YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

THE

HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION AND CIVIL WARS

IN

ENGLAND,

TO WHICH IS ADDED

AN HISTORICAL VIEW OF THE AFFAIRS OF IRELAND,

EDWARD EARL OF CLARENDON.

VOL. IH. PART I.

OXFORD,
AT THE CLARENDON PRESS.
MDCCCXfX.

TO
THE QUEEN.
Madam,
VV ITH all duty and submission comes into the
world the last part of this History under your
Majesty's protection ; a just tribute to your Ma
jesty, as well on the account of the memory of the
Author, so long engagedj and so usefully, in the
service of the Crown, as of the work itself, so
worthily memorable for the great subject he treats
of, and so instructive, by his noble way of treating
it. This work, now it is completely published, re
lates the transactions of near twenty years ; hardly
to be paralleled in any other time, or place, for the
wonderful turns and passages in it. In this space
of time, your Majesty sees your own country at
the highest pitch of happiness and prosperity, and
the lowest degree of adversity and misery. So
that, when a man carries his thoughts and his
memory over all the occurrences of those times, he
seems to be under the power of some enchantment,
and to dream, rather than read, the relations of so
many surprising revolutions. The peace and the
plenty of this kingdom, and, in so short a space of
time, the bloody desolation of it by a most wicked
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2 THE DEDICATION.
rebellion, the ruin of so many noble and great
families, and the devastation of their estates ; and,
after this, the restitution of all things as at the be
ginning, is hardly credible at this time, even so
soon after all these things came to pass.
When your Majesty sees one of your royal an
cestors, the first who lived to reign as heir to the
two Crowns of Great Britain united, and, on that
account, higher in reputation, honour, and power,
than any of his predecessors, brought, by unac
countable administrations on the one hand, and by
vile contrivances on the other, into the greatest
difficulties and distresses throughout all his king
doms ; then left and abandoned by most of his
servants, whom he had himself raised to the great
est honours and preferments ; thus reduced to
have scarce one faithful able counsellor about him,
to whom he could breathe his conscience and com
plaints, and from whom he might expect one ho
nest, sound, disinterested advice : after this, how
he was obliged to take up arms, and to contend
with his own subjects in the field for his crown,
the laws, his liberty, and life ; there meeting with
unequal fortune, how he was driven from one part
of the kingdom, and from one body tif an army to
another, till at last he was brought under the
power of cruel and merciless men, imprisoned, ar
raigned, condemned, and executed like a common
malefactor: and after this stiU, when your Majesty
sees his enemies triumphing for a time in their
own guilt, and ruling over their fellows, and first

THE DEDICATION. 3
companions in wickedness, with successful inso
lence, till these very men by force, and fraud, and
sundry artifices, still getting the better of one an
other, brought all government into such confusion
and anarchy, that noone of them could subsist ; and
how then, by God's providence, the heir of the
royal Martyr was invited and brought home by
the generality of the people, and their representa
tives, to return, and take on him the government,
in as full an exercise of it as any of his prede
cessors had ever enjoyed; not subject to any of
those treaties, or conditions, which had been so
often offered by his father to the men then in
credit and power, and, in their pride and fury, had
been as often rejected by them : when your Ma
jesty sees before you all this begun, and carried on
in violence and war, and concluded in a peaceful
restoration, within the space of twenty years, by
Englishmen alone amongst themselves, without
the intervention of any foreign power ; many of
the same hands joining in the recovery and settle
ment, as they had done before in the destruction,
of their country ; your Majesty will certainly say,
This was the Lord's doing, and it must ever be
marvellous in our eyes.
An account of this gueat work of God coming to
be published in your Majesty's time, it is humbly
conceived not improper to congratulate your good
fortune, that, in the beginning of your reign, such
a history of the greatest matters, passed within your
own dominions, comes to light ; as well for the
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4 THE DEDICATION.
necessity there may be, after above forty y£ars run
out in a very unsettled and various management of
the public affairs, to put men in mind again of
those mischiefs under which so many great men
fell on both sides, as in hopes, that on your Ma
jesty's account, and for the glory of your name,
whom your people have universally received with
joy, this generation may be inclined to let these
fresh examples of good and evil sink into their
minds, and make a deeper impression in them to
follow the one, and avoid the other.
From the year l66o to very near 1685, which
was the time of King Charles the Second's reign
here in England, it must needs be owned, that,
with all the very good understanding and excellent
good nature of that King, there was a great mix
ture of counsels, and great vicissitudes of good and
bad events, almost throughout that space of time
attending his government. They seem indeed to
be somewhat like the four seasons of the year ; of
which three quarters are generally fair, hopeful,
flourishing, and gay ; but there come as constantly
severe winters, that freeze, wither, destroy, and
cut off many hopeful plants, and expectations of
things to come.
It must be owned too, since it can never be con
cealed, that, from the beginning of the Restoration,
there was, certainly, not such a return to God Al
mighty for the wonderful blessings he had poured
out with so liberal a hand, as, no doubt, was due
to the great Author and Giver of all that happi-

THE DEDICATION. 5
ness : neither was there such a prudence in the ad
ministration, or such a steadiness in the conduct
of affairs, as the fresh experience of the foregone
misfortunes might well have forewarned those that
were entrusted in it, to have pursued with courage
and constancy. It is but too notorious there was
great forgetfulness of God, as well as manifest mis
takes towards the world ; which quickly brought
forth fruits meet for such undutifulness and ill
conduct. The next four years after that reign were at
tended with more fatal miscarriages ; over which it
may be more decent to draw a veil, than to enter
into a particular enumeration of them. Many great
Princes have been led unawares into irrecoverable
errors ; and the greater they are, so many more
particular persons are usually involved in the ca
lamity. What followed after this time, till your Ma
jesty's most happy coming to the throne, is so
fresh in the memory of all men yet living, that
every one will be best able to make his own ob
servations upon it. Such deliverances have their
pangs in the birth, that much weaken the consti
tution, in endeavouring to preserve and amend it*
And now your Majesty, who succeeds to a Re
volution as well as a Restoration, has the advan
tage of a retrospect on all these accidents, and the
benefit of reviewing all the failings in those times :
and whatsoever was wanting, at those 'opportuni
ties of amending past, errors, in the fhanagement
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6 THE DEDICATION.
of affairs, for the better establishment of the Crown,
and the security of the true old English govern
ment, it will be your Majesty's happiness to supply
in your time : a time in some sort resembling the
auspicious beginning of King Charles the Second's
Restoration ; for in that time, as now in your Ma
jesty's, the people of this kingdom ran cheerfully
into obedience; the chiefest offenders lay quiet
under a sense of their own crimes, and an appre
hension of the reward justly due to them ; and all
your subjects went out to meet your Majesty with
duty, and most with love. J
Comparisons of times may be as odious as that
of persons ; and therefore no more shall be said
here on that subject, than that since the Restora^-
tion, and some few years after it, given up to joy
and the forgetfulness of past miseries, there hath
been no time that brought so much hope of quiet,
and so general a satisfaction to these kingdoms, as
that on which we saw your Majesty so happily
seated upon the throne of your ancestors. Among
all the signs of greatness and glory in a Prjnce's
reign, there is none more really advantageous, none
more comfortable, than that which Virgil remarks.
as a felicity in the time of Augustus^
When abroad the sovereign is prosperous, and at
home does govern subjects willing to obey :
When it is not fear that drives and compels them,
but affection and loving-kindness that draws them
to their duty ; and makes them rejoice under the
laws by which they are governed. Such was cer-

THE DEDICATION. 7
tain ly the time of your Majesty's first entrance ;
and such God grant it may be ever.
The two first volumes of this History have laid
before your Majesty the original causes and the
foundations of the rebellion and civil war ; the
contrivances, designs, and consultations in it ; and
the miserable events of it ; and seemed to have
finished the whole war, when the Author, at the
very end of the ninth book, says, that from that
time there remained no possibility for the King to
draw any more troops together in the field. And
when there is an end of action in the field, the in
quiries into the consequences afterwards are usually
less warm.
But it happens in the course of this History,
that several new scenes of new wars, and the events
of them, are opened in this volume ; which, it is
hoped, will prove exceeding useful, even in those
parts, where, by reason of the sadness of the sub
ject, it cannot be delightful, and, in all other parts
of it, both useful and delightful.
Your Majesty especially, who must have your
heart perpetually intent to see what followed ih
the close of all those wars, and by what means
and methods the loss of all that noble and inno
cent blood, and particularly that portion of the
royal stream then spilt, was recompensed upon
their heads who were the wicked contrivers of the
parricide, and hbw at last the miseries of these
nations, and the sufferings of your royal family,
were all recovered by God Almighty's own un-
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8 THE DEDICATION.
erring hand, will, no doubt, be more agreeably en
tertained in this volume with the relation of the
secret steps of the return of God's mercy, than
when he still seemed openly to have forsaken his
own oppressed cause ; wherein so much of what
was dearest to yourself was so highly concerned.
Of the transactions within these kingdoms, soon
after the war was ended, especially just before and
after the barbarous murder of the blessed King,
this Author could have but short and imperfect in-"
formations abroad. It cannot therefore justly be
expected that he should be so full or minute in
many circumstances relating to the actions and
consultations of that party here at home, as are to
be found in some other writers, whose business it
was to intend only such matters.
One thing indeed were very much to be wished,
that he had given the world a more distinct and
particular narrative of that pious King's last most
magnanimous sufferings in his imprisonments,
trial, and death. But it seems the remembrance
of all those deplorable passages was so grievous
and insupportable to the writer's mind, that he ab
horred the dwelling long upon them, and chose
rather to contract the whole black tragedy within
too narrow a compass. But this is a loss that can
only now be lamented, not repaired.
But when the History brings your Majesty to
what the noble writer esteemed one of his prin
cipal businesses in this volume, to attend King
Charles the Second, and his two royal brothers,

THE DEDICATION. 9
throughout all their wanderings, which take up a
considerable share of it, and are most accurately
and knowingly described by him, as having been
a constant witness of most of them, it is presumed,
this part may give your Majesty equal satisfaction
to any that is gone before it. It will not be un- '
pleasant to your Majesty, since you have known so
well the happy conclusion of it, to see the banished
King under his long adverse fortune, and how
many years of trouble and distress he patiently
waited God Almighty's appointed time, for his re
demption from that captivity.
In that disconsolate time of distress and lowness
of his fortune, your Majesty will find cause to ob
serve, that there were factions even then in his
little Court beyond sea ; so inseparable are such
indecent and unchristian contentions from all com
munities of men : they are like tares sown by an
enemy amongst the wheat, whilst good men sleep.
Upon the subject of the factions in those days,
there is a particular passage in this History, of
two parties in that Court abroad, who thought it
worth their while, even then to be very industrious
in prosecuting this Author with unjust and false
accusations. And the Author himself observes,
that, howsoever those parties seemed, on most
other accounts, incompatible the one with the
other, they were very heartily united in endeavour
ing to compass his destruction ; and for no other
reason, that ever appeared, but his being an un
wearied assertor of the Church of England's cause,

lo THE DEDICATION.
and a constant friend and servant to the true in
terest of it ; to which either of them was really
more irreconcileable, than they were to each other,
whatsoever they pretended.
This passage seems to deserve a particular re
flection, because, within few years after that King's
restoration, some of both those parties joined again
in attacking this noble Author, and accusing him
anew of the very same pretended crimes they had
objected to him abroad ; where there had been so
much malice shewed on one side, and so much
natural and irresistible innocency appeared on the
other, that one would have thought, no arrow out
of the same quiver could have been enough en
venomed to have hurt so faithful, so constant, and
so tried a servant to the Church and Crown.
This particular, and another, wherein your Ma
jesty will find what advice this Author gave his
royal Master, upon the occasion of his being much
pressed to go to church to Charenton, and how
some intrigues, and snares, cunningly laid on one
side, were very plainly and boldly withstood on
the other by this Author, will let the world see,
why this man was by any means to be removed,
if his adversaries could effect it, as one that was
perpetually crossing their mischievous designs, by
an habitual course of adhering unmoveably to the
interest of this church and nation.
In the progress of this book, your Majesty will
also find some very near that King whilst he was
abroad, endeavouring to take advantage of the for-

THE DEDICATION. n
lorn and desperate circumstances of his fortune,
to persuade him, that the party who had fought
for his father was an insignificant, a despicable,
and undone number of men ; and, on this account,
putting him on the thoughts of marrying some
Roman Catholic lady, who might engage those
of that religion, both at home and abroad, in his
Majesty's interest; others at the same time, with
equal importunity, recommending the power of
the Presbyterians, as most able to do him service,
acid bring him home.
This noble Author all this while persisted, in
the integrity of his soul, to use that credit his
faithfulness and truth had gained him, to con
vince the King, that foreign force was a strength
not desirable for him to depend on, and, if it were
suspected to be on the interest of Papery, of all
things most likely to prevent and disappoint his
restoration ; that for his own subjects, none of
them were to be neglected ; his arms ought to be
stretched out to receive them all ; but the old
royal party was that his Majesty should chiefly
rely on, both to assist him in his return, and after
wards to establish his government.
This noble Author had been a watchful observer
of all that had passed in the time of the troubles ;
and had the opportunity to have seen the actions,
and penetrated, in a good measure, into the con
sultations of those days, and was no ill judge of
the temper and nature of mankind; and he, it

12 THE DEDICATION.
seems, could not be of opinion, but that they who
had ventured all for the father, would be the truest
and firmest friends to the son.
Whether this grew up in him to be his judg
ment, from his observation of the rules of nature,
and a general practice in all wise men to depend
most on the service and affection of those who
had been steady to them in their distresses; or
whether a lukewarm trimming indifferency, though
sometimes dignified with the character of politics^
did not suit with his plain dealing, it is certain, he
never could advise a Prince to hold a conduct that
should grieve and disoblige his old friends, in hope
of getting new ones, and make all his old enemies
rejoice. But, however his malicious prosecutors
afterwards scandalized him, as being the author
of such counsels, and objected to him what was
their own advice and practice, he really thought
this kind of conduct weakened the hands, and
tended to the subversion of any government. And
the success has approved this judgment; for in
the very inconstant and variable administration
under that King, it was found by experience, and
to this day the memorials of it are extant, that he
had quiet and calm days, or more rough and
boisterous weather, as he favoured or discounter
nanced his own party ; called indeed a party by
the enemies of it, upon a levelling principle of
a\lowing no distinctions ; though all who have
contended against it were properly but parties;

THE DEDICATION. 13
whilst that was then, and is still, on the advantage-
ground of being established by the laws, and in
corporated into the government.
By degrees your Majesty is brought, in the
course of this History, as it were to the top of
some exalted height, from whence you may behold
all the errors and misfortunes of the time past
with advantage to yourself; may view armies
drawn up, and battles fought, without your part
of the danger ; and, by the experience of former
misfortunes, establish your own security.
It seems to be a situation not unlike that of the
temple of wisdom in Lucretius ; from whence he
advises his readers to look down on all the vanity
and hurry of the world. And as that philosophi
cal poet does very movingly describe the pursuits
of those whom he justly styles miserable men,
distracting themselves ih wearisome contentions
about the business and greatness of an empty
world ; so does this noble historian, with true and
evident deductions from one cause and event to
another, and such an agreeable thread of enter
tainment, that one is never content to give over
reading, bring your Majesty to an easy ascent over
all the knowledge of those miserable times ; from
whence, not in speculation only, but really and
experimentally, you may look down on all the
folly, and madness, and wickedness of those secret
contrivances, and open violences, whereby the na
tion, as well as the crown, was brought to deso
lation ; and see how falsely and weakly those great

14 THE DEDICATION.
and busy disturbers of peace pretended reforma
tion and religion, and to be seeking God in every.
one of their rebellious and sinful actions; whereas
God was not to be found in their thunder, nor
their earthquakes, that seemed to shake the foun-,
dationS of the world; but in the still voice of
peace he came at last, to defeat and disappoint
all their inventions : that God, to whom vengeance
belongs, arose, and shewed himself in defence of
that righteous cause of the Crown and Church;
which your Majesty will observe to have been
combined against, fought with, overthrown, and
in the end raised and reestablished together. Now
these things happened for ensamples, and they are
written for our admonition.
It is now most humbly submitted to your Ma
jesty's judgment, whether the consideration of
these matters, set forth in this History, be not
the most useful prospect, not for yourself only,
but your noblest train, your great Council, the
Lords Spiritual and Temporal, and the Commons
in Parliament assembled.
When your Majesty is so attended, by God's
blessing, no power on earth will be able to disap
point your wisdom, or resist your will. And there
may be need of all this power and authority, to
preserve and defend your subjects, as well as your
crown, from the like distractions and invasions.
There may want the concurrence of a Parliament1
to prevent the return of the same mischievous
practices, and to restrain the madness of men of

THE DEDICATION. 15
the same principles in this age, as destroyed the
last ; such as think themselves even more capable
than those in the last, to carry on the like wicked
designs; such as take themselves to be informed,
even from this History, how to mend the mistakes
then committed by the principal directors on that
side, and by a more refined skill in wickedness
to be able once again to overthrow the monarchy,
and then to perpetuate the destruction of it.
There is no doubt, Madam, but every thing
ihat is represented to your Majesty of this nature
will find a party ready to deny it ; that will join
hand in hand to assure the world there is no such
thing. It is a common cause, and it is their
interest, if they can, to persuade men, that it is
only the heat and warmth of High-Church inven
tions, that suggest such fears and jealousies.
But let any impartial person judge, to whom
all the libertines of the republican party are like
to unite themselves ; and whether it is imaginable,
that the established government, either in Church
or State, can be strengthened, or served by them.
They must go to the enemies of both, and pretend
there is no such thing as a republican party in
England, that they may be the less observed, and
go on the more secure in their destructive pro
jects. They can have no better game to play, than to
declare, that none but Jacobites alarm the nation
with these apprehensions ; and that Jacobites are
much greater enemies than themselves to your

16 THE DEDICATION.
Majesty. Let that be so: no man, in his wits,
can say any thing to your Majesty in behalf of
any, let them be who they will, that will not own
your government, and wish the prosperity and the
happiness of it, and contribute all they' can to
maintain it.
But whilst these men most falsely asperse the
sons of the Church of England for being Jacobites,
let them rather clear themselves of what they
were lately charged before your Majesty, that there
are societies of them which celebrate the horrid
thirtieth of January, with an execrable solemnity
of scandalous mirth; and that they have semi
naries, and a sort of universities, in England,
maintained by great contributions, where the
fiercest doctrines against monarchical and episco
pal government are taught and propagated, and
where they bear an implacable hatred to your
Majesty's title, name, and family.
This seems to be a torrent that cannot be re
sisted but by the whole legislative authority;
neither can your throne, which they are thus;
perpetually assaulting or undermining, be sup
ported by a less power.
In these difficulties your great Council will,
over and above their personal duty to your Ma
jesty, take themselves to be more concerned to be
zealous in the defence of your royal prerogative,
as well as of their own just rights and privileges^
in that it was under the name and style of a Par
liament, though very unjustly so called, that all

THE DEDICATION. 17
the mischiefs mentioned in this History were
brought upon the kingdom.
They best can discover the craft and subtilty
formerly used in those consultations ; which first
inveigled and drew men in from one wickedness
to another, before they were aware of what they
were doing; and engaged them to think them
selves not safe, but by doing greater evils than
they began with.
They will, no doubt, be filled with a just in
dignation, against all that hypocrisy and villainy,
by which the English name and nation were ex
posed to the censure of the rest of the world : they
only can be able to present your Majesty with
remedies proper and adequate to all these evils,
by which God may be glorified, and the ancient
constitution of this government retrieved and sup
ported. There is one calamity more, that stands in need
of a cure from your own sovereign hand. It is
in. truth a peculiar calamity fallen most heavily
on this age, which though it took its chief rise
from the disorderly, dissolute times of those wars,
and has monstrously increased ever since, yet was
never owned so much as now, and that is a bare
faced contempt and disuse of all religion what
soever. And indeed what could so much feigned
sanctity, and so much real wickedness, during that
rebellion begun in l641, produce else in foolish
men's hearty than to say, There is no God ?
This irreligion was then pretended to be covered
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18 THE DEDICATION.
with a more signal morality and precise strictness
in life and conversation, which was to be a recom-
pence for the loss of Christianity. But now, even
that shadow of godliness and virtue is fled too.
Atheism and profaneness, diligently cultivated,
have not failed to produce a prostitution of all
manners in contempt of all government.
This profaneness and impiety seems, next to
the horrible confusions of the late rebellion, to
have gained ground chiefly by this method, that,
when many who have been in authority have not,
on several accounts, been heartily affected to the
support of the Church established by law, there
has crept in, by little and little, a liberty against
all religion. For where the chief advisers or
managers, of public affairs have inclined to altera
tions, which the established rules have not coun
tenanced, they durst not cause the laws to be
put in execution, for fear of turning the force of
them on themselves ; so their next refuge has
been to suffer men to observe no discipline or
government at all.
Thus the Church of England, put to nurse, as
it were, sometimes to such as have been inclined
to Popery, and sometimes to other sects, and some
times to men indifferent to all religion, hath been
in danger of being starved, or overlaid, by all of
them ; and the ill consequence has redounded not
only to the members of that Communion, but to
all the professors of Christianity itself.
Whoever have ventured to give warning of these

THE DEDICATION. 19
wicked designs and practices, have been rendered
as persons of ill temper and very bad affections.
They that have been in credit and authority, have
been frequently inclined to be favourable to the
men complained of; it has been offered on their
behalf, that their intentions were good ; and that
it was even the interest of the government to cover
their principles, whatever might be the conse
quences of them.
Thus these mischiefs have been still growing,
and no laws have hitherto reached them; and,
possibly, they are become incapable of a remedy ;
unless your Majesty's great example of piety and
virtue shall have sufficient influence to amend
them : no honest man can say it is not reasonable,
and even necessary to watch them ; and that, in
compassion to your subjects, as well as justice to
yourself. This History hath shewn your Majesty
their fruits in the late times, by which you shall
know them still ; for your Majesty well remem
bers who has said, that Men do not gather grapes
of thorns, or figs of thistles.
That God may give your Majesty a discerning
spirit, a wise and understanding heart, to judge
aright of all things that belong to your peace;
that he may enable you to subdue your enemies
abroad by successful counsels and arms, and to
reduce your ill willers at home by prudent laws,
administered with the meekness of wisdom ; that
he would give you length of days in one hand,
and riches and honour in the other; that you, in
c 2

20 THE DEDICATION.
your days, may have the glory to restore good
nature (for which th& English nation was formerly
so celebrated) and good manners, as well as the
sincere profession and universal practice of the
true religion, in your kingdoms ; and that his
almighty power may defend you with his favour
able kindness as with a shield, against all your
adversaries of every kind, are the zealous, con
stant, and devout prayers of so many millions,
that it were the highest presumption in any one
person, to subscribe a particular name to so uni
versal a concern.

THE
HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION, &c.

BOOK X.

Jer. xxx. 6.
Wherefore do I see every man with his hands on his loins, as a
woman in travail, and all faces are turned into paleness ?
Jer. xlvii. 6.
0 thou sword of the Lord, how long will it be ere thou be quiet ?
put up thyself into thy scabbard, rest, and be still.
Ezek. xxxiv. 2.
Woe be to the shepherds of Israel that do feed themselves ! should
not the shepherds feed ihe flocks ?

X.

X HE actions of the last year were attended with so BOOK
many dismal accidents and events, that there were no
seeds of hope left to spring up in this ensuing ill year ;
for it was enough discerned how little success the treaty
with the Scots would produce; which yet the King did
not desire to put a period to, otherwise than by positively
declaring, " that he would never consent to the alteration
" of the Church-government," but was willing enough
that they should entertain any other hopes, and was not
himself without hope, that, by satisfying the ambition
and interest of particular men, he might mitigate the
c 3

22 THE HISTORY
BOOK rigour of the Presbyterian faction; and to that purpose
x" Monsieur Montrevil was gone from London to the Scot
tish army, then before Newark, having taken Oxford in
his way, and so given an account to the King of his
observations, and received from him such information and
instruction as was necessary for the work in hand.
In the mean time no ways were left untried to draw
such a body of an army together, as might enable his Ma
jesty to make some attempt upon the enemy; and if he
could, by all possible endeavours, have drawn out of all
his garrisons left, a force of five thousand horse and foot,
(which at that time seemed a thing not to be despaired of,)
he did more desire to have lost his life, in some signal
attempt upon any part of the enemy's army, than to have
enjoyed any conditions which he foresaw he was ever like
to obtain by treaty; and he was not out of hope of a
body of five thousand foot to be landed in Cornwall,
which his letters from France confidently promised, and
which had been so much expected, and depended upon
by the Prince, that it kept him from transporting himself
into Scilly, till Fairfax was marched (as hath been said
before) within little more than twenty miles of Pendenhis.
For Sir Dudley Wyat had been sent expressly from the
Lord Jermyn, to assure the Prince, that such a body of
five thousand foot were actually raised under the com
mand of Ruvignie, and should be embarked for Pendennis
within less than a month; and the Lord Jermyn, in a
postscript to that letter which he writ to the Chancellor
of the Exchequer by Sir Dudley Wyat, wished him not
to be too strict in the computation of the month from
the date of the letter, because there might be accidents
of winds at that season ; but he desired him to be con
fident, that they should be all landed within the expiratioti
of six weeks, and by that measure to conduct the reso
lutions, and to decline fighting upon that account. After
all this, it is as true, that there was never a man at this
time levied or designed for that expedition, only the name
of Ruvignie (because he was of the religion, and known

OF THE REBELLION. 23
to be a good officer) had been mentioned, in some loose BOOK
discourse by the Cardinal, as one who would be very fit x-
to command ^iny troops which might be sent into England
for the relief of the King; which the other, according
to his natural credulity, thought to be warrant enough
to give both the King and the Prince that unreasonable
expectation; the which and many other of that great
lord's negociations and transactions, the succeeding and
long continuing misfortunes, kept from being ever after
examined, or considered and reflected upon.
The Prince stayed in the isle of Scilly from Wednesday
the 4th of March till Thursday the 16th of April, the
wind having continued so contrary, that the Lords Capel
and Hopton came not to him from Cornwall till the Sa
turday before ; at which time likewise arrived a trumpeter
from Sir Thomas Fairfax, with such a message from the
Parliament to the Prince as might well be called a sum
mons, rather than an invitation ; yet it was well it came
not to Pendennis, where it would have found a party
among the Prince's servants. The next morning, being
Sunday, a fleet of about twenty-seven or twenty-eight
sail of ships encompassed the island; but within three
or four hours, by a very notable tempest, which continued
two days, they were dispersed. Upon this, and a clear
determination of the weakness of the place, if it should
be attacked by any considerable strength, (which both
by the message and the attendants of it they had reason
to apprehend,) together with the extreme scarcity of pro
visions in that island, which had not been, in the six
weeks the Prince stayed there, supplied with victual for
two days out of Cornwall, neither had there been any re
turns from France upon the Lord Colepepper's applica
tion to the Queen, which returns would every . day grow
more difficult by the season of the year, his Highness in
clined to remove to Jersey; against which nothing could
be objected of weight, but the .consideration of the King's
being at London (which was strongly reported still) in
a treaty; and then, that his Highness's remove, especially
c 4

24 THE HISTORY
BOOK if by distress of weather he should be forced into France,
x- might be prejudicial to the King ; and therefore it would
be reasonable, first to expect some advertisement from his
Majesty in what condition he was. Hereupon his High
ness produced in council this ensuing letter from the
King, which was writ shortly after the battle of Naseby,
and which he had concealed till that morning from all
the lords, and which truly, I think, was the only secret
he had ever kept from the four he had trusted.
(C _, . Hereford, the 23d of June, 1645.
A letter " My late misfortunes remember me to command you
from the « that which I hope you shall never have occasion to
thePrince " obey ; it is this : if I should at any time be taken
written a prisoner by the rebels, I command you (upon my bless-
fromHere- r J ...,,.,
ford, June " ing) never to yield to any conditions, that are dishonour-
23, 1645. « aDiej unsafe for y0ur person, or ^derogatory to regal au-
" thority, upon any considerations whatsoever, though
" it were for the saving of my life ; which in such a case,
" I am most confident, is in greatest security by your
" constant resolution, and not a whit the more in danger
" for their threatening, unless thereby you should yield
" to their desires. But let their resolutions be never so
" barbarous, the saving of my life by complying with them
" would make me end my days with torture, and disquiet
" of mind, not giving you my blessing, and cursing all
" the rest who are consenting to it. But your constancy
" will make me die cheerfully, praising God for giving
" me so gallant a son, and heaping my blessings on you ;
" which you may be confident (in such a case) will light
" on you. I charge you to keep this letter still safe by
" you, until you shall have cause to use it ; and then, and
" not till then, to shew it to all your Council ; it being my
" command to them, as well as you ; whom I pray God
" to make as prosperously glorioug^as any of the predeces-
" sors ever were of , ..'¦ '"j'*
" Xbur loving father, Charles R."
After the reading this letter,, and a consideration of the

OF THE REBELLION. 25
probability that the rebels would make some attempt upon BOOK
his Highness there, and the impossibility of resisting such
an attempt in the condition the island then stood, it was
by his Highness with great earnestness proposed, and
by the whole Council (except the Earl of Berkshire)
unanimously advised, that the opportunity should be then
laid hold on, whilst the rebels' ships were scattered ; and
that his Highness should embark for Jersey ; which he did 1?,e„Prinee
¦ or Vv sIes
accordingly on Thursday; and on the next day, being embarks
the 17th of April, with a prosperous wind landed at Jer- f™ ™ssaf ly>
sey; from whence, the same night, they sent an express Jersey
to the Queen, of the Prince's safe arrival in that island ; *
and likewise letters to St. Maloes, and Havre de Grace,
to advertise the Lord Colepepper of the same; who re
ceived the information very seasonably, lying then at
Havre with two frigates in expectation of a wind for Scilly,
and with command to the Prince from the Queen, im
mediately to remove from thence. After the Prince had
taken an account of this island, both himself and all their
lordships were of opinion, that it was a place of the
greatest security, benefit, and conveniency to repose in,
that could have been desired, and wished for; till upon
a clear information, and observation of the King's con
dition, and the state of England, he should find a fit
opportunity to act; and the Prince himself seemed to
have the greatest aversion and resolution against going
into France, except in case of danger of surprisal by the
rebels, that could be imagined. In few days Mr. Progers,
who had been dispatched before (presently upon the Lord
Colepepper's coming) from Paris for Scilly, being hin
dered by contrary winds till he received the news of the
Prince's being at Jersey, came thither, and brought this
following letter from her Majesty to the Chancellor of
the Exchequer in cipher. Paris, the 5th of April, 1646.
" My Lord Colepepper must witness for me that I A letter
f have patiently, and at large, heard all that he could say gu™n to

26

THE HISTORY

the Chan
cellor of
the Exche
quer con
cerning the Prince's
removalintoFrance.

concerning the condition of Scilly, and all that has been
proposed for rendering of the Prince of Wales's abode
there safe; yet I must confess to you, that I am so far
from being satisfied in that point, that I shall not sleep
in quiet until I shall hear that the Prince of Wales shall
be removed from thence. It is confessed, it is not
sufficiently fortified, and is accessible in divers places ;
and the manning the works will require a thousand
men more than you have, or, for ought I see, can
procure; neither can you be confident, that the loss
of Cornwall may not suddenly have a dangerous in
fluence upon that garrison ; most of your soldiers being
of that country. The power of the Parliament at sea
is so great, that you cannot rely upon the seasonable
and safe conveyance of such proportions of provisions,
as so great a garrison will require : I need not remem
ber you of what importance to the King, and all his
party, the safety of the Prince's person is ; if he should
fall into the rebels' hands, the whole would thereby
become desperate ; therefore I must importunately con
jure you to intend this work, as the principal service
you can do to the King, me, or the Prince. Colepepper
will tell you how I have strained to assist you with
present provisions, shipping, and money, necessary for
the Prince's remove to Jersey ; where, be confident of
it, he shall want nothing. Besides, for satisfaction of
others, I have moved the Queen Regent to give assur
ance, that if the Prince, in his way to Jersey, should be
necessitated, by contrary winds, or the danger of the
Parliament shipping, to touch in France, he should
have all freedom and assistance from hence, in his im
mediate passage thither; which is granted with great
cheerfulness and civility, and will be subscribed under
the hands of the French King and Queen, my brother,
and Cardinal Mazarine : therefore I hope all scruples
are now satisfied. Colepepper is hastening to you with
good frigates'; but if you shall find any danger before
their arrival, I shall rely upon your care not to omit

OF THE REBELLION. 2?
"any opportunity to prevent that danger, according to BOOK
" the resolution in council, which Colepepper hath ac- x-
" quainted me with; for which I thank you. I need not
" tell you how acceptable this service will be to the King,.
" who in every letter presses me to write to you con-
" cerning my son's safety ; nor that I am, and always
" will be, most constantly,
" Your assured friend, Henriette Marie R."
The Prince and Council were very glad at the receipt of
this letter, conceiving that they had now done all that
could be required at their hands ; though they were adver
tised at their first landing there, that there was still an ex
pectation of the Prince in France ; and that he would be
speedily importuned from thence ; which they could not
believe : but as soon as the Lord Colepepper came, they
plainly discerned that letter had been written upon advice
to Scilly, and upon foreseeing that an immediate journey
iqto France would not have been submitted to ; and that
the instrument mentioned for his Highness's quiet and
uninterrupted passage through France to Jersey, was only
a colour, the sooner to have invited the Prince to have
landed there, if there had been any accidents in his pas
sage; but that the resolution was, that he should not then
have come to Jersey, as it was now, that he should quickly
come from thence; to which purpose, shortly after, came
most importunate letters from the Queen ; and it seems,
howsoever all the late letters from the King to the Prince
before his coming out of England, were for his repair into
Denmark, his Majesty, upon what reasons I know not,
conceived his Highness to be in France; for after his
coming to Jersey, this following letter was sent to him, by
the Lord Jermyn, in whose cipher it was writ, and deci
phered by his lordship.
e{ p, . Oxford, the 22d of March.
" Hoping that this will find you safe with your mo- ^j^ the
" ther, I think fit to write this short but necessary let- King to
the Prince.

28 THE HISTORY
BOOK "ter to you: then know, that your being where you
x- " are, safe from the power of the rebels, is, under God,
" either my greatest security, or my certain ruin. For
" your constancy to religion, obedience to me, and to the
" rules of honour, will make these insolent men begin to
" hearken to reason, when they shall see their injustice
" not like to be crowned with quiet : but, if you depart
" from those grounds for which I have all this time
" fought, then your leaving this kingdom will be (with
" too much probability) called sufficient proof for many of
" the slanders heretofore laid upon me : wherefore, once
" again, I command you upon my blessing to be constant
" to your religion, neither hearkening to Roman super-
" stitions, nor the seditious and schismatical doctrines of
" the Presbyterians and Independents ; for, know that a
" persecuted Church is not thereby less pure, though less
" fortunate. For all other things, I command you to be
" totally directed by your mother, and (as subordinate to
" her) by the remainder of that council which I put to
" you, at your parting from hence : and so God bless you.
" Charles R."
This letter, and the very passionate commands from the
Queen, together with what was privately said to his High
ness by the Lord Colepepper, who from his being at Paris
had changed his former opinions, and was (though he ex
pressed it tenderly ; finding a general aversion) positive for
his going, wrought so far on the Prince, that he discovered
an inclination to the journey; whereupon the Council
presented at large to him, the inconveniences and dangers
that naturally might be supposed would attend such a re
solution : they remembered the carriage of the French
since the beginning of this rebellion; how it had been
originally fomented, and afterwards countenanced by them;
and that they had never, in the least degree, assisted the
King; that there was no evidence that, at that time, they
were more inclined to him than to the rebels; that it
would be necessary they should make some public declara-

OF THE REBELLION. 29
tion on his Majesty's behalf, before the Heir apparent of BOOK
the Crown should put himself into their hands. There x-
was nothing omitted that could be thought of, to render
that resolution at least to be of that importance that it
ought to be throughly weighed and considered, before
executed; and so, in the end they prevailed with the Tlie Lords
Prince (since at that time it was not known where the coSeMoer
King was) to send the Lords Capel and Colepepper again sent to
to the Queen, to present the weightiness of the matter to dissuade
her Majesty. One of their instructions was as follows. the Queen
, *«• 1 .11 "om send-
" You shall inform her Majesty, that we have, with ailing for the
" duty and submission, considered her letters to us con- ^nace mt0
" cerning our speedy repair into the kingdom of France; . .
" the which direction we conceive to be grounded upon stmctions,
" her Majesty's apprehension of danger to our person by and arrival
" any residence here ; the contrary whereof, we believe,
" her Majesty will be no sooner advertised of, than she
" will hold us excused for not giving that present obedi-
" ence which we desire always to yield to the least intima-
" tion of her Majesty; and therefore, you shall humbly
" acquaint her Majesty, that we have great reason to be-
" lieve this island to be defensible against a greater force,
" than we suppose probable to be brought against it.
" That the inhabitants of the island express as much
" cheerfulness, unanimity, and resolution for the defence
" of our person, by their whole carriage, and particularly
" by a protestation voluntarily undertaken by them, as
" can be desired ; and that, if, contrary to expectation, the
" rebels should take the island, we can from the castle
" (a place in itself of very great strength) with the least
" hazard remove ourself to France ; which in case of im-
" minent danger we resolve to do. That our security be-
" ing thus stated, we beseech her Majesty to consider,
" whether it be not absolutely necessary, before any thought
" of our remove from hence be entertained, that we have
" as clear an information as may be got, of the condition
"of our royal father, and the affections of England; of
" the resolutions of the Scots in England, and the strength

30 THE HISTORY
BOOK *' of the Lord Mountrose in Scotland ; of the affairs in
x- " Ireland, and the conclusion of the treaty there ; that so,
~%i upon a full and mature prospect upon the whole, we
" may so dispose of our person as may be most for the
" benefit and advantage of our royal father; or patiently
" attend such an alteration and conjuncture, as may ad-
" minister a greater advantage than is yet offered; and
" whether our remove out of the dominions of our royal
'" father (except upon such a necessity, or apparent visible
" conveniency) may not have an influence upon the affec-
" tions of the three kingdoms to the disadvantage of his
¦". Majesty." Within two days after the two lords were gone for Paris,
Sir Dudley Wyat arrived with the news of the King's being
gone out of Oxford, before the break of day, only with two
servants, and to what place uncertain : it was believed by
the Queen, as she said in her letter to the Prince, that he
was gone for Ireland, or to the Scots ; and therefore her
Majesty renewed her command for the Prince's immediate
Tepair into France ; whereas the chief reason before was,
that he would put himself into the Scots' hands; and
therefore it was necessary that his Highness should be in
France, to go in the head of those forces which should be
immediately sent out of that kingdom to assist his Ma
jesty. The two lords found the Queen much troubled, that the
Prince himself came not ; she declared herself " not to be
" moved with any reasons that were, or could be, given for
" his stay ; and that her resolution was positive and un-
" alterable :" yet they prevailed with her, to respite any
positive declaration till she might receive full advertise
ment of the King's condition; who was by this time
known to be in the Scottish army.
It is remembered before, that the Prince, upon his arrival
at Scilly, sent a gentleman to Ireland to the Marquis of
Ormond, as well that he might be punctually informed of
the state of that kingdom, (of which there were several re
ports,) as that he might receive from thence a company or

OF THE REBELLION. 31
two of foot, for the better guard of that island; which he BOOK
foresaw would be necessary, whether he should remain X-
there or not. The gentleman had a very quick passage to
Dublin, and came thither very quickly after the peace was
agreed upon with the Irish Roman Catholics, and found
the Lord Digby there ; who, after his enterprise, and dis
banding in Scotland, had first transported himself into the
isle of Man, and from thence into Ireland ; where he had
been received, with great kindness and generosity, by the
Marquis of Ormond, as a man who had been in so eminent
a post in the King's council and affairs. He was a person
of so rare a composition by nature and by art, (for nature
alone could never have reached to it,) that he was so far
from being ever dismayed upon any misfortune, (and
greater variety of misfortunes never befell any man,) that
he quickly recollected himself so vigorously, that he did
really believe his condition to be improved by that ill ac
cident ; and that he had an opportunity thereby to gain a
new stock of reputation and honour ; and so he no sooner
heard of the Prince's being in the isle of Scilly, and of his
condition, and the condition of that place, than he pre
sently concluded, that the Prince's presence in Ireland
would settle and compose allthe factions there; reduce
the kingdom to his Majesty's service; and oblige the
Pope's Nuncio, who was an enemy to the peace, to quit
his ambitious designs. The Lord Lieutenant had so good
an opinion of the expedient, that he could have been very
well contented, that, when his Highness had been forced
to leave England, he had rather chosen to have made Ire
land than Scilly his retreat; but, being a wise man, and
having many difficulties before him in view, and the appre
hension of many contingencies which might increase those
difficulties, he would not take upon him to give advice in
a point of so great importance; but, forthwith, having a
couple of frigates ready, he caused an hundred men with
their officers to be presently put on board, according to
his Highness's desire ; and the Lord Digby (who always
concluded, that that was fit to be done which his first

32 THE HISTORY
BOOK thoughts suggested to him, and never doubted the execu-
Xi tion of any thing which he once thought fit to be at
tempted) put himself on board those vessels; resolving,
that, upon the strength of his own reason, he should be
able to persuade the Prince, and the Council which at
tended him, forthwith to quit Scilly, and to repair to
Dublin; which, he did not doubt, if brought to pass in
that way, would have been grateful to the Lord Lieutenant,
But, by the sudden remove of the Prince from Scilly, the
two frigates from Dublin missed finding him there; and
The Lord that lord, whose order they were obliged to observe, made
rives at&r" a" *'ie haste he could to Jersey ; where he found the
Jersey Prince, with many other of his friends who attended his
land. Highness, the two lords being gone but the day before to
attend the Queen : he lost no time in informing his High
ness of the happy state and condition of Ireland ; that the
peace was concluded; and an army of twelve thousand
men ready to be transported into England; of the great
zeal and affection the Lord Lieutenant had for his service;
and that if his Highness would repair thither, he should
find the whole kingdom devoted to him ; and thereupon
positively advised him, without farther deliberation, to put
himself aboard those frigates ; which were excellent sailers,
and fit for his secure transportation.
The Prince told him, " that it was a matter of greater
te importance, than was fit to be executed upon so short
" deliberation ; that he was no sooner arrived at Jersey,
" than he received letters from the Queen his mother, re-
" quiring him forthwith to come to Paris, where all things
" were provided for his reception ; that he had sent two
" of the Lords of the Council to the Queen, to excuse
" him for not giving ready obedience to her commands;
" and to assure her that he was in a place of unquestion-
" able security; in which he might safely expect to hear
" from the King his father before he took any other re-
" solution : that it would be very incongruous now to re-
" move from thence, and to go into Ireland, before his
" messengers' return from Paris ; in which time, he might

u

OF THE REBELLION. 33
" reasonably hope to hear from the King himself; and so BOOK
" wished him to have patience till the matter was more *
" ripe for a determination." This reasonable answer gave
him no satisfaction; he commended the Prince's averse-
ness from going into France ; " which, he said, was the
" most pernicious counsel that ever could be given ; that
" it was a thing the King his father abhorred, and never
" would consent to; and that he would take upon himself
" to write to the Queen, and to give her such solid ad
vice and reasons, that should infallibly convert her from
" that desire, and that should abundantly satisfy her that
" his going into Ireland was absolutely necessary ; but
" that a little delay in the execution of it might deprive
" him of all the fruit which was to be expected from that
"journey; and therefore renewed his advice and importu-
" nity, for losing no more time, but immediately to em-
" bark;" which when he saw was not like to prevail with
his Highness, he repaired to one of those of the Privy
Council who attended the Prince, with whom he had a
particular friendship, and lamented to him the loss of such
an occasion, which would inevitably restore the King; who
would be equally ruined if the Prince went into France;
of which he spoke with all the detestation imaginable;
and said, " he was so far satisfied in his conscience of the
" benefit that would redound from the one, and the ruin
" which would inevitably fall out by the other, that, he
" said, if the person with whom he held this conference,
" would concur with him, he would carry the Prince
" into Ireland, even without and against his consent."
The other person answered, " that it was not to be at-
" tempted without his consent ; nor could he imagine it
" possible to bring it to pass, if they should both endea-
" vour it." He replied, " that he would iavite the Prince
" on board the frigates to a collation; and that he knew
" well he could so commend the vessels to him, that his
" own curiosity would easily invite him to a view of them ;
" and that as soon as he was on board, he would cause
vol. in. p. 1. d

34 THE HISTORY
BOOK "the sails to be hoisted up, and make no stay till he came
x- " into Ireland."
The other was very angry with him for entertaining such
imaginations ; and told him, " they neither agreed with his
" wisdom nor his duty;" and left him in despair of his
conjunction, and, at the same time, of being able to com
pass it. He had no sooner discharged himself of this
imagination, but in the instant (as he had a most pregnant
fancy) he entertained another with the same vigour ; and
resolved, with all possible expedition, to find himself at
Paris, not making the least question but that he should
convert the Queen from any farther thought of sending for
the Prince into France, and as easily obtain her consent
and approbation for his repairing into Ireland; and he
made as little doubt, with the Queen's help, and by his
own dexterity, to prevail with France to send a good
supply of money by him into Ireland ; by which he should
acquire a most universal reputation, and be the most wel
come man alive to the Lord Lieutenant : and transported
Tlience he with this happy auguration, he left Jersey ; leaving at the
goes into same time his two ships, and his soldiers, and half a dozen
France. gentlemen of quality, (who, upon his desire, and many
promises, had kept him company from Ireland,) without
one penny of money to subsist on during his absence.
His trans- As soon as he came to Paris, and had seen the Queen,
actions (whom he found very well inclined to do all she could for
there with v J
the Queen the relief of Ireland, but resolute to have the Prince her
and Car" son immediately with her, notwithstanding all the reasons
dinalMa- pressed against it by the lords of the King's Council, who
had been sent from Jersey,) he attended the Cardinal; who
understood him very well, and knew his foible; and re
ceived him with all the ceremony, and demonstration of
respect, he could possibly express ; entered upon the dis
course of England; celebrated the part which he had.
acted upon that stage, in so many actions of courage, and
sagacity, of the highest prudence and circumspection, with
an indefatigable industry and fidelity. He told him, " that
" France found too late their own error; that they had

jsanne.

OF THE REBELLION. 35
" been very well content to see the King's great puissance BOOK
" weakened by his domestic troubles, which they wished X-
" only should keep him from being able to hurt his neigh-
" bours ; but that they never had desired to see him at the
" mercy of his own rebels, which they saw now was like
" to be the case ; and they were therefore resolved to wed
" his interest in such a way and manner, as the- Queen of
" England should desire ;" in which he well knew how
much her Majesty would depend upon his lordship's coun
sel. The Cardinal said, " it was absolutely necessary, since
" the Crown of France resolved to wed the King's interest,
" that the person of the Prince of Wales should reside in
" France; that the method he had thought of proceeding
" in was, that the Queen of England should make choice
" of such a person, whom she thought best affected, and
" best qualified for such an employment, whom the King
" of France would immediately send as his extraordinary
" ambassador to the-King and to the Parliament; that. he
" should govern himself wholly by such instructions as the
" Queen should give him ; which, he knew, would be his
" lordship's work to prepare ; that all things should be
" made ready as soon as the Queen would nominate the
" ambassador; and that, upon the arrival of the Prince of
" Wales in any part of France, as soon as notice should
" be sent to the Court of it, (for which due preparation
" should be made,) the ambassador should be in the same
" manner dispatched for England, with one only instruc-
" tion from France ; which should be, that he should de-
" mand a speedy answer from the Parliament, whether
" they would satisfy the demands the French Court had
"made? which if they should refuse to do, he should
" forthwith, in the King his master's name, declare war
" against them, and immediately leave the kingdom, and
" return home; and then there should be quickly such an
" army ready, as was worthy for the Prince of Wales to
" venture his own person in ; and that he should have the
" honour to redeem and restore his father."
D 2

36 THE HISTORY
BOOK This discourse ended, the Lord Digby wanted not
language to extol the generosity and the magnanimity of
the resolution, and to pay the Cardinal all his compli
ments in his own coin, and, from thence, to enter upon
the condition of Ireland ; in which the Cardinal presently
interrupted him, apd told him, " he knew well he was
" come from thence, and meant to return thither, and
" likewise the carriage of the Nuncio. That the Marquis
" of Ormond was too brave a gentleman, and had merited
" too much of his master to be deserted, and France was
" resolved not to do its business by halves, but to give
" the King's affairs an entire relief in all places ; that he
" should carry a good supply of money with him into
" Ireland, and' that arms and ammunition should be
" speedily sent after him, and such direction to their agent
" there, as should draw off all the Irish from the Nuncio,
" who had not entirely given themselves up to the Spanish
" interest." The noble person had that which he most desired; he
was presently converted, and undertook to the Queen, that
he would presently convert all at Jersey; and that the
Prince should obey all her commands; and entered into
consultation with her upon the election of an ambassador,
and what instructions should be given him; which he
took upon himself to prepare. Monsieur Bellievre was
named by the Queen, whom the Cardinal had designed for
that office. The Cardinal approved the instructions, and
caused six thousand pistoles to be paid to him, who was to
go to Ireland ; and though it was a much less . sum than
he had promised himself, from the magnificent expressions
the Cardinal had used to him, yet it provided well for his
own occasions ; so he left the Queen with his usual pro
fessions, and confidence, and accompanied those lords to
Jersey, who were to attend upon his Highness with her
Majesty's orders for the Prince's repair into France; for
the advancement whereof the Cardinal was so solicitous,
that he writ a letter to the old Prince of Condej (which he
knew he would forthwith send to the Queen ; as he did,)

OF THE REBELLION. 37
in which he said, " that he had received very certain ad- BOOK
" vertisement out of England, that there were some per- X-
" sons about the Prince of Wales in Jersey, who had
" undertaken to deliver his Highness up into the hands of
" the Parliament for twenty thousand pistoles ;" and this
letter was forthwith sent by the Queen to overtake the
lords, that it might be shewed to the Prince; and that
they who attended upon him might discern what would be
thought of them, if they dissuaded his Highness from
giving a present obedience to his mother's commands.
As soon as they came to Jersey, the Lord Digby used
all the means he could to persuade his friend to concur in
his advice for the Prince's immediate repair into France.
He told him all that had passed between the Cardinal and
him, not leaving out any of the expressions of the high
value his Eminence had of his particular person : " that
" an ambassador was chosen by his advice, and his instruc-
" tions drawn by him, from no part of which the am-
" bassador durst swerve ;" (and, which is very wonderful,
he did really believe for that time, that he himself had
nominated the ambassador, and that his instructions would
be exactly observed by him ; so great a power he had al
ways over himself, that he could believe any thing which
was grateful to him ;) " that a war would be presently
" proclaimed upon their refusal to do what the ambassador
" required, and that there wanted nothing to the expe-
" diting this great affair, but the Prince's repairing into
" France without farther delay ; there being no other
" question concerning that matter, than whether his High-
" ness should stay in Jersey ? where there could be no
" question of his security, until he could receive express
" direction from the King his father ; and therefore he
"conjured his friend to concur in that advice; which
" would be very grateful to the Queen, and be attended
" with much benefit to himself;" telling him " how kind
" her Majesty was to him, and how confident she was of
" his service, and that if he should be of another opinion,
"it would not hinder the Prince from going; who, he
D 3

38 THE HISTORY
BOOK " knew, was resolved to obey his mother ;" and so eonclud-
X" ed his discourse, with those arguments which he thought
were like to make most impression on him ; and gave mm
the instructions by which the ambassador was to be guided.
His friend, who in truth loved him very heartily, though
no man better knew his infirmities, told him, " whatever
" the Prince would be disposed to do, he could not change
" his opinion in point of counsel, until the King's plea-
" sure might be known :" he put him in mind, " how he
" had been before deceived at Oxford by the Conte de
" Harcourt, who was an ambassador likewise, as we then
" thought, named by ourselves, and whose instructions he
" had likewise drawn ; and yet, he could not but well
" remember how foully that business had been managed,
" and h6w disobligingly he himself had been treated by
" that ambassador; and therefore he could not but wonder,
" that the same artifices should again prevail with him ;
" and that he could imagine that the instructions he had
" drawn would be at all considered, or pursued, farther
" than they might contribute to what the Cardinal for the
" present designed ; of the integrity whereof, they had no
" evidence, but had reason enough to suspect it."
The Lord Capel, and the Lord Colepepper, stayed at
Paris with the Queen full three weeks ; having only pre
vailed with her to suspend her present commands for the
Prince's remove from Jersey, until she should have clear
intelligence where the King was, and how he was treated,
though she declared a positive resolution that his High
ness should come to Paris, let the intelligence be what
it could be; and, in the end, they were well assured that
his Majesty had put himself into the Scottish army as it
lay before Newark ; and that, as soon as he came thither,
he had caused that garrison to deliver the town into the
hands of the Scots ; and that thereupon the Scots marched
presently away to Newcastle: that they had pressed the
King to do many things, which he had absolutely refused
to do ; and that thereupon they had put very strict guards
upon his Majesty, and would not permit any man to

OF THE REBELLION. 39
repair to him, or to speak with him; so that his Majesty BOOK
looked upon himself as a prisoner, and resolved to make x-
another escape from them as soon as he could. Mr. Ash-
burnham, who attended upon him in his journey from
Oxford as his sole servant, was forbid to come any more
near him ; and if he had not put himself on board a vessel,
then at Newcastle, and bound for France, the Scots would
have delivered him up to the Parliament. Monsieur Mon
trevil, the French envoy, pretended that they were so
incensed against him for briskly expostulating with them
for their ill treatment of the King, that it was no longer
safe for him to remain in their quarters, and more danger
ous to return to London; and therefore, he had likewise
procured a Dutch ship to land him in France, and was
come to Paris before the lords returned to Jersey.
The Queen thought now she had more reason to be
confirmed in her former resolution for the speedy remove
of the Prince, and it was pretended that he had brought
a letter from the King, which was deciphered by the Lord
Jermyn; in which he said, " that he did believe that the
" Prince could not be safe any where but with the Queen;
" and therefore wished, that if he were not there already,
" he should be speedily sent for ;" and Montrevil professed
to have a message by word of mouth to the same purpose :
whereas Mr. Ashburnham, who left the King but the day
before Montrevil, and was as entirely trusted by the King
as any man in England, brought no such message ; and
confessed to the Lord Capel, " that he thought it very
" pernicious to the King that the Prince should come
" into France in that conjuncture, and before it was
" known how the Scots would deal with him ; and that
" the King's opinion of the convenience of his coming
" into France, could proceed from nothing but the thought
" of his insecurity in Jersey." The Lord Capel offered
to undertake a journey himself to Newcastle, and to re
ceive the King's positive commands, which he was con
fident would be submitted to, and obeyed by all the Coun
cil as well as by himself: but the Queen was positive,
D 4

40

THE HISTORY

BOOK X.

A farther
account of
MonsieurMontrc-
vil's ne
gotiationwith the
Scots.

that, without any more delay, the Prince should im
mediately repair to her; and, to that purpose, she sent
the Lord Jermyn (who was Governor of Jersey) together
with the Lord Digby, the Lord Wentworth, the Lord
Wilmot, and other lords and gentlemen, who, with the
two lords who had been sent to her by the Prince, should
make haste to Jersey to see her commands executed.
Whilst they are upon their journey thither, it will be sea
sonable to inquire how the King came to involve himself
in that perplexity, out of which he was never able after
wards to recover his liberty and freedom.
Monsieilr Montrevil was a person utterly unknown to
me, nor had I ever intercourse or correspondence with
him ; so that what I shall say of him cannot proceed from
affection or prejudice, nor if I shall say any thing for his
vindication from those reproaches which he did, and does
lie under, both with the English and Scottish nation,
countenanced enough by the discountenance he received
from the Cardinal after his return, when he was, after the
first account he had given of his negociation, restrained
from coming to the Court, and forbid to remain in Paris,
and lay under a formed, declared dislike till his death ;
which with grief of mind shortly ensued. But as it is
no unusual hardheartedness in such chief ministers, to
sacrifice such instruments, how innocent soever, to their
own dark purposes, so it is probable, that temporary cloud
would soon have vanished, and that it was only cast over
him, that he might be thereby secluded from the conver
sation of the English Court; which must have been rea
sonably very inquisitive, and might thereby have discovered
somewhat which the other Court was carefully to conceal :
I say, if what I here set down of that transaction, shall
appear some vindication of that gentleman from those
imputations under which his memory remains blasted,
it can be imputed only to the love of truth, which ought,
in common honesty, to be preserved in history as the very
soul of it, towards all persons who come to be mentioned
in it; and since I have in my hands all the original letters

OF THE REBELLION. 41
which passed from him to the King, and the King's BOOK
answers and directions thereupon, or such authentic copies X.
thereof, as have been by myself examined with the origi-
nals, I take it to be a duty incumbent on me to clear him
from any guilt with which his memory lies unjustly
charged, and to make a candid interpretation of those
actions, which appear to have resulted from ingenuity,
and upright intentions, how unsuccessful soever.
He was then a young gentleman of parts very equal
to the trust the Cardinal reposed in him, and to the em
ployment he gave him ; and of a nature not inclined to
be made use of in ordinary dissimulation and cozenage.
Whilst he took his measures only from the Scottish com
missioners at London, and from those Presbyterians whom
he had opportunity to converse with there, he did not
give the King the least encouragement, to expect a con
junction, or any compliance from the one or the other,
upon any cheaper price or condition than the whole alter
ation of the government of the Church by Bishops, and an
entire conformity to the Covenant; and he used all the
arguments which occurred to him, to persuade his Ma
jesty that all other hopes of agreement with them were
desperate; and when he saw his Majesty unmoveable in
that particular, and resolute to undergo the utmost event
of war, before he would wound his peace of mind, and
conscience, with such an odious concession, he undertook
that journey we mentioned in the end of the last year,
to discover whether the same rude and rigid spirit, which
governed those commissioners at Westminster, possessed
also the chief officers of the Scottish army, and that com
mittee of State that always remained with the army.
The Scottish army was then before Newark; and, in •
his passage thither, he waited upon the King at Oxford ;
and was confirmed in what he had reason before to be
confident of, that it was absolutely impossible ever to
prevail with his Majesty to give up the Church to the
most impetuous demands they could make, or to the
greatest necessity" himself could be environed with ; but

42 THE HISTORY
BOOK as to any other concessions which might satisfy their
x- ambition or their profit, which were always powerful and
~" irresistible spells upon that party, he had ample authority
and commission to comply with the most extravagant
demands from persons like to make good what they un
dertook, except such propositions as might be mischievous
to the Marquis of Mountrose; whom the King resolved
never to desert, nor any who had joined with and assisted
him; all which, he desired to unite to those who might
now be persuaded to serve him. His Majesty, for. his
better information, recommended him to some persons
who had then command in the Scottish army; of whose
affections and inclinations to his service, he had as much
confidence, at least, as be ought to have; and of their credit,
and courage, and interest, a greater than was due to them.
When Montrevil came to the army, and after he had
endeavoured to undeceive those who had been persuaded
to believe, that a peremptory and obstinate insisting upon
the alteration of the Church-government (the expectation
and assurance whereof had indeed first enabled them to
make that expedition) would at last prevail over the
King's spirit, as it had done in Scotland, he found those
in whom the power, at least the command of the army
was, much more moderate than he expected, and the com
mittee which presided in the counsels, rather devising and
projecting expedients how they might recede from the
rigour of their former demands, than peremptory to adhere
to them, and willing he should believe that they stayed
for the coming of the Lord Chancellor out of Scotland,
who was daily expected, before they would declare their
resolution; not that they were, for the present, without
one. They were very much pleased that the King offered,
and desired to come to them, and remain in the army with
them, if he might be secured of a good reception for him
self, and for his servants who should attend him, and his
friends who should resort to him ; and the principal offi
cers of the army spoke of that, as a thing they so much
wished, that it could be in nobody's power to hinder it,

OF THE REBELLION. 43
if there were any who would attempt it; and they who BOOK
had the greatest power in the conduct of the most secret x-
counsels, took pains to be thought to have much franker
resolutions in that particular, than they thought yet sea
sonable to express in direct undertakings; and employed
those who were known to be most entirely trusted by
them, and some of those who had been recommended to
him by the King, to assure him that he might confidently
advise his Majesty to repair to the army, upon the terms
himself had proposed ; and that they would send a good
body of their horse, to meet his Majesty at any place he
should appoint to conduct him in safety to them. Upon
which encouragement Montrevil prepared a paper to be
signed by himself, and sent to the King as his engage
ment; and shewed it to those who had been most clear
to him in their expressions of duty to the King; which,
being approved by them, he sent by the other who had
appeared to him to be trusted by those who were in the
highest trust to be communicated to them, who had in
a manner excused themselves for being so reserved towards
him, as being necessary in that conjuncture of their affairs,
when . there evidently appeared to be the most hostile
jealousy between the Independent army and them. When
the paper was likewise returned to him with approbation
after their perusal, he sent it to the King; which paper
is here faithfully translated out of the original.
"I do promise in the name of the King and Queen The paper
" Regent, (my master and mistress,) and by virtue of the sent to the
"powers that I have from their Majesties, that if the King,
" King of Great Britain shall put himself into the Scottish promise
" army, he shall be there received as their natural Sove- focrotthe.e
" reign ; and that he shall be with them in all freedom ceiving the
" of his conscience and honour ; and that all such of his ls'tng' p"
" subjects and servants as shall be there with him, shall
" be safely and honourably protected in their persons ;
" and that the said Scots shall really and effectually join
" with the said King of Great Britain, and also receive
" all such persons as shall come in unto him, and join

44 THE HISTORY
BOOK " with them for his Majesty's preservation : and that they
x- " shall protect all his Majesty's party to the utmost of
~ " their power, as his Majesty will command all those
" under his obedience to do the like to them ; and that
" they shall employ their armies and forces, to assist his
" Majesty in the procuring of a happy and well grounded
" peace, for the good of his Majesty and his said king-
" doms, and in recovery of his Majesty's just rights. In
" witness whereof I have hereunto put my hand and seal
" this first of April 1646.
" De Montrevil, Resident pour sa Majestie
" tres Chre'tienne en Ecosse."
Many days had not passed after the sending that ex
press, when he found such chagrin, and tergiversation,
in some of those he had treated with, one man denying
what he had said to himself, and another disclaiming the
having given such a man authority to say that from him
which the other still avowed he had done, that Montrevil
thought himself obliged, with all speed, to advertise his
Majesty of the foul change, and to dissuade him from
venturing his person in the power of such men : but the
express who carried that letter was taken prisoner; and
though he made his escape, and preserved his letter, he
could not proceed in his journey ; and was compelled to
return to him who sent him ; and by that time, he having
informed the committee, what he had done to vindicate
himself from being made a property by them to betray
the King, and expressed a deep resentment of the injury
done to the King his master, and to himself, in their re
ceding from what they had promised, they appeared again
to be of another temper, and very much to desire his
Majesty's presence in the army; and to that purpose, they
promised, as an unanimous resolution, " that they would
" send a considerable party of horse to meet his Majesty
"at Burton upon Trent; for that they could not advance
" farther with the whole party ; but that some horse
" should be sent to wait upon his Majesty at Bosworth,

OF THE REBELLION. 45
" which is the middle way between Burton and Har- BOOK
" borough, whither they hoped his own horse would be x-
" able to convey him securely ;" they desired " the King
" to appoint the day, and they would not fail to be there."
They wished, " that when their troops should meet his
" Majesty, he would tell them that he was going into
" Scotland ; upon which, they would find themselves
" obliged to attend him into their army, without being
"able to discover any thing of a treaty; of which the
" Parliament ought yet to receive no advertisement :" of
all which Montrevil gave the King a very full and plain
narration, together with what he had written before, by
his letter of the 15th of the same April, to Secretary
Nicholas; and, in the same letter, he informed his Ma
jesty, " that they did not desire that any of those forces
" which had followed the King's party, should join with
" them, no nor so much as those horse that should have
" accompanied his Majesty, should remain in their army
" with him : that they had with much ado agreed, that
" the two Princes" (for his Majesty, upon Prince Ru
pert's humble submission, was reconciled to both his ne
phews) " might follow the King, with such other of
" his servants as were not excepted from pardon ; and
" that they might stay with his Majesty until the Parlia-
" ment of England should demand them ; in which case
" they should not refuse to deliver them ; but that they
" would first furnish them with some means of getting
" beyond seas."
The King had proposed, " that there might be a union
" between them and the Marquis of Mountrose; and that
"his forces might be joined with their army;" which
they had said, " they could not consent to,' with reference
" to the person of Mountrose; who, after so much blood
" spilt by him of many of the greatest families, they
" thought could not be safe among them :" whereupon
the King had declared, that " he would send him his ex-
" traordinary ambassador into France ;" which they ap
peared not to contradict, but had now changed their

46 THE HISTORY
BOOK mind; of which Montrevil likewise gave an account in
X" the same letter: " that they could not give their consent
" that the Marquis of Mountrose should go ambassador
"into France, but into any other place, he might; and
" that they again, without limiting the time, insisted upon
" settling the Presbyterian government ;" and he con
cluded his letter with these words, " I will say no more
" but this, that his Majesty and you know the Scots better
" than I do: I represent these things nakedly to you, as
" I am obliged to do ; I have not taken upon me the
" boldness to give any counsel to his Majesty ; yet if he
" hath any other refuge, or means to make better con-
" ditions, I think he ought not to accept of these; but if
" he sees all things desperate every where else, and that
" he and his servants cannot be secure with his Parlia-
" ment of England, I dare yet assure him, that though
et he and his servants may not be here with all that satis-
" faction perhaps which he might desire, yet he especially
" shall be as secure as possible."
In another letter dated the next day after (the 16th of
April) to the same Secretary, he hath these words; "I
" have orders from the deputies of Scotland to assure
"you, that they will not herein fail," (which related
to sending the horse to meet his Majesty,) " as soon as
"they shall know his day; and that the King shall be
" received into the army as hath been promised ; and that
" his conscience shall not be forced." And in the last
letter, which his Majesty or the Secretary received from
him, and which was dated the 20th of April 1646, there
are these words : " They tell me that they will do more
" than can be expressed ; but let not his Majesty hope
" for any more than I send him word of; that he may
" not be deceived; and let him take his measures aright;
"for certainly the enterprise is full of danger:" yet, in
the same letter, he says, " the disposition of the chiefs
" of the Scottish army is such as the King can desire;
" they begin to draw off their troops towards Burton, and
" the hindering his Majesty from falling into the hands

OF THE REBELLION. 47
" of the English is of so great importance to them, that BOOK
" it cannot be believed but that they will do all that lies x-
" in their power to hinder it."
This was the proceeding of Monsieur Montrevil in that
whole transaction : and if he were too sanguine upon his
first conversation with the officers of the Scottish army,
and some of the committee, and when he signed that en
gagement upon the first of April, he made haste to retract
that confidence, and was in all his dispatches afterwards
phlegmatic enough ; and, after his Majesty had put him
self into their hands, he did honestly and stoutly charge
all the particular persons with the promises and engage
ments they had given to him, and did all he could to make
the Cardinal sensible of the indignity that was offered to
^that Crown in the violation of those promises and en
gagements ; which was the reason of his being command
ed to return home, as soon as the King .came to New
castle; lest his too keen resentment might irritate the
Scots, and make it appear to the Parliament how far
France was engaged in that whole negociation; which
the Cardinal had no mind should appear to the world : and
there can be no doubt, but that the cautions and animad
versions which the King received from Montrevil after
his engagement, would have diverted him from that en
terprise, if his Majesty had discerned any other course to
take that had been preferable even to the hazard that he
saw he must undergo with the Scots ; but he was clearly
destitute of any other refuge. Every day brought the
news of the loss of some garrison ; and as Oxford was
already blocked up at a distance, by those horse which
Fairfax had sent out of the west to that purpose, or to
wait upon the King, and follow him close, if he should
remove out of Oxford ; so he had soon reduced Exeter,
and some other garrisons in Devonshire. The Govern
ors then, when there was no visible and apparent hope of
being relieved, thought that they might deliver up their
garrisons before they were pressed with the last extremi
ties, that they might obtain the better conditions; and yet

48 THE HISTORY
BOOK it was observed that better and more honourable eondi-
x- tions were not given to any, than to those who kept the
places they were trusted with, till they had not one day's
victual left; of which we shall observe more hereafter.
By this means Fairfax was within three days of Oxford
before the King left it, or fully resolved what to do.
His Majesty had before sent to two eminent command
ers of name, who had blocked up the town at a distance,
" that if they would pass their words," (how slender a
security soever, from such men who had broken so many
oaths, for the safety of the King,) " that they would im-
" mediately conduct him to the Parliament, he would
" have put himself into their hands ;" for he was yet per
suaded to think so well of the city of London, that he
would not have been unwilling to have found himself
there : but those officers would submit to no such en
gagements ; and great care was taken to have strict guards
round about London, that he might not get thither.
What should the King do? There was one thing most
formidable to him, which he was resolved to avoid, that
was, to be inclosed in Oxford, and so to be given up, or
taken, when the town should be surrendered, as a prisoner
to the Independents' army; which he was advertised, from
all hands, would treat him very barbarously.
In this perplexity, he chose rather to commit himself
to the Scottish army ; which yet he did not trust so far
as to give them notice of his journey, by sending for a
party of their horse to meet him, as they had proffered;
The King but early in the morning, upon the 27th day of April, he
forfAprii" went out of Oxford, attended only by John Ashburnham',
27, 1646. and a Divine, (one Hudson,) who understood the by-ways
as well as the common, and was indeed a very skilful
guide. In this equipage he left Oxford on a Monday,
leaving those of his Council in Oxford who were privy to
his going out, not informed whether he would go to the
Scottish army, or get privately into London, and lie there
concealed, till he might choose that which was best;
and it was generally believed, that he had not within him-

OF THE REBELLION. 49
^elf at that time a fixed resolution what he would do; BOOK
which was the more credited because it was nine days X-
after his leaving Oxford, before it was known where the
King was; insomuch as Fairfax, who came before it the
fifth day after his Majesty was gone, was sat down, and
had made his circumvallation about Oxford, before he
knew that the King was in the Scottish army; but the
King had wasted that time in several places, whereof some
were gentlemen's houses, (where he was not unknown,
though untaken notice of,) purposely to be informed of
the condition of the Marquis of Mountrose, and to find
some secure passage that he might get to him; which
he did exceedingly desire; but in the end, went into Puti? him"
the Scottish army before Newark, and sent for Montrevil Scottish ar-
to come to him. my before
. Newark.
It was very early in the morning when the King went
to the General's lodging, and discovered himself to him;
who either was, or seemed to be, exceedingly surprised
and confounded at his Majesty's presence; and knew
not what to say; but presently gave notice of it to the
committee, who were no less perplexed. An express was
presently sent to the Parliament at Westminster, to inform
i them of the unexpected news, as a thing the Scots had
not the least imagination of. The Parliament were so
disordered with the intelligence, that at first they resolved
to command their General to raise the siege before Oxford,
and to march with all expedition to Newark; but the
Scottish commissioners at London, diverted them from
that, by assuring them, " that all their orders would meet
"with an absolute obedience in their army;" so they
made a short dispatch to them, in which it was evident
that they believed the King had gone to them by invita
tion, and not out of his own free choice; and implying,
" that they should shortly receive farther direction from
" them ;" and in the mean time, " that they should care-
" fully watch that his Majesty did not dispose himself to
" go some whither else." The great care in the army
VOL. III. p. 1. E

50 THE HISTORY
BOOK was, tha,t there might be only respect and good manners
x- shewed towards the King, without any thing of affection
Their man- or dependence; and therefore the General never asked
treating tne word of him, or any orders, nor, willingly, suffered
his Ma- the officers of the army to resort to, or to have any dis
course with his Majesty. Montrevil was ill looked upon,
as the man who had brought this inconvenience upon
them without their. consent; but he was not frighted from
owning and declaring what had passed between them,
what they had promised, and what they were engaged to
do. However, though the King liked not the treatment
he received, he was not without apprehension, that Fairfax
might be forthwith appointed to decline all other enter
prises, and to bring himself near the Scottish army, they
being too near together already ; and therefore he forth
with gave order to the Lord Bellasis to surrender Newark,
The King that the Scots might march northward ; which they re-
Newark solved to do; and he SivinS UP that Place> which he
to be sur- could have defended for some months longer from that
whereupon enemy> uP°n honourable conditions, that army with great
the Scot- expedition marched towards Newcastle; which the King
march™3 was glad ofj though their behaviour to him was still the
with'thr'1 Same' and great strictness used that he might not con-
King to fer with any man who was not well known to them, much
Newcastle. jess rece;ve letters from any.
It was an observation in that time, that the frst pub- .
lishing of extraordinary news was from the pulpit; and
by the preacher's text, and his manner of discourse upon
it, the auditors might judge, and commonly foresaw, what
was like to be next done in the Parliament or Council of
State. The first sermon that was preached before the
King, after the army rose from Newark to march north
wards, was upon the 19th chapter of the 2d Book of
Samuel, the 41st, 42d, and 43d verses.
41, And, behold, all the men of Israel came to the King,
and said unto the King, Why have our brethren tk

OF THE REBELLION. 51
men of Judah stolen thee away, and have brought tlie BOOK
King, and his household, and all David's men with him, x-
over Jordan ?
42, And all the men of Judah answered the men of Israel,
Because the King is near of kin to us : wherefore then
be ye angry for this matter? have we eaten at all of
the King's cost ? or hath he given us any gift ?
43. And the men of Israel answered the men'of Judah,
and said, We have ten parts in the King, and we have
also more right in David than ye: why then did ye
'despise us, that our advice should not be first had in
bringing back our King ? And the words of the men
of Judah were fiercer than the words of the men of
Israel.
Upon which words, the preacher gave men cause to
believe, that now they had gotten their King, they re
solved to keep him, and to adhere to him. But his Ma
jesty came no sooner to Newcastle, than both Monsieur Where
Montrevil was restrained from having any conference with ^""^f11
him, and Mr. Ashburnham was advised " to shift for him- strained
" self, or else that he should be delivered up to the Par-
" liament ;" and both the one and the other were come
to Paris when the Queen sent those lords to hasten the
Prince's remove from Jersey.
When those lords, with their great train, came to Jer- The Lord
sey, which was towards the end of June, they brought J^Ser
with them a letter from the Queen to the Prince; in which lords ar-
she told him, " that she was now fully satisfied, from thejer3ey,
" intelligence she had from Newcastle and London, that ab°ut *he
" he could not make any longer residence in Jersey with- tomr hfe
" out apparent danger of falling into the enemy's hands ; ^'n^
"and that if he should continue there, all possible at-Princeinto
" tempts would be suddenly made, as well by treachery
"as by force, to get his person into their power; and
" therefore her Majesty did positively require him, to give
" immediate obedience to the King's commands, men-
" tioned in the letter which he had lately sent by Sir
" Dudley Wyat," (which is set out before,) " and reite-
e2

52 THE HISTORY
BOOK " rated in a letter which she had since received from the
x « King by Monsieur Montrevil." Her Majesty said,
" that she had the greatest assurance from the Crown of
" France, that possibly could be given, fbr his honourable
" reception, and full liberty to continue there, and to de-
" part from thence, at his pleasure ; and she engaged her
" own word, that whenever his Council should find it fit
" for him to go out of France, she would never oppose it;
" and that during his residence in that kingdom, all mat-
" ters of importance which might concern himselfj or
" relate to his Majesty's affairs, should be debated and
" resolved by himself and the Council, in such manner as
" they ought to have been, if he had continued in England,
"or in Jersey :" and concluded, " that he should make
" all possible haste to her."
The lords, which' arrived with this dispatch from her
Majesty, had no imagination that there would have been
any question of his Highness's compliance with the
Queen's command ; and therefore, as soon as they had
kissed the Prince's hand, which was in the afternoon,
they desired that the Council might presently be called;
and when they came together, the Lords Jermyn, Digby,
and Wentworth, being likewise present, and sitting in the
Council, they desired the Prince " that his mother's letter
" might be read ; and then, since they conceived there
" could be no debate upon his Highness's yielding obedi-
" ence to the command of the King and Queen, that they
" might only consider of the day when he might begin
" his journey, and of the order he would observe in it."
Debates The lords of the Council represented to the Prince, " that
Prince's " tney were *he onty persons that were accountable to the
Council " King, and to the kingdom, for any resolution his High-
his going. " ness should take, and for the consequence thereof; and
" that the other lords who were present had no title to
" deliver their advice, or to be present at the debate, they
" being in no degree responsible fbr what his Highness
" should resolve to do ; and therefore desired that the
" whole matter might be debated ; the state of the King's

THE REBELLION. 53
" present condition understood as far as it might be; and BOOK
" the reasons considered which made it counsellable for x-
" his Highness to repair into France, and what might be
" said against it; and the rather, because it was very no-
" torious that the King had given no positive direction
" in the point, but upon a supposition that the Prince
" could not remain secure in Jersey ; which was likewise
" the ground of the Queen's last command; and which
" they believed had no foundation of reason ; and that
" his residence there might be very unquestionably safe."
This begot some warmth and contradiction between per
sons; insomuch as the Prince thought it very necessary
to suspend the debate till the next day, to the end that by
several and private conferences together between the lords
who came from Paris, and those who were in Jersey, they
might convert, or confirm each other in the same opinions ;
at least that the next debate might be free from passion
and unkindness ; and so the Council rose, and the several
lords betook themselves to use the same arguments, or
such as they thought more agreeable to the several per
sons, as the Lord Digby had before done to his friend,
and with the same success.
The next day when they were called together, the Lord Tue Lord
Capel gave an account of all that had passed with thenars his
Queen from the time that the Lord Colepepper and he0^on .
i against it.
came thither; and " that the reasons they had carried
" from the Prince had so far prevailed with the Queen,
" that her Majesty resolved to take no final resolution till
" she received farther advertisement of the King's plea-
" sure; and he .did not think that the information she had
" received from Monsieur Montrevil had weight enough
" to produce the quick resolution it had done : that he
" thought it still most absolutely necessary, to receive the
" King's positive command before the Prince should re-
" move out of his Majesty's own dominions ; there being
" no shadow of cause to suspect his security there : that
" he had then offered to the Queen, that he would himself
e 3

54 THE HISTORY
BOOK " make a journey to Newcastle to receive his Majesty's
x> " commands ; and that he now made the same offer to
" the Prince : and because it did appear that his Majesty
" was very strictly guarded, and that persons did not easily
" find access to him, and that his own person might be
" seized upon in his journey thither, or his stay there, or
" his return back, and so his Highness might be disap-
" pointed of the information he expected, and remain still
" in the same uncertainty as to a resolution, he did pro-
" pose, and consent to, as his opinion, that if he did not
" return again to Jersey within the space of one month,
" the Prince should resolve to remove into France, if in
" the mean time such preparatories were made there, as
" he thought were necessary, and were yet defective."
He said, " he had been lately at Paris by the Prince's
" command ; and had received many graces from the
" Queen, who had vouchsafed to impart all her own rea-
" sons for the Prince's remove, and the grounds for the
" confidence she had of the affections of France : but, that
" he did still wonder, if the Court of France had so great
" a desire, as was pretended, that the Prince of Wales
" should repair thither, that in the two months' time his
" Highness had been in Jersey, they had never sent a
" gentleman to see him, and to invite him to come thither;
" nor had these who came now from the Queen, brought
" so much as a pass for him to come into France : that he
" could not but observe, that all we had hitherto proposed
" to ourselves from France had proved in no degree an-
" swerable to our expectations ; as the five thousand foot,
" which we had expected in the west before the Prince
" came from thence ; and that we had more reason to be
"jealous now than ever, since it had been by the advice of
" France, that the King had now put himself into the
" hands of the Scots ; and therefore we ought to be the
" more watchful in the disposing the person of the Prince
" by their advice likewise." He concluded, " that he
"could not give his advice, or consent, that the Prince

OF THE REBELLION. 55
" should repair into France, till the King's pleasure might BOOK
" be known, or such other circumstances might be pro- x-
« vided in France, as had been hitherto neglected."
The Lord Digby and the Lord Jermyn wondered very The argu-
much, " that there should be any doubt of the affections 21 Lord
" of France, or that it should be believed that the Queen Di«hy and
" could be deceived, or not well enough informed in that myn for it.
"particular:" they related many particulars which had
passed between the Cardinal and them in private confer
ences, and the great professions of affection he made to
the King. They said, " that the ambassador who was
" now appointed to go thither was chosen by the Queen
" herself, and had no other instructions but what she had
" given him ; and that he was not to stay there above a
" month ; at the end of which he was to denounce war
" against the Parliament, if they did not comply with such
" propositions as he made ; and so to return ; and then,
" that there should be an army of thirty thousand men im-
" mediately transported into England, with the Prince of
" Wales in the head of them ; that the ambassador was al-
" ready gone from Paris, but was not to embark till he
" should first receive advertisement . that the Prince of
"Wales was landed in France; for that France had no
" reason to interest themselves so far in the King's quar-
" rel, if the Prince of Wales should refuse to venture his
" person with them ; or, it may be, engage against them
" upon another interest."
They therefore besought the Prince, and the lords, " that
" they would consider well, whether he would disappoint
" his father and himself of so great fruit as they were even
" ready to gather, and of which they could not be disap-
" pointed but by unseasonable jealousies of the integrity of
" France, and by delaying to give them satisfaction in the
" remove of the Prince from Jersey."
These arguments, pressed with all the assurance ima
ginable, by persons of that near trust and confidence with
the King, who were not like> to be deceived themselves,
nor to have any purpose to deceive the Prince, wrought so
e4

56

THE HISTORY

BOOK X.
The Prince
resolves to
go into
France.

All but one
of his
Council
dissent,and stay
behind.

far with his Highness, that he declared, " he would com-
" ply with the commands of the Queen, and forthwith re-
" move into France;" which being resolved, he wished
" there might be no more debate upon that point, but that
" they would all prepare to go with him, and that there
" might be as great an unity in their counsels, as had
" hitherto always been."
This so positive declaration of the Prince of his own
resolution made all farther arguments against it not only
useless but indecent ; and therefore they replied not to
that point, yet everyman of the Council, the Lord Cole
pepper only excepted, besought his Highness, " that he
" would give them his pardon, if they did not farther wait
" upon him ; for they conceived their commission to be
" now at an end; and that they could not assume any au-
" thority by it to themselves, if they waited upon him into
" France ; nor expect that their counsels there should be
" hearkened unto, when they were now rejected." And
so, after some sharp replies between the lords of different
judgments, which made the Council break up the sooner,
they who resolved not to go into France took their leaves
of the Prince, and kissed his hand; his Highness then de
claring, " that he would be gone the next day by five of
"the clock in the morning," though the cross winds, and
want of some provisions which were necessary for the jour
ney, detained him there four or five days longer; during
which time, the dissenting lords every day waited upon
him, and were received by him very graciously; his High
ness well knowing and expressing to them a confidence in
their affections, and that they would be sure to wait upon
him, whenever his occasions should be ready for their ser
vice. But between them and the other lords there grew
by degrees so great a strangeness, that, the last day, they
did not so much as speak to each other ; they who came
from the Queen taking it very ill, that the others had pre
sumed to dissent from what her Majesty had so positively
commanded. And though they neither loved their per
sons, nor cared for their company, and without doubt, if

OF THE REBELLION. 57
they had gone into France, would have made them quickly BOOK
weary of theirs; yet, in -that conjuncture, they believed Xl ,
that the dissent and separation of all those persons who
were trusted by the King with the person of the Prince,
would blast their counsel, and weigh down the single po
sitive determination of the Queen herself.
On tbe other side, the others did not think they were
treated in that manner as was due to persons so entrusted;
but that in truth many ill consequences would result from
that sudden departure of the Prince out of the King's do
minions, where his residence might have been secure in
respect of the affairs of England ; where, besides the gar
risons of Scilly and Pendennis, (which might always be
relieved by sea,) there remained still within his Majesty's
obedience, Oxford, Worcester, Wallingford, Ludlow, and
some other places of less name ; which, upon any divisions
among themselves, that were naturally to be expected,
might have turned the scale : nor did they know, of what
ill consequence it might be to the King, that in such a
conjuncture the Prince should be removed, when it might
be more counsellable that he should appear in Scotland.
Moreover, Mr. Ashburnham's opinion, which he had
delivered to the Lord Capel, wrought very much upon
them ; for that a man so entirely trusted by the King, who
had seen him as lately as any body, should bring no direc
tions from his Majesty to his son, and that he should be
lieve, that it was fitter for the Prince to stay in Jersey
than to remove into France, till his Majesty's pleasure was
better understood, confirmed them in the judgment they
had delivered.
But there was another reason that prevailed with those
who had been made privy to it, and which, out of duty to
the Queen, they thought not fit to publish, or insist upon ;
it was the instructions given to Bellievre, (and which too
much manifested the irresolution her Majesty had,) not to
insist upon what they well knew the King would never de
part from; for, though that ambassador was required to do
all he could to persuade the Presbyterians to join with the

58 THE HISTORY
BOOK King's party, and not to insist upon the destruction of the
x- Church ; yet if he found that could not be compassed, he
was to press, as the advice of the King his master, his
Majesty to part with the Church, and to satisfy the Pres
byterians in that point, as the advice of the Queen his
wife, and of his own party ; which method was afterwards
observed and pursued by Bellievre; which those lords
perfectly abhorred ; and thought not fit ever to concur in,
or to be privy to those counsels that had begun, and were
to carry on that confusion.
Within a day or two after the Prince's departure from
Jersey, the Earl of Berkshire left it likewise, and went for
England ; the Lords Capel? Hopton, and the Chancellor of
the Exchequer, remained together in Jersey to expect the
King's pleasure, and to attend a conjuncture to appear
again in his Majesty's service; of all which they found an
opportunity to inform his Majesty, who very well inter
preted all that they had done according to the sincerity of
their hearts; yet did believe, that if they had likewise
waited upon the Prince into France, they might have been
able to have prevented or diverted those violent pressures,
which were afterwards made upon him from thence, and
gave him more disquiet than he suffered from all the in
solence of his enemies.
In a word, if the King's fortune had been farther to be
conducted by any fixed rules of policy and discretion, and
if the current towards his destruction had not run with
such a torrent, as carried down all obstructions of sobriety
and wisdom, and made the confusion inevitable, it is very
probable that this so sudden remove of the Prince from
Jersey, with all the circumstances thereof, might have
been looked upon, and censured with severity, as an action
that swerved from that prudence which by the fundamental
rules of policy had been long established; but by the fatal
and prodigious calamities which followed, all counsels of
wise and unwise men proving equally unsuccessful, the
memory of what had passed before grew to be the less
thought upon and considered.

OF THE REBELLION. 59
Whilst these things were thus transacted in other parts, BOOK
the King remained yet in the Scottish army; that people x>
behaving themselves in such a manner, that most men be- Trans-
lieved they would never have parted with his Majesty till a fating fo6"
full peace had been made. The Parliament made many *he King
sharp instances, "that the King might be delivered into Scottish
" their hands ; and that the Scottish army would return ann3r-
" into their own country, having done what they were
" sent for, and the war being at an end." To which the
Council of Scotland seemed to answer with courage enough,
and insisted most on those arguments of the King's legal
rights, which had been, in all his Majesty's declarations,
urged against the Parliament's proceedings; and which
indeed could never be answered ; and as much condemned
them, as the Parliament.
In the mean time, though the King received all out
ward respect, he was in truth in the condition of a pri
soner; no servant whom he could trust suffered to come
to him; and though many persons of quality who had
served the King in the war, when they saw the resolute
answers made by the Scots, " that they neither would nor
" could compel their King to return to ,the Parliament, if
" his Majesty had no mind to do so," repaired to New
castle, where his Majesty was, yet none of them were suf
fered to speak to him ; nor could he receive from, or send
any letter to the Queen or Prince ; and yet the Scots ob
served all distances, and performed- all the ceremonies as
could have been expected if they had indeed treated him as
their King ; and made as great profession to him of their
duty and good purposes, " which they said they would
" manifest as soon as it should be seasonable; and then
" his servants and friends should repair to him with all li-
" berty, and be well received:" and as they endeavoured
to persuade the King to expect this from them, so they
prevailed with many officers of that army, and some of the
nobility, to believe that they meant well, but that it was
not yet time to discover their intentions.
Thus they prevailed with the King to send his positive

60 THE HISTORY
BOOK orders to the Marquis of Mountrose, who had indeed done
X- wonders, to lay down his arms, and to leave the kingdom;
The King till when, they pretended they could not declare for his
theMar- Majesty; and this was done with so much earnestness, and
quisof by a particular messenger known and trusted, that the
to disband- Marquis obeyed, and transported himself into France.
which he Then they employed their Alexander Henderson, and
their other Clergy, to persuade the King to consent to. the
^o^Hen extirpation of Episcopacy in England, as he had in Scot*
derson to land; and it was andis still believed, that if his Majesty would
to "dispute have been induced to have satisfied them in that particular,
with him they WOuld either have had a party in the Parliament at
conccrninflrChurch- Westminster to have been satisfied therewith, or that they
govern- would thereupon have declared for the King, and have
presently joined with the loyal party in all places for his
Majesty's defence. But the King was too conscientious
to buy his peace at so profane and sacrilegious a price as
was demanded, and he was so much too hard for Mr. Hen
derson in the argumentation, (as appears by the papers
that passed between them, which were shortly after com
municated to the world,) that the old man himself was so
far convinced and converted, that he had a very deep sense
of the mischief he had himself been the author of, or too
much contributed to, and lamented it to his nearest friends
Mr. Hen- and confidents ; and died of grief, and heart-broken, with-
d^rs°Q dies in a very short time after he departed from his Majesty.
after. Whilst the King stayed at Newcastle, Bellievre the
French ambassador, who was sent from Paris after the
Prince arrived there, and by whom the Cardinal had pro-
• raised to press the Parliament so imperiously, and to de
nounce a war against them if they refused to yield to what
was reasonable towards an agreement with the King, came
Bellievre's to his Majesty, after he had spent some time at London
tionTat" in a11 the low application to the Parliament that can be
London, imagined, without any mention of the King with anv ten-
and with . ....... ° l
the King derness, as if his interest were at all considered by the
afterwards King his master, and without any consultation with those
castle. of his Majesty's party; who were then in London, and

OF THE REBELLION. 61
would have been very ready to have advised with him. BOOK
But he chose rather to converse with the principal leaders X-
of the Presbyterian party in the Parliament, and with the
Scottish commissioners ; from whose information he took
all his measures; and they assured him, " that nothing
" could be done for the King, except he would give up
"the Church; extirpate Episcopacy; and grant all the
" lands belonging to cathedral churches to such uses as the
" Parliament should advise ;" so that, when he came to the
King, he pressed him very earnestly to that condescension.
But, besides the matter proposed, in which his Majesty
was unmoveable, he had no esteem of any thing the am
bassador said to him, having too late discovered the little
affection the Cardinal had for him, and which he had too
much relied upon. For, as hath been already said, by
his advice, and upon his undertaking and assurance that
his Majesty should be well received in the Scottish army,
and that they would be firm to his interest, his Majesty
had ventured to put himself into their hands; and he was
no sooner there, than all they with whom Montrevil had
treated, disavowed their undertaking what the King had
been informed of; and though the envoy did avow, and
justify, what he had informed the King, to the faces of the
persons who had given their engagements, the Cardinal
chose rather to recall and discountenance the minister of
that Crown, than to enter into any expostulation with the
Parliament, or the Scots.
The ambassador, by an express, quickly informed the
Cardinal that the King was too reserved in giving the Par
liament satisfaction; and therefore wished, "that some-
" body might be sent over, who was like to have so much
" credit with his Majesty as to persuade him to what was
" necessary for his service." Upon, which, the Queen,
who was never advised by those who either understood or sir William
valued his true interest, consulted with those about herj^avenant
and sent Sir William Davenant, an honest man, and a the Queen
witty, but in all respects inferior to such a trust, with a**® to

62 THE HISTORY
BOOK letter of credit, to the King, (who knew the person well
X- enough under another character than was like to give him
persuade much credit in the argument in which he was instructed,)
uTrta ^"although her Majesty had likewise other ways declared her
Church, opinion to his Majesty, " that he should part with the
" Church for his peace and security."
Sir William Davenant had, by the countenance of the
French ambassador, easy admission to the King ; who
heard him patiently all he had to say, and answered him
in that manner that made it evident he was not pleased
with the advice. When he found his Majesty unsatisfied,
and that he was not like to consent to what was so ear
nestly desired by them by whose advice he was sent, who
undervalued all those scruples of conscience which his
Majesty himself was strongly possessed with, he took
upon himself the confidence to offer some reasons to the
King to induce him to yield to what was proposed; and,
among other things, said, " it was the advice and opinion
" of all his friends ;" his Majesty asking, " what friends?"
and he answering, " that it was the opinion of the Lord
" Jermyn," the King said, " that the Lord Jermyn did
" not understand any thing of the Church." The other said,
" the Lord Colepepper was of the same mind." The King
said, " Colepepper had no religion :" and asked, " whe-
" ther the Chancellor of the Exchequer was of that mind ?"
to which he answered, " he did not know ; for that he was
" not there, and had deserted the Prince :" and thereupon
said somewhat from the Queen of the displeasure she had
conceived against the Chancellor : to which the King said,
" the Chancellor was an honest man, and would never de-
" sert him, nor the Prince, nor the Church ; and that he
" was sorry he was not with his son ; but that hiswife
" was mistaken." Davenant then offering some reasons of
his own, in which he mentioned the Church slightingly, as
if it were not of importance enough to weigh down the
benefit that would attend the concession, his Majesty was
transported with so much indignation, that he gave him a

OF THE REBELLION. 63
sharper reprehension than was usual for him to give to any BOOK
other man ; and forbid him to presume to come again into X'
his presence. Whereupon the poor man, who had in truth
very good affections, was exceedingly dejected and af
flicted ; and returned into France, to give an account of
his ill success to those who sent him.
As all men's expectations from the courage and activity
of the French ambassador in England were thus frustrated,
by his mean and low carriage both towards the Parlia
ment and at Newcastle, so all the professions which had
been made of respect and tenderness towards the Prince
of Wales, when his person should once appear in France,
were as unworthily disappointed. The Prince had been The
above two months with the Queen his mother, before any ^eatment
notice was taken of his being in France, by the least mes- when lie
sage sent from the Court to congratulate his arrival there ; France.
but that time was spent in debating the formalities of his
reception; how the King' should treat him ? and how he
should behave himself towards the King? whether he
should take place of Monsieur the- King's brother? and
what kind of ceremonies should be observed between the
Prince of Wales and his uncle the Duke of Orleans ? and
many such, other particulars; in all which they were re
solved to give the law themselves; and which had been
fitter to have been adjusted in Jersey, before he put him
self into their power, than disputed afterwards in the
Court of France; from which there could be then no
appeal. There can be no doubt but that the Cardinal, who was
the sole minister of State, and directed all that was to be
done, and dictated all that was to be said, did think the
presence of the Prince there of the highest importance to
their affairs, and did all that was in his power, to persuade
the Queen that it was as necessary for the affairs of the
King her husband, and of her Majesty: but now that
work was over, and the person of the Prince brought into
their power, without the least public act or ceremony to
invite him thither, it was no less his care that the Parliti-

64 THE HISTORY
BOOK ment in England, and the officers of the army, whom he
x- feared more than the Parliament, should believe that the
Prince came thither without their wish, and in truth
against their will; that the Crown of France could not
refuse to interpose, and mediate, to make up the differ
ence between the Parliament and the Scottish nation, and
that the kingdoms might be restored to peace; but that
when they had performed that office of mediation, they had
performed their function; and that they would no more
presume to take upon them to judge between the Parlia;
ment and the Scots, than they had done between the King
and the Parliament; and that since the Prince had come
to the Queen his mother, from which they could not rea
sonably restrain him, it should not be attended with any
prejudice to the peace of England; nor should he there
find any means or assistance to disturb it. And it was be
lieved by those who stood at no great distance from affairs,
that the Cardinal then laid the foundation for that friend
ship which was shortly after built up between him and
Cromwell, by promising, " that they should receive less
" inconvenience by the Prince's remaining in France, than
" if he were in any other part of Europe." And it can
hardly be believed, with how little respect they treated
him during the .whole time of his stay there. They were
very careful that he might not be looked upon as sup
ported by them either according to his dignity, or for the
maintenance of his family; but a mean addition to the
pension which the Queen had before, was made to her
Majesty, without any mention of the Prince her son ; who
was wholly to depend upon her bounty, without power to
gratify and oblige any of his own servants ; that they like
wise might depend only upon the Queen's goodness and
favour, and so behave themselves accordingly.
When the Scots had secured the peace and quiet of their
own country, by disbanding the forces under the Marquis
of Mountrose, and by his transporting himself beyond the
seas, and by putting to death several persons of name who
had followed the Marquis, and had been taken prisoners,

OF THE REBELLION. 65
•
among whom Sir Robert Spotswood was one, a worthy, BOOK
honest, loyal gentleman, and as wise a man as thai nation x-
had at that time, (whom the King had made Secretary of
State of that kingdom, in the place of the Earl of Lanrick,
who was then in arms against him ; which, it may be, was
a principal cause that the other was put to death :) and
when they had with such solemnity and resolution made
it plain and evident, that they could not, without the
most barefaced violation of their faith and allegiance, and
of the fundamental principle of Christian religion, ever
deliver up their native King, who had put himself into
their hands, into the hands of the Parliament, against his
own will and consent : and when the Earl of Lowden had
publicly declared to the two Houses of Parliament in a
conference, " that an eternal infamy would lie upon them,
" and the whole nation, if they should deliver the person
" of the King ; the securing of which was equally their
" duty, as it was the Parliament's, and the disposal of his
" person in order to that security did equally belong to
" them as to the Parliament;" however, they said, " they
" would use all the persuasion, and all tbe importunity
" they could with the King that his Majesty might yield,
" and consent to the propositions the Parliament had
" sent to him."
The Parliament had, upon the first notice of the King's
being arrived in the Scottish army, sent a positive com
mand to the committee of both kingdoms residing in the
Scottish army, that the person of the King should be
forthwith sent to Warwick-castle; but the Scots, who
apprehended they could not be long without such an order,
had, within' two days after his Majesty's coming to them,
and after he had caused Newark to be delivered up, with
wonderful expedition marched towards Newcastle; and
were arrived there before they received that order for
sending his Majesty to Warwick; which proceeding of
theirs pleased his Majesty very well, among many other
things which displeased him; and persuaded him, that
vol. in. p. 1. F

66 THE HISTORY
BOOK though they would observe their own method, they would,
Xl in the end, do somewhat for his service.
Upon the receiving that order, they renewed their pro
fessions to the Parliament of observing punctually all that
had been agreed between them; and besought them,
" that since they had promised the King, before he left
" Oxford, to send propositions to him," they would now
" do it; and said, that if he refused to comply with them,
" to which they should persuade him, they knew what
The King, "they were to do." Then they advised the King, and
Scots^de- Prevailed with him, to send orders to the governor of
sire, sends Oxford to make conditions, an'd to surrender that place
the sur- (where his son the Duke of York was, and all the Council)
render of ;n(;0 tj,e hands of Fairfax, who with his army then besieged
Oxford and . ,,.,.¦ , ,. , , , , , . ,
all his other them; and likewise to publish a general order, (which
garrisons, they caused to be printed,) " that all governors of any
" garrisons for his Majesty should immediately deliver
" them up to the Parliament upon fair and honourable
conditions, since his Majesty resolved in all things to
be advised by his Parliament; and till this was done,
" they said, they could not declare themselves in that
" manner for his Majesty's service and interest, as they
" resolved to do ; for that they were, by their* treaty and
" confederacy, to serve the Parliament in such manner as
" they should direct, until the war should be ended; but,
" that done, they had no more obligations to the Parlia-
" ment ; and that, when his Majesty had no more forces
" on foot, nor garrisons which held out for him, it could
" not be denied but that the war was at an end ; and then
" they could speak and expostulate with freedom." By
which arts, they prevailed with the King to send, and
publish such orders as aforesaid ; and which indeed, as
the case then stood, he could have received little benefit
by not publishing.
TheParlia- The Parliament was contented, as the more expedite
ment, upon . . n r
the Scots' way, (though they were much offended at the presumption
sente pro- of the Scots in negJecting to send the King to Warwick,)

« i

OF THE REBELLION. 67
to send their propositions to the King (which they knew BOOK
his Majesty would never grant) by commissioners of both_
Houses, who had no other authority or power, than " topositibns
"demand a positive answer from the King in ten days, of Peace to
11 „ m. . . the Kins at
" and then to return. These propositions were delivered Newcastle,
about the end of July ; and contained such an eradication^"1^,
of the government of the Church and State, that the King
told them, " he knew not what answer to make to them, His Ma-
" till he should be informed what power or authority theyJan^,'esr
" had left to him and his heirs, when he had given all that
" to them which they desired." He desired, " that he
" might be removed to some of his own houses, and that
"he might reside there till, upon a personal treaty with
" his Parliament, such an agreement might be established
" as the kingdom might enjoy peace and happiness under
" it; which, he was sure, it could never do by the con-
" cessions they proposed."
The Scots, who were enough convinced that his Ma
jesty could never be wrought upon to sacrifice the Church
to their wild lusts and impiety, were as good as their
words to the Parliament, and used all the rude impor
tunity and threats to his Majesty, to persuade him freely
to consent to all : though they confessed " that the pro-
" positions were higher in many things than they ap-
" proved of, yet they saw no other means for him to close
" with his Parliament, than by granting what they re-
" quired." The Chancellor of Scotland told him, " tbat the con- Tlie Scots
"sequence of his answer to the propositions was as great, par°[am*t
" as the ruin or preservation of his crown or kingdoms : proposi-
" that the Parliament* after many bloody battles, had got *h°e;rs ^an-
" the strong holds and forts of the kingdom into their cellor.
" hands : that they had his revenue, excise, assessments,
" sequestrations, and power tp raise all the men and money
" of the kingdom : that they had gained victory over all,
" and that they had a strong army to maintain it; so that
" they might do what they would with Church or State :
« that they desired neither him, nor any of his race,
¦f2

68 THE HISTORY
BOOK "longer to reign over them; and had sent-4hese pro-
x- " positions to his Majesty, without the granting whereof,
" the kingdom and his people could not be in safety:
" that if he refused to assent, he would lose all his friends
" in Parliament, lose the city, and lose the country; and
" that all England would join against him as one man
" to process and depose him, and to set up another go
vernment; and so, that both kingdoms, for either's
" safety, would agree to settle religion and peace without
" him, to the ruin of his Majesty and his posterity :" and
concluded, " that if he left England, he would not be ad-
" mitted to come and reign in Scotland."
And it is very true that the General Assembly of the
Kirk, which was then sitting in Scotland, had petitioned
the conservators of the peace of the kingdom, " that if
" the King should refuse to give satisfaction to his Par-
" liament, he might not be permitted to come into Scot-
" land." This kind of argumentation did more provoke
His Ma- than persuade the King; he told them, with great reso-
iesty's an- . .... ,.
swer to lution and magnanimity, " that no condition they could
them. a re(mce him to, could be half so miserable and grievous
" to him, as that which they would persuade him to re-
" duce himself to ; and therefore bid them proceed their
" own way ; and that though they had all forsaken him,
" God had not."
The Par- The Parliament had now received the answer they ex-
require the pected ; and, forthwith, required " the Scots to quit the
Sc?ts t0 " kingdom, and to deliver the person of the King to such
kingdom, "persons as they should appoint to receive him;" who
liverup the snouhi attend upon his Majesty from Newcastle to Holm-
person of by, a house of his at a small distance from Northampton,
ng- a town and country of very eminent disaffection to the
King throughout the war; and declared, " that his Ma
jesty, should be treated, with respect to the safety and
" preservation of his person, according to the Covenant:
" and that, after his coming to Holmby, he should be at-
" tended by such as they should appoint; and that when
" the Scots were removed out of England, the Parliament

OF THE REBELLION. 69
"would join with their brethren of Scotland again to BOOK
" persuade the King to pass the propositions ; which if he x-
" refused to do, the House would do nothing that might ~
" break the union of the two kingdoms, but would en-
" deavour to preserve the same."
The Scots now begun again to talk sturdily, and denied
" that the Parliament of England had power absolutely
" to dispose of the person of the King without their ap-
" probation ;" and the Parliament as loudly replied, " that
'* they had nothing to do in England, but to observe their
" orders ;" and added such threats to their reasons, as
might let them see they had a great contempt of their
power, and would exact obedience from them, if they re
fused to yield it. But these discourses were only kept up
till they could adjust all accounts between them, and
agree what price they should pay for the delivery of his
person, whom one side was resolved to have, and the other
as resolved not to keep; and so they agreed; and, upon The Scots
the payment of two hundred thousand pounds in hand, .a.gree to d®"
and security for as much more upon days agreed upon, King.
the Scots delivered the King up into such hands as the
Parliament appointed to receive him.
In this infamous manner that excellent Prince was, in
the end of January, given up, by his Scottish subjects,
to those of his English who were entrusted by the Parlia
ment to receive him ; which had appointed a committee of
Lords and Commons, to go to the place agreed upon with
a party of horse and foot of the army, which were subject
to the orders of that committee, and the committee itself
to go to Newcastle to receive that town as well as the
King; where, and to whom, his Majesty was delivered.
They received him with the same formality of respect as The com-
he had been treated with by the Scots, and with the same ™^dap'
strictness restrained all resort of those to his Majesty, who by the Par-
were of doubtful affections to them and their cause. Ser- ^™e^ere"
vants were particularly appointed, and named by the Par- King at
liament, to attend upon his person and service, in all re- in the end
lations; amongst wliich, in the first place, they preferred °f January.
f 3

70 THE HISTORY
BOOK those who had faithfully adhered to them against their
x- master ; and, where such were wanting, they found others
Servants who had manifested their affection to them. And, in this
$*£??„_ distribution, the Presbyterian party in the Houses did
liament to what they pleased, and were thought to govern all. The
Majesty?" Independents craftily letting them enjoy that confidence
of their power and interest, till they had dismissed their
friends, the Scots, out of the kingdom ; and permitting
them to put men of their principles about the person of
the King, and to choose such a guard as they could con
fide in, to attend his Majesty.
Of the committee employed to govern and direct all,
Major General Brown was one, who had a great name
and interest in the city, and with all the Presbyterian
party, and had done great service to the Parliament in the
war under the Earl of Essex, and was a diligent and stout
commander. In this manner, and with this attendance,
TheKingishis Majesty was brought to his own house at Holmby in
Holmby.t0 Northamptonshire ; a place he had taken much delight in :
and there he was to stay till the Parliament and the army
(for the army now took upon them to have a share, and
to give their opinion in the settlement that should be
made) should determine what should be farther done.
In the mean time, the committee paid all respects to
his Majesty; and he enjoyed those exercises he most de
lighted in ; ,and seemed to have all liberty, but to confer
with persons he most desired, and to have such servants
about him as he could trust. That which most displeased
him, was, that they would not permit him to have his own
Chaplains; but ordered Presbyterian ministers to attend
for divine service ; and his Majesty, utterly refusing to be
present at their devotions, was compelled at those hours
to be his own chaplain in his bedchamber; where he con-
Thc King stantly used the Common Prayer by himself. His Ma-
tain of his jesty hore this constraint so heavily, that he writ a letter
Chaplains; j0 (he House of Peers, in which he inclosed a list of the
is refused. . . . ,
names of thirteen of his Chaplains ; any two of which he
desired might have liberty to attend him for his devotion.

OF THE REBELLION. 71
To which, after many days consideration, they returned BOOK
this answer; " that all those Chaplains were disaffected x-
" to the established government of the Church, and had
" not taken the Covenant ; but that there were others
" who had, who, if his Majesty pleased, should be sent to
" him." After this answer, his Majesty thought it to
no purpose to importune them farther in that particular;
but, next to the having his own Chaplains, he would have
been best pleased to have been without any ; they who were
sent by them being men of mean parts, and of most imper
tinent and troublesome confidence and importunity.
Whilst those disputes continued between the Parliament Divers gar-
and the Scots concerning the King's person, the army re^reTto
proceeded with great success in reducing those garrisons tne Pariia-
which still continued in his Majesty's obedience; whereof
though some surrendered more easily, and with less resist
ance than they might have made, satisfying themselves
with the King's general order, and that there was no rea
sonable expectation of relief, and therefore that it would
not be amiss, by an early submission, to obtain better con
ditions for themselves ; yet others defended themselves
with notable obstinacy to the last, to the great damage of
the enemy, and to the detaining the army from uniting
together; without which they could not pursue the great
designs they had. And this was one of the reasons that
made the treaty with the Scots depend so long, and that
the Presbyterians continued their authority and credit so
long; and we may observe again, that those garrisons
which were maintained and defended with the greatest
courage and virtue, in the end, obtained as good and as
honourable conditions, as any of those who surrendered
upon the first summons.
This was the case of Ragland and Pendennis castles;
which endured the longest sieges, and held out the last of
any forts or castles in England; being bravely defended
by two persons of very great age ; but were at length de
livered up within a day or two of each other. Ragland
f4

72 THE HISTORY
BOOK was maintained, with extraordinary resolution and courage,
X- by the old Marquis of Worcester against Fairfax himself,
till it was reduced to the utmost necessity. Pendennis
refused all summons; admitting no treaty, till all their
provisions were so far consumed, that they had not victual
left for four and twenty hours; and then they treated,
and carried themselves in the treaty with such resolution
and unconcernedness, that the enemy concluded they were
in no straits; and so gave them the conditions they pro
posed; whieh were as good as any garrison in England
had accepted. This castle was defended by the governor
thereof, John Arundel of Trerice in Cornwall, an old
gentleman of near fourscore years of age, and of one of
the best estates and interest in that county ; who, with
the assistance of his son Richard Arundel, (who was then
a colonel in the army; a stout and diligent officer; and
was by the King after his return made a baron, Lord
Arundel of Trerice, in memory of his father's service, and
his own eminent behaviour throughout the war,) main
tained and defended the same to the last extremity.
There remained with him in that service many gentle
men of the country of great loyalty, amongst whom Sir
Harry Killigrew was one; who, being an intimate friend
of the Chancellor of the Exchequer, resolved to go to
Jersey; and, as soon as the castle was surrendered, took
the first opportunity of a vessel then in the harbour of
Falmouth, to transport himself with some officers and
soldiers to St. Maloes in Brittany; from whence he writ
to the Chancellor in Jersey, that he would procure a bark
of that island to go to St. Maloes to fetch him thither;
whichj by the kindness of Sir George Carteret, was pre
sently sent, with a longing desire to receive him into that
island ; the two Lords, Capel and Hopton, and the Go
vernor, having an extraordinary affection for him, as well
as the Chancellor. Within two days after, upon view of
the vessel at sea, (which they well knew,) they all made
haste to the harbour to receive their friend; but, when

OF THE RE3ELLI0N. 73
they came thither, to their infinite regret, they found his BOOK
body there in a coffin, he having died at St. Maloes within '
a day after he had written his letter.
After the treaty was signed for delivering the castle,
he had walked out to discharge some arms which were in
Kis chamber; among which, a carabine that had been long
charged, in the shooting off, broke ; and a splinter of it
struck him in the forehead; which, though it drew much
blood was not apprehended by him to be of any danger;
so that his friends could not persuade him to stay there
till the wound was cured; but, the blood being stopped,
and the chirurgeon having bound it up, he prosecuted his
intended voyage; and at his landing at St. Maloes, he
writ that letter; believing his* wound would give him little
trouble. But his letter was no sooner gone than he sent
for a chirurgeon ; who, opening the wound, found it was
very deep and dangerous ; and the next day he died, having
desired that his dead body might be sent to Jersey ; where
he was decently buried. He was a very gallant gentle
man, of- a noble extraction, and a fair revenue in land;
of excellent parts and courage : he had one only son, who
was killed before him in a party that fell upon the enemy's
quarters near Bridgewater ; where he behaved himself with
remarkable courage, and was generally lamented.
Sir Harry was of the House of Commons; and though he
had no other relation to the Court than the having many
friends there, as wherever he was known he was exceedingly
beloved, he was most zealous and passionate in opposing all
the extravagant proceedings of the Parliament. And when
the Earl of Essex was chosen General, and the several
members of the House stood up, and declared, what horse
they would raise and maintain, and that they would live
and die with the Earl their General, one saying he would
raise ten horses, and another twenty, he stood up, and
said, " He would provide a good horse, and a good buff
" coat, and a good pair of pistols, and then he doubted
" not but he should find a good cause;" and so went out
of the House, and rode post into Cornwall, where his

74 THE HISTORY
BOOK estate and interest lay ; and there joined with those gallant
X" gentlemen his friends, who first received the Lord Hopton,
and raised those forces which did so many famous actions
in the west.
He would never take any command in the army; but
they who had, consulted with no man more. He was in
all actions, and in those places where was most danger,
having great courage and a pleasantness of humour in
danger that was very exemplary ; and they who did not
do their duty, took care not to be within his view; for
he was a very sharp speaker, and cared not for angering
those who deserved to be reprehended. The Arundels,
Trelawnies, Slannings, Trevanions, and all the signal men
of that county, infinitely lovefl his spirit and sincerity ; and
his credit and interest had a great influence upon all but
those who did not love the King; and to those he. was
very terrible; and exceedingly hated by them; and not
loved by men of moderate tempers; for he thought all
such prepared to rebel, when a little success should en
courage them; and was many times too much -offended
with men who wished well, and whose constitutions and
complexions would not permit them to express the same
frankness, which his nature and keenness of spirit could
not suppress. His loss was much, lamented by all good
men. From the time that the King was brought to Holmby,
¦ and whilst he stayed there, he was afflicted with the same
pressures concerning the Church, which had disquieted
him at Newcastle; the Parliament not remitting any of
their insolencies in their demands : all which was imputed
to the Presbyterians, who were-thought to exercise the
whole power, and begun to give orders for the lesseniifg
their great charge by disbanding some troops of their
army, and sending others for Ireland; which they made
no doubt speedily to reduce ; and declared, " that they
" would then disband all armies, that the kingdom might
" be governed by the known laws."
This temper in. the Houses raised another spirit in the

OF THE REBELLION. 75
army; whicli did neither like the Presbyterian government BOOK
that they saw ready to be settled in the Church, nor that x-
the Parliament should so absolutely dispose of them, by Differences
whom they had gotten power to do all they had done ; and ^^he
Cromwell, who had the sole influence upon the army, Parliament
underhand, made them petition the Houses against anyarmyf
thing that was done contrary to his opinion. He himself, Diverssects
and his officers, took upon them to preaeh and pray pub- jJ"™eiD
licly to their troops, and admitted few or no chaplains in
the army, but such as bitterly inveighed against the Pres
byterian government, as more tyrannical than Episcopacy;
and the common soldiers, as well as the officers, did not
only pray and preach among themselves, but went up into
the pulpits in all churches, and preached to the people;
who quickly became inspired with the same spirit ; women
as well as men taking upon them to pray and preach ;
which made as great a noise and confusion in all opinions
concerning religion, as there was in the civil government
of tbe State; scarce any man being suffered to be called in
question for delivering any opinion in religion, by speaking
or writing, how profane, heretical, or blasphemous soever
it was ; " which, they said, was to restrain the Spirit."
Liberty of conscience was now the common argument and
quarrel, whilst the Presbyterian party proceeded with equal
bitterness against the several sects as enemies to all godli
ness, as they had done, and still continued to do, against the
Prelatical party; and finding themselves superior in the
two Houses, little doubted, by their authority and power
there, to be able to reform the army, and to new model it
again ; which they would, no doubt, have attempted, if it
had not pleased God to have taken away the Earl of Essex The Earl of
some months before this ; who died without being sensible in Septem-
of sickness, in a time when he might have been able toberthis
' ° year.
have undone much of the mischief he had formerly
wrought; to which he had great inclinations; and had
indignation enough for the indignities himself had received
from the ungrateful Parliament, and wonderful apprehen
sion and detestation of the ruin he saw like to befall the

76 THE HISTORY
BOOK King and the kingdom. And it is very probable, consider-
x- ing the present temper of the city at that time, and of the
"two Houses, he might, if he had lived, have given some
check to the rage and fury that then prevailed. But God
would not suffer a man, who, out of the pride and vanity of
his nature, rather than the wickedness of his heart, had
been made an instrument of so much mischief, to have
any share in so glorious a work : though his constitution
and temper might very well incline him to the lethargic
indisposition of which he died, yet it was loudly said by
many of his friends, " that he was poisoned."
Sure it is that Cromwell and his party (for he was now
declared head of the army, though Fairfax continued Ge
neral in name) were wonderfully exalted with his death;
he being the only person whose credit and interest they
feared, without any esteem of his person.
And now, that they might more substantially enter into
dispute and competition with the Parliament, and go a
share with them in settling the kingdom, (as they called it,)
the army erected a kind of Parliament among themselves.
They had, from the time of the defeat of the King's army,
and when they had no more enemy to contend with in the
field, and after they had purged their army of all those in
convenient officers, of whose entire submission, and obe
dience to all their dictates, they had not confidence, set
aside, in effect, their Self-denying Ordinance, and got
their principal officers of the army, and others of their
friends, whose principles they well knew, to be elected
members of the House of Commons into their places who
were dead, or who had been expelled by them for adhering
to the King. By this means, Fairfax himself, Ireton,
Harrison, and many other of the Independents, officers
and gentlemen, of the several counties, who were trans
ported with new fancies in religion, and were called by a
new name Fanatics, sat in the House of Commons; not
withstanding all which, the Presbyterians still carried it.
But about this time, that they might be upon a nearer
level with the Parliament, the army made choice of a

OF THE REBELLION. 77
number of such officers as, they liked; which they called BOOK
the General's Council of Officers; who were to resemble x-
the House of Peers; and the common soldiers made choice Agitators,
of three or four of each regiment, most corporals or ser- ^counciTof
jeants, few or none above the degree of an ensign, who officers,
were called Agitators, and were to be as a House of Com-by'the' Cl
mons to the Council of Officers. These two representa- army-
tives met severally, and considered of all the acts and
orders made by the Parliament towards settling the king
dom, and towards reforming, dividing, or disbanding of
the army : and, upon mutual messages and conferences
between each other, they resolved in the first place, and Their first
declared, " that they would not be divided or disbanded,
" before their full arrears were paid, and before full pro-
" vision was made for liberty of conscience; which, they
" said, was the ground of the quarrel, and for which so
" many of their friends' lives had been lost, and so much
"of their own blood had been spilt; and that hitherto
" there was so little security provided in that point, that
" there was a greater persecution now against religious
" and godly men, than ever had been in the King's go-
" vernment, when the Bishops were their judges."
They said, " they did not look upon themselves as a
" band of Janizaries, hired and entertained only to fight
" their battles ; but that they had voluntarily taken up
" arms for the liberty and defence of the nation of which
" they were a part ; and before they laid down those arms,
" they would see all those ends well provided for, that the
" people might not hereafter undergo those grievances
" which they had formerly suffered. They complained
*' that some members of the army had been sent for by
" the Parliament, and committed to prison, which was
"against their privilege; since all soldiers ought to be
" tried by a council of war, and not by any other judica-
" tory; and therefore they desired redress in these, and
" many other particulars of as ingrateful a nature ; and
" that such as were imprisoned and in custody, might be
"forthwith set at liberty; without which they could not

ii

ii

78 THE HISTORY
BOOK " think themselves justly dealt with." Andwith this de-
x- claration and address, they sent three or four of their own
Which they members to the House of Commons; who delivered it at
to'thfpar- the har with wonderful confidence.
liament. The soldiers published a vindication, as they called Ity
of their proceedings and resolutions, and directed it to
their General; in which they complained of a design to
disband and new model the army; " which, they said, was
" a plot contrived by sfJme men who had lately tasted of
sovereignty; and, being lifted up above the ordinary
sphere of servants, endeavoured to become masters, and
were degenerated into tyrants." They therefore de
clared, " that they would neither be employed for the ser-
" vice of Ireland, nor suffer themselves to be disbanded,
" till their desires were granted, and the rights and liber-
" ties of the subjects should be vindicated and main-
" tained." This apology, or vindication, being signed by
many inferior officers, the Parliament declared them to be
enemies to the State : and caused some of them, who
And to talked loudest, to be imprisoned. Upon which a new ad-
neralGe dress was made to their General; wherein they complained
" how disdainfully they were used by the Parliament, for
" whom they had ventured their lives, and lost their blood:
" that the privileges, which were due to them as soldiers
" and as subjects, were taken from them; and when they
" complained of the injuries they received, they were
" abused, beaten, and dragged into gaols."
Hereupon, the Geueral was prevailed with to write a
letter to a member of Parliament, who shewed it to the
House ; in which he took notice of several petitions, which
were prepared in the city of London, and some other coun
ties of the kingdom, against the army ; and " that it was
" looked upon as very strange, that the officers of the army
" might not be permitted to petition, when so many peti-
" tions were received against them ; and that he much
" doubted that the army might draw to a rendezvous, and
" think of some other way for their own vindication."
This manner of proceeding by the soldiers, but espe-

OF THE REBELLION. 79
cially the General seeming to be of their mind, troubled BOOK
the Parliament ; yet they resolved not to suffer their coun- x-
sels to be censured, or their actions controlled, by those
who were retained by them, and who lived upon their pay.
And therefore, after many high expressions against the
presumption of several officers and soldiers, they declared, The Parlia-
" that whosoever should refuse, being commanded, to en- ment'? de"
" gage himself in the service of Ireland, should be dis- thereupon,
" banded." The army was resolved not to be subdued in
their first so declared resolution, and fell into a direct and
high mutiny, and called for the arrears of pay due to them ;
which they knew where and how to levy for themselves;
nor could they be in any degree appeased, till the declara
tion that the Parliament had made against them was rased Afterward
but of the journal book of both Houses, and a month's pf their
pay sent to them ; nor were they satisfied with all this, DOoks-
but talked very loud, " that they knew how to make them-
" selves as considerable as the Parliament, and where to
"have their service better valued and rewarded;" which
so frighted those at Westminster, that they appointed aAcom-
committee of Lords and Commons, whereof some were p0\utedabv
very acceptable to the army, to go to them, and to treat the two
with a committee chosen of the officers of the army, upon treat with
the best expedients tbat might be applied to the compos- a Fom"
ing these distempers. Now the army thought itself upon the army.
a level with the Parliament, when they had a committee of
the one authorized to treat with a committee of the other ;
which likewise raised the spirits of Fairfax, who had never
thought of opposing or disobeying the Parliament; and
disposed him to more concurrence with the impetuous hu
mour of the army, when he saw it was so much complied
with and submitted to by all men.
Cromwell, hitherto, carried himself with that rare dis- Cromwell's
simulation, (in which sure he was a very great master,) aJ; ^™^
that he seemed exceedingly incensed against this insolence these mu-
of the soldiers; was still in the House of Commons when
any such addresses were made; and inveighed bitterly
against the presumption, and had been the cause of the

80 THE HISTORY
BOOK commitment, of some of the officers. He proposed, " that
x- " the General might be sent down to the army;" who, he
said, ? would conjure down this mutinous spirit quickly;"
and he was so easily believed, that he himself was sent
once or twice to compose the army; where after he had
stayed two or three days, he would again return to the
House, and complain heavily " of the great licence that
" was got into the army; that, for his own part, by the
" artifice of his enemies, and of those who desired that the
" nation should be again imbrued in blood, he was rendered
" so odious unto them, that they had a purpose to kill
" him, if, upon some discovery made to him, he had not
" escaped out of their hands." And in these, and the like
discourses, when he spake of the nation's being to be in
volved in new troubles, he would weep bitterly, and appear
the most afflicted man in the world with the sense of the
calamities which were like to ensue. But, as many of the
wiser sort had long discovered his wicked intentions, so
his hypocrisy could not longer be concealed. The most
active officers and agitators were known to be his own
creatures, and such who neither did, nor would do, any
thing but by his direction. So that it was privately re
solved by the principal persons of the House of Commons,
that when he came the next day into the House, which he
seldom omitted to do, they would send him to the Tower;
presuming, that if they had once severed his person from
the army, they should easily reduce it to its former temper
and obedience. For they had not the least jealousy of the
General Fairfax, whom they knew to be a perfect Presby
terian in his judgment ; and that Cromwell had the ascen
dant over him purely by his dissimulation, and pretence of
conscience and sincerity. There is no doubt Fairfax did
not then, nor long after, believe0 that the other had those
wicked designs in his heart against the King, or the least
imagination of disobeying the Parliament.
This purpose of seizing upon the person of Cromwell
could not be carried so secretly, but that he had notice of
it; and the very next morning after he had so much la-

OF THE REBELLION. 81
mented his desperate misfortune in having lost all reputa- BOOK
tion, and credit, and authority in the army, and that his x-
life would be in danger if he were with it, when the House ~
expected every minute his presence, they were informed
that he was met out of the town by break of day, with one
servant only, on the way to the army ; where he had ap
pointed a rendezvous of some regiments of the horse, and
from whence he writ a letter to the House of Commons,
" that having the night before received a letter from some
" officers of his own regiment, that the jealousy the troops
" had conceived of him, and of his want of kindness to-
" wards them, was much abated, so that they believed, if
" he would be quickly present with them, they would all
" in a short time by his advice be reclaimed, upon this he
" had made all the haste he could ; and did find that the
" soldiers had been abused by misinformation ; and that
"he hoped to discover the fountain from whence it
" sprung ; and in the mean time desired that the General,
" and the other officers in the House, and such as re-
" mained about the town, might be presently sent to their
" quarters; and that he believed it would be very necessary
" in order to the suppression of the late distempers, and
" for the prevention of the like for the time to come, that
" there might be a general rendezvous of the army; of
" which the General would best consider, when he came
"down; which he wished might be hastened." It was
now to no purpose to discover what they had formerly in
tended, or that they had any jealousy of a person who was
out of their reach ; and so they expected a better conjunc
ture; and in few days after, the General and the other
officers left the town, and went to their quarters.
The same morning that Cromwell left London, Cornet Comet
Joyce, who was one of the agitators in the army, a tailor, s°^d upon
a fellow who had two or three years before served in a very Se,Kjng at
inferior employment in Mr. Hollis's house, came with a June 3,'
squadron of fifty horse to Holmby, where the King was, 1647,
about the break of day ; and, without any interruption by
the guard of horse or foot which waited there, came with
vol. hi. p. 1. g

82 THE HISTORY
BOOK two or three more, and knocked at the King's chamber
x- door, and said " be must presently speak with the King."
His Majesty, surprised with the manner of it, rose out of
his bed; and, half dressed, caused the door to be opened',
which he knew otherwise would be quickly broken open;
they who waited in the chamber being persons of whom
he had little knowledge, and less confidence. As soon as
the door was opened, Joyce, and two or three more, came
into the chamber, with their hats off, and pistols in their
hands. Joyce told the King, " that he must go with
"him." His Majesty asked, "whither?" he answered)
" to the army." The King asked him, " where the army
" was ?" he said, " they would carry him to the place
" where it was." His Majesty asked, " by what authority
"they came?" Joyce answered, "by this;" and shewed
him his pistol ; and desired his Majesty, " that he would
" cause himself to be dressed, because it was necessary
" they should make haste." None of the other soldiers
spoke a word ; and Joyce, saving the bluntness and posi-
tiveness of the few words he spoke, behaved himself not
rudely. The King said, "he could not stir before he
" spoke with the committee to whom he had been de-
" livered, and who were trusted by the Parliament ;" and
so appointed one of those who waited upon him, to call
them. The committee had been as much surprised with
the noise as the King had been, and quickly came to his
chamber, and asked Joyce, " whether he had any orders
" from the Parliament ?" he said, No. " From the Gene-
" ral ?" No. " What authority he came by ?" to which
he made no other answer, than he had made to the King,
and held up his pistol. They said, " they would write to
" the Parliament to know their pleasure ;" Joyce said,
" they might do so, but the King must presently go with
" him." Colonel Brown had sent for some of the troops
who were appointed for the King's guard, but they came
not; he spoke then with- the officer who commanded those
who were at that time upon the guard, and found that
they would make no resistance : so that after the King had

OF THE REBELLION. S3
made all the delays he conveniently could, without giving BOOK
them cause to believe that he was resolved not to have X-
gone, which had been to no purpose, and after he had
broken his fast, he went into his coach, attended by the
few servants who were put about him, and went whither
Cornet Joyce would conduct him ; there being no part of
the army known to be within twenty miles of Holmby at
that time ; and that which administered most cause of ap
prehension, was, that those officers who were of the guard,
declared, " that the squadron which was commanded by
" Joyce consisted not of soldiers of any one regiment, but
" were men of several troops, and several regiments, drawn
"together under him, who was not the proper officer;"
so that tbe King did in truth believe, that their purpose
was to carry him to some place where they might more
conveniently murder him. The committee quickly gave The com-
notice to the Parliament of what had passed, with all the™1^^6
circumstances; and it was received with all imaginable it.
consternation ; nor could any body imagine what the pur
pose and resolution was.
Nor were they at the more ease, or in any degree pleased The Gene-
with the account they received from the General himself; count of it
who by his letter informed them, "that the soldiers att?thePar"
" Holmby had brought the King from thence; and that
" his Majesty lay the next night at Colonel Montague's
" house, and would be the next day at Newmarket : that
" the ground thereof was from an apprehension of some
"strength gathered to force the King from thence;
" whereupon he had sent Colonel Whaley's regiment to
" meet the King." He protested, " that his remove was
" without his consent, or of the officers about hini, or of
" the body of the army, and without their desire or pri-
" vity : that he would take care for the security of his Ma
jesty's person from danger;" and assured the Parlia
ment, " that the whole army endeavoured peace, and were
" far from opposing Presbytery, or affecting Independency,
" or from any purpose to maintain a licentious freedom in
" religion, or the interest of any particular party, but were
g2

84 THE HISTORY
BOOK " resolved to leave the absolute determination of all to the
.„ . X; " Parliament." It was upon the third of June that the King was taken
from Holmby by Cornet Joyce, well nigh a full year after
he had delivered himself to the Scots at Newark; in all
which time, the army had been at leisure to contrive all
ways to free itself from the servitude of the Parliament,
whilst the Presbyterians believed, that, in spite of a few
factious Independent officers, it was entirely at their de
votion, and could never prove disobedient to their com
mands ; and those few wise men, who discerned the foul
designs of those officers, and by what degrees they stole
the hearts and affections of the soldiers, had not credit
enough to be believed by their own party. The joint con
fidence of the unanimous affection of the city of London
to all their purposes, made them despise all opposition ;
but now, when they saw the King taken out of their hands
in this manner, and with these circumstances, they found
all their measures broke by which they had formed all their
counsels. And as this letter from the General administered
too much cause of jealousy of what was to succeed, so a
positive information about the same time by many officers,
confirmed by a letter which the Lord Mayor of London
Distrac- had received, that the whole army was upon its march,
Westmin- and would, be in London the next day by noon, so dis-
noticeof1 tracted them, that they appeared besides themselves : how-
the army's ever, they voted, " that the Houses should sit all the next
wards5 " day, being Sunday ; and that Mr. Marshall should be
London. « there to pray for them : that the Committee of Safety
" should sit Up all that night to consider what was to
" be done : that the lines of communication should be
" strongly guarded, and all the Trained Bands of London
" should be drawn together upon pain of death." All
shops were shut up, and such a general confusion over all
the town, and in the faces of all men, as if the army had
already entered the town. The Parliament writ a letter to
the General, desiring him, " that no part of the army
" might come within five and twenty miles of London ;

OF THE REBELLION. S5
w and that the King's person might be delivered to the BOOK
" former commissioners, who had attended upon his Ma- x-
" jesty at Holmby ; and that Colonel Rossiter, and his re-
" giment, might be appointed for the guard of his person."
The General returned for answer, " that the army was
" come to St. Alban's before the desire of the Parliament
" came to his hands; but that, in obedience to their com-
" mands, he would advance no farther; and desired that a
" month's pay might presently be sent for tbe army." In
which they deferred not to gratify them ; though as to the
re-delivery of the King to the former commissioners, no
other answer was returned, than " that they might rest as-
" sured, that all care should be taken for his Majesty's se-
" curity." From that time both Cromwell and Ireton appeared in
the Council of Officers, which they had never before done;
and their expostulations with the Parliament begun to be
more brisk and contumacious than they had been. TheThe King
King found himself at Newmarket attended by greater ^^
troops and superior officers; so that he was presently freed ket; where
from any subjection to Mr. Joyce; which was no small lowedhis
satisfaction to him; and they who were about him ap- Chaplains
peared men of better breeding than the former, and paid army.
his Majesty all the respect imaginable, and seemed to de
sire to please him in all things. All restraint was taken
off from persons resorting to him, and he saw every day
the faces of many who were grateful to him ; and he no
sooner desired that some of his Chaplains might have leave
to attend upon him for his devotion, but it was yielded to,
and they who were named by him (who were Dr. Sheldon,
Dr. Morley, Dr. Sanderson, and Dr. Hammond) were
presently sent, and gave their attendance, and performed
their function at the ordinary hours, in their accustomed
formalities ; all persons, who had a mind to it, being suf
fered to be' present, to his Majesty's infinite satisfaction;
who begun to believe that the army was not so much his
enemy as it was reported to be ; and the army had sent an
address to him full of protestation of duty, and besought
g3

86 THE HISTORY
BOOK him " that he would be content, for some time, to reside
x- " among them, until the affairs of the kingdom were put
" into such a posture as he might find all things to his
" own content and security ; which they infinitely desired
" to see as soon as might be ; and to that purpose made
His Ma- " daily instances to the Parliament." In the mean time
mov^stc- his Majesty sat still, or removed to such places as were
cording to most convenient for the marqh of the army; being in all
of the places as well provided for and accommodated, as he had
army" used to be in any progress ; the best gentlemen of the se
veral counties through which he passed, daily resorted
to him, without distinction ; he was attended by some of
his old trusty servants in the places nearest. his person;
and that which gave him most encouragement to believe
that they meant well, was, that in, the army's address to
the Parliament, they desired " that care might be taken
" for settling the King's rights, according to the several
" professions they had made in their declarations ; and
" that the royal party might be treated with more candour,
" and less rigour ;" and many good officers who had served
his Majesty faithfully, were civilly received by the offi
cers of the army, and lived quietly in their quarters; which
they could not do any where else; which raised a great re
putation to the army, throughout the kingdom, and as
much reproach upon the Parliament.
The Parliament at this time had recovered its spirit,
when they saw the army did not march nearer towards
them, and not only stopped at St. Alban's, but was drawn
back to a farther distance ; which persuaded them, that
their General was displeased with the former advance ; and
so they proceeded with all passion and vigour against
those principal officers, who, they knew, contrived all these
proceedings. They published declarations to the king
dom, " that they desired to bring the King in honour to
"his Parliament; which was their business from thebe-
" ginning, and that he was detained prisoner against his
" will in the army ; and that they had great reason to ap-
(' prehend the safety of his person." The army, on the

OF THE REBELLION. 87
other hand, declared " that his Majesty was neither " pri- BOOK
" soner, nor detained against his will ; and appealed to x*
" his Majesty himself, and to all his friends, who had li-
" berty to repair to him, whether he had not more liberty,
" and was not treated with more respect, since he came
" into the army than he had been at Holmby, or during
" the time he remained in those places, and with that
" retinue that the Parliament had appointed?" The cityTransac-
seemed very unanimously devoted to the Parliament, andci^„^,ne
incensed against the army ; and seemed resolute, not only tbofe oc-
with their Trained Bands and auxiliary regiments to assist
and defend the Parliament, but appointed some of the old
officers who had served under the Earl of Essex, and had
been disbanded under the new model, as Waller, Massey,
and others, to list new forces; towards which there was
not like to be want of men out of their old forces, and
such of the King's as would be glad of the employment.
There was nothing they did really fear so much, as that
the army would make a firm conjunction with the King,
and unite with his party, of which there was so much
shew; and many unskilful men, who wished it, bragged
too much ; and therefore the Parliament sent a committee
to his Majesty, with an address of another style than they
had lately used, with many professions of duty; and de
claring, " that if he was not, in all respects, treated as he
" ought to be, and as he desired, it was not their fault,
" who desired he might be at full liberty, and do what
" he would;" hoping that the King would have been in
duced to desire to come to London, and to make complaint
of the army's having taken him from Holmby; by which
they believed the King's party would be disabused, and
withdraw their hopes of any good from the army; and
then, they thought, they should be hard enough for
them. The King was in great doubt how to carry himself; he
thought himself so barbarously used by the Presbyterians,
and had so ill an opinion of all the principal persons who
governed them, that he had no mind to put himself into
g4

88 THE HISTORY
i
BOOK their hands. On the other side, he was far from being
x> satisfied with the army's good intentions towards him;
and though many of his friends were suffered to resort to
him, they found that their being long about him, would
not be acceptable; and though the officers and soldiers
appeared, for the most part, civil to him, they were all at
least as vigilant, as the former guards had been ; so that,
he could not, without great difficulty, have got from them
if he had desired it. Fairfax had been with him, and
kissed his hand, and made such professions as he could
well utter; which was with no advantage in the delivery;
his authority was of no use, because he resigned himself
entirely to Cromwell ; who had been, and Ireton likewise,
with the King, without either of them offering to kiss his
hand; otherwise, they behaved themselves with good man
ners towards him. His Majesty used all the address he
could towards them to draw some promise from them ; but
they were so reserved, and stood so much upon their guard,
and used so few words, that nothing could be concluded
from what they said : they excused themselves " for not
" seeing his Majesty often, upon the great jealousies the
" Parliament had of them, towards whom they professed
" all fidelity." The persons who resorted to his Majesty,
and brought advices from others who durst not yet offer to
come themselves, brought several opinions to him ; some
thinking the army would deal sincerely with his Majesty,
others expecting no better from them than they afterwards
performed : so that the King well concluded that he would
neither reject the Parliament addresses by any neglect, nor
disoblige the army by appearing to have jealousy of them,
or a desire to be out of their hands; which he could
hardly have effected, if he had known a better place to
have resorted to. So he desired both parties " to hasten
" their consultations, that the kingdom might enjoy peace
" and happiness : in which he should not be without a
" share ; and he would pray to God to bring this to pass
(( as soon as was possible."
The news of the King's being in the army, of his

OF THE REBELLION. 89
freedom in the exercise of his religion, which he had been BOOK
so long without, and that some of his servants, with whom X'
lie was well pleased, had liberty to attend upon him, made
every body abroad, as well as those at home, hope well ;
and the King himself writ to the Queen, as if he thought
his condition much better than it had been among the
Scots. Sir John Berkley, after his surrender of Exeter,
and the spending his six months allowed by the articles
to solicit his affairs where he would, had transported him
self into France, and waited upon the Queen at Paris,
being still a menial servant to her Majesty, and having
a friend in tbat Court that governed, and loved him better
than any body else did. As soon as the reports came
thither of the King's being with the army, he repeated
many discourses he had held with the officers of the army,
whilst they treated with him of the delivery of Exeter;
how he had told them, " upon how slippery ground they
" stood ; that the Parliament, when they had served their
" turn, would dismiss them with reproach, and give them
" very small rewards for the great service they had done
" for them ; that they should do well, seasonably to think
" of a safe retreat, which could be no where but under
" the protection of the King ; who by their courage was
" brought very low ; and if they raised him again, he
" must owe it all to them ; and his posterity, as well as
" himself, and all his party, must for ever acknowledge it;
" by which they would raise their fortunes, as well as
" their fame, to the greatest degree men could aim at;"
which, he said, made such an impression upon this and
that offfcer, whom he named, " that they told him at
" parting, that they should never forget what he had
" said to them ; and that they already observed tbat
" every day produced somewhat that would put them
" in mind of it." In a word, " he had foretold all that
" was since come to pass, and he was most confident,
" that, if he were now with them, he should be welcome,
" and have credit enough to bring them to reason, and to
" do the King great service;" and offered, without any

Sir John

90 THE HISTORY
BOOK delay, to make the journey. The Queen believed all he
x- said; and they who did not, were very willing he should
 make the experiment ; for he that loved him best, was very
willing to be without him ; and so receiving the Queen's
letter of recommendation of him to the King, who knew
Berkley him very little, and that little not without some prejudice,
tteQuee^ he left Paris, and made all possible haste into England.
totheKing. jojin Ashburnham, who was driven from the King by the
Scots after he had conducted his Majesty to them, had
transported himself into France, and was at this time
residing in Rouen ; having found, upon his address to the
Queen at Paris upon his first arrival, that his abode in
some other place would not be ungrateful to her Majesty,
and so he removed to Rouen ; where he had the society of
many who had served the King in the most eminent quali-
Mr. Ash- fications. When he heard where the King was, and that
coniesfom there was not the same restraint that had been formerly,
France to he resolved to make an adventure to wait on him ; having
°e' no reason to doubt but that his presence would be very ac
ceptable to the King; and though the other envoy from
Paris, and he, did not make their journey into England
together, nor had the least communication with each other,
being in truth of several parties and purposes, yet they
arrived there, and at the army, near the same time.
sir John Berkley first applied himself to those subordinate offi-
andMr cers w'tn whom he had some acquaintance at Exeter, and
Ashbum- they informing their superiors of his arrival and applica-
transac- tion, they were well pleased that he was come. They
tions with were well acquainted with his talent, and knew his foible,
some offi- , ...
cers of the that, by flattering and commending, they might govern
army. him; and that there was no danger of any deep design
from his contrivance; and so they permitted him freely to
attend the King, about whose person he had no title, or
relation, which required any constant waiting upon him.
Ashburnham had, by some friends, a recommendation
both to Cromwell and Ireton, who knew the credit he had
with the King, and that his Majesty would be very well
pleased to have his attendance, and look upon it as a testi-

OF THE REBELLION. 91
mony of their respect to him. They knew likewise that BOOK
he was an implacable enemy to the Scots, and no friend x-
to the other Presbyterians, and though he had some ordi
nary craft in insinuating, he was of no deep and piercing
judgment to discover what was not unwarily exposed, and
a free speaker of what he imagined : so they likewise left
him at liberty to repair to the King; and these two gentle
men came near about the same time to his Majesty, when
the army was drawing together, with a purpose, which
was not yet published, of marching to London ; bis Ma
jesty being still quartered in those places which were more
proper for that purpose.
They were both welcome to his Majesty, the one bring
ing a special recommendation from the Queen, and, to
make himself the more valuable, assuring his Majesty,
" that he was sent for by the officers of the army, as one
" they would trust, and that they had received him with
" open arms ; and, without any scruple, gave him leave to
" wait upon him :" the other needed no recommendation,
the King's own inclinations disposing him to be very
gracious to him; and so his Majesty wished them "to
" correspond with each other, and to converse with his
" several friends, who did not yet think fit to resort to
" him ; and to receive their advice ; to discover as much
" as they could of the intentions of both parties, and
" impart what was fit to the King, till, upon a farther
" discovery, his Majesty might better judge what to do."
These two were the principal agents, (they conferring with
all his Majesty's friends, and, as often as they desired,
with the officers of the army,) upon whose information
and advice his Majesty principally depended, though they
rarely conferred together with the same persons, and never
with any of the officers, who pretended not to trust one
another enough to speak with that freedom before each
other, as they would to one of them ; and their acquaint
ance among the officers not being principally with, the
same men, their informations and advices were often very
different, and more perplexed than informed his Majesty.

92 THE HISTORY
BOOK The very high contests between the Parliament and the
X- army, in which neither side could be persuaded to yield to
The differ- the other, or abate any of their asperity, made many pru-
signs'of dent men believe that both sides would, in the end, be
theParlia- w;]iing to make tbe King the umpire; which neither of
army at them ever intended to do. The Parliament thought tbat
rdathTto tnea- name anc* authority, which had carried them through
the King, so great undertakings, and reduced the whole kingdom to
their obedience, could not be overpowered by their own
army, raised and paid by themselves, and to whose dictates
the people would never submit. They thought the King's
presence amongst them gave them all their present repu
tation ; and were not without apprehension that the am
bition of some of the officers, and their malice to the Par
liament, when they saw that they could obtain their ends
no other way, might dispose them to an entire conjunction
with the King's party and interest; and then, all the
penalties of treason, rebellion, and trespasses, must be
discharged at their costs; and therefore they laboured, by
all the public and private means they could, to persuade
the King to own his being detained prisoner by the army
against his will, or to withdraw himself by some way from
them, and repair to Whitehall; and, in either of those
cases, they did not doubt, first, to divide the army, (for
they still believed the General fast to them,) and by de
grees to bring them to reason, and to be disbanded, as
many as were not necessary for the service of Ireland; and
then, having the King to themselves, and all his party
being obnoxious to those penalties for their delinquency,
they should be well able, by gratifying some of the greatest
persons of the nobility with immunity and indemnity, to
settle the government in such a manner, as to be well
recompensed for all the adventures they had made, and
hazards they had run.
On the other hand, the army had no dread of the au
thority and power of the Parliament; which they knew
had been so far prostituted, that it had lost most of its
reverence with the people. But it had great apprehension,

OF THE REBELLION. 93
that, by its conjunction with the city, it might indeed BOOK
recover credit with the kingdom, and withhold the pay Xl
of the army, and thereby make some division amongst
them; and if the person of the King should be likewise
with them, and thereby his party should likewise join with
them, they should be to begin their work again, or to
make their peace with those who were as much provoked
by them as the King himself had been. And therefore
they were sensible that they enjoyed a present benefit by
the King's being with them, and by their treating htm
with the outward respect that was due to his Majesty,
and the civilities they made profession of towards all his
party, and the permission of his chaplains, and other ser
vants, to resort to him; and cultivated all these artifices
with great address, suppressing or discountenancing the
tyranny of the Presbyterians in the country committees,
and all other places, where they exercised notable rigour
against all who had been of the King's party, or not
enough of theirs, (for neuters found no excuse for being
of no party.) When they found it fit to make any lusty
declaration against the Parliament, and exclaim against
their tyrannical proceedings against the army, they always
inserted somewhat that might look like candour and ten
derness towards the King's party, complained of " the
" affront and indignity done to the army by the Parlia-
" ment's not observing the articles which had been made
" upon surrender of garrisons, but proceeding against
" those on whose behalf those articles were made, with
" more severity than was agreeable to justice, and to the
" intention of the articles; whereby the honour and faith
" of the army suffered, and was complained of; all which,
" they said, they would have remedied." Whereupon
many hoped that they should be excused from making any
compositions, and entertained such other imaginations as
pleased themselves, and the other party well liked ; know
ing they could demolish all those structures as soon as
they received no benefit by them themselves.
The King had, during the time he stayed at Holmby,

94 THE HISTORY
BOOK writ to the House of Peers, tbat his children might have
x- leave to come to him, and to reside for some time with
him. From the time that Oxford had been surrendered,
upon which the Duke of York had fallen into their hands,
for they would by no means admit tbat he should have
liberty to go to such place as the King should direct,
which was very earnestly pressed, and insisted on by the
lords of the Council there, as long as they could; but ap
pointed their committee to receive him with all respect,
and to bring him to London : from that time, I say, the
Duke of York was committed to the care of the Earl of
Northumberland, together with the Duke of Gloucester,
and tbe Princess, who had been by the King left under the
tuition of the Countess of Dorset, but from the death of
that Countess the Parliament had presumed, that they
might be sure to keep them in their power, to put them
into the custody of the Lady Vere, an old lady much in
their favour, but not at all ambitious of that charge,
though there was a competent allowance assigned for their
support. They were now removed from her, and placed
all together with the Earl of Northumberland, who re
ceived and treated them, in all respects, as was suitable to
their birth, and his own duty; but could give them no
more liberty to go abroad, than he was, in his instructions
from the Parliament, permitted to do; and they had ab
solutely refused to gratify the King in that particular^ of
which his Majesty no sooner took notice to Fairfax, than
he writ a letter to the Parliament, " that the King much
" desired to have the sight and company of his children,
" and that if they might not be allowed to be longer with
" him, that at least they might dine With him ;" and he
sent them word that, on such a day, " the King, who at-
" tended the motion of the army, and was quartered only
aStoJedto " wliere they pleased, would dine at Maidenhead." There
see his his children met him, to his infinite content and joy; and
Mamen"-8' he being to quarter and stay some time at Caversham, a
head and house of the Lord Craven's, near Reading, his children
s am'were likewise suffered to go thither, and remained with

OF THE REBELLION. 95
him two days; which was the greatest satisfaction the BOOK
King could receive; and the receiving whereof he imputed Xm
to the civility of the General, and the good disposition of
the army; which made so much the more impression upon
him, in that he had never made any one proposition in
which he had been gratified, where the Presbyterian spirit
had power to deny it.
In the House of Commons, which was now the scene of
all the action that displeased and incensed the army, (for
the House of Peers was shrunk into so inconsiderable a
number, and their persons not considerable after the death
of the Earl of Essex, except those who were affected to, or
might be disposed by, the army,) they were wholly guided
by Hollis, and Stapleton, Lewis, and Glyn, who had been
very popular and notorious from the beginning, and by
Waller, and Massey, and Brown, who had served in com
mands in the army, and performed at some times very
signal service, and were exceedingly beloved in the city,
and two or three others who followed their dictates, and
were subservient to their directions. These were all mere
of parts, interest, and signal courage, and did not only
heartily abhor the intentions which they discerned the
army to have, and that it was wholly to be disposed ac
cording to the designs of Cromwell, but had likewise de
clared animosities against the persons of the most active
and powerful officers ; as Hollis had one day, upon a very
hot debate in the House, and some rude expressions which
fell from Ireton, persuaded him to walk out of the House
with him, and then told him, " that he should presently
" go over the water and fight with him." Ireton replying,
" his conscience would not suffer him to fight a duel ;'*
Hollis, in choler, pulled him by the nose; telling him,
" if his conscience would keep him from giving men satis-
" faction, it should keep him from provoking them.*'
This affront to the third person of the army, and to a man
of the most virulent, malicious, and revengeful nature of
all the pack, so incensed the whole party, that they were
resolved one way or other to be rid of him, who had that

mo>-s.

96 THE HISTORY
BOOK power in the House, and that reputation abroad, that when
x- he could not absolutely control their designs, he did so
obstruct them, that they could not advance to any con
clusion. They resorted therefore to au expedient, which, they
had observed, by the conduct of those very men against
whom they meant to apply it, had brought to pass all that
The army they desired; and, in the Council of Officers, prepared an i
eleven0 impeachment of high treason in general terms against Mr.
members of H0uis arKj the persons mentioned before, and others, to
the House TT _ ~
of Com- the number of eleven members of the House of Commons.
This impeachment twelve officers of the army, colonels,
lieutenant colonels, majors, and captains, presented to the
House; and within few days after, when they saw the
same members still inveigh against and arraign their pro
ceedings, the General and officers writ a letter to the
House, " that they would appoint fit persons on their and
" the kingdom's behalf, to make good the charge against
" those members whom they had accused; and that they
" desired, that those members impeached might be forth-
" with suspended from sitting in the House; since it
" could not be thought fit that the same persons who had
" so much injured and provoked the army, should sit
" judges of their own actions." This was an arrow that
the House of Commons did not expect would have been
shot out of that quiver ; and though they were unspeak
ably dismayed, and distracted with this presumption, they
answered positively, " that they neither would, nor could,
" sequester those members from the House, who had never
" said or done any thing in the House worthy of censure,
" till proof were made of such particulars as might render
" them guilty." But the officers of the army repliedj
" that they could prove them guilty of such practices in
" the House, that it would be just in the House to sus-
" pend them : that by the laws of the land, and the prece-
" dents of Parliament, tbe Lords had, upon the very pre-
" sentation of a general accusation without being reduced
" in form, sequestered from their House and committed .

OF THE REBELLION. 9?
w the Earl of Strafford, and the Archbishop of Canterbury j BOOK.
" and therefore they must press, and insist" upon the sus- x-
" pending at least of those accused members from being
" present in the House, where they stood impeached ; and
" without this, they said, the army would not be satisfied."
However the House of Commons seemed still resolute, the
accused members themselves, who best knew their temper,
thought it safer for them to retire, and by forbearing to
appear in the House, to allay the heat of the present
contest. Upon this so palpable declension of spirit in the House,
the army seemed much quieter, and resolved to set other
¦agents on their work, that they might not appear too busy
and active in their own concernment. It is very true that The temper
the city, upon whose influence the Parliament much de-of?1lclty
pended, appeared now entirely Presbyterian ; the Court of changes of
Aldermen, and Common Council, consisted chiefly of men liti^^Tthis
of that spirit; the militia of the city was committed totime-
commissioners carefully and factiously chosen of that
party,; all those of another temper having been put out of
those trusts, at or about the time that the King was de
livered* up by tbe Scots., when the officers of the army were
content that the Presbyterians should believe, that the
whole power of the kingdom was in them ; and that they
might settle what government they pleased; if there re
mained any persons in any of those employments in the
city, it was by their dissimulation, and pretending to have
other affections ; most of those who were notorious to be
of any other faction in religion, had been put out; and,
lived as neglected and discountenanced men ; who seemed
rather to depend upon the clemency and indulgence of the
State, for their particular liberty in the exercise of that re
ligion they adhered to, than to have any hope or ambition
to be again admitted into any share or part in the govern
ment : yet,.after all this dissimulation, Cromwell and Ireton
well knew, that the multitude of inferior people were at
their disposal, and would appear in any conjuncture they
should think convenient; and that many aldermen and
vol. m. p. 1. h

98 THE HISTORY
BOOK substantial citizens were quiet, and appeared not to con-
x- tradict or oppose the Presbyterians, only by their direc
tions; and would be ready upon their call. And now,
when they saw those leading men, who had governed the
Parliament, prosecuted by the army, and that they forbore
to come to the House, there flocked together great num
bers of the lowest and most inferior people, to the Parlia
ment, with petitions of several natures, both with reference
to religion and to the civil government; with the noise
and clamour whereof the Parliament was so offended and
disturbed, that they made an ordinance, "that it should
" be criminal tb gather and solicit the subscriptions of
" hands to petitions." But this order so offended all par
ties, that they were compelled, within two days, to revoke
it, and to leave all men to their natural liberty. Whilst
this confusion was in the city and Parliament, the com
missioners, which had been sent to the army to treat with
the officers, had no better success ; but returned with the
positive and declared resolution of the army, " that a de-
" claration should be published by the Parliament against
" the coming in of foreign force :" for they apprehended,
or rather were willing that the people should apprehend, a
new combination by the Scots : " that the pay of the army
" should be put into a constant course, and all persons
" who had received money, should be called to an account:
" that the militia of London should be put into the hands
" of persons well affected, and those who had been for-
" merly trusted : that all persons imprisoned for pretended
" misdemeanours, by order of Parliament, or their com-
" mittees, might be set at liberty; and, if upon trial they
" should be found innocent, that they might have good
" reparation." And they particularly mentioned John
Lilburn, Overton, and other Anabaptists and Fanatics,
who had been committed by the Parliament for many se
ditious meetings, under pretence of exercise of their re
ligion, and many insolent actions against the government.
Upon the report of these demands, the Parliament grew
more enraged ; and voted, " that the yielding to the jirmy

OF THE REBELLION. 99
ct in these particulars would be against their honour, and BOOK
" their interest, and destructive to their privileges;" with x-
many expressions against their presumption and insolence:
yet, when a new rabble of petitioners demanded, with loud
cries, most of the same things, they were willing to com
pound with them ; and consented that the militia of the
city of London should be put into such hands as the army
should desire.
The militia of the city had been in the beginning of
May, shortly after the King's being brought to Holmby,
settled with the consent, and upon the desire, of the Com
mon Council, by ordinance of Parliament, in the hands of
commissioners, who were generally of the Presbyterian
party, they who were of other inclinations being removed;
and, as is said before, seemed not displeased at their dis
grace ; and now, when upon the declarations and demands
of the army, seconded by clamorous petitions, they saw
this ordinance reversed, in July, without so much as con
sulting with the Common Council according to custom,
the city was exceedingly startled ; and said, " that if the
" imperious command of the army could prevail with the
" Parliament to reverse such an ordinance as that of the
" militia, they had reason to apprehend they might as well
" repeal the other ordinances for the security of money, or
" for the purchase of Bishops' and Church lands, or what-
" soever else that was tbe proper security of the subject."
And therefore they caused a petition to be prepared in the
name of the city, to be presented by the two Sheriffs, and
others deputed by the Common Council to that purpose.
But, before they were ready, many thousands, apprentices
and young citizens, brought petitions to the Parliament •
in which they said, " that the command of the militia of
" the city was the birthright of the city, and belonged to
" them by several charters which had been confirmed in
"Parliament; for defence whereof, they said, they had
" ventured their lives as far and as frankly as tbe army bad
" done ; and therefore, they desired that the ordinance of
" Parliament of the fourth of May, which had passed with
h 2

100 THE HISTORY
BOOK " their consent, might stand inviolable." They first pre-
x- sented their petition to the House of Peers, who imme-
A tumultu- diately revoked their late ordinance of July, and confirmed
ous petition^ • former of May; and sent it down to the, Commons
ol appren- * J '
tices, and for their consent ; who durst not deny their concurrence,
both ' the apprentices behaving themselves so insolently, that
Houses they would scarce suffer the door of the House of Com-
concerning '
their mi- mons to be shut; and some of them went into the
Ktia- House. And in this manner the ordinance was reversed that had
been made at the desire of the army, and the other of May
ratified and confirmed ; which was no sooner done than the
Parliament adjourned till Friday, that they might have two
or three days to consider how they should behave them
selves, and prevent the like violences hereafter. The army
had quickly notice of these extraordinary proceedings, and
Upon this the General writ a very sharp letter to the Parliament
writ a very from Bedford ; in which he put them in mind, " how
sharp letter « civilly the army had complied with their desire, by re-
liament. " moving to a greater distance, upon presumption that
" their own authority would have been able to have se-
" cured them from any rudeness, and violence of the peo-
" pie; which it was now evident it could not do, by the
" unparalleled violation of all their privileges, on the
" Monday before, by a multitude from the city, which had
" been encouraged by several common council men, and
" other citizens in authority ; which was an act so pro-
" digious and horrid as must dissolve all government, if
" not severely and exemplarily chastised : that the army
" looked upon themselves as accountable to the kingdom,
" if this unheard of outrage, by which the peace and
" settlement of the nation, and the relief of Ireland, had
" been so notoriously interrupted, should not be strictly
" examined, and justice speedily done upon the offenders."
Upon Friday, to which both Houses had adjourned, the
members came together, in as full numbers as they had
used to meet, there being above one hundred and forty of
the House of Commons; but,after they had sat some time

OF THE REBELLION. 101
in expectation of their Speaker, they were informed that BOOK
he was gone out of the town early that morning; and they x-
observed that Sir Henry Vane, and some few other mem- The two
bers who used, to concur with him, were likewise absent. ^thother
The House of Peers found likewise that the Earl of Man- members of
Chester, their Speaker, had withdrawn himself, together Houses*
with the Earl of Northumberland, and some other lords ; withdrew to
... the army.
but the major part still remained there, full of indignation
against those who were absent, and who they all concluded
were gone to the army. Hereupon both Houses chose Both
new Speakers; who accepted the office; and the Com-Ci,osenew
mons presently voted, "that the eleven members who Speakers ;
. . . and their
"stood impeached by the army, and had discontinued votes.
" coming to the House, should presently appear, and take
" their places." They made an ordinance of Parliament,
by which a committee of safety was appointed to join with
the city militia, and had authority to raise men for the
defence of the Parliament ; which they appeared so vigor
ously resolved on, that no man in the Houses, or in the
city, seemed to intend any thing else. The news of this
roused up the army, and the General presently sent a good
party of horse into Windsor, and marched himself to Ux-
bridge, and appointed a general rendezvous for the whole
army upon Hounslow Heath, within two days; when and
where there appeared twenty thousand foot and horse,
with a train of artillery, and all other provisions propor
tionable to such an army.
As soon as the rendezvous was appointed at Hounslow Rendezvous
Heath, at the same time the King removed to Hampton appointed
Court; which was prepared, and put into as good order foron H°un~
his reception, as could have been done in the best time, and the
The Houses seemed for some time to retain their spirit andmo°£jr<^
vigour, and the city talked of listing men, and defending Hampton
themselves, and not suffering the army to approach nearer
to them : but, when they knew the day of the rendezvous,
those in both Houses who had been too weak to carry any
thing, and so had looked on whilst such votes were passed
as they liked not and could not oppose, now when their
h3

102 THE HISTORY
BOOK friend the army was so near, recovered their spirits, and
X- talked very loud; and persuaded the rest, "to think in
" time of making their peace with the army, that 'could
" not be withstood." And the city grew every day more
appalled, irresolute, and confounded, one man proposing
this, and another somewhat contrary to that, like men
Both amazed and distracted. When the army met upon Houn-
andthT3' s^ow Heath at their rendezvous, the Speakers of both
other mem- Houses, who had privately before met with the chief, of-
bers,appear ....
iu the army ficers of the army, appeared there with their maces,, and
dowH "th sucn other members as accompanied them ; complaining
to the General, " that they had not freedom at Westmin-
" ster, but were in danger of their lives by the tumults;"
and appealed to the army for their protection.
This looked like a new act of Providence to vindicate
the army from all reproaches, and to justify them in all
they had done, as absolutely done for the preservation, of
the Parliament and kingdom. If this had been a retreat
of Sir Harry Vane and some other discontented men, who
were known to be Independents, and fanatics in their opi
nions in religion, and of the army faction, who, being no
longer able to oppose the wisdom of the Parliament, had
fled to their friends for protection from justice, they would
have got no reputation, nor the army been thought the
better of for their company : but neither of the Speakers
were ever looked upon as inclined to the army; Lenthall
was generally believed to have no malice tqwards the
King, and not to be without good inclinations to the
Church ; and the Earl of Manchester, who was Speaker of
the House of Peers, was known to have all the prejudice
imaginable against Cromwell; and had formerly accused
him of want of duty to the Parliament; and the other
hated him above all men, and desired to have taken away
his life. The Earl of Manchester and the Earl of War
wick were the two pillars of the Presbyterian party ; and
that they two, with the Earl of Northumberland, and some
other of the Lords, and some of the Commons, who had
appeared to disapprove all the proceedings of the army,

OF THE REBELLION. 103
should now join with Sir Harry Vane, and appeal to the BOOK
army for protection, with that formality as if they had x-
brought the whole Parliament with them, and had been
entirely driven and forced away by the city, appeared to
every stander-by so stupendous a thing, that it is not to
this day understood otherwise, than that they were re
solved to have their particular shares in the treaty, which
they believed the chief officers of the army to have near
concluded with the King. For that they never intended
to put the whole power into the hands of the army, nor
had any kindness to, or confidence in, the officers thereof,
was very apparent by their carriage and behaviour after, as
well as before; and if they had continued together, con
sidering how much the city was devoted to them, it is
probable that the army would not have used any force;
which might have received a fatal repulse ; but that some
good compromise might have been made by the interpo
sition of the King. But this schism carried all the repu
tation and authority to the army, and left none in the Par
liament ; for though it presently appeared, that the num
ber of those Who left the Houses was small in comparison
of those who remained behind, and who proceeded with
the same vigour in declaring against the army, and the
city seemed as resolute in putting themselves into a pos
ture, and preparing for their defence, all their works and
fortifications being still entire, so that they might have
put the army to great trouble if they had steadily pursued
their resolutions, (which they did not yet seem in any de
gree to decline,) yet this rent made all the accused mem
bers, who were the men of parts and reputation to con
duct their counsels, to withdraw themselves upon the asto
nishment; some concealing themselves, till they had oppor
tunity to make their peace, and others withdrawing and
transporting themselves beyond the seas; whereof Sta-
pleton died at Calais as soon as he landed, and was
denied burial, upon imagination that he had died of the
plague: others remained a long time beyond the seas;
and, though they long after returned, never were received
h 4

104 .THE HISTORY
BOOK into any trust in those times, nor in truth concurred or
x- acted in tlie public affairs, but retired to their own estates,
and lived very privately.
The chief officers, of the army received the two Speak
ers, and the members who accompanied them, as so many
angels sent from heaven for their good ; paid them all the
respect imaginable, and professed all submission to them,
as to the Parliament of England ; and declared, " that they
" would re-establish them in their full power, or perish in
" the attempt ;" took very particular care for their accom
modations, before the General ; and assigned a guard to
wait upon them for their security; acquainted them with
all their consultations; and would not presume to resolve
any thing without their approbation; and they had too
much modesty to think they could do amiss, who had
prospered so much in all their undertakings. No time was
lost in pursuing their resolution to establish the Parlia
ment again at Westminster ; and finding that the rest of
the members continued still to sit there with the same
formality, and that the city did not abate any of their spi
rit, they seemed to make a halt, and to remain quiet, in
expectation of a better understanding between them, upon
the messages they every day sent to the Lord Mayor, and
Aldermen, and Common Council, (for of those at West
minster they took no notice,) and quartered their army
about Brentford, and Hounslow, Twickenham, and the
adjacent villages, without restraining any provisions, which
every day according to custom were carried to London, or
doing the least action that might disoblige or displease the
city; the army being in truth under so excellent discipline,
that nobody could complain of any damage sustained by
them, or any provocation by word or deed. However, in this
calm, they sent over Colonel Rainsborough with a brigade
of horse and foot, and cannon, at Hampton Court, to, pos
sess Southwark, and those works which secured that end
of London-bridge; which he did with so little noise, that in
one night's march he found himself master without any
opposition, not only of the Borough of Southwark, but of

OF THE REBELLION. 105
all the works and forts which were to defend it; the sol- BOOK
diers within shaking hands with those without, and re- x-
fusing to obey their officers which were to command them :
so that the city, without knowing that any such thing
was in agitation, found in the morning that all that ave
nue to the town was possessed by the enemy; whom they
were providing to resist on the other side, being as
confident of this that they had lost, as of any gate of the
city. This struck them dead; and put an end to all their con
sultation for defence; and put other thoughts into their
heads, how they might pacify those whom they had so
much offended and provoked; and how they might pre
serve their city from plunder, and the fury of an enraged
army. They who had ever been of the army party, and
of late had shut themselves up, and not dared to walk the
streets for fear of the people, came now confidently
amongst them, and mingled in their councils; declared,
" that the King and the army were now agreed in all par-
" ticulars, and that both Houses were now with the army,
" and had presented themselves to the King ; so that to
" oppose the army would be to oppose the King and Par-
" liament, and to incense them as much as the army."
Upon such confident discourses and insinuations from
those with whom they would not have conversed, or given
the least credit to, three days before, or rather upon the
confusion and general distraction they were in, they sent The city
six aldermen and six commoners to the General; who la- aldermento
mented and complained, " that the city should be sus- thf Gene-
" pected, that had never acted any thing against the Par- submits.
" liament; and therefore, they desired him to forbear
" doing any thing that might be the occasion of a new
" war." But the General little considered this message,
and gave less countenance to the messengers; but conti
nued his slow marches towards the city : whereupon they
sent an humble message to him, " that since they under-
" stood that the reason of his march so near London was
" to restore and settle the members (the Lords and Com-

106 THE HISTORY
BOOK " mons) of Parliament to the liberty and privilege of sit-
x- " ting securely in their several Houses, (to which the city
" would contribute all their power and service,) they
" prayed him, with all submission, that he would be
" pleased to send such a guard of horse and foot as he
" thought to be sufficient for that purpose; and that the
" ports and all passages should be open to them ; and
" they should do any thing else that his Excellency would
-" command." To which he made no other answer but
" that he would have all the forts of the west side of the
" city to be delivered immediately to him ;" those of the
other side being already, as is said, in the hands of Rains-
borough and his other officers. The Common Council,
that sat day and night, upon the receipt of this message,
without any pause returned " that they would humbly
" submit to his command ; and that now, under Almighty
" God, they did rely only upon his Excellency's honourable
" word for their protection and security." And so they
caused their militia to be forthwith drawn off from the
line, as well as out of the forts, with all their cannon and
ordnance; and the General appointed a better guard to
, both. At Hyde Park the Mayor and Aldermen met him,
and humbly congratulated his arrival ; and besought him
" to excuse what they had, out of their good meaning and
" desire of peace, done amiss ;" and as a testimony of their
affection and duty, the Mayor, on the behalf of the city,
presented a great gold cup to the General ; which he sul
lenly refused to receive, and, with very little ceremony,
dismissed them.
The Gene- He himself waited upon the two Speakers, and con-
^1ec°"oiucts ducted them, and their members, to the several Houses,
Speakers where the other members were then sitting : even in the
memWsrtoinstant when the revolters, as they had called them, en-
theirseve- tered into the Houses, the old Speakers assumed their
ral Houses , . , . .
ofParlia- places again, and entered upon their business, as if there
ment. j,ad been no separation. The first thing they did, was
calling in the General into both Houses, and making him
a large acknowledgment in the name of each House, of

OF THE REBELLION. 107
the great favours he had done to them : they thanked him BOOK
" for the protection he had given to their persons, and his x-
" vindication of the privileges of Parliament." Then
they voted "all that had been done by themselves in going
".to the army, and in residing there, and all that had been
" done by the army, to be well and lawfully done ;" as,
some time after, they also voted, " that all that had been
" done in the Houses since their departure, was against
" law, and privilege of Parliament, invalid and void :"
then they adjourned to the next day, without questioning
or punishing any member who had acted there.
The army of horse, foot, and cannon, marched the next The army
day through the city, (which, upon the desire of the Par- through* the
liament, undertook forthwith to supply an hundred thoa-^Y' antl
sand pounds for the payment of the army,) without the about it.
least disorder, or doing the least damage to any person, or
giving any disrespective word to any man : by which they
attained the reputation of being in excellent discipline, and
that both officers and soldiers were men of extraordinary
temper and sobriety. So they marched over London -
bridge into Southwark, and to those quarters to which they
were assigned; some regiments were quartered in West
minster, the Strand, and Holborn, under pretence of being
a guard to the Parliament, but intended as a guard upon
the city. The General's head-quarters were at Chelsea,
and the rest of the army quartered between Hampton
Court and London, that the King might be well looked
to; and the Council of Officers, and Agitators, sat con
stantly and formally at Fulham and Putney, to provide
that no other settlement should be made for the govern
ment of the kingdom than what tbey should well approve.
Whilst these things were thus agitated between the army The King
and the Parliament and the city, the King enjoyed himself ^c^urt.
at Hampton Court, much more to his content than he
had of late ; the respects of the chief officers of the army
seeming much greater than they had been;- Cromwell
himself came oftener to him, and had longer conferences
with him ; talked with more openness to Mr. Ashburnham

108 THE HISTORY
BOOK than he had done, and appeared more cheerful. Persons
x- of all conditions repaired to his Majesty of those who had
served him ; with whom he conferred without reservation;
and the citizens flocked thither as they had used to do at
the end of a progress, when the King had been some
months absent from London : but that which pleased his
Majesty most, was, that his children were permitted to
come to him, in whom he took great delight. They were
all at the Earl of Northumberland's house, at Sion, from
the time the King came to Hampton Court, and had li
berty to attend his Majesty when he pleased; so that
sometimes he sent for them to come to Hampton Court,
and sometimes he went to them to Sion ; which gave him
great satisfaction.
The King's In this conversation, as if his Majesty had foreseen all that
f1Sj™S?™ befell him afterwards, and which at that time sure he did
ana conver- 7
sation with not suspect, he took great care to instruct his children how
that were in to behave themselves, if the worst should befall him that
the Pariia- the worst of his enemies did contrive or wish ; and
ment s
power. " that they should preserve unshaken their affection and
" duty to the Prince their brother." The Duke of York
was then about fourteen years of age; and so, capa
ble of any information or instruction the King thought fit
to give him. His Majesty told him, " that he looked
" upon himself as in the hands and disposal of the army,
" and that tbe Parliament had no more power to do him
" good or harm, than as the army should direct or permit;
" and that he knew not, in all this time he had been with
them, what he might promise himself from those officers
of the army at whose devotion it was : that he hoped
well, yet with much doubt and fear; and therefore he
" gave him this general direction and command, that if
" there appeared any such alteration in -the affection of
" the army, that they restrained him from the liberty he
" then enjoyed of seeing his children, or suffered not his
" friends to resort to him with that freedom that they en-
" joyed at present, he might conclude they would shortly
" use him worse, and that he should not be long out of a

a

OF THE REBELLION. 109
" prison; and therefore that from the time he discovered BOOK
"such an alteration, he should bethink himself how he x-
" might make an escape out of their power, and transport
" himself beyond the seas." The place he recommended
to him was Holland ; where he presumed his sister would
receive him very kindly, and tbat the Prince of Orange her
husband would be well pleased with it, though, possibly, the
States might restrain him from making those expressions
of his affection his own inclination prompted him to.
He wished him to think always of this, as a thing possible
to fall out, and so spake frequently to him of it, and of
the circumstances and cautions which were necessary to
attend it.
The Princess Elizabeth was not above a year or two
younger than the Duke, a lady of excellent parts, great ob
servation, and an early understanding; which the King
discerned, by the account she gave him both of things and
persons, upon the experience she had had of both. His
Majesty enjoined her, " upon the worst that could befall
" him, never to be disposed of in marriage without the
" consent and approbation of the Queen her mother, and
" the Prince her brother; and always to perform all duty
" and obedience to both those ; and to obey the Queen in
" all things, except in matter of religion ; in which he
" commanded her, upon his blessing, never to hearken or
" consent to her ; but to continue firm in the religion she
" had been instructed and educated in, what discounte-
" nance and ruin soever might befall the poor Church, at
" that time under so severe prosecution."
The Duke of Gloucester was very young, being at that
time not above seven years old, and so might well be
thought incapable of retaining that advice, and injunction,
which in truth ever after made so deep impression in him.
After he had given him all the advice he thought con
venient in the matter of religion, and commanded him
positively, " never to be persuaded or threatened out of
" the religion of the Church, in which he hoped he would
"be well instructed, and for the purity and integrity

110 THE HISTORY
BOOK "whereof he bid him remember that he had his father'*'
x- " testimony and authority;" his Majesty told him, " that
" his infancy, and the tenderness of his years, might per-
" suade some men to hope and believe, that he might be"
" made an instrument, and property, to advance their
" wicked designs ; and if they should take away his life,
" they might, possibly, the better to attain their own ends,
" make him king ; that under him, whilst his age would
" not permit him to judge, and act for himself, they
" might remove many obstructions which lay in their
" way; and form and unite their councils; and then they
" would destroy him too. But he commanded him, upon
" his blessing, never to forget what he said to him upon
" this occasion, nor to accept, or suffer himself to be
" made king, whilst either of his elder brothers lived, in
" what part of the world soever they should be : that he
" should remember that the Prince his brother was to
" succeed him 'by the laws of God and man ; and, if lie
" should miscarry, that the Duke of York was to succeed
" in the same right ; and therefore that he should be sure
" never to be made use of to interrupt or disturb either of
" their rights ; which would in the end turn to his own
" destruction." And this discourse the King reiterated
to him, as often as he had liberty to see him, with all the
earnestness and passion he could express; which was so
fixed in his memory that he never forgot it. And many
years after, when he was sent out of England, he made
the full relation of all the particulars to me, with that
commotion of spirit, that it appeared to be deeply rooted
in him ; and made use of one part of it very seasonably
afterwards, where there was more than an ordinary at
tempt made to have perverted him -in his religion, and to
persuade him to become Roman Catholic for the advance
ment of his fortune.
In this manner, and with these kind of reflections, the
King made use of the liberty he enjoyed; and considered
as well, what remedies to apply to the worst that eould
fall out, as to caress the officers of the army in order to

OF THE REBELLION. in
the improvement of his condition; of which he was not BOOK
yet in despair; the chief officers, and all the heads of that
party, looking upon it as their wisest policy to cherish
the King's hopes by the liberty they gave him, and by a
very flowing courtesy towards all who had been of his
party; whose expectation, and good word, and testimony,
they found did them much good both in the city and the
country. At this time the Lord Capel, whom we left in Jersey,
hearing of the difference between the Parliament and the
army, left his two friends there; and made a. journey to
Paris to the Prince, that he might receive his Highness's
approbation of his going for England; which he very
willingly gave; well knowing that he would improve all
opportunities, with great diligence, for the King his fa
ther's service : and then that lord transported himself into
Zealand, his friends having advised him to be in those
parts before they endeavoured to procure a pass for him ;
which they easily did, as soon as he came thither ; and so
he had liberty to remain at his own bouse in the country,
where he was exceedingly beloved, and hated no where.
And in this general and illimited indulgence, he took the The Lord
opportunity to wait upon the King at Hampton Court; o^heRin^
and gave him a particular account of all that passed atatHamp-
Jersey, before the Prince's remove from thence, and of the from jer.
reasons which induced those of the Council to remain still sey-
there, and of many other particulars, of which his Majesty
had never before been throughly informed, and which put
it out of any body's power to do the Chancellor of the
Exchequer any ill offices : and from thence the King writ,
wifh his own hand, a very gracious and kind letter to the ,
Chancellor at Jersey; full of hope " that he should con-Thesub-
" elude such a treaty with the army and Parliament, that^™£[n0w,s
"he should shortly draw him, and some other of his letter to the
"friends, to him." He thanked him "for undertaking oftheEx-"
" the work he was upon; and told him, he should expect chequer.
" speedily to receive some contribution from him towards
" it ;" and, within a very short time afterwards, he sent

112 THE HISTORY
BOOK to him his own memorials (or those which by his command
X| had been kept, and were perused, and corrected by him
self) of all that had passed from the time he had left his
Majesty at Oxford, when he waited upon the Prince into
the west, to the very day that the King left. Oxford to go
to the Scots ; out of which memorials, as hath been said
before, the most important passages in the years 1644,
and 1645, are faithfully collected. To the Lord Capel his
Majesty imparted all his hopes and all his fears; and what
great overtures the Scots had again made to him; and
" that he did really believe that it could not be long before
" there would be a war between the two nations; in which
" the Scots promised themselves an universal concurrence
" from all the Presbyterians in England; and that, in such
" a conjuncture, he wished that his own party would put
" themselves in arms, without which he could not expect
" great benefit by the success of-the other :" and therefore
desired Capel " to watch such a conjuncture, and draw his
" friends together;" which he promised to do effectually;
and did, very punctually, afterwards, to the loss of his own
life. Then the King enjoined him " to write to the Chan-
" cellor of the Exchequer, that whenever the Queen, or
" Prince, should require him to come to them, he should
" not fail to yield obedience to their command ;" and him
self writ to the Queen, " that whenever the season should
" be ripe for the Prince to engage himself in any action,
" she should not fail to send for the Chancellor of the
" Exchequer to wait upon him in it." And many things
were then adjusted, upon the foresight of future con
tingencies, which were afterwards thought fit to be exe
cuted. The Marquis of Ormond had, by special command and
order from the King whilst he was with the Scots at New
castle, delivered up the city of Dublin to the Parliament,
after the Irish had so infamously broken the peace they
had made with the King, and brought their whole army
before Dublin to besiege it ; by which he was reduced to
those straits, that he had no other election than to deliver

OF THE REBELLION. 113
it to the Irish, or to the Parliament; of wbich his Majesty BOOK
being informed, determined, he should give it to the Par- X-
liament; which he did, with full conditions for all those
who had served his Majesty ; and so transported himself
into England, and, from London, presented himself to the The Mar-
King at Hampton Court; who received him with ex-J^jjike"
traordinary grace, as a person who had served him with wise waits
,._... . . . on the King
great zeal and fidelity, and with the most universal testi-at Hampton
mony of all good men that any man could receive. J^ec'ourt•
used less application to the Parliament and army than
pther men, relying upon the articles the Parliament had
signed to him ; by which he had liberty to stay so man*
months in England, and at the end thereof to transport
himself into the parts beyond the seas, if in the mean
time he made no composition with the Parliament : which
he never intended to do ; and though he knew well that
there were many jealous eyes upon him, he repaired fre
quently to present his duty to the King; who was ex
ceedingly pleased to confer with him, and to find that he
was resolved to undertake any enterprise that might ad
vance his service ; which the King himself, and most other
men who wished well to it, did at that time believe to be
in no desperate condition. And no men were fuller of
professions of duty, and a resolution to run all hazards,
than the Scottish commissioners; who, from the time4n1dScot"
they had delivered up the King, resided at London with missioners.
their usual confidence, and loudly complained of the pre
sumption of the army in seizing upon the person of the
King, insinuated themselves to all those who were thought
to be most constant, and inseparable from the interest of
the Crown, with passionate undertaking that their whole
nation would be united, to a man, in any enterprise for
his service. And now, from the time his Majesty came
to Hampton Court, they came to him with as much pre
sumption as if they had carried him to Edinburgh ; which
was the more notorious, and was thought to signify the
more, because their persons were known to be most odious
to all the great officers in the army, and to those who now
vol. in. p. 1. I

114 THE HISTORY
BOOK governed in the Parliament. Here the foundation of that
x' engagement was laid; which was endeavoured to be per
formed the next year ensuing, and which the Scots them
selves then communicated to the Marquis of Ormond, the
Lord Capel, and other trusty persons; as if there was
nothing else intended in it than a full vindication of all
his Majesty's rights and interest.
When the army had thus subdued all opposition, and
the Parliament and they seemed all of a piece, and the
refractory humours of the city seemed to be suppressed,
The army and totally tamed, tbe array seemed less regardful of the
beless re- tf-™g than they had been ; the chief officers came rarely
gardful of to Hampton Court, nor had they the same countenances
towards Ashburnham, and Berkley, as they used to have;
they were not at leisure to speak with them, and when
they did, asked captious questions, and gave answers them
selves of no signification. The Agitators, and Council of
Officers, sent some propositions to the King, as ruinous
to the Church and destructive to the regal power, as had
* been yet made by the Parliament ; and, in some respects,
much worse, and more dishonourable; and said, " if his
" Majesty would consent thereunto, they would apply
" themselves to the. Parliament, and do the best they could
" to persuade them to be of the same opinion." But his
Majesty rejected them with more than usual indignation,
not without some reproaches upon the officers, for having
deluded him, and having prevailed in all their own designs,
by making the world believe that they intended his Ma
jesty's restoration and settlement, upon better conditions
than the Parliament was willing to admit. By this man
ner of resentment, the army took itself to be disobliged,
and used another language in their discourse of the King
than they had, for some months, done ; and such officers
who had formerly served the King, and had been civilly
treated and sheltered in the quarters of the army, were
now driven from thence. They who had been kind to
them, withdrew themselves from their acquaintance; and
the sequestrations of all the estates of the Cavaliers, which

OF THE REBELLION. us
had been intermitted, were revived with as much rigour as BOOK
ever had been before practised, and the declared Delin^ x-
quents racked to as high compositions ; which if they re
fused to make, their whole estates were taken from them,
and their persons exposed to affronts, and insecurity; but
this was imputed to the prevalence of the Presbyterian
humour in the Parliament against the judgment of the
army: and it is very true, that though the Parliament was
so far subdued, that it no more found fault with what the
army did, nor complained that it meddled in determining
what settlement should be made in the government; yet,
in all their own acts and proceedings, they prosecuted a
Presbyterian settlement as earnestly as they could. The
Covenant was pressed in all places, and tbe Anabaptists
and other sects, which begun to abound, were punished,
restrained, and discountenanced ; which the army liked
not, as a, violation of the liberty of tender consciences;
which, they pretended, was as much the original ot the
quarrel, as any other grievance whatsoever.
In this year, 1647, they had begun a visitation of theTheUni-
University of Oxford; which they finished not till the oxford °
next, year ; in which the Earl of Pembroke had been con- visited by
tented to be employed as Chancellor of the University, ment.
who had taken an oath to defend the rights and privileges
of the University : notwithstanding which, out of the ex
treme weakness of his understanding) and the miserable
compliance of his nature, he suffered himself to be made
a property in joining with Brent, Pryn, and some com
mittee men, and Presbyterian ministers, as commissioners
for the Parliament to reform the discipline and erroneous
doctrine of that famous University, by the rule of the
Covenant; which was the standard of all men's learning,
and ability to govern ; all persons of what quality soever
being required to subscribe that test; which the whole The Oxford
body of the University was so far from submitting to, that against the
they met in their Convocation, and, to their eternal re- Covenant
, * . , passed in
nown, (being at the same time under a strict and strong Convoca-
garrison, put over them by the Parliament ; the King in j!°^
i 2

116 THE HISTORY
BOOK prison j and all their hOpes desperate,) passed a public act,
x- arid declaration against the Covenant, with such invincible
arguments of the illegality, wickedness, and perjury con
tained in it, that no man of the contrary opinion, ndr the
Assembly of the Divines, (which then sat at Westminster,
forming a new catechism, and scheme of religion,) ever
ventured to make any answer to it; nor is it indeed to be
answered, but must remain to the world's end, as a mo
nument of the learning, courage, arid loyalty, of that ex
cellent place, against the highest malice and tyranny that
was ever exercised in or over any nation ; and which those
fafnOus commissioners only answered by expelling all those
who refused to submit to their jurisdiction, or to take the
Covenant; which was, upon the matter, the whole Uni
versity ; scarce one governor and master of college or hall,
and an incredible small number of the fellows, or scholars,
submitting to either: whereupon that desolation being
made, they placed in their rooms the most notorious
factious Presbyterians, in the government of the several
colleges or halls ; and such other of the same leaven in
the fellowships, and scholars' places, of those whom they
had expelled, without any regard to the statutes of the
several Founders, and the incapacities of the persons that
were put in. The omnipotence of an ordinance of Parlia
ment confirmed all that was this way done; and there
was no farther contending against it.
It might reasonably be concluded that this wild and
barbarous depopulation would even extirpate all that
learning, religion, and loyalty, Which had so eminently
flourished therte; and that the succeeding ill husbandry,
and unskilful cultivation, would have made it fruitful Only
in ignorance, profanation, atheism, and rebellion ; but, by
God's wonderful blessing, the goodness and richriess* of
that soil could not be made barren by all that stupidity
and negligence. It chbaked the weeds, and Wbuld aoi
suffer the poisonous seeds, which were sown with industry
enough, to spring up; but after several tyrannical go
vernments, mutually succeeding each other, and with- the

OF THE REBELLION. 117
same malice and perverseness endeavouring to extinguish BOOK
all good literature and allegiance, it yielded a harvest of x-
extraordinary good and sound knowledge in all parts of
learning ; and many who were wickedly introduced applied
themselves to the study of good learning, and the practice
of virtue, and had inclination to that duty and obedience
they had never been taught; so that when it pleased God
to bring King Charles the Second back to his throne, he
found that University (not to undervalue the other, which
had nobly likewise rejected the ill infusions which had
been industriously poured into it) abounding in excellent
learning, and devoted to duty and obedience, little inferior
to what it was before its desolation ; which was a lively in
stance of God's mercy, and purpose, for ever so to provide
for his Church, that the gates of Hell shall never prevail
against it; which were never opened wider, nor with more
malice, than in that time.
These violent proceedings in all places, blasted all the
King's hopes, and put an end to all the rest and quiet he
had for some time enjoyed ; nor could he devise any re
medy. He was weary of depending upon the army, but
neither knew how to get from them, nor whither else to
resort for help. The officers of those guards which were
assigned to attend his person, and who had behaved them
selves with good manners, and duty towards him, and very
civilly towards those of his party who had used to wait
upon his Majesty, begun now to murmur at so great resort
to him, and to use many, who came, rudely ; and not to
suffer them to go into the room where the King was; or,
which was worse, put them out when they were there ;
and when his Majesty seemed to take notice and be
troubled at it, they appeared not to be concerned, nor an
swered him with that duty they had used to do. They af
fronted Jhe Scottish commissioners very notably, and
would not suffer them to speak with the King; which
caused an expostulation from the Parliament; which re
moved the obstruction for the future, but procured no sa
tisfaction for the injury they had received, nor made the
i3

118 THE HISTORY
BOOK same officers more civil towards their persons. Ashburn-
ham and Berkley received many advertisements from some
officers with whom they had most conversed, and who
would have been glad that the King might have been re
stored by the army for the preferments which they' ex
pected might fall to their share, " that Cromwell and Ire-
" ton resolved never to trust the King, or to do any thing
"towards his restoration;" and they two steered the
whole body ; and therefore it was advised, " that some
" way might be found to remove his Majesty out of their
" hands." Major Huntington, one of the best officers
they had, and Major to Cromwell's own regiment of horse,
upon whom he relied in any enterprise of importance more
than upon any man, had been employed by him to the
King, to say those things from him which had given the
King the most confidence, and was much more than he
had ever said to Ashburnham ; and the Major did really
believe that he had meant all he said, and the King had a
¦ good opinion of the integrity of the Major, upon the testi
mony he had received from some he knew had no mind to
deceive bis Majesty; and the man merited the testimony
they gave him. He, when he observed Cromwell to grow
colder in his expressions for the King than he had for
merly been, expostulated with him in very sharp terms,
for " abusing him, and making him the instrument to
" cozen the King ;" and, though the other endeavoured
to persuade him that all should be well, he informed his
Majesty of all he had observed; and told him, "that
" Cromwell was a villain, and would destroy him if he
" were not prevented ;" and, in a short time after, he gave
up his commission, and would serve no longer in the army.
Cromwell himself expostulated with Mr. Ashburnham, and
complained " that the King could not be trusted; and
" that he had no affection or confidence in the army, but
" was jealous of them, and of all the officers : that he had
" intrigues in the Parliament, and treaties with the Pres-
" byterians of the city, to raise new troubles ; that he had
" a treaty concluded with the Scottish commissioners to

OF THE REBELLION. n9
"engage the nation again in blood; and therefore he BOOK
" would not be answerable if any thing fell out amiss, and x-
" contrary to expectation ;" and that was the reason, be-
sides the old animosity, that had drawn on the affront,
which the commissioners had complained of. What that
treaty was, and what it produced, will be mentioned in a
more proper place.
There was at this time a new faction grown up in the The Level-
army, which were either by their own denomination, or with ^.f^e
their own consent, called Levellers; who spoke insolently army-
and confidently against the King and Parliament, and the
great officers of the army; and professed as great malice
against all the lords, as against the King; and declared,
" that all degrees of men should be levelled, and an
" equality should be established, both in titles and estates,
" throughout the kingdoms." Whether tbe raising this
spirit was a piece of Cromwell's ordinary witchcraft, in
order to some of his designs, or whether it grew amongst
those tares which had been sowed in that confusion, certain
it is, it gave him real trouble at last, (which must be set
down hereafter;) but the present use he made of it was,
that, upon the licentious discourse of that kind, which
some soldiers upon the guard usually made, the guard
upon the King's person was doubled ; a restraint put upon
the great resort of people who came to see the King; and
all pretended to be, for his security, and to prevent any
violence that might be attempted upon his life; which
they seemed to apprehend, and detest. In the mean time,
they neither hindered his Majesty from riding abroad to
take the air, nor frorn doing any thing he had a mind to,
nor restrained those who waited upon him in his bed
chamber, nor his Chaplains from performing their func
tions ; though towards all these there was less civility ex
ercised than had been ; and the guards which waited near
est were more rude, and made more noise at unseasonable
hours than they had been accustomed to do ; the captain
who commanded them, Colonel Whaley, being a man of a
rough and brutal temper, who had offered great violence
i 4

- 120 THE HISTORY
BOOK to his nature, when he appeared to exercise any civility
Xi and good manners. The King, every day, received little
billets or letters, secretly conveyed to him without any
name, which advertised him of wicked designs upon his
life, and some of them advised him to make an escape, and
repair secretly into the city, where he should be safe; some
letters directing him to such an alderman's house; all
which his Majesty looked upon as artifice to lead him into
some straits, from whence he should not easily explicate
himself; and yet many who repaired to him brought the
same advice from men of unquestionable sincerity, by what
reason soever they were swayed.
The King found himself in great perplexity, from what
he discerned, and observed himself, as well as what he
heard from others ; but what use to make of the one or the
other, was very hard to resolve : he did really believe that
their malice was at the height, and that they did design
his murder, but knew not which was a probable way to
prevent it. The making an escape, if it were not con
trived with wonderful sagacity, would expose him to be
assassinated, by pretended ignorance, and would be charged
upon himself; and if he could avoid their guards, and get
beyond them undiscovered, whither should he go? and
what place would receive and defend him ? The hope of
the city seemed not to him to have a foundation of reason;
they had been too late subdued to recover courage for such
an adventure ; and the army now was much more master
of it than when they desponded. There is reason to be
lieve that he did resolve to transport himself beyond the
seas, which had been no hard matter to have brought to
pass ; but with whom he consulted for the way of doing
it, is not to this day discovered ; they who were instru
mental in his remove, pretending to know nothing of the
The King resolution, or counsel. But, one morning, being tbe
from eleventh of November, the King having, the night before,
Hampton pretended some indisposition, and that he would go to his
Nov. 11. rest, they who went into his chamber, found that he was
not there, nor had been in his bed that night. There were

OF THE REBELLION. 121
two or three letters found upon his table, writ all with his BOOK
own hand, one to the Parliament, another to the General ; x-
in which he declared " the reason of his remove to be, an
" apprehension that some desperate persons bad a design
" to assassinate him ; and therefore he had withdrawn
" himself with a purpose of remaining concealed, until the
" Parliament had agreed upon such propositions as should
" be fit for him to consent to ; and he would then appear,
" and willingly consent to any thing that should be for the
" peace and happiness of the kingdom." There were dis
covered the treading of horses at a back door of the garden
into which his Majesty had a passage out of his chamber ;
and it is true that way he went, having appointed his horse
to be there ready at an hour, and Sir John Berkley, Ash
burnham, and Legg, to wait upon him, the two last being
of his bedchamber. Ashburnham alone seemed to know
what they were to do, the other two having received only
orders to attend. When they were free from the appre
hension of the guards, and the horse quarters, they rode to
wards the south-west, and towards that part of Hamp
shire which led to the New Forest. The King asked Ash
burnham, where the ship lay ? which made the other two
conclude that the King resolved to transport himself.
After they had made some stay in that part next the sea,
and Ashburnham had been some time absent, he returned
without any news of the ship; with which the King
seemed troubled. Upon this disappointment, the King
thought it best, for avoiding all highways, to go to Titch- H& <=°mes
field, a noble seat of the Earl of Southampton's, (who was field in "
not there,) but inhabited by the old lady his mother with Hampshire.
a small family, which made the retreat the more conve
nient : there his Majesty alighted, and would speak with
the lady; to whom he made no scruple of communicating
himself, well knowing her to be a lady of that honour and
spirit, that she was superior to all kind of temptation.
There he refreshed himself, and consulted with his three
servants, what he should next do, since there was neither

122 THE HISTORY
BOOK ship ready, nor could they presume that they could remain
x; long there undiscovered.
In this debate, the Isle of Wight came to be mentioned
(as they say) by Ashburnham, as a place where his Ma
jesty might securely repose himself, until he thought fit to
inform the Parliament where he was. Colonel Hammond
was Governor there, an officer of the army, and of nearest
trust with Cromwell, having by his advice been married to
a daughter of John Hambden, whose memory he always
adored ; yet, by some fatal mistake, this man was thought
a person of honour and generosity enough to trust the
The King King's person' to, and Ashburnham and Berkley were sent
burnham to him ^vith orders, " first to be sure that the man would
and Berk- « faithfully promise not to deliver his Majesty up, though
Hammond " the Parliament or army should require him; but to give
in*elsle " him his liberty to shift for himself, if he were not able
of Wight. J
" to defend him : and except he would make that promise,
" they should not let him know where his Majesty was,
" but should return presently to him." With this com
mission they two crossed the water to the Isle of Wight,
the King in the mean time reposing himself at Titchfield.
The next day they found Colonel Hammond, who was
known to 'them both, who had conversation with him in
the army, when the King was well treated there, (and
their persons had been very civilly treated by most of the
officers, who thought themselves qualified sufficiently for
court preferments.) They told him, " that the King was
" withdrawn from the army;" of which he seemed to have
had no notice, and to be very much surprised with it.
They then said, " that the King had so good an opinion of
" him, knowing him to be a gentleman, and for his re-
" lation to Dr. Hammond, (whose nephew he was,) that
" he would trust his person with him, and would from
" thence write to the Parliament, if he would promise that
"if his message had not that effect which he hoped it
" would have, he would leave him to himself to go whi-
" ther he thought fit, and would not deliver him to the

OF THE REBELLION. 123
" Parliament, or army, if* they should require it." His BOOK
answer was, " that he would pay all the duty and service x-
" to his Majesty that was in his power; and, if he pleased
" to come thither, he would receive and entertain him as
" well as he could; but that he was an inferior officer, and
" must obey his superiors in whatsoever they thought fit
" to command him :" with which when he saw they were
not satisfied, he asked, " where the King was?" to which
they made no other answer, " but that they would acquaint
" his Majesty with his answer, and, if he were satisfied
" with it,,they would return to him again." He demanded
" that Mr. Ashburnham would stay with him, and that the
" other might go to the King ;" which Mr. Ashburnham
refused to do.
After some time spent in debate, in which he made
many expressions of his desire to do any service to his
Majesty, they were contented that he should go with
them ; and Ashburnham said, " he would conduct him to
" the place where the King was;" and so, he commandingxhey bring
three or four servants or soldiers to wait on him, they went Ha-mmond
together to Titchfield ; and, the other staying below, Ash- King.
burnham went up to the King's chamber. When he had
acquainted him with all that had passed, and that Ham
mond was in the house, his Majesty-broke out in a pas
sionate exclamation, and said, " O Jack, thou hast undone
" me !" with which the other falling into a great passion
of weeping, offered to go down, and to kill Hammond: to
which his Majesty would not consent ; and, after some
pausing and deliberation, sent for him up, and endeavoured
to persuade him to make the same promise, which had be
fore been proposed : to which he made the same answer
he had done, but with many professions of doing all the
offices he could for his Majesty; and seemed to believe
that the army would do well for him. The King believed
that there was now no possible way to get from him, he
having the command of the country, and could call in
what help he would ; and so went with him into the Isle

124 THE HISTORY
BOOK of Wight, and was lodged at Carisbrook-eastle, at first
X- with all demonstration of respect and duty.
Hammond .It never appeared afterwards that the King was ma-
th™Kingtohciously betrayed to this unhappy peregrination, by the
Caris- treachery and practice of those he trusted ; and his Majesty
castle." himself never entertained the least jealousy, or suspicion of
The Au- 't : yet the whole design appeