions of the trade winds, pursued
already by Vasco da Gama.
Following closely these directions of Gama's, Cabral, after
crossing the line, entered the equatorial current, which carried
him imperceptibly towards the west. To the surprise of all,
on April 24th, a coast was perceived, which, according to
Cabral's reckoning, was 10 deg. south latitude, and quite 45O'
miles distant from Guinea. At first he thought the land he
had discovered was an island ; but when he had sailed along
it for a whole day, he was convinced that it was the coast of
a continent. Although his instructions forbade him to make-
any stay, the importance of the discovery compelled the Ad
miral to spend some days in examining the coast, along which;

Pedro Alvarez Cabral and Juan de N'ova. 89
he steered as far as 18 deg. south latitude. He found, at
16 deg. 16 min. south latitude, an excellent harbour, which
offered a safe refuge for more than 200 ships, and which there
fore received the name of Porto Seguro. This name still re
mains attached to a town situated on this harbour. On the
shore, which was adorned with most luxuriant vegetation,,
there were seen fine copper-coloured people, who came up'
most confidingly to exchange bright-coloured parrots for the
toys offered by the Portuguese.
Cabral v^rell discerned of what importance this coast would
be as a station for ships on their way to India, and took pos
session of it for his native land by erecting a pillar. From.
this it received the name of Tierra da Santa Cruz, which, how
ever, afterwards gave place to that of Brazil. This name
arose from the large quantity of the red dye-wood, which was
compared to the colour of red-hot coals, and thence named
brasil. A ship was despatched to bear the news of the discovery to
Portugal, and the King, early in 1501, sent out three sail to
investigate the important place. Yet several years passed
away before the immigration of the Portuguese and the build
ing of forts began. Had not Columbus already, in 1492, dis
covered the New Worid, it would thus, eight years later, have
been found through an accident.
On the 2nd of May Cabral again set sail, intending to reach
the Cape of Good Hope by crossing the Atlantic Ocean. But
this passage was not made without painful experience. The
superstitious minds of the sailors were much agitated by a
large comet, which showed itself at night in the eastern sky.
A high sea and stormy weather left no one in repose. Then,
on May 23rd, was seen, for the first time, a waterspout ; and,
while they were curiously watching it, a fearful storm sud
denly arose, and sank four ships, with all their crews. Among
these unfortunate sailors was Bartholomew Diaz. No one

90 A Century of Discovery.
was in a condition to render assistance, for the remaining ships
were half full of water, and would probably have perished had
not the wind torn away their sails. For twenty days and
nights did this tempest rage, while the exhausted sailors
struggled for their lives. And when the storm subsided, and
the fleet, which had passed the Cape of Good Hope, was
stopped by dangerous shallows and contrary winds, it found
itself reduced to four much-damaged vessels.
It was only by earnest remonstrances that Cabral persuaded
the sailors to renounce their wish to return at once to Portugal,
and to declare themselves ready to continue their voyage.
They passed Sofala without touching, and proceeded to
Mozambique, where they could without danger repair the
ships and take in water — so strong still was the recollection
of the chastisement inflicted on the Moors by Gama. Here
too they obtained a pilot, who conducted them safely to
Quiloa, which they reached on July 26th.
The Island of Quiloa, lying 9 deg. south latitude, and sur
passing all the other East African islands in fruitfulness, had
not been hitherto visited by the Portuguese. Yet, as it was
the seat of a Prince who ruled a large portion of the coast
and many much-frequented ports, it was worthy of special
attention ; and Cabral had therefore received express direc
tions from King Emanuel, if possible, to conclude a treaty
with the Prince of Quiloa. However, the interview with this
powerful ruler, which took place on the water, remained with
out result ; and, hearing a report that troops were assembling
on the mainland, Cabral considered him.self justified in leaving
the place with his six ships— two which he had thought lost
had rejoined him — and deferring the negotiation to a more
favourable opportunity.
-A.t Melinda he was welcomed with much rejoicing, and
many costly presents, and a letter written by King Emanuel's
own hand, bound the Prince closely to the Portuguese interest

Pedro Alvarez Cabral and fuan de Nova. 91
He left this place on August 7th, and, being accompanied by
two Indian pilots, reached the coast of India in sixteen days.
After a fortnight's stay at Anchediva, the fleet appeared on
the 13th September off Calicut At first all went well. The
Zamorin condescended to meet the Admiral on the coast and
promised to do all in his power to assist the Portuguese in
their mercantile projects. A capacious building was immedi
ately granted them for a magazine, and Ayres Correa, the
factor, soon filled it with wares. When the treacherous
whisperings of the Moors began again to produce an effect
on the Zamorin, Cabral brought about a second meeting, and
by means of his firm and dignified behaviour induced the
Prince to make a formal treaty, establishing the conditions of
the spice trade, and granting the Portuguese equM advantages
with the Moors.
Still it was not possible to maintain this peaceful state of
things unbroken. The obtrusive missionary zeal of the clergy
may have increased the growing bitterness, and Correa's
haughty behaviour gave great offence, so that the Portuguese
trade progressed but slowly. The natives preferred to offer
their wares to the Moors, who had long understood all the
peculiarities of the Indian market, and who traded accordingly,
rather than to the imperious Portuguese, who treated them in
such an unconciliatory manner
Thus it came to pass that after three months hardly two
ships were fully freighted in spite of great efforts. Instead of
seeing their mistake and trying to rival the Moors by greater
concessions to the Indian method of trading, the Portuguese
complained of the favour shown to the latter and considered
themselves injured. At last they began to make use of
violence, took possession of the goods which were intended
for the Moors, and tried to compel the native traders to be
satisfied with the prices which they settled as being proper
once for all.

92 A Century of Discovery.
While the Portuguese showed such arrogance it was easy
for the Moors to stir up the people. A disturbance, caused
by some tyrannical act on the part of Correa, became a com
plete uproar; an enraged mob stormed the Portuguese factory;
Correa and his men were beaten, and fifty Portuguese were
either killed or taken prisoners. Cabral was, on account of
the small force which he had at his command, not in a
condition to rescue his people, or at any rate demand full
satisfaction. Still he avenged himself by setting fire to
fifteen Moorish vessels which lay in the harbour, and by
bombarding the town of Calicut for two days, thus killing
some hundreds of perfectly innocent persons. But all peace
ful intercourse was of course for the present quite at an
end. The calumnies of the Moors, who had represented
the Portuguese as pirates, appeared of course more than
ever credible to the Indians, and especially to the Indian
Princes. In vain did Cabral await an embassy from the Zamorin
offering an apology and begging for a resumption of trade.
So he determined to depart. But he could not think of re
turning to Portugal until his ships were fully freighted. He
considered it therefore most opportune when the Rajah of
Cochin, a port situated about thirty miles to the south, sent
him word that great stores of pepper were laid up in that
town, which the Portuguese might have for a moderate price.
Cochin was at that time a small town dependent on the
mighty Zamorin, but one which bore its dependence with
impatience. It was particularly vexatious to the Rajah that
Calicut had gradually raised itself to be the chief emporium
of all Indian wares, while the neighbouring harbours were
ruined. He had long viewed with envy the large tolls received
by the mighty Zamorin, and it appeared to him worth while
to make an attempt to draw into his territory the strangers
who had done so much injury to the Moorish commerce, and

Pedro Alvarez Cabral and Juan de Nova. 93
who had quarrelled with the Zamorin, in order, by means of
traffic with them, to raise Cochin at the the expense of
Galicut. His scheme succeeded. He was obliged, indeed, in the
great struggle which shortly took place, unreservedly to take
the part of the Portuguese, and many times to see his whole
.power endangered ; but when the matter was finally decided
•Cochin took the place of the desolated Calicut, and became
the most important port of Malabar, while the revenues of the
Rajah were proportionately increased. In a short time Cabral's
ships were laden with pepper
The example of the Rajah was followed. The Princes of
Cananore and Coulam, two towns to the north of Calicut, and
also under the supremacy of the Zamorin, begged the Portu
guese to visit them. But Cabral could not spare the time,
and only promised the Prince of Cananore to fetch a certain
quantity of ginger, which the latter agreed to have ready for
liim. Just as he was on the point of leaving Cochin there appeared
a fleet of 70 sail, among which were 25 large ships, with 1500
warriors on board, sent by the Zamorin to drive the Portuguese
out of the Indian Seas. But they did not dare to attack him,
and contented themselves with watching the dreaded foreigners.
Cabral was not in the least disturbed. He quietly steered out
of the harbour of Cochin, sailed past Calicut, in full view of
the town, in order to show his utter fearlessness, and took the
ginger on board at Cananore. »
Here the Portuguese were offered more wares than their
ships would hold, and were obliged to refuse much. The
Rajah of Cananore thought that this was from want of money,
.and offered Cabral a loan ; but Cabral showed the royal mes
sengers the many chests full of gold which he still had on
board, thanked the Rajah for his goodwill, and promised to
report his- friendliness to the King of Portugal. He then set

94 A Centtiry of Discovery.
out with his richly-laden fleet on his return voyage, accom
panied by ambassadors from Cochin and Cananore.
But the voyage was not without disaster. In the neighbour
hood of Melinda one of the largest ships ran upon a rock, and
sank with all its cargo. Its guns afterwards were turned
against the Portuguese by the King of Mombaza, who re
covered them by means of divers. When the Cape was once
rounded all went well, and on the 31st of July, 1501, Cabral
cast anchor before Lisbon. But of the thirteen ships that had
gone out, six lay at the bottom of the ocean, and only half of
the men returned. On account of these disasters the Admiral
met with a cold reception from the King. Although he could
be charged with no fault, he was never again employed in any
of the future undertakings, and the rest of the life of this
deserving and ill-used man is veiled in complete obscurity.
The King was particularly vexed that, in spite of the liberal
and costly fitting out of the fleet committed to him, Cabral
had not been able to establish a firm footing in any part of
India, and that he had not succeeded in erecting a fortress and
in taking possession in the name of Portugal of some favour
able point on the coast. He had so completely reckoned upon
this being done that, during Cabral's absence, he had despatched
a little fleet of four ships and eighty men simply for the pur
poses of trade, in order at once to make use of the military
advantage which he assumed Cabral to have gained.
His intention was that henceforward a similar little merchant
fleet should sail every year in March, the most favourable
time. But after the return of Cabral, King Emanuel was filled
with anxiety for the little squadron, which was not fitted either
for defence or attack.
He had appointed commander of this squadron Juan de
Nova, a noble Galician, who had distinguished himself in dif
ferent expeditions in the Portuguese service as a skilful and
brave seaman. On this occasion he justified the confidence of

Pedro Alvarez Cabral and Juan de Nova. 95
the King, and showed himself well suited for his very difficult
position. Under him Vinetti, a Florentine, commanded a
caravel, which his countryman, the rich merchant, Bartholomew
Marchioni, had fitted out, making use of the permission of the
King, who for a certain share in the profit had thrown open
the trade to India.
This permission is another proof of the firm conviction on
the part of the King that Cabral's imposing squadron must
certainly have removed all the hindrances to trade which the
hostility of the Moors and the reluctance of the Zamorin
could have caused.
On his outward voyage Nova discovered in the Atlantic
Ocean (7° 56' south latitude) a rocky island, which from the
day on which it was first seen he called Conception. This
was afterwards changed into Ascension, and is now a station
of the English ships employed in the suppression of the slave
trade. It has a small population. The squadron sped pros
perously on, though delayed for a time in the Mozambique
Channel by contrary winds. Going round Calicut, it made
directly for Cochin, but before it could run into the harbour
it had to sustain a sharp conflict with an attacking fleet of
the Zamorin, which, however, it succeeded in driving back.
Here and in Cananore the ships were quickly laded with
pepper, ginger, and cinnamon, the Princes of both towns show
ing themselves most friendly, and then Nova, with much haste, •
left the coast, and cruised about in the open sea until the
north-east monsoon arose and quickly bore the ships towards
the west.
Nova's return voyage was rendered remarkable by a dis
covery. On the 22nd of May, 1502 (15" 55' south latitude,
and 5° 44' west longitude), an island arose before them, which,
in honour of the saint whose day it happened to be, received the
name of St. Helena. On closer inspection it was discovered that
theisland possessed anexcellentharbour,and abundance of good

96 A Century of Discovery.
water, and therefore was well suited for a harbour of refuge,
and for a watering station. This small island has now a popu
lation of 7000 people. Since 1688 it has been in the posses
sion of the British, and is constantly visited by ships going to
and from the East Indies, which stop here to take in water
and provisions. But the great interest of the island consists in
its having been the place to which the fallen Emperor Napo
leon I. was banished, and where he died. It was in the farm
house, Longwood, in the most dreary part of the island, that
he fretted away the last six years of his life. Under the
historic willow-tree, which stands near the farmhouse, his
ashes rested until 1841, when Louis Philippe and his ^linister
Thiers caused them to be disinterred, and brought to France,
where they found a more fitting tomb in the Hotel des
Invalides. On the nth of September, 1502, Nova ran into the harbour
at Lisbon, and met with a most gracious reception from the
King, and a rich reward, which was due no doubt to the rich
cargoes of the ships, and to his circumspect conduct He had
not suffered the least loss, either in ships or men.
King Emanuel now added to the titles which he had hither
to borne — ^King of Portugal and of the Algarves, and Lord
of Guinea — the new one of Lord of the navigation, conquest,
and trade of Ethiopia, Arabia, Persia, and India, by which he
showed what was the goal he aimed at, rather than what he
really possessed.
It was important first of all to get the trade of those lands
entirely into the hands of the Portuguese. Since the result
of the three expeditions which had alreadj- been made to India
had shown cleariy the superiority of the JMoorish merchants
and the preference of the natives for them, it was now deter
mined to have recourse to force and to render their Moorish
rivals afraid of vying with the Portuguese, and thus to gain a
free field.

Pedro Alvarez Cabral and Juan de Nova. 97
To carry out this policy of terror, no one seemed more suit
able than Vasco da Gama, in whose mind , still rankled the
bitterest feelings towards the Moors, to whose artifices he had
fallen a victim. The command, therefore, of the fleet was
committed to him, and he received full powers to use force
towards the Moors and any Indian Prince who might oppose
him. In what a bloody manner he made use of this power
has already been related.

CHAPTER VIL
FRANCISCO DE ALMEIDA.
When Vasco da Gama, in 1503, returned from his second
voyage to India, he left at two places in Malabar — Cochin
and Cananore — a small number of Portuguese for the protec
tion of the factories established there — in the first harbour
thirty, and in the latter twenty men — and a fleet which, be
sides serving as a protection to the men, was intended to
watch the Moorish merchant-ships.
But its commander, Vincente Sodre, allowed himself, in
spite of all warnings, to be persuaded to make an attack upon
the Moorish ships in the Red Sea, at the most unfavourable
time of year, and paid for his folly by his own death and the
destruction of almost the whole fleet before it reached the
Red Sea.
This appeared to the Zamorin a favourable opportunity to
strike a blow at the Portuguese in the factories, and to teach
the Indian Princes who protected them that it was vain to
make use of the arms of foreigners in order to escape from the
rule of their rightful superior. His army was too powerful
for them to oppose it in the open field, and therefore the
Rajah of Cochin evacuated the town, and withdrew to the
Island of Waiping, taking the Portuguese with him. Even
here he was hard pressed, until the arrival of a Portuguese
fleet put an end to his difficulty, and made the Zamorin's army
retreat. This was a squadron which King Emanuel had prepared

Francisco de Almeida. 99
Isefore the return of Gama in 1503. It was principally com
posed of merchant-ships, which were to return as soon as pos
sible to Portugal with rich cargoes. At the head of this
squadron were two brothers, Francisco and Alfonso de Albu
querque ; and a small part of the fleet, under Antoni6 de
Saldanha, was directed to cruise about near the Red Sea.
With the help of 600 Portuguese, the Rajah of Cochin soon
¦drove the Zamorin out of his territory ; and, out of gratitude
to his protectors, he consented to the building of a fort on his
territory. Immediately — September 27th, 1503 — the work
was begun, and, close by the town of Cochin, arose a strong
building, which would at least serve as a defence in the case
of hostile attack. It was called Santiago, and became the
foundation of the Portuguese power in India. It had a
garrison of 150, commanded by the brave Duarte Pacheco
Pereira. The factories in Cananore and Coulam were then visited, and
there the ships were laded ; for in Cochin it had been im
possible to collect wares, owing to the war that had been
raging. Then the two brothers returned home. But only
Alfonso arrived safely in Portugal. Francisco, who left Cochin
on the 31st of January, 1504, perished, with all his ships, no
one knows how or where.
The fear of the Rajah of Cochin, that the Zamorin would
renew his attacks as soon as the Portuguese fleet had de
parted, was only too well founded. The Zamorin had indeed,
without the knowledge of the Arabian merch'ants, negotiated
with the brothers Albuquerque, and had even condescended
to give compensation for the destruction of the factory ; but
they soon began to suspect him, and, without waiting for
any explanation, attempted to seize the ships of Calicut.
Such treatment convinced him that friendly intercourse with
the Portuguese would only be possible if he yielded to all
their demands unconditionally, and surrendered all his rights

lOO A Century of Discovery.
as a prince. He preferred to try the fortune of war, hoping
that a severe defeat might render a settlement in India odious
to the Portuguese, while it would at the same time inspire with
new courage those whom the imperious conduct of the strangers
had dismayed, and deter the subject princes from following
the dangerous example of revolt.
With a mighty host, consisting of 70,000 men, 160 ships,
200 musketeers, and 300 pieces of ordnance, he entered the
territory of Cochin. It required the courage of a Pacheco
Pereira even to think of opposition to such a host. But this
extraordinary man, the first example of that incredible heroism
which was afterwards so frequently displayed, and which sur
rounded the Portuguese arms with the glamour of magic,
marched straight to meet the enemy's host, and did not re
turn to the island town of Cochin until he had first inflicted
severe losses upon it. The siege lasted from March until the
end of July, with varying fortune, the besieged suffering much,,
but at the same time doing many glorious deeds. The ap
proaches to the island had every day to be defended by bloody
contests with the enemy, whose valour was animated by the
personal presence of the Zamorin. Against the harbour of
Cochin fire-ships were let loose, which with difficulty were
diverted ; and eight floating-towers, supported by the whole
fleet of the enemy, attempted to make a landing, but were
driven hack by the Portuguese guns.
The exhausted garrison, which was aided by only a few
thousand native soldiers in the ser\'ice of the Rajah, found a
more powerful ally in a pestilence which broke out in the
enemy's camp, and carried off so many victimsthat the Zamorin
broke up the siege, after having lost 1 8,000 men. This melan
choly result so decreased his importance that some of the
subject princes immediately fell away from him, and made
offers to the Portuguese. Pacheco's fame was great in all
India ; and when he returned to Portugal the King rewarded

Francisco de Almeida. loi
Tiim with a significant coat of arms and the governorship of
the African Gold Coast ; but, becoming the victim of some
atrocious calumnies, the gallant leader eventually died in
chains, and his family fell into the deepest poverty.
In September, 1504, there appeared in the harbour of the
relieved city of Cochin a Portuguese fleet of thirteen well-
armed ships, having on board 1200 men, among whom were
many noblemen eager to gain fame and wealth in India. The
<:ommander of this fleet, which Emanuel had fitted out be
cause Gama represented that war was absolutely necessary,
was Lopo Soares. He bombarded Calicut for two days, burnt
the Zamorin's town, Kranganor, with all the ships that lay in
the harbour ; and at last, at the end of December, made a bold
attack on the well-manned Moorish merchant fleet which,
composed of seventeen ships, lay in the harbour of Ponani,
waiting for cargo, feeling perfectly secure under the shelter of
the batteries which the Zamorin had erected on the shore.
The audacious attack was perfectly successful, and ended in
the utter destruction of the Moorish fleet
It was the severest punishment which could have been in
flicted upon the Zamorin, for such a terrible loss frightened
the Moors away from his ports, and consequently made a
considerable difference in his revenue. At the same time
Soares showed the greatest possible honour to the faithful
Rajah of Cochin, and when he sailed away with his well-
laden fleet, left behind him four ships and a strong garrison
as a protection.
King Emanuel saw with much rejoicing the growing in
fluence of his people on those distant shores, and the con
stantly increasing wealth which accrued to Portugal.
In the course of a few years Lisbon had become the great
spice market of Europe, and could supply nearly the whole
continent, since from twelve to fifteen well-laden ships came
into her harbour every year Portugal was able to lower the

I02 A Century of Discovery.
prices, and thus monopolised the whole trade, which had once
been the wealth of Venice. Of course the use of spice in
creased as the price diminished, and thus larger sums were
spent in Indian wares. The advantage which accrued to
Portugal from this impetus to trade was something quite
remarkable. Besides the gigantic sums which flowed into the royal
coffers and gave the King means to prepare new fleets, a number
of large merchant houses sprang up, and a fresh life came
into trade. Moreover the varied undertakings and the pre
sence of many foreigners in the land were of great advantage
both to the citizens and peasants, and exercised a beneficial
influence even in the most distant corners of the land.
The more evident all this general prosperity became, the
more zealous did the King grow to render it permanent. It
did not escape him that in the long run it would not be enough
to send large fleets to India just to procure cargo and then
return. During their absence the impressions made upon the
enemies of Portugal by their brilliant deeds of arms were
quickly effaced, so that as a rule each fleet had to repeat the
work done by the preceding one.
This unsatisfactory state of things A\'as only to be prevented
by maintaining constantly a considei-able force in India.
Emanuel determined to do this. Indeed, to give more uni
formity to the conduct of Indian affairs and more permanence
to the relations with the Indian princes, he determined that a
representative of the King should take up his residence ia
India with the title of viceroy. The term of office was fixed
at three years ; for which period also all persons engaged in
the service, whether holding civil or military appointments,
were to be pledged.
The first man whom Emanuel invested with the dignity of
viceroy was Francisco de Almeida, Count of Abrantes, one of
those remarkable men who, without any thought of self or

Francisco de Almeida. 103
their own advantage, know no other glory than that of their
country, and seek no other advantage than that of the people
to whom they belong. He sprang from one of the most
illustrious families of Portugal, and had, since he first, dis
tinguished himself in the siege of Granada, added glory to
his name by many feats of arms both at sea and against the
Moors in North Africa.
He cannot have been a young man when he was appointed
by the King to the governorship in India, for he took with him
a son old enough to bear arms, who was to earn his first laurels
under his father's eyes. His bearing in his new office was dig
nified without being haughty. He himself submitted to the
greatest deprivations and fatigues in the interests of his office,
and he demanded from those under him, when necessary, the
utmost exertion of their powers. But whilst he displayed
an almost incredible unselfishness, and continually gave up
spoil which was justly his, he was so generous in praising and
rewarding those who faithfully fulfilled their duty or who
performed great deeds that he sometimes drew down upon
himself the displeasure of the King. This is proved by one
sentence of the great man's which has come down to us, " I
shall return to Portugal," he said, when he laid down his office,
" and place before the King my master the instructions which
he gave me, and if he finds that I have exceeded my com
mands in distributing his wealth, here is my own ; and if that
is not sufficient to repair the damage, I shall tell him that
another time he must not put the sword into the hand of a
fool." This liberality won for him the hearts of his subordinates,
while his heroic greatness, his blameless life, and his strict
sense of justice gained him the admiration of India.
He was next employed by the King in East Africa.
Emanuel wished that the Portuguese should establish a firm
footing on this coast, which was so important when considered

I04 A Century of Discovery.
in connection with the Indian trade. He had also cast an
eye upon the province of Sofala, rich in gold but yet scarcely
touched. Almeida, according to the King's orders, sailed
with. part of his fleet to Quiloa, the most powerful of the East
African mercantile cities. Disputes, which arose between
him and the Prince of Quiloa, ended in an assault on the town,
which the Portuguese took and plundered. With the new
Prince, whom Almeida established in place of the dethroned
one, he concluded a highly-advantageous treaty, which was
wrung from him no doubt in great measure by fear of the
Portuguese arms. Almeida was allowed to build the fort
Santiago on the harbour of Quiloa, and to furnish it with a
sufficient garrison. Much the same occurred at Mombas,
only that this town was able to make a greater resistance,
by means of the Portuguese guns which had been recovered
by means of divers from the bottom of the sea, as has been
already related, and therefore its defenders thus met with
more severe treatment after the capture. In both places the
spoil was great
Much more peaceful and friendly was Almeida's entrance
into Melinda. The native Prince was loaded with presents and
reaped the fruits of his wise and pacific behaviour in the in
creased prosperity of his harbour — a prosperity due doubtless
to the destruction of the more powerful neighbouring cities.
The Viceroy did not go himself to Sofala, the exploration
of that land of gold and the establishing of a settlement there
being committed to a special fleet of six ships which sailed
away from Portugal under the command of Pedro de Anhaya
shortly after Almeida. Permission was obtained for the
Portuguese to land from the Moorish Prince who ruled in
Sofala, and the building of a fort began. It was made of
wood, from the difficulty of procuring stone.
But, in consequence of the murderous climate, all the Portu
guese were soon laid lowwith fever, and the Moorish Prince had

Francisco de Almeida. 105
waited just for this to make more sure, as he thought, of their
destruction. Stirred up by him, the surrounding Kaffir tribes
stormed the fort, but were driven back by one discharge of the
guns. The Portuguese revenged themselves for this treachery by
murdering the Moorish Prince, and setting up in his place one of
his sons, who acknowledged himself a vassal of King Emanuel.
Portugal has maintained its dominion on that unhealthy
coast to this day, and countless numbers have fallen victims
to the fatal fever, in the pursuit of trade. The gold district
itself is fifty miles inland from Sofala, and forms a table-land,
which has frequently been visited of late by European travel
lers, and may perhaps yet be the scene of a future immigration
of gold-diggers.
The fact that these mines have undoubtedly been worked
from very early times has given rise to the opinion that this
was the Ophir of the Bible ; but others, as appears, with more
justice, have placed that land of gold in India, at the mouth of
the Indus.
Whilst Pedro de Anhaya was superintending the settlement
of the Portuguese in Sofala, Francisco de Almeida arrived at
Malabar. According to his instructions, he began first to
build a fort on the island of Anchediva, which King Emanuel
considered specially fitted to be the starting-point for future
undertakings. But when, after some time, it appeared that
the neighbourhood of the great commercial city of Goa, which
was under the rule ofthe Prince of Bujapoor, would be too dan
gerous for the new fortress, it was given up ; but the Portuguese
remained on good terms with the chief of the Indian pirates,
who had been accustomed to use the island as a haunt. The
Viceroy then visited the . factories in Cananore and Cochin
and found everything in a prosperous state. He sought, by
many marks of honour, to bind the Prince of Cochin, the
oldest and most faithful ally of Portugal, still closer to her
interests; and then, when he had freighted the merchant-ships

I o6 A Century of Discovery.
and despatched them to Portugal, he set himself to execute
the task which had been appointed him.
His plan was to gain for Portugal the uncontrolled dominion
of the Indian Seas, but entirely to abstain from all conquest
on the mainland, which might involve her in incalculable per
plexity. He trusted for the necessary support on the coast
partly to certain factories, but more to the adherence of the
Indian princes who should be brought to serve the cause of
Portugal, either by fear or by the hope of a rich reward.
Whilst with this view he distinguished in every possible
way the Rajah of Cochin, he punished severely the town of
Coulam, the inhabitants of which, stirred up by the Moors, had
burnt down the factory with all the goods stored up in it, and
had killed all the Portuguese. A similar chastisement had
shortly before been the lot of Onor, a town in the immediate
neighbourhood of Anchediva. From Cananore the Viceroy
superintended the freighting of the ships so successfully that
they were ready in a few months to return to Portugal.
Three of these ships, which sailed from Cochin on the 26tb
of November, 1505, were driven out of their usual course by a
violent north wind, and constrained to sail more directly south
for the Cape of Good Hope. This mishap caused the dis
covery of Madagascar, or, as the Portuguese called it, San
Louren5o. They sailed round its south point, however, with
out stopping to explore it. On this new course, which greatly
shortened the journey, they have been followed by most ships
returning from India.
The next year's fleet did not arrive as soon as it was ex
pected. The delay was caused by the fact that its commander,
Tristam da Cunha, whose name is still borne by a group of
islands which he discovered (12° 2' west longitude, and 37° 6'
south latitude), had, at the command of the King, assisted
Alfonso de Albuquerque to establish the influence of Portugal
on the east coast of Africa, even north of Mehnda. Some

Frajicisco de Almeida. 107
coast towns on the peninsula Somali were razed to theground.
Cape Guardafui was doubled, and a fort built on the island of
Socotra. This mountainous but most unhealthy island, which lies
opposite Cape Guardafui, was designed by Emanuel to serve
as a station for the Portuguese fleet, and to enable it com
pletely to close the Red Sea against all Moorish vessels.
After a few years, however, it was found that the island could
not be held, and it was given up. The two commanders em
ployed a full year in carrying out this commission of thejr
King. Then while Tristam da Cunha pursued his way to India,
Albuquerque sailed to Ormuz. This town lies 56° 29' east
longitude, and 27° 5' north latitude, and commands the straits
between the Indian Ocean and the Persian Gulf Although
the island on which it is situated is small and perfectly
barren — for the salt soil will produce nothing, and all the
necessaries of life, even water, have to be brought from the
mainland — yet on account of its position it was then thickly
peopled, and Ormuz itself, next to Malacca and Aden, was
considered the most important town of Asia. In its markets
were to be found the wares of India, together with the produce.
of Persia, Armenia, Tartary, and other northern countries.
"The world," says a native proverb, "is a ring, and
Ormuz is the gem which it contains." If the title. Lord ofthe.
Trade of the Indies and Ethiopia, which Emanuel had adopted,,
was to be anything more than a title, it was necessary that it
should be asserted in the capital of that trade.
So Albuquerque, September, 1507, with seven ships, carrying
460 men, appeared before the splendid city, which had a
garrison of 30,000 men, among whom were 4000 Persian archers,
and in whose harbours lay 400 ships. With such a dispro
portionate force, it was yet just like the audacity of Albu
querque, and the recklessness of the Portuguese, who looked

io8 A Century of Discovery.
upon all the East as their rightful prey, to call upon the
King of Ormuz to do homage, and to pay a yearly tribute.
The Vizier Atar, who held the reins of government for the
infant Prince over the town and kingdom, which extended
along the coasts of Arabia and Persia, did not venture at once
to try the fortune of arms, but entered upon negotiations with
these terrible strangers, in order-to keep them amused. How
ever, the very next morning the Portuguese fell upon the mer
chant fleet which lay in the harbour, sank a great many ships,
and burnt the rest. The fire was so fearful that it placed the
town in danger. The Vizier, frightened by the spectacle,
agreed to a treaty by which he recognised the King of Portu
gal as the feudal lord of Ormuz. He also agreed to pay a
tribute of 15,000 ducats, and to allow a fort to be erected for
the security of the Portuguese influence.
But this treaty, extracted by terror, was never carried out
After a few days new disputes arose, and the Vizier, who felt
himself encouraged by the large army which stood at his com
mand, and the hatred of the Portuguese entertained by the
people at large, put continual hindrances in the way of the
building of the fortress, so that, giving up the vain attempt,
they withdrew to Socotra.
However, convinced of the great importance of Ormuz, he
appeared again the next year, and spent the whole autumn in
spreading terror and dismay in the city. But, as on the
first occasion, he had been able to accomplish nothing, so now
this attempt, in which he had only three ships and about 300
men, was perfectly fruitless, and he was at last obliged to make
up his mind to leave Ormuz, fully intending to attempt the
execution of his plan at some future time, and when circum
stances should be more favourable.
Meantime Tristam da Cunha had reached Malabar with
the merchant fleet, and had taken on board the stores which
Almeida had prepared. This, thought the Viceroy, was the

Francisco de Almeida. 109
time to strike a blow against the Zamorin, whose fleet had
many times shown itself on the high seas, but had continually
been driven back by the Portuguese, under the leadership of
a brave youth, Lourengo de Almeida. He, however, had not
been able to hinder a number of merchant-ships from entering
the harbours of the Zamorin, where they had procured rich
cargoes. Just then — October, 1507 — there lay a large number
of them in the harbour of Ponani, a few miles south of Calicut,
where they appeared to be protected against every surprise by
the Zamorin's fleet and the fortifications, which were manned
by 4000 soldiers.
But even there the Portuguese sought them under the leader
ship of Almeida and of Tristam da Cunha. The two young
sons of the general commanded the vanguard of the fleet ;
they forced a landing under the fire of the enemy's batteries,
and defeated the natives in a most murderous fight, in which
indeed almost all of them were slain. Threatened on shore,
the Moors now left their ships in the lurch and saved them
selves. The conquerdrs only took the guns from the ships,
setting fire to everything else, even to the town with its rich
stores. The effect produced by this deed of arms was very great,
and increased in the whole of India the dread felt of the
Portuguese. The Moorish ships found it wise to avoid the
dangerous harbours of the Zamorin, and preferred to take
the long voyage to Ceylon and the Trade Isles, in order to
procure the costly productions from the lands where they
were indigenous. But even this was soon put a stop to by
the Portuguese. Not content with capturing and destroying
numbers of the ships on their return voyage, the Portuguese
soon supplanted the Moors even in their trade with these
distant lands.
Thus a strongly-fortified factory was established byLourengo
de Almeida on the Maldives, not only for the sake of the ex
cellent coir — rope made from cocoa-nut fibres — which these

II o A Century of Discovery.
islands produced, but also to lay wait here for the Moorish
merchant-ships. It was the same youthful hero who first dis
played the Portuguese flag in Ceylon. He landed in Galle,
in the south of the island, and entered into friendly intercourse
with the ruler of Ceylon.
The dominion of Portugal over th^ Indian Seas appeared
more and more firmly established. The great merchant fleets,
which had in earlier times carried the productions of India
to Arabia, were either destroyed or no longer ventured into
the Indian Seas, where they found themselves treated with
the most relentless severity, just as if they had made an inroad
into an enemy's land. With an iron foot the Portuguese
trampled upon their flourishing trade, in order upon its ruins
to estabhsh their own mercantile power. This change was
accompanied by great revolutions. Mighty princes lost their
influence, insignificant harbours became in a night important
places of trade ; whilst at the places which had hitherto been
centres of commerce trade came to a standstill, and poverty
speedily ensued.
Thus it v/as at Alexandria, the old emporium for the
Mediterranean, which quickly lost its importance. The de
crease in the customs was highly disagreeable to the ]\Iame-
luke Sultan of Egypt, and moved him to an attempt to drive
the Portuguese out of India, in order to assist the Moors,
whose trade had been of such service to Egypt. Venice,
which felt its very life imperilled by the commercial prosperity
of Portugal, did not fail to give both encouragement and
active support The Sultan, Kansu Ghwari, therefore caused
a large fleet to be fitted out in the Red Sea, which put to sea,
in 1507, under the command of the Emir Hossein, a native of
Kurdistan. It was calculated that allies would be found in
India ; above all, that the Zamorin of Calicut and the Mussul
man King of Cambaya, whose revenues had been seriously
injured by the progress of the Portuguese, would certainly
assist him.

Francisco de Almeida. iii
The near approach of this hostile fleet was reported to the
Viceroy ; but he did not consider the report worthy of credit.
So the Emir Hossein succeeded, in January, 1508, in surprising
the young Almeida, as the latter, with a fleet of twelve men-of-
war, was conducting the Malabar ships of the Kings of Cochin
and Cananore to Choul, a little harbour north of Goa. In spite
of the overwhelming force of the enemy, Louren9o attacked the
Egyptian fleet, but without doing it much damage ; and when
the fleet of Cambay, under the command of Mel-ek As, the
governor of Din, came to the support of the enemy, he re
cognised the necessity of retreat.
But in order to avoid the appearance of flight, the Portu
guese squadron left the harbour by day — the merchant-ships
'in front, and then, one behind the other, the men-of-war
Lourengo himself covered the rear. At first every attack of
the hostile fleet was repulsed, until, by an unlucky accident,
the battle took an unexpected turn.
At the entrance of the harbour were several rows of mov-
-able piles— thin poles fixed into stones sunk in the water
— which the fishermen used to fasten their nets to. They in
no way hindered ships sailing out, since they bent under
them. But a hole had been made in Lourengo's vessel under
the water by a shell from one of the enemy's guns, and into
this hole one of the poles got fixed. Thus the ship became
entangled in the other piles, and was kept back, while the
others sailed prosperously out into the open sea.
The enemy immediately rushed from all sides upon the
vessel, to the assistance of which the others could not come.
A boat which the nearest Portuguese ship despatched to
rescue the crew Lourengo sent back, and he and his men pre
pared for a death struggle The ship and the crew seemed
in the very jaws of destruction, but Lourengo showed no signs
of surrendering. Soon a ball carried away half his thigh. He
was then compelled to allow himself to be placed on a chair
near the mainmast, and thus he continued to cheer on his men

112 A Century of Discovery.
until a second ball carried away half his ribs, and he fell.
The death of this heroic youth increased the fury of the
Portuguese crew, and strengthened them in their determina
tion to sell their lives as dearly as possible. Three times was
the enemy driven back ; and when at length they succeeded
in boarding the ship, they found, among the heaps of slain,
only nineteen men, all severely wounded, whom they took
prisoners. Although this glorious defeat only increased the reputation
for superhuman bravery which the Portuguese had gained in
India, it yet showed that the dreaded enemy was not altogether
invincible, and made the Indian princes inclined to enter into
negotiations with the Emir.
This determined the Viceroy, who had his son's death to
avenge, to make a great attack on the Mohammedan fleet,
which had retired to the peninsula of Gijerat.
During the summer the men-of-war were refitted, and when
in the autumn the merchant fleet came from Portugal it also
was equipped for war. Just as they were preparing to start
from Cananore Alfonso de Albuquerque arrived, having, while
at Ormuz, been appointed successor to Almeida in the vice-
royalt)'. He demanded immediate installation in his office,
reminding Almeida that his three years had expired. The
latter, however, decidedly refused to lay down his power until
he had executed his scheme of revenge. " I have already,"
he said, " drawn the sword, and am not accustomed to sur
render it to another in order that he may avenge wrongs done
to me"
This refusal led to a serious quarrel between the two great
men. It even went so far that Albuquerque was arrested by
Almeida, but finally ended in a complete reconcihation.
Whilst Albuquerque went to Cochin and undertook the
government of the factories, Almeida, on the 12th December,
1508, went towards the north with a fleet of 19 sail, on which

L0UREN90 DE ALMEIDA'S LAST ENGAGEMENT.

Francisco de Almeida. 113
there were 1200 Portuguese soldiers and sailors and 400
Malabar auxiliaries from Cochin and Cananore. Among the
Indian Princes who, after Lorenzo's death at Choul, had
negotiated with Emir Hossein, the most important was a
Persian, named Sabayo. In his best harbour, Dabul, which
was strongly fortified and garrisoned with 6000 men, there
was stored up for the Moorish merchants, to whom Sabayo
was allied by a common faith, a large quantity of Indian wares
ready for lading.
Almeida ordered this harbour to be stormed. It was taken
after a hard struggle and given over to the troops to plunder.
But a fire broke out, and the town, with all its treasures, was
reduced to a heap of ashes.
The Portuguese fleet then proceeded to Diu. This town,
which is situated on a little island south of the peninsula of
Gujerat, was the most important harbour of the kingdom of
Cambay, and, on account of its position, pecul iarly well fitted
as a station for a fleet intended to rule the Indian Ocean.
For this reason, the Emir Hossein had gone thither, and had
found in Melech As, the Governor of Diu, a warm ally. More
than 200 ships prepared for war lay in the harbour, among
which were about 100 small ones which the Zamorin had
sent to their aid.
Undismayed, the Portuguese pressed into the harbour ; a
frightful battle ensued, which ended with the flight of the
Zamorin's ships, and the utter destruction of the Egyptian
fleet. The victors had thirty killed and 300 wounded ; the
enemy lost 1500 men, among whom were 440 Mamelukes,
who had defended themselves to the last Of the captured
ships, Almeida only retained six; the rest he set fire to. The,
booty was very considerable, and two Egyptian standards
were sent as trophies to Portugal.
This battle put an end for ever to the attempts of the
Egyptians to destroy, or, at any rate, to injure the Portuguese

114 ^ Century of Discovery.
trade in India. A short time after (15 18) the kingdom ofthe
Mamelukes fell into the hands of the Turks, who, in 1538,
made a single vain attempt to establish themselves in
India. In the pride of conquest, Almeida returned to Cochin.
Very unwillingly did he surrender his dignity to Albu
querque. He would much have liked to have carried out
the great undertaking he had planned. Before he could
embark on board the fleet, which every year returned to
Portugal, and leave behind what had been the scene of
his labours for so many years, he was obliged to witness
the honours which had hitherto been his pass to his suc
cessor. Much displeased at the ingratitude which he fancied he
had experienced, he set sail, on November 19th, 1509, for his
home, where he might be sure of an honourable reception and
a rich reward. But no such happy fate was in store for the
hero ; a premature and inglorious death awaited him.
In Saldanha Bay, not far from the Cape of Good Hope, the
squadron cast anchor to take in water. While Almeida and
the crew — consisting of 1 50 men — were thus engaged, they
became involved in a quarrel with the negroes, who fell upon
the Portuguese, and drove them back to their boats. Unfor
tunately, the boats had drifted along the shore, and so
they had to make their retreat over a long stretch of burning
sand. Stones and spears meanwhile were hurled at the ex
hausted men, and many a noble Portuguese \\'as stretched
upon the earth.
Among them was Almeida, pierced through the breast with
a spear. His body was buried at the spot where he fell. The
sad news plunged all Portugal into deep mourning. King
Emanuel honoured his memory by rich presents to his

DEATH OF FRANCISCO DE ALMEIDA IN SALDANHA BAY.

Francisco de Almeida. 115
family : and King Ferdinand of Aragon, on the receipt of the
melancholy tidings, retired into solitude (as was the custom
on the death of a person of royal blood), in honour of the
man who had performed such heroic deeds before the walls
of Granada.

8—2

CHAPTER VIIL
ALFONSO DE ALBUQUERQUE.
The new Viceroy, who, in the prime of life — he was born in 145 5
— entered upon his office, was no novice in Indian affairs. He
had, as we have seen, defended the fort of Cochin against the
attacks of the Zamorin ; and lately, the enterprises with which
the King had entrusted him on the coasts of East Africa and
Arabia, had given him full opportunity to display his heroism,
his powers as a general, and his force of character. Entering
on his office in the autumn of 1509, he immediately com
menced a course of policy completely different to that of his
predecessor. Almeida had made it his object to maintain the
Portuguese supremacy on the sea, and to secure the Indian
trade, which, in the few years since Vasco da Gama's landing
at Calicut, had made Portugal the richest country in Europe.
In his opinion, it was well to be satisfied with a few strong
factories on the mainland of India, because the distance of the
mother country made it difficult to supply forces sufficient
either for making conquests or for retaining conquests when
made. Albuquerque considered such limits unworthy. He did not
wish to work melrely for the present, but to do something
which should last for all time. The employment of providing
as much pepper and cinnamon as possible for the market of
Lisbon did not satisfy him ; but to lay the foundations of a new
empire seemed to him a worthy object And it was just the
distance of the mother country which in his eyes rendered it

Alfonso de Albuquerque. iij
necessary to create a power in India sufficient to support the
Portuguese dominion on the sea without having to wait for
months for help from home. With these views, which the
event justified, Albuquerque undertook to found the Portu
guese Empire in India, and this self-imposed task he nobly
accomplished. At first he felt himself in some degree obstructed by the
presence of the Marshal Fernando Coutinho, who had arrived
¦shortly before Almeida's departure, and held a joint command
with him. Against his better judgment, he was o'oliged to
join in a war which Coutinho had planned against Calicut.
Together they appeared with a considerable force before the
town, on which already signal chastisement had often been
inflicted, and on January 2nd, 15 lo, began to storm it. They
succeeded in making themselves masters of the town ; but in
the somewhat distant castle of the Zamorin the native soldiers
¦defended themselves most obstinately. The Portuguese who
had penetrated so far were cut off from the main force, and
surrounded in their retreat in the thick woods which environed
the town. The Marshal himself and eighty men lost their
lives. Albuquerque avenged their death by burning down
the whole town and all the ships found in the harbour ; then
he forsook the untenable spot.
In the very same month he sailed again out of Cochin
at the head of a fleet of twenty-one sail, bearing 1600 armed
men. His object originally was Ormuz, which he intended
to punish for resisting him twice ; but on tjie way he suddenly
changed his mind, and determined upon a coup de main against
Goa. This town, which had flourished for many years on the
Moorish trade, lay on a little island named Tissuari, which,
three miles long from east to west, and a mile from north to
south, is situated in 15° 30' north latitude, on the west coast of
India, from which it is only separated by a narrow arm of the
sea. It had a secure harbour, difficult of access, however.

1 1 8 A Century of Discovery.
during the summer monsoon. Next to Dabul, which lay more
to the north, and which Almeida had burnt, it was the chief
trading-place for the kingdom of Beejapoor and the other
states which had separated from the great empire of the
Deccan. This island, which lies about half-way down the
coast of Malabar, Albuquerque destined to be the future
centre of the Portuguese dominions which he intended to
found. The moment was well chosen. Sabayo was just dead, and
his son Ismael Adil Khan, whose name the Portuguese turned
into Hidalkano, was expecting an attack from the neighbour
ing princes, who had unwillingly submitted to the usurpation
of Sabayo, having been specially provoked by his marriage
with the daughter of the lawful King of the Deccan, and by
the claims to the supremacy which he founded upon it. It
was not therefore to be expected that Hidalkan would be
able to defend Goa. This good news, brought by Timoja,
who was the captain of the Anchediva pirates, and since
Gama's time had been a faithful ally of Portugal's, decided
the Viceroy to make an immediate attack upon the important
town, which, after a short resistance on the 25 th of February,
1 5 10, fell into his hands. They immediately began to build
a church, to appoint magistrates, and to take all the measures
necessary for defence, for they felt pretty certain that Hidal
kan would use his utmost efforts to recover his most impor
tant port.
And so it happened. A vanguard of 10,000 men forced a
passage over the narrow strait which separates the island from
the mainland, and sat down before the town. Then Hidalkan
himself approached with 60,000 men, among whom were 5000
horse-soldiers. Opposed to such an overwhelming force were
the Spaniards, behind unfinished ramparts, and surrounded
by the native inhabitants of the place, and by Moors whose
sympathies were all on the side of the besiegers. Albuquerque

Alfonso de Albtiquerque. 119
therefore determined for the present to give up his conquest
and withdraw to his fleet The monsoon, however, began to
blow, and hindered the ships from sailing away, and three
months of the greatest suffering ensued. Besides continual
conflicts with the enemy — for "three drops of Portuguese
blood flowed for every drop of water " that they procured —
a fearful pestilence broke out in the army, and carried off
numbers of brave men. Still they held out courageously,
and at last, in August, 15 10, were able to get away from the
fatal spot.
But Albuquerque was far from being deterred from the
execution of his plans by this first calamity. Scarcely allowing
himself any time for rest, he again left Cochin — much to the
vexation of the Prince, who disliked the idea ofthe Portuguese
head-quarters being removed to Goa, since it would considerably
diminish both his revenue and importance — and sailed with
twenty-three ships, having on board 1500 Portuguese and 300
natives of Malabar, against Goa. The town was defended by
a garrison of 9000 men, Hidalkan being engaged in the field
against some of the neighbouring princes.
On the 25th of November, 15 10, the Portuguese, whose
courage despised all obstacles, again entered the town. In
deed, taking advantage of a panic which spread among the
enemy, they took possession not only of the whole island, but
also of a strip of the mainland opposite. The treacherous
Moors were tried, and either put to death or driven out of the
town. But full security, both of life and property, was granted
to the Indian inhabitants, and when they had offered their
submission and pledged themselves to pay the usual taxes,
Albuquerque gave them a native chief, in the Prince of Onor,
Melreu, whose duty it should be to judge them and to collect
and deliver up the taxes. By such lenient treatment he sought
to reconcile the great body of the people with the new order
of things. And with the same object he encouraged the

1 20 A Century of Discovery.
marriages of the Portuguese with Indian women. To such
young couples he gave the houses, fields, and gardens of the
exiled Moors, and in this way created a burgher class, on
whom he could depend, and to whom he gave the offices of
greatest trust in the town.
Changing thus what had hitherto been a mere system of
pillage and oppression into a regular and well-ordered govern
ment, he naturally made many enemies among the Portu
guese, who looked upon themselves as defrauded, and sent
prejudicial reports to the King.
No one, however, ventured openly to oppose the great man,
who soon succeeded in giving Goa an importance greater
than that it had hitherto possessed. New buildings sprang
up, numbers of ships were fitted out in the harbour, and in
the mint, which Albuquerque set up, gold, silver, and copper
coins were struck off that soon found their way into all the
Indian harbours.
A particular importance was given to Goa by an enactment
of the Viceroy, which prohibited to all the other East Indian
ports the traffic in Arab horses. Since the climate of a great
part of India makes the breeding of good horses impossible,
the Indian princes were obliged to import Arab horses, in
order to maintain their cavalry, the flower of their army, in a
fit condition for war. All this important traffic was now
turned to Goa, and brought in a considerable revenue. At
last Albuquerque, in order to render the trade secure, erected
a great fort, which he called Manuel, in honour of the King.
In it he placed a garrison of 400 men, 80 of whom were horse-
soldiers, while Melreu commanded a body of 5000 Indians.
To such forces could be trusted the defence of Goa against
any attempt which Hidalkan might make to recover it, and
in March, 15 10, Albuquerque quitted it for new enterprises.
Of course Hidalkan immediately attempted another siege,
but the garrison held out bravely until help arrived and then

Alfonso de Albuquerque. 12 1
made a sally. This was repeated many times until, in the
autumn of 1512, Albuquerque himself stormed the enemy's
fortress Benestarin, which covered the passage from the main
land to the island, and so alarmed Hidalkan that he begged
for peace. Henceforth the possession of Goa was secured,
and the town rapidly rose to an importance which was much
increased by its being made the seat of government.
The great change which now took place in Portuguese
politics did not fail to produce a deep impression on the Indian
princes, who up to this point had esteemed it beneath their
princely dignity to enter into negotiations with the Portuguese,
whom they looked upon as pirates. Ambassadors came to
Goa from all the great kingdoms of South India, in order to
enter into alliance with the new power The hostile Kings of
Calicut and Cambay begged for peace, and consented to allow
the building of forts in Calicut and Diu.
With every spice fleet which returned to Portugal went am
bassadors from Indian princes with presents to King Emanuel
and assurances of friendship. Thus the bold capture and
brave maintenance of Goa secured to the Portuguese power a
firm hold over the whole west coast of India. The trade
also was regulated by treaties. All ships that were not
Portuguese were excluded from traffic in the harbours of the
allied princes, unless they could show Portuguese passes.
After these great successes the restless Albuquerque turned
himself to new tasks in the far east. When the Portuguese
had taken possession of the land whence gkiger, pepper, and
cinnamon are brought into the European market, their atten
tion had been directed to the coasts which produce camphor,
the nutmeg, and the clove ; that is to say, the Sunda Islands
and the Moluccas.
Mysterious and dark as is the early history of these distant
lands, it is yet certain that they have for a long period played
an important part in the commerce of Asia. The merchant

122 A Century of Discovery.
fleets of civilised nations, which sought their valuable produc
tions, and the lively intercourse maintained by them with
Chinese, Arabs, and Indians, had aroused the gifted Malay
inhabitants of these islands and coasts. There, too, the re
ligions of other countries had found a ready reception. As
Buddhism had conquered Brahminism, so it, in turn, had given
way before the Islamism spread by the Arabs, which shortly be
fore the arrival of the Portuguese had become the general faith.
Of the native races, two showed themselves peculiarly re
ceptive of external influences ; the Javanese and the Ourang-
lout, or men of the sea, who, having their origin in Sumatra, have
established themselves on the various coasts, and distinguish
themselves by their remarkable skill as sailors and traders,
and also by their inveterate inclination for piracy.
In very early times there were regular social institutions ;
and the splendid ruins on the island are a proof of the advance
even then mad^ by the Javanese. When the Portuguese
appeared on their coasts there existed several Mahometan
principalities which, with much mistrust, entered into trade
with the foreigners, and a century later were swallowed up in
one kingdom. The Ourang-lout had, in i i6o, built on a little
island at the south of the Malay peninsula the town of Singa
pore, which had quickly become the centre of trade in that
neighbourhood. But, oppressed by the jealous King of Siam,
they had deserted this city, and, in 1253, had built, farther
west and in a singularly fine position, the town of Malacca,
which soon had risen to importance, and had diverted the
stream of commerce from its old course round Sumatra and
through the Straits of Sunda, into the Straits of Malacca and
between Nicobar and Andaman. The princes and people of
the Ourang-lout had soon afterwards embraced Islamism, and
were continually engaged in war with the Buddhist Emperor
of Siam. From the Portuguese accounts we gain but a slight
impression of tlie uncommon prosperity of this commercial

Alfonso de Albuquerque. 123
town ; but we learn from them that between 30,000 and
40,000 houses were scattered for a mile along the coast, so we
may calculate the population at about 150,000. Besides the
Ourang-lout, who were the governing race, numerous foreign
traders had settled there. These were divided into four
quarters — that of the Javanese, Moors, Bengalees, and
Chinese, each with its own chief. Among the merchant
families there was such wealth that they reckoned their
property by tons of gold.
To this great emporium of trade Almeida had sent, as eariy
as 1509, Diego Lopez de Segueira with five ships, and orders
to conclude a treaty with the Sultan of Malacca. The genuine
Portuguese recklessness, with which on the way Segueira
seized some ships and burnt them because they had not Por
tuguese passes, did not prevent his being well received by the
Sultan. But this act caused so many delays, intrigues, and
secret plots against the Portuguese, that at last he lost
patience and returned without finishing his business. Indeed,
he left several of his countrymen prisoners in the hand of the
Sultan, but threatened due revenge if they were badly treated.
To fulfil this threat Albuquerque appeared in the Malacca
roads on the 1st of July, 15 11, with nineteen ships, carrying
800 Portuguese and 600 armed natives of Malabar
All negotiations for peace having been put an end to by the
exorbitant demands of the Portuguese and the contemptuous
refusal of the Sultan, hostilities began. In a mihtary point of
view, the most important feature of the towp was a bridge
over the little river that divided the town into two halves —
the north and foreigners' quarter ; and the south, containing
the palaces of the Sultan and native nobility.
The first attack on this bridge failed, with heavy loss to the
assailants ; but a second attempt, on the loth of August, suc
ceeded ; and from the strong position thus won, piece by
piece, the whole town was conquered in a few days, while the

1 24 A Century of Discovery.
Sultan fled. Of all the inhabitants, only the Ourang-lout and
Moors were treated as enemies ; all the Javanese, Chinese, and
Hindus were spared. The booty was immense, and is said to
have exceeded a million ducats.
With his accustomed energy, Albuquerque began the build
ing of a Christian church, and of a strong fortress, in which he
placed a garrison of 300 men. He made the same civil ar
rangement as in Goa. He appointed a native governor ofthe
city, and native judges for the Mahometans and Buddhists,
from whose judgment, however, there was to be an appeal to
the Portuguese tribunal. The tolls for exported and imported
goods were fixed, and produced a considerable revenue. A
mint was also set up.
Edouard Fernandez and Ruy da Cunha were sent as am
bassadors to the neighbouring Emperors of Siam and Pegu.
They succeeded in forming alliances with these courts, and
on their return gave the most astonishing accounts of their
Oriental magnificence. Antonio de Abreu was despatched
with three ships and 120 men, in order to visit the Banda and
Molucca Islands, the home of the most important spices.
Without waiting for the return of all these ambassadors,
Albuquerque left Malacca in the spring of 15 12, leaving
Fernam Peres de Anrade behind as governor But the return
voyage to India was very disastrous, owing to unfavourable
weather. On the coast of Sumatra, the flag-ship and several others
were wrecked on a sand-bank, and the crews only saved with
great difficulty, while " the richest booty ever seen since the
•discovery of India " was buried beneath the waves. Quick and
successful as had been the undertaking against Malacca, the
maintenance of that important place was very difficult, and
called for m.any sacrifices. Many enemies from the outside
came to the support of the inhabitants, who felt themselves
ill-used by misrule, often by injustice and utter want of con-

Alfonso de Albuquerque. 125
ideration. Javanese pirates threatened the town, and the
xiled Sultan several times established himself in the neieh-
•ourhood, and pressed upon the Portuguese fortress both by
and and water. The little garrison was often hard beset ;
»ut it held out until, with the monsoon, a fleet came to its
elief from India.
Driven out of his haunts, the old Sultan drew back to the
leighbouring island, Bintang, while on the peninsula itself his
on founded a new kingdom, which still stands. This struggle
'or the existence of the Portuguese rule in Malacca lasted for
,^ears. In 1526, the island, Bintang, was taken, and then the
jossession of Malacca could be reckoned secure.
For a long time after his return from Malacca, the Viceroy
vas occupied with the ordering of the Portuguese possessions
n Malabar; yet at the same he made preparations for another
jreat undertaking. This time he wished to pay the Arabs a
/isit in the Red Sea itself, and, if possible, to prevent them
coming into the Indian Seas at all.
At last a fleet of twenty ships of war was ready, manned
by 1700 Portuguese and 800 allied natives of Malabar. On
the 1 8th of February, 1513, they set sail, and on the 24th of
March they appeared before Aden, a very strong town, with an
sxcellent harbour, situated on the south coast of Arabia (45° 5'
sast longitude). The possession of this harbour would have
made the Portuguese masters of the Red Sea, just as now, in
the hands of the English, it is the key to that sea. The im
portance of the place decided Albuquerque to'make an attack,
which, however, was repulsed,- in spite of the great bravery
iisplayed by the Portuguese in a struggle which lasted four
lours. The strong position and good defences of the town
rendered it useless to attempt another assault ; so the fleet
sailed away through the Straits of Babelmandeb (the Gate of
sorrow) into the Red Sea.
These straits are six miles broad, but there are seven islands

126 A Century of Discovery.
in them, which render their navigation in stormy weather dan
gerous even for sailors who have a knowledge of the place.
But the Red Sea is even worse. The Arabs call it the Closed
Sea, and it is only in the middle that there is just a narrow
channel of deep water. In this channel there is not much
danger to be feared ; but it is subject to frequent calms, which
render a voyage along it very tedious. But along both the
African and Arabian coasts are many rocks and islands with
shallow straits between them. The coasts are, indeed, only
accessible by the help of experienced pilots, and even these
always observe the precaution of casting anchor every night
Under such circumstances, thePortuguesefleetmade but slow
progress, and at last was obliged to He to for two months off
the island of Kamarang, near the Arabian coast But with
the first favourable wind, Albuquerque left this unhealthy
spot, which had brought sickness and death among his men,
and hastened to quit the treacherous sea, in which he could
find no place suitable for a fortress. The undertaking had
failed, but the Arabs were frightened by Albuquerque's bold
ness, he being the first of all Christian sailors to penetrate
into the Red Sea.
On the return voyage several Arab ships were captured, and
then the fleet sailed to Diu, whose cunning Governor, Melek
As, had not yet consented to the building of a Portuguese
fortress. Having returned again to Goa, the Viceroy devoted
the whole year, 15 14, to the affairs of government, which de
manded a close attention.
Numerous and very often just complaints were brought to
him of the covetousness and tyranny of the officials, and these
complaints demanded from him a stern interference. His
impartiality and high sense of justice were now fully seen ;
but it was only to be expected that many of the men who
suffered at his hands should express themselves as dissatisfied,
and even assume a hostile attitude towards the Viceroy,

Alfotiso de Albuquerque. 127
He knew his enemies quite well, but continued to act
towards them in a most generous manner, and contented
himself with sending those to Portugal for punishment whom
he could prove to be guilty of treason. But the men thus
sent hastened to spread all sorts of calumnies with regard to
Albuquerque, making capital, of course, of the disastrous
expedition to the Red Sea, which had cost so much money
and so many human lives. They succeeded only too well in
destroying King Emanuel's confidence in him. He was
rendered more ready to listen to their reports by the fact that
his self-love had been wounded by Albuquerque's decided
refusal to carry out some of his orders; for instance, to evacuate
Goa. Thus the fall of Albuquerque was preparing in Portugal
while he, in the full consciousness of his faithfulness and
receiving tokens of royal favour, believed himself to be
secure. Just at that time Albuquerque was occupied with active pre
parations against Ormuz. To be sure, the tribute to which the
King had pledged himself had been, at least in part, paid, but
no exhortation with regard to the fort which he had promised
to build produced any effect And the place seemed to Al
buquerque so important that he swore he would not shave
or cut his beard until he had enforced performance of the
promise. At last all the preparations were complete, and Albuquerque
was able, with a fleet consisting of fourteen large men-of-war,
seven caravels, and six galleys, and having on board 1500
Portuguese and 700 Indians, to proceed from Goa against the
town which had so long occupied his care and attention.
On the 26th of March the fleet arrived at Ormuz, where
immediately the greatest alarm ensued. The leading persons
in the town were no longer the same as the Portuguese had
found eight years before ; and a new King was on the throne ;
bijt, like his predecessors, completely in the power of his First

128 A Century of Discovery.
Minister This nian, a Persian of the name of Ahmed, in
tended to play into the hands of the Persian Shah Ismael,
and had therefore provided a strong garrison of Persian
archers. Still he did not dare to bid defiance to the great
power of Albuquerque, and entered into negotiations which
ended in a complete ratification of the previous treaty. As
a sign of the Portuguese supremacy, the Portuguese standard
was unfurled on the royal castle, which was greeted by a
salute from the fleet. In a short time the fortress was erected
on the most favourable place and armed by the King of Or
muz with all his guns, which, however, he was unwilling to
give up.
When Albuquerque saw that the discontent of the King
was nourished by his minister, he freed himself in an oriental
manner of the dangerous man, having him struck down by
some Portuguese noblemen while on a visit. The King, whom
this murder relieved from a most disagreeable subjection,
henceforth honoured and loved Albuquerque as his deliverer,
and the latter strove, by a dignified conciliatoriness, to render
the relation between them firm and lasting.
A disease which attacked Albuquerque in August grew
worse day by day, and at last made him think of returning
to Goa. He placed as governor in the fortress at Ormuz his
nephew, Pedro de Albuquerque, whomhe named ashis successor
in case of his death. Then he set sail on the '8th of Novem
ber in the hope of yet recovering his health on the salubrious
Indian coast. He was met by a Moorish ship, which brought
him news from India that utterly crushed him. King Emanuel
had recalled him to Portugal, and his successor, Lopo Soarez,
a personal enemy of Albuquerque's, had already arrived in
Cochin, bringing with him, in offices of high trust, others
of his opponents, some even of those very men whom he had
.sent to Portugal for punishment. At the same time he learnt
that the commands with regard to the government which

DEATH OF ALBUQUERQUE OFF GOA.

Alfonso de Albuquerque. 192
King Emanuel had laid on the new official were diametrically
opposed to his own plans and principles.
Such ungrateful treatment he had not expected. He was
deeply pained and broke out into the words, " Now it is time
to turn to the Church, for I have ruined myself with the King
out of love to the people, and with the people out of love to
the King." Henceforth he had done with earthly cares, and
rejected all nourishment. Only after much persuasion was
he induced to allow his secretary to write the following letter
to the King :
" Sir, — This is the final letter which now, at my last gasp,
I write to your Royal Highness. Many letters have I written
to you with a lighter heart on occasions when I had succeeded
in rendering you some service. I leave behind in this land a
son. Bras de Albuquerque, and I beg your Highness to allow
him to reap the reward of his father's services. As regards
Indian affairs, they will speak for themselves and for me."
The signing of this letter exhausted all his remaining strength.
When the ship reached Goa they did not venture to carry him
on shore. A priest was summoned to offer him the last con
solations of religion, and on the morning of the i6th of Decem
ber, 15 15, he breathed his last in sight of the town which he
had made the queen of India. His body was buried at first
in Goa. Hidalgos carried it on their shoulders into the
church which he had founded, and the whole population of
the town. Christians, heathens, and Moors, followed with loud
and sincere lamentation.
His wish to be buried with his ancestors in Portugal
was not fulfilled for a considerable time, the inhabitants of
Goa being unwilling to part with his remains, for which
they erected a costly shrine. Indeed, soon after Albu
querque's death it became the custom among the heathen
and Moors, when they suffered any injustice from the Gover
nor, to repair to his grave, bringing oil for the lamp and adorn-
9

130 A Century of Discovery.
ing the tomb with flowers, while they implored his departed
spirit to procure justice for them. It needed a bull from the
Pope, threatening the inhabitants of Goa with excommunica
tion if they any longer opposed the removal of the body,
before the accomplishment of the great man's last wishes
could be effected.
The interment in the family vault in Lisbon, which took
place on the 6th of April, 1566, was accompanied with much
pomp and magnificence.
Alfonso de Albuquerque was of middle height and well-pro
portioned ; his features were pleasant and attractive, but no
one could stand against the wrathful glance of his eye. A
long snow-white beard fell down to his girdle. In society he
was agreeable, lively, and full of wit. He had received an
excellent education for his time, and was well able to express
his thoughts in writing. Having a keen insight into character,
he knew how to treat every one according to his peculiarities,
and had even shown himself a match for the cunning Moors.
The greatness and precision of his plans, the care employed
in their preparation, and the speed and power of their execu
tion are worthy of all admiration. But still higher honour is
due to his noble nature, his highmindedness and detestation
of everything base. It is just this which makes his image stand
out bright and shining from the background formed by the
low passions of his countrymen.
The general grief which his death caused, even in the hearts
of those who had been hostile to him in life, speaks in the
clearest manner possible for the noble character of this great
man. What he did in India, the result has shown. He was
the founder of the colonial power of the Portuguese in that
country.

CHAPTER IX.
the last discoveries of the PORTUGUESE.
Starting from their new possessions, the Portuguese soon
made themselves acquainted with all the neighbouring
countries, beginning with those which were most important to
their rising trade. The Bay of Bengal had been visited by
Portuguese ships under Almeida, and a few years later com
mercial treaties were concluded with the Indian Princes who
ruled its coasts. There was, however, a peculiar charm in
penetrating farther into the mysterious East, and thus a special
interest was excited by the settlements of the Portuguese in
the Moluccas and their intercourse with the early civilised
states of China and Japan.
The Moluccas are five little islands lying very close together
under the equator in 128° east longitude, near the curiously-
shaped island Gilolo. Their names are, beginning from the
north, Ternate, Tidor, Motir, Makjan, and the larger Batchang.
They are of only a few miles' circumference, and in each
island the centre is occupied by a volcano, so that only the
narrow coast is fit for habitation and cuitivation. But they
are the home of the nutmeg tree, which is found nowhere else,
except in the little Banda Islands (4'" 33' south latitude,
130° 3' east longitude), and of which the blossom, as mace, and
the fruit, the nutmeg, are such valuable articles of trade.
The trade in these spices, carried on by the Javanese, the
Chinese, and even the Arabs, had created considerable pros
perity among the simple inhabitants of these islands, and pro-
9—2

132 A Century of Discovery.
duced an ample revenue for their Princes. When the appear
ance of the Portuguese in the Sunda Islands, and their forcible
settlement in Malacca, caused an entire revolution in the East
Asiatic trade, the Princes of the Moluccas perceived that it
would be for their interest to make a friendly alliance with
the new rulers of the sea, who on their side were aiming at
extending their influence to the very centre of the spice trade.
With such desires on either side it was easy to come to an
understanding. Antonio de Abreu, whom Albuquerque had sent, in 15 11,
to search for the Moluccas, only reached the Banda Islands.
There lading his three ships with nutmegs he began his re
turn. But one of these ships, commanded by Francisco
Serrao, foundered in a storm. Upon this the bold Portuguese
attacked and captured after a hard struggle a pirate vessel,
on board of which they returned to the Island of Amboyna,
which lies midway between the Banda Islands and the
Moluccas. They were fetched off from this island by the
Prince of Ternate, and Serrao, the first European who had set
foot on the Moluccas, was overwhelmed by him with tokens of
friendship. About the same time ambassadors were sent by the Princes
of Ternate and Tidor to Malacca, requesting the foundation
of a Portuguese factory in their islands. The jealousy of the
two Princes, each vying with the other for the friendship of the
Portuguese, and each hoping to have the factory built on his
island, made the game a very easy one for the Portuguese.
Nevertheless, a delay of many years took place, and nothing
was done, until a report arose that the King of Spain was
preparing to form a settlement in the important group from the
other side.
Then they hastened to make up for the delay. The build
ing of a fort on Ternate was begun on June 24th, 1522, but
shortly before some Spaniards from Magalhaens's fleet had
touched on the is' — '- — -^ - •'-^'  *- ''•¦'—"

The Last Discoveries of the Portuguese. 133
only composed after much trouble, arose between the two
crowns for their possession.
A commission of Spanish and Portuguese astronomers met
on a bridge between Badajoz and Elvas, in 1524, to settle the
question whether, according to the papal bull of 1494, the
Moluccas belonged to Spain or Portugal. As at that period
they were not thoroughly conversant with the method of
fixing the longitude of a place, and there were even different
opinions about the number of miles in a geographical degree,
it was found impossible to come to an agreement. And it
was not until 1529 that the matter was settled by a treaty
between the tvi^o kingdoms. The islands became the property
of Portugal, but had to pass through ten wretched years of
oppression and violence, until the noble Antonio Galvao, made
governor in 1536, by his wise and just rule persuaded the
natives to submit to the Portuguese supremacy, and converted
many of them to Christianity.
In the meantime most of the islands of the Sunda group
had been visited by the Portuguese. On ^ome fa,ctories had
been established and forts built, as, for example, on Java and
Amboyna. Other places they had been obliged to abandon
through the violent opposition offered by the natives. Thus
the Portuguese had not succeeded in establishing themselves
in Acheen, the north-west part of Sumatra ; indeed, in 1522,
they were obliged to evacuate a fort they had founded in
Padang. Farther to the east the Portuguese had not extended their
discoveries, but ships which had been driven by bad weather
into the region beyond the Moluccas brought back reports of
great countries. Thus, in 1526, Jorge de Menezes became,
against his will, the discoverer of New Guinea, which he named
Papua; and, in 1601, Emanuel Godinho de Eredia found in
the south-east a long piece of coast, which proved to be a part
of the west coast of Australia.

134 A Century of Discovery.
The Portuguese had opened communication with China
very early. By their settlement at Malacca they had been
brought so near this old empire^ that intercourse between
them could not be avoided. There were also in Malacca
multitudes of Chinese settlers, and great numbers of Chinese
trading vessels or junks were constantly engaged between the
harbours of the Sunda Islands and China.
It therefore appeared advisable to form an official connection,
and Fernam Peres de Andrade was sent by the Viceroy,
Lopez Soares, with eight ships, to open negotiations with
China. On the 15th of August, 15 17, he reached the island
of Tamang, which lies at the entrance of the Bocca Tigris, the
mouth of the river Se Kiang. Here all foreign ships which
wished to sail up the river to the harbour of Canton were
obliged to cast anchor and get permission to do so from the
harbour officials.
The Portuguese at once began to experience that evasive
smoothness and suspicious courtesy with which the Chinese,
even to this day, seek to keep at a distance everything and
everybody that is foreign to them. The requests of the
strangers were passed from one official to another, and were
only granted after numberless ceremonies had been gone
through. At the end of September the Portuguese fleet, accompanied
by a pilot, who conducted it through the dangerous passage,
arrived in the harbour of Canton. But here they found them
selves surrounded by the most injurious mistrust, and hindered
from anything like free action. It was only owing to the
great conciliatoriness of Andrade that a good understanding
was maintained, and it was by means of all kinds of conces
sions to Chinese arrogance that permission was obtained to
despatch a Portuguese ambassador to the court of the great
Emperor, who just at that time was engaged in a war with the
Tartars in the north of his enormous empire.

I he Last Discoveries of the Portuguese. 135
Thomas Pires, a man of low birth, for he was an apothe
cary, but remarkable for his knowledge and his dexterity, was
chosen for this office. He was put on shore with several
companions, and was treated by the Chinese magistrate with
all the consideration due to his office. The Portuguese wares,
principally Indian spices, were eagerly bought, while the Por
tuguese in their turn made purchases in silk and rice. In this
way they became acquainted with what seemed to them the
very strange manners and customs of the great commercial
city, while, thanks to Andrade's judicious management, they
contrived to keep on good terms with the inhabitants.
The sickness which broke out among his men made him
set sail sooner than he had intended to do. Before his depar
ture he had notice of it proclaimed in all the markets, in order
that any one who had any claim upon the Portuguese might
come and be satisfied. This method of proceeding had a
very good effect, and when Andrade, in September, 15 17, left
the Chinese Seas, there existed very friendly relations between
the two nations, to both of whom Andrade's expedition had
been of great profit.
But soon the Portuguese had occasion to notice that the
unfavourable reports spread by the different nations whom
they had ill-treated had reached China, and injured their
position. Pires had to wait for a year in Canton before he
procured permission from Pekin to proceed to the Emperor's
court. When at last he was admitted, in 1521, the Emperor
treated the Portuguese proposals with considerable suspicion,
and said openly that he had been informed that the Portu
guese, under the pretence of trading, reconnoitred lands in order
to conquer them.
Then a change took place on the throne, and the new Em
peror sent Pires back to Canton, where he was kept in prison,
all friendly irttercourse with the Portuguese being broken off.
The breach was made irremediable by the arrogant and haughty

136 A Century of Discovery.
behaviour of the commander of the Portuguese squadron,
Simon de Andrade, the brother of his predecessor A battle en
sued before the harbour of Canton, during which, fortunately
for the Portuguese, a storm arose which scattered the enemy's
ships and favoured the retreat of the Portuguese. In 1524
Pires died in chains, his companions were dragged away as
prisoners into the interior, and all peaceful intercourse between
the Chinese and Portuguese appeared for ever at an end.
But after some years matters improved. As a reward for
the important services rendered by the Portuguese in the sup
pression of piracy in the Chinese and Indian Seas, the Emperor
Kang-hi granted them leave, in 1556, to establish a factory in
the harbour of Canton.
The peninsula Macao was chosen for the purpose ; a brick
wall was built across the narrow sandy peninsula which unites
it to the mainland ; and with well-founded mistrust the Portu
guese were forbidden to build a fort or to cross this wall on
any pretext whatever. But they knew how to manage : they
built a cloister with portholes, and a bishop's palace, which
they provided with cannon ; and they placed in the new town
a strong garrison under the name of trading officials. Under
such protection Macao soon began to flourish. On the sandy
coast magazines sprang up, and on the naked rock beautiful
houses ; while the fleets of Malacca, Goa, and Lisbon anchored
in its harbour This prosperity lasted till the eighteenth
century. Then the place rapidly sank, partly in consequence
of the new commercial treaties which China formed with the
Dutch and English, and partly on account of the deterioration
of its inhabitants, in which the worst elements of the Chinese
character had become evident. The corrupt descendants of
the Portuguese settlers were indeed barely tolerated ; the
Chinese had become the real masters, and the Mandarins of
Canton had more influence in the Portuguese colony of Macao
than the King of Portugal and his officers.

The Last Discoveries of the Portuguese. 137
Before the resumption of friendly relations with China, the
Portuguese had visited the group of islands which lie near
Japan, and in 1542 had reached that remarkable archipelago.
In all the harbours of that empire they met with a friendly
reception, and were able to carry on a profitable trade. At
the same time a most rich and fruitful field was opened here
for Christian missions. After the arrival of the celebrated
Jesuit, Francis Xavier, the number of conversions increased
year by year, until, in 1589, a terrible persecution of the
Christians began, which lasted for fifty years, and at length
completely rooted out Christianity.
At the same time that this persecution occurred, all the
Japanese harbours were closed against the Portuguese, and
indeed against all Christian nations, with the exception of the
Dutch, who, under a surveillance that was scarcely bearable,
and on the most humiliating terms, were allowed to maintain
a factory on the little artificial Island of Desima.

CHAPTER X.
the PORTUGUESE RULE IN INDIA AND ITS DECLINE.
As early as the year 1508 the great extent of the Portuguese
possessions in India had compelled King Emanuel to divide
their rule. He appointed two governors — the one, with his
seat of office on the Island of Socotra, was to rule over the
coasts of East Africa and of Asia as far as the peninsula of
Gujerat ; and to the other, who was to reside at Cochin, was
given the control of Malabar.
But like so many appointments which are settled in royal
cabinets without a correct knowledge of the true state of
matters, this arrangement was soon seen to be perfectly im
practicable. The Island of Socotra was perfectly unsuitable for
a settlement, and the management of all affairs in the Arabian
and Persian Seas needed henceforth to be under the control
of the Indian Viceroy. So it was finally arranged that all the
East African settlements should be placed under a govern
ment of their own, while all the other possessions on the coasts
of Arabia, Persia, India, and the Sunda Islands should be
handed over to the Viceroy, who should reside at Goa.
But in later years even this arrangement proved insufficient.
The Viceroy's territory was too large to be governed from one
spot Under King Sebastian, therefore, in 1571, all the pos
sessions east of Cape Comorin were placed under a new
governor, who had his headquarters in Malacca.
Goa, however, was still considered the capital of Portuguese
India, and it displayed all the magnificence suited to such a

" The Portuguese Rule in India and its Decline. 139
position. Its population was 200,000, principally Indians,
though a good number of Portuguese settlers and a mongrel
race, the offspring of the mixed marriages between Europeans
and Indians, were to be seen in the magnificent streets, re
markable for their handsome stone buildings. The public
squares were adorned with fountains, triumphal arches, and
statues, whilst among the eighty churches might be seen,
towering above them all, the gigantic dome of the cathedral.
In 1559, the Bishop of Goa had been raised to the dignity of
Archbishop and Patriarch of ali India, and the Bishops of
Cochin and Malacca were placed under him. The Viceroy's
palace, which lay near the harbour, was a very imposing
building. Among the Viceroys who resided here, Nomo da Cunha,
1528 — 38; Juan de Castro, 1545 — 48; and Louis de Ataide,
1568 — 71, distinguished themselves by their abilities and
governing powers, as well as by great deeds of arms. As with
the decline of the Portuguese power the number of inhabitants
began to diminish, so also the climate of Goa, which had
hitherto been very favourable, began to change, and became
so fatal that in the beginning of the eighteenth century New
Goa was built, some miles from the old city, and thither both
the Government and population removed. Since that time
Old Goa has become a heap of ruins, and only a few hundred
people live in it.
The dominions of Portugal in Asia were very scattered.
On the coast of Malabar it possessed fortresses in Cochin and
Cananore, etc. To each of these fortresses was attached a
small piece of territory, which was the property of the Portu
guese crown, while the principal revenue was drawn from the
tolls and from all sorts of privileges which they possessed..
But it was different with Goa. Here not only the island, but
a large piece of territory on the neighbouring coast was the
immediate property of the Portuguese ; and it was carefully

140 A Century of Discovery.
cultivated by a hardy population. Farther north the Portu
guese possessed the island of Salsette, the harbours of Choul,
Bassim, and Daman, and the important Diu. In this latter
place they had first established a firm footing as somewhat
obtrusive allies of the Sultan of Cambay, who had been at
tacked by the Mongols. They had then established a fort ;
but the next year, on the murder of Badur, who, returning
from a visit to the Viceroy, became, in some mysterious man
ner, involved in a quarrel with the Portuguese, the whole
island of Diu, with its excellent harbour, fell into their hands.
A few years later it was defended with heroic bravery against
a powerful Turkish fleet From that time forward it was,
after Goa, the most important harbour which Portugal pos-'
sessed in India.
One rich source of revenue was the money paid in tolls at
Ormuz, whose King sank more and more into a dependent
condition. But the advances of the Turks, who had taken
possession of Aden and the land at the mouth of the Tigris
and Euphrates, gradually lessened the importance of the
place. On Ceylon the Portuguese had fortresses in Galle and
Colombo. In the treaties which, taking advantage of their
mutual discord, they concluded with the different native
princes, they exacted a yearly tribute in the productions of
the island.
In the extreme east, Malacca, whose harbour tolls steadily
increased in value, was the centre for the numerous posses
sions of the Portuguese on the Sunda Islands and of their
trade with China and Japan.
The history of these possessions is that of one continual
struggle against the hostile powers which laboured for their
-destruction. It was necessary to be ever on the watch against
the attacks of the Turks, as well as against the designs of the
native princes, who were continually seeking to shake off the

The Portuguese Rule in India ana, its Decline. 1 4 1
yoke of the Portuguese. The Zamorin of Calicut especially
was continually making attempts to recover the position of
influence and importance which he had held before the arrival
ofthe Portuguese. It was not until 1540 that he was brought
to conclude a peace which lasted for thirty years — the happiest
years of Portuguese rule in India. At the conclusion of that
period the great alliance of Indian princes was formed which,
in 1 57 1, began the war against Portugal. At one and the
same time Choul was besieged by the Nizam Orhan, the suc
cessor of the Nizam Maluk; Goa by Hidalkan, and Shalle by
the Zamorin, while smaller princes threatened the harbours
of Cananore, Culet, and Cochin ; and the Sultan of Acheen
reduced Malacca to the greatest distress.
But the great Viceroy, Louis de Ataide, by straining to the
utmost all the powers of the Portuguese, who displayed the
most heroic courage, succeeded in driving back the monstrous
armies of the enemy, and only Shalle, which the guns of the
Zamorin turned into a mere heap of ruins, was lost.
Peace was soon restored ; but the Portuguese were not able
to overcome the dislike which their behaviour from the very
beginning had called forth in the Indian princes. This was
seen when other Europeans — the Dutch and English — ap
peared in India, and were received with much goodwill, be
cause they were looked upon as valuable allies against the
Portuguese. The unwise and often unjust measures of govern
ment contributed not a little to foster this feeling of hostility,
and it was further increased by the covetousjiess and arrogance
displayed in its administration. Since the great thing was to
bring as much money as possible into the royal treasury,
oppression and robbery were resorted to to procure it. Thus
the tribute demanded from the Prince of Ormuz was in a few
years raised from the 15,000 ducats, which he had agreed
to, to 20,000, 25,000, 60,000, and 100,000.
These sums were more than the King could pay, and there-

3 42 A Century of Discover)
fore, in the year 1543, he was a debtor to the Portuguese trea
sury for no less than 518,537 ducats. In order to collect this
the royal household was remodelled in the most economical
manner At last a claim was laid by the Portuguese upon
the duties which the King raised on palm wine ; and it was
with much difficulty that they were induced t' ¦ withdraw it,
although the poor King declared that he did not know what
he should have left to live upon.
The King of Colombo, a faithful ally of the Portuguese, was
treated in much the same way. The Viceroy, Alfonso de
Noronha, in 1550, caused the palace of the late King to be
searched, just as if all in it belonged to him by right, and
finally had it plundered ; while at the same time he defrauded
the new King in the most shameless manner, and, by the
threat of taking him prisoner, wrested from him all he pos
sessed. Thus the Portuguese rule was little calculated to gain the
favour of the Indians. A few of the Viceroys acted in an
Tionourable manner, and did their best to protect the natives
from oppression, and procure justice for them ; but these were
¦only exceptions, and, as a rule, the Indian peasant or citizen
was utterly defenceless against the tyranny of his Portuguese
neighbours, who considered it the lawful right of the conqueror
to satisfy all his desires at the expense of the subject race.
Religion also gave an edge to the ill-feeling between the
two nations. Except a small number of Thomas Christians,
the Indians were all either believers in Mahometanism or
Brahminism. From the beginning the former stood in an
attitude of hostility to the Christian conquerors, and repaid in
full measure the fanatic intolerance which the Portuguese felt
towards them. The latter suffered from their misguided
missionary zeal, a zeal which did not shrink from violence,
and which evidently tended to the political subjugation of the
people.

I he jfor 'guese Rule in India and its Decline. 143
Especially cilculated to embitter the Indians against them
was the desecration and destruction of the ancient temples.
The Archbishop of Goa, for instance, carried on the forced
conversion of the people of Salsette in such a manner that in
1564 he had all the temples of the island, 200 in number,
. and most oC them ancient places of worship, broken into by
his troops and turned into the ruins which still excite the admi
ration of nur 'erless visitors.
Very often'it was not religious zeal at all, but mere greed,
which led to these attacks upon the temples ; for in long ages
immense treasures had been heaped up in these sacred places
by the presents of pious pilgrims. Thus in 1 544 the Viceroy
Alfonso de Sousa received a command from John III. of
Portugal, to take possession of the pagoda of Tremel, and
place its treasures in the royal chests. Nobody even hesi
tated because the pagoda was in the land of the Sultan of
Narsinga, a Prince who was an ally of the Portuguese ; and
when a storm dispersed the fleet, on board of which was the
Viceroy himself, he was still unwilling to return without having
. at any rate in some measure fulfilled the royal commands.
So he and his men fell upon the pagoda of Tebilicare and
plundered it instead. On their return, the robbers were
attacked by troops of irritated natives in a narrow pass. It
was not until they had suffered the loss of thirty men killed
and 150 wounded, among whom was the Viceroy, that they
succeeded in reaching the ships with their booty.
The Viceroys during their term of office occupied a princely
position. In warlike affairs, in matters oradministration and
¦ of justice, they were absolute masters. In the most important
towns royal palaces were built for them, and their emoluments
were great. Their most important privilege was, that during
their term of office no court could receive a complaint against
.them. •Yet the position of the Viceroys was not so influential and

144 ^ Century of Discovery.
independent as appears at first sight They were often obliged
to carry out measures of which they did not approve, but which
had been settled in the royal cabinet in Lisbon. Their Portu
guese officers and subordinates were constantly guilty of dis
obedience. Even an Albuquerque considered it advisable,
before any great undertaking, to take counsel with his higher
officers and hidalgos, and to have minutes taken of the meet
ing, so that he might be provided against accusations in the
case of disaster.
In later times the rancorous disputes between two rival
candidates for the Viceroyalty contributed not a little to
undermine the authority of the Viceroy. As instances, we
may cite the cases of Vaz de Sampayo and Pedro Mas-
carenhas in 1526, or that of Moritz Bareto, who supplanted
Antonio de Maronha in 1573.
The Portuguese nobility required from the Viceroy special
respect, and if they thought themselves injured, immediately
brought their grievances and calum.nies to the King, whose
ear was usually open to them. The officials shamelessly de
frauded the treasury. They sold too, at a high price, wares
which they had extorted from the Indians ; and when out of
sight of their superiors, took a most shameful advantage of
their official position. Thus it happened at last, incredible as
it may appear, that in the year 1570 the rich Portuguese pos
sessions in India did not produce a sufficient revenue to pay
the expenses of the government.
If, in the interests of the royal treasury or of the Indians,
an attempt was made to restrain the robberies and oppres
sions of the Portuguese officials, not seldom they broke out
in open rebellion, and the state itself often suffered serious
damage. A royal decree had declared the trade in cloves
with the Moluccas to be a privilege of the crown, but the
Portuguese on the islands, with the governors, Vincenzio da
Fonseca and Tristam de Tayde, at their head, formed a con-

The Portuguese Rule in India and its Decline. 145
spiracy to oppose both secret and open resistance to this
measure, in order to retain the profitable trade in their own
hands, and Antonio Galvao was the first who succeeded in
enforcing obedience to the King's command. The Viceroy
himself was frequently constrained to make sacrifices from
his own income. Money came in irregularly. Nothing could
be obtained from Portugal, unexpected dangers produced un
foreseen expenses ; the Viceroy must pay out of his own purse,
or if he wished to persuade the Portuguese who lived in India
to make a sacrifice, he must set them an example. It was
common to procure loans from the town of Goa, but often
this could only be accomplished by the Viceroy himself be
coming security. And when the term of this laborious and
ungrateful office had expired, even the well-deserving Governor
would see himself put on one side as useless, while his suc
cessor, to whose rising sun even those whom he had over
whelmed with favours paid homage, overthrew all he had
done, and most usually adopted a policy entirely opposed to
his own. He might think himself happy if at the close of
his office there did not arrive a royal order to arrest him and
bring him to trial on charges laid against him by his
enemies and calumniators in Lisbon.
Besides, it was the custom to throw into prison at Lisbon
returning Viceroys, and only to release them on the payment
of a large sum, they being looked upon as sponges who had
filled themselves in India, and must be squeezed in Portugal.
The heart of many a deserving man was brtiken by such un
grateful and ungracious treatment from the Princes in whose
service they had borne so many troubles and deprivations.
The gallantry of the Portuguese, which they manifested
from the first in the Indian waters, and the heroic fearlessness
which caused them to begin and carry through successfully a
struggle against such odds, must not make us blind to the
hateful characteristics which made themselves more evident
10

1 46 A Century of Discovery.
year by year. The riches of India developed in them an un
bridled luxury, and allured them to the most dissolute course
of life. Their own historians accuse them of hatred of work,
godlessness, cruelty, and faithlessness, and this reproach is
supported by a long series of terrible examples.
Georg Pock, the Nuremberg merchant, writing on January
rst, 1522, from Cochin to his countryman, Michael Behaim,
draws an ugly picture of the Portuguese character. He
writes of them plainly : " The Portuguese, who are born Por
tuguese, poison the air with their pride. Should one of them
possess ten ducats, he must have a velvet coat, a silver dagger,
polished boots, and a violin with which to steal about the
streets at nights and serenade the ladies. The Moors see that
one Portuguese never wishes well to another, but that they
deceive one another and oppress the poor, so that the com
mon people fall into distress, and are forced to go to the Moors
and make themselves Moors (that is, deny their faith. Moors
here signifies Mohammedans). The officials never keep faith :
they will give a Moor a letter when he is going to sea. The
letter runs thus : ' Whoever reads this letter signed by me, let
him give credit to the Moor and allow him to go where he will.'
For such a letter he receives 200 ducats. Then, when the Moor
goes to sea, the official sends after him, causes all the cargo to
be seized and the ship sunk. In this manner they become rich.
When the Moors see that the Portuguese never keep faith,
they say that our religion cannot be a good one. You will find
people who have lived here fifteen j^ears, have never gone to
confession, have 15,000 ducats in the land; but they never
reflect on their ways, being fully occupied with the thought
that possibly the Moors may murder them all."
This description, given by a man deserving credit, refers to
the early times of Portuguese rule ; but the moral declension
was rapid, and at the end of the century the Portuguese and
their descendants in India appear an utterly corrupt race,

The Portuguese Rule in India and its Decline. 147
displaying, however, in danger and distress that imperishable
inheritance of the nation, heroic courage and contempt of
death. But all these evils — the hostility of the Indian
princes and of the Indian people, bad government and ter
rible social depravity — would not have brought about the
ruin of the Portuguese rule in India ; the cause of its fall came
from Portugal itself The real reason of it was the change
and degeneration of the national character.
Incalculable wealth had been poured into the country. The
chronicler Goes tells us that he had often seen merchants
appear in the Indian market in Lisbon with sacks full of gold
and silver to pay for the goods they had received, and that
the officials were obliged to put them off to another day, be
cause the time did not suffice to count the money, the sums
being so great that were received every day.
These riches were employed in the pleasures of life and in
the gratification of ever-increasing desires. The allurements
of easy gain enticed many from labour and created a nation
of idlers and revellers, who were unwilling to make any sacri
fice for the greatness of their country. The impetus, there
fore, which had been given to the nation by the perseverance
of Henry the Navigator, and by the great successes of
Emanuel, under such circumstances soon began to abate.
The strong young men who yearly set sail in thousands for
the tropics returned either to their native land cripples or
physically and mentally enfeebled, or they perished miserably
in Asia. This yearly loss of men, which was increased in
1578 by the disastrous battle at Alcassar in North Africa and
the fall of King Sebastian with the flower of the Portuguese
youth, necessarily exhausted so small a land.
Emanuel's son and successor, John IIL, introduced the In
quisition into Portugal in 1536, and allowed the Jesuits to
establish themselves in the country immediately after the
order was founded. Very soon they had gained a firm foot-
10 — 2

148 A Century of Discovery.
ing in all classes of society, and exercised a most injurious
influence on the measures of the King and of his successors,
who were all quite dependent on them.
As was the case everywhere, they introduced into Portugal
a bitter struggle against all freedom of thought and any ideal
conception of life, and sought to substitute instead an external
devoutness, thus destroying the whole counterpoise to moral
aberration. Thus the political catastrophe which overwhelmed Portugal
came upon a people that even the bitter smart of national ruin
could not shake out of its mental dulness and stupidity. In
the year 1580 the House of Burgundy became extinct, and,
after a slight resistance, which was soon overcome, Philip IL
of Spain ascended the throne. Thus the union of Portugal
with its more powerful neighbour — a union which it had so
often successfully resisted — was at length effectually accom
plished. In India also Philip II. was proclaimed King, and
he hoped the riches of the East would prove a mighty
assistance in the struggle which he was carrying on against
Protestantism and freedom of thought, and in the attempt
that he was making to maintain absolute authority both in
civil and ecclesiastical affairs, even at the expense of the vast
progress made during the last century.
How little he succeeded in attaining his object is well
known, but Portugal had the most to suffer from his audacious
undertaking. For the Dutch, to whom the Portuguese har
bours were closed after the union of Portugal with Spain,
boldly sought the wares that they needed in India itself, and
indeed soon made their land a general emporium of Indian
produce, At first they avoided the Portuguese possessions,
and restricted themselves to the remote and unimportant parts
of the Indian Sea, but with time their courage grew. In 1603
they bombarded Goa, and even before that time had expelled
the Portuguese from the Moluccas, and had established them-

TJie Portuguese Rule in India and its Decline. 149
selves side by side with them in Ceylon, while in 1641 they
took Malacca.
Everywhere the Indians received them with open arms, and
supported them in their struggles with the Portuguese. And
when the latter at last succeeded in freeing themselves from the
hated Spanish yoke, and in raising a native prince — the Duke
of Braganza — to the throne, the Dutch did not agree to" re
linquish their Indian possessions, but, on the contrary, took
care to secure them in the Peace of Westphalia.
Since that time the rule of Portugal in ' India has been
limited to the towns of Diu, Daman, and Goa, to the eastern
half of the Island of Timor, and to the town of Macao in
China.

PART IL— THE SPANIARDS.
CHAPTER L
INTRODUCTORY.
The kingdom of Spain was formed by the union of the two
kingdoms of Aragon and Castile. This union was eventually
brought about by the marriage at Valladolid, on the 19th of
October, 1469, of Queen Isabella of Castile with the Crown
Prince Ferdinand of Aragon. ^But the mutual jealousy of
the kingdoms opposed a resolute resistance and for a long
time prevented any blending of them into one ; and the first
prince who really united the two crowns on his head was the
grandson of Ferdinand and Isabella — Charles V. — who, in
1 5 16, was proclaimed King of Castile and Aragon. He was
at once the first and the mightiest Prince of the Spanish
nation, which, under him, ruled the fate of Europe. This
European Power at the same time gained an immense acces
sion of strength by the discovery and conquest of America,.
which not only poured an inexhaustible stream of wealth into
the state coffers, but also gave Spain a high and well-deserved
importance as a naval power.
All the conditions necessary to this rapid rise were to be
found in the two states of which Spain was formed. To be
sure, Aragon, and particularly Castile, were in the main inland
states, and the only power of the people lay in the bold un
governable knights and the manly burghers of the great towns.
But the inhabitants of Catalonia, which had been united with

Introductory. 151
Aragon since the thirteenth century, had from early times
devoted themselves to trade, and were a seafaring nation.
Here was the town of Barcelona, which, specially favoured by
Aragon, and possessing a constitution which was almost re
publican, profited by its favourable situation and by the
neighbourhood of the mighty forests, which produced wood
well adapted for ship-building.
In the kingdom of Castile too there was a promising be
ginning of a maritime power, which, however, could not
develop itself in such a favourable manner as the Catalonian.
Its north-western provinces, Galicia and Biscay, had in early
time an important fishery in the Atlantic Ocean, and the fleet
which, in 1 247, they sent against Seville was powerful enough
to defy the Moorish fleet, and to keep the town completely
shut in on the side of the sea. But with the taking of Seville
the Castilians first gained a harbour corresponding to their im-
portance.and their commerce began to be of consequence. The
Kings of Castile bestowed great care on their new possession,
began the formation of great arsenals, and gave a hearty wel
come to any traders possessing nautical experience who chose
to settle there. Many Genoese took advantage of this oppor
tunity, and erected great warehouses. It very soon became a
lively commercial city, and possessed a large fleet, which was
also useful to the Castilian King in his political undertakings.
Thus it was employed with much success at the siege of Car
thagena and Algeciras, 1263 — "]%; and the foundation of a
military order for service on the sea must .^have been a mere
whim and piece of kingly ostentation, as was also the appoint
ment of an Admiral of Castile The ceaseless struggles with
the Moorish states exercised the warlike powers of the young
fleet, but they hindered it from taking a peaceful share in the
great trading movement in the Mediterranean Sea, from which
the Castilians were as good as excluded.
Thus in Barcelona and Seville the conditions existed which,

152 A Century of Discovery.
under certain favourable circumstances, promised the develop
ment of considerable maritime power. And the favourable
circumstances soon occurred ; the marriage of Ferdinand and
Isabella bound the powers of the two kingdoms together, and
thereby attained the object of struggles which had gone on
for 500 years — the destruction of the Moorish Kingdom in
the Spanish Peninsula, and the erection of a kingdom which
had an important influence on the affairs of Europe. And
happy fate led the man to Spain who poured incalculable
riches into her lap, and opened a sphere in which all the
powers of the nation could develop themselves and find oc
cupation.

CHAPTER IL
CHRISTOPHER COLUMBUS.
Ten places on the north coast of the Ligurian Bay have laid
claim to the honour of having produced the great man who
discovered the New World ; yet it is almost certain that he
was a native ofthe great mercantile city of Genoa. The time of
his birth is more doubtful. While some think he was born in
1436, others decide for the year 1446 or 1456. If we follow
the indications given by Columbus himself, we shall give the
preference to the last date. For in the letter which he ad
dressed to King Ferdinand on the 7th of July, 1503, he says
he was twenty-eight years old when he came to Castile, which
certainly was in the year 1484. Also all the other indications
given in his report agree with the supposition that he was
born in the year 1456. The name of the family to which he
belonged was Colon or Colombo. It was not noble ; for in
liis letter to Prince Juan's nurse he compares himself to King
David, whom God raised to high honour from the rank of a
shepherd. Therefore the claims put forth by the ancient
family of the Counts of Colombo, in Piacenza, to relationship
with the celebrated discoverer are proved to be groundless.
His family was of the burgher class, but not undistin
guished. In the letter already mentioned Columbus boasts
that he was not the first admiral of his family, and claims as
a relative a Colon el Mozo, of Cogoleto, who was Genoese
admiral in the middle of the fifteenth century. The father of
our hero was Dominico Colombo, an honest weaver in a suburb

1 54 A Century of Discovery.
of Genoa, who afterwards' removed to Savona, and who was
still alive shortly before the death of his great son. From his
marriage with Susanna Fontanarossa sprang three sons —
Christopher, Bartholomew, and Jacob — and a daughter, who
married a tradesman. The family was well-to-do, and could
give the promising boy a moderately good education, traces
of which are evident in his later letters and reports. Having
chosen a seaman's life as his calling, he was sent at a very
early age to the high school of Pavia, where at that ' time
famous scholars taught mathematics, astronomy, and geo
graphy. How long he remained under their instruction is
uncertain ; but at fourteen he went to sea, and on the Genoese
merchant-ships in the Mediterranean became a skilful sailor.
Most of the harbours of that sea were known to him, and we
learn from his own mouth that he visited the island of Chios,
and had there watched the collecting of mastic (resin from the
pistacia lentiscus). In the course of these voyages, among
other places, he visited Portugal apparently about 1475.
There he became acquainted with Dona Felipa Perestrello,
the daughter of Bartholomew Perestrello, an excellent seaman,
who had been many times employed by Prince Henry. He
very shortly married, but his young bride brought him no
dowry. Perestrello himself was already dead when Columbus
first came to Portugal, and his possessions on the island of
Porto Santo, which his grandfather had discovered, were, it
appears, quite lost to the family, except one estate in which
Columbus spent some time as the guest of his mother-irt-law.
The happy union only lasted a short time, being put an end
to by the death of the wife, apparently at the birth of a son,
who was christened Diego. It was not difficult for so clever
and striving a seaman to gain his livelihood at that time in
Portugal. Columbus drew maps, prepared mathematical
works, and, first as pilot and afterwards as captain, entered
the service of the great merchant houses.

Christopher Columbus. 155
In this position he found opportunities to become ac
quainted with the whole of the Atlantic Ocean, as far as it
was then known. In his last writings, " The Prophecies," he
declares, with justice, " Every part of the ocean which has yet
been sailed through, I have sailed through." Of the voyages
which he then made we have accounts of two, and they are
particularly interesting. In one he visited England, and from
Bristol, which at that time was a place of considerable trade,
he went to Iceland, and even proceeded more than 100 Spanish
miles beyond it. This voyage took place in the year 1477,.
and led him to the borders of that continent which he after
wards discovered. Some years later (1483) we find him on
the Gold Coast of Africa, in the recently-built fortress of San-
Jorge de Mina. Such extensive voyages in such opposite direc
tions must have given him, in addition to the extraordinary
gifts of observation that he possessed, a rich treasure of
experience and knowledge, which he increased by diligent
study. The writings and diaries of his late father-in-law had a great
influence on the direction of his mental activity. At that time
— that is, between the years 1478 and 1484— the conviction
became firmly fixed in his mind that the east coast of Asia
could be reached from the west coast of Europe, and that this
way to India was much to be preferred, on account of its
shortness and convenience, to the other, which the navigators
of Portugal were then striving to find. This idea Columbus
was not the first to put forth, just as ha was not the first
European who trod the soil of America ; but the enthusiasm
with which he defended the idea and proved it to be practi
cable, the perseverance with which he devoted his whole life to
it, combined with the deep obscurity which rests on all the
earlier visitors of America, secure to him for all time the fame
of being the discoverer of the New World, and make his name
one of the most glorious in the history of the world.

156 A Century of Discovery.
About 500 years before Columbus bold sailors had landed
on the shores of the New World. They were Normans ; some
¦of those wild sea-robbers who from the ninth century were
the terror of all the coasts of France and Germany. From the
deep fiords of Norway, on the shores of which their wooden
dwellings stood, the ships of the Vikings every year poured
out in hundreds and assembled in fleets, over which the bravest
and most distinguished had the command under the title of
Sea Kings. Woe to the coast which they pitched upon for
attack. Mercilessly were the most fruitful regions turned
into utter wastes, and there was no obstacle at which they
did not mock, no enemy that could withstand them. The
struggle with the most unheard-of dangers they looked upon
as a mere pastime and a manly enjoyment of life, and these
mighty giants in their little fragile barks, which were without
decks, and, at the most, only possessed the protection of a
tent, ventured out into the unknown ocean, trusting only to
their unflinching powers of endurance and the sharpness of
their wits. From the Faroe Islands they had, at the end of
the ninth century, discovered and colonised Iceland. The
civil order which had at that time been established in Norway,
from its union under one government by the conquests of
Harald Harfagar, impelled the wildest and most untamed of
the Normans to emigrate to that distant island, the Thule of
the ancient Greeks and Romans, where they preserved their
national characteristics and religion for many centuries, un
affected by foreign influence.
From this island, in the year 982, Eric the Red, who on
account of his many deeds of violence was obliged to leave
his native land, sailed directly to the west, where he suspected
there was land, and found, after a few days, a coast which ran
north and south, and on whose rocky mountains he observed
enormous glaciers stretching even into the sea. It was the
east coast of Greenland. He followed it to its most southernly

Christopher Columbus. 157
point. Cape Farewell, and found on the other side of that
cape deep fiords and a number of little islands which reminded
him of the home he had left. He settled there, and the
charming descriptions of the delightful climate of the land
which reached Iceland soon drew crowds of Norman colonists
to it. The west coast far up to the north was speedily covered
with settlements. As early as the year 999 as many as 190
dwellings might have been counted, and when Christianity
was introduced it became the seat of a bishopric and of several
convents. But from the middle of the fourteenth century all
knowledge of the colony in the distant Greenland disappeared.
In some way, which has never been explained, it was forsaken
or died out, and since the coast was taken by the Danes in
1727 — though many monuments of the earlier people, such
as ruined walls, gravestones, Runic inscriptions have been
found — no indication of the fate of the people has been dis
covered. Greenland is only part of the Archipelago lying near the
American coast, but the mainland itself was apparently dis
covered by the bold Normans. As early as the year 986
Bjarni, sailing from Iceland to Greenland to seek his father,
who had gone thither, was driven by stress of weather towards
the south, and saw coasts, the description of which answers to
those of Nova Scotia and Newfoundland.
Hearing of this, Leif, the eldest son of Eric the Red, went
thither and passed a whole winter in a beautiful woody and
grassy land, which, on account of the wild grapes growing,
received the name of Winland. With tolerable certainty this
has been identified with the coast of Rhode Island, one of the
most northerly states of the Union. Leif s brother, Thorwald,
went even farther south, and perished in a struggle with the
aborigines ; his grave may be seen in what is now the State
of Massachusetts. After an attempt on the part of another
member of the family to establish a settlement in Winland,

,58 A Century of Discovery.
-which was completely frustrated by the hostile conduct of the
¦savages, all further attempts at discovery appear to have been
given up.
The fabulous account of the voyage of an Icelandic mer
chant, Gudleif Gudlangson, who, in 1027, having been driven
from his course by a violent storm, reached a distant shore,
and there found a missing countryman in high honour among
the natives, deserves small credit. About the same amount
is due to the discovery of the shores called Hoitramannaland
(the land of the white men), which some people have imagined
to be Georgia and Florida.
The news of this discovery of a new world by Iceland and
Greenland Normans only reached the civilised states of Europe
in a very confused manner But in Iceland it remained an
old tale ofthe highest interest, and, much altered and improved
by passing from mouth to mouth, was finally written down.
Among the learned the possibility of reaching the east
coast of Asia from the west coast of Europe, by sailing directly
west, had been many times mooted. The conviction of the
spherical form of the earth was at this time universally spread,
and the question only remained whether the space of water
between the two continents was not too great to allow of a
passage. The necessity of being prepared with provisions
and water for the journey both ways made it a more serious
matter. Happily a mistake was made about the distance
between the continents, the circumference of the earth being
calculated about a fifth (more exactly -19) less than it
really is.
In the works of the French savant, Pierre d'Ailly, which
appeared in 1^80, and were accessible to Columbus, there is a
certain passage in which are collected together all the expres
sions of Aristotle, Seneca, Strabo, and other learned men,
tending to make the distance between Spain and the coast of
Asia appear smaller Still greater was the authority of Paulo

Christopher Columbus. 159
Toscanelli, the famous cosmographer of Florence, 1397 — 1482,
who supported this opinion. Writing in answer to a question
proposed to him by an ecclesiastic, Fernando Martinez, in the
name of the King, Alfonso I. of Portugal, the Florentine
astronomer, in a letter dated June 25, 1474, accompanied by
a chart, thus expresses his emphatic opinion : " From the
town of Lisbon westward you may count twenty-six distances
of 250 miles each to the large and noble city of Cathay (the
capital of China at that time)." This distance is about a
third of the earth's circumference. He estimated the distance
between the two towns to be about 120 degrees, though in
reality it is nearly as much again. It was known also from
Marco Polo's journey that about 10 degrees from the main
land of Asia lay the islands of Cipango (Japan), and thus the
space left to be traversed became comparatively small, and
the voyage no longer appeared impracticable. They expected,
therefore, to find the coast of Japan in the meridian of San
Francisco, in California. The space which still remained con
siderably lost its terrors by the supposed existence of the
traditional islands of Antigua and St Brandon's Land, the
-first of which, according to Toscanelli, should lie about 50
-degrees west of Lisbon.
His residence in Portugal, and his intercourse with the most
•-renowned astronomers and sailors in the land, made Columbus
acquainted with these opinions, and the active mind of the
young man seized with ardour on the great idea, the accom-
%plishment of which promised him a good position and undying
fame. He set himself to collect carefully all evidence which
seemed to prove the existence of land to the west On the
.shores of Madeira and Porto Santo and the Azores there had
often been washed up from the west by the waves foreign
.trees, pieces of carved wood, according to some reports, even
the dead bodies of an unknown race of men. Sailors driven
-to the west had frequently picked up these strange things ;

i6o A Century of Discovery.
there were even stories of land having been seen in the
distance. That Columbus received his first impulse to discovery on
his visit to Iceland, from hearing of the Norman voyages to-
Winland, is certainly erroneous, for the news of the proximity
of such large tracts of land would have entirely altered his-
views respecting the distance of the Asiatic coast, which he
aimed at reaching. More likely the great thought first came
to him after this journey, which he took in 1477 ; it was after
his return from Iceland that he became intimate with the
family of Perestrello (to whose papers and journals he had
access), and was introduced into the circle of the most illus
trious seamen. So it probably was not until 1479 that he
addressed to Toscanelli a letter, in which he says, that having
heard of the astronomer's opinions, he wished for his counsel,
since he had determined to make the great venture. The
complaisant Florentine answered readily, sending at the same
time a copy of his former letter with the chart. Columbus's
hopes were raised to certainty. "You will see," so the letter
ran, " that the journey you are intending to undertake is much
less difficult than is supposed." Thus encouraged and with
his convictions strengthened, Columbus sought for an audience
with King John IL, who had zealously furthered the Portu
guese discoveries. It was granted him, and he tried to gain
the interest and active support of the King by a lively and
distinct explanation of his plan.
But then began the long series of disappointments to which.
the great man was destined. The King hesitated to carry
into execution such a costly and expensive plan, broached by
a still unknown sailor, and referred him to the nautical com
mission, which was at that time engaged in adapting the
astrolabe to sea voyages. After a long careful examination,
Martin Behaim, who during his residence in the Azores had
himself become well acquainted with the strange objects

Christopher Columbus. i6i
drifted up, pronounced in favour of attempting the bold expe
dition to the west, but the other members of the commission,
the two Hebrew physicians and the Bishop of Ceuta, con
sidered that many of the premises were unfounded, and the
conclusions drawn from them uncertain. They could not
therefore advise the King to spend large sums on an under
taking of such doubtful result, while it appeared that, perse
vering in the African discoveries already begun, they might
hope to reach India very speedily. Perhaps the exorbitant
demands of Columbus, which afterwards endangered his scheme
in Spain, may have been one cause of his want of success.
However it was, he failed to obtain a favourable answer from
the King. The story that King John dishonestly sent out a
Portuguese to make the attempt, and did not give an absolute
refusal to the Genoese until the attempt had failed, cannot be
proved, and contradicts the known character of the King. The
truth probably is that the King balanced the certainty of
sailing round Africa against the uncertainty of a voyage to
the v/est.
Much mortified, and still thoroughly convinced of the future
success of his plan, Columbus resolved to turn his back on
Portugal, and to make to other states who could better appre
ciate the grandeur of his conceptions the great offer which
that country had so short-sightedly refused. While his brother
Bartholomew, who had followed him to Portugal, remained in
Lisbon, and perhaps accompanied the expedition of Bartho
lomew Dias in the year 1487, Columbufe in 1484 secretly
escaped over the. border, for the Portuguese, who jealously
concealed their African discoveries from strangers' eyes, would
certainly have prevented the departure of one so well ac
quainted with them.
The story goes that he then proceeded to his native city
Genoa, passing on to Venice, in which places his plans suffered
a double rejection. But no proofs can be produced of his
II

1 62 A Century of Discovery.
residence in either town, and there is an entire absence of
records, which could scarcely be the case had he negotiated
with the authorities of those cities. Apparently he went
straight from Portugal to Spain, where he first applied to the
Duke of Medina Sidonia, one of the mighty vassals of Castile,
lord of great possessions in Andalusia and master of a not
inconsiderable naval force. Won over to the stranger's plan,
the Duke had already prepared ships to be placed ^t his dis
posal, when he changed his mind, considering that such a
great undertaking with all its possible consequences was not
an affair for a private man, but rather for a great state. He
therefore sent Columbus with letters of recommendation to
Queen Isabella, and on January 20th, i486, he was taken into
her service. The learned men of the University of Salamanca
were formed into a commission, before which Columbus laid
his plans, together with the letter of the famous author which
supported his ideas. But except the Dominican, Diego de
Deza, who became afterwards Archbishop of Seville, and re
mained to the end a faithful patron of Columbus, none of these
learned men were convinced by the arguments of Columbus.
In recent times this commission has been on this account
treated with the utmost scorn. The charge has been brought
against it of opposing to the deep thoughts of the Genoese
texts of Scripture, and of treating the whole affair in a highly
unscientific manner. But this was not the case, and we are
bound in justice to acknowledge that the arguments of Co
lumbus might very easily have been answered out of the very
books from which he drew them. The opponents of Columbus
were fighting on the side of truth, the Genoese was only con
tending for a happy delusion, which ended in the discovery of
the New World. A result which he had not reckoned upon
put him in the right, and those who are easily dazzled by
success have thought to glorify the deed by heaping con
tempt on those who with justice opposed him.

Christopher Columbus. 163
The decision of the commission is not known, but the fact
that the undertaking was not carried out does not prove its
rejection. The final struggle with the Moors of Granada
already begun, fears lest Portugal might be irritated, perhaps
even provoked to war, were important weights in the scale.
Columbus remained in the service of Castile and took up his
abode in Cordova, where his small salary and the money he
procured by making charts, etc., secured to him a tolerable
livelihood. Under these circumstances he determined to wait
for happier times, and in the meanwhile secured many lasting
friends among influential persons of the court of Ferdinand
and Isabella. But this delay became at length unendurable ;
the Moorish war long remained undecided, and his bitter ex
perience as suitor to haughty patrons appeared humiliating to
Jiis over-sensitive nature.
After a residence of five years, he left Cordova in 1491, with
his son Diego, who was then about twelve years old, to try
his luck at the court of France, where a young and adven
turous monarch was holding the reins of government. But
he had now reached the crisis of his fate. The traveller
Jinocked at the gate of a Franciscan convent. La Ribida, at
the port of Palos, and begged for refreshment for himself and
liis boy. The Guardian, Juan Peres de Marchena, a brother
much looked up to, who bore the honourable title of Confessor
to the Queen, took an interest in the gifted man, who related
to him his plans and their disappointment in vivid colours.
The Guardian's heart was soon entirely won, and he invited
him to remain, and promised to use all his influence on his
behalf A letter which he immediately despatched to the Queen
shortly received a very kind answer, in which Columbus was
summoned to appear at the court, which was' then in the
camp of Santa F^ before the walls of Granada. A small
sum was also remitted to defray the expenses of the journey,
II — 2

164 A Century of Discovery.
With warm thanks he took leave of his new friend, leaving-
little Diego in his care, and hopefully began his journey.
He entered the court at a happy moment (Dec, 149 1), just
when Granada had made offers to surrender, and the glorious
end of the war which had raged for so many years appeared
in sight. To the enthusiasm called forth by this great
achievement no plan, however great or expensive, appeared
impossible ; so Columbus met with a most friendly reception.
Yet months went by. The entrance of the monarchs into
the conquered town took place on the 2nd January, 1492,
with extraordinary magnificence, and Columbus received no
decided answer.
The unheard-of demands of Columbus caused this delay.
He required, in case of the discovery of a western royte to
India, a patent of nobility rendering the title of Don hereditary
in his family. He also required that he should be made Ad
miral of the Atlantic Ocean, and should rank as high as the
Admiral of Castile ; that the power and title of Viceroy over
all the discovered countries should be conferred upon him ;
with the right to name three men for all offices in those lands
out of whom the Crown should choose ; that he should have
the tenth of the revenues which should flow to the Crown
from the lands to be discovered ; and, lastly, the right to an
eighth share in all mercantile undertakings which the Crown
might engage in in those lands.
These demands met with decided opposition. King Fer
dinand and a great number of the most important people at
court were irritated by the presumption of the Genoese.
Who was Columbus, and what deeds had he to boast of, that
he should thus dare to demand control over the most proved
and deserving officials — men too who could point proudly to
their old nobility .' Where were the securities that the results
of his undertaking would at all fulfil the hopes on which he
founded his demands .' How monstrous were these demands

Christopher Columbus. 165
when compared with the poor rewards bestowed in Portugal
on the most distinguished seamen for the greatest services !
The lands over which Columbus demanded the Viceroyalty,
and of whose produce he demanded the tenth part, were not
virgin shores with a wild population, but the imperial Japan
and China, with millions of civilised and industrious in
habitants. All these important considerations were discussed ;
but when something less was offered him, he immediately de
parted with wounded pride, and threatened to go to France
or England, w-hence he had received promises.
What wonderful faith in himself ! What bold confidence
that the benefits which would result to Spain from his work,
must justify the great and really unheard-of demands which
he made. And yet it would have been better if he had yielded,
and had lowered his demands in those points particularly
which caused the most offence — the claim upon the Vice-
royalty and the tenth. A little earnest self-examination and
a calm glance into the future must have made it clear to him
that he was pushing himself into a position for which he could
not be fit, and involving himself in embarrassments with the
Crown which, as it was at that time the great object of the
Crown to render vassals powerless, would be sure to be to his
disadvantage. The exorbitancy of his demands bitterly
avenged itself on him.
He had hardly quitted the court, when his friends, who
meanwhile had increased in numbers, interceded for him with
great zeal. Among them Luis de Santangel, the Treasurer of
Aragon, distinguished himself by his unwearied persistency.
He dwelt particularly on the responsibility which they would
incur if, in consequence of their parsimony, other lands should
gain the advantages which were now offered to Spain, and
added that even supposing the expedition did fail, it was
quite worth while to undertake it, in order to be assured of
the impracticability of any route to India in that direction.

i66 A Century of Discovery.
The resolution of the Queen was somewhat shaken by these
representations, and when Santangel went on to remind her
that she was denying the knowledge of Christianity to count
less multitudes of heathen, he touched the right chord. The
pious Queen, whose most earnest desire was the conversion of
her Moorish and Jewish subjects, was won by this clever move;
and she was filled with such zeal that she said she would
pledge the crown jewels to procure the funds necessary for
the execution of the undertaking. This offer, however, was
not carried into execution, for Santangel, who firmly believed
in Columbus, provided from his own estates the 5000 ducats
which were required.
Messengers announcing the unconditional granting of his
demands recalled Columbus to Santa Fe. The treaty was
concluded on the 17th of April; on the 30th of the same
month Columbus received the dignities that he had de
manded, and immediately set out for Palos, a port between
the mouths of Guadiana and Guadalquiver, whence the expe
dition was to start
He made use of this harbour because he was bound in the
service of the crown within ten days to fit out two caravels.
A third ship was also chartered, and in accordance with the
treaty Columbus bore an eighth of the expense. Very useful
to him was the celebrated maritime family of the Pinzons, out
of which three brothers, Martin Alonso, Vincente Yanez, and
Francisco Martin, offered to accompany him. With their
assistance the fitting out of the ships and the engaging of the
crews were speedily accomplished, and all was ready for the
start by the 3rd of August, 1492.
The little squadron consisted of three ships : the Santa
Maria, the Pinta, and the little Nina. All three, especially
the Pinta, were very indifferent sailers ; and owing to the
hasty manner in which they were prepared, were found to

Christopher Columbus. 167
have many defects which could with difficulty be remedied on
the high seas.
The Sa7ita Maria was commanded by Columbus himself^
the Pinta and the Nina by the two eldest of the Pinzons.
The crews numbered altogether ninety men, for the most part
experienced seamen, who had pledged themselves to follow
Columbus w'hithersoever he should go. Thus with no pomp,
and but ill-prepared for the difficulties that might be ex
pected, Columbus set out to discover a new world. Of this
voyage he kept a most comprehensive journal, which has been
published, abridged by the Bishop Las Casas. It gives us an
exact idea of it.
Only a few days after the squadron started, the rudder of
the Pinta broke, and it could not be repaired until they reached
the Canaries. On the Island Gomera, which belongs to that
group, and v/hich had already been taken and colonised by
the Spaniards, Columbus remained for some months improving
the vessels. He also took in provisions for a voyage of such
uncertain length. The diary tells iis that on the 12th of
August a great eruption of the Pik de Teyde on Teneriffe
took place, the first of which we know anything. On the 6th
of September Columbus left the Island of Gomera, and took
his course straight towards the west.
Unconsciously he chose that part of the Atlantic Ocean in
which it is the broadest ; but this misfortune was pretty well
compensated for by the favouring wind which blew at first
most unceasingly, the north-east trade wi^nd. The passage
therefore was a comparatively quick one, and only occupied
thirty-four days. The temperature was very pleasant. Co
lumbus compares it to the climate of Andalusia, and only
deplored that the song of the nightingale was wanting.
On the 13th of September the compass was first noticed to
decline towards the north-west, a circumstance which Columbus
took care to explain in such a manner that the crew should

1 68 A Ce7itury of Discovery.
not be alarmed. The many stories of the terror of the sailors,
and of their increasing bitterness against Columbus, which at
last became open mutiny, are the inventions of later writers,
for whom the course of the remarkable voyage was not suf
ficiently adventurous. But Columbus himself confesses that
he kept a double reckoning, and thus strove to deceive the
crew as to the distance that they had come. But the decep
tion was nothing very considerable.
On the 1 8th of September the difference between the two
reckonings was only fifty miles. It must be remembered,
however, that all calculations of the speed of vessels rested at
that time upon conjectures which could lay no claim to cer
tainty. The only complaint which Columbus makes about the
cowardice of his crews we find on the 23rd September : " The
sailors began to whisper, when they saw no considerable
waves, that there would never be a wind to take them back
to Spain."
The monotony of the voyage was enlivened by frequent
signs of land being near, though they were over and over
again found to be deceptive. Thus on the 25th of September
they thought they were near a vast land. Indeed, from the
Pinta the crew declared they had seen land, and sang the
" Gloria in excelsis." But the next morning they discovered
that they had been deceived by the clouds. Also the nume
rous birds which were seen from the ships kept the sailors in
constant excitement, for they erroneously thought they could
not fly many miles from the shore. Columbus explained to
himself all these appearances by the supposition that the
ships had passed near the traditionary Island of Antiglia
without seeing it ; but he would not stop to seek for it, since
he wished first to find the mainland of Asia.
The confusion into which the crews were constantly thrown
by the repeatedly mistaken announcements of land induced
Columbus to forbid such announcements to be made, except

Christopher Columbus. 169
on good grounds ; but at the same he promised, as the
monarchs had desired, a pension of 10,000 maravedis to the
man who should first discover land, and undertook to add at
his own expense a silk doublet
Up to the 7th of October they had maintained a course
directly west, but on that day Columbus yielded to the repre
sentations of Martin Alonzo Pinzon, and steered W.S.W.,
¦chiefly because great flights of birds — Pinzon thought they
were parrots — had been seen flying in that direction. Had
Columbus persevered in the original direction, he would about
the next day have reached the northern islands of the Bahama
group, and thence probably the mainland of America in the
part now called Florida, whilst by changing his course he was
¦carried to the southern islands of that group, and past the
south point of Florida to the West Indies.
After this change of course the signs that land was near
multiplied. Carved sticks and branches of trees, etc., were
picked up ; and on all the ships hope and expectation swelled
high in every breast. On the nth of October, about ten
o'clock, Columbus, who was looking out from the poop of his
ship, perceived before him the uncertain glimmer of a light,
which appeared again several times, and looked like a waver
ing torchlight Others whom he called thought they saw it
too, although the Admiral himself was Very hkely deceived.
The excitement increased, no eye was closed.
The Pinta, commanded by the ambitious Martin Alonso
Pinzon, kept in front, and it was from her masthead that at
tv/o o'clock in the morning ofthe 12th of October, 1492, came
the long-expected cry of " Land ahead 1" It was a sailor
named Rodrigo de Triana who first perceived the coast in the
uncertain twilight. He, however, never received the promised
pension, Columbus claiming it for himself on the ground of
the light he had seen ; Rodrigo in a rage left Spain, and
passing over to Africa abjured his faith. This conduct of

1 70 A Century of Discovery.
Columbus, which certainly was not amiable, proceeded pro^
bably less from mere greed than from the anxious desire to
prove that the discovery of Asia from the west was entirely
his work, even in the minutest details.
They gazed impatiently into the dim light, until the
rising sun dispelled all doubt At a little distance was
stretched out a flat coast, over which rose green hills. The
goal was reached, the difficult and dangerous undertaking was
accomplished. But where were they .' According to Co
lumbus's secret calculations, the ships had traversed after
leaving the Canaries, which lie 10° west of Lisbon, 1122
Spanish miles, or 90°. Now according to Toscanelli, the
distance between Lisbon and Cipango Qapan) amounted at
the most to 110°. So there could be no doubt that they had
reached Cipango, or at least one of the group of islands lying
near. As soon as the ships had found anchorage, Columbus
entered an armed boat and landed on the coast, accompanied
by the eldest of the brothers Pinzon. Then in the presence
of notaries with great formality he took possession of the
land for the Queen of Castile. He set up a wooden cross,
and named the island — for such the land proved to be — San
Salvador. It was called by the natives Guanahani. It has
no mountains, but is beautifully wooded, with a lake near the
centre. It is one of the Bahama or Lucayan group, which lies
something in the form of a crab off the coast of Florida to the
south-east. There has recently been a violent dispute as to
which island was first trodden by Columbus, and it has been
settled in favour of Watling Island (latitude 23° 56' north,
and longitude 74° 28' west). To the error of Columbus, who
thought he had arrived on the coast of Asia, is due the name
of West Indies, which he gave to all the islands he discovered
in the course of years, as also that of Indians, which was con
ferred on the natives of America.

Christopher Columbus. 1 7 r
The natives looked upon the Spaniards as descended fronr
the sun, and came to meet them with the greatest reverence ;
their confidence was secured by little gifts, glass beads, little
bells, etc., and they showed themselves thoroughly harmless
and friendly. The simplicity and poverty of their condition
excited the astonishment of the Spaniards. They went
perfectly naked ; they were well proportioned, and of a brown
complexion, which Columbus compared to that of the Guanches,
and which they themselves sought to beautify by the use of
bright paint. Their dwellings were simple reed huts roofed
with palm leaves. Their food was principally vegetables,
maize, manioc, yams, and potatoes, but they ate also fish,
mussels, and the flesh of birds.
In fishing they made use of a little fish called by the
Spaniards reverso, whose back was armed with thorns.
Fastened to a thin but strong line, the Indians took it to the
sea, and as soon as a large fish showed itself let it loose. It
at once rushed upon its prey and fastened itself firmly to it
by its prickles ; the tortured fish made for the shore, and
there was easily caught by means of a rod which was attached
to the end of the line. The tools of which the Indians made
use were very rough ; they were unacquainted with iron, and
employed instead sharpened stones and mussel shells. They
so little understood other weapons that they took hold of
Columbus's sword by the blade and wounded themselves.
Since many of them had fresh wounds the Spaniards inquired
the cause and learnt that they had gained them in struggles
with neighbouring warlike races, who often visited these shores
for kidnapping purposes. This was the first news which the
Spaniards received of the more highly-organised but fiercer
people of the Carribee Islands, with whom, in later times,
they had such serious struggles. But Columbus considered
them to be inhabitants of China. " I thought," he said, " and
I still think that people come over here from the mainland to-

172 A Century of Discovery.
make prisoners and slaves. They must be most faithful and
docile servants. I am convinced that they would be converted
to Christianity without any difficulty, for I beheve that they
belong to no heathen sect"
But for the present Columbus gave up his plan of convert
ing the Indians, and of erecting a fortress on the island, as he
was anxious to reach Cipango as soon as possible. By various
accidental resemblances of names, he was strengthened in the
delusion that he was near the coast of Asia. Thus he first
mistook Cuba and afterwards the district of Cibao in Hayti
for Cipango, and the name Caniba, by which the Carribeans
called themselves, he thought pointed to their being the
subjects of the Khan of Mongolia, whom their ruler sent out
to kidnap slaves.
Still labouring under this delusion he left Guanahani on
the 14th of October, taking with him seven Indians to show
him the way from island to island. In his progress towards
the south-west, he touched on a mass of small coral islands.
Only on two of the larger ones, Santa Maria de la Concepcion
{the present Rum Key) and Fernandina (the present Long
Island), did he make any stay. These he took possession of
for Castile. They, in every way, resembled Guanahani.
The voyage was then continued towards the south-west,
"for," he writes in his diary, on the 24th of October,
"I am determined to visit Quinsay, and to present your
Royal Highnesses' letter to the great Khan."
On the 26th of October the squadron arrived at the north
coast of Cuba, with the beauty of which Columbus was charmed.
He seems never to weary of telling of the fragrance of the
tropical woods, of the charming voices of the birds, of the
glorious mountains, and of the tranquil pleasant harbours.
In the intoxication of his discovery, he beheved he saw
mastic in the primeval forests, pearls in the clear sea, gold
dust in the rivers, and in the most animated language he

Christopher Columbus. 173
praises the earthly paradise which he had won for Castile.
The ships pursued their course along the north coast until
they were about 60° west of Ferro. Here they made a halt,
since Columbus was now convinced that Cuba was not
Cipango, but part of the mainland. In order to examine it
more closely, he sent two Spaniards, one of whom was a con
verted Jew, on an embassy into the interior, and gave them,
as interpreter, an Indian, who had been captured in Guana
hani. If possible they were to penetrate into the chief city of
the Khan, which they, misled by the ill-understood directions
of the Indians, thought to be close to the coast.
After three days the embassy returned. They had found,
twelve miles inland, an encampment of the natives, consisting
of fifty huts, containing a population of about 1000 persons, by
whom they had been received with great honour and curiosity;
but about the great Khan and the lands in which gold and
spices were to be found, they had been able to discover
nothing. They mentioned, as a peculiar custom of the natives,
that they carried about with them "a glowing coal and a
certain herb, wrapped in a leaf like a cartridge, in order to
light one end and suck in the smoke from the other. These
cartridges they called tobacco."
According to the account of a later writer, it was not the
rolls of leaves that were so called, but the reed through which
the smoke was sucked up. These reeds were of a peculiar
form. While one end was intended to hold the glowing roll
of leaves, the other end was divided into two little reeds, which
the Indians placed in the nostrils, for they smoked with their
noses, not their mouths.
Undeceived by the report of the ambassadors, the Admiral
determined to give up any further voyage towards the west.
The new direction taken by the ships was decided by Colum
bus's wish to seek for the land of gold he believed to be near,
and where, by finding larger treasures, he hoped to indemnify

1 74 A Century of Discovery.
himself for not having reached India. At Guanahani and on
all the islands he had discovered since he had noticed that
the Indians wore thin gold plates as ornaments in their noses.
When asked where the gold came from, the Indians had
pointed towards the south, and had said that a land lay there
which they sometimes called Bohio and sometimes Babeque.
There large quantities of this noble metal were to be found.
The stories told by the Indians of this wonderful land aroused
the covetousness of the Spaniards, and they took such a hold
.upon Columbus that he made the discovery of this land his
goal. Thus even in the first discoveries of the New World
was proved the justice of the saying, that the colonisation of
America by the Spaniards and the progress of their discoveries
was governed, as by a law of nature, by the presence or absence
of gold.
On the 1 2th of November Columbus set sail again. Sad
to say, before his departure he had five young men, seven
women, and three children captured to take to Spain with
him, by which cruel action he inspired the confiding natives
ivith the greatest terror and hatred. The next night a man
came swimming up to the ship and begged him to take him
with him since his wife and children were among those who
were being carried away. Henceforth the shores of Cuba
were deserted. Warned of the cruel stranger by messengers
and fiery signals, the inhabitants had fled into the woods.
The squadron pursued its way along the north coast of Cuba
to the east and south-east. So great was the Spaniards'
greed for gold that Martin Alonzo Pinzon separated from the
other two ships, in order to find the land of gold for himself
and to secure the glory of its discovery. In vain were all the
signals which Columbus made during the night of the 21-22
November, the fugitive did not return. On the 5th of Decem
ber the Admiral reached the east point of Cuba, which he
flamed Juana in honour of the Crown Princess, and at the

Christopher Columbus. 175
•same time there arose in the east a new land with high moun
tains which the Indians on board said to be Bohio. But the
people of the island itself called it Quizqueia, that is to say
the world, or Cibao (the stony), or Hayti (the rough land).
The last name has remained to this day and has outlived the
Spanish name, Hispaniola (Little Spain), which Columbus
gave it
On Hispaniola the Spaniards found a much higher develop-
^ment of social life than on the coast which they had hitherto
rtouched. The whole island was divided into several king-
.doms, governed by hereditary princes called caciques. Of
-these kingdoms some were specially important on account of
-their extent and of the power of their caciques, such as, on
the north coast, Marien and Maguana, and on the west and
-south coasts, Xaraqua and Higuey. The power of the
.caciques over their subjects was unlimited, they were the
possessors of the land, and they adjudged the work and the
pay. All the little dainties of the island, the flesh of the rabbit
and the lizard, were reserved for their table, and the people
-. were kept at a distance from the sacred persons of the princes
by a troublesomely precise etiquette. By the greater con
venience of their dwellings, and by some attempts at decora-
- tion, the inhabitants of Hispaniola showed themselves superior
to those of Cuba, though they evidently belonged to the same
race. But at the time of the arrival of the Spaniards these
gentle people were threatened with destruction by another
stronger race. These were the Kalina, or Kaniba,* or Kari-
• ben, that is heroes, as the natives of the Antilles called them,
a people who originally dwelt on the south coast of South
America. They had already conquered a part of Hispaniola
and Caonabo. The cacique of the kingdom was a Carribean
adventurer Tall and strongly made, they were superior in
* From this word, in consequence of the imperfect pronunciation of
the Spaniards, we have got our word cannibals, or men-eaters.

1 76 A Century of Discovery.
courage and warlike qualities to the natives of the Antilles,,
and were feared even by Spaniards. In war they were fre
quently accompanied by their wives, who were little inferior
to the men in ferocity. Their most terrible weapon was a
poisoned arrow. In their piroques, forty feet long and capable
of holding fifty men, they went from island to island, and
often in perfect fleets made plundering expeditions on to the
coasts, where the inhabitants, if they were unable to escape
by flight, were carried off prisoners. The men were cooked
and eaten, the women made slaves. Against these fearful
enemies the natives of the Antilles were defenceless, and
there is no doubt that if it had not been for the arrival of the
Spaniards they would in a short time have been destroyed by
them. In his first expedition Columbus came but little into per
sonal contact with the Carribeans, and learned most about
them from the descriptions of their victims, since he sailed only
on the north coast of Hispaniola. Here the farther he ap
proached towards the east the more lively became the trade
with the natives, who came in hundreds on to the ships, and
exchanged provisions, cotton, and golden ornaments for all
sorts of trifles. When they noticed the eagerness of the
Spaniards for gold, they gave them to understand that in a
land farther to the east, which they called Cibao, gold was-
found and smelted. This news still more inflamed Columbus's
desire to find this land of gold. " May the merciful God," he
exclaimed, " help me to find this gold, or rather these mines."
Then a great misfortune befell him, and dashed all his hopes,.
On Christmas night, when all were asleep, even the Admiral
himself, who had watched for two nights, the ship, owing to
the helm having been committed, contrary to his express
orders, to a sailor-boy, ran on a sand-bank. The Admiral was
the first on deck, and by ordering an anchor to be cast from
the stern, did all he could to prevent the complete destruction

Christopher Columbus. 177
of the ship. But the crew, stupefied by the disaster, dis
obeyed his commands, sprang into the boat, and tried to
escape on to the Nina, which was about half a mile off.
There they were brought to reason, and returned to the Santa
Maria, which by that time, however, it was hopeless to think
of saving.
Fortunatety Columbus had for some days been carrying on
friendly intercourse with the Cacique of the Haytian kingdom
of Marien — Guanacanagari was his name — and on hearing of
the disaster he showed the greatest sympathy, and ordered
his subjects to give the Spaniards all the help pos.sible in the
saving of their goods. This was done in their most zealous and
honourable manner ; so that in a few days everything was
saved. Between Columbus and the Cacique, a stately dignified
man, who immediately hastened to the spot, visits and pre
sents were exchanged.
The fear of the Caribs betrayed by Guacanagari was skil
fully made use of by Columbus to gain his consent to the
building of a fortress, the garrison of which should keep the
Caribs at a distance. The building had become necessary,
because the Nina was too small to bear the crews and freight
of two ships. In a few days the little fort was finished, con
sisting of some buildings and sheds made of reeds, and pro
tected by wooden palisades and a ditch. From the season
when it was built, it was called Natividad, and forty men
were appointed as a garrison, under the command of Diego
de Arana from Cordova. They received instructions to con
tinue the profitable gold trade with the natives, and, if pos
sible, find the mine itself. A wise and friendly behaviour
towards the Indians was also specially inculcated. In order
to arouse a desirable dread of their arms, Columbus caused
his archers to display their skill, and arranged sham fights,
with repeated discharges! of the cannons, which made a great
impression.

178 A Century of Discovery.
He thought himself so secure of the result he desired that
as early as the 4th of January, 1493, before the palisades were
finished, he set sail in the Nina, after having promised to
return at the very latest in a year. The cause of this sudden
departure was the news, brought by the Indians, that another
ship was engaged in the purchase of gold ornaments not far
off. It could only be the Pinta, and Columbus was very
anxious that it should return in his company, and should not
arrive a little before him in Spain, which would considerably
diminish his glory as a discoverer.
On the 6th of January they met the fugitive, and Martin
Alonzo Pinzon immediately came on board the Nina to ex
cuse himself and to represent the separation of the ships as
unintentional. Columbus pretended to believe him, but W2is
full of mistrust, and gave Pinzon fully to understand that he
was under his control and must obey. The names which he
had given to the promontories along , the coast were imme
diately changed. From that time the relations between these
men, who had been once so intimate, became hostile, and so
continued until death separated them. The insubordination of
the one and the somewhat petty jealousy of the other pre
vented any reconciliation.
The Pinta had in the meantime visited some little groups
of islands off the coast of Hispaniola, and carried on a profit
able barter, by which the Spaniard had become possessed of
much gold, some pieces being as large as a man's fist. Pinzon
himself, with twelve companions, had penetrated into the in
terior of Hispaniola, and had brought back news of an island
rich in gold, called Yamaye (Jamaica), to the south of Cubci,
and also of a coast lying to the west, easily attainable, whose
inhabitants were always clothed. Columbus paid no attention
to this important information, which evidently referred to
Yucatan, or perhaps even Mexico, not only because it was
brought him by Pinzon, but also because his first intention

Christopher Columbus. 179
to visit at any cost the Great Khan of China, and if possible
to reach India, had long been given up. Hardly was he sure
of having discovered a land of gold than all his bold plans
took to flight, his enthusiasm for discovery cooled, and he
thought of nothing else but carrying away the discovered
treasure. The two ships set out together on the return voyage. They
touched at many points on the coast of Hispaniola, and found
the natives everywhere friendly and trustful. In some places
they believed they saw gold in the sand of the rivers, but no
where did they make a stay of any length. At the east end of
the islands they first met with the Caribs, who, as they at once
perceived from their form and bearing, belonged to quite an
other stock. After a fight with them, in which the first blood
was shed and four Caribs were taken prisoner, the ships, on the
17th of January, left the coast, and sailed north-east into the
open sea. Until the 12th of February they allowed the ships
to run before the wind, though the steersmen found it impos
sibly to agree as to the longitude in which they were. But
on that-day a fearful storm arose, in which the frail ships were
in the greatest danger. It lasted for three days, and so utterly
wearied the crews that every moment they believed death to
be at hand. In this distress the pious Admiral proposed to
seek the assistance of the Virgin and of the saints by vowing
pilgrimages. As many beans as there were men on board
were placed in a cap, among which one was marked by a
cut. Each drew a bean, and whoever had the marked one
was to make the promised pilgrimage. Three times the lot
was drawn in this manner, and twice it fell upon the Admiral ;
the third time it fell upon a sailor from Cadiz, but Columbus
promised to pay the expenses of his pilgrimage. In addition
to this the whole crew vowed, if they were saved, to make a
pilgrimage in their shirts to one of the chapels consecrated
¦to the Virgin. 12 — 2

I So A Century of Discovery.
When everything was thus done to procure the favour of
Heaven, Columbus bethought himself how he might get the
news of his discovery to Europe in case they were all lost.
He wrote down a short account of his voyage with a state
ment of the lands discovered, and placing it sealed in an air
tight vessel, together with a note which begged the finder to
take it to the Court of Castile, and promised him a reward of
looo ducats for so doing, threw it into the sea. Fortunately
this was unnecessary. The weather began to improve on
February i6th, and the next day land was discovered, which
proved to be one of the Azores — Santa Maria.
But in the fearful storm the ships were separated, and the
Pinta was still on the high sea, while the Nina had found a
temporary resting-place. The crew returned thanks for their
deliverance. For Columbus it was a special triumph, as it
proved him to be correct when he reckoned that they
would reach the Azores, if they held on in the course they
had taken. Full of joy, he writes in his diary, " I have always
purposely exaggerated the distance, in order to lead astray
the pilots and sailors, and thus keep the key of the western
navigation to myself I have succeeded so perfectly that
now nobody can point out with accuracy the way back to
India." The Nina was detained at Santa Maria until February 24th,
partly from the need of rest after so much fatigue, and partly
from the hostility of the Portuguese commander, Joas de Cas-
tanheda. Half the crew was suddenly attacked by him and
taken prisoners, as, in fulfilment of their \o\y, they were tra
velling in their shirts to a lady chapel near the coast How
ever, after some daj-s, the good understanding was restored. •
What was the cause of the quarrel has never been clearly
known. Whilst some believe that Castanheda was secretly
commissioned by the Portuguese King, Joas IL, to destroy
Columbus, others with greater probability declare that he

Christopher Columbus. i8r
suspected the Spanish ship of having come from Portuguese
-Guinea, and that he suspended hostilities directly he was con
vinced of the groundlessness of his suspicions. Rested and
refreshed, they began their journey home on February 24th,
hoping in a few days to touch their native coast.
But their trials were not over yet. On March 3rd they
again encountered a storm, which excited the greatest alarm,
and impelled the Admiral anew to solemn vow.s. The ship
was in extreme peril, being driven by the storm with fearful
force towards the Portuguese coast, and it required all the
skill of the Admiral and the utmost exertions of the crew
before the Tagus was at last successfully entered. On the
evening of March 4th the Nina came to anchor at the famous
landing-place Restello, near Lisbon. The news of their arrival
naturally excited great attention in the city, in which Colum
bus in earlier times had had many acquaintances. With the
congratulations which their great success called forth was
mixed much envy and jealousy at the good fortune which
had fallen to their hated neighbours, and many complaints of
the blindness of the King, who had rejected a man of such
distinction. The Government was doubtful how to act. On March 5th
Bartholomew Dias appeared on board the Nina, and sum
moned Columbus before a court of inquiry to justify himself
for his secret departure, but was satisfied when Columbus
produced the letter which nominated him Castilian Admiral.
Then followed an invitation to the royal castle at Valparaiso,
situated a short distance from Lisbon, and in which John II.
was at that time residing. On the 9th of March Columbus
went thither, accompanied by some of his companions, and
he took with him, to amuse the King, the captured Indians
and specimens of the plants and animals of Hispaniola. He
met with a better reception than he expected. The King
appeared interested in the detailed account which he gave

1 8 2 A Century of Discovery.
him, and succeeded admirably in mastering the vexation and
jealousy by which he was consumed. He, however, let slip
the words that he should lay claim to the newly-discovered
lands in virtue of the grant made to Castile by the Pope, and
of the treaty concluded between Portugal and Castile in the
year 1479. But he nobly refused the offer of some courtiers
to try and engage the hot-blooded Admiral in a dispute and
stab him as if in haste, and thus remove out of the way the
only man who understood how to find the way to the New
World. Indeed, he honourably entertained the great dis
coverer, and when the latter took his leave on the nth of
March dismissed him in the most gracious manner Re-em
barked on board the Nina, Columbus hastened his departure
and arrived at Palos on the 15 th of March.
Here all hope had quite been given up that the long-looked-
for fleet would ever be seen again. The joy therefore was
all the greater ; indeed, it was little short of ecstasy when the
adventurers themselves related the grand results of their ex
pedition, and described the wonders of the distant paradise.
The very next day appeared the Pinta. It came from Bayonne
in Galicia, at which place it had first touched the Portuguese
shore, and from whence Pinzon had despatched a letter to
Ferdinand and Isabella, in order to communicate to them the
happy news, and to beg an audience.
But the monarchs, remembering their agreement with Co
lumbus, had directed him to go to Palos and there await
the Admiral, in whose train he might appear at court. This
ungracious answer broke the heart of the proud and self-
conscious man, who could not bear to be in subjection to a
foreigner, whose superior he considered himself to be. An
illness with which he had been attacked shortly before his
landing quickly grew worse, and carried him off in a few days.
But the Pinzons, whose support had been of such service to
Columbus's undertaking, now withdrew ; and this may have

Christopher Columbus. i8

J

had a good deal to do with the rapid and most unfavourable
change of public opinion concerning Columbus.
A glorious triumph awaited the great discoverer on his
arrival, and it was the greatest moment of his life. Those who
previously had expressed a doubt as to the result of his plan,
and, indeed, had laughed at the fanatic, now felt themselves
bound to make up for their mistrust by their ostentatious
applause ; and those who had always taken Columbus's part
now proudly joined their friend, a part of whose glory they
felt reflected upon themselves.
After he, accompanied by his whole crew, had fulfilled the
vow made during the late storm, he went to Seville, where
he made his entrance on Palm Sunday, surrounded by a re
joicing crowd, who could not satisfy themselves with gazing
at the curiosities he had brought with him. Here he awaited
the answer of the monarchs to the report which he had des
patched to them immediately after landing at Palos. When
it arrived he could read in the inscription what a gracious re
ception awaited him. It ran thus : " To Don Christopher
Columbus, our Admiral on the Seas, and Viceroy and Gover
nor of the islands discovered in the Indies." The letter was
full of most flattering congratulations, and invited him to
appear at the court, which was then residing at Barcelona,
the second great harbour of Spain.
He began the journey immediately, and arrived before
Barcelona in the middle of April. His entrance into the city
became a great triumphal procession, exceeding the boldest
flights of his fancy. A glittering troop of horsemen met him
before the town and preceded him as he entered ; then fol
lowed six Indians (the rest Columbus had left behind in
Seville sick) ; then came noble pages carrying parrots, stuffed
animals, and other curiosities, with open chests full of gold
ornaments ; and lastly, Columbus on horseback in splendid
attire, attended by the chief men of the two kingdoms. With

1 84 A Century of Discovery.
the festive pealing of the bells and the deafening shouts of
the populace who crowded the streets, the procession reached
the market-place, where, on a balcony erected for the occasion,
the King and Queen awaited the Admiral. On his appearance
King Ferdinand rose, and when Columbus knelt and kissed
the hands of the royal pair the King raised him and invited
him to be seated — the greatest honour a Spanish monarch
can show a subject.
Columbus had frequently in unconstrained intercourse with
the Prince to relate his adventures, and he was often seen
riding by the side of the King. A significant coat-of-arms
was bestowed upon him. In the two upper fields were the
castle of Castile and the lion of Leon, while below to the
right was a sea full of islands, and to the left five anchors.
The globe and cross on the helmet of the coat-of-arms, and
the inscription, " Columbus found a new world for Castile and
Leon," were apparently added later. And this brilliant
reception by the Princes corresponded to the homage which
the proud nobility and all classes of the people offered him.
We may rejoice fervently that the Admiral was thus recom
pensed for his many years of disappointment and suffering,
and we cannot grudge him the proud pleasure of seeing himself,
though of lowly birth, raised to the highest honours. Still we
cannot help anticipating a reaction after such extraordinary
favour, and feel that at the latest it must ensue as soon as it
was found out that the newly-discovered land was not India,
the way to which might yet be found by the Portuguese. For
all this immoderate rejoicing arose from the delusion that, if it
was not actually India that had been discovered, India could
at any rate be very easily reached from the lands found by
Columbus, and there was a most discreditable pleasure in the
minds of the Spaniards at the thought of the disappointment
of the hated Portuguese.
The enthusiastic descriptions of Columbus of the riches of

\
^3

ENTRY OF COLUMBUS INTO BARCELONA.

Christopher Columbus. 185
the lands he had discovered aroused the whole people ; the
sanguine man reckoned with the greatest confidence how
many millions of gold the colonists he had left behind would
have collected before his return, and drew such exaggerated
and enticing pictures of the ease with which treasures might
be collected that a perfect gold fever took possession of the
whole nation, and it was not without justice that a charge of
deception -was subsequently brought against him.
The Government contemplated colonising in a great measure
the discovered lands, and consented to all the projects formed
¦by the Admiral with that view, while they appointed Juan
Rodriquez de Fonseca, afterwards Bishop of Badajoz, to
superintend the necessary supplies and to conclude the con
tracts. As early as the 8th of May Columbus left Barcelona and
¦betook himself to Andalusia, where all the preparations were
carried forward with energy. Seventeen ships, including three
large merchant-ships, were made ready, on which embarked
15,000 men, among whom were many farm labourers and
soldiers. Among the adherents of Columbus were now many
important personages, especially the great pilot Juan de laCosa,
and the heroic nobleman Alonso de Ojeda. A number of
priests were to open the Christian mission among the Indians.
All kinds of European animals, and among them horses, were
shipped off for the new colony, and every one prophesied a
rapid pro^erity. These important preparations delayed the
departure of the fleet, and it was not until September 25th,
1493, that it sailed from Cadiz, steering first for the Canary
Islands, where the cargo of domestic animals was to be com
pleted. On the 13th of October they left the island of Ferro,
and crossed the ocean without any adventures worthy of
mention. The Admiral this time steered rather more to the south, in
the hope of reaching more directly India itself Thus he

1 86 A Century of Discovery.
enjoyed the full benefit of the trade wind which brought hinr
in sight of land after a prosperous voyage of twenty-one days.-
It was the Lesser Antilles, which stretch northward in a half
circle from the mouth of Orinoco to the Greater Antilles,
The first land, which was seen on Sunday the 3rd of November,,
was called Dominica. Without touching it, the ship turned
towards the north, and the same day a flat island was dis
covered, which was named after the Admiral's ship, Maria
Galante. The next day there appeared a larger island with
lofty mountains, which received the name of Guadaloupe, after
a famous shrine in Spain. Columbus landed there. The
inhabitants, Caribs, fled to the woods, but some women and
children, who appeared to be prisoners taken by the Caribs
in one of their raids, came to implore protection from the
Spaniards. The latter examined the forsaken huts, and from
their appearance concluded that the inhabitants belonged to
a higher grade of civilisation than those of Hispaniola. But
to their horror they found in most of the huts human flesh
being prepared for eating.
After a delay of some days, caused by some of their crew
being lost in the woods, they left the island. Proceeding on
their way they met a canoe, with eight men and women, and
sent their boats out to seize it ; but the Caribs being over
taken offered a desperate resistance and wounded two
Spaniards with their poisoned arrows. Even when their boat
was sunk they continued to fight, swimming, and took refuge
on a rock almost covered by the water, and from which, how
ever, they were dragged one by one and brought on board
bound. Even then they were violent and resembled " Lybian
lions caught in nets." They were well formed and had long
thick hair and no beard. They cut off their front hair and
painted circles round their eyes, which increased the wildness
of their appearance.
The voyage was continued in a north-westerly direction

Christopher Columbus. 187
through a number of little islands, to which Columbus gave
the name of St. Ursula and the Eleven Thousand Virgins-
Then they came to a large island, now called Porto Rico.
Though the coasts appeared attractive, Columbus could
not be induced to make a stay there, as he was impelled for
ward by a lively anxiety for those left behind in Natividad.
Porto Rico being passed, he soon reached the north coast
of Hayti, along which he continued his journey with such
haste that on the 27th of November the squadron came to
anchor off the spot where eleven months before he had
built the little fort. But his salute was not responded to.
No boat put off from the shore, and a mysterious silence
reigned. Then the presentiment of a great misfortune came
over Columbus, a presentiment that he found only too true
when he landed. The fort lay in ashes, and every here
and there were the remains of the unhappy garrison. By
degrees the mystery which enveloped their fate was cleared
up, chiefly by the account of Guacanagari, who, detained
by illness, could not come to visit the Admiral, but was
visited by him. Shortly after the departure of Columbus,
the Spaniards had given themselves up to all sorts of evil
courses, had become disunited, and the greater part of them
had been killed during a plundering expedition into the land
of Maguana by the cacique of that country, the warlike
Caonabo. This chief had then invaded the land of Marien,
burnt the fort, destroying the little garrison, whose commander
Arana, taking refuge in a boat, had been, drowned with all
his companions. Guacanagari himself, who related this un
happy story, represented himself as having been wounded
in battle with Caonabo, and many of his subjects had fresh
wounds, evidently made by Indian weapons. But the Spaniards
did not trust the cacique, and accounted him guilty of their
countrymen's death. Although this opinion was confirmed by
the flight of their Indian prisoners, yet the Admiral could not

i88 A Century of Discovery.
persuade himself to bring to account this his first ally.
But the ships soon left this gloomy spot, seeking more to the
east a favourable place for the foundation of a new town. It
rose rapidly, and, under the name of Isabella became the
first settlement of the Spaniards in the New World, But
very soon the insidious nature of the climate showed itself,
many of the colonists, including Columbus himself, being
struck down with sickness. As soon as he was tolerably
restored, he sent twelve of the ships home, to request new
supplies of men, animals, and provisions. As he felt that
these demands would excite surprise in Spain, where,
from his former prophecies, they would look rather for the
arrival of great riches, he renewed his glowing descriptions
of the abundance of gold in the island, especially in the in
terior, where Ojeda had found earth containing gold. He
suggested also that the expenses of the repeated expeditions
might be covered by capturing and selling the Indians for
slaves. " Your Highness," he writes, " should send out every
year caravels with cattle, provisions, and implements for agri
culture at a moderate price. The expense might be repaid
by sending back slaves, for which purpose the Caribs, once
tamed, would answer better than the other races, on account
¦of their strength, agility, and intelligence. With the help of
the boats which I am building here, they may be captured in
great numbers."
After sending off the fleet, Columbus, on March I2th,
started for the interior, taking with him 400 men and a little
troop of horsemen. He penetrated without difficulty to the
•mountainous district of Cibao, meeting with a most friendly
reception from the Indians, who were greatly astonished at
the Spaniards' horses. The unmistakable abundance of gold
suggested to the Admiral the idea of securing the possession
of the country by building a fort The work was begun im
mediately, and was completed in a few days. It stood on a

Christopher Columbus. \Z<^
height, protected by a river, and received the name of Saint
Thomas. It was garrisoned with fifty-two men, under the
command of the knight Pedro Margarite. Returning at the
end of the month to Isabella, Columbus undertook several
measures for the purpose of making the new colony inhabit
able. He cut down the forests, cleared the land, began to
plant, and to build mills. He strained to the utmost the
powers of all in this work, making no exceptions in favour of
the nobles, and sparing only the sick, whose number the heat
increased every day. Thus in a land where they had ex
pected to gather riches without any trouble, the emigrants
saw themselves compelled to hard labour, for worse pay than
they would have received in their own country. A dissatisfied
rebellious spirit soon showed itself among them, to which, in
isolated cases, Columbus opposed a relentless severity. Yet
he thought his position sufficiently secure to allow him to
resume his voyages of discovery. He appointed a council to
manage the government during his absence, in which was
the rancorous Benedictine monk Bull, and over which he
nominated his youngest brother, the quiet kind-hearted Diego
Columbus, president Then, on April 24th, 1494, he left the
harbour of Isabella with three ships and turned towards the
west. He soon reached the east point of Cuba, which he believed
to be the most easterly point of the mainland. This time he
sailed along the south coast of the island. He found it every
where well peopled, but when he inquired fqjf the land of gold
the natives so invariably pointed to the south that he resolved
to go in that direction. After two days he came to land, the
island of Jamaica. The inhabitants, who resembled those of
Cuba and Hispaniola in appearance and manners, thouo-h
more warlike in their disposition, swarmed round the ship in
their canoes, which were ninety feet long, challenging the
Spaniards to an encounter It was not until they had had a

•I 90 A Century of Discovery.
bloody lesson that they could he induced to carry on more
peaceful intercourse. Even then Columbus could obtain no
-more certain knowledge about the wealth of the land, but was
.again directed to the south. He followed the north coast until
he reached the western point of the land, which proved it to
be an island, and then he returned to what he imagined to be
the mainland, Cuba. But the navigation along the south
.coast was extremely difficult. Legions of little islands con
tinually compelled the ship to keep close to the shore, and it
was frequently endangered by sandbanks and reefs. Not the
least sign appeared of any approach to the civilised states
.of Asia, though a deceitful resemblance of names now and
again raised false hopes.
On the 1 2th of June the patience of the Admiral was ex-
iiausted. In order to assure himself against future reproaches,
he caused the assembled crews to take an oath, administered
'by the royal notary, that in Cuba they had discovered the
-mainland, and not a mere island. If they should ever change
-this opinion the officers were to be punished by the loss of
their tongues and a fine, and the common sailors by flogging.
By this singular document Columbus sought to quiet the ac
cusations of his conscience, which told him how wrong it was
to return yet to Hispaniola. The voyage had been continued
.along the south coast of Cuba as far as the Isla de Pinos. If
¦Columbus had only persevered for three days longer, he would
,have reached the west point of Cuba and would have proved
it to be an island. Then news certainly would have reached
Jiim of Yucatan and Mexico, and he would probably have
.been the first to reach the populous highly-civilised states of
that coast. The peculiarity of the culture possessed by their
:natives would have removed the delusion that he had reached
the coast of Asia. From mere longing for Hispaniola Co
lumbus forfeited the accomplishment of his great task.
On the return voyage they coasted along the hitherto un-

Christopher Columbus. 191
-visited south shore of Hispaniola, and were intending to pass
over to Porto Rico when the Admiral, who from fear of an ac-
... cideftt had not closed his eyes for thirty-two nights, suddenly
- fell ill. He lay in a deep lethargy without sight or hearing,
... and the doctor doubted whether he would ever recover. The
ship was therefore turned round as quickly as possible, and
- they steered for Isabella, where they arrived September 29th,
1494. That the sickness, which lasted five months, at length
... abated Columbus owed to the faithful care of his brothers,
Diego and Bartholomew. The latter, himself an experienced
seaman, had been negotiating for Columbus at the English
court until the news reached him that the discovery of India
had fallen to the share of the Castilian crown. Then he
hastened to Spain, was well received by the court, raised to
the rank of a noble, and at last sent to the New World, having
under his command three ships. He arrived during the Ad^
miral's absence in Cuba and Jamaica, but on the return of
the latter he found many opportunities of assisting him, and in
deed, on account of his manly bearing and keen intelligence,
soon became indispensable to him.
Already there appeared the first traces of those troubles
which soon rendered the very existence of the colony doubt
ful. Many Spaniards seized the first opportunity to turn
their backs upon the New World. Thus Marguerite and
Bull had returned to Spain, where, by their exaggerated ac
counts of their sufferings and by their complaints of Colum
bus's rule, they aroused general attention. Others roamed
through the island, ill-treating the Indians, and thus exciting
the extreme hostility of the harmless people towards their
heartless persecutors. Already their cruelty had been re
venged by the murder of a few scattered individuals, and the
caciques formed a secret alliance against the Spaniards. The
soul of this alliance was Caonabo. Already he had besieged
the bold Ojeda for thirty days in Saint Thomas, and at last

192 A Century of Discovery.
had only been compelled to withdraw from want of supplies.
In him the Indians hoped they had found the liberator of
their island. Terrible therefore was the fear on the one
side, and great the joy on the other, when the dreaded cacique,
by a deed of almost incredible heroism on the part of Ojeda,.
was brought prisoner to Isabella. The bold Spaniard, by
means of a cunning trick, induced Caonabo to allow some
bright jinghng chains to be put on him. He then seized him,
placed him on a horse, and by the threat of stabbing him if
he made the slightest resistance, succeeded in carrying him
off to a Spanish dungeon.
Columbus treated his prisoner with respect on account of
his rank and heroism ; he declined to sit in judgment upon
him himself and subsequently took him with him to Spain ;
but he died on the voyage of a broken heart Warned by
Guanacanagari, the Spaniards took measures for defence, and
Columbus marched out as soon as he was recovered, in the
spring of 1495, with 200 men and twenty horsemen to subdue
the island. The most formidable allies of the Spaniards were
the bloodhounds, who at a word from their masters threw
themselves on the naked Indians and tore them to pieces.
The poor areatures were perfectly defenceless against these
four-footed assistants of the two-legged devils, as they called
the Spaniards.
Soon every spark of opposition was extinguished in blood,.
and even the caciques themselves submitted. Guanonex,
one of the most powerful, gave his sister to the interpreter,
Diego, to wife, and was obliged, like the rest, to suffer the
settlement of the Spaniards in his territory, and to allow the
building of forts. All the centre of the island was subdued,
and Columbus was able to think of fulfilling, at the expense
of the vanquished race, the expectation of great riches that
he had excited in Spain. Five hundred prisoners were shipped
off in order to be sold in Seville as slaves, though, through

Christopher Columbus. 193
the interference of the gentle-hearted Isabella, they were sub
sequently set free and returned to their native land. The fate
also of those who went unpunished was deplorable. The Ad
miral laid upon every grown person a yearly tax of as much
gold dust as was contained in four little bells, in weight from
thfee to four ducats, or 100 pounds of cotton. This was the
death-warrant of the poor Indians ; they could not work.
Their life had hitherto been a peaceful enjoyment of the gifts,
which their glorious land yielded to them either of itself or
with slight trouble. Hard work, from which they reaped no
benefit themselves, took away all enjoyment from their exist
ence. They fled in numbers to the mountains, and there
died of hunger. Of those who remained behind, numbers
committed suicide, casting away a life which the ill-usage
and licentiousness of the Spaniards rendered valueless. Co
lumbus, however, saw with great satisfaction a vast treasure
of gold and cotton accumulating.
Then a heavy blow fell upon him, the forerunner of more
evil times which were yet to come. In October, 1495, Juan
Aguado suddenly appeared from Spain with a royal mandate
which, with laconic brevity, directed all the Spaniards then in
Hispaniola to refer to him. The monarchs had been moved
to send out this embassy by anxiety for Columbus, having
heard nothing of him for a long time. Besides, the evil re
ports spread by Bull and Margarite had aroused in them con
cern for the distant colony which had been founded at such cost.
From Aguado, whom Columbus had himself .recommended to
them, they hoped to obtain certain information and, at the
same time, they proposed to cut down the exorbitant expense
caused by the wages and support of so many hundred colo
nists, by reducing the number to five hundred. Columbus,
rendered uneasy by this step, resolved to proceed himself to
Spain that he might set himself right in the King's opinion.
He appointed his brother Bartholomew his substitute or Ade-
13

194 A Centtiry of Discovery.
lantado, and arranged that in case of his death this power
should go to his younger brother Diego. By these appoint
ments, although indeed ratified by Ferdinand and Isabella,
he yet brought upon himself the displeasure of the Princes,
for they were calculated to confirm the reports spread by his
enemies that he wished, by the neglect of the general Spanish
interest, to make the island of Hispaniola a private possession
of his own family.
On the loth of March, 1496, he left the island with 220
men, embarking on two new ships. He stayed for some
time among the Lesser Antilles, and arrived in the harbour
of Cadiz on the nth of June, after a voyage of fifty days,
which, except for a failure of provisions, was a very prospe
rous one. He met the King and Queen at Burgos, and suc
ceeded once more in convincing them of the brilliant future
which lay before the West India Islands by presenting them
with the gold which he had collected in the last few years,
and by giving an exaggerated estimate of the revenue which
might be expected in the future. Chanca, the doctor and
notary who accompanied Columbus on this journey, says in
his report : " If the Admiral's people had not been fonder of
sleep and idleness than work they would have brought with
them gold, amber, and Brazil wood in abundance. But
most of them refused to obey his commands, as if they were
unjust" Columbus obtained a number of favourable decrees, by one
of which all private persons were forbidden to make any
voyages of discovery to the West Indies ; for so deluded was
the great man that he dreamed of restraining the great impulse
ofthe age by a family monopoly. The most difficult questiort
was that of money. The ceaseless demands which Columbus
made in behalf of the colony on the royal purse were con
stantly met by evasions and refusal on the part of Fonseca,
the Minister for Indian Affairs, and his conduct was justified

Christopher Columbus. 195
by the complete exhaustion of the treasury. In order to
lessen the serious expense of the pay of the colonists, Colum
bus made the unhappy proposition that Hispaniola should be
used as a place of banishment for condemned criminals, whom
he hoped to turn into docile and grateful colonists. Unfor
tunately this proposition was adopted, and Columbus subse
quently had to suffer much from the evil elements which
were thus let loose among a population already rebellious
and indolent.
Still, however, the equipment of the new squadron, which
Columbus was to conduct to the New World, was delayed.
It was not until January, 1498, that he could despatch two
ships to Hispaniola ; and the remaining six ships, which the
Seville house of Gianotto Berardi from Florence was com
missioned to equip, were not ready to sail until May. How
impatiently he bore these delays we may see, not only from
his conduct to a subordinate of Fonseca's, but also from a
passage in the next letter which he despatched to Ferdinand
and Isabella from the New World. " I was," he writes, " still
suffering from the hardships of my earlier journeys, and I had
hoped to have found repose in Spain after my return from the
Indies ; but, on the contrary, I found only trouble and vexa
tion." From the Canary Islands he sent on the 21st of June, half
the squadron to Hispaniola, in order to announce his arrival,
and to satisfy the most urgent needs of the colony. He him
self with three ships went to the Cape Vefde Islands, and
from thence struck out in a south-westerly direction, in order
if possible to reach India at some point near the equator. In-
this design he was strengthened by Jacob Ferrer from Barce
lona, the Queen's jeweller, who assured him that the proper
home of gold and jewels was only to be found in the tropics^
But after a journey of many weeks, the calms and the terrible
heat, which threatened to burst the seams of the ship and to.
13—2

196 A Century of Discovery.
melt the tar, made him give up his design and sail inore de
cidedly to the north and north-west
In this way, on the 31st of July, Trinidad was discovered,
which lies in 10 degrees north latitude, off the coast of South
America ; and the next day, the ist of August, South America
itself came in sight, the first part of the mainland which Colum
bus touched. It was the inhospitable delta of the Orinoco ;
and the desolate appearance of the land, which he took for an
island, prevented him from landing and exploring it, and de
termined him to sail through the narrow straits which he saw
before him to the west.
In the night the ships were almost swamped by a great
tide-wave which poured through the strait ; and next morning
the passage was effected only after a hard conflict with
the stream. The ships then found themselves in a basin that
was almost enclosed, and which the people on the shore called
Paria. Into it such mighty streams flowed that for some
distance it had no salt taste.
This made Columbus doubtful about his idea of the insular
form of the land. " If it should be a continent," he says in
his diary, " the learned world will be very much astonished
about it" But with this suspicion of the truth he soon
mingles a highly fanciful mistake. He thinks that at this
place he has discovered a wart-like swelling of the earth, so
that the shape ofthe world is less like that ofa ball than ofa
pear ; and in this way he explains the force and rapidity of
the streams. He also imagines that the land from which
they come is no other than Paradise, situated in the south-east
of Asia, and by its height saved at the time of the flood.
But instead of either confirming or disproving these ideas
by a longer examination, the Admiral turned his back
upon this land of wonders, and forcing a passage through
the dangerous Dragon's Mouth, hastened by the Island Mar
guerita to Hispaniola, whither most important interests sum-

Christopher Columbus. 197
moned him. If he found everything in a prosperous con
dition there, he resolved to send his brother Bartholomew to
make a further examination of the new land. Thus he forgot
that his object had been to discover China and India, and
allured by enjoyment and possession, he abandoned any
further glory as a discoverer.
On the 31st of August he entered St. Domingo, the new
Spanish town which, at the command of the Admiral, his
brother Bartholomew had built in his absence on the south
coast of Hispaniola, and from which subsequently the whole
island took its name.
Shortly before Columbus had touched the mainland of
America, it had been discovered much farther north by a bold
adventurer. Sebastian Cabot, the son of a Venetian family who
had settled in Bristol, had with his father Giovanni sailed, in
1497, on a voyage of discovery under the royal flag of England,
and on the 24th of June, 1497, 402 days before Columbus,
had in north latitude 56 found an inhospitable coast, the
peninsula of Labrador. On a second voyage, 1498, he suc
ceeded in rediscovering Newfoundland, whose valuable cod-
fishery has been from that time to this a source of wealth to
both England and France.
He also both in his second and third voyages touched on
the coast of North America, and explored it for some distance
in a southerly direction ; but by degrees this was almost for
gotten, since all eyes were directed to the gold lands which
had been discovered by the Spaniards and ^Portuguese. Yet
we can judge of the extent of Cabot's voyages, by the fact
that in 1500 the Spaniards found traces of the presence of
English ships in the Bahama Islands.
The indefatigable man for a time entered the Spanish ser
vice, but quitted it again ; and in 15 17 started from Bristol to
find the North-west Passage, the conclusion in the meantime
having been generally arrived at that the lands hitherto dis-

198 A Century of Discovery.
covered formed part of a continent of their own. It is true
that he did not attain his object, being compelled to return by ,
a mutiny among his men ; but according to his diaries and
maps, he penetrated far into that labyrinthine archipelago of
islands lying north of Hudson's Bay, which has been more
thoroughly explored only in the present century.
Contemporaneously with Cabot, the Portuguese family Cor-
tereal, in which the governorship of Terceira, one of the
Azores, was hereditary, undertook a succession of expeditions
to the north-west In 1500 they discovered the coast of
Greenland, and in 1501 the woody shores of a land more to
the south, which, from the bodily strength of its inhabitants,
whom they thought to make slaves of, they called Labrador,
or "the labourers' land." But when in subsequent years a
number of ships were lost, and in them the most active
members of the family. King Emanuel forbade the dangerous
voyages to be continued.
Both Sebastian Cabot and Caspar Cortereal have been
cited by the English and Portuguese to prove that to
them and not to the Spaniards belongs the glory of the dis
covery of America. But Cabot alone did in reality land on
the New World before Columbus. And even this discovery,
which occurred almost five years after the landing of the great
Genoese on Guanahani, had scarcely any effect on the gradual
conquest and settlement of the New World. Indeed, the
English let nearly seventy years pass away before they made
another attempt to visit the lands discovered by Cabot, whose
voyages by that time they had almost forgotten. They are
therefore not in a position to contest the glory of Columbus,
the discoverer of the New World.
When Columbus ran into the harbour of St. Domingo, at
the end of August, 1498, he found awaiting him news that
were far from cheering with regard to the state of the colony.
The energetic Adelantado had successfully put down a

Christopher Columbus. 199
rising of the natives under the leadership of the cacique
GuarioneX; and also after a ceaseless pursuit in the mountains
for three months had captured the ringleader But a much
more serious danger threatened the colony. A conspiracy
among the Spaniards themselves, some of whom had been
punished for cruelty to the natives, was formed against Bar
tholomew, and at its head was the Chief Justice Roldan, a
man whom the Admiral had advanced. The conspirators did
not indeed succeed in getting possession of the fort, but their
ungovernable behaviour caused the greatest anxiety. Some
seventy men strong, but with a camp following of 100 Indian
women and burden-bearers, they withdrew to the west coast
of Hispaniola, which as yet had been little touched by the
Spaniards, and where was the kingdom of Xaragua, governed
by a family of caciques favourable to the foreigners. Here
they established themselves, and behaved like lords of the
land, subjecting the natives to all kinds of ill-treatment.
When those three ships which Columbus had sent out from
the Canary Islands, by an unlucky accident landed in
Xaragua, it was easy for Roldan from among the convicts
whom they carried to persuade a considerable number to join
the rebels. This he did by drawing a most enticing picture
of a life of complete idleness full of unbounded pleasure.
Grown confident by this accession to their numbers, on
October 17th the rebels solemnly renounced their allegiance
to the Admiral, and he found himself powerless against them.
Even by those who remained faithful he was little loved, for
in his efforts to secure as large a share as possible for the
Crown and for himself, he had often run counter to the in
terests of others, and brought upon himself the charge of
being hardhearted and avaricious. He was also most anxious
to prevent anything from occurring which might shake still
more the confidence of the monarchs in his powers of ad
ministration. He therefore entered into negotiation with the

20O A Century of Discovery.
rebels, but a year elapsed before it was brought to a success
ful conclusion.
By the treaty of September 28, 1499, Roldan was restored to
his office of Chief Justice, his friends were granted assigna
tions of service from the natives, the payment of their wages
during the whole time of their rebellion, and the right to ex
tort the fulfilment of these conditions by force of arms.
Though the Admiral showed himself so conciliatory, it was
with the intention, as he informs the monarchs, of breaking
his promises on the first opportunity, an intention which he
tried to justify to his conscience by all kinds of sophistry.
In fact, he took advantage of a renewal of the disturbances to
arrest and execute some of the insurgents, leaving others to
languish in prison.
At last his dreams seemed about to be fulfilled. The
labour of the Indians, who tilled the fields for the Spaniards,
brought in sufficient for the supply of the colony ; and the
the mines of Cibao, let out by the Admiral to certain persons,
paid the wages of the colonists, and produced also consider
able sums for the Crown and the Admiral. Columbus began
to look forward with hope to the future, but he awoke from
his dreams to a dismal reality.
The rebels had several times found means to send letters to
the monarchs of Spain, in which they made most vehement
accusations against Columbus, representing themselves as
victims of the selfish family policy of the Admiral. These
reports, added to the curses of the hundreds who returned,
disappointed, sick, beggared, from the countries which had
been represented to them as golden lands and paradise, raised
to the highest pitch- the mistrust which Columbus's govern
ment of the new colony had excited many years before.
Fonseca and the rest of the zealous ministers were irritated
at his arbitrariness and constant demands for money. Ferdi
nand's suspicious character was alarmed at the great power

Christopher Columbus. 20 1
which was united in one hand in a country so remote, and
he feared his royal authority would suffer ; and Isabella, who
had till now been the Admiral's protector, was offended by the
actual illtreatment of royal officers, and by the sale of captured
Indians constantly repeated in spite of prohibition. And
lastly the glory which had shone till now round the great
discoverer was suddenly dimmed by the return of Vasco da
Gama from his voyage, bringing proofs that the boasted
discoveries of the Spaniards were not, as they had proclaimed
them to be, the Indies. The latter were forced to confess
their error and with inward bitterness see the relations re
versed, and the hated Portuguese, who till now had looked at
Spain with envy, in possession of all the endless treasures of
the East.
Compared to one cargo of Vasco da Gama, all that had
poured into Spain from the New World, since the discovery
of Guanahani, was unimportant and worthless. This change
of feeling naturally altered the pubhc opinion of Columbus :
if he were not a deceiver, he was himself deluded, a fanatic.
Such was the disposition of mind in which the Princes received
the letters of Columbus, describing his journey and arrival in
Hispaniola. They heard with consternation of the disorder
reigning in the colony, and were particularly concerned at
the determination expressed by Columbus, to extirpate, if
necessary, the rebels to the last man. They feared the
Admiral would be carried away by his passions into hasty and
unjust actions, and they more and more lept an ear to the
accusations of his enemies.
After much consideration it was determined to remove
Columbus for a time from his office, and to appoint a suc
cessor, to bring the colony into order. The new Governor
was to be allowed to make fresh appointments to all the
offices and to remove any persons at his pleasure. This was
indeed to be only a temporary measure, and the rights ofthe

202 A Century of Discovery.
Admiral were to remain untouched. Unfortunately the choice '
of the monarchs for an office, which certainly ought to have
been filled only by a man of the greatest caution and tact,
fell upon the hot-headed Francis de Bobadilla.
In June, 1500, the new Governor left Spain, and arrived in
St Domingo on the 23rd of August. He was able to obtain
possession of the government vwthGut any resistance, for he
at once drew all- to his side by the promise of the pay
which was in arrears. In the most undignified manner he
chose to upset everything which Columbus had established.
He heaped favours upon Roldan and his adherents, remitted
the tenth to the settlers, with a free permission to dig for
gold, promising every one an unrestrained golden life. "Scrape
together what you can, who knows how long it may last," he
is reported to have said to somebody, and he himself set them
the example. With the greatest effrontery he took possession
of the Admiral's house, and all he found in it. Columbus
writes with regard to this in his letter to Ferdinand and
Isabella: "The Commendador (Bobadilla) on his arrival
seized my house and, to be brief, appropriated its contents.
Perhaps, indeed, he wanted it, but no corsair could have
treated a merchant worse."
Columbus's brother, and afterwards himself, coming peace
ably to St Domingo, were arrested and thrown into chains.
An examination carried on secretly naturally called forth a
number of charges against the fallen man, and produced a
long accusation, which, with the three prisoners, was sent to
Europe. When Columbus was committed a prisoner to
Alonso de Valleja, who was to take him to Spain, he thought
at first that he was going to be taken to execution, and was
only pacified on the repeated assurance of Valleja that such
was not the case. As soon as the anchor was weighed Valleja
approached the Admiral and offered to relieve him from his
chains, but the latter waved him back, saying that the chains

COLUMBUS SENT IN CHAINS TO SPAIN.

Christopher Columbus. 203
with which their majesties had loaded him should only be
removed at their command, and that he should then preserve
them to remind him of the reward which the Spanish crown
had granted him for his faithful service.
At the end of November, 1500, the ships arrived at Cadiz,
and quick as lightning spread the news that the Admiral,
whom seven years before every one had gone out to meet in
triumph, was now brought home in chains at the command of
the Princes. The public opinion of Spain was unanimous in
condemning the unworthy manner in which they had treated
the great benefactor of the nation. Even Ferdinand and
Isabella were indignant'when they heard of Bobadilla's con
duct. They sent immediately a command to Cadiz to set the
Admiral at liberty, and treat him with due honour They
sent to himself a present of 2000 ducats and an invitation to
come to their court at Granada. There Columbus appeared
on the 17th of December, and cast himself with bitter tears
before their throne. Greatly moved, the King and Queen
raised him up. The generous Isabella could not restrain
her tears at the thought of the injustice that had been
done in her name to such a faithful subject. The least
satisfaction that could be granted to a man so injured
was the deposition of Bobadilla, who had far exceeded his
commission, and it was immediately determined upon. But
when the first impulse had spent itself there was considerable
hesitation as to the advisability of restoring Columbus to his
command. Would not the impetuous man abuse his power
against all who had contributed to his fall, and was there not
important testimony to prove that in the government of His
paniola he had not succeeded in winning the love and trust
of the settlers .'' It appeared better to entrust to an impartial
man the adjustment ofthe vexed questions and the tranquil-
lising of irritated feeling. Such a man the Princes thought
they had found in Don Nicolas de Ovando, an unselfish and

204 A Century of Discovery.
strictly just man, who, on the 3rd of September, 1501, was
appointed governor of Hispaniola. The trustworthy lawyer
Maldonado was sent out with him to examine into the conduct
of Bobadilla and Roldan.
The invitation to accompany the new governor to the
transatlantic settlement, vvhich was now to be reduced to
order, met with an extraordinary response from the Spanish
people. On the thirty-two ships 2500 persons left Spain, with
Ovando, on the 13th of February, 1502. It was with pain
that Columbus saw himself thus pushed aside, and even though
the monarchs treated him with kindness and assured him
that his claims to the tenth part of the produce of the colony
should remain undisputed, yet, from the scant intercourse
with Hispaniola, it was inevitable that Columbus should
sometimes be in want, especially as he had returned to Spain
without any money.
This inactive waiting was hard to bear, since it might be
years before he were re-installed, and he saw, with bitter
vexation, how every year numbers of bold men set out to
discover lands which he had reserved for himself For as
early as the year 1499 the crown had taken off the absurd
prohibition of all private undertakings which the selfishness
of Columbus had procured, and since that time large extents
of coast had been discovered on the other side of the Atlantic
Ocean. The bold Alonso de Ojeda had, in 1499, discovered
the coast of South America as far as the river Amazon, and
after that a great part ofthe north coast Also, the experienced
seaman, Per Alonso Nino, and Vincente Yanez Pinzon,
who in 1492 had commanded the Nina, had set out on
discoveries. While the former brought back a great treasure
of gold and pearls from the island Margarita, Pinzon, who
sailed S.S.W. from the Canary Islands, was the discoverer of
the Brazils, since, on the 26th January, 1500, almost three
months before the landing of Cabral, he discovered Cape St

Christopher Columbus. 205
Augustine, and from that point followed the coast towards the
north as far as the Caribean Sea. Lastly, Rodrigo de Bastidas
who, accompanied by the great seaman Juan de la Cosa, had
sailed from Seville in 1500, completed the investigation of
the north coast of South America by steering steadily west
ward from Venezuela until he reached Darien. He also had
brought home great treasures with him.
When now Ojeda prepared for a second voyage, Columbus
was afraid that his glory as a discoverer would be still more
diminished, and offered himself to the crown for a new expe
dition into unknown regions. Thus we see the great man by
a number of painful circumstances restored to his true vocation,
which unfortunately he had forsaken. The monarchs eagerly
accepted the proposal of the Admiral. It was arranged that
the object of this voyage should be to reach China and India ;
for between Cuba, which was still considered part of the
Asiatic mainland, and the coast of South America it was the
universal idea that there must be, towards the south-west, a
passage to India. After the departure of the great fleet which
• had sailed with Ovando to Hispaniola, it was not easy to
provide Columbus with a sufficient squadron, and therefore he
was obliged to content himself with four ships and 150 sailors.
Besides his brother Bartholomew, he was accompanied by his
younger son, Ferdinand, who was born at Cordova on
September 27th, 1488, of Donna Beatrice Enriquez d'Arana,
and whose coolness in danger during this voyage is warmly
praised by his father. ^
On the 9th of May, 1502, Columbus left Cadiz, touched at
the Canary Islands on the 26th of May, and after a voyage of
unparalleled prosperity reached Matinono, now called Mar
tinique, which had not been visited by him previously. Instead
of proceeding immediately to discover the west passage, he
could not resist the temptation of showing himself again free
and in authority to his beloved Hispaniola, which had seen

2o6 A Century of Discovery.
him depart in chains, and thus infringed a distinct command
of Ferdinand and Isabella. For the monarchs, in their well-
founded fears that a visit of Columbus would renew the
irritation and disturb Ovando in his work of reconciliation,
had exacted a promise from the Admiral not to touch His
paniola except on his way back from China. A desire to
exchange an unseaworthy ship for a better sailer formed his
excuse for breaking this promise. But Ovando, who followed
scrupulously the orders he himself had received, refused him
permission to enter the harbour of St Domingo, and Columbus
experienced the bitter pain of being treated as an enemy
and repulsed from a land that he had presented to Spain.
The great fleet was lying ready for its return to Europe, but
leaving the safe harbour in spite of the warnings of Columbus,
it encountered a violent storm and was almost entirely
destroyed. In this fearful catastrophe Guarionex, Bobadilla,
Roldan, and other enemies of Columbus whom Ovando was
sending to Spain for trial, met their deaths. It was not only
to the Admiral that this appeared an act of divine retribution
upon those who had offended against him.
On the 14th of July the little squadron, which had taken
refuge from the violence of the storm in the shelter of a bay,
left the island of Hispaniola and steered for the west. Jamaica
was only touched at, and on the 30th of July the ships anchored
before Guanaja, a coral island in what is now called the Gulf
of Plonduras, close to the coast of the mainland. While the
Spaniards were trying to make themselves understood by the
inhabitants, there approached them from the open sea a boat,
the workmanship of which struck Columbus with astonishment
It was, indeed, only the trunk of a single tree hollowed out, but
in length it equalled a galley, and was eight feet wide. It had
an awning, made of reeds and leaves, for the commander and
his wives and children. This strange vessel came alongside
of the Spanish fleet without fear, and its crew immediately
climbed on board.

Christopher Columbus. 207
At the first glance Columbus, now a practised observer,
perceived that he had to do with people of a higher cultiva
tion than those he had hitherto met. The men wore a gar
ment round their waists, and the women were carefully con
cealed in their wide mantles. They represented themselves
as merchants coming from a land called Maya, to exchange
their wares with less civilised people. Among these wares
Columbus mentions cotton-cloth, skilfully woven carpets, and
copper axes, knives, pans, vessels of stone, wood, and clay, and,
lastly, swords made of hard wood, in the blade of which were
placed great pieces of obsidian. They also brought a great quan
tity of brown seeds, which they valued very highly, and which
were unknown to the Spaniards. They were the seeds of the
cacao-tree, which were used as money at that time in Mexico
and Yucatan.
Although these remarkable Indians, who, at any rate, must
have come from Yucatan, extolled to Columbus the abund
ance of silver in their country, and spoke of its dense population,
yet he would not be persuaded to visit the land of Maya, the
name of which he immediately connected with the Chinese
province of Manchoo. He was rather strengthened in his
original plan by the information that they gave him of gold
lands to the south-east. Thus for the third time Columbus
put off visiting Yucatan and Mexico, the discovery of which
would have brought him new glory, and would have saved
him the bitter experience of the last years of his life.
Instead of this, the voyage continued to ths south. But the
coast soon took a bend towards the south-east ; then directly
towards the east ; and it was difficult to make way along it on
account ofthe opposing winds and the stormy water At last, on
the 1 2th of September, a cape was reached, and beyond that
the coast again took a most decidedly southerly direction. At
the sight of this a great burden fell from the soul of the Ad
miral, who for a moment had begun to doubt the possibility

2o8 A Century of Discovery.
of finding a passage to the south-west, and full of joyful thank
fulness to God, he named the cape, which now is generally
called Cape Honduras, Gracias a Dios.
Still struggling against opposing winds, the squadron sailed
in a southerly direction, to the barren coast of what is now
•called Mosquito Land, until it reached smiling regions thickly
peopled. Columbus did not doubt that he was on the eastern
•coast of the so-called Golden peninsula — that was the name
given by Ptolemy to the Malay peninsula in Further India;
and in this delusion he was strengthened, not only by the
riches of the country, but also by the information which he
received from the Indians, that nine days' journey to the west
there was another sea. According to Columbus's idea, this -
could be nothing else but the Bay of Bengal ; and so he re
peatedly assured himself that he was only ten days' journey
from the Ganges. Thus he was mistaken by not less than
1 80° — half the circumference of the globe. But so certain was
he of the justice of his idea, that he believed the south point
of the peninsula to be quite close, and eagerly pursued his
course, in spite of the stormy weather. But the coast bent
round again to the east, and he could scarcely hide from him
self any longer that he had reached the coasts discovered by
Ojeda and Bastidas.
Fortune did not allow Columbus to correct his mistake.
On the 5th of December he was obliged by the violence of
the contrary winds to return; he had arrived at the narrowest
part of the Isthmus of Panama. Only a few days more, and
he would have reached coasts where he must have found clear
traces of the recent visit of Spanish ships — coasts the con
nection of which with Paria, which he himself had discovered,
had been proved. But, just as on his second journey to the
south coast of Cuba, he turned round at the decisive moment,
and so died in the belief that Hispaniola was Japan, Cuba a
peninsula of Asia, the Isthmus of Panama the peninsula of

Christopher Columbus. 209
Malacca, and that between the latter and the north coast of
South America, which he supposed to be an enormous island,
there must be a passage to the Indian Seas, and that this way
would prove shorter and less dangerous than the Portuguese
way round the Cape of Good Hope.
The ships continued to suffer from rough weather on their
return voyage, and in a few days it increased to such violence
that destruction was hourly expected. But after some weeks'
cruising about, they came to anchor at the mouth of a river
on the coast of Veragua, which they had passed some months
before. To the general surprise, it appeared that they were
in a land of gold, the riches of which, as far as could be dis
covered from expeditions that Bartholomew made in February,
1503, appeared to be inexhaustible. They proceeded imme
diately to erect huts, where fifty men, with the Adelantado at
their head, determined to remain as the nucleus of a colony.
Fortunately the departure of the ships was delayed by a sand
bank which the dry weather formed at the mouth of the river;
for just when they had intended to depart, the Indians, em
bittered by a rash attack which the Adelantado had made
-against the most powerful Prince of the land — Quibia — made
so violent an assault on the young settlement that it was
•evident it could not be held. With considerable loss — thir
teen Spaniards were killed, many wounded, and both the
toats lost — the colonists succeeded in getting on board, and
thereupon, on the 20th of April, the fleet left the inhospit-
.able coast, abandoning the fourth ship, which was no longer
seaworthy. For the same reason they were obliged to forsake and sink
another ship on the open sea. The two remaining vessels
could scarcely be kept above water ; their keels were eaten
away by a kind of shell- fish, and there were such serious leaks
that the whole crew was continually employed at the pumps.
Fortunately the weather was favourable, and the ships were
14

2IO A Century of Discovery.
carried without wind by the currents to the north, until, on
the loth of May, they reached the south coast of Cuba.
Only Columbus knew where he was, and apparently he con
firmed the mistake of the pilots, who thought they were at
Porto Rico, in order to keep to himself the knowledge of
the gold land of Veragua. After only a short stay, steering
south, he crossed over to Jamaica, and there he allowed the
two ships, which were only miserable wrecks, to run on to the
sand. He hoped that help would be sent him from the neigh
bouring island of Hispaniola, where by some fortunate accident
they might soon hear of his distress. He also made the ex
periment of sending two canoes to Hispaniola, to hire a ship
at his own expense. For this daring undertaking, which was
sometimes ventured upon by the Indians of Jamaica, he
chose his faithful secretary, Diego Mendez, and the Genoese
Bartholomew Fiesco. To each he gave six Spaniards and ten
native oarsmen.
The brave men reached the coast of Hispaniola after a four
days' voyage, but did not succeed in doing much for those left
behind in Jamaica. The cold prudence of Ovando judged
that in the half-pacified state of the island the appearance of
the Admiral would be injudicious ; so he deferred giving an
answer to the envoys, and it was not until after seven long
months had elapsed that the faithful Mendez received per
mission to hire a ship. It was only the open discontent of
the Spanish colonists that impelled Ovando at last to despatch
a small vessel to inquire about the condition of the Admiral.
Before the departure of Fiesco and Mendez, Columbus
had been ill, and even when he was able now and then to
leave his bed he was obliged to remain in one of the wrecks,
in which he had fixed his dwelling. There the account of the
journey for Ferdinand and Isabella was written, which, dated
the 7th of July, he committed to the care of Mendez, The
style of this remarkable letter is very melancholy. In con-

Christopher Columbus. 2 1 r
trast to his earlier letters, there is a striking want of order in his
relation of facts, and only every now and then he launches
forth in the lively descriptions of nature and in the exag
gerated calculations which occur so often in his other writings.
Humboldt has already pointed out that the peculiarities spring
from the deep excitement of a proud soul, hurt by a long
course of injustice and deceived in its most cherished hopes.
In bitter words he holds up before the monarchs the ingrati
tude which they had shown him, and breaks out in the most
piteous complaints. "Where is the man," writes he, "not
even excepting Job, unhappier than I .? The very harbours
which I discovered at the peril of my life refused me a refuge
from the death which threatened me, my young son, my
brother, and my friends. The service, pains, and dangers of
twenty years have brought me no gain. At this present time
I possess not a brick in Spain, and inns alone offer me shelter
when I need rest or a simple meal, though, alas ! I often have
not the money wherewith to pay the bill. For the same
reason I have left my son Don Diego in Spain, without the
means of subsistence and without a father, hoping that he
would find in your highnesses just and grateful Princes, who-
would repay him with interest that of which your service has-
robbed him." In another place he plainly attacks his op
ponents, particularly Fonseca. "Let him who has caused
these evils come and heal them if he can  Favour and
honour ought to be granted to him who has exposed himself
to the dangers of the undertaking ; and it is unjust that he
who has opposed it should, together with his heir, reap the
profits." This disjointed account of his experiences is in
terrupted by a stubborn defence of his geographical blunders.
" The earth is not so large as people think ; six parts of its.
surface are land, and only one-seventh is sea." Then come en
thusiastic descriptions of the discovered treasures. Thus he
declares Veragua is the Ophir of the Bible, from which Solo-
14 — 2

212 A Century of Discovery.
mon procured gold for the Temple ; and about the riches of
traditional lands, Ciambe and Ceguarra, which ought to lie
south-west of Veragua, he breaks out in the most exaggerated
style. More frequently too than was the case in his eariier
letters the religious fanaticism of his natural character be
comes evident, as in the lofty description which he gives of
a vision he had had in January. A voice from Heaven had
reproved him for his faintheartedness, and had revealed to
him the wisdom of the Divine ways. But the deepest vexa
tion breaking out in passionate complaints is the great char
acteristic of the letter.
Approaching events were not calculated to remove this
dejection. The crew, unoccupied and no longer bound to
gether by active service, became most unruly, and neither the
sick Admiral nor the stern Adelantado could force them to
obedience. Under the idea that Columbus intended to hinder
their return, and would force them to remain as colonists on
the unhealthy coast, some fifty men, under the leadership of
two brothers, named Porras, combined together and quitted
the ship, intending to try and get back to Spain by them
selves. Failing to do this, they wandered about the island
illusing the Indians. Columbus and those who had re
mained true to him had to suffer for the excesses of these
men ; for the Indians, who hitherto had brought them all the
necessaries of life in exchange for the most trifling gifts, now
kept aloof and even showed such a hostile disposition that
the disabled crews of the stranded ships were in the greatest
danger An eclipse of the moon, which Columbus had cal
culated beforehand, made the Indians friendly again ; for
when they saw the face of the moon darkened in displeasure
at their inhospitality, as Columbus had told them it would
be, they sought to avert the anger ofthe god by rich offerings
to the starving strangers.
As the first token of an approaching rescue appeared that

Christopher Columbus. 213
little ship which Ovando had sent out to procure news, under
the command of Diego de Escobar, a rival of Columbus. To
be sure, he only brought letters and a small quantity of provi
sions, refused to land, and soon departed, without taking any
of the shipwrecked party with him ; but they felt they were
not altogether forgotten, and learned that Mendez was nego
tiating for the hire of a ship. But before it made its appear
ance there was a regular fight between the two parties of
Spaniards. With fifty men the dauntless Adelantado went
out against the rebels, who had established themselves in the
neighbourhood of the ship, and forced them to submit, after a
bloody battle.
At last the longed-for ship appeared, and Columbus quitted
Jamaica on the 28th of June, 1504, having endured great
sufferings on the island for more than a year He was
honourably received in St. Domingo ; but the suspicious
Ovando watched with such anxiety every step of the Admiral
that the latter determined to return as soon as possible to
Spain. On the I2th of September, 1504, he left his beloved
Hispaniola, never to see it again, and, after a stormy passage,
landed at Cadiz in the beginning of November
Thus ended Columbus's last voyage, in which he had dis
covered a great part of the coast of Central America, and had
found a new land of gold. But little attention was bestowed
upon these results, because he again had not found the western
passage to China and India. The death of his patroness
Isabella, which took place on the 26th of November, shortly
after Columbus landed, was a severe blow to him. From the
cold Ferdinand, who always behaved in a suspicious and
reserved manner to Columbus, he could not expect a reinstal
lation. He was, indeed, well received at Court, and in a
manner suited to his rank, but the utmost to which the
King would condescend was to propose that the Vice-royalty
of the West Indies should be exchanged for a Castilian

214 ^ Century of Discovery.
earidom. But upon that point Columbus would not give up
his right, and so the breach between them became wider and
wider. He cannot at that time have wanted means, for the
royal revenues from the West Indies, which were even then
considerable, came in regularly, and the tenth of them fell to
Columbus. The property too which he had left behind him in
Hispaniola in 1500 was restored in the most honourable man
ner But anxiety about the establishment of his claims to the
Viceroyalty, and vexation at the arbitrary enactments of the
Indian Council which, under the President Fonseca, managed
the affairs of the Spanish colonies in the New World, under
mined his already shattered health. In Valladolid, in the
spring of 1506, he had a violent attack of his old complaint
He saw that death was approaching and prepared himself for
it by arranging his affairs and by exercises of pious devotion.
With the ejaculation, " Lord, into Thy hands I commit my
spirit," he expired in the arms of his son on Ascension Day,
May 2 1st, 1506. According to his wish, he was buried in the
Franciscan cloister at Valladolid, but in 15 13 Ferdinand
caused his remains to be disinterred and gave them a new
resting-place in the Carthusian cloister of Santa Maria de las
Cuevas in Seville. But neither there were they destined long
to remain. At the wish of the Spanish settlers in the New
World, they were in the year 1536 transferred to the Cathedral
of St. Domingo ; and when, in the year 1795, Spain was forced
to yield the island of Hispaniola to France, she would not
leave to the new possessors the bones of the great discoverer
Once more exhumed they were with great pomp interred in
the principal church of Havana, the capital of Cuba, and a
splendid monument was raised over them.
Columbus was only fifty years of age, but during his life
time he was generally supposed to be older, and his appearance
justified this idea, for his frame was thoroughly worn out by
the superhuman exertions which he had made. Even in his

Christopher Columbus. 215
thirtieth year his hair was quite white. He is described as of
middle height, well proportioned, and strongly built. His
long face, with an aquiline nose and rather prominent cheek
bones, was fresh-coloured. His light-grey eyes had a friendly
look, and were particularly expressive when he spoke, as he
usually did in a lively manner, and with many gestures. He
liked simple attire, preferring a garment which resembled in
colour and cut the garb of the Franciscans.
The great man, even though we do not seek to hide his
faults, may well claim not only the grateful reverence of
posterity for the discovery of a New World, but also our
interest in his personal life. If he was too hasty in his con
clusions, yet the strength of his convictions, which led him to
scorn all disappointments and vexations, was truly wonderful.
His power of observation in apprehending and explaining so
many new appearances in land trodden by him for the first
time was very great. And though the mistakes which he made
in his geographical calculations were preposterous, yet we
must remember that they were shared by the greatest scholars
of his time.
How rich an imagination is displayed in his vivid descrip
tions of the splendours of tropical nature, and how varied
are the similes and illustrations ever at his command in his
descriptions of his voyages, has often been pointed out. In
disposition Columbus was gentle and humane, but he required
from his subordinates the same unwearied diligence that he
imposed upon himself, without considering that they could
not possess his enthusiasm. In times of difficulty, when
those under him were rebellious and refractory, he never
knew the right times for compliance and firmness, so that
he constantly failed in authority. On his soft, almost sen
timental disposition, which preserved him from injustice to
wards others, the wrongs and 1 injuries which he himself had
to endure made so deep an impression that he could not

2 1 6 A Century of Discovery.
easily forgive people who had done him harm. The discovery
of gold in Hispaniola was disastrous to him ; the wish to
fulfil the great expectations which he had raised made him
blind to his impotence to restrain the wild rapacious colo
nists, and turned the soft-hearted man into a merciless slave-
dealer. Very singular too is the manner in which, in spite of his
great learning, he clung to the superstitions of his time.
The grounds of his geographical conjectures he sought in the
Prophets and in the mysterious intimations of the writers of
the Middle Ages ; and his greatest hope was, with the help of
the boundless wealth which the New World was certain to
produce, to effect the deliverance of the Holy Sepulchre from
the rule, of the Turks. A short time before his death he was
employed upon a work which he never finished, " The Pro
phecies," in which he calculates that the destruction of the
world would take place in the year 1656. It has been already
mentioned that his excited fancy led him to believe that he
saw visions.
The death of this great man was almost unnoticed in Spain.
Even in the year 1520 Spanish writers were in doubt
whether he still lived, but later ages have been just to his
memory. The faithful brother of the great discoverer, Bartholomew
the Adelantado, was in the year 1 5 1 1 granted by King Ferdi
nand the island of Mona, between Hispaniola and Porto Rico,
but it reverted to the Crown upon his death in 15 14 Diego
the younger brother, who in 1503 had received an office at
court that brought him a considerable income, must have died
shortly before Bartholomew in Seville, also without heirs.
Of the two sons of the Admiral, the younger, Ferdinand, the
brave companion of his father on his fourth voyage, occupied

Christopher Columbus. 1 1 7
an honourable position at the Court of the young King and
Emperor Charles V., in whose company he several times visited
Germany and Flanders. He was one of the members of that
famous court which at Badajos, in 1524, was appointed to divide
the world between Spain and Portugal. He was not an ecclesi
astic, as some have thought; but being unmarried and childless,
spent his very considerable income in collecting a library of
rare and precious books, which, though much reduced by
dishonest hands, still exists at Seville under the name of
the Columbian Library. Before his death, which occurred
at Seville in 1539, he composed a memoir of his great
father, of which an Italian translation was printed in Venice
in 1571.
Diego, the eldest son of the Admiral, married, in 1508,
Donna Maria de Toledo, of the family of the Dukes of Alva,,
who was herself related to the royal house. This high alliance
immediately procured for him the appointment of Viceroy of
the Indies, and in 1509 he relieved Ovando in the government
of the Island of Hispaniola. But in the interests of the Crown,
the influence and authority of the distant Viceroy was grad
ually reduced, so that at last it became a mere empty dignity.
The successful issue of the lawsuit against the Crown which
his father had instituted was some compensation to him for
this. The results of other lawsuits by which he hoped to
gain for himself the coasts of Central America, he did not live
to see, being carried off by a sudden death in the year 1526.
For his infant son the widow entered into a compromise,
by which he received the title of the Duke of Veragua, Mar
quis of Jamaica, Captain-general of Hispaniola, and Admiral
of the Indies, together with an hereditary yearly income of
10,000 ducats. This title and revenue were only enjoyed for
two generations, the second Don Diego, great-grandson of the
discoverer, dying in 1576 without children. In a great lawsuit

2i8 A Century of Discovery.
the relatives struggled for the inheritance of the estate, but it
was not until 1608 that a decision was obtained, by which
Don Nuno de Braganza, Count of Gelves, a descendant of
the great Admiral through his mother, obtained the succes
sion to all the titles, rights, and revenues.

CHAPTER III.
AMERIGO VESPUCCI.
Although a thankful posterity has recognised the merits of
Columbus, and accorded to him boundless honour and glory,
the great reward, to which he had a right, they denied him,
not naming after him the New World, which he first imagined
and discovered beyond the Atlantic Ocean. The injustice
thus inflicted on the great discoverer is certainly not miti
gated by the honour, through a mere whim of fortune, falling
to a man who, though in every respect honourable and
worthy, could never be placed by the side of Columbus, and
indeed never thought of emulating him.
Amerigo (an Italian form of the German Almerich) Ves
pucci was born on March 9th, 145 1. He was the son of the
rich and esteemed Anastasio Vespucci by his marriage with
Elizabeth Mini. The family to which he belonged was one
of the chief in the flourishing state of Florence, and like most
other important families of that town was devoted to trade.
Even the youthful Amerigo, who had received a careful edu
cation from a learned uncle, became a mercljant ; at the same
time mastering so thoroughly all knowledge accessible to him
that he was afterwards much distinguished for his acquaint
ance with mathematics and geography.
But about the general course of his youth and early man
hood we have no certain information. We first hear of him
again in 1490. In that year he left Florence, and went to
Seville, where he became manager in a large house of busi-

220 A Century of Discovery.
ness belonging to his countryman Gianotto Berardi. It had
only been established a few years, but had already become
the largest firm of the town, and could boast of all kinds of
distinctions that had been conferred on it by the royal house
of Castile,
Amerigo came to Seville just at the right time, for only a
few years later the newly-instituted Indian Council held its
sittings in the town, and from it numerous expeditions started
for the New World. The house of Berardi took a most active
share in this new movement. Indeed, it provisioned in a
great part Columbus's second fleet, and the fitting out of the
third fleet was entirely owing to Vespucci, who after Berardi's
death in 1495 became principal of the firm. Intercourse with
great seamen awoke in Vespucci that dormant inclination for
discovery which finally induced him to give up his life as a
merchant. When, owing to the efforts of Bishpp Fonseca,
the President of the Indian Council, and in spite of all that
Columbus could do, the path of discovery was opened to all,
Vespucci was one of the first to enter upon it.
On the 20th of May, 1499, he left Seville in the company
of Alonso de Ojeda, who, having distinguished himself during
Columbus's second voyage, had through his cousin, the In
quisitor Ojeda, obtained permission from Fonseca to visit
Paria and the neighbouring coasts. In what capacity Ves
pucci accompanied him, whether as merchant or astronomer,
or, as he states himself, as a functionary of the King, is not
very clear.
The httle fleet, consisting of two ships and fifty-seven men,
had as pilot the famous Juan de la Cosa, with whom Ojeda
had become acquainted in the service of Columbus. On the
1 8th of May, 1499, they left Cadiz, and the wind constantly
favouring them, at the beginning of July they sighted the
coasts of the New World, and reckoned they were 200 miles

Amerigo Vespucci. 221
south-east of Paria, and therefore near the country now called
Guiana. Impelled by the desire of reaching the south coast of Asia,
the Spaniards steered towards the south ; but their hope that
the coast would at last turn towards the west was disap
pointed. On the contrary, they came to the mouths of two
large rivers three or four miles wide, the fresh water of which
affected the sea for a great distance. They were the Amazon
and the Rio Para. The region appeared to Vespucci an
earthly paradise. He was specially struck with the magnifi
cence of the vegetation, and at night he never tired of study
ing the stars of the southern sky, which were all new to him.
He observed and described with great acuteness the manners
¦of the inhabitants, and this part of his travels many readers
have studied, and thus the name of the author has become
famous. He describes the Indians as a careless race, without
any belief in a God, knowing no distinction between right
and wrong, and without any sense of shame. He praises
their activity, but expresses himself warmly about many of
their wicked customs, especially their cannibalism.
The voyage to the south was continued for some time, until
•contrary winds forced them to return. The little fleet sailed
back to the regions already discovered, and reached Trinidad,
which Columbus had explored on his third voyage. Following
his example, they passed through the Serpent's Mouth into
the Gulf of Paria, and after some stay among the friendly
natives left if through the Dragon's Mouth. .From the Island
of Margarita, which Columbus had seen previously, they ob
tained some pearls, and turning again southwards along the
coast, they entered a region untouched by Europeans. They
discovered everywhere beautiful lands and friendly natives,
and continued their voyage along, the coast, landing occasion
ally; but nowhere could they find the precious things that
they so eagerly sought. However, leaving the coast, some

22 2 A Century of Discovery.
fruitful islands were discovered towards the north, the largest
of which, Curasao, from a story originating in the terror of
one of Ojeda's sailors, long had the reputation of being in
habited by giants.
Pressing on towards the west, the bold sailors found a lofty
peninsula, which they rounded, and on its west beach came '
upon an Indian village, the construction of which excited
their astonishment. The huts were supported on high pillars,
and were connected with one another and with the land by
drawbridges. From this circumstance the whole territory
received the name of Venezuela, or Little Venice, which it
still bears. The Spaniards soon became involved in a quarrel
with the warlike inhabitants of the town, in which, as might
be expected, they were the conquerors. The ships left with
a stolen cargo of cotton, and steering southwards, traversed
the broad Gulf of Venezuela. They thus discovered the narrow
canal which leads into the Sea of Maracaybo, but Ojeda,
although he had no difficulty in procuring provisions and met
with a friendly reception from the Indians, found neither gold
nor pearls, and therefore determined to return. He sailed
along the west shore of the Gulf of Venezuela, from which
the snowy peaks of the Sierra di Santa Marta were visible,
and when the ships reached the open sea a favourable south
west breeze filled their sails and brought them in a few days
to the coast of Hispaniola.
Columbus's dispute with the rebels under Roldan had just
been brought to a conclusion by the treaty so humiliating to
the Admiral. The arrival of Ojeda, who had a good repute
among the Spanish settlers, appeared dangerous to both
parties, and the Admiral was especially irritated at the in
fringement of his rights, which he considered Ojeda's voyage
to be. Quarrels ensued, amounting even to bloodshed, until
Ojeda, at the beginning of January, 1500, determined to quit
the island. In order to make up for the lack of gold and

Amerigo Vespucci. 223
pearls, which were so much looked for, Ojeda turned his ships
towards the north, and from the the little islands at the south
of Florida, and from the Bahama Islands, which had not been
visited since 1492, collected a cargo of 200 Indian slaves
These, after his return in the middle of June, 1500, he pub
licly sold in Cadiz. Nevertheless, the profit falling to those
who had taken part in the voyage was miserably small.
But love of adventure impelled the fiery Ojeda to new
enterprises. As early as July 28th, 1500, he made an
agreement with Fonseca by which, undertaking a new
voyage, he secured to himself the Governorship of all the
Coasts of Maracaybo which he might discover. But the
Crown delaying the ratification, Ojeda did not set out until
January, 1502. The settlement then formed was very soon
abandoned on account of the want of provisions, the hostility
of the irritated Indians, and discord among the Spaniards.
Thrown into chains by his own men, Ojeda was brought
through Hispaniola to Spain, where he had hard work to
hold his own in a lawsuit instituted against him. A third
voyage to Venezuela in 1505 was also unsuccessful. For
some years the brave man lived at Hispaniola in straitened
circumstances, until at last he was named Governor of Nueva
Andalusia, a province of the north coast of South America,
between the Gulf of Venezuela and the mouth of the Atrato,
and departed in 1509 for his post. He endeavoured vainly
to form settlements at various points, and a series of fierce
engagements with the Caribs caused the ^Spaniards serious
loss, the famous pilot Juan de la Cosa being among the
killed. The colony of San Sebastian, which finally he established
near the mouth of Atrato, was reduced to such a condition
by sickness, famine, and constant battles — in which all the
heroism of Ojeda could not break the power of the enemy 
that he was obliged himself at last to proceed to Hispaniola

2 24 A Century of Discovery.
to seek for assistance. During his absence the colony became
scattered, and he himself having reached Hispaniola, after
going through all kinds of dangers and deprivations, died
there in 1 5 1 5 in the greatest misery, stripped of everjd:hing
and forgotten by all.
He is perhaps the most interesting figure among the thou
sands of adventurers who at that time made the New World
the scene at once of the most atrocious crimes and of the
most heroic deeds. He united in a striking manner all the
most contradictory qualities which those adventurers dis
played. Heroism, and a thirst for gold, a keen enjoyment of
life and a great capability of enduring hardships, an utter
deafness to the dictates of conscience and a fanatical adhe
rence to the commands of the Church. Whilst Ojeda was
constantly impelled by love of adventure to new enterprises
Vespucci discovered such a taste for the excitement and
varied experiences which travelling offered as rendered it im
possible for him to return to his mercantile life. It is gene
rally assumed that he accompanied Vincente Yanez Pinzon,
that distinguished seaman from Palos, who had served under
Columbus as commander of the Nina, in an expedition to the
coast of Brazil, about three months before Cabral's voyage.
This opinion is supported by an account of a voyage, pub
lished under the name of Amerigo, in which the name of
Pinzon is not mentioned, but the principal circumstances of
the voyage are described in accordance with the facts.
Pinzon, however, left Palos on the i8th of November, 1499,
when Ojeda's squadron, in which was Vespucci, lay on the coast
of Hispaniola. Even if one assumes that Vespucci, immediately
on his arrival in the island, which at the earliest could not
have occurred before the 23rd of September, 1499, separated
from Ojeda and returned to Europe, it still does not allow
tirne for the voyage and the preparations unavoidable before
Pinzon's departure. Besides this, his first account, in which

Amerigo Vespucci. 225
he describes the occurrences of Ojeda's voyage, is dated July
1 8th, 1500, at which time Pinzon, who did not return until
September 30th, was still in America. Therefore there is
greater probability in the idea that these excellent "Voyages,"
which are only preserved in a very mangled condition, were
not written by Vespucci, or were drawn up by him from the
accounts given him by some one who took part in the voyage.
But his participation in Ojeda's expedition drew upon the
Florentine the attention of King Emanuel of Portugal, who,
from Cabral's report of the discovery of Brazil, at once per
ceived the importance of that land for connecting Portugal
with India, and hastened to take possession of it before the
Spanish discoverers should have entered it. Apparently be
fore Pinzon, the real discoverer of Brazil, had returned from
his voyage, an offer had been made to Vespucci to enter the
Portuguese service and to take part in an exploring expedi
tion along its coast. He gladly consented, and on the 13th of
May, 1 501, we see him leaving the harbour of Lisbon on
board a squadron consisting of three vessels. We do not
know who was the commander, but at any rate it was not
Vespucci, who did not possess the necessary experience, and
who is much more likely to have accompanied the fleet as a
cosmographer, as Behaim had once accompanied Bartholomew
Diaz. The object of the voyage was not merely to prove the
identity of the coasts discovered by Cabral and Ojeda, which
Pinzon's voyage had rendered doubtful, but also, if possible,
to sail round the newly-discovered coasts in a westerly direc
tion, and thus discover a second route to India, by which
might be reached the Moluccas and the rich Sunda Islands, as
yet only known by report. Vespucci did his utmost to attain
a result that would have brought him the fame that now
surrounds the name of Magalhaens. But he did not suspect
what the latter knew, that a monstrous ocean separates the
New World from the east coast of Asia. IS

226 A Century of Discovery.
After a long delay in the Bissagos Islands off the coast of
West Africa and a tedious voyage, the sailors on the i6th of
August first sighted a smiling coast at 5 degrees south lati
tude, and drew near to a peninsula, which, in honour of the
saint whose day it happened to be, they called San Roque,
the name which the east point of South America still bears.
The aborigines here showed themselves very hostile, attacking
and devouring some sailors who ventured into the interior
Without stopping to chastise them the ships continued their
course towards the south, landing every now and then and
carrying on friendly intercourse with the Indians. One can
still trace the stations of the discoverers in the names of the
principal points, which they always called after the saints'
days. Thus, on the 28th of August, they arrived at Cape Agos-
tinho, which had already been discovered though not named
by Pinzon. On the 4th of October they found the mouth
of the river San Francisco ; on the ist of November the Bay
de Todos os Santos, where now is situated the town of Bahia ;
on the 2 1 St of December the Cape of St Thomas ; and
on the 1st of Janauary, 1502, the Bay of Rio Janeiro (the
river of St Januarius), which they took for the mouth of a
river They stayed for some time in the Bay of Cananea, 26
south latitude, erroneously stated by \"espucci to be 32
south latitude. Vespucci describes the natives of this pro
vince to be fine people, of a reddish colour, who disfigured
themselves by piercing their lips for the purpose of inserting
ornaments made of a blue stone or of bone. This most un
becoming custom — ^'espucci once saw in the lip of a man a
stone of half a hand's breadth, and weighing seven ounces
— procured for these Indians in later times the name of
Botocuden (cork wearers). Thej- had their goods in common,
and lived without religion a thoroughly sensual life, frequently
interrupted, however, by wars with the neighbouring races.
Those who were conquered were devoured, and Vespucci

Amerigo Vespucci. 227
heard a man boast that he had eaten 300 men. In the huts too
the Portuguese often found salted human flesh. The splendid
climate, which was rendered clear by almost unvarying east
winds, made the Indians so healthy that, according to Ves
pucci, they often lived to be a hundred and fifty. Finding no
precious metals on the whole of this coast, the sailors were
eager to return, but were persuaded by Vespucci to make
another attempt to find the western passage to India. They
again set out on the 15th of February, and steered directly
to the south-east, not allowing themselves to be deterred by
the increasing cold. On the 3rd of April they encountered a
fearful storm, which lasted several days. During this they dis-
•covered an inhospitable coast, which the ships followed towards
the south for twenty miles. At last the sky cleared, but the
storm and the cold had deprived every one of any desire to
examine more nearly the coast, which, according to Vespucci's
reckoning, lay about 55 south latitude. What this land could
have been it is impossible to decide with certainty. Most pro
bably it was the most southerly part of Patagonia, close by the
Straits of Magalhaens. Every one on board was glad when
they turned round, steering to the north-east for the coast of
Africa, but it was not until after much contending with the
winds and waves that they reached it on the loth of May.
In Sierra Leone they were obliged to set fire to one of their
ships, which had become perfectly useless. The other two
entered the harbour of Lisbon on the 7th of September, 1502,
after an absence of sixteen months.
King Emanuel, in spite of the empty hands with which the
discoverers returned, was well pleased with their perseverance
and with the large extent of coast explored by them. He
immediately prepared a new squadron to complete the dis
covery and to seek the passage to the Moluccas, of the
existence of which they felt certain. Of the six ships which
set sail on the loth of May, under the orders of Gonzalo
15-2

228 A Century of Discovery.
Coelho, one was commanded by Amerigo Vespucci. But the
great hopes that were groused by this expedition were lament
ably disappointed. Coelho, against the advice of Vespucci,
kept along the coast of Africa as far as Sierra Leone, instead
of saihng to the west, direct from the Cape Verde Islands.
In crossing the ocean he discovered, in 3 degrees south lati
tude, an island of some size, which afterwards received the
name of Fernando de Moronha, after a captain to whom it
was presented by the King. The commander's ship having
run upon rocks, Coelho gave Vespucci orders, with a large
boat and a few sailors, to explore the island and see whether
there was a secure harbour for the fleet. This commission
Vespucci executed, and found on the island, which was well
watered and inhabited by countless birds, a spacious and
well-protected harbour. But in vain did he wait here for the
squadron. After a week of painful suspense, he was fetched
off by his ship, which at the same time brought the announce
ment that Coelho, his own vessel having been sunk, had
sailed with the remaining ships farther towards the west.
Very much hurt, Vespucci followed him to All Saints' Bay,
the appointed meeting-place, and waited there for two months.
But in vain, so at length he determined to leave. On his own
responsibility he sailed along the coast until he reached about
18 degrees south latitude, and there on a favourable spot
founded a little fort, in which he left behind twenty-four men
with provisions for six months. Then he started on the return
voyage and reached Lisbon on the i8th of June, 1504. The
remaining ships of the fleet came in singly one after another,
without any valuable cargoes and without having discovered
the western passage, or indeed having sought it with anything
like earnestness. After that the Portuguese many times visited
the Brazils, either to seek for the passage to India, or to pro
cure a cargo of the valuable Brazilian wood. But the first

Amerigo Vespucci. 229
colony which they established was Pernambuco, which they
built in 1526.
But the displeasure of Emanuel, which fell upon all who
took part in the unhappy undertaking, was the cause of Ves
pucci's emigration. He accepted a call from the Castilian
court, which made him great promises, and in the spring of
1505 entered Spain. It was intended to employ him in an
expedition which, under the command of Vincent Yanez Pin
zon, was to visit the new-found southern continent. Probably
the desire to find the western passage was the real cause of
the scheme. Vespucci himself from Seville urged on the pre
paration of the squadron, but for some unknown reason the
plan was never carried out, and in 1508 Vespucci was ap
pointed to the newly-created office of royal pilot, with the
considerable revenue of 200 ducats. In this new position it was
his duty to examine the pilots of the West Indian vessels in
their use of the astronomical instruments, and to make a trust
worthy map of the New World, in which should be inserted
the newly-discovered countries according to the accounts
brought back by the discoverers. This very important and
honourable position, which made his name known in distant
circles, he continued to occupy until his death, which oc
curred in Seville, on the 22nd of February, 15 12. Vespucci
left behind him a widow but no children. He died convinced
that the New World was a part of Asia, and had no suspicion
that it was an independent continent, which by a wonderful
whim of fate would immortalise his name.
We can entirely clear him from the design attributed to him
of endeavouring to lessen Columbus's glory, or to substitute
his own name for that of the great discoverer.. On the con
trary, he was always on the best terms with Columbus. This
is clearly proved by a letter which Columbus, on the 5th of
February, 1505, addressed to his son Diego, and in which he
tells him that Vespucci, who has just gone to the Castilian court,

230 A Century of Discovery.
will labour in his (Columbus's) interest "Vespucci," he writes,.
" has always been very friendly to me. Fortune has been
unkind to the worthy man, as to so many others. He too
has not received the reward due to his services." The
sons of the Admiral never showed the least ill-will towards
Vespucci, and Ferdinand Columbus, the biographer of his
father, never once mentions him. Las Casas is the first
person who expresses his displeasure at the adoption of the
name America, but even he does not give the least intima
tion that he considers Vespucci at all to blame.
The reason of the injustice done to Columbus arose from
the ignorance that the West Indies and the land discovered in
the south had anything to do with each other The mistake
of Columbus, who took the West Indies for Japan and its neigh
bouring islands, suggested the idea that that southern land, the
size of which was more clearly proved by every expedition,
was a completely independent country, a gigantic island,
separated somewhere from the West Indies and the east
coast of Asia by an arm of the sea. As late as the year 1530-
the maps of the world show this channel, or at any rate a gap
between South and North America. Whilst the name of
Columbus is indissolubly connected with Hispaniola, Cuba,
and the other West Indian islands, little or nothing was heard
of his third and fourth voyages, which carried him to the
coast of the mainland, and therefore people were perplexed to
find a name for it. Amerigo Vespucci was the first to describe
the nature of the country and its inhabitants, which he did in
a series of " Voyages," and his name therefore naturally oc
curred to people.
A letter addressed by him, either at the end of 1502 or the
beginning of 1503, to Lorenzo di Pier Francisco de' Medici, a
member of a collateral branch of the celebrated princely
house, did not reach Florence until after the death of Lorenzo

Amerigo Vespucci. 231
(Lorenzo died March loth, 1503), and so fell into other hands.
In this letter Vespucci gave his friend a concise account of
his adventures from June 4th, 1501 (the time of his stay at
Cape Verde), till September 7th, 1502 (the time of his return
from the first Portuguese voyage). The interesting nature of
this letter, which contained much that was new, led to its pub
lication. This took place in Paris, 1503, in Latin, and it made
such a noise that a number of editions and translations in
German and Italian followed. This result caused the publi
cation, certainly either against the will or without the know
ledge of the author, of a number of other letters of Vespucci,
which he had addressed to Pietro Soderini in Florence. They
appeared translated into Latin from a French translation, and
were collected into a continuous whole under the title of "The
Fourth Voyage," in 1507, in St. Di6 in Lorraine. The original
compilers of this work, whether out of ignorance or with an
evil intention, allowed a number of errors, mutilations, and
interpolations to creep in, which place Vespucci's voyages in
a completely false light.
Among the early voyages with Ojeda, which he describes
to Soderini in two long letters, there are two remarkable ex
peditions, the second of which in many points appears identical
with that of Pinzon, and there is the most utter confusion in
the dates, so that, resting upon these voyages, it was for a long
time declared that Amerigo had reached the mainland before
Columbus, and it is still uncertain whether or not he took
part in Pinzon's voyage in 1499- 1500. Th^ errors have been
more clearly manifested by the discovery of two earlier
letters, written by him to Lorenzo Medici on July i8th,
1500, and June 4th, 1501. These only mention one voyage
in the Castilian service, and are tolerably exact in the
dates. The rapid circulation of Vespucci's letters had closely
connected the name of the Florentine with the great con-

232 A Century of Discovery.
tinent in the south with which most men had become ac
quainted from those writings, and it was natural to name the
land after him which as yet had no other name, and of whose
discovery by Columbus they were ignorant This was first
done by Martin Hylacomilus (Waldseemiiller), a native of
Freiburg in Breisgau, at that time a bookseller and teacher of
geography at St. Die, where, under the protection of .Duke
Rene the Second of Lorraine, he was engaged in the editing
of the works of Ptolemy.
In 1507 he published an "Introduction to Cosmography,"
which he dedicated to the Emperor Maximilian I., and
to which he added a Latin edition of the "Voyages." In
this work he says : " The fourth continent may very fit
tingly be called Amerigo — that is, the land of Amerigo,
or America — because Amerigo discovered it." The pro
position received support Little geographical treatises,
which appeared in 1509, 1512, and 1515 in Strasburg and
Nuremburg, repeated it, and in 1520 the name America first
appeared in the maps of the world which the monk Camers
published in Vienna from the drawings of Peter Apianus
(Bienervitz). The name indeed is limited to what is now
Brazil, and by the side of it stands the remark, "This land was
discovered in 1497, with the adjacent islands, by the Genoese
Columbus." But the new name quickly naturalised itself and soon was
adopted for the whole south mainland. Indeed, as advancing
discoveries proved that it, together with the West Indies and
the northern mainland, was a great division of the earth, the
well-sounding name America was employed for the whole
continent, and thus the just claim of the name Columbia was
set aside.
While we deplore the injustice done to the memory of the
great discoverer, we need not let it mislead us into attributing
to the fortunate author a wilful appropriation of another's

Amerigo Vespucci. 233
fame, and thus become guilty of another injustice. Rather
let us accord him due honour for his discoveries and explora
tions in the New World, and do nothing to lessen his reputa
tion as a man of honour, to which Columbus himself bears
witness.

CHAPTER IV.
vasco NUNEZ DE BALBOA.
When Ojeda, in 15 lo, left the town of St. Sebastian near the
mouth of the Atrato in Darien, in order to procure aid from
Hispaniola, he placed over those whom he left behind Francisco
Pizarro, afterwards so famous, and extracted a promise from
them all to remain fifty days in their miserable position, for
he hoped in that time to bring them assistance. Pizarro
waited in vain for his return ; and at last, after the number
of those under his command had melted down to about sixty,
the largest number which the two shattered ships could hold,
he set sail for Hispaniola. Shortly afterwards one of the
vessels was wrecked, and sank with all on board before the
eyes of those on board the other ship, A few days later they
unexpectedly met a stately vessel coming towards them. It
was commanded by the Advocate Martin Hernandez de En-
ciso, who had gained considerable wealth in Hispaniola, and
whom Ojeda had enticed to assist in the founding of the
colony on the Atrato by appointing him governor.
After long preparations and many hindrances on the part
of Don Diego Columbus, who laid claim to Central America,
he had at length taken 150 men, a number of animals, and a
good stock of provisions and arms to the new colony, which
he hoped to find in a prosperous condition. Instead of this,
thirty half-starved men came to meet him on a crazy ship,
these being all that remained of the colonists. In spite of the
miserable accounts which he received from them, he determined

i^asco iwunez ae Balboa. 235
to re-establish the forsaken colony, and forced the fugitives to
unite with the 150 fresh men whom he was bringing with
him from Hispaniola. Among these there was one of the most
distinguished of the Spanish discoverers.
Vasco Nunez de Balboa, born 1475, at Xeres, near Badajoz,.
in the province of Estremadura, sprang from a rich and re
spectable family, though in his early youth he had squandered
his wealth, and by his giddy pranks had forfeited his good
name. Like many others, he sought to recover both by join
ing in the expedition to the New World which promised to
courageous fortune-hunters fame and spoil in rich measure.
He was a companion of Rodrigo de Bastidas, who in the year
1500 explored a part of the north-west coast of South
America, and returned to Spain with a rich spoil of gold and
pearls. As was the case with all who took part in it, this expedi
tion produced lor Balboa a little property, which he spent in
settling in Hispaniola. But here also his extravagance and
love of gambling made him a poor man ; and, pressed by
many creditors, he soon found himself in the greatest dis
tress, from which he knew not how to escape except by flight.
Now for the protection of creditors it had been rendered ex
ceedingly difficult for any one to quit the islands, and Balboa
could not find means to carry out his projected retreat.
At last he succeeded in smuggling himself on to the ship
which Enciso had fitted out for Darien. He is said to have beea
carried on board concealed in a cask, and to have remained
there for some days. When he at last ventured forth Enciso
was very unpleasantly surprised ; for, by the laws of the
Spanish colony of Hispaniola, the captain who assisted in the
flight of a debtor became himself responsible to the creditor.
However, he did not carry out his threat of setting Balboa
on shore on the first desert island, fearing the bodily
strength and the well-known audacity of his unwished-

236 A Century of Discovery.
for companion, but tried to comfort himself with the hope
that Balboa would prove himself of value in the new settle
ment The arrival at the forsaken San Sebastian was not auspi
cious. Enciso's ship ran upon the rocks, and with its valuable
cargo sank so quickly that it was all the crew could do to
save even their lives. Thus the settlers had from the beginning
to struggle with hunger, and in the unceasing conflicts with
the natives, who made use of poisoned arrows, their numbers
rapidly diminished. It was no wonder therefore that de
spondency seized upon them. Balboa, however, by proposing
to cross over to the west coast of the Gulf of Darien, inspired
them with new courage.
On his earlier visit in the ship of Bastidas he had found
there a rich country, friendly people, and handsome towns.
The proposal was carried out, and all Balboa's statements were
proved correct. After an easy victory over the Indians, the
adventurers took possession of a large village, where they
found provisions in abundance and a considerable quantity of
gold. In gratitude for the protection that had been granted to
them by the miraculous image at Seville, they named the new
town Maria del Antigua. This indeed was not situated in
the province of New Andalusia, which Ojeda and Enciso had
been charged to colonise, but west of the mouth of the
Atrato, in the province of the Knight Diego de Nicuesa,
which embraced the whole east coast of Central America,
from the Atrato to Cape Gracios a Dios, and bore the pompous
name of Castilla del Oro.
This circumstance was made use of by those among the
settlers hostile to Nicuesa to deprive him of the command.
Vasco Nunez Balboa was chosen in his place until the King's
pleasure should be known. It was the first step to fortune
made by the bold unscrupulous adventurer. The unexpected

Vasco Nunez de Balboa. 237
arrival of two well-manned and well-provisioned ships, pre
pared at Nicuesa's expense at Hispaniola, and now on their
way to him, had put it into the settlers' heads to ask him to
come and take the command.
The messengers found him and his people reduced to a
miserable condition at Nombre de Dios, not far from Aspion-
vall. The band of settlers, diminished by every possible pri
vation, greeted the invitation to the rapidly rising town of
Santa Maria del Antigua as deliverance from certain destruc
tion, and Nicuesa himself arranged their transmission with
much pleasure.
But among the men whom he sent in advance there were
some whom he had wronged or cruelly punished for disobe
dience. They excited the people of Santa Maria against the
new ruler, who had aroused general displeasure by errors of
judgment and careless speeches. He allowed himself to be
persuaded by Balboa, who feigned the greatest friendship for
him, to submit his claims to an election. It turned out un
favourably for Nicuesa. Almost unanimously Balboa was
raised to the head of the settlement, and with the proviso^
that the choice should be ratified by the King, he undertook
the government of Castilla del Oro. Although he had pro
mised his protection to the deposed governor, he yet allowed
the rebels to force the hated Nicuesa on board an unseaworthy
ship, with sixteen men who remained faithful to him. Nothing
was ever heard of the unfortunate men. Probably they and
their miserable bark were swallowed up by the waves.
Thus through a series of intrigues and acts of violence Bal
boa found himself ruler of one of the richest lands of America
hardly a year after he had escaped on board Enciso's ship a
fugitive in the utmost misery. He succeeded, however, in
making men forget the unworthy means through which he
had obtained the government by the power and wisdom with
which he conducted it. All the best features of his great

238 A Century of Discovery.
¦character now came to the front His manner of life was
simple and devoid of all show ; he was generous and liberal,
bold in his schemes ; the valour he displayed in contests with
his enemies was almost superhuman, while he was mild and
humane to the conquered. The dominion he gained and
maintained over the minds of 300 lawless men borders on the
wonderful. By the force of his example he carried them from
one enterprise to another, where danger and hardship, but
not rewards, were alike to all.
The inhabitants of Central America were superior to the
harmless Indians of Hispaniola and to the men-eating Caribs.
Certainly on account of the warm climate they went com
pletely naked and lived in simple huts, but they were divided
into various ranks. They honoured the sun and moon as
divinities, and the care with which they embalmed the bodies
of the dead makes it probable that they believed in an exist
ence after death. Thus they formed a connecting link be
tween the inhabitants of the Antilles, who were little raised
above the animals, and the highly-developed people whom
the Spaniards afterwards met on the tablelands of Anahuac
and Quito.
All these tribes were fond of gold ornaments, and the
nobles among them were served from gold vessels. Therefore
it was easy for the Spaniards to collect considerable quantities
of the precious metal, and by constant attacks and surprises
they soon increased their treasure. On one of these expedi
tions Balboa received from the son of a Prince, who was as
tonished at the Spaniards' thirst for gold, the first news of an
ocean which lay not far off towards the south-west, beyond a
ridge of mountains, and which was visited by ships little
inferior in size to those of Spain. The richest gold lands were
said to lie on the coasts of this great sea. Balboa immedi
ately divined that this must be the sea that washed the shores
of India, but the whole importance of the news he could not

Vasco Nunez de Balboa. 239
appreciate. He burned with the desire to make his name
immortal by the discovery of the new ocean, and his followers,
whose thirst for gold was whetted by the Prince's descrip
tions, showed themselves ready to accompany him through
all dangers and difficulties. But the plan could not be carried
out for a long time. The subjugation of the neighbouring
Indians and the suppression of a dangerous conspiracy formed
by them, which was discovered and frustrated by the: faithful
ness of Balboa's Indian wife, took up a considerable time,
and until this was accomplished it seemed unadvisable to
divide the little company.
It was not until reinforcements had arrived from Hispan
iola — -whose Governor, Don Diego Columbus, the crafty Bal
boa acknowledged as his superior — that the expedition to the
Western Ocean could be thought of On September ist, 15 13,
they began their march from Maria del Antigua. Balboa
himself led the little army, which consisted of 190 Spaniards
and 600 Indian bearers, and was accompanied by several of
the formidable bloodhounds. The precise point of departure
was Careta, a place on the coast a few miles from the settle
ment, whose Prince was friendly to the Spaniards, and had
been baptised, receiving the name of Don Fernando. The
distance between the shores of the two oceans measures at
this point scarcely thirty miles, and would therefore under
ordinary circumstances be accomplished in three or four days'
march. But on this narrow strip of land were crowded to
gether the greatest difficulties and obstructions.
The mountain range indeed was not formidable from its
height, but its slopes were covered with dense primeval forests
and poisonous vapours arose from the swampy ground tra
versed by numerous sluggish rivers. Added to this there
was the necessity of forcing a passage through the territory
of various Indian tribes. It was almost three weeks from the
time Balboa and his men left Careta (September 6th) before

240 A Century of Discovery.
they reached the neighbourhood of the coast. On the 25th of
September his Indian guides informed him that from a neigh
bouring hill the sea could be seen. He wished to be the first to
enjoy the sight, so he climbed the hill alone. Arrived at the
top he saw close beneath him a bay with many inlets towards
the south-west, opening into the boundless ocean. Overcome
with joy Balboa fell upon his knees and praised God, who had
favoured him with so great a revelation.
On the 29th of September he reached the shore, and bear
ing a banner upon which was emblazoned the Virgin and
Child, he waded up to his knees into the water and solemnly,
in the names of the Kings of Arragon and Castile, took pos
session " of these southern seas, lands, shores, harbours, and
islands, with all that they contained, their kingdoms and their
marches, and swore to defend them against any foreign claim,
for the monarchs of Castile present and future, to whom be
longs the empire and dominion of all these Indies, the islands
together with the north and south mainland, with their seas
from the north pole to the south pole on both sides of the
equator, within and without the tropics of Cancer and Capri
corn, all being by right the possession of their majesties and
their successors." Then he made each of the Spaniards con
vince himself by the salt taste that it was the shore of an
ocean, and sign his name to a deed drawn up by the notar}",
Valderrabano, formally taking possession.
The bay which Balboa then reached still bears the name
of San Miguel, from the day on which it was discovered. Its
shores are extraordinarily rich in pearls. The Spaniards col
lected a great number, among them some singularly large
specimens, but quite dull, because the Indians knew no way
of opening the shells but by fire and smoke. They were
mostly found on the shores of som.e neighbouring islands,
later named the Pearl Islands. Bad weather prevented Bal
boa from taking possession of them, and after several weeks'

yasco Nunez de Balboa. 241
sojourn with the chiefs of the country, whom he attached to
him partly by show of power and partly by friendly concilia
tion, he determined on his return. He chose a different
way, but encountered equal difficulties. The opposition
was so great that he tried to overcome it by accusing some
of the chiefs of treason and criminality, and condemning
them to be torn to pieces by bloodhounds. This horrible
punishment spread terror far and wide, but we should do him
injustice if in our detestation of Balboa's bloody cruelty we
forgot that he did not act thus wantonly, but in the hope of
breaking down all opposition ; and that he chose as his victims
those who were hated and feared by their countrymen. Com
pared with those who followed him indeed he appears mild
and humane.
On January 19th, 15 14, Balboa returned to Santa Maria,
where he found everything prospering. In March he sent
the great news of his discovery to Spain, together with 20,000-
ducats and 200 of the most beautiful pearls, which was the
royal share of the booty. By such dazzling proofs of his
fitness he hoped to wipe out the stain which rested on his
accession to power, and to stifle the complaints of his enemies.
And indeed the stir which his news excited was quite remark
able. Learned men recognised the mistake Columbus had
made in supposing he had reached the east coast of Asia,,
while an unknown ocean lay between it and the new continent.
Still it was possible that west of Cuba it might be connected.
with the Atlantic Ocean.
In the Spanish nation there broke out a new and violent
attack of the gold fever. To reward the skill and success of
Balboa King Ferdinand appointed him Adelantado of the-
newly-discovered South Sea — the name given to the new
ocean, Balboa having crossed the Isthmus of Central America.
from north to south — and made him Governor of Coiba on
the Atlantic Ocean, and Panama on the South Sea, thus com-
16

242 A Century of Discovery.
pensating him for certain enactments made previous to the
arrival of his messenger. Enciso and the friends of the unfor
tunate Nicuesa had accused Balboa at court of having unjustly
seized the governorship, and had excited a strong feeling
against the traitor, as they named him. Ferdinand, desirous
of securing civil order to the hopeful colony, had appointed
Pedrarias de Avila, a man of sixty, its governor, as successor
to Nicuesa, thereby setting aside as illegal the rule of Balboa.
Pedrarias set sail on April nth, 1 5 14, with twenty-two sh.ips
and 1200 men, and landed on June 30 at Santa Maria.
He was unfit for his post, but no opposition was offered to
him, and he obtained possession of the reins of government
without difficulty. Almost immediately he began a secret
examination of Balboa, in the hope of gaining over to his
side the man who had the greatest influence among the
colonists and the surrounding Indians. But the cunning of
Balboa was too much for him, and the examination ended in
his acquittal. The rule of Pedrarias was altogether very un-
unfortunate. The colony was visited by intense heat, and the
produce of the land was not sufficient to support the increased
number of Spaniards. Many died of hunger in the streets of
the town ; others perished in the plundering raids which want
drove them to make upon the Indians, whom of course this
kind of treatment turned from friends into enemies.
No wonder that the colonists wished for Balboa's rule back
again. This becoming known to Avila filled him with hatred
of the great discoverer, which increased when he found that
Balboa had been appointed by the King governor of two
provinces, which were thus withdrawn from his immediate
jurisdiction, although Balboa was to remain his subordinate.
However, he kept up an appearance of friendship, and even
betrothed to Balboa one of his daughters left behind in Spain,
but secretly he was brooding over plans for his destruction.
Balboa at last succeeded in obtaining his permission to build

Vasco Nunez de Balboa. 243
-some ships on the South Sea, in which to visit the gold lands.
With great trouble the ships were conveyed in separate pieces
over the isthmus and there put together, and Balboa was just
ready to put off, when on some urgent pretext he was sum
moned by Avila to Santa Maria. There he was thrown into
•chains, and the accusation brought against him that he was
intending to rebel and set up an independent government on
the shores of the South Sea. At the same time the old
charges of rebelling against Nicuesa and supplanting Enciso
were brought up again. The judges being already gained
over, pronounced sentence of death on Balboa and four of his
adherents in January, 15 17, and at Avila's command it was
carried out at Ada, a little offshoot from Santa Maria.
Thus the Spaniards robbed themselves of the man most
fit to explore the coast of the South Sea just at the moment
when he was on the point of accomplishing the task, which
afterwards fell to the share of the rough Pizarro. By his
unjust death Balboa atoned for the many crimes which had
stained his life. And the heroism of his character and the
glorious results which his great qualities enabled him to achieve
throw an undying charm around his memory.

16 — 2

CHAPTER V.
FERNAM DE MAGALHAENS.
By Balboa's discoveries some of the mistaken ideas were
cleared up which until then had been entertained with regard
to the New World. It was now known that the Antilles were
not Japan, and Darien was not Malacca, and that between
Europe and Asia there lay a great continent, separated from
Europe by the Atlantic and from Asia by Balboa's great
ocean. But to most minds it appeared perfectly incompatible
with the purpose of the world's creation that these two great
oceans should be completely separated from one another by
a large continent stretching from north to south, and that
such an almost insurmountable obstacle should be placed in
the way of communication between the two civilised parts of the
earth. Every one was convinced that there must be a strait,
possibly in a direct line between Spain and India, which united
the two oceans and would be a most convenient path for trade-
To discover this strait was the unceasing object of the
Spanish discoverers. Their zeal stirred up the still open
question concerning the possession of the Moluccas. The
mistaken measurement of the earth assumed, as we have
before mentioned, that the boundary of the territory granted
to the Portuguese by the Pope (i8o degrees east of the Canary
Isles) was in the Bay of Bengal, and the Spaniards were angry
that the Portuguese had overstepped it by their conquests in
Further India and in the Sunda Islands. With anxiety and
vexation they saw the Portuguese discoveries extending

Fernam de Magalhaens. 245
steadily towards the east, and approaching nearer and nearer
to the Spice Islands, concerning which they were fully con
vinced that they lay on the Spanish side of the globe. Yet
they were not in a condition to resist these encroachments
unless they could find a direct western route to these islands,
for to pursue the Portuguese by the route round Africa and
to seek to pass them in the Indian Ocean would render a
desperate struggle certain, the result of which was by no
means sure.
Columbus therefore sought this passage in the neighbour
hood of Darien ; some years later hopes were entertained
that it would be discovered in the Gulf of Mexico, and later
still Cortes explored the whole east coast of North America
from Florida to Labrador with the same object. But in vain.
Still more zealously was South America examined for the
same purpose, that being for a long time looked upon as an
island. All the numerous expeditions along its west coast
had the same object, but without the desired result. Still
they did not give up hope.
Juan Diaz de Solis, who had accompanied Pinzon on his
third voyage in 1509, thought, in 15 16, he had discovered
the long-sought- for passage, when he found about 35 degrees
south latitude the east coast of America suddenly turn to
wards the west and continue in that direction for miles. But
he recognised his mistake when the water lost its saltness ;
he had run into the great fresh water estuary of the two
gigantic rivers Parana and Uruguay, and which afterwards
received the name of Rio de la Plata. He landed on the
shores of this gulf and was killed and eaten by the wild
Indians. His horrified companions at once turned round
without accomplishing the task which Solis had set himself
But a greater man soon followed in his footsteps. Fernam
de Magilhaens, better known under the Spanish form of his
name, Magellan, was born about the year 1480, in Oporto, of

246 A Century of Discovery.
an old noble Portuguese family. We know nothing of his-
youth. Like other young men of his rank, he probably knew
something of struggles with the infidels and of dangerous
voyages. It is certain that in his early life he went to India
in the service of the Portuguese crown, and there distinguished
himself Though his personal appearance was mean, he soon
brought himself into notice by his boldness and activity. He
served as an officer in the great fleet which, in 15 11, Alfonso
de Albuquerque led again.st Malacca, and took part in the
taking and defence of that important town.
The next year he took part in the war against the infidels
in Africa. At Azamor he received a wound in the thigh from
a lance, which made him lame for the rest of his life. Having
come to court, in order to beg for an appointment in reward
for the services he had rendered, he was at once dismissed be
cause he had presented himself without leave, and sent back
to Africa. Some time afterwards, finding all his endeavours
fruitless, he determined to forsake for ever his native land, in
which he had been publicly disgraced by having a groundless
charge of embezzlement brought against him. He formally
gave up all his rights in Portugal, and on October 20th, 15 17,
removed his residence to Seville. A short time afterwards he
married a daughter of a Portuguese named Diego Barbosa,
who had settled in Seville.
Magalhaens was in possession of information which he
thought he could make more use of in his new home than in
his old. Francisco Serrao, the first of all the Portuguese who
reached the Moluccas (15 12), and who had spent some years
there, was his greatest friend. From him he had received
letters containing a detailed account of his experiences. The
distances given by Serrao were, according to the fashion of dis
coverers, exaggerated, and firmly convinced Magalhaens that
the delightful islands which brought forth the costly products
of the east might be fairly claimed by the Spaniards, He con-

Fernam de Magalhaens. 247
suited about it with an an astronomer named Faleiro, who had
also emigrated from Portugal, and he arrived at the same con
clusion. Together they applied to the Honourable Council
for India, offering their services for the discovery and settle
ment of the Moluccas.
In February, 181 5, they arrived at the royal court of Valla
dolid, and began their negotiation with Fonseca, the well-
known President of the Council. The prudence and caution
natural to this man would probably have prevented these
plans being adopted had not Magalhaens assured him most
confidently that he could find the desired passage. Being
questioned more closely, he stated that he had seen it marked
on a large map of the world which was kept in the treasury
of the King of Portugal, and which had been drawn up by
the Nuremberger Martin Behaim.
Now it is not at all impossible that this man, besides the
voyage in which he accompanied Cam, 1484, may have taken
part in other expeditions, and perhaps have even become ac
quainted with the coast of South America. But in the year
1492, when he prepared the globe for the Nurembergers, he
appears to have had no knowledge of the American coasts,
and if we refer to a map of the world added by him to an
edition of Ptolemy published in the year 1 507, we find the
extreme limit of the continent fixed. At the Rio de Cananea,
32 degrees south latitude, and on the other side of a broad
gulf is represented a belt of large islands evidently drawn
from fancy. >
It is most probable that Magalhaens invented the story when
he saw that, without pretending to a knowledge of the shorter
way to the Moluccas, he should not obtain the appointment
he desired. He trusted that he should be able to justify his
assertions, if fortune were not adverse. At any rate the careful
investigation to which afterwards he subjected every bay along
the coast of South America makes him appear quite uncertain

248 A Century of Discovery.
of the position of the desired strait. However, he obtained
his object, Fonseca was quite won over and seconded most
warmly the plans of the sailor who was in possession of such -
important information.
When Magalhaens had made up his mind to relinquish his
claim to the rank of Admiral he succeeded in concluding a very
favourable treaty (March 22nd, 15 18). The crown promised to
fit out five good ships and man them with 234 skilful sailors,
whom it undertook to pay for two years. All other seamen were
forbidden for ten years to make use of the passage that
should be discovered by Magalhaens. To him the command
of the fleet was committed, and the rank of Adelantado and
the governorship of all lands that he should discover were
promised to him. Of the revenues that should flow to the
crown the twentieth part was to be paid to the discoverer,
upon whom also was conferred the right to import into
Spain, yearly, spices to the value of lOOO ducats, and to
receive a fifth part of the produce of the voyage. Finally,
of the islands discovered after the crown had chosen
six, the seventh and eighth were to be allotted to Magal
haens, that he might receive the fifteenth part of their
produce. Full of zeal Magalhaens set to work to prepare his squadron.
Soon the five ships lay in the harbour of Seville, ready to
sail. They were thsTrinidad, which Magalhaens himself com
manded ; the San Antonio, under Juan de Cartagena ; the
Conception, under Caspar de Quesada ; the Victoria, under
Luis de Mendoza ; and the Santiago, under the Portuguese
Juan Serrao, probably a relation of the discoverer of the
Moluccas. But the departure was delayed by all sorts of
jealousies which sprang up against the foreigner, and which
could only be overcome with the greatest difficulty. The
Portuguese too put in a protest against the undertaking as
infringing their rights, and their consul in Seville sought by

Fernam de Magalhaens. 249
promises and threatenings to move his faithless countryman
from his purpose. But he remained immovable, and success
fully overcame all the difficulties that lay in his way.
On the 20th of September, 1519, the squadron left San
Lucan de Barremeda, a harbour at the mouth of the Guadal
quiver, and on the 2nd of October it passed the Canary
Islands. Then it took a westerly course, until on the 29th of
November it reached San Agostinho, and thence went south
ward along the coast. In January, 1520, they passed the
mouth of the Rio de la Plata, after which they were in a per
fectly new region. Magalhaens then kept close to the coast,
and narrowly examined every bay which offered the least
possibility of a passage. On the 24th of March they reached
the Gulf of St. Matthias, a few days later St George's Bay, and
at the end of the month a narrow inlet which is now called Port
Desire (47° 50' south latitude), but to which he gave the name
of Puerto de los Patos (Goose Harbour), because on its coasts
and on the island at its entrance there were an incredible
number of penguins.
Meanwhile the southern winter had begun, and it was un
wise to continue the voyage. But since there was a want of
wood and water in Puerto de los Patos they went on until
they found (49 degrees south latitude) a very convenient
harbour, which received the name of St Julian. Here a most
dangerous conspiracy broke out. Whilst on the way Magal
haens had been obliged to place Juan de Cartagena, his second
in command, in confinement, on account of mutinous conduct.
Arrived at Port Julian he was set free by Quesada and Men
doza, and on Easter Monday three ships, the San Antonio,
the Conception, and the Victoria, were in open rebellion against
Magalhaens. Their captains accused him of having overstepped
the royal orders and of having arrogated to himself unlawful
powers. Magalhaens saw that all his authority would be at
an end if he yielded, and that he should never succeed in ac-

250 A Century of Discovery.
complishing his dangerous and difficult undertaking with
mutinous and untrustworthy crews. He adopted the sternest
measures, a course to which his hard nature inclined him. He
had Mendoza stabbed, whom he looked upon as the soul of
the conspiracy. Edward Barbosa, a brother-in-law of the
commander, immediately took possession of the Victoria,and
Magalhaens himself, who with a wise foresight had placed
himself with the two faithful ships at the entrance of the har
bour, by a charge of artillery compelled the other two ships to
surrender. Stern justice was exercised towards the heads of
the conspiracy. Quesada was condemned, Mendoza's body
was quartered, Cartagena and a priest who had taken part
in the mutiny were landed on a barren shore. The sailors,
whose services could not be dispensed with, were pardoned ;
but the bloody scenes had greatly terrified them. Hence
forth every one trembled before the stern inexorable man,
and no one ventured to contradict him, much less oppose
him. Until August the winter detained the little fleet in its har
bour of refuge. During that time Magalhaens became ac
quainted with the uncouth inhabitants of the land. They
were very tall, though not giants, as for a long time they were
reckoned on account of the exaggerated accounts of travellers.
They wore as clothing the skins of some unknown animal sewn
together (probably the huanaco, a kind of llama). Even their
feet were covered with skins, and this circumstance gave them
the name of Patagonians (the flat-footed), which they still
bear. At first they were quite confiding, but an attack of the
Spaniards, who wanted to carry off some of these strange
people, soon made them suspicious and hostile.
The quarrels deprived the Spaniards of the opportunity of
a close observation of the manners and customs of these
Indians. Yet they noticed that their worship consisted of
prayers to the devil.

Fernam de Magalhaens. 251
The Patagonians have no settled dwellings, but wander
about at pleasure, carrying with them huts, mere wooden
frames covered with skins. They live mostly on raw flesh
and a sweet root from which they prepare a kind of meal-
Rats and mice, which were caught for them on board the
ships, they devoured raw without even skinning them. They
appeared insatiable. Six of them emptied a kettle of broth
intended for twenty sailors, and of the two whom the Spaniards
had captured each daily consumed a basket of biscuits, and
could swallow at one draught half a bucket of water.
On the 24th of August they weighed anchor, and the four
ships — one of the ships had been wrecked on an exploring ex
cursion — pursued their way to the south. But the weather
was so unfavourable that they were obliged to lie to for some
weeks in the harbour of Santa Cruz. There Magalhaens in
formed the crew, to their great consternation, that if necessary
he should continue his journey southwards as far as 75" south
latitude. Fortunately, however, their patience was not tried
so far, for October 21st, only three days after leaving the har
bour of Santa Cruz, the ships rounded Cabo dos Virgines, and
found the entrance to a broad channel running in a south
westerly direction.
It was the long-desired passage, which ever since has borne
the name of its discoverer. It consists of a number of rocky
chambers with narrow branching passages. Running to the
north there are numerous deep fiords, and to the south narrow
outlets into the sea. ,
' Contrary winds hindered the forward progress of the ships.
Even to this day a great knowledge of the place is necessary
to steer safely through such a labyrinth. Cape Froward, the
south point of America, divides the strait into two halves, of
which one, the Atlantic, has a north-easterly direction, while
the other runs to the north-west. In the former there is a re
freshing prospect of green woods, but the latter is a narrovy

252 A Century of Discovery.
pass through rocks, some of them 7000 feet high, between
which glaciers float down to the sea.
Arrived at Cape Froward, Magalhaens called a meeting of
his principal sailors, and laid before them the question whether
they thought it advisable to continue the voyage, since their
provisions would only last three months. All voted to do so,
since they knew that such was the decided desire of their
chief Only Stevam Gomez, the helmsman of the San An
tonio, an experienced sailor, counselled that they should return
to Spain, and come back the next year with a new fleet But
he was out-voted ; and Magalhaens angrily interrupted his re
presentations with the words, " Enough of this. Even if we
are compelled to eat the leather on the ships' yards, it shall
not prevent my keeping my word with the Emperor."
A short time afterwards he sent the San Antonio to explore,
and when it returned it did not find the rest of the ships at
the appointed place. The crew at once demanded that they
should be allowed to return home ; Gomez supported them in
this demand, the captain was put in chains, and the vessel
started on the homeward voyage. It arrived in Spain on the
•6th of May, 1521, where the worst possible reports were im
mediately circulated about the disastrous results ofthe under
taking. The desertion of his best ship was a blow to Magalhaens,
but it did not shake his resolution. Without hesitation he
pursued his way, and on the 27th of November arrived at the
end of the strait, and to the great joy of all sailed out into the
¦open sea.
In order to reach a warmer region, Magalhaens steered
towards the north for nearly a month, and then sailed in a
north-westerly direction. The equator was crossed on the
I2th of February, 1521, and a few days later they reached a
latitude of 13° north, where they remained. The voyage over
the ocean lasted more than three months, and Magalhaens

Pernam de Magalhaens. 253
named it the Pacific, on account of the calms from which they
suffered. AU this time they only came to two inhabited
islands, their course carrying them by an unlucky accident
beyond the swarm of islands which are scattered over the
tropical zone of the great ocean.
Oppressive heat rendered the sufferings of the almost ex
hausted voyagers very great, for the small supply of water
which yet remained had long become bad, and its nauseous-
ness was so great that it could scarcely be drunk. For weeks
the only food that remained was biscuit, mouldy, decayed,
and defiled by rats. At last they ate the leather with which
the yards were covered to protect them from the friction of
the ropes ; but this was so hard that it had to be soaked for
five days in the sea before it was soft enough to cook. And
all this suffering was of course accompanied by the horrible
scurvy, which caused the gums so to swell that those attacked
by it could not take any nourishment.
At last there came an end to the terrible torture. On the
6th of March there appeared before the longing eyes of the
starving seamen two green islands, which rose out of the
waves like gardens, and the ships were soon surrounded by
numerous boats full of natives, who brought them all kinds of
fruits, and among others cocoanuts and bananas. These boats
were distinguished by three-cornered mat sails and crooked
poles sticking out right and left, which served to balance
them. The naked natives, of an olive colour, who were dis
tinguished by symmetry of form and had pleasant counte
nances, came on board the Spanish vessels wi?h perfect fear
lessness, and conducted themselves with the utmost ease
Everything was new to them, and everything that pleased
them — and what did not please them .? — they immediately
tried to appropriate. In vain the Spaniards many times
cleared the decks of them. Any attempt at harshness so en
raged them that they pelted the ships with stones and burn-

2 54 A Century of Discovery.
ing pieces of wood — bows and arrows they had none. A few
¦cannon shots indeed put them to flight, but they came back
at night, and under cover of darkness succeeded in cutting off
one of the best boats and carrying it ashore. To recover this
the Spaniards landed, gained possession of the boat, burnt
¦down a village, and carrying off all the provisions they could
find, weighed anchor. They gave to the group of islands the
name of Ladrones or Thieves' Islands, which they still bear.
The two islands visited by the Spaniards were probably
Guahan and Santa Rosa, the two most southerly ones.
Three days only had their stay lasted. From the 9th to
the 1 6th of March they pursued their way westward, till they
reached the coast of an island covered with dark green woods
and luxuriant vegetation. They soon discovered that it was
one of a group of large and populous islands, to which the
Spaniards gave the name of St Lazarus Islands from the day
on which they were found. The year 1542, however, when
they were carefully examined by Ruy Lopez de Villalobas,
the name was changed to the Philippines.
Magalhaens anchored cautiously in a retired bay on a small
uninhabited island, where the sick sailors soon got well.
After a week's rest the fleet again set sail, and soon reached
the Island of Massana, now called Limasagua, whose in
habitants came out immediately to greet the strangers. Pre
sents were exchanged, and such intimate relations were estab
lished that several Spaniards at the invitation of the King
passed the night in his palace ; and the assembled crews cele
brated their Easter with great solemnity on shore. The in-
ha'oitants were Malays, for the most part entirely naked, but
tattooed all over. The Spaniards were exceedingly disgusted
at their habit of betel-chewing. All the islanders, without
distinction of age or sex, were provided with pieces of a pear-
shaped fruit, the areca nut, which, with the addition of a little
lime, they wrap up in the betel leaves and put into their

Pcrnam, de Magalhaens. 255
mouths. They never left off this occupation the whole day,
and declared that they would die if they gave up the betel,
which excites the heart.
Here Magalhaens learned that at no great distance lay the
most fruitful and most beautiful island of the whole archi
pelago. It was named Zebu, and he crossed over to it on the
7th of April, accompanied by the friendly King of Massana.
In the harbour of a considerable town lay several mer
chant-ships, and from one of these, which belonged to Siam,
the King of Zebu learned that the new comers belonged to
the mighty nation that had conquered Malacca. Impelled
by fear, he sought to gain, their friendship, treating them
with the utmost courtesy. They were supplied with plenty
of provisions, and splendidly entertained at the court of
the King. So anxious was his brown Majesty to conciliate
the Spaniards that he declared himself ready to embrace
Christianity, and acknowledge the supremacy of the Spanish
¦crown. On the 14th of April therefore he was baptised, with
his wife and many subjects. The hideous idols were burnt, and
crosses erected in their place, the whole country being pro
claimed Spanish.
But the surprising speed of this revolution, which highly
•delighted the Spaniards, had yet its great dangers. A number
•of the inhabitants were very dissatisfied with the change, and
particularly irritated at the ill-treatment of their gods. They
¦ retired into the little island of Mactan, which lay in the imme
diate neighbourhood of Zebu, and was the seat of a universal
discontent. When Magalhaens received news of this he determined, in
spite ofthe advice of all judicious persons, to attack the mal
contents, who, as he hoped, were not in a condition to hold out
against the superior arms of the Europeans. In the night of
the 26th and 27th of April he sailed with sixty well-armed
people on three boats, on each of which there was a cannon,

256 A Century of Discovery.
to Mactan, accompanied by the King of Zebu and a fleet of
native boats.
In the first grey of the morning they saw the coast. As
the shallowness of the water hindered the boats from ap
proaching, the warlike leader sprang into the water, and with
forty-nine of his companions waded to the shore. The over
whelming crowds of the enemy, reckoned at about 1500 men,
fell upon the little troop, which were obliged to depend en
tirely upon their own exertions, as the cannons in the boats
could do nothing at so great a distance, and Magalhaens had
expressly forbidden the native auxiliaries to take any part in
the battle, so sure was he of speedy victory.
But the wooden shields of the natives were some protection
against the firearms of the Spaniards, whilst the latter were
unable to stand against the furious attacks of their enemies,
who swarmed on them from all sides with a perfect hail of
arrows. Several of them fell, and Magalhaens himself was
severely wounded in the' leg by a bamboo spear. He ordered
a retreat, which with most of his men became a flight, and by
wading they succeeded in reaching the ships. Only seven or
eight of the bravest remained with their general, who retired
slowly, still fighting, towards the beach. The nearer they
came to the water the more inpetuous became the attacks.
Twice Magalhaens's helmet was struck off, and at last he was
wounded by a lance-thrust in the forehead. He ran his spear
through his antagonist, but could not succeed in drawing it
out of his body again. He tried to draw his sword, but a
severe blow disabled his arm. Almost at the same moment
he was struck down by a lance, and once prostrate he was
soon overwhelmed by the natives, and expired under count
less wounds. Seven Spaniards fell with him, and the rest
escaped to the ships. But the battle was continued in the
water, and was only brought to an end by a discharge of
cannon.

DEATH OF MAGALHAENS IN THE ISLAND OF MACTAN.

Fernam de Magalhaens. 257
Thus the great seaman found a sad end among savages ;
after having so often braved the rage of the elements, and
having been the first to open the mysterious gates of a great
ocean, he fell a victim to over-confidence in the irresistible
power of European arms and Spanish gallantry. He was not
allowed to reap the reward of his great deed. Perhaps a
gracious Providence wished to spare him the fate of Columbus.
His death was disastrous to the whole undertaking. To
gether with the belief in the invincibility of the strangers
departed the Christian faith of the new converts ; and when
the victorious islanders threatened the King of Zebu with war
if he remained in alliance with the enemies of their country,
he was easily persuaded to betray those whom he had hitherto
treated as his guests. He invited them to a feast on the ist
of May, for the purpose of giving them presents for his liege
•lord the King of Spain. Twenty-two Spaniards, under the
lead of Barbosa, who had taken the command, accepted the
invitation, and Barbosa's scornful taunt, that whoever feared
might stay on board, impelled the gallant Serrao to accom
pany them. His mistrust was only too well founded. At the
feast all the guests were put to the sword, Serrao only being
spared. Him they dragged down to the shore bound, and
offered to release him for a ransom of two cannons. But the
Spaniards did not venture near, and hastily \veighed anchor.
The unhappy Serrao, whose entreaties for dehverance died
away unanswered, was dragged back to the town, and there
probably miserably murdered.
Deeply cast down, the sailors continued their way towards
the south. The crews being so sorrowfully diminished in
numbers, and many of the survivors being wounded, it was no
longer possible to manage the three ships, and it was therefore
determined to burn the worst of the vessels, the Conception,
on the open sea. They then sailed west in search of the
Moluccas, and touched the island of Palawan, whence they
17

258 A Century of Discovery,
steered towards the south. Thus they reached the island of
Borneo, and entered the harbour of that name.
This was the seat of a powerful Sultan, who prepared a very
friendly reception for the exhausted Spaniards, and displayed
the greatest pomp before them. Beautifully decorated boats
brought them all kinds of presents, especially provisions ;
among other things ' arrack, a spirit prepared from rice, with
which the Spaniards now for the first time became acquainted.
An embassy which they despatched to the court of the Prince
was conducted to the splendid palace by monstrous elephants
having wooden constructions on their backs. Here they found
a richly-dressed bodyguard and numerous dignitaries ; but the
Sultan himself sat with his wife in a kind of box with a grat
ing in front of it, and everything which the strangers wished
to say to him was passed from mouth to mouth up a perfect
staircase of officers until it reached the Prime Minister, who
transmitted it through a speaking-trumpet to the ear of the
Prince. The reply came back in the same way. After the
audience the ambassadors were well entertained, and then
conducted back to the ships.
The very active people over whom the Sultan ruled were of
Malay origin, and had recently become Mahometans. They
are particularly good sailors, and singularly skilful traders,
and they also understand agriculture and the management of
cattle. The principal articles of commerce produced by their
very fruitful land are cinnamon, ginger, sugar-cane, and cam
phor, and the brisk trade draws into their land foreign mer
chants in crowds, especially Chinese.
From the 8th to the 29th of July the Spaniards lay in the
harbour of Borneo, bartering for provisions and other ne
cessaries. But when, from mutual misunderstandings, they
became engaged in strife with the numerous merchant-ships,
they left the harbour in over-anxious haste, and sought farther
north a solitary bay, in which to carry out the repairs necessary

Fernam de Magalhaens. ' 259
to their ships. Here they examined carefully the plants and
animals peculiar to the island, and amused themselves with
hunting wild boars and turtles. After some weeks they re
sumed their voyage in search of the Moluccas. On their way
they captured all the Malay boats that they met, and made
those on board act as pilots. At length, on the 8th of No
vember, 1 52 1, they anchored off the coast of the island of
Tidor, more than two years after their departure from
Spain. Almansor, the Sultan of this island, immediately came on
board, and made himself exceedingly obliging, even going so
far as to take an oath of allegiance to the Emperor Charles
V. In this way he hoped to procure the assistance of the
Spaniards against the Portuguese, towards whom he had a
strong feeling of hatred. It is even said, as the Spaniards
heard afterwards, that Francisco Serrao, the discoverer of the
Moluccas, and a close friend of Magalhaens, had been poisoned
by Almansor In spite of there being no Portuguese at that
time in Tidor, the Spanish sailors yet did not feel themselves
secure, and freighted their ships as hastily as possible with
cloves. Fortune favoured them. Pedro Affonso de Lourousa,
the Portuguese factor on the neighbouring island of Ternate,
probably influenced by a bribe, delivered over the goods he
had stored up by him, and united himself with the Spaniards.
He also procured for them alliances with the Sultans of Ter
nate and Batchang. In a few weeks the ships were freighted,
and they were just on the point of weighing anchor when
a great leak was discovered in the Trinidad, the largest of
the two ships, which made it necessary to delay the start
While the vessel was being repaired, the crew, consisting of
fifty men, with their captain, Gomez de Espinosa, took up
their dwelling on the island. At last everything was made
right, and they set sail towards the north-east, for they dared
not approach the Portuguese possessions in India, where the
17 — 2

26o A Century of Discovery.
landing of the Spaniards in the Moluccas was known, and pre
cautionary measures had been taken.
Espinosa preferred to return across the wide ocean, hoping
to find the harbour of Panama, in Central America, where for
some years a Spanish Governor had ruled. But he waited
vainly for a favourable west wind ; he sailed up to 42° north
latitude, but all to no purpose. At last he was compelled to
turn round ; and, dismasted and almost wrecked by a storm
that lasted for five days," the Trinidad returned to the Moluccas.
Here meanwhile the Portuguese had arrived with a consider
able force, and there remained nothing for the unhappy
Spaniards but to surrender to their rivals. The hard treat
ment which they received in prison and the unhealthy climate
soon swept them off, and only four of them — three sailors and
a chaplain- — returned, in 1526, in a Portuguese ship, to their
native land.
The Victoria, which quitted Tidor on the i8th of December,
1 521, had a happier fate. On it there were forty-seven
Spaniards and thirteen natives, principally prisoners who had
been captured in the Malay boats. The captain was Juan
Sebastian Elcano ; the helmsman, Francisco Albo. The
pilots, who were taken from Tidor, conducted the ship first
towards the south, .until it had passed out of the Sunda Sea
by the island of Timor into the open Indian Ocean. They
then steered directly to the west, and after a prosperous voy
age of three months, reached the south point of Africa.
Violent contrary winds, however, hindered them from passing
the Cape, and even after they had entered the Atlantic Ocean
the patience of the crew was severely tried by continued bad
weather, Their number was reduced by hunger and sickness
to thirty, and these were so enfeebled that they stopped at
St. Jago, in the Cape Verde Islands, to recruit.
As they artfully ga\e out that they had come from
America, and were part of a fleet sailing to Hispaniola that had

Fernam de Magalhaens. 261
been driven out of its course by a storm, they met with a very
friendly reception from the Portuguese colonists. They did not,
however, exercise the caution necessary, and the latter soon
found out the truth. The Governor of the town immediately
acted according to the orders which King Emanuel had issued
for all Portuguese colonies in case at any time they should be
visited by people circumnavigating the globe. He seized
a boat, and took the thirteen men that were in it prisoners, at
the same time arming the ships lying in the harbour in order
to overpower the Trinidad. But the- watchful Elcano had
carefully observed the movements on the shore, and without
troubHng himself about the fate of the prisoners, sailed away
with all speed.
At last on the 6th of September, 1522, the ship reached the
Spanish coast, and ran into the harbour of San Lucar de
Barrameda, which it had left almost three years before. Of
the sixty that had then manned it only thirteen returned, and
they were utterly exhausted both in body and mind. They
had long been given up as lost, and their return was looked
upon as a miracle. They themselves considered it so, and
immediately after their landing, true to the vow which they
had made in the day of their distress, went barefooted and
bareheaded in a solemn procession to the church Santa Maria
del Antigua to offer their thanks to Heaven for their wonderful
deliverance. The whole learned world was deeply interested
in the successful accomplishment of the great undertaking of
circumnavigating the globe. The most important result, with
the exception of the discovery of the great ocean, was the
curious fact that the voyagers had lost a whole day on their
way. Many thought this an oversight, but the astronomer
Contarini immediately showed that this was the natural con
sequence of their circuit from east to west, whereby they had
accompanied the sun, and that in the same way the opposite
movement from west to east would bring the gain of a day.

262 A Century of Discovery.
It was also thought a great thing that by this first circum
navigation of the globe a palpable proof of the spherical
form of the earth was given.
The Emperor Charles summoned the bold sailors to his
court at Valladolid, and there heard with the greatest interest
their wonderful story. He rewarded each with a pension, and
to Elcano he granted also a significant coat of arms, on which
were displayed in a field of gold nutmegs and cloves, and a
globe with the inscription, " Primus circumdedisti me."
But he had no intention of neglecting the political con
sequences of the expedition, the discovery of a western route
to India and the seizure of the Moluccas. He fitted out a
new squadron of seven sail, which left Seville on the 24th of
July, 1525, in order to take the new way to the Spice Islands.
The commander was Garcia de Loaysa, but under him Elcano
again took part in the expedition. In making for the
Straits of Magellan, one of the ships strayed to the south
point of Tierra del Fuego, which was afterwards called Cape
Horn. Of all the ships only the Admiral's, with a crew
that had been sadly lessened by sickness, reached Tidor on
the 31st of December, 1526, where the Spaniards established
themselves and engaged in hot struggles with the Portuguese,
who had built a fort at Ternate. A ship despatched to their aid
by Cortes from Mexico, and which anchored at Tidor in 1528,
was most welcome. But internal discord crippled the under
takings of the Spaniards. In 1529 Tidor was betrayed into
the hands of the Portuguese, and the few Spaniards who
survived were obliged according to the treaty to retire to
another island. Here the struggle continued until the news
ofthe treaty of 1529, by which the Moluccas were conceded
to the Portuguese, reached them. There were only seventeen
Spaniards who then (1534) returned home.

CHAPTER VL
HERNANDO CORTES.
While the Spanish ships were traversing the newly-dis
covered ocean, and striving with the Portuguese for their most
valuable possession in the Indian waters, nothing had been left
undone to increase the value of the Antilles. The wealth of
Hispaniola, though by no means inconsiderable — in 1520,
according to some authorities, 100,000 ducats are said to have
flowed into the royal coffers ; according to others, ;£'300,ooo
—was yet not important enough to satisfy the expectations
of the adventurers who streamed into the land, and who
were therefore compelled to support themselves as planters.
Bishop Fonseca, the worthy President of the Council for
Indian Affairs in Seville, did all in his power to encourage the
emigration of industrious and steady colonists. Such received
free passages, were exempted from all taxes with the exception
of the tenth, and the piece of land which they pledged them
selves to cultivate for four years then became their own
property. Only metals, jewels, and dyes the Crown reserved
to itself, and it made special arrangements with certain dis
tinguished persons for the procuring of thes^ Upon all other
productions of the island it only placed a moderate duty.
But favourable as everything was to the emigration of an
industrious labouring class, there were few adventurers who
were inclined for a life of quiet work. A spirit of feverish
restlessness had come over the whole of Spain and had
penetrated to the very lowest stratum. With a greed for the
treasures of the New World was united a knightly joy in the

264 A Century of Discovery.
stirring and romantic dangers — a joy which had first beem
inspired by the wars with the Arabs, and which now could be
satisfied in that land of wonders on the other side of the
ocean. And, lastly, there^as added to this the pious delusion
that in fighting with, and indeed destroying, the heathen
natives, the Spaniards were executing a work useful to the
Church and well pleasing to God. A longing for wealth and
the easy enjoyment of life, the desire for unheard-of adven
tures, and a fanatical missionary zeal are the striking charac
teristics of the thousands and tens of thousands who in a few
years flocked into America. Only a few of them returned
with anything like wealth to their native country ; the ma
jority found their death in some foolhardy enterprise ; while
many returned home beggars and infirm, having wasted their
quickly-gained wealth in play and dissipation. The lives of
these fortune-hunters oscillated between the greatest extremes ;
to-day they were the possessors of rich plantations, lords of
hundreds of brown slaves — all subject to every wish of their
masters, and the objects of every kind of inhumanity — drunkards,
and gluttons — men are even said at their feasts to have placed on
their tables gold-dust instead of salt; to-morrow they were poor,.
in debt, in jail, threatened with lawsuits. But it was exactly
men like these, reduced by misfortune and their own wicked
ness, that were always ready to engage in the most adventur
ous undertakings, and to follow the brave leader who could
promise them deprivations, struggles, and adventures, and as
their reward, riches and unbridled enjoyment. Thus Hispa
niola was the starting-point of numerous expeditions which
gradually covered the coasts and islands of Central America
with Spanish colonies.
Under thegovernorshipofNicholasde Ovando, Hernan Ponce,.
who from the place of his birth was called de Leon, had colo
nised the island of Porto Rico, and after a bloody struggle
had subdued the natives. The gold of the island — though it

Hernando Cortes. 265,
quickly proved to be not very great in quantity — and its
fruitful plains, allured many Spanish settlers to it, while the
natives rapidly died out. For the same reasons the coasts of
Cuba, the insular nature of which was at last firmly estab
lished, was quickly covered with Spanish settlements, as soon
as the knight Diego Velasquez (15 11), with the consent of
the Governor, Diego Columbus, had begun the colonisation of
the island. Here the opposition of the Indians was but
weak, and ended with the capture and execution of their
leader, the Cacique Hatuey.
When Diego Columbus had victoriously established his
claim to the governorship of Porto Rico, the conqueror, Hernan
Ponce de Leon (15 13), left the island, in order to procure for
himself a new governorship in some of the yet undiscovered
lands. The report of a wonderful medicinal spring in the
land of Bimini which made the old young again made him
direct his course towards the north-west. He discovered on
this voyage a country to which he gave the name of Florida,
but he did not find the wonderful spring, neither did he
succeed in forming a settlement on the peninsula, both coasts
of which he visited, because the warlike Indians opposed
most vehemently every attempt to land.
On his return the Bahama Islands and the little groups off
the coast of Florida were more thoroughly explored, but the
whole expedition did not fulfil the hopes of Hernan Ponce.
This want of success did not, however, discourage him. In the
year 15 15, by personally conducting his affairs in Castile, he
obtained the appointment of Adelantado of Bimini, and in
1520 he sailed from Porto Rico with a stately squadron to
found a settlement in Florida. This time the expedition was
even more disastrous. A number of the Spaniards fell in
battle with the Indians, and the rest Hernan Ponce was obliged
to take back to Porto Rico, himself suffering from a wound
which soon afterwards proved fatal.

266 A Century of Discovery.
Just as Porto Rico was the starting-place of expeditions
intended for the north, Cuba was the point of departure for
the unknown west. The immediate object of these expedi
tions was the slave trade, and it first led the Spanish sailors
to the little islands in Honduras Bay. On the ist of March,
15 17, Hernandez de Cordova found himself opposite an un
known promontory. Cape Catoche (21 degrees north latitude),
where the Spaniards first met traces of high civilisation.
Populous towns with white houses, above which arose
stately towers and mighty temples, with a stirring population,
decently clothed and skilled in all kinds of arts and manu
factures — this was a sight quite new and entirely unexpected
by the Spaniards, who until now had only met with the naked
-children of nature. As far as Cordova continued his voyage
along the coast to the west the same sight met his eyes, and
in Compeche he learnt to know the superior gallantry of the
natives and their skill in war, being forced by them after con
siderable loss to return to the ships. He left the coast,
called by the natives Maya, but to which, mistaking a reply
received from its inhabitants, Cordova gave the name of Yu
catan. He returned by Florida to Cuba, where he soon after
died. But the surprising information which he brought with
him awoke in the Governor, Velasquez, the desire for dis
covery. Out of his own means he fitted out a squadron of
four ships to obtain exact information about the newly-dis
covered lands, and gave the command to his nephew, the
upright Juan de Grijalva.
On the 1st of May, 15 18, he discovered south of Cape Ca
toche the important Island of Cozumel, with a surprisingly
large number of temples, and after rounding the cape he
proceeded along the whole north coast of Yucatan without
entering into friendly intercourse with the natives until he
reached the river Tabasco, the boundary of the great king
dom of Mexico, the size and importance of which was not

Hernando Cortes. 267
known to the Spaniards. The coast then turned towards the
north-west, and Grijalva followed it to a group of little islands
which, from their bloody altars, received the name of Isla de
Los Sacrificios.
The coast of the mainland, where the town of Vera Cruz
now stands, was then called Ulua, and was thickly peopled.
Here Grijalva succeeded in opening a friendly communication
with the natives and their rulers, and for some unimportant
trifles obtained great treasures of skilfully worked gold.
Faithful to the directions received from Velasquez, Grijalva
withstood the wish of his sailors to establish a settlement in
Ulao, and contented himself with despatching a ship, under
the subsequently famous Pedro de Alvarado, with the treasures
and important news to Cuba. He himself for a time continued
his voyage along the coast, which bent towards the north,
turning round at last at the mouth of the river Panuco
(22 degrees north latitude). The gap which was still left
between the utmost point of Grijalva's discoveries and the
west coast of Florida, traversed by Ponce de Leon, was filled
up in 15 19 by Francisco de Garay, the assistant-governor of
Jamaica. The squadron sent out by him explored the whole
north coast of the Gulf of Mexico, and thus made clear that
the two peninsulas of Florida and Yucatan belonged to one
and the same continent This was the last link in the long
chain of Central American discoveries.
When Grijalva, on the 30th of September, 15 18, landed in
Havannah he was much surprised to receive a cool reception
from the Governor Velasquez. The capricious man blamed
him for having faithfully carried out his orders, and resisted
the proposal to found a colony. Immediately after Alvarado's
arrival he had begun preparations, and passing over Grijalva,
appointed another to the command of the undertaking. This
was a man exceptionally fitted to overcome the unheard-of
difficulties of his task and to carry it through in a brilliant

268 A Century of Discovery.
manner, but one whom Velasquez certainly would never have
chosen if he had fully known his aspiring and independent
spirit Hernando Cortes was born of a good family in the year
1485, at Medellin, in the province of Estremadura. He was
designed by his father, a captain of the Spanish army, for a
lawyer. He received a good education, and to complete his
studies was sent to the University of Salamanca. But after
two years, which the fiery youth spent in dissipation and
riot, his parents saw that it would be impossible to make a
lawyer of him, and let him follow the bent of his adventurous
mind. So in 1504 he embarked for the New World, and
after a very dangerous voyage landed at Hispaniola, where
Ovando granted him a considerable repartimento (piece of
land and the compulsory service of some Indians), and ap
pointed him notary of the new town of Azua.
Some years passed away in the pleasant enjoyment of his.
possession, and the monotony of his life he varied by many
affairs of honour and by the share which he took in the
struggles with the Indians. In this way he became acquainted
with Velasquez, whom he accompanied to Cuba in 15 11. At
first a favourite of the new Governor, he subsequently be
came hostile to him and headed a conspiracy to obtain
the deposition of Velasquez. But Velasquez was on his
guard and got possession of the person of Cortes. He is said
even to have intended to have him executed, and was only
deterred by the urgent entreaties of some important persons.
After a time Cortes gave up his hostile designs against the
Governor, and in order to evince his change of mind mar
ried the beautiful Catalina Xuarez, from Granada, who was
under the protection of Velasquez. The reconciliation was a
durable one. Cortes lived almost exclusively on the large
estate granted to him near the harbour of St Jago, in which
he was invested with the dignity of Alcalde, and all the rest-

Hernando Cortes. 269
less and ambitious wishes of his soul appeared to slumber.
Then came Alvarado's news of the wonderful discoveries of
Grijalva, and immediately all Cortes's love of adventure
awoke. By the mediation of good friends he procured from Velas
quez the command of the expedition that was projected, and
at once became unweariedly active in endeavouring to com
plete the preparation of his squadron, upon which he spent
his whole wealth, and indeed plunged deeply into debt. But
his hopes were almost shattered at the last moment. Doubts
had arisen in the mind of Velasquez concerning the faithful
ness of his former antagonist, and he meditated placing a
more reliable person in command. Cortes no sooner sus
pected the design than with his half-completed squadron he
immediately left the harbour of St. Jago (on the i8th Novem
ber, 15 18). In other harbours of the island he made up what
was wanting, and in spite of the hurry of the preparations he
completed everything with care and exactness, superintending
all himself to the minutest detail. In spite of the prohibition
ofthe irritated Governor the best soldiers joined the force of
the rebel general, in whose energy and skill all placed the
greatest confidence, and when he mustered his forces at the
west point of Cuba, Cape St. Antonio, he found himself in
command of eleven ships, no sailors, 503 soldiers, and 200
Indian servants.
The management of the ships was entrusted to Anton de
Alaminos, who had accompanied Columbus, Cordova, and
Grijalva. His chief strength lay in artillery, which consisted
of ten heavy and four light cannon, and in a cavalry force of
sixteen horse, which had been obtained at great expense,
but proved afterwards of the greatest service. Full of confi
dence, Cortes weighed anchor on February, i8th, 15 19, and
proceeded with his little force to the conquest of a powerful
empire, which counted its subjects by millions.

270 A Century of Discovery.
In the centre of this kingdom lay the country of Anahuac,
consisting of a large portion of the high tableland, which
rises 7000 feet above the Atlantic Ocean. This territory had
been in early times the seat of a people of high development
— the Toltecs — who, from some unexplained cause, had en
tirely vanished, leaving as the only proofs of their existence
the ruins of some venerable temples. New tribes poured into
the empty land from the north — the savage Chichemecs,
the more developed Acolhuans, and the warlike Aztecs. The
second tribe built their capital, Tezcuco, on the east shore of
the lake which lies in the middle of the high land, while the
Aztecs found a site for their chief town in the lake itself —
Tenochtitlan being built on piles in the marshy ground like a
second Venice, and being only accessible from the shore by
narrow causeways. Soon after the building of the town, which
must have taken place about 1325, the two nations concluded
an alliance offensive and defensive ; but the warlike Aztecs^
proceeded from conquest to conquest, and soon ruled both in
the tablelands and also on the sultry shores of the two oceans.
The town of Tezcuco remained small, and its citizens sought
their glory in peaceful acquisitions, by which their more power
ful neighbours and allies profited. Both the states were king
doms, the King being chosen by four electors from the brothers
or nephews of his predecessor. His power was almost un
limited, his person sacred, and he was honoured almost as a
god. But next to him was an aristocracy, with great landed
possessions and a certain legal influence in the government
The rest of the population was divided into freemen and slaves.
The chief occupation of every Aztec was war, to which he was
brought up from his youth. A warlike disposition and an ex
aggerated sense of honour was cherished by the distinctions
accorded to the brave ; and even the highly influential priestly
order did their utmost to preserve uninjured the warlike ten
dencies of the national character.

Hernando Cortes. 271
The religious opinions of the Aztecs offer a strange mixture
of lofty simplicity and gloomy superstition, of mild worship
and bloody sacrifices ; possibly the brighter side should be
attributed to the old Toltecs, and the gloomy and savage to
the natural disposition of the Aztecs. Besides one chief god,
creator of the world, they acknowledged several hundred lesser
gods, who were represented by ugly images. Amongst these,
those who possessed most influence over the nation were the
bloodthirsty god of slaughter, Huitzilopotchli — whose name
the Spaniards changed into Vitzliputzli — and the god of war,
Mexitli, the chief town, and afterwards the whole land, being
named after his temple. In fearful contrast to the cheerful
feasts, to the processions of women and children in honour of
the mild deities, were the horrible human sacrifices offered to
the god of slaughter. The unhappy victim was stretched alive
upon the altar, and the chief priest, with a skilful hand, opened
the breast and tore out the throbbing heart. In every town
of the kingdom rose temples to Huitzilopotchli, and the num
ber of human beings offered to him annually in the whole
kingdom of the Aztecs is estimated at the lowest calculation
as 20,000, while on special occasions, such as an accession or
the dedication of a temple, it probably reached twice or three
times that number.
Most of these victims were prisoners taken in war ; and in
order that there might be a sufficient number to offer, the
Aztecs, who in battle always strove to make prisoners
rather than to slay, annexed to their kingdoip certain pro
vinces—as, for example, Tlascala— in order in their ceaseless
wars to have undisturbed territories in which to attend to
their altars and sacrifices. What rendered the whole matter
more revolting and horrible, was the custom of the priests to
give back the body of the victim to the warrior who had
taken him in battle, in order that he might feast on it with
his friends. And this was no savage meal of hungry can-

272 A Century of Discovery.
nibals, but a banquet in which costly beverages and all kinds
of dainty dishes were served up in golden vessels, and at which
all the guests conducted themselves according to the rules
of good manners. "Surely never," says Prescott, "were re
finement and the extreme of barbarism brought so closely in
contact with each other."
But this revolting picture must not make us blind to the
extraordinary achievements of the Aztecs in almost every
department of social life. Their well-cultivated land was
covered with numerous towns built of stone. Among the
public buildings the most remarkable were the temples,
teocalli, consisting of immense flattened pyramids of earth,
upon which were high towers. Well-kept roads united the
towns, between which there was the liveliest traffic. For
money were used quills full of gold-dust, pieces of lead, and
cocoa-beans. The knowledge of the Aztecs in astronomy was
not inconsiderable, their temples were adorned with sculptures,
and, written in hieroglyphics, they possessed songs celebrating
the deeds of their heroes, and also a history of their country.
Unfortunately, only a few of these valuable monuments
have been saved from the fanatical wrath of the Spanish
priests. With consummate skill the Aztecs made entire pictures
from the down of humming-birds, and manufactured splendid
garments and quilts out of feathers. The administration of
the great kingdom was ordered to the minutest detail. The
governors of provinces had to send to the capital by runners,
who were relieved from station to station, reports of every im
portant event in their jurisdiction, and in a few days received
answers and commands by the same means. There were
garrisons in most of the important towns, and there were
special arrangements by which the militia of the whole king
dom could be drawn together at the shortest notice. For
armour the Aztec w arriors wore coats of quilted cotton, and
the nobles had also breastplates of thin silver and magnificent

Hernando Cortes. 273
garments of feathers. Their weapons were, besides slings,
.arrows and lances, the points of which, however, were not
made of iron but of brass.
But the hour of destruction struck for this wonderful and
¦singular civilisation when the Spaniards under Cortes landed
on their coast After its departure from Cape St. Antonio,
the fleet steered first for the island of Cozumel, where the
pious zeal ofthe Spaniards displayed itself by destroying the
idols and obliging the people to submit to baptism. A more
important event, however, was the adhesion of a man who
made himself particularly useful as interpreter and adviser.
¦Geronimo de Aguilar was a Spanish priest who had been ap
pointed to the colony in Darien, and through shipwreck had
teen obliged to spend many years in Yucatan, where he had
become perfectly familiar with the customs and speech of
Maya. It was only on the payment of a considerable sum
that the Cacique, to whose house he belonged, would consent
to the departure of Aguilar, v/ho, full of ardent gratitude,
attached himself to his deliverer, Cortes. The expedition met
with a new interruption in Tabasco. Here, where Grijalva
had been received so hospitably, Cortes was treated in a most
hostile manner, a change of feeling that was caused by the
vehement reproaches with which the Tabascans had been
overwhelmed by all their neighbours for their friendly re
ception of the strangers.
Cortes prepared for hostilities, and twice gave battle to
the Indians, capturing and occupying their City. But the
courage and pertinacity which the Indians opposed to the
superiority of European arms excited the admiration of the
Spaniards. Peace was made and an alliance concluded, and
presents were exchanged. Among the twenty slaves whom
the Cacique of Tabasco presented to Cortes there was one
whose influence tended greatly to the successful issue of the
¦enterprise. Marina, as the Spaniards called her, was the
18

2 74 A Century of Discovery.
daughter of one of the principal Caciques in Anahuac, and
had been sold by her heartless mother into slavery in Yu
catan. She was therefore able to translate the language of
the Aztecs into the Maya tongue, from which Aguilar could
translate it into Spanish. Her beauty and rare gifts of mind
enchained Cortes, and the Indian, through passionate love to
the great adventurer, espoused his cause against her father
land. She was soon able to speak Spanish, and rendered
essential service to the Spaniard.s, who escaped many serious
dangers by following her counsel. Thus her name is closely
united to that of Cortes, and is still mentioned with honour
in the land of Mexico.
On the 20th of April, 15 19, the little fleet anchored op
posite the island of San Juan de Ulua, where now Vera Cruz-
stands. With the friendly assistance of the inhabitants, they
soon encamped, and learned that they were in the kingdom of
the mighty Montezuma, and that Teotlili, the Governor of the
province, dwelt near. He soon made his appearance with a
great train, greeted the strangers with much courtesy, offered
them presents, and inquired the reason of their visit. Cortes
declared himself the ambassador of a mighty Prince on the
other side of the sea, and asked for a personal audience of
the Emperor Montezuma, at the same time offering presents.
Teotlili promised to present the request, and accordingly sent
it immediately to Tenochtitlan, together with pictures of the
wonderful strangers.
Montezuma had been King of Anahuac since 1502. Be
longing to the priestly class, he had given before his election
many proofs of his bravery and warlike skill, and the altars of
the god of slaughter had never bled with more numerous offer
ings than during his reign. But, in spite of many beneficent in
stitutions, he had not been able to retain the love of his sub
jects ; his ostentatious manner of living and his arrogance had
estranged from him the minds of the people in his capital,.

Hernando Cortes. 275
while those in the provinces were embittered by the increas
ing pressure of an excessive taxation. The news of the land
ing of the Europeans made the deepest impression upon him.
It reminded him of an old saying, according to which Quet-
zalcoatl, the god of the air, and the great benefactor of
Anahuac, exiled by the hatred of the other gods, had em
barked from the shores of the Atlantic, promising to return,
with his descendants, after the lapse of centuries, when a
good time would begin for the whole of Anahuac. The
Aztecs faithfully looked for the return of this benevolent
god, and had exactly at that period discovered different ap
pearances in the heavens which they took for signs of the
approach of the happy event. Just then landed on the
Atlantic shores from a great ship men who, from the white
colour of their skins, from their curly hair and long flowing
beards, resembled the pictures of the expected god ; and they
bore thunder and lightning with them. Were they the pro
mised descendants of Quetzalcoatl .? Was he himself among
them ? These questions occupied the minds not only of the
lower people, but also of the pious Emperor ; and they gave
to his intercourse with the perplexing strangers a character of
indecision which Cortes well knew how to take advantage of
So the remarkable tradition contributed much to the Spanish
conquest. After long consideration Montezuma chose the most ill-
judged course. He offered the Spaniards presents of immense
worth, but at the same time forbade them to come to the capital,
and bade them leave the kingdom. Of course, the more the
boundless wealth of the land was displayed before the greedy
eyes of the Spaniards the less was it to be expected that they
would do this, and therefore Cortes replied that he could not
think of returning to his own land until he had delivered the
messages of his King personally to Montezuma. Then there
followed a new report to Tenochtitlan, and then came more
18—2

276 A Century of Discovery.
presents and an answer like the first. But when the Spaniards
made no preparations to evacuate the land, and indeed said
that they had come to induce the Aztecs to exchange their
shameful idolatry for the worship of the one true God, the
native dignitaries withdrew and broke off all intercourse with
the foreigners. At the same time the natives received a com
mand to cease providing the strangers with food.
At this opportune moment, the explorer whom Cortes had
despatched returned with the information that they had
found a spot farther to the north much better suited for an en
campment. Thither Cortes determined to remove, but he
first prevailed upon the army to constitute itself a colony
and to appoint its own magistrates. Before these Cortes
appeared with every mark of respect and solemnly renounced
the powers which he had received from Velasquez. As was to
be foreseen these new magistrates begged him to retain the
offices of Captain and Justicia Mayor, and to govern the
colony that was to be founded in the name of the King of
Spain. By this prearranged comedy Cortes made himself
completely independent of the Governor of Cuba, and hence
forth derived his power from the choice of the colonists.
Nothing was wanting but the ratification of the King to make
him equal with Velasquez. The Spaniards now left the desert
in which they had hitherto been encamped and marched
northwards through a garden-like region, while the fleet sailed
along the coast. On the way Cortes and his army paid their
promised visit to Cempoalla, the cacique of the capital of
Totonakis. They found a flourishing well-built town of some
20,000 inhabitants, and in it met with a friendly reception.
Very soon the sharp eye of Cortes discovered that the Toto
nakis, , recently subdued by the Aztecs, were discontented
^I'ith their go\ernment, and might become valuable allies in
the struggle that laj' before him. In answer to his inquiries,

Hernando Cortes. 277
after some reserve, the cacique broke out into violent com
plaints of the oppression of Montezuma, and was evidently
pleased at his promise to protect him from all injustice. He
accompanied the Spaniards to a town but a few miles distant,
named Chiahuitzla, close to which lay the ground for the new
settlement, which received the name of Villa Rica de la Vera
Cruz. Suddenly there appeared five Aztec nobles to demand
the usual tribute from the Totonakis. The presence of the
Spaniards and the friendly terms on which they were with the
natives excited their anger and they threatened them with
severe punishment. Then there arose a disturbance, probably
at Cortes's instigation, and the ambassadors were made
prisoners and given up to the Spaniards. Thus a thorough
breach was made with the Aztecs, and the Totonakis found
themselves dependent on the protection of the Spaniards.
Exceedingly pleased at this event, Cortes sought now to ward
off the danger on the other side. He treated the captive
Aztecs with peculiar gentleness, and allowed them secretly
to escape. The clever though double policy of Cortes was
perfectly successful. Montezuma, who at the first news ol
the insurrection had given way to the wildest anger, was ap
peased by the report of the ambassadors.
There soon appeared in the Spanish camp a new embassy
with costly presents, as thanks for the mild treatment of the
captives. At the same time Montezuma announced that, out
of respect to Cortes, he would defer the severe punishment of
the rebellious Totonakis until after his departure, which must
now soon take place. Cortes received the presents with
thanks, and answered that the visit which he intended to pay
to the Emperor in Tenochtitlan would no doubt remove all
misunderstanding between them— an answer which evidently
caused annoyance to the Aztec ambassadors.
Meanwhile the new town grew and promised to form a
useful point whence to look for support in all future under-

278 A Century of Discovery.
takings. The people in authority were active, and the garri
son that was to remain behind, under the command of the
trustworthy Juan de Escalante, was soon chosen. But before
he started, Cortes wished to have done everything possible to
give his power weight He therefore sent a ship under the
conduct of Alaminos to Spain, in order to petition King
Charles to approve of all that he had already done and to
ratify his appointment to the office of governor. In order to
secure a favourable hearing, Cortes added his own share to the
royal fifth of the spoil, and as at his instigation every one did
the same, the whole treasure that had been collected was
shipped off for the royal treasury. Certainly a most striking
proof of the influence which he exercised over the minds of
his soldiers.
Drawing together the army for the march to Cempoalla
he gave the celebrated order to destroy the fleet that lay
before Vera Cruz. The unsuitableness of the ships was
merely an excuse, Cortes really wished by this measure to
take away every hope of returning to Cuba in case of mis
haps, and of compelling his followers to place their trust en
tirely in their own bravery and the wisdom of their leader
At first indeed there was a threatening of mutiny, but when
Cortes appeared among the conspirators and placed before
them his reasons, they all cheered him and demanded to be
led to Mexico. After the Totonakis had been induced by
means both of constraint and persuasion to give up the
bloody service of their gods and come over to Christianity in
masses, nothing in the interior could stand against them.
Cortes set out on the i6th of August, 15 19. His army
consisted of 400 infantry, 15 horse-soldiers and pieces of ar
tillery, and he was accompanied by 1300 Totonakis and 1000
burden-bearers. He also took with him forty of the principal
persons from Cempoalla as hostages and guides. Their way
led them through the woods of the Tierra Caliente. After a

Hernando Cortes. 279
gentle ascent they reached on the second day the town Xa-
lapa, and then saw before them the rugged range of moun
tains, with its snowy peaks, which yet remained to be climbed.
With difficulty the army wound its way up the passes, suffer
ing much from the alteration in climate, which changed from
unbearable heat to cold rain and snow. When the height of
7000 feet was reached the scenery became more agreeable.
Hills and low ranges of mountains alternated with green
woody valleys and well-cultivated plains. The chmate was
refreshing. Passing through several towns, which received them more
or less hospitably — none, however, opposing them — the army
approached the borders of the little state of Tlascala, which
for several hundred years had successfully defended its liberty
•against the encroachments of the Aztecs, by whom it was
surrounded. Almost overcome by numbers, cut off from all
the necessaries of life — for half a century they had been de
prived of cocoa, cotton, and salt — they still obstinately refused
to submit to their mighty neighbours, against whom they
entertained an invincible hatred. They were a stalwart agri
cultural people, earning their bread by the sweat of their
brow from the soil of their little fatherland, and unceasing
wars had rendered them remarkable for their power of self-
control. Their speech and manners resembled those of the
Aztecs, but were ruder and less developed. Their little state
was not a monarchy, but was divided into four orders, depen
dent upon one another. The unity of the whole was main
tained by means of a great council which decided all the
most important matters, and in which the heads of the four
¦orders played the chief part.
To this council Cortes sent forward some Totonakis to
•ask liberty to march through the country, and to invite the
people to join him in his attack against their old enemy the
Aztecs. But contrary to all expectation, in the council a

28o A Century of Discovery.
feeling of mistrust prevailed with regard to the strangers, who*
were reproached with having cast down the gods of the people,
and it was decided to oppose them. The young general Xi-
cotencatl was accordingly instructed to open the war with the
Spaniards, who had already passed the great wall which
formed the east border of Tlascala. Thereupon began a
struggle more obstinate than the Spaniards had hitherto ex
perienced in America.
It was only after the utmost exertions and considerable
loss that they succeeded in forcing their way through a rocky
pass. Then the enemy yielded to the cavalry and formidable
artillery, and retreated in perfect order. Cortes established
himself cautiously at the mouth of the pass, and after some
days accepted a second battle offered him in the open field
by the great army of the Tlascalans, numbering full 50,ooo^ •
men. The shock of these masses was fearful, and had it not
been for the destructive effect of the artillery upon the thick
ranks of the enemy the little handful of Spaniards would
certainly have been overwhelmed. The struggle lasted for
four hours, and only after repeated assaults did the enemy
beat a retreat, in which Cortes left them unmolested. He
returned to his secure position, and awaited the result of a
second embassy which he despatched to the council.
But it was not until after the failure of a night attack that
the overtures of the Spanish general were accepted. At last
peace was brought about. On September 23rd followed the
public entry into the town. The strangers were received as
welcome guests, and by a warm response endeavoured to
show that all hostility was banished from their minds. Tlas
cala acknowledged the supremacy of the Spanish King, and
promised to support Cortes in his march against Tenochtitlan.
Cortes, at the advice of the sagacious Father Bartolome
de Olmedo, desisted from his endeavour to introduce Chris
tianity, fearing to shake a friendship of such recent date.

Hernando Cortes. 281
During their stay at Tlascala a new embassy appeared from
Montezuma. He had at first witnessed with pleasure the
march of Cortes against Tlascala, hoping that the sturdy
mountaineers, who had so gallantly resisted the Aztecs, would
overcome the strangers. But the nev/s of the victories of the
Spaniards and their alliance with the Tlascalans had changed
this joy into dismay, and this time the messengers brought a
very warm invitation to Tenochtitlan. This sudden change
of mind, with the earnest request to come by Cholula, together
with the warnings of the rough Tlascalans, excited Cortes's
suspicions. But he contrived to conceal them, and in spite
of all the counsels of the Tlascalans, who sent with him 6000
soldiers, began his march to Cholula.
This town in the eyes of all the inhabitants of Anahuac
was peculiarly sacred ; there Quetzalcoatl had reigned bene
ficently ; there stood his famous sanctuary, the most gigantic
teocalli of the whole land ; there, in over 200 temples, were
more than 6000 men yearly offered up to the bloody Aztec
gods. The inhabitants of the town, numbering about 150,000,
had the reputation of being very highly educated, wanting in
courage, but not, as the Tlascalans asserted, in cunning and
deceit The Spaniards, who were very warmly received, were as
tonished at the order and cleanliness of the streets, in which
the traffic was very great. They were quartered in the court
yard of a large temple and abundantly supplied, while their
Tlascalan allies, not to arouse any'hostile feeling, had formed
a camp outside the town.
But after a few days the conduct of the Cholulans changed
and manifested coldness and dislike. Suspicion again
awoke in Cortes's mind, but all inquiries were vain, until
Marina, who had insinuated herself into the confidence of a.
cacique's wife, solved the riddle. She discovered a fearful
conspiracy against the Spaniards, who on their departure

¦282 A Century of Discovery.
were to be attacked and cut off in the streets. Already all
kinds of missiles had been collected on the flat roofs, the side
streets had been stopped by ditches and stakes, and an army
of 20,000 Aztecs had been drawn together before the town,
who were to advance at the first signal. Such were the
orders of Montezuma.
Cortes, who at first was utterly perplexed at so great a
danger, soon recovered his presence of mind, and determined
to forestall the treacherous act by a fearful blow. Under the
pretext of immediate departure he collected several thousand
of the bravest Cholulans in the court of the temple in which
he was living, and had them all cut down at a given sign.
Then began a desperate attack of the people on the Spaniards,
who made sorties and drove back the raging crowd. When
the Tlascalans, according to agreement, forced their way into
the town and fell upon the enemy in the rear, the victory was
decided. Slaughter and rapine swept the beautiful city ; some
of the streets and the most important temples, in which the
Cholulans desperately defended themselves, were set on fire,
and it seemed likely that the whole city would be destroyed,
when Cortes caused the battle to cease and offered the van
quished mercy. Order was soon restored, but Cholula had
for ever lost its splendour.
This bloody act spread far and wide terror and supersti
tious fear of the strangers, who were not only invincible in
battle, but could be injured by no treacherous deceit. Mon
tezuma trembled on his throne. He sent again an embassy
to the Spanish camp with rich presents, and he asserted his
innocence of the treachery : the troops had been only as
sembled to suppress an insurrection ; and as for the treache
rous Cholulans, they had only got their deserts. Cortes ap
peared to believe in Montezuma's innocence and started for
Tenochtitlan. The nearer they came to the seat of the Em
peror the more carefully did they take every precautionary

Hernando Cortes. 283
measure. They did not rela.x; their caution for a moment,
but marched in perfect readiness for battle.
At last the heights were reached from which opened upon
them the beautiful view of the lakes of Mexico. With de
lighted astonishment the travellers saw at their feet the
glittering sheets of waters, with innumerable white towns and
villages lying on their shores, and in the centre the stately
imperial city with its imposing palaces and pointed temples.
Above it rose the lofty mountain of Chapoltepec with its
strongly fortified castle. All around stretched wide plains of
garden and arable land, interspersed with oak and cedar
woods, which grew thicker away from the city up the beau
tiful slopes of the hills.
"And even now," says Prescott, "when so sad a change
has come over the scene ; when the stately forests have been
laid low, and the soil, unsheltered from the fierce radiance of
the tropic sun, is in many places abandoned to sterility ; when
the waters have retired, leaving a broad and ghastly margin
white with incrustation of salts ; while the cities and hamlets
on their borders have mouldered into ruins, — -even now that
desolation broods over the landscape, so indestructible are
the hnes of beauty which nature has traced on its features,
that no traveller, however cold, can gaze on them with any
other emotions than those of astonishment and rapture."
The admiration, however, excited in the minds of the
Spanish soldiers soon yielded to fear at the thought of the
disproportion between their small force and the countless
numbers of this brave and powerful people, whose beautiful
home they had come in insolent confidence to conquer, and it
needed all the forcible eloquence of their leader to reassure
their fainting courage. With redoubled caution, by slow
marches they descended into the populous plain, whose inha
bitants, full of curiosity but in no hostile spirit, crowded to
see the strangers. Once more came messengers from Monte-

284 A Century of Discovery.
zuma, showing that the superstitious Emperor was at an end
of all his resources, and begged them, earnestly not to enter
ithe capital, and promised in return for this concession to give
the general and his captains enormous sums of gold, and to
pay a yearly tribute to their King.
Thus, tortured by blind fear, did the Prince of a mighty em
pire humble himself before a handful of adventurers, not having
yet tried the strength of the forces at his command. Truly the
superstition and weakness of Montezuma were the best allies
of the bold Spaniard, who without them had scarcely suc
ceeded in his rash enterprise. Of course Cortes, with the un
moved composure which had already many titnes stood him
in good stead, insisted upon entering, and Montezuma found '
himself obliged to consent. The Emperor's nephew, Cacama,
King of Tezcuco, appeared to welcome the strangers, and
when the Lake of Chalco was crossed by a great causeway,
Cailkahua, Montezuma's brother, met them and conducted
them to his royal city, Iztapalapa, in the palaces and far-famed
gardens of which they found a splendid reception.
Iztapalapa lay on the shores of the lake, and at the
mouth of the gigantic causeway leading across the lake to
the capital, which appeared to float on the clear waters. From
this point began on November 8th, 15 19, the entty ofthe
Spaniai-ds. For hours the little army marched along the
stupendous causeway, formed of gigantic blocks of stone and
broad enough to allow ten men to ride abreast. Along each
side lay hundreds of boats in which the curious Indians
watched the strange procession. After a long ceremonious
welcome from Aztec chieftains, the Spaniards passed by a
wooden drawbridge into the town, at the entrance of which
the Emperor himself met them. Surrounded by a crowd of
the most illustrious of the land appeared the glittering litter
borne by nobles. Over the head of the sacred person of the
ruler four chiefs bore a canopy formed of brilliant feathers.

MEETING OF CORTES AND MONTEZUMA.

Hernando Cortes. 285
adorned with jewels and mounted in silver Beneath it was
Montezuma, a majestic man of about forty years of age,
slight in figure, and with earnest dignified features.
On arriving near the royal litter Cortes dismounted and
-approached the Prince respectfully, who on his part, supported
by his brother and nephew, rose and advanced some steps to
meet the Spaniard. The strange interview, which one had
tried as hard to avoid as the other had to procure, was short
and formal. Montezuma bade the Spaniard welcome and
promised him a friendly reception, and Cortes returned his
thanks and hung round the Emperor's neck a chain of bright-
coloured cut glass, which was esteemed of value in Mexico.
He was about to embrace Montezuma but was prevented by
those around him, who considered such an act a desecration
-of the imperial majesty. Then Montezuma returned to his
litter over carpets spread by his retinue, that the feet of the
ruler might not be defiled by the earth. All bent low in the
presence of the monarch, and many in the excess of their
reverence fell with their faces on the ground. Slowly the
royal procession departed, while the Spaniards marched with
fiying colours and martial music into the town.
The great street along which the procession passed was
broad and often crossed canals, by which the whole town was
intersected, and upon which a ver}^ large traffic was carried
on by means of flat boats. Thus the markets of the capital
were provided from the surrounding country. The houses
along the street were mostly built of a red stone found
in the neighbourhood, and presented generally a very stately
appearance. All had fiat roofs, which were turned into
fragrant gardens by the numerous flowers growing in pots.
Among the houses of the citizens appeared the great palaces
of the nobles, covering mostly a great space, and enclosing a
a shady court with cooling fountains. Close by were gigantic
temples with their strange pyramid.s, and from the open spaces

286 A Century of Discovery.
could be seen the snowy summits of the neighbouring moun
tains looking down upon the town. The splendid sight was
enlivened by the immense crowds of people surging through
the streets to enjoy the unwonted spectacle, few of whom had
any foreboding of the disastrous future in store for the Aztec
people through these iron-clad strangers. And as these
marched on in exulting pride, the brilliant variety of strange
sights which passed before their eyes made an ineffaceable
impression upon their rough minds.
A gigantic temple of the god of war was appointed for their
residence, and there Montezuma with exquisite courtesy again
appeared to bid them welcome. The prudence of Cortes
soon changed it into a fortres.s, the entrance of which was
covered by the cannon, and his soldiers being forbidden on
pain of death to leave the temple without permission, he
went himself the next morning with a slender retinue to
return the Emperor's visit. The palace to which he was con
ducted consisted of a great number of low stone buildings
spread over a very large space. In the courts played foun
tains of bright water brought in pipes from Mount Chapol
tepec, the whole town being supplied by the same means.
The enormous rooms were lined with carved sweet-smelling
wood, the floors were covered with mats made of palm leaves,
tapestry of feather work adorned the walls. The air was
laden with choice scents, and the Spaniards half-intoxicated
were led from room to room until they found themselves in
the presence of the Emperor, who received them surrounded
by his chief nobles. The conversation which ensued, in
which Cortes immediately set forth the truths ofthe Christian
religion without making any impression on the mind of the
King, is chiefly important for the declaration of Montezuma
that he was ready to acknowledge the supremacy of the King
of Spain — a declaration of which Cortes soon made use
against the Prince. Overwhelmed with presents, the Spaniards

Hernando Cortes. 287
were graciously allowed to depart. The people were very
cordial to their Emperor's guests, letting them saunter unmo
lested through the streets and markets. Cortes in Monte
zuma's company even ascended the famous temple of the
god of slaughter, and enjoyed the wonderful view over the
whole valley of Mexico — a refreshing contrast to the blood
stained ground, the hideous idols and the altar awaiting new
victims. With difficulty Cortes restrained his zeal for the
conversion of the people, knowing it to be in vain. The
Spanish soldiers were allowed to visit in troops the wonders
of the capital — the provisions supplied to them at Monte
zuma's expense were excellent. Yet in spite of all this
anxiety filled the hearts of all, and chiefly of the general.
How could they leave the great city .' By a secret departure
or in open day with the knowledge of the Emperor .' And
was it advisable to leave the city 1 Would it not be giving
up the advantage they had gained, and destroying the prestige
which their success hitherto had won for them ?
Tothese considerations Cortes put an end by a decision which
accorded with his daring nature. He chose the boldest way,
thus putting the finishing stroke to his hitherto uninterrupted
success. He determined to seize as hostage the sacred person
of his host, and thus through the Emperor himself impose
upon the land the Spanish rule. A pretext was soon found
in the conduct of an Aztec chieftain who had attacked the
Spanish garrison of Vera Cruz. Several Spaniards had fallen
in the battle — Escalante himself the comniander of the
fortress, had died of his wounds, and the victorious chief had
aroused the country far and wide against the strangers. For
this Montezuma was to be made responsible. Cortes at an
audience demanded the punishment of this chief and when
Montezuma had consented to this, he requested further that
until the matter was settled the Emperor would remove his
.residence to the palace inhabited by the Spaniards. This

288 A Century of Discovery.
demand excited the Prince to the utmost. " Has anybody
ever heard such a thing," he cried, flaming with anger, " as a
great Prince like me willingly leaving his palace to become a
prisoner in the hands of strangers } And even were I to con
sent to such a humiliation, my subjects would never agree to
it !" All persuasion, all remonstrances were in vain, and the
utmost which Cortes could obtain was a promise from Mon
tezuma to deliver to the Spaniards as hostage one of his
children — a promise which did not satisfy him. Two hours
passed in these fruitless negotiations, when the Knight
Velasquez de Leon exclaimed in wild impatience, " Why do
we waste words on these savages .¦" We have gone too far to
retreat now. Let us seize him, and if he resists cut him down
with our swords."
When the meaning of these threats had been explained by
Marina to the Emperor in answer to his anxious inquiry, all
power of resistance seemed gone. He felt that an irresistible
fate was opposed to him to which he must bend. Deadly
pale he arose, and almost inaudibly declared himself ready to
-follow the Spaniards. His litter was immediately prepared,
and all arrangements made for his removal. When the people
saw their Prince in the midst of the strangers passing to their
residence, a loud outcry arose, and attempts were made to
stop the procession by violence. But Montezuma himself
\interposed. If the Spaniards knew his weakness, his people
¦should not guess his shame, and so he found strength to quiet
the people, and to assure them that he was going of his own
free will to visit the Spaniards. The people immediately dis
persed. This event itself proved how serviceable the instru
ment would be with which Cortes intended to subdue the
land. In the quarters of the Spaniards the unhappy Prince was
received with an ostentatious show of honour The best rooms
were chosen for him, and furnished with the splendour to

Hernando Cortes. 289
which he was accustomed. A numerous court attended him
wherever he went, and in his manner of life there was no
alteration. All affairs of government continued to be con
ducted in his name, and the etiquette by which his sacred
person was protected was rigorously observed by the
Spaniards. Montezuma submitted to his fate without mur
muring. He watched with interest the military exercises of
the Spaniards, spoke to them individually, and gave them all
proofs of his goodwill and generosity. He took a special
liking to some of the Spanish knights, playing at the national
games with them, and by his friendly amiable behaviour won
the affection of his gaolers. For that he was a prisoner he
could not conceal from himself though he sought carefully to
hide it from his Aztecs. A strong Spanish guard was posted
in his anteroom, and admission to his person could be obtained
only through the general. In the meantime Cortes, by Mon
tezuma's commission, examined the captive chieftain and
condemned him to be burnt. The sentence was carried out
on the unhappy man, forsaken by his own master, in the court
of the palace, the imperial arsenals being plundered at Cortes's
command to form the pile, that no weapons might be forth
coming in case of a rising. During the execution Cortes
put the captive Emperor in fetters that he might in this
way, he said, atone for his share in the attack made on the
Spaniards, This unexpected disgrace deprived the unfortunate man of
speech. Bursting into tears he submitted without resistance,
and it was touching to see how tenderly his attendants
held his feet in their arms, trying by soft cloths to mitigate
the pressure of the cold iron. After a short time the chains
¦H^ere removed, but the whole proceeding had broken the
Emperor's proud heart. Cortes thought he had by this time
sufficiently humbled his prisoner, and offered him a free return
to his royal palace, but Montezuma sorrowfully rsfused. How
19

290 A Century of Discovery.
could he after such humiliation return to the throne of his
fathers .' And howwould he be received by the proud nobles who
esteemed before all the glory and greatness of their country ?
He preferred to remain in captivity, which in future became
much milder He visited the principal temple to perform his
devotions ; in the ships built by the Spaniards he made trips on
the lake, and several times hunted in his parks. Of course a
Spanish general always accompanied him, but he never made
any attempt to escape from his miserable position. Indeed he
took the part of the Spaniards against the Aztecs in every
attempt made by them to shake off the foreign yoke. Cortes
was warned by him of the rising planned by the chiefs of the
land, and he helped to bring the King of Tezcuco, the head of
the conspiracy, into the power of the Spaniards, by whom
he was kept in close confinement. At last he determined
solemnly to take the oath of homage to the King of Spain.
The ceremony was performed before a great assembly of
nobles whom he desired to follow his example. As sign of
their submission they brought gold and articles of value in
such quantities that the royal fifth, which was conscientiously
deducted, amounted to 32,400 ounces of gold — according to
the present value nearly ;£" 130,000. But most earnestly
did Montezuma defend himself from the impatient desire of
the Spaniards that the chief temple should be cleared for the
public exercise of their religion, and he warned them plainly
of the unfavourable impression which such an insult to their
religious feelings would excite in the people.
But again and again the Spaniards repeated their demand,
and at ¦ last an agreement was come to by which one of the
towers of the Teocalli was given up to them for their worship.
They immediately took away the idols, cleansed the space of
the blood of the sacrifices, and erected an altar on which they
placed an image of the Virgin. Their religious zeal was now
satisfied, and with pious devotion they saw the cross shine

Hernando Cortes. 291
in the highest place of the capital. But the truth of Monte
zuma's warnings immediately showed itself The friendly
intercourse between the people and the Spaniards was ex
changed for a cold reserve, and by the Emperor's own mouth
Cortes was informed that the whole land was preparing to
revenge the injury done to the gods.
While he was engaged in preparing to meet this expected
insurrection, bad news reached him from the coast. There a
squadron of eighteen ships had arrived, sent by Velasquez
from Cuba to chastise his rebellious general, and assert his
rights to the rich land of Mexico. To the command of this
fleet he had named a Castilian nobleman, Pamphilo de Nar-
vaez, entrusting him with an army of 900 men, including
eighty horsemen and eighty musketeers, with a good store of
cannon. Trusting in this powerful force, Narvaez, who had landed
on April 23rd, 1520, at San Juan de Ulua, was full of rash con
fidence, which was not shaken by the news of the great suc
cesses gained by Cortes. But his soldiers were dazzled by
the glamour which such heroic deeds had cast over the name
of the great warrior, and by the news of the riches which had
fallen to the share of Cortes's army.
Comparing the friendliness, generosity, and martial talents
of Cortes with the arrogance, niggardliness, and blind self-
confidence of Narvaez, a feeling of detestation arose in them
towards their commander Cortes took advantage of this
feeling. He hastily determined to quit Tenochtitlan with
only seventy men, , leaving behind him a garrison of 140
under Pedro de Alvarado, whom, on account of his long fair
hair and majestic mien, the Mexicans called Tonatink, that is,
the sun. In Cholula Cortes met with reinforcements, and
with a little army of 266 men he surprised his rival on a rainy
night in Cempoalla. After a short conflict Narvaez was taken
prisoner, and his troops joined Cortes, hoping under his stan-
19 — 2

292 A Century of Discovery.
dard to reap honour and gold. Thus the great danger was
averted, and the Aztecs, who had hoped that the strangers
would destroy one another, saw the hated Malinche — so they
called Cortes — return to the capital at the head of an army
that had been increased threefold.
Here meanwhile the threatened disturbances had broken out,
and the brave but incautious Alvarado had hastened the out
break by a useless slaughter in which the noblest of the people
had fallen victims. He despatched messengers to summon
Cortes, and inform him of the extreme danger threatening the
weak garrison. By forced marches the latter reached the capital
on the 24th of June, 1520. But the streets were utterly de
serted, and a mysterious silence rested over the whole city.
In order to avert a renewal of the strife, Cortes set Monte
zuma's brother, Cuitlahuatzin, at liberty ; but in this courageous
and able Prince he gave the insurgents exactly the leader whom
they needed. Under his command all the flower of the Aztec
race assembled, and after a few days began a desperate attack
upon the Spanish camp. For several days the Spaniards had
the greatest difficulty in preventing the enemy from forcing
an entrance, and the thousands whom they struck down with
their firearms and sWords were immediately replaced by fresh
battalions, who rushed upon the fortifications with the utmost
contempt of death. Only at night had the besieged any rest,
and the frightful struggle was renewed every morning. Many
were soon disabled, and the complete blockade made a famine
imminent. In this distress Cortes turned to Montezuma, and begged
his intercession. Although convinced of the utter uselessness
of such a step, the Emperor allowed himself to be persuaded,
and dressed in his most magnificent robes, ascended the tower
of the Palace. The noise immediately ceased, the raised
lances fell, and the Aztecs gazed with awe at their imprisoned
Emperor There was a silence as of death when Montezuma

Hernando Cortes. 293
began to speak. But when he desired that they should allow
his friends, as he called the detested foreigners, to depart in
peace, a storm of displeasure overwhelmed the base cowardly
ruler, who had stooped to become the slave of a foreign
oppressor, to whom he was willing to surrender even his land
and his people. Curses were hurled at him, and a hail of
arrows and stones directed against the person of the Prince
to whom but a short time before his subjects had offered
almost divine honours. Hit by a stone on the forehead, the
unhappy man sank down, and was borne back by the Spaniards
into the Palace, while his subjects, horrified at their own deed,
immediately dispersed.
In vain did Cortes strive to cheer the broken-hearted
monarch. He lay utterly speechless, and refused to have his
wound cared for He was unwilling to survive the injury
done to him by his own people. When the Spaniards saw
that his end was near they tried to induce him to embrace
Christianity, but in vain. Only once did he open his lips in
order to beg Cortes to commend his children to the favour of
the Spanish King. He died in the arms of a few faithful fol
lowers, who had remained with him, on the 30th of June, 1520,
at the age of 41, after having reigned for eighteen years, and
having been for three-quarters of a year the prisoner of the
Spaniards. His death was a great loss to the Spaniards ; with him they
lost all influence over the Aztec people, whose wrath now
knew no bounds. Storm followed storm, and the wearied
Spaniards saw the moment approaching when they must be
overpowered by numbers. There could be no doubt of the
fate that awaited them. " At last the gods have given you
into our hands," was the cry of the Mexicans. " Huitzilo
potchli has long been looking for his victims. The altar is
ready, and the knife sharp. None of you can escape, for the
bridges are broken down." Even the bravest among the

294 -^ Century of Discovery.
Spaniards began to feel fainthearted, and in the hopeless
•struggle Cortes saw himself obliged to strike some decisive
blow. In order to raise the courage of his men he ordered a great
sally. It was of the utmost importance to obtain possession
of the neighbouring temple, from the roof of which the enemy
cast missiles upon the camp. A picked band of Aztec
warriors defended the sacred place, and to a man fell before
the Spanish arms. The fight was particularly fierce upon the
flat summit of the building. Here Cortes was in the greatest
danger. Two young men cast themselves upon him, and it
was with the utmost difficulty that he escaped from their
grasp. The conquerors at once cast down the hated image of the
god of slaughter, and set fire to the temple which had been
the pride of the capital. This deed, which the Spaniards
looked upon as well-pleasing to God, so raised their courage
that Cortes determined to make use of the favourable moment
and begin the perilous retreat. Knowing that all the bridges
had been broken down, Cortes caused a portable wooden
bridge to be prepared, and determined that the retreat should
be directed in a westerly direction towards the town Tla-
copan. He appointed the night of the ist of July for the attempt
The march began in the pre-arranged order about midnight,
and the Spaniards succeeded in getting safely through the
town, which was wrapped in sleep, until they came to the be
ginning of the causeway. Here they stumbled upon a band
of Mexicans, who immediately gave the alarm. Soon there
resounded from all sides the shrill noise of the war horn.s,
while the beat of the monstrous drums rapidly brought up
fresh bands of warriors. While the rearguard could only with
the greatest loss keep back the raging onset of the Aztecs,
hundreds of boats had come up on both sides of the causeway,

CORTES IN DANGER.

Hernando Cortes. 295
and from these was poured an unceasing hail of missiles upon
the army as it strove to advance upon the narrow path. Then
there was a stoppage. The first breach was reached, and it
was necessary to lay down the pontoon. This delay was fatal
to many. At last the onward march was resumed, but soon a
second breach was reached. A still longer and equally de
structive delay ensued, and soon it was known that it had
been found impossible to take up the pontoon and bring it
farther. All discipline was then at an end, and the one desire
of every one was to save his own life. The rearguard pressed
irresistibly upon those in the van, and drove them nearer and
nearer to the edge of the abyss. Here the climax of misery
seemed attained. Happy were those who found a watery
grave or met with a speedy death from the Mexicans. Many
were knocked down and stunned, and thus fell alive in the
hands of their enemies, who kept them as long-desired victims
for the bloody altars of their gods. At last the terrible gap
was filled up by cannon, baggage, and the bodies of the slain,
and over this awful bridge the fugitives made their way.
There was a third breach to be crossed, but fortunately for
the fugitives, their pursuers were by this time so occupied with
the booty that lay scattered along the causeway that the dif
ficulty was overcome without much additional loss. By the
dawn of day the shore was reached, and the exhausted
warriors halted in a temple near Tlacopan.
Much cast down, the General reviewed the shattered rem
nant of his proud army. What a melancholy sight ! All the
cannon, the enormous booty, almost all the horses were lost,
and 400 Spaniards and at least 4000 of the Indian allies had
perished. This terrible retreat, which they called the Noche-
triste, was for ever deeply engraved in the memories of the
survivors. And how would it be possible for them, in their exhausted
condition, weaponless, and deeply cast down by their disaster.

296 A Century of Discovery.
to continue the conflict .? How v/ere they to make their way
to Tlascala, where alone they could feel at all secure, through a
hostile land, of which all the inhabitants were in arms. But
the confident bearing of the General inspired the troops with
fresh courage, and gave them strength to ascend the heights
which enclose the valley of Mexico, though having continually
to skirmish with the enemy. After some days' hard march
ing, they reached the tableland, and then prepared to ad
vance into the friendly Tlascala, when suddenly, on the 8th of
July, they found themselves face to face with an enormous
army of the enemy, which filled the whole valley of Otompan,
or Otumba, and cut off their retreat According to the re
ports of the Spanish writers, it must have been an army of
200,000 men, who, in proud confidence, displayed the utmost
pomp. As far as the eye could reach there were shields and
waving banners, curiously-shaped helmets, forests of glittering
spears ; and the heart even of the bravest must have sunk
when he compared with it the small number of the Spaniards
and their allies, ill-armed and enfeebled. But Cortes's heart
knew neither fear nor despondency. Without delay he placed
his little army in order of battle, and encouraged it by a
spirited speech, in which he promised it the protection of God
and the saints, and painted the delights of rest and refresh
ment after this last desperate struggle. Then he ordered an
immediate charge, and from the height the little band rushed
upon the enormous masses of the enemy. The shock was so
great that the foremost ranks were broken, and a broad road
was opened for the Spaniards. But in a moment the endless
masses closed upon them, and raged like a stormy sea
upon a little island which they threatened to swallow up.
Opposed to such overwhelming odds, the utmost exertions
must be powerless. It seemed as if nothing short of a
miracle could save them. Then Cortes's eagle eye caught
sight of the General commanding the Aztec army, who was

Hernando Cortes. 297
easily recognised by his splendid attire and by the sacred
standard waving over him. Instantly he resolved what to
do. At the head of twenty men, to which number his cavalry
had dwindled down, he cut himself a path through the enemy
until he stood before this man. With his own hand he
stabbed him to the heart, while his companions fell upon the
body-guard. When the Aztecs saw their General fall and the sacred ban
ner in the hands of the dreaded strangers, a cry of horror re
sounded over the whole battlefield, the huge army broke and
fled in utter disorder, the pursuing Spaniards and Tlascalans
cutting them down with horrible slaughter. Twenty thousand
Aztecs must have fallen in this battle, and the spoil of golden
and other ornaments found on the dead compensated in some
measure for the lost treasures of the night,
After this wonderful victory the march to Tlascala met with
no further hindrance. There the wearied men were met with
open arms, and were able to refresh themselves after the in
credible exertions of the past week. But a long rest was not
to Cortes's taste, and he immediately set to work to repair
the losses he had suffered. He succeeded by his eloquence in
persuading his companions in arms, who at first desired to
retreat to the coast and take ship for Cuba, to persevere in the
glorious enterprise, and again to encounter the dangers from
which they were but just escaped. With the Tlascalans for
allies, he forced the countries for some distance round to ac
knowledge the King of Spain; and havii^ thus again in
spired them with fear of the Spanish arms, he obtained the
necessary means by the tribute he imposed, and increased the
number of , Indian auxiliaries who were to accompany him
against Mexico. He laboured so unremittingly to strengthen
and equip the Spanish army that in a few months it was
ready for war He found himself again in command of 40
horsemen, 80 musketeers, and 500 infantry, armed with

298 A Century of Discovery.
swords and long lances. A part of this force were fresh
troops sent by Velasquez to the support of Narvaez, whom
he supposed to be in possession of the command. They had
not for a moment dreamt of joining the victorious standard of
Cortes. In the same way he had come into possession of
nine cannon, which accompanied the army. The number of
Indian auxiliaries — exaggerated no doubt — is estimated at
100,000 men.
Before the expiration of the' year 1520, the restless man was
again on the shore of the lake of Mexico, and fixed his head
quarters in the old town of Tezcuco, over which he placed as
King, Prince Ixtlilxochitl. He wisely abandoned the idea of at
once beginning the siege of the capital, the white buildings of
which were reflected in the clear lake ; but spent months in
isolating it, desolating the land around, and subduing its in
habitants. Generally he placed himself at the head of these
raids, while the trusty Gonsalvo de Sandoval remained be
hind in Tezcuco, and superintended the building of the ships
with which Cortes hoped to rule the lakes. These ships, thir
teen in number, were built in Tlascala under the direction of
an experienced shipbuilder, Martin Lopez, and were then
taken to pieces, and the separate parts, together with the
necessary iron-work, sails, and rigging, carried on the backs
of thousands of bearers to Tezcuco, a distance of almost
twenty miles. Even this gigantic undertaking rewarded by
its complete success the foresight and thought which had
been expended on its execution.
At last the necessary preparations were complete. The
whole region around the lakes was subject to the Spaniards,
the Aztecs were confined within their island city, and the
ships were launched at Tezcuco. At the end of May, 1521,
Cortes thought it was time to begin the attack on the
capital. He caused the town of Tlacopan to be occupied
by a division of his men under the command of the Cap-

Hernando Cortes. 299.
tains Alvarado and Olid, and broke down the aqueduct which
ran from Chapoltepec to the island. The body of his army,
under the command of the brave Sandoval, he sent out to
take possession of Iztapalapa, the key to the southern cause
way, and while both these movements were successfully ac
complished, Cortes himself moved his fleet — which, to use his
own expression, he considered the " key of the war " — out
into the lake, and destroyed a great fleet of Indian boats,
running down some and sinking others by a heavy fire of grape-
shot. Then he took possession of the advanced work called
Xoloc, erected in the centre of the southern causeway, and
affording a strong position, which Cortes, by means of forti
fications and cannons, strengthened still more.
The town had for a long time been armed for the conflict.
In the place of Cuitlahuatzin, who had been carried off by the
small-pox — a disease brought into the land by the Spaniards
— Guatemozin, his nephew, had been chosen, a younger war
rior, but one distinguished by his bravery and strength of
character He had taken up the sacred struggle for the
defence of his country against the foreign conquerors with the
greatest energy, and had inflicted heavy losses upon the
Spaniards by sudden surprises and ceaseless attacks, at the
same time rendering their conquest of the surrounding region
extremely difficult. But he was not in a condition to prevent
their advance, and was ever obliged to yield to their superior
arms and to the overwhelming numbers of their Indian allies,
fired by a desire to avenge themselves on their ancient con
querors and by the prospect of rich booty. Still nothing
could break the spirit of the young Emperor Without hesi
tation, he rejected every offer made him by Cortes, and pre
pared to continue the struggle to the death. After the third
causeway, the one leading to the north was occupied; and Cortes
began an attack upon the one by which he had first entered
Mexico, The many gaps in this were defended by walls and

300 A Century of Discovery.
strong bodies of men ; but the guns of the ships cleared a
passage for the infantry. One breach after another was passed
and then filled up with stones, until at last the entrance of the
city was gained. The streets were found to be intersected by
many ditches and walls, behind which the principal forces of
the Aztecs were established, while a murderous hail of missiles
fell upon the heads of the assailants from the roofs of the
houses. It was not possible for the Spaniards to establish
themselves in the city. They succeeded by desperate charges
in penetrating to the great square in the middle of the city,
but were continually forced to retreat again. For several
days these vain attempts were repeated, and some palaces
were set on fire. Even during the night the wearied com
batants could have little rest, for they were obliged to be con
stantly on the watch against surprises on the part of Guate
mozin. At last Cortes was over-persuaded by his captains against
his better judgment to order a general assault. At first, in
deed, everything seemed to prosper, for the separate storming
columns penetrated far into the town. But at a given signal
they were attacked and compelled to retreat ; and in the re
treat they suffered heavy loss, especially at the passages over
the numerous canals which intersected the streets. Even
Cortes was in extreme danger, and was only saved from the
terrible fate of falling alive into the hands of the enemy by
the self-sacrifice of some of his devoted adherents. The
attack was drawn off" on all sides, and while the Spaniards
returned downcast into their quarters, the whole city echoed
with sounds of festive joy. As the evening advanced the
besiegers saw with horror all the temples lighted and pre
pared for the bloody human sacrifices. Indeed, the clearness
of the air allowed them to see the torturing and the slaughter
of the prisoners.
The priests now announced to the Aztecs that Huitzilo-

Hernando Cortes. 301
potchli, pleased with the rich offering that had been presented
to him, would again have mercy upon his people, and within
three days deliver all the strangers into their hands. This
prophecy flew with the speed of lightning, and at one and the
same time inspired the Aztecs with fresh courage, and filled
the hearts of the superstitious allies of the Spaniards with dis
may, and led them to creep away from the camp by thou
sands. It was not until the week had passed away without
the prophesied destruction of the Spaniards that they returned
ashamed. Rendered wise by the unhappy issue of the attack, Cortes
determined to attempt the conquest of the city in a surer
though more tedious way. He caused the town to be closely
blockaded by his ships and by numerous Indian boats, so
that no supplies could be brought in. He reckoned that
famine must soon ensue, and the strength of the opposition
be overcome. The cold-bloodedness with which he thus de
voted thousands to the most miserable death becomes more
terrible when we consider the methodical manner in which he
arranged the destruction of the town. Each day a certain
part of the city was taken possession of and utterly destroyed.
The ruins of the houses were made use of to fill up the canals,
and thus a broad ever-increasing plain was procured, which
gave the Spaniards plenty of room for their military opera
tions, and offered the besieged no cover for their surprises.
It was only after a bitter struggle that Cortes resolved upon
this terrible plan, which devoted to destruction the beautiful
city that would have been the crowning trophy of his con
quest. On reading the report sent to the Spanish King by Cortes,
in which he describes the painful necessity for the destruction,
and the fearful execution of the plan, one cannot but feel that
it must have been written with tears in his eyes. But he saw
^0 other way of overcoming the desperate resistance of the

302 A Century of Discovery.
Aztecs. Guatemozin had rejected all the terms of peace that
Cortes had made to him, and, following the counsel of the
priests, resolved to continue the struggle to the very last
With wild joy the Indian allies welcomed the new plans of
attack on the capital, which gave promise of satisfying their
thirst for revenge on their oppressor, and the charges that
Cortes gave them to spare the wounded fell on deaf ears.
Through the whole month of July the fight was continued
according to the new system. The Spaniards pressed upon the
city on three sides, under Cortes, Alvarado, and Sandoval.
The Spanish infantry went first with cannons and muskets
and drove the Aztec warriors out of certain streets. Then
they made a stand and defended themselves against the
attacks of the enemy, while the Indian allies destroyed the
captured houses. That accomplished, the Spaniards relin
quished their position, which it would have been impossible
to maintain on account of the stench from the dead bodies,
and retreated to the camp. This method of fighting caused
them but small loss, and they only suffered from the bad weather
and want of rest. But fearful were the sufferings of the be
sieged. Famine and pestilence rapidly lessened their numbers,
and their Indian foes mercilessly slaughtered every Aztec who
fell into their hands. With every step .that the Spaniards
advanced, more terrible were the scenes of grief and misery
that were displayed. They found the earth dug up in the
search for roots and worms, the trees stripped of their young
shoots, their foliage, and their bark. Crowds of half-starved
Mexicans crept about like spectres in streets and market-places,
which had once been lively and animated. Corpses lay un-
buried in heaps about the streets, making the air pestilential
— a proof of the utmost distress, for the Aztecs considered
it a sacred duty to bury the dead. More horrible still were
the sights that presented themselves to the Spaniards on
entering the dwellings. On the floor lay the miserable re-

Hernando Cortes. 303
mains of the inmates, some still in the death struggle and
others already decomposed ; distracted mothers with their
infants dying before their eyes of starvation ; wounded men
trying in vain to crawl away as their enemies entered. But
they all disdained to ask for mercy, meeting the foe with the
savage implacable stare of a wounded tiger tracked by the
hunter to his last hiding-place. In vain were the repeated
commands of the Spanish General to spare the poor defence
less wretches. His Indian allies made no distinction; with
wild cries of victory they pulled down the burning buildings
on the heads of the miserable people, and the flames con
sumed the living and dead in one common funeral pile.
Thus the beautiful city was laid in ashes, and its inhabitants
died daily by thousands. The three divisions of the Spanish
force met on the smoking ruins before the last quarter of the
town into which the miserable remnant of the population had
fled. New offers of peace were rejected by Guatemozin with
the old constancy. So the struggle began again for this last
refuge of the besieged, who defended themselves in vain with
unequalled fury to the utmost of their power. On the 13th
of August the Spaniards poured in like an irresistible torrent
over the last bulwarks, their progress being marked by streams
of blood and flames running from street to street. During
the melie a crowd of boats were pushed from the shores and
endeavoured to make their escape over the lake. But the
Spanish ships were on the watch. Some of the largest boats
were overtaken by the ship of the Captair^ Garcias Holguin,
, and while he was preparing to sink them the Indians gave
him to understand that the Emperor was among them. At
the same moment a young warrior in armour rose and shouted,
" I am Guatemozin. Take me to Malinch6, 1 am his prisoner,
but do my wife and followers no harm." The prisoners were
taken on board the Spanish ships, and the Emperor being
asked to stop the battle by a command to his subj ects, replied,

304 A Century of Discovery.
" It is not necessary : they will cease to fight when they see
that their Prince is a prisoner." He was right, the Aztecs at
this intelligence gave up the struggle and submitted to their
fate. On shore Cortes came to meet the imperial prisoner,
and saluted him with chivalrous courtesy. The captive
answered with dignity : " I have done all I could to defend
myself and my people. Now I am reduced to this condition.
You, Malinche, will do with me as you please." Then laying
his hand on the hilt of the dagger which Cortes wore in his
girdle, he added with vehemence, "But I would you would strike
me down with this dagger and deliver me from life." Cortes
tried to soothe him. " Fear nothing," he said, " you shall be
treated with every respect. You have defended your capital
like a brave soldier, and a Spaniard knows how to value bravery
even in an enemy." He sent him, together with his young
wife, a daughter of Montezuma's, and the chief of his followers,
under Sandoval's care, to a town on the neighbouring coast.
The siege was at an end, the town was razed to the ground.
The remains of the population, about 30,000 men, marched in a
long sorrowful procession out of the city of their fathers.
About 200,000 must have fallen victims to the sword, the
flames, famine, and the pestilence during the course of the
siege. The besiegers calculated their loss, by which their
Indian allies mostly suffered, at 30,000 men. It was weeks
before the scene of this terrible struggle was cleared of the
dead bodies and the pestilential atmosphere sweetened by the
fresh sea-breezes. In the meantime the victorious army was
occupied in feasting, thanksgiving, and dividing the spoil.
This was considerable, 130,000 ducats in value, but far from
satisfying the exaggerated expectations which the Spaniards
had cherished. The ill-temper of the troops vented itself in
bitter language, and at last turned upon Cortes, whom they
accused of dishonesty. They demanded that the imprisoned
Emperor should be put to the torture, in the hopes of discover-

Hernando Cortes. 305
ing from him the place where he had hidden his treasures.
When Cortes refused, he was suspected of a secret under
standing with the prisoner, and so in an evil hour he gave his
consent to the torture. It was vain, as might have been ex
pected, and Guatemozin bore it with the patient courage
which distinguished the unfortunate man. When his com
panion in suffering, the King of Tlacopan, broke out into
groans, he reproved him with the words : " Do you think, then,
that I am lying on a bed of roses ?" The wretched proceed
ing was soon put an end to by Cortes, but it was too late to
prevent the stain which had been inflicted on his honour.
The fall of the capital rendered the rule of the Spaniards
over the whole land secure. Even princes who had not been
tributary to the Aztec monarch submitted to the mighty
stranger, and did homage to the King of Spain. Arms were
laid aside, and Cortes devoted himself to the ordering of the
conquered land, in which he showed the same skill and un
tiring energy as he had done in its subjection. The capital
rose again out of its ashes, although with a very changed ap
pearance. Many of the canals were filled up, the streets were
widened, and a number of churches built, of which the most
splendid was the great cathedral dedicated to St. Francis,
which rose in the place of the principal temple, and the
foundation of which was composed of the uncouth images of
the fallen idols. Rows of stately stone buildings lined the
streets in which the Spaniards dwelt who settled in the city,
while Cortes built for himself a spacious palace in the neigh
bourhood of the cathedral. For the defence of the capital
Cortes built a fortress and provided it with seventy guns,
some of which he took from the dismantled ships at Vera
Cruz, and some were cast in a foundry that he had
established in the land. Only four years after the taking of
the city it presented again a pleasant, almost splendid ap
pearance, and was inhabited by 2000 Spanish and 30,000
20

3o6 A Century of Discovery.
Indian families. Cortes was not less zealous for the spiritual
welfare of the people. At his invitation numbers of ptiests
came from the West Indies, and threw themselves with such
zeal into the work of conversion that within twenty years all
the inhabitants of this extensive country belonged by name
to the Christian Church, mingling, however, with their new
faith much of their hereditary superstition.
Cortes took great pains to discover the natural sources
of the wealth of the land, opened some silver mines, and in
troduced useful plants. In the most important places he
founded new towns, among other Zacatula, for which he
anticipated a great future. Here he caused a fleet to be built
for exploration and conquest as far as Asia, while at the same
time he sent out ships from Vera Cruz to try and discover the
long-sought-for passage from one ocean to the other on the
northern coast of the Mexican Gulf By means of his
generals, Alvarado and Olid, he took possession of the
southern lands of Guatemala and Honduras, and here a
flourishing colony soon sprang up.
The most serious difficulty which the great man had to con
tend with was the satisfying of his greedy countrymen who
settled down in the most beautiful and fruitful neighbourhoods.
Very unwillingly he saw himself obliged to consent to the intro
duction of the wretched system of repartimentos. He took care
that the burden of servitude should fall only upon those races
that had been guilty of treason and cruelty to the Spaniards,
and he tried to protect the slaves by a number of laws intended
to restrain the tyranny of the masters. In order to prevent
the pillage which had been so injurious in the West Indian
colonies, he made a number of enactments which were all
calculated to chain the white settler to the land, and to lead
him for the sake of his own interest to cultivate the soil. The
allotments of land only became the property of the colonists
when they had held them for eight years, and they had to-

Hernando Cortes. 307
prove that they were worthy of the gift by the care which
they bestowed upon them during that period. Every married
man was forced to bring his wife into the country on penalty
of losing the land allotted to him, and every bachelor was
compelled to marry within a certain period on the same
penalty. It was owing to these enactments that the new
state became much more quickly than the other colonies had
done the home of a large number of Spanish families who
settled on their possessions, instead of wishing to return to
their old homes after a few years with their spoils. By other
laws the settler was pledged to take into cultivation yearly a
certain piece of land, and to reside in the town for a porl;ion
of every year.
Beneficial as these laws for the most part were to the
development of the infant state, and high as is the opinion
which they give of the sagacity of the conqueror, yet they
created much displeasure in the minds of those whom they
affected. The sensitive and suspicious disposition of the
Spaniard showed itself in a very ugly light, and persons whom
the great man had overwhelmed with benefits calumniated
and accused him at the Spanish Court. There from the very
beginning the question had been undecided how Cortes should
be treated. Velasquez was indefatigable in his complaints,
demanding to be invested with the government of Mexico,
and he had a powerful supporter in Bishop Fonseca, the leader
in Indian Affairs. Together they had succeeded in send
ing out a plenipotentiary, Christoval de T&pia, who was to
call Cortes to account. The latter, however, by bribery had
prevailed upon him to leave the country. He had also at
court warm partisans, especially the Duke of Bejar and the
Count of Aguilar.
But his wonderful exploits and the valuable services by
which he had so greatly extended the Castilian power inter
ceded still more strongly for him. And so the Emperor
20 — 2

3o8 A Century of Discovery.
Charles V. signed a decree at Valladolid, October iSth, 1522,
by which Cortes was made Governor, Commander-General,
and Supreme Judge of New Spain, as Mexico was then called,
with a considerable salary. This decision so affected his chief
opponents Velasquez and Fonseca that they fell sick and soon
after died. In Mexico, on the contrary, it caused universal joy,
and for a while all his calumniators were silenced. We hear
nothing more of them until the long absence of Cortes between
the years 1524 and 1526. At that time he undertook an
expedition to Honduras to reduce to submission by force of
arms its conqueror Olid. The march was through perfectly
unknown regions, where the climate was pestilential and the
hardships and sufferings were very great. On this expedition
the unfortunate Guatemozin, whom Cortes for security had
carried with him, came to a sad end. He was accused of
having taken part in a conspiracy by which the Spaniards
were to be destroyed in an almost inaccessible pass. Although
he asserted his innocence, Cortes pronounced sentence of death
upon him, not so much from a conviction of his guilt as from a
desire to be rid of the burdensome charge of such an important
prisoner, and immediately after the sentence the unfortunate
Prince, with several companions, was hanged on a tree. He
died with the greatest composure. " I knew," he said, "what
it was to trust to your false promises, Malinche ; I knew that
you had destined me to this fate. Would I had laid hands on
myself when they led me prisoner to you ! Why do you kill
me so unjustly } God will call you to account for it." These
words cut Cortes to the heart, and stings of conscience with
regard to this unrighteous deed of blood tormented him to
the end of his life.
As the army passed through the land, the birthplace of
the interpreter Marina, Cortes parted from his faithful com
panion, whom he presented with valuable estates and married
to one of the knights of his retinue. In Honduras the General

Hernando Cortes. 309
found the insurrection already suppressed, and the faithless
Olid executed. But sickness laid him low, and contrary winds
long hindered his return. In the meantime the report of his
death was spread in Mexico, and the royal officers sequest-
trated his possessions. When in 1526 he returned, the whole
country received him with extravagant joy. For even the
natives whom he had subdued had learnt from the oppression
of the Spanish officials doubly to prize his gentleness and love
of justice. But with the officials themselves he was hencefor
ward at constant feud. Soon after some high Spanish officers
came to the country to investigate the mutual complaints, and
one of these, Estrada by name, went to the absurd length
of ordering the great conqueror to leave the capital, because
he had interceded for an old comrade, who for some slight
offence had been sentenced to lose his hand. Cortes obeyed,
but determined to extricate himself from such an undignified
position by going to the King himself, and so took ship for
Spain. In May, 1528, he landed in Palos after a prosperous voyage,
and went to Toledo, where the Emperor at that time resided.
He was received in the most distinguished manner, and cleared
himself of all charges and calumnies. The Emperor, who
personally showed him the greatest attention and loaded him
with honours, made him Marquis del Valle d'Guaxaca, and
bestowed upon him in that valley and in other parts of the
land enormous possessions, in which there were more than
twenty towns and villages, with 23,000 vassals.
But the Emperor resolutely refused to entrust him with the
government of the country, for it was the policy of the Crown
not to give the rule of a conquered land to the conqueror and
discoverer, lest he should be too independent and self-im
portant. This refusal was rendered less bitter to Cortes by
the reason assigned, namely, that it was impossible to do
without his services in the warlike undertakings yet remain-

3 1 o A Century of Discovery.
ing to be accomplished, and by his appointment as Com
mander-in-Chief for New Spain and the South Seas.
For two years Cortes remained in Spain, where the most
distinguished grandees treated him as their equal, and the
oldest families felt themselves honoured by his alliance. His
first wife had died in Mexico in the year 1522, and he now con
tracted a second marriage with a daughter of the Count of
Aguilar, and lived in great state. In the spring he returned
to Mexico, where meanwhile the civil government had been
established. But all kinds of disagreements between the two
powers were perfectly unavoidable, and when, in order to put
an end to this state of things, the Spanish Court forbade
Cortes to come within ten miles of the capital, he retired
deeply hurt to Tezcuco, and later to his own city of Cuerna-
vaca, where he built himself a palace, and took up his per
manent residence.
For the next few years his activity was devoted to the care
of his extensive estates. He introduced the sugarcane from
Cuba, and merino sheep from Spain, and planted whole
hedges of mulberry-trees, in order to promote the production
of silk. But such a quiet life was not suited to content the
active soul of Cortes for any length of time.
Between the years 1532 and 1534 he fitted out in the har
bour of Tehuantepec two squadrons, which he sent out on
voyages of discovery towards the north-west. They discovered
the peninsula of California, to which Cortes himself conducted
a colony. But his good luck had forsaken him ; the xolony
could not prosper in that barren land, and when he himself
set sail on a voyage of discovery, he was driven about by a
storm in the Gulf of Mexico — which for a long time bore the
name of Cortes Sea — and at length compelled to return.
In the year 1539 the indefatigable man sent out a new
fleet, under the command of his captain Ulloa. This
brave sailor discovered the north end of the Gulf of Cali-

Hernando f^ortes. 311
fornia, sailed round the narrow peninsula, and went along
the west coast towards the north. At twenty-nine degrees
north latitude he sent back one of his ships to carry news of
the discovery to the Marquis ; but he himself continued his
voyage towards the north, and was lost with all his com
panions. Cortes intended to go with a considerable body of followers
into the newly-discovered lands to take possession of them
for the Spanish Crown, and to found a new colony, but was dis
turbed in this design by the new Viceroy Mendoza, who
claimed the right of founding the colony himself, an open in
fringement of the right granted by the Emperor to Cortes.
The latter saw himself thus cheated of the reward of his pains,
and felt that he had expended enormous sums and burdened
his estates with debt all for nothing. In order to procure
justice, he determined to go once more to Spain.
Accordingly in the autumn of 1540 we find him in Madrid,
where he had dealings with the Royal Council for India, and ,
the next year he accompanied the Emperor in his disastrous
campaign against Algiers. He was always treated with the
most honourable attention, but his wishes and his grievances
were not attended to. Like Columbus he was obliged to re
mind his royal master of his incalculable services, but like
Columbus he saw that they were forgotten. After having for
some years waited in vain for an improvement in the state of
affairs, he determined to turn his back upon his ungrateful
country. Shortly before the time that he had fixed for his
departure he was attacked by a sickness' in Seville, which
quickly exhausted his strength, and he died in the village
Castilleja de la Cuesta, on the 2nd of December, 1547. He
was sixty-two years old. His body was first buried at
Seville, but in 1562 was taken by his son to the New Worid,
and interred in Tezcuco. But even here it was not allowed
to rest. In 1629 it was laid in the cathedral of Mexico, and

312 A Century of Discovery.
since 1794 has been buried in the hospital founded by him in
the capital.
Cortes left behind him from his second marriage — he had
no children by his first wife — ^three daughters, who made
brilliant marriages, and one son, Martin, who inherited his
possessions and his title. But in the fourth generation the
male branch of the family died out, and the inheritance passed
by marriage into another family. At present the ducal
family of Monteleone, which boasts of descent from the great-
granddaughter of the great conqueror, is in possession of his
title and lands.

CHAPTER VIL
FRANCISCO PIZARRO.
In South America is an elevated plain much resembling
the tableland of Anahuac, and like it at the time of the
Spanish discoveries, the seat of a civilised people and the
centre of a mighty empire, the conquest of which by a hand
ful of Spaniards offers a worthy parallel to the exploits of the
lion-hearted Cortes. Between twenty and twelve degrees
south latitude there stretches among the peaks of the Cor-
derillas an uninterrupted series of tablelands, at an elevation
of 12,000 feet Almost in the centre of these mountain plains
lies the great lake of Titicaca, surrounded by gigantic vol
canoes. The islands which lie scattered over it are said to
be the mysterious place in which a powerful state had its
origin. About the year 1000 A.D., so said tradition, which was
looked upon almost as history, the rudeness and barbarity of
the inhabitants of these plains had reached such a point that
the Sun-god could no longer look upon it. Out of com
passion he then sent down two of his children, Manco Capac,
and his sister and wife, Mama Oello Huaco, to teach the de
based people order, morality, and how to lead a happy life.
These children of the sun descended upon one of the islands
of Titicaca, and then, obedient to the commands of their
father, pursued their way towards the north, until the golden
reed which they stuck every evening in the earth disappeared.
This spot they chose for their dwelling-place, and called it

314 A Century of Discovery.
Cusco. They collected round them the rude inhabitants of
the valley and imparted to them their divine message. The
people willingly listened to them, and learned from them the
arts of ploughing, spinning, and weaving, being persuaded to
adopt a settled and industrious life.
Such was the mythical origin of Cusco. It became the seat
of a long series of wise and powerful princes, who were said to
have sprung from the divine pair, and bore the title of Incas or
Princes. The blessings flowing from their beneficent and salu
tary administration were extended farther and farther, partly
by the willing submission ofthe neighbouring tribes, and partly
by force of arms, for the Incas were all warlike conquerors.
When the Spaniards entered the country they ruled over
all the mountain region from twenty degrees south latitude to
the equator, and over the coast lands from the river Maule in
Chili (thirty-five degrees south latitude) to the Gulf of Guaya
quil (two degrees south latitude). All this extensive territory
was united in one state, the institutions of which, though
manifesting much resemblance to those of the civilised states
of Asia, yet bore the stamp of a unique and highly-interest
ing character.
The rule of the Incas was necessarily absolute, because
they were held by their subjects to be descendants of the
gods, and therefore divine beings themselves. The number
of the Incas was very considerable, for under that name were
embraced, not only the reigning Prince, but all who could
trace back their pedigree in the male line to the divine pair,
and since every King had many hundred wives, the number
of Incas increased with every generation, until they formed
a numerous aristocracy, ruling the whole country. The King,
always the eldest son by the only legitimate marriage of his
father with a sister, considered these noble families as his
relations, who had a right to a share in the splendour as well
as the burdens of government, but there was a great distance

Francisco Pizarro. 315
maintained between him, and the principal nobles, and none
dared to venture into the presence of the Son of the Sun
except barefoot and with a light burden on his shoulder, in
token of subjection. He was at the head of the priests and
had the chief seat at the most important religious feasts.
He took the chief command in war, imposed taxes, gave laws,
named his officers, who gave account to him. He was the
source from which all power flowed, and which gave life to
the whole state. His appearance was extremely magnifi
cent, he wore long flowing robes of the finest stuff, shining
with gold and the rarest jewels, and on his head a bright-
coloured turban covered with scarlet net, in which were placed
upright two feathers of a rare bird, which the King alone
might use for his adornment.
His throne was surrounded -by his relations the Incas, who
were bound to him, not only by a common origin, but by their
inclinations and interests. They were distinguished from the
rest of the people by a special dress and peculiar language,
and for their support the best parts of the public lands were
appointed. They lived chiefly at court near the Prince, who
had been brought up with them, but they held all the high
offices in the provinces, and only from among them could the
higher priestly offices be filled, being in virtue of their birth
<iualified for priestly functions. The whole race of the Incas,
as the shape of their sculls shows even now, must have been
far superior in mental capacity to the other races of the
country. A second and inferior order of nobility consisted of the
Curacas, the caciques of subject races and their descendants.
They were usually continued in their authority, but their
sons were required to live at the capital as hostages for
their fidelity. Their power seems usually to have been only
local, and always subordinate to the authority of the governor
of the provinces, who was chosen only from the Incas.

3 1 6 A Century of Discovery.
The whole state was divided into four large provinces, each
ruled by a governor. Under him were the officials in charge
of the districts, each of which contained 10,000 inhabitants,
and was subdivided into smaller districts of 1000, 500, 100,
50, down to 10 persons respectively. Each of these had a
functionary at its head, who was responsible for his subor
dinates. The graver offences were brought before the gover
nor, lighter ones were punished by the courts of justice of the
towns or districts, and every province was visited annually by
commissioners to inquire into the administration of justice.
The laws were few, but since their transgression was an offence
against a divine law-giver, it was considered a blasphemy
against God, and thus the smallest fault deserved death as
much as heavier crimes.
But the most peculiar regulations were those connected
with the political economy of the country. By them all land
capable of cultivation was divided into three parts, one for the
sun and his priests, a second for the Prince and his house, and
the third for the people. The last portion was divided in equal
parts among the subjects. As soon as any one at the age pre
scribed by the law took to himself a wife, a certain lot of land
was granted to him, which was increased as his family grew.
This division was revised every year, that it might be always
accurate. The people were required by the law to cultivate
their lands and also the portions belonging to the sun and to
the Inca. At daybreak, men, women, and children were called
to work by the sound of a horn, and appeared adorned as
for a feast. They performed their work cheerfully, singing
harmoniously the while. First they laboured for the sun,
then for the old and sick, then they cultivated their own
land, and lastly that of the Incas.
The most important of the domestic animals were the
llamas ; they fed in great numbers on the plains and were the
objects of the greatest care. They all belonged to the King,

Francisco Pizarro, 317
and their flesh might be used only at court feasts or for sacri
fice, but they were very valuable as beasts of burden and for
their wool. At a fixed time they were shorn and their wool
brought into the store-houses. Then each family was allowed
as much as they were considered to need, and the women
made it up for the family's use, being required also to work
for the Inca. There were special officers appointed to super
intend, not only the division of the wool, but also the women's
work and the collecting of the cloth.
The mines also, the chief riches of the country, were the
exclusive possession ofthe King, and worked for his advantage.
As few hands as possible, however, were drawn away from
agriculture, which was considered the chief occupation of the
people. It had been carried to a high point, the natural fruit
fulness of the soil being increased by manuring with guano,
which was brought from some little islands directly off the
coast A network of canals, which frequently had to be cut
underground through the rocks, carried life in all directions,
and changed deserts into arable land. These singular arrange
ments, in which an enlightened despotism was led by its bene
volent intentions to establish a communist equality, perfectly
accomphshed its purpose. The subjects were trained in a
spirit of patient obedience and quiet content, which in every
thing that concerned the government saw a proof of super
human wisdom. But there was nothing like advance for the
Peruvian. As he was born, so he must die, and all his strivings
to attain a higher lot were in vain. Even hiiB time was not his
own. He paid his taxes by work. Therefore the government
had a right to treat idleness as a crime that injured the state.
But the useful side of these institutions was seen not only in
the constant growth of the national revenues, but also in the
complete absence of all the passions of envy, ambition,
-avarice, and love of change. As long as people could remem
ber everything had run in the same groove, and the Spaniards

o

1 8 A Century of Discovery.

unanimously agreed that no government was better suited to
the disposition of the people, and that no people could have
been more contented with its lot or more devoted to its govern
ment. One of the proofs of the care of the government for the
general welfare are the wonderful roads which intersected the
whole land, and the remains of which still excite admiration.
All the difficulties of the ground — and no land could present
more or greater — were overcome, rocks were broken through,
suspension-bridges thrown over wild mountain streams,
and ravines filled up. Also, wherever it was possible, water
was carried along both sides of the roads, and they were
shaded by trees planted for the purpose. On these roads the
King travelled about the land and satisfied himself of the
condition of the provinces. On them the armies also could
comfortably move about, and messengers carried the reports
of the governors to the capital. Also, for the comfort of
travellers, every here and there inns were erected.
The Peruvians were particularly skilful in masonry. They
could work huge stones with very simple tools — iron was un
known to them — and they fitted them together so perfectly
that it was impossible to pass the blade of a knife between
them. In this way they built gigantic fortresses, palaces for
their kings, and temples for their gods. But how to fit in
windows and to make pointed roofs to the buildings they did
not understand. Their houses were dark, with flat roofs made
of beams tied together, or loosely thatched with straw, the
rainless climate requiring only shelter from the rays of the
sun. The houses of the people were built in the simplest
manner of mud. Next to architecture the Peruvians distin
guished themselves by their skill in polishing jewels and
working gold. This precious metal was not sought for in
mines, but was found in large masses on the surface, and was
used for every kind of decoration or utensil connected with

Francisco Pizarro. 319
the temples and altars. The Spaniards saw with astonished
admiration their skilful work, especially noticing the exceed
ingly faithful representation of animals and plants made by
the native goldsmiths with their rude tools. The excellent
cloth also, prepared from the fine wool of the vicuna, won
strong approbation from the Spaniards.
The Peruvians, surpassing the Mexicans in many respects,
were behind them in possessing no money and trade not being
encouraged by their government. Still more, the picture
writing in use in Mexico was unknown to them. They had a
very imperfect substitute in the quipus, a cord two feet long,
formed of closely-woven threads of bright colour, from which
depended a number of little threads. By knotting these
threads in different ways certain things were expressed,
and by this quipus not only were the reports of the officials
communicated, but also the great deeds of the Incas were
handed down to posterity.
The Peruvians acknowledged one supreme invisible Being,
the creator and preserver of the universe, whom they adored
under the name of Pachacamac and Viracocha, and whose
temple served as an oracle. But the divinity to whom they
paid most honour was the sun-god, the ancestor of the Incas,
who introduced his worship into all the lands conquered by
them. The ceremonies were full of solemn magnificence, and
his temples we're covered with gold within and without The
oldest of these temples stood on an island in the Titicaca Lake,
but the most splendid was the chief temple pi Cusco, covering
a large space, and the interior of which was literally a vault of
gold. The number of priests and attendants attached to the
service of the sun-god was enormous, and the chief priest was
next in rank to the King himself To their great surprise, the
Spaniards found features of their own religious service repeated
in the Peruvian worship of the sun : the incense in the temples,
processions, pilgrimages, even convents with their inmates

3 20 A Century of Discovery.
dedicated to the sun, who led at least as secluded a life as their
western sisters. Although the Incas cherished an universal
reverence for their divine ancestor the sun-god, they were
liberal or politic enough not to forbid divine honour to be paid
to the gods of the subject nations. Their temples remained
standing side by side with the new sTin temple, and their
priests were provided from the ample income of the sun, but
the images of the gods travelled to Cusco, and served there,
like the chiefs sons, as pledges of the fidelity of the new sub
jects. The Incas took great pains to further the melting
together of the different races among their people. For this
purpose they chose the musical language of Cusco, the Quichuan,
for the official language, and appointed teachers of it in every
district. The first information which reached the ears ofthe Spaniards
about this wonderful state was very indefinite, and naturally
chiefly concerned the fabulous riches of the country. Balboa
had already heard of it, and had formed plans for the conquest
of this Eldorado, which at last appeared to have been found.
His ignominious death put an end to these plans, and the
Spanish Crown lost the man best adapted to carry out the
gigantic enterprise. His murderer, Pedrarias de Avila, was
commissioned to search for the wonderful land, and prepare
for its conquest. With this object in view, he removed the
capital of his province, Castilla del Oro, from the Atlantic
coast across the isthmus to the shores of the great ocean
where, after Balboa's discoveries, the townof Panama had arisen.
Thence he sent out several times expeditions of discovery,
but generally they took the direction towards the north, hoping
to find the strait which was universally supposed to unite the
Carribean Sea with the great ocean, and the discovery and
conquest of Nicaragua which followed, turned the attention of
Spanish settlers from the south. An expedition was made in
1522 by Pasual de Andagoya to the west coast of South

Francisco Pizarro. 321
America, following in the track of Balboa, but he soon returned
without having effected anything. At last the man appeared
who, overcoming all obstacles, was to realise the great plans of
the unhappy adventurer, and to lift the veil which had hitherto
protected the golden land from the conquest ofthe Spaniards.
Francisco Pizarro, born at Truxillo, a town in Estremadura,
passed a very obscure youth ; even the year of his birth can
not be settled with any certainty, but the year 1471 has been
named with some probability. He was of illegitimate birth,
his father, Gonzalvo Pizarro, being a captain in the Castilian
army, and his mother in a humble position. The boy grew up
much neglected, without the beneficial influence of family life,
without any instruction, and, as all accounts agree in stating,
in the occupation of a swineherd. From this poor position he
escaped as he grew up, and was one of the first to emigrate to
the New World in order to seek his fortune. But even there
he had to go through a rough schooling, and instead of the
success which he had expected, he met with dangers and a
hard lot, for so late as 15 10 we find him taking part, in a
subordinate position, in the expedition of Alonso de Ojeda
which was planned for the colonisation of Uraba. When Ojeda
left the colony in order to procure support from Hispaniola, he
knew none among all his companions to whom he could
entrust the command of the hungry, sick, and unruly crew
except the fearless and determined Pizarro. He, true to his
promise, held out in the fearful position in which he was
placed for fifty days, and even then delayed his departure
until death had so decreased his band that those who remained
could be brought away on the two ships that they possessed.
During a storm one of these sank, and the other, which bore
Pizarro, fell in with Enciso, and returned with him to the set
tlement they had just left, which, by Balboa's advice, was
removed to the river Darien. Here, in Santa Maria del Antigua,
Pizarro became deeply involved in the quarrel which finally
21

322 A Century of ^Discovery.
ended with the nomination of the bold Balboa to the governor
ship. To him Pizarro closely attached himself He was his
instructor in the art of keeping a crowd of wild adventurers in
willing obedience, and of showing to the natives now kindli
ness, and now an inflexible severity. He was among the
brave men who first traversed the isthmus, and the wonderful
story of an inexhaustible land of gold in the south sank deep
into his soul.
Later he united himself to the new Governor Pedrarias, and
after Balboa's death accompanied him to Panama. After almost
thirty years' service in the New World he had gained nothing
beyond a captaincy and an unhealthy piece of land which
scarcely supported him. He was fifty years old and longed
for something better, and therefore was easily persuaded to
undertake the conduct of an expedition to the land of gold,
for which a man of his military experience, intrepidity, and
unscrupulosity was exactly fitted.
He was asked to take a share in the promising undertaking
by the hot-blooded Diego de Almagro, a man about the
same age as Pizarro, and, one who, like him, had sprung
from the lowest ranks, and was an uneducated soldier of fortune.
The third in the league was Hernando de Luque, a dis
tinguished priest from Panama, a man of some influence and
generally beloved. He it was who drew up the whole plan of
the undertaking and who assigned to each their parts. In
November, 1524, Pizarro sailed with two small ships prepared
by Almagro, which carried about 100 men. But the voyage
over the unknown sea was far more difficult than had been
suspected. The adventurers did not succeed in getting farther
than 7 degrees north latitude, and then, after months of terrible
want and suffering, were glad to be able to return to Panama.
Almagro, who followed with the third ship, succeeded in
getting as far as 4 degrees north latitude, but also returned
without having accomplished anything. But in the struggles

Francisco Pizarro. 323
with the natives, whose territories they plundered, a small
quantity of gold was obtained, and this kept alive the avarice
ofthe adventurers and inspirited them for fresh enterprises.
The disapproval of the Governor Pedrarias prevented the
three allies from at once repeating their attempt, but when he
was superseded by a new Governor, Don Pedro de los Rios,
all difficulties were quickly removed, and the three men went
to work with fresh courage. It was then on the loth of March,
1526, that they concluded the celebrated agreement in which
they divided among themselves the Peruvian kingdom with
all its treasures. It was expressly arranged that Luque, who
provided the necessary money, 20,000 ducats, should have a
full third of the land repartimentos, gold, silver, and precious
stones ; and in case the two warriors who conducted the expe
dition should be faithless to the agreement, his right was
acknowledged to claim the whole property. But Luque, a
priest of only moderate wealth, represented the licenciate
Espinosa, who employed the treasures of Miaraqua in this
way. The treaty was drawn up in a religious tone, and the
historian Robertson cannot help exclaiming, " In the name of
the Prince of Peace they concluded, a treaty which had for its
object plunder and bloodshed."
It was very difficult to obtain the necessary crews, for expe
ditions to the south were in bad odour even with the well-
inured Spaniards on account of the almost insupportable
fatigues to be endured. At last the preparations were com
plete, and in the summer of 1526 the bold v^pnture was made
with two ships scantily manned. At the mouth of the little
river San Juan, 4 degrees north latitude, the adventurers were
so fortunate as to find in a little village a rich spoil of gold,
and while Almagro carried this to Panama in the hope of
alluring others to join in the enterprise, the daring Pizarro
sent out the second ship to explore under the command of
Ruiz, and established himself on the coast, where he remained
21 — 2

324 A Century of Discovery.
with a small band tormented by hunger and mosquitos. Ruiz
returned before Almagro, having crossed the equator on the
west coast of America, and having gathered from the crew
of a great Indian boat astonishing accounts of the riches
and high civilisation of the kingdom of the Incas. Encou
raged by this good news, Pizarro, when Almagro returned
bringing new men, resumed the voyage. But the ships were
overtaken by dreadful storms, and after being driven hither
and thither the adventurers found themselves on the shores
of a well-cultivated land, full of towns and villages, the numer
ous inhabitants of which streamed forth armed and showed
a hostile disposition. The Spaniards saw that they were too
weak to maintain a struggle with such a superior force ; they
therefore determined at once to return to Panama and pro
cure greater numbers for the enterprise. But a part of the
crew were to remain behind under Pizarro in order to remove
any doubt about the determination of the others to carry cut
their plan.
For several months these men waited on the little island of
Gallo, 2 degrees north latitude, for the arrival ofthe reinforce
ments. Half-naked and tortured with hunger, for they had
nothing to eat but shellfish, they also suffered greatly from
fearful storms of rain by which the whole island was flooded.
At last a ship appeared to relieve their miserable condition,
but it was not Almagro who commanded it, but Tafur. He
had been sent by the Viceroy with the express command
to bring the rest of the expedition back to Panama, where
the second failure of the undertaking had excited great indig
nation against its foolhardy authors, and the great sacrifice of
men which it demanded.
If Pizarro obeyed the command of the Governor, there was,
he felt, no hope that a sufficient number of adventurers to
accomplish his plans would ever again join him. He there
fore set the command at nought, and by a short energetic

Francisco Pizarro. 325
speech succeeded in inducing thirteen of his companions to
remain with him. Some provisions being left them, the bold
men watched their countrymen sail away, and then, by
means of a rude raft which they constructed, transferred their
residence to an island called Gorgona, which lay somewhat
more towards the north. There bega n again the same life of
want and misery, which the settlers had to endure for seven
long months before they descried a sail. This time it was
the faithful Ruiz, who had importuned the Governor so long
that at last he allowed him to set sail with a little ship
manned only by sailors. But this permission was granted
only on the condition that Pizarro's new expedition should not
occupy more than six months.
Without delay he left the island where he had endured so
much suffering, and a favourable wind carried him to the
south. On the twentieth day after the departure from Gor
gona, the ship rounded a cape, and the adventurers saw
before them the glorious bay of Guayaquil (2 degrees south
latitude). It was a magnificent sight. High in the back
ground rose the snowy peak of the gigantic Chimborazo and
Cotopaxi, and from their base down the crescent-shaped
bay stretched broad forests and well-cultivated plains, while
nearer the shore rose stately cities. The ship anchored before
Tumbez, which lay on the south shore of the bay, and almost
immediately the Curaca sent on board all kind of refresh
ments and some live llamas, an attention which Pizarro reci
procated by a present of swine and poultry, both unknown
animals in that country. His messengers returned with a
favourable report of the inhabitants, whom they described as
friendly and cordial. They spoke also with admiration of the
great buildings of the town, particularly of the Temple of the
Sun, covered with plates of gold and silver, and full of astonish
ing treasures. But alluring as these reports sounded, their
small number forbade the Spaniards to think of satisfying

326 A Century of Discovery.
their hunger for gold, and Pizarro enjoined on all his com
panions to show the utmost friendship and forbearance in
their intercourse with the natives. He continued his voyage
to Santa (8 degrees south latitude) finding the coast every
where studded with towns and villages inhabited by a gentle
and industrious people. He was also able to satisfy himself
sufficiently that he had reached the long-sought land of gold.
Returning to Tumbez, where some of the crew settled, he left
for the north, and in the spring of 1528 ran into the harbour
of Panama after an absence of nearly two years.
The news he brought immediately reversed the unfavour
able opinion that had been held with respect to the under
taking, and he found adventurers enough ready to join him.
But his associates were of opinion that it would be best to
obtain first distinct promises and a regular appointment from
the Court ; and with this object Pizarro was persuaded to
go himself to Spain. He arrived in Seville in the summer
of 1528, where, by the influence of Enciso, whom he had as
sisted in deposing, he was thrown into prison. But a royal
command soon set him free ; and at^Toledo he maintained his
claims so convincingly before Charles V., drawing such an
animated picture of the riches of the land he had discovered,
that the Indian Council received orders to arrange with him
at once in the most favourable manner.
On the 26th of J uly 1 5 29, a document was signed in which the
rank and title of Governor, Commander-in-chief Adelantado,
and Supreme Judge was conferred upon Pizarro for the province
of New Castile (the name given to the kingdom of the Incas),
which he was to conquer. At the same time a revenue of 725,000
maravedis was conferred upon him, and significant figures were
added to his coat of arms. But while he took such good care
of himself he only procured for Almagro the appointment of
Governor of Tumbez, with a revenue of 200,000 maravedis,
and for Luque the bishopric of Tumbez, with an income of

DEATH OF PIZARRO.

Francisco Pizarro.

327

1000 ducats, although before his departure from Panama he
had pledged himself to obtain for them honours equal to his
own. By means of money advanced to him from many per
sons — among whom was Cortes, who happened to be just then
in Spain — he was able to equip a little fleet, and, with 250
chosen men, set sail for the New World in January, 1530.
Among his companions were his three brothers, Hernando,
Gonzalo, and Juan, who forsook their humble employments
in the little town of Truxillo, in the hope of ruling over great
nations in Peru. In Panama the expedition was delayed by
a vehement dispute between Pizarro and Almagro, who could
not forgive the selfish conduct of his colleague, and would
hardly be pacified.
It was not until January, 153 1, that the three ships, having
on board, besides the 200 soldiers, twenty-seven horses, pro
ceeded on their way — a contemptible force to venture to over
throw the enormous and well-ordered kingdom of the Incas.
But Pizarro's confidence had already endured many hard
trials, and he doubted not of a favourable termination to the
enterprise. His first spoil, worth 20,ooo_ducats, which he ob
tained by assaulting the town of Coaque, he sent back to
Panama, that more men might be induced to follow under the
leadership of Almagro. He himself proceeded along the
coast, meeting with scarcely any opposition until he reached
the island of Puna, in the Bay of Guayaquil. Here the war
like Indians met them in arms, and though after a violent
struggle they received a serious overthrow, yet the Spaniards
were left in a situation of great danger, until they were re
lieved by the arrival of a fresh force of 100 men under the
gallant Hernando de Soto. The little army then proceeded
to Tumbez. When Pizarro five years before first visited the
kingdom of the Incas, it was under the rule of the powerful
Huayna Capac, who in his youth had conquered Quito and
incorporated the great state. But this powerful ruler had

328 A Century of Discovery.
since died; and on his death-bed had made dispositions which
produced very serious results. According to the unchange
able law of the empire, the crown passed to Prince Guascar,
the eldest son of his queen. But by a princess of Quito he
had a favourite son, named Atahualpa, who grew up near him
and won his father's whole heart. From love to him he
separated from the empire the newly-conquered kingdom of
Quito, and gave it to his favourite as an independent govern
ment For some years the brothers were very good friends ;
but at length a war broke out between the two, and the whole
army, with the best generals, took the side of Atahualpa, who
had passed his youth in the army, and the rightful King was
obliged to yield. Before the gates of his own capital, Guas
car, a prince of excellent qualities, was overcome and taken
prisoner, while his fortunate rival obtained the crown, dis
gracing his conquest by a terrible slaughter of the Incas, his
relatives. These events had just occurred when the Spaniards landed
in Tumbez, in 1532, and they had left behind traces not only
in the land, but also in the tempers of the people. The
Spaniards found Tumbez, which had been represented to
them as so delightful, wasted, it was said, by the inhabitants
of Puna. The colonists that had been left behind in the
earlier expedition had vanished, and no certain information
concerning their fate could be obtained. Pizarro therefore
gave up his plan of making Tumbez the headquarters of the
expedition, and led his army along the coast in a southerly
direction, until he had found a suitable place. Here in a
fruitful valley not far from the sea, into which a navigable
river flowed, he founded the first Spanish colony, and gave it
the name of San Miguel. He spent the whole summer of the
year 1532 in fortifying the town, in forming a community out of
those soldiers who were disposed to settle, and in appointing
the authorities, while the ships returned to Panama with the

Francisco Pizarro. 329
spoil already collected. From the information that he col
lected here with regard to the condition of the country, he
found that the deposed Guascar was languishing as a prisoner
in the strong fortress Xaura, and that the victorious Atahualpa,
with his army, was distant from San Miguel only some twelve
days' journey in the town of Cassamarca, whither he had gone
for the warm baths. There Pizarro determined to seek him
out, and on the 21st of September, 1532, left San Miguel with
105 foot-soldiers and sixty-three horse.
Their way soon led the httle band out ofthe glorious scenery
of the coast into the wild region of the mountains whose sum
mits appeared to touch the heavens. They were well received
wherever they stopped, and an ambassador from the Inca met
them, who brought presents to their general, and an invitation
couched in the most friendly terms. Suspicious, however, of
these assurances, Pizarro continued his march ready prepared
for battle, the cavalry under his brother Hernando and the
gallant de Soto going forward to explore the road and the
heights. But they met with no hostile demonstration, and
even the most difficult passes, which might have been made
invincible by a small garrison, were found open and unguarded.
Was the Inca in earnest in his assurances, or was he trying to
entice the strangers into a trap .'' The Spaniards inclined to
the latter supposition, which gave them the right to be stern
and dictatorial. They still continued to ascend, and at last, by
a difficult mule path, crossed the inhospitable ridge which was
the boundary of Cassamarca. Then began to reappear beautiful
watered meadows and cornfields, and at* last was seen the
town itself in a lovely green valley, whence arose a pillar of
steam, betraying the far-famed hot springs. A mass of white
tents rising in front of the town showed Pizarro that Ata
hualpa was protected by a considerable army.
But without sign of fear he led his little army down into the
town, which he found deserted by its inhabitants. He chose

33© A Century of Discovery.
for his quarters a three-cornered place at the end of the town,
which was surrounded by spacious halls. Although the even
ing was far advanced, he sent a troop of cavalry to the neigh
bouring baths to greet the Inca and see how things stood.
They found Atahualpa in an open court of the palace, sur
rounded by his dignitaries, but neither by the arrogant message
of their general, nor by surprising feats of horsemanship, could
they produce the least impression on the Prince, who remained
quite impassive, and betrayed nothing of the astonishment
which the unexpected appearances must have excited in
him. But he listened courteously to their invitation to
visit them in the town, and promised to come the next
day. What did Atahualpa purpose.' Were his intentions as harm
less as he asserted .-' It was hardly to be supposed that a
prince who had given such proofs of courage and sagacity
could be blind to the great danger that threatened his town.
Or did he purpose to destroy these dangerous strangers, and
had with this end in view enticed them into the lion's den .'*
But then surely he would not have been rash enough to trust
his own person to them. His conduct remains a riddle to this
day, in spite of the assertion of Pizarro that he meant to kill
most of the Spaniards, keeping the bravest in his service, and
in spite of the fact that in Peru, as in Mexico, there was an
old tradition of some divine beings who were one day to return,
and that this old story no doubt came to the help ofthe daring
invaders. The report of the messengers of the dignified bearing of
Atahualpa and the warlike masses by which he was sur
rounded put the courage of the Spaniards to a hard trial, but
Pizarro assured them that all was going just as he wished, and
that the next day would make them lords of Peru. He
determined by a coup de main to make himself master of the
person of the Prince, and make him play the same part that

Francisco Pizarro. 331
Montezuma had played in the hands of Cortes, whom Pizarro
followed as his model most faithfully.
On the next day, November i6th, 1532, he communicated
his plans to his troops. He then caused the guns to be placed
in a neighbouring fortress, and ordered his men to keep them
selves concealed in the great halls and, at a given signal, to burst
out and begin the slaughter. When all the preparations for
the treacherous assault were complete, the priests who accom
panied the Spanish army performed a solemn Mass, and called
upon God to take under His almighty protection the warriors
who were to fight for His holy cause, and for the extension of
His kingdom. With pious ardour the soldiers joined in the
prayers and hymns. " One might have supposed them," says
Prescott, " a company of martyrs about to lay down their lives
in defence of their faith, instead of a licentious band of ad
venturers meditating one of the most atrocious acts of perfidy
on the record of history. But the Spaniards were not hypo
crites : in their mistaken piety they were perfectly convinced
that their designs would be pleasing to God, and, unfor
tunately, there is no want in history of examples to prove
that the warmest religious enthusiasm may exist side by side
with the most utter want of principle and the coarsest
selfishness." Meanwhile the unsuspecting victim was approaching. Before
the town Atahualpa stopped and sent the desired message,
that he should enter the town unarmed and with but few
soldiers, and that he intended to pass the night there. It was
near sunset when the head of the proces^on passed to their
destruction through the gate of the city. First came a hundred
servants to clear away every obstacle; then followed other
companies of various ranks and variously clothed, but all with
great magnificence. A particularly fine appearance was madeby
the body-guard and immediate servants of the Prince, dressed
in sky-blue ; and the chief members of the aristocracy ex-

332 A Century of Discovery.
cited much attention by their rich attire, and by the large
golden balls which they wore in their ears. They all united
in solemn songs, "which sounded in our ears," says one of
the pious discoverers, "like songs of hell."
Last appeared the Inca borne on a litter, seated on a stool
of solid gold, of inestimable value. The litter was adorned
with bright-coloured feathers of tropical birds, and glittered
with gold and silver plates. The dress of the Prince much
surpassed fn splendour that of his attendants. He wore a
necklace of emeralds of unusual size and beauty. His short
hair was ornamented, and round his brow was wound the royal
turban, the . Borla, the fringe of which hung down to his eyes.
The Inca looked round him with dignity, and was astonished
to see the place empty where he expected to meet the
Spaniards. Then Father Vincent de Valverde stepped forward to meet
him. He was a. gloomy Dominican, Pizarro's chaplain. He
held in one hand a Bible, in the other a crucifix, and said he
came at the General's command to call upon the King to
accept Christianity. With the help of his interpreter, the
cunning Felipillo, he explained the chief doctrines of the
Christian Church, telling him that the vicars of Christ, the
Popes of Rome, were lords of all lands, and therefore of
Peru, and that they had charged the Spanish King to convert
that country to Christianity. The summary, in itself rather
indistinct, was not rendered more clear by passing through an
interpreter. Only one thing did Atahualpa understand, the
statement that in his land another than he possessed' the
supreme authority. He cried indignantly, " I am greater than
any other Prince upon earth ! Your Emperor may be a great
Prince, I do not doubt it, since I see that he has sent his ser
vants across the sea to me, and I am ready to consider him as
a brother. As for what you said about the Pope, he must be
mad if he thinks he can give away lands that do not belong

Francisco Pizarro. 333
to him." Then he asked Valverde on what he rested such
foolish statements. The priest pointed to the Bible. Atahualpa
took it, and being perfectly unacquainted with the crooked
signs which covered the leaves, let the book drop carelessly
on the ground. The monk hastily picked up the sacred book,
ran to Pizarro and told him of the insult to the word of God.
" Strike at once," he cried, " I will absolve you."
Pizarro lifted a white handkerchief and waved it, a cannon
shot resounded, and at this given sign the Spaniards rushed
from all sides upon their helpless victims. A cry of distress
was raised, broken by the battle-cry of the assailants and the
thunder of the artillery. The whole place was soon a scene
of utter confusion, the alarmed Peruvians seeking in vain to
escape from the swords of their relentless enemies. In desper
ation they succeeded in forcing an opening in the stone wall,
by which some of them escaped. Pizarro's object from the
beginning was to obtain possession of Atahualpa's person.
But the faithful guards, who surrounded the Prince, threw
themselves between him and the Spaniards, and, unarmed as
they were, tried to make a defence for him of their own
bodies. It was not until they were cut down to the last man
that the assailants succeeded in seizing the King and carrying
him safely into the neighbouring building.
Then the struggle ceased, but an enormous number of the
noblest of the Peruvians — the accounts vary between 2000
and 10,000 — lay dead on the scene of the conflict, while of
the Spaniards not one was wounded. On the bodies of the
fallen, who were buried the next day, a rich spoil was found,
which was much increased by the plunder of the Inca's palace.
Well satisfied, and with the consciousness of having performed
a work well-pleasing to God, they lay down to sleep.
The unhappy Prince, bewildered by the treachery of the
assault, and overwhelmed by the fearful scenes which he had
witnessed, was entertained as a guest the same evening at the

334 A Century of Discovery.
table of Pizarro, who behaved to him with soldierly courtesy
and assured him of good treatment A suite of rooms were
appointed him, in which he settled himself with his wives and
retinue. Intercourse with his subjects was allowed him, only
of course under strict supervision. He reconciled himself to
his altered situation with the sang froid characteristic of his
people, and while towards his subjects he displayed, even as a
prisoner, all the majesty of royalty, to his jailors he was
friendly and sociable. From them he learned to play at dice
and chess, and often gratified them with costly presents.
Pizarro chose Cassamarca for his headquarters. He em
ployed himself first in erecting a Christian church, and then
in making all the necessary arrangements for the maintenance
of the troops. Through the captive Prince he summoned
back the fugitive inhabitants, dismissed the Indian army and
obtained possession of their leaders. At the same time he
sent out comjjanies to traverse the country, put down all
opposition and plunder the temples and palaces. They soon
collected important treasure, and Atahualpa had good reason
to imagine that the Spaniards were impelled less by religious
zeal and love of honour than by covetousness. He wished
to please them that he might procure his liberty. So one day
he offered to Pizarro, as ransom, sufficient gold to fill the room
in which they were to the height that a man could reach with
his arm. This offer surpassed so much the most brilliant ex
pectations of the avaricious Spaniards that they doubted the
possibility of its fulfilment. However, Pizarro consented,
and drawing a red line along the wall, he made a notary draw
up the conditions of the agreement The room was about
seventeen feet wide, twenty-two feet long, and the line on the
wall was at a height of nine feet from the ground. This space
was to be filled with gold, but it was agreed that the gold should
not be melted into bars but should be left in the form in which
it was found. A smaller neighbouring room Atahualpa

P'rancisco Pizarro. 335
offered to fill twice with gold, and for the fulfilment of the
agreement a space of two months was allowed. His mes
sengers went to all parts of the land and demanded from the
priests and guardians of the palaces the golden furniture that
they might bring it to Cassamarca. The news reached even
the imprisoned Guascar, and in the hope of purchasing his
freedom in the same way he offered the Spanish general still
greater treasures than his brother, who, not being a native of
Cusco, did not know the place where the treasures were to be
found. But Atahualpa heard of this message, and, from a
well-grounded fear that Pizarro would constitute himself arbi
trator between the two rivals, gave orders that his unfortu
nate brother should be murdered. So Guascar died at the
command of his brother, who, himself a prisoner, denied any
complicity in the murder without being able to convince his
jailor. The wide extent of the kingdom delayed the execution of
the promise that Atahualpa had given, but day after day
great loads of royal treasures arrived and were put into safe
custody. The impatience ofthe soldiers to obtain their share
of the enormous booty was so great that at last Pizarro began
the division. On a careful reckoning it was estimated that
the gold collected was worth the enormous sum of 1,326,529
dollars, besides a mass of silver ofthe value of 5 1,610 marks. It
was the greatest spoil that, since the memory of man, had fallen
into the hands of a victorious army. Pizarro first separated
the royal fifth, taking care that the most va.luable and skilful
work should be included in it that the Castilian Court might
be made acquainted with the skill and taste of its new
subjects. The royal portion was conveyed by Hernando
Pizarro to Spain, and he was charged at the same time to seek
for fresh honours for the conquerors and reinforcements. On
the division Pizarro's share amounted to 57,222 dollars of gold
and 2350 marks of silver, besides the Inca's stool of sohd

33^ A Century of Discovery.
gold. The officers' prize was very great, and even of the
common soldiers the horseman each received 8880 dollars of
gold and 360 marks of silver, and the foot-soldiers 4440 dollars
of gold and 180 marks of silver. Smaller sums were given to
the garrison of San Miguel and to Almagro's troops, who had
arrived meanwhile in Cassamarca with a force of 200 soldiers,
of whom 50 were horsemen. The priest Luque, the third
partner, had died shortly before, but Espinosa, who had
advanced the money, appears to have been richly repaid.
The newly-arrived forces at last made it possible for Pizarro
to think of marching to Cusco, but he felt that the captive
Prince would be in his way. Since the division of the spoil
he had loudly demanded his freedom, although the treasures
had not entirely fulfilled his promise. Pizarro hesitated, but
at last determined to prolong Atahualpa's captivity and to
look for an opportunity of ridding himself of his troublesome
prisoner. It came only too soon. Reports were spread of
threatened risings among the natives aroused by the dethroned
Inca against the strangers, and the soldiers, who saw before
them all the hardships of camp-life, demanded the death of
the' conspirator. Pizarro was decided. He sent away from
the camp the chivalrous Hernando de Soto, the warmest
defender of the prisoner, and formed a court of justice to try
the unhappy Prince. With heartless hypocrisy great pains
were taken to give to the arbitrary act an appearance of justice.
Pizarro and Almagro sat as judges, an advocate was given to
the accused, and a public official prosecuted.
Twelve charges were brought against him, the most import
ant being that he had usurped the Crown and murdered his
brother, that after the conquest of the country by the Spaniards
he had wasted the revenues of the empire to the injury of
the Castilian crown, that he was guilty of idolatry and
adultery, and that he had tried to excite a rebellion against the
Spaniards. The unfortunate man was unanimously declared

Francisco Pizarro. 337
guilty, and the only question that was raised was the advisa
bility ofa capital sentence. This, however, was soon decided
upon, and the pious Valverde gave the matter his blessing.
When the sentence was communicated to the Inca he was
much distressed, although he had long foreboded it. For a
moment trouble unmanned him, and he cried with tears in
his eyes, " What have I done to deserve so miserable a fate 1
And you condemn me to it," he said, turning to Pizarro, "you
who have been treated by my people with kindness and hos
pitality, with whom I have shared my treasures, and who
have received nothing but kindness from my hands ?" He
begged piteously for his life, but the heartless man was not to
be moved. Then Atahualpa recovered his composure, and
calmly allowed himself to be led in chains to the place of
execution. He had constantly resisted all attempts of Val
verde to convert him, but the fear of being burnt alive over
came him, and the promise being given him of sparing him
this fearful form of death if he was baptised, he professed
himself a Christian. He had hardly entered the Christiari
Church under the name of Juan de Atahualpa, when the
executioner put an end to his troubles by strangling him. So
died, August 29th, 1533, the last Inca who reigned inde
pendently over the great kingdom. He was a man of great
and brilliant qualities, both of the heart and understanding,
though there were not wanting dark .shadows on his character
But these fall into insignificance when compared with the black
deceit and cunning cruelty to which he feli a victim. His
execution brought upon Pizarro much well-deserved reproach,
and he sought in vain to throw the blame of the detestable
crime upon the officers who had urged him to it.
The death of the Inca, the sun round which the whole state
system of Peru revolved, necessarily brought confusion into
the entire kingdom, and rebellion broke out in the distant
provinces, while at the same time an Indian army assembled 22

338 A Century of Discovery.
before Cusco to prevent the Spaniards from entering the holy
city. Pizarro tried to smooth over this difficulty by setting
upon the vacant throne first a brother of Atahualpa's, and
after his speedy death a brother of Guascar's, the youthful
and heroic Manco Capac, and causing the Peruvians solemnly
to pay him homage. The march to Cusco was delayed by
repeated skirmishes, and many a difficult pass could only
be won by hard fighting. But at last all difficulties were
overcome, and the Spaniards saw lying at their feet Cusco, the
holy city ofthe Incas. On November 15th, 1533, they entered
it, and were not less astonished at finding such a healthy
climate at the height of 10,000 feet above the sea than at the
extent of the population, which is reckoned then to have
numbered 400,000, and also at the regular arrangement of the
streets and numerous fine buildings. The town was divided
into four quarters by four streets which led to the four pro
vinces of the great empire. In the spacious squares rose
gigantic edifices, the castles of the Incas, the temple of the
sun, etc., while at the east end upon a hill stood a fortress, built
of enormous stones, commanding the whole town. In all these
buildings was to be found excellent masonry, on many also
tasteful sculpture. But what delighted the Spaniards more
than anything was the prospect of rich spoil, in which they
were not disappointed.
Although the chief wealth had previously been sur
rendered for Atahualpa's ransom, and Pizarro had strictly
forbidden the plundering of private houses, yet a treasure was
collected and divided among the adventurers which was
estimated at 580,200 ducats in gold, and 215,000 marks of
silver The sudden flood of riches naturally produced a most
pernicious effect upon those rude minds ; very few ultimately
returned rich to their native land, most squandered their
wealth in the most foolish manner. Many fell victims to the
love for gambling which seems born in Spaniards, losing £til

Francisco Pizarro. 339
their property in one day. Then all the worst passions of the
human heart were aroused, and the unhappy Peruvians saw
their property, their honour, their freedom, their life treated
as toys by wild inhuman masters.
In Cusco, where many Spaniards settled, the civil govern
ment was soon arranged, and attempts were made to convert
the natives. Pizarro founded settlements in different parts of
the country, and by the lavish manner in which he bestowed
repartimientos attracted many Spaniards into the land. From
among these infant towns he selected Los Reyes (the city of
the three kings), which he founded on January 6, 1535, for the
capital of the kingdom, and took great pains with the building
of it. It prospered and increased rapidly, and its name was
soon changed to that of Lima, from the river Rimac, on the
banks of which it was situated. In a short time rose on the
coast Truxillo and Santa to the north, and Nasca and Are-
quipa to the south. The fruitfulness of the soil, and the
natural resources of the country, especially the mines, pro
mised the youthful settlement rapid prosperity, but a suc
cession of terrible conflicts soon destroyed these hopes.
First there was a fearful rising of the natives which called
for all the efforts of the conquerors. The young Inca Manco
Capac succeeded in escaping from the captivity in which his
white masters kept him, and called his people to arms. He
appeared in 1536 with a huge army before Cusco, which was
garrisoned by 200 Spaniards under Hernando and Juan,
brothers of the Governor The attack was made with un
equalled fury, and repeated day after day. To this was
added a great fire by which a large part of the town was laid
in ashes, and famine also made its appearance among the
besieged. But they endured with heroic courage all the
sufferings of a five months' siege, constantly making san
guinary sorties until at last the army of the besiegers was
dispersed. Juan Pizarro lost his life in the defence of the
22 — 2

34© A Century of Discovery.
town. After having escaped this extreme danger it was not
hard for the Spaniards to drive the rebel Peruvians step by
step out of the cultivated portion of the country into the im
passable mountains. There, however, Manco Capac held out for
many years, frequently descending to destroy with fire and
sword the land over which his father had reigned so prosper
ously, and which was now bleeding under the iron heel of the
foreigner. It was not until 1544 that he met his death at the
hand of an assassin.
Still more disastrous for the country was the renewal of the
old dispute between Pizarro and Almagro. The arrival of
Hernando Pizarro at the Spanish court had caused universal
astonishment and surprise throughout Spain. His story and
the treasures that he brought surpassed so much all that had
ever been seen before that every one was inclined to consider
it a fairy tale, and nothing but the evidence of their senses
could persuade them of the truth of these wonders. Thousands
offered themselves for the gold land, and Fernando set out
on his return with a great fleet crowded with new settlers.
He was also the bearer of fresh favours from the Emperor to
the two leaders. Pizarro's province, which began at. the river
San Juan, 4 degrees north latitude, and extended 70 Spanish
miles to the south, received an addition of 270 more. All the
country south of that was given to Almagro as an inde
pendent government. Very soon arose difficulties about the
boundaries of the two provinces. Cusco, even Lima itself,
became disputed territory. Almagro at first undertook an
exploring and conquering expedition to the south. He
crossed the Cordilleras in one of the wildest parts, where after
wards the inexhaustible silver mines of Potosi were disco
vered, and traversed the land of Chili in spite of frequent
conflicts with the natives. But he was forced to return with
out founding a settlement or finishing the conquest of the
country. He climbed up through the inhospitable desert of

Prancisco Pizarro. 341
Atacama to the tableland of Titicaca, where he arrived just
in time to assist in overthrowing Manco Capac, who was besieg
ing Cusco. He then laid claim himself to the possession of
the capital, and succeeded in making himself master of it
by surprise, and capturing Hernando and Gonzalo, the two
brothers of his rival. A division of the army which was sent
against him he completely defeated at the river Abangay.
Pizarro not being then in a position to make head against
him tried to avert the threatened danger by negotiations, and
brought Almagro to consent to a temporary agreement,
according to which he released the brothers Pizarro and
evacuated Cusco. Meanwhile the Governor hastily made pre
parations, procured reinforcements from Central America, and
soon found himself at the head of a large army, which he sent,
under the command of his brother Hernando, against his old
companion-in-arms, remaining himself in Lima.
Terrified out of his false security, Almagro marched to
Cusco, and there, o ppressed by age and sickness, surrendered
his command to his faithful officer Orgonez. On April 26th,
1538, ensued the decisive battle at Salinas, before the gates
of Cusco. After a bloody conflict Pizarro remained the victor.
Orgonez fell, his army dispersed, and Almagro was taken
prisoner. Fernando Pizarro, after having given Cusco up
to plunder, called a court-martial to decide the fate of the
rebel. The pitiable farce to which Atahualpa had fallen
victim was repeated. Condemned to death, Diego de Almagro
was strangled in prison, his body beheaded in the public
square, and then buried with great ceremony, Pizarro's
brother following the bier as chief mourner At the time of
his miserable death Almagro was an old man of seventy. He
was of equally low origin with Pizarro, and had passed through
the same school of danger and adventure ; but he differed
from him in his cheerful disposition and frank nature, and
was totally wanting in the cautious circumspect character

342 A Century of Discovery.
which distinguished Pizarro. Hernando Pizarro would scarcely
have dared to commit such an act without being certain of
his brother's consent, and both were to receive the due
punishment of their crime. Hernando went to Spain in 1539,
where the friends of the murdered man had accused him,
trusting that the treasures he brought with him would be
sufficient proofs of his innocence. But he was coldly received,
and without a trial was sent to the fortress of Medina del
Campo, where he languished a prisoner for twenty years. He
did not obtain his freedom until 1560, when, unbroken by his
long confinement, he had attained a great age.
Long before that had the Governor Francisco Pizarro met
his end. He had treated the numerous adherents of Almagro
with careless contempt, neither attempting to win them by
kindness nor to keep them down by severity. These discon
tented men formed a dangerous party in the new state. For
all the sufferings and dangers they had endured, especially the
march to Chili, they had been rewarded only by poverty and
neglect. They found a head in the natural son of their late
leader, young Diego de Almagro, whom his father had named
his heir, but whom Pizarro had robbed of his inheritance.
Under the guidance of a discontented officer named Juan de
Rada, Diego made preparations for an outbreak. On Sun
day, June 26th, 1 541, the conspirators, only twenty in number,
left Almagro's house and hastened to the palace of the Gover
nor, shouting, " Long live the King I Death to the tyrant !"
The inhabitants of Lima, quiet in their houses during the
midday heat, paid no attention to the uproar, and so the
murderers passed unhindered through the open doors of the
palace, cutting down all who came in their way, Pizarro had
been warned some days before, but considered the report a
mere invention. He had just been dining in company with his
half-brother, Martin de Alcantara, the chief judge, and the new
Bishop of Quito, and other friends, when the noise warned him

Francisco Pizarro. 343
of the greatness of the danger. He preserved his presence of
mind perfectly, and commanding an officer to shut the door
which led into the court, he hastened to put on his armour.
But the officer in confusion ran straight into the arms of the
conspirators and was cut down. So before the Governor and
his friends were armed the conspirators were upon them.
Nevertheless they fought desperately, and several of the
assailants were stretched mortally wounded on the ground.
Alcantara and the other friends- of the Governor fell, and he
himself was attacked, but brought several to the ground by
quick powerful blows, till at last he received a severe wound
in the neck and fell. " Jesus," cried the wounded man, and
making with his finger a cross on the bloody ground, he
stooped to kiss it, when another blow ended his life.
So closed this strange career, so rich in adventure, in bril
liant feats and in horrible crimes, begun in poverty and dirt
and reaching the highest honours and riches. No one can
deny his great qualities, his unwavering courage, his quick
discernment, his rapid action, his perfect self-confidence ; and
the stains on his character which disgust us are to be found on
all those unprincipled adventurers,disfiguring also a Balboa and
a Cortes. But in Pizarro were wanting the redeeming features
which almost reconcile us to the others and make us judge
them rather leniently and admire their heroism. Their nobility
of mind and chivalrous disposition were ill replaced by the
cold calculation and passionless character of Pizarro, and
his image remains gloomy and hateful. Apparently he was
about seventy years of age at the time of his death. His
funeral was conducted the same evening in the greatest haste
and secrecy. Some servants carried the body wrapped in a
cloth to the church, where it was buried in one corner with
out chant or prayer " There was none," says the historian
Gomara, " to say ' God forgive him.' "
Immediately after Pizarro's death, the young Almagro was

344 A Century of Discovery.
proclaimed Governor, and acknowledged by all in authority.
But even after this revolution the troubles of the young state
were not over. Shortly after, the judge Vaca de Castro entered
Peru, having been sent out by the Spanish Government some
months before to investigate the troubles of the country and
call Pizarro to account for his deeds of violence. Immediately
after his arrival he made use of his authority and summoned
Almagro to submit to him, while at the same time, by his wise,
firm, and moderate conduct, he gained the hearts of the chief
part of the Spanish settlers. But Almagro, fearing for his life,
withdrew to Cusco and prepared for war. A battle was fought
in the plains of Chupas on September i6, 1542, Almagro was
defeated after a gallant struggle, taken prisoner, and executed in
Cusco with forty of his adherents. Under the judicious manage
ment of Vaca de Castro the land enjoyed a short period of rest,
but was again disturbed by the intelligence that a new code of
laws had been prepared in Spain for Peru, which would in
fringe the rights of the conquerors, by declaring the Peruvians
free and protecting them against their masters. To carry out
these laws Blasco Nunez Vela was chosen, and named Viceroy
of Peru. He arrived in the summer of 1544, and entered
Lima with great pomp. But the object for which he was sent
out made him hated by all the Spaniards, and his violent con
duct augmented the embittered feeling until at last it broke
out in open insurrection. It was headed by Gonzalo Pizarro,
the only one left of the four brothers, who, as Governor of
Quito, had spent a long time on a difficult expedition down
the Amazon. During Vaca de Castro's rule he had been en
gaged in working his rich mines. He was a brilliant soldier,
but possessed no force of character The Spaniards flocked
round him, and he was soon able to lead an army against Lima,
where the Governor shut himself up. Utter confusion ensued.
At last in a battle fought before the gates of Quito on January
1 8th, 1546, Blasco Nunez was defeated and fell.

Francisco Pizarro. 345
The fortunate victor was proclaimed Governor, and saluted
with the title of " Deliverer and Protector of the people." His
authority seemed firmly established throughout the land, his
fleet ruled the sea, and even Darien was dependent on him.
In overweening security he adopted a princely style of magni
ficence, and probably intended to declare himself independent
King of Peru. But the end of his glory soon came.
The opposition to Governor Nunez had excited great dis
pleasure in Spain, and in the new governor, Pedro de la Gasca,
the right man was found for a most difficult post He had
given indubitable proofs of ardent loyalty and great qualities,
while he was a man of gentle manners and at the same time
of resolute character. By the decision of Charles V. himself,
he was invested with unlimited powers and almost royal pri
vileges, and embarked for America on May 26th, 1546.
It was not until his arrival that he heard of the complete
triumph of Pizarro and the death of the Viceroy, by which he
was placed in a most difficult position. But by his moderation
and perseverance he succeeded ultimately in awakening regret
for their rebellion in the minds of most of Pizarro's companions
and persuading them to come over to his side. After a war
of several months Pizarro's army was disbanded just before
the battle which was to decide the matter. He himself was
captured, and in April, 1548, with several of his associates
brought to execution.
Gasca was equally successful in reducing the land to order,
and when in 1550 he embarked for Spain, he left Peru in per
fect repose, the Spaniards in the enjoyment of their lands
and the Indians reconciled to their lot The monarch, for
whom by his wise and energetic conduct he had saved the
brightest jewel of his foreign possessions, rewarded him with
the bishopric of Siguenza, which he held until his peaceful
death in 1567.

CHAPTER VIIL
THE LAST DISCOVERIES OF THE SPANIARDS,
It has been already remarked that the discoveries of the
Spaniards are closely connected with the finding of the pre
cious metals. In the search for them they shrank from no
difficulties and no hardships. Countries where gold and silver
were to be found were soon covered with settlements, and gold-
seekers streamed in unceasingly from the mother country.
On the other hand, those countries that were poor in the pre
cious metals soon lost all interest, and it was only under ex
ceptionally favourable circumstances that, after a long period,
immigrants began to stream into them.
Such natural advantages, however, existed for the Antilles
and the Isthmus of Darien. Those islands were the natural
and most convenient station for Spanish ships going farther to
the west ; as the oldest possessions, they had attained a higher
degree of order, and the towns planted on them had grown
up so quickly that the inhabitants felt settled and at home,
while their harbours showed signs of active prosperity. The
isthmus having special importance as the highway for all the
trade of Peru, the town of Panama developed rapidly.
Of all the countries along the coast of the eastern sea,
Mexico, so rich in silver, was most attractive, and the overflow
of its settlers went to found new colonies in the neighbour
ing lands to the north, where new silver mines were constantly
being found. Chihuahua was taken possession of by Francisco
de Ibarra in 1564, and a few years later the outposts of the

The Last Discoveries of the Spaniards. 347
Spanish settlers extended to the wild regions of New Mexico,
and were the scene of unceasing conflicts with the wild Indians.
The north coast of the Mexican Gulf had been explored in
a series of expeditions, and claimed as a Spanish possession ;
but after, by searching the coast narrowly, it had been proved
that the passage to the west was not to be found there, no
further interest was taken in the swampy lands which gave no
promise of precious metals. Florida was the only exception,
being the object of many voyages of discovery, in consequence
of dazzhng accounts of riches reported to be found in a land
sparingly endowed by Nature.
The old romantic knight, Juan Ponce de Leon, the dis
coverer of the land, had been attracted by a spring which was
to restore youth. The unfortunate experience of Ponce did
not prevent numbers of enterprising men from following in
his steps. Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, in 1526, tried to estab
lish a settlement on the banks of the river Sautee, in the part
now called South Carolina ; but in conflict with the natives,
who were irritated by treacherous attacks, he lost the greater
part of his men, and led the rest back to Hispaniola. Then
Pamphilo de Narvaez, the unlucky opponent of the great
Cortes, appeared on the scene. Supported by influential
friends, he received permission to conquer Florida, and
equipped a force of 400 men, among whom were forty-five
horsemen. With this strong force he embarked on board a nu
merous fleet, and appeared on April 12th, 1528, off the west
coast of Florida. Deaf to all advice, he immediately landed
his troops, and marched with them into the interior of the
country, commanding his fleet to go in search of a desirable
harbour In spite of indescribable difficulties from the swampy
land, and continued contests with the warlike natives,, the
march was conducted to the heart of the peninsula ; but none
of the desired treasures were found, and the army was obliged
to return to the coast. There they wandered about, looking

348 A Century of Discovery.
in vain for the fleet, which had been scattered by a sto.-m.
At last they determined to build boats, and in them proceed
along the coast. These frail barks, however, were all swal
lowed up by the waves, Narvaez himself losing his life. Of
all these brave men, only two were ever again seen by their
countrymen — the paymaster, Alvaro Nunez, who, after being
kept in hard slavery for many years by the rude tribes, ap
peared in the autumn of 1536 on the north border of Mexico,
which he had succeeded in reaching after a journey on foot of
incredible difficulty; and a sailor, Juan Ortez, who was rescued
by the next expedition.
Unterrified by the miserable result of all the earlier ex
peditions, Hernando de Soto, the chivalrous companion of
Pizarro, accepted the government of Florida, and employed
the great treasures which he had won in Peru in equipping a
gallant army of 1000 men, with which he proceeded to his
government on May 12th, 1539. He founded a settlement
on the Bay of San Spirito, which was afterwards removed to
the Apalachie Gulf and penetrated with his army [into the
interior, where he had to struggle with the same difficulties of
the swampy soil and savage inhabitants as his predecessor
had done. More fortunate than he had been, Soto overcame
all difficulties, passed the winter at a favourable part of the
peninsula, and then, by deceitful accounts of a land rich in
gold, allowed himself to be persuaded into undertaking a
great expedition in a north-westerly direction to the river
Mississippi. Crossing it the indefatigable general proceeded
as far as the Arkansas, but then was obliged to return and
establish himself at the junction of the two streams. There
he was attacked on May 25th, 1542, by a lingering fever, to
which his constitution, weakened by excessive exertion, at
last succumbed. His army, thus left without a general, at
tempted first to reach Mexico, but in the prairies of Texas
was forced to give up the plan and return to the Mississippi.

The Last Discoveries of the Spaniards. 349
Ori seven frail ships which they built there, the survivors, 350
in number, embarked on the 2nd of July, 1543, and, after a
tedious voyage along the coast, reached the Atlantic harbours
of Mexico in a miserable condition.
The unfortunate result of this brilliant expedition taught
the Spaniards a lesson, and from that time they forsook the
dangerous coast. It was only very gradually that there arose
round the best harbours of Florida little settlements, which in
time became towns. St. Augustine, lying on the east coast,
30° north latitude, is the oldest of these towns.
More successful were the enterprises which had for their
object the rich mountain lands between Darien and Mexico.
As early as 15 15 and 15 16 armies under Gonsalo de Badajoz
and that Caspar de Espinosa who afterwards defrayed the ex
penses of the conquest of Peru, swept over the country now
called Costa Rica, and carried away rich spoil. Later Gil
Gongalez Davila arrived, having started, in 1522, with four
ships to explore the coast of Panama. He visited the Gulf of
Nicoya, which Espinosa had already found, and during a
march into the interior discovered the great fresh water lake,
which, from a neighbouring chief, was called Nicaragua. Here
they met with a highly-cultivated people, closely resembling
the Aztecs in their manners. The squadron proceeded at
once to the north, and discovered the Gulf of Papagayo
and that beautiful inlet of the South Sea, which, in honour
of the President, received the name of Fonseca Bay (13° north
latitude). The newly-annexed lands soon received a large
number of emigrants from Panama.
Penetrating farther to the north, the Spanish discoverers
met some of their countrymen, who had entered the country
from the opposite direction. They were commanded by
Pedro de Alvarado, the bold companion of Cortes, whom the
latter had commissioned to conquer the country of Guate
mala. He performed his task with horrible cruelty in the

350 A Century of Discovery.
year 1524. The people of this land were highly civilised, re
lated to the Toltecs in Mexico and the Mayas in Yucatan, but
incapable of resisting the arms which had overthrown the
mighty kingdom of the Aztecs. Alvarado remained until his
death, in 1541, Governor of Guatemala, which attained such
importance that in 1540 it was separated from Mexico, to
which it had hitherto belonged, and was made independent
under its own Captain-general. At the same time the rest of
the territories in Central America were added to it, and also
Honduras, which Olid had conquered in 1523. The Captain-
general resided in Old Guatemala, a town which soon became,
next to Mexico, the most splendid of the whole of Spanish
America. The north coast of South America was not occupied by
Spanish colonists until later, although it had been made
known by Columbus and Ojeda. This was probably caused
by fear of the Caribs, who had inflicted fearful damage on the
first Spaniards who entered their country. The country of
Uraba on the Gulf of Darien, too well known by the miser
able expeditions of Ojeda, was colonised by Spaniards from
the south. Sebastian de Belalcazar, an officer of Pizarro's,
had conquered Quito in 1534, and going on northward into
the valley of Popayan, in which the river Cauca had its source,
took possession of a province for himself holding it under the
government of Lima. Penetrating still farther northward,
Juan de Quesada occupied the highlands of the Cordilleras
on both banks of the Magdalena, founding there, in 1538, the
new capital of Santa-Fe de Bogota, at a great height above
the sea, and opening a way along the strean to the Caribbean
Sea, About the same time the neighbouring coasts from the
Gulf of Maracaybo to the mouth of the Orinoco were oc
cupied. All these territories were given by Charles V., in
1525, to his privy councillor, the merchant, Bartholomaus

The Last Discoveries of the Spaniards. 351
Welser, who, being born (1484) a scion of a famous commer
cial house in Augsburg, by successful speculation became one
of the richest men in Europe, and counted the Emperor him
self among his debtors. As payment for a debt of 1 1,000,000
gulden, a long strip of the coast was given him for twenty-
eight years. It was named Venezuela (Little Venice), from
the villages built on piles in the sea, which the discoverers
had found on the coasts of the Gulf of Maracaybo. Welser,
in 1527, sent his trusted friend — afterwards son-in-law — Am-
brosius Dalfinger into the country. He took with him some
Jesuit missionaries, twenty-four German miners, and a com
pany of Spanish soldiers. Coro, lying at the mouth of the
Maracaybo, was the starting-point of expeditions by which
he gradually subdued the numerous tribes of the natives.
Nicolaus Federmann, of Ulm, who joined him in 1530, with
fresh forces, has given us a faithful description of these
savages, and of the wars waged against them.
But after the death of the Governor, Dalfinger, in 1541, the
administration of the colony, the produce of which the Wel-
sers brought under their own flag to the European markets,
fell into bad hands. Quarrels with the Governors of the
neighbouring Spanish colonies, and the cruelties which the
agents and soldiers had perpetrated upon the natives, turned
the attention of the Spanish Government to the mal-ad-
ministration. Following the advice of a commission sent
to investigate the matter, Charles V. took away the govern
ment in 1555 from the Welsers, buying back their rights and
taking possession of Venezuela for the Spanish crown. The
new Governor took up his residence after 1566 in Caracas,
where Columbus had already founded a settlement under the
name of San Jago de Leon.
The attempts to explore the course of the gigantic Amazon
claim a special interest on account of the fearful sufferings
endured by the discoverers. Gonzalo Pizarro, the youngest

352 A Century of Discovery.
of the brothers, had scarcely been appointed Governor of
Quito when he collected a considerable army to subjugate the
mysterious lands lying to the east, where they expected to
find the most valuable spices, and of course plenty of gold
and precious stones. With 350 well-armed Spaniards, 4000
Indians, many horses and dogs, he marched out of Quito in
January, 1540.
But the passage over this almost inaccessible part of the
Cordilleras was only accomplished with the greatest difficulty,
and a fearful earthquake, splitting the rocks and swallowing
up entire villages, increased the terror with which the stern
face of nature impressed even these bold minds. When the
descent on the east side of the mountains was effected, the
warm damp climate generated severe sickness, and the journey
through the uninhabited region of the primeval forests
weakened even the most hardened constitutions. The Span
iards were soon reduced to the most loathsome food, and
their garments worn to rags. But the dazzling pictures called
up by their imagination gave them strength to persevere.
They pursued their march along the banks of the Napo, a
tributary of the Amazon. Their strength continuing to fail,
they built a ship with indescribable difficulty, melting down
the shoes of the slaughtered horses for nails, using the gum of
trees for pitch, and their torn clothes for ropes. After hard
labour for two months a rough boat was completed, strong
and roomy enough to carry half the company.
The journey was thus rendered easier, but their sufferings
from hunger increased, and still there appeared no signs of
inhabited or cultivated land. In this extremity Pizarro sent
forward the ship with fifty men, under the command of Fran
cisco de Orellana of Truxillo, to forage for provisions and
await the arrival of the others at the confluence of the Napo
and the Amazon. Pizarro and those who remained with him
reached this spot after a wearisome march of two months.

The Last Discoveries of the Spaniards. 353
But, to their horror, the ship was nowhere to be seen, and
they learned from Sanchez de Vargas, who had quitted it,
that Orellana, thinking only of his own safety, had pursued
his way down the larger stream, hoping to be able from its
mouth to reach Spain.
In their despair the only stay of the Spaniards was the
heroic courage of Gonzalo Pizarro. He pointed out to them
that there was no hope of deliverance, except in at once re
turning to Quito. But the sufferings endured on the road
were fearful, and only eighty Spaniards and 1000 Indians
reached (June, 1542) the point whence the expedition had
started : and they were naked, famished, scarred, and wounded,
and many of them bearing in their bodies the seeds of in
curable diseases.
Meanwhile Orellana, who excused the faithlessness with
which he had left his companions a prey to hunger, by the
impossibility of steering against the mighty stream, had suc
cessfully escaped all the dangers to which the ship was ex
posed from the rapidity of the stream, the rocks, and the
floating islands. He seldom ventured to land, since his weak
and famished crew were not a match for the warlike Indians.
At last he reached the coast, and steering northward came
to the little island of Cubagua, which lies off Paria, and was
then much visited on account of its pearl fisheries. Here
he found Spanish ships, which conveyed him and his com
panions home. He mixed up with his report of their unen
durable sufferings fables of an Eldorado, aqd of a race of war
like women that inhabited the land, which doubtless gave rise
to the name still borne by the mightiest stream on the earth.
He received permission to conquer and colonise the lands
that he had discovered, and collected for that purpose 500 ad
venturers. They, however, could not agree, and dispersed
when they reached the Canary Islands, Orellana himself
dying of vexation. 2\

354 -^ Century of Discovery.
For more than lOO years the upper and middle streams of
the Amazon, thus explored by him, were not again visited by
any European, but the land near the estuary was quickly
taken possession of by the Portuguese Government and united
to Brazil, to the coasts of which a large body of emigrants
was sent.
After Hernando Jacques had built (1526) Pernambuco, the
oldest of all the Brazilian cities, Bahia and Rio Janeiro arose,
and the whole land was placed under Captain-generals, of
whom the first, Thomas de Souza, fixed his residence in
Bahia. Still farther south Spain maintained the right which
the discoveries of the unfortunate Juan Diaz de Solis
(1515-16) and of Magalhaens (1519) had given her over the
Gulf of La Plata.
In 1525 Pedro de Mendoza offered Charles II. to undertake
at his own cost the exploration and conquest of that tract of
country, and the land between the river Paraguay and La
Plata was conferred upon him with the title of Adelantado.
In 1534 he set out with fourteen ships and 3000 men, explored
the lower course of the two great streams which empty them
selves into the Rio de la Plata, and by a victorious conflict
with the natives assured the Spanish dominion. On a favour
able spot he laid the foundation, in 1535, of the town Buenos
Ayres, and died on his way to Spain, whence he was seeking
reinforcements. Ill 1537 Juan de Ayolas went up the Paraguay, and some
where about eighty degrees south latitude reached the high
lands of Peru. On his return, however, the natives, whom
he had treated in a cruel manner, fell upon him and
killed him with all his companions. Twelve years later
Captain Dominigo Martinez de Yrala repeated the attempt
to unite the Spanish possessions on the shores of South
America. The way which he chose was south of that taken
by Ayolas, and led through wild mountain regions ; but he

The Last Discoveries of the Spaniards. 355
succeeded in reaching Peru, and in returning again to Para
guay. On the way laid open by him constant intercourse has
since been established between the two Spanish provinces.
The narrow coast land of Chili was explored in 1525 by
Almagro, to whom the Emperor had allotted it ; but he
neglected to establish permanent colonies, being too much
occupied in maintaining against Pizarro his claim to the
southern part of Peru. After his defeat his successful rival
added the land to his own territory, and commissioned the
brave Pedro de Valdivia to conquer it. He began in 1538,
and by hard fighting established himself in the land. The
first town that he founded was Santiago, which is still the
capital of the country, and in 1550 the celebrated harbour of
Valparaiso was formed.
But previously to that time there had been dissensions in
Peru, and Pedro de Valdivia had sided with the imperial
governor, Pedro de la Gasca, contributing more almost than
any one to the triumph of the latter over Gonzalo Pizarro.
As a reward the government of Chili was conferred upon
him, as an independent Captain-general. But he only en
joyed this new honour for a few years. In 1553 he fell into
the hands of the wild Araucans, a people inhabiting the south
of Chili, and not yet completely subdued, and by them was
slain. The communication of the rich colonies in the Pacific with
the mother-country was maintained through Panama, for in
spite of the delays and difficulties accompanying the lading
and unlading on the two coasts of the peninsula, this way was
always preferred on account of its safety and speed to the
tedious and dangerous passage through the Straits of Magel
lan. It was not until the discovery of Cape Horn by the
Dutch that a commercial highway round South America was
established. 23—2

CHAPTER IX,
the SPANISH RULE IN AMERICA.
The false assumption with which the Spaniards entered the
New World, that in consequence of the Pope's gift the whole
land was the property of their King, and that their conflicts
with the heathen inhabitants was a holy work, became the
source of endless misery. If an adventurer took possession,
with the proper formalities, of an island or a coast in the
name of his King, resistance to the foreign power was looked
upon and punished as rebellion. And if any unfortunate
native ignorantly accepted baptism, the slightest relapse to
the worship of his fathers was sufficient to condemn him to
be burnt as a heretic. It was on this false reasoning too that
the conquerors supported their right to impose the yoke of
slavery on the Indians, and to give an appearance of justice
and piety to their selfish plans and heartless cruelties.
Rebellion and heresy were the pretexts made use of by the
Spanish governors for breaking down the power of the native
princes and sweeping them from their paths. The fate of
Guatemozin and Atahualpa was shared by hundreds of Indian
chiefs on equally frivolous grounds. It was often considered
unnecessary to go through the form of a trial, and the
Spaniards recklessly violated the most solemn treaties and
committed acts of brutal violence. Such was the conduct of
Nicolas de Ovando in 1503 towards Anacoana, the beautiful
and sagacious Queen of Xaraqua, the most westerly district
of Hispaniola. He announced his intention of paying her a

The Spanish Rule in America. 357
visit, and set out with 200 infantry and seventy horsemen.
Anacoana, who had always shown herself a faithful ally of
the Spaniards, received him with considerate respect, and in
his honour caused a great dramatic dance to be performed.
But the gloomy Ovando was brooding over a bloody requital.
He invited her and her chiefs to a military feast, and while she,
with surprise and delight, was gazing at the new spectacle he
gave the preconcerted signal by laying his hand on his order.
Instantly the soldiers turned their arms against their unsuspect
ing guests and a fearful slaughter began. Neither sex nor age
found pity or compassion. Anacoana was taken alive, but
only to be reserved for an ignominious death on the gallows.
In order to escape from a threatened investigation of this
crime, two years after her death Ovando instituted a trial
of the unfortunate Queen and pronounced her justly con
demned for an attempted rebellion. If those in authority
were guilty of such fearful acts of violence against the princes,
how could they successfully control the Spanish soldiers of
fortune who came down like a troop of hungry wolves upon
the natives. To have been born in Spain gave any one a
claim to a piece of land and a number of Indians to cultivate
it. These unfortunate beings possessed absolutely no rights,
and a life of danger and a sudden accession to prosperity and
fortune rendered their masters insensible to their sufferings.
Besides the worst cases, unfortunately only too numerous, of
perfectly inhuman cruelty and bloodthirstiness, there was also
such a fearful amount of hardheartedness and indifterence on
the one side, and misery and despair on the other, that one
can well understand the irritation that even contemporaneous
writers display while narrating the gloomy history.
The Spanish Government did everything in its power to
soften the lot of the Indians, partly from self-interest, for the
unfortunate creatures were Spanish subjects and increased the
national revenues, but also from compassion and humanity.

358 A Century of Discovery.
The pious Isabella tried to protect the Indians from the
oppressions of the Spaniards, and after her death the Govern
ment continued the same efforts and drew up a number of
laws by which they consented, indeed, that the Indians should
be forced to execute a certain quantity of work, but endea
voured to secure to them their freedom and a humane treat
ment But these laws could not be carried out in the colonies ;
the officials were much too avaricious to resist the temptation
of rapidly becoming rich ; and all authority was powerless
against the resolution with which the colonists stood upon
their supposed rights.
At the sight of such terrible events, the clergy did not for
get their sacred duty as the protectors of the oppressed. The
monks of the Dominican Order especially raised their voices
loudly, and condemned from the pulpit the inhumanity of the
Spaniards. They continued their heroic struggle against the
tyranny of the colonists, in spite of the persecution which
they had to endure from them, and although they were not
supported as they ought to have been by the court, where the
opposite party employed both influence and gold against them.
The noble Bartholome de las Casas was the most inde
fatigable champion of. the Jndians. Born at Seville in 1474,
he laboured as a priest in Hispaniola from 1504, and after
that in Cuba. He relinquished his post there in order to
plead the cause of the remains of the native population.
After an attempt to found a model colony on the coast of
Paria, which in spite of his efforts proved unsuccessful, he
joined the Dominican Order in 1523, and for many years
laboured successfully as a preacher of the Gospel in Mexico,
Nicaragaa, and Guatemala, constantly endeavouring to restrain
the violence of the Christian conquerors, and beloved as a
father by the poor heathens to whom he devoted himself
During this time he was often in Spain, where he did his
utmost to make the court lay to heart the grievances of its

The Spanish Rule in America. 359
brown subjects. In order to increase the effect of their com
plaints he drew up a detailed description of the cruelties of
which the Spaniards had been guilty, calling it " A Short
Account of the Destruction of India." In the most unsparing
manner he accused both those in authority and also private
people of arbitrary cruelty, and painted a horrible picture of
the oppression to which the poor Indians were exposed. It
is a terrible history of suffering, every line written in blood,
and we can only hope that the benevolent man, in order to
produce a more striking effect, lent a willing ear to many un-
authenticated accounts of robbery and violence, and in
righteous indignation exaggerated the cruelty. The book
excited the greatest attention, the court was shaken out of its
indifference, and drew up a number of beneficial laws. Las
Casas was rewarded for his zeal by the offer of the rich
bishopric of Cusco. He refused it, but afterwards was per
suaded to accept the bishopric of the Mexican province of
Chiapa. But after some years he relinquished his dignity and
returned to Spain, where he withdrew into the convent of
Atocha in Madrid, and occupied himself until his death with
the completion of his great work, " The Universal History of
India." Of this work, which according to his directions was not
to be printed until forty years after his death, only a small
portion was published, but it has served as an important
source of information to all historians of the age of discovery.
Las Casas died at a great age in the year 1566.
The interference of the Government came too late for a
great part of the New World ; blooming provinces had be
come barren wildernesses, whole nations had died out in a few
years, and the small remnant were not to be saved from the
fate that awaited them. Besides the countless victims that
fell before the swords of the Spaniards, thousands were mown
down by the diseases introduced into the land by the strangers,
and thousands more languished and died under the burden of

360 A Century of Discovery.
the hard labour to which their masters had subjected them.
The gold mines of Hispaniola and the fisheries of Cubagua
constantly required fresh labourers, and new relays were forced
to take the place of those that died.
The gentle inhabitants of the Antilles, unsuited to a life of
such hard work and fearful suffering, had no other means of
freeing themselves than self-murder, to which they had re
course in their despair Whole companies killed themselves
by inhaling the vapours of some poisonous herb which they
kindled near their hammocks ; and it was not uncommon for
the whole native establishment of a settler to hang themselves
together, delighting in the thought that they were thus re
ducing their tormentor to beggary. These wholesale suicides
of the Indians quickly depopulated the Antilles of their
aboriginal inhabitants. As early as 1508 the number of the
natives of Hispaniola had dwindled down to 60,000 ; in 15 12
there were only 20,000, and in 15 14 only 14,000. Some
what different is the account of Federmann, who, in 15 30, on
a journey to Venezuela, stayed some time in Hispaniola. He
says : " The Indians are completely subject to the Christians,
and serve them — as many, indeed, of them as remain — but
their number is comparatively small ; for, as we understand,
of the 500,000 Indians in the land when the Christians first
discovered it, not more than 20,000 are now to be found.
Numbers have perished from a disease called smallpox, some
have fallen in war, and many have died from the hard work
in the gold mines to which the Christians have forced
them : for they are a gentle people, and unfitted for such toil."
But even if the numbers given by Federmann are too high,
they still confirm the striking decrease of the population, which
continued from year to year. In Hispaniola the native race
died out immediately after the arrival of the Spaniards ; in
Cuba it was completely extinct in the year 1548.
But on the mainland the energetic interference of Govern-

Tlie Spanish Rule in America. 361
ment was just in time to save the principal part of the abori
gines from such a miserable fate. True, even here there were
whole provinces utterly depopulated, such as .Darien and
Veragua, previously thickly inhabited ; and under the leader
ship of hard-hearted men, such as Pizarro, Dalsinger, and par
ticularly Pedro de Alvarado, the most terrible cruelties were
perpetrated. Yet in the highlands of Mexico and Peru there
still lived millions of the aborigines, whose lives and posses
sions were at length protected from the bloodthirstiness and
avarice of their oppressors.
But the most stubborn resistance was offered by the Spanish
settlers to the humane laws procured by Las Casas. In Peru
it amounted in 1546 to open rebellion against the new Governor,
Blasco Nunez Vila, which could only be pacified by Pedro de
la Gasca. Also in Mexico there was a continual resistance on
the part of the Spanish settlers, who felt their stolen rights
infringed by being thus deprived of their property. Only by
the stern interference of the Viceroy could the rebels be kept
down ; and as late as 1567 the descendants of the great Cortes
were subjected to great persecution on the charge of having
stirred up the discontented Spaniards to rebellion.
One inevitable consequence of the dying out of the native
population was the introduction of the African negroes into
the Antilles. Unfortunately the noble Las Casas himself re
commended this shameful human traffic in his great zeal for the
protection of the Indians committed to his charge. He bit
terly repented when he discovered, as h|p himself says, that
one law held good for the natives and the negroes.
The introduction of negroes was begun in the year 1520,
and only two years later we hear of the first negro rising.
The extension of the growth of the sugar-cane, and the de
crease of native labour, made the number of slaves brought in
in succeeding years much larger In 1560 there were 30,000
black -slaves on Hispaniola ; and an Italian traveller even

o

,62 A Century of Discovery.

then foresaw that the island must some day fall into the
hands of the Africans. The rest of the Antilles kept pace
with Cuba ; but the mainland, in which there was still a native
labouring class, was almost completely spared the plague.
Unfortunately the monstrous territory, with its inexhaustible
resources, was ruled in the same narrow-hearted and small-
minded way that had been shown in its discovery. From
fear of the expense, the Government had relinquished the
undertaking, and left the task of the discovery and conquest of
the New World to upstart audacious adventurers, and then
watched them most suspiciously, and brought charges against
them until the power that had been promised them reverted
to the crown. Nor did the government of the newly-con
quered territories bear that stamp of a superior policy which
it is impossible to deny to the rule of the Portuguese in India,
in spite of the very different adversaries with whom they had
to contend.
The discovery of a New World was valued like a rich mine,
according to its produce in silver and gold ; and if the silver
fleets came in safely and punctually, all was attained that was
looked for. At the same time the spirit of monopoly con
tinually increased. As the crown reserved to itself the trade
in the precious metals, so it would have preferred to limit to
the Castilians the advantages to be drawn from the rich lands.
And though it was found impossible to exclude the other
Spanish subjects, the New World was closed to Jews and
Arabs, and the trade with it was confined to Seville and a few
other favoured harbours.
This exclusiveness, which has nothing in common with the
true work of a healthy colonial policy, went hand in hand
with a systematic repression of the colonies. All indepen
dent action was suspiciously watched and suppressed. Even
those born in the land, the Creoles, who were the largest
landed proprietors, and constituted the upper classes in the

The Spanish Rule in America. 363
towns, were excluded from every position of influence. The
higher offices were conferred upon trueborn Spaniards, and
even they were only left in office for a few years. No attempt
was made to procure for the glorious lands a higher culture
and a richer development ; on the contrary, every advance
was checked and all cultivation limited, in order not in the
smallest degree to overstep the requirements of the mother
country, and so bring down the prices.
The Indians felt themselves well off under the despotic
government, which towards them took a patriarchal form, and
the clergy served as a support. In a few years they had
baptised all the natives ; and the people of the time were so
convinced of the importance of the work, that even a Las
Casas was of opinion that the benefit of baptism quite made
up for the curse of slavery, and that the Indians had no
right to be angry at a revolution which had brought them so
great a blessing. But what kind of Christianity was it with which
the Indians were inoculated } At the present day many travel
lers testify that they belong to the Christian Church without
any inward conviction, that they do not understand its doctrines,
and have adopted nothing beyond the external rites, under
which are concealed many links with the heathenism of their
ancestors. Also the well-intentioned care which the clergy —
especially the Jesuits^exercised over the converts had not a
beneficial effect The characteristics of the Indian nature —
dependence, carelessness about the future, indifference with
regard to a poor way of living, an uttef want of ambition
and emulation — all these weaknesses of the natives were
strengthened by the guardianship of the law, by their being
deprived of property, and by the training of the clergy ; while
their tendency to idleness was fostered by the many saints'
days. The fact that the nation considered it advantageous
to fan the hatred between the Creoles and Indians had the
same tendency.

364 A Century of Discovery.
Therefore it can excite no wonder that, after hundreds of
years, when the colonies separated from Spain, the Indians
were in the same, if not a lower, condition than that occupied
by their ancestors at the time the foreign yoke was imposed
upon them. But even the mother country has reaped no benefit
from the possession of the richest provinces on the earth. The
enormous influx of gold and silver into Spain, especially after
the conquest of Mexico and Peru, at one and the same time
crippled the trade and agriculture of the country, and raised
the price of all the necessaries of life. While emigration into
the great provinces on the other side of the sea almost depopu
lated the country, the people were poor amidst their treasures.
In the hands of its princes, especially, of the gloomy Philip
the Second, this was a powerful aid in their infatuated attempt
to stop the wheel of time and gain new conquests for the ex
ploded ideas of the Middle Ages. The result of the conflict is
well known. Vanquished Spain was shut out from the rapid ad
vance ofthe next few centuries ; and when at length she could
'no longer resist the general stream, her transatlantic provinces,
the sources of her wealth, broke loose. Cuba and Porto Rico
alone could be saved from the general wreck, and their pos
session has been retained only by incessant sacrifices. And
Spain herself, to whom is wanting all the training and de-
velopi^ent which the last few centuries has brought to other
nations, is now struggling, amidst terrible convulsions and
iHtemal conflicts, to attain a new constitution and to shake
off the inheritance which the great century of her discoveries
has left to her By her own fault, that has become to her a
curse which might have been an inexhaustible source of
blessing,
the end.

BILLING AND SONS, PRINTERS, GUILDFORD, SURREY.

YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

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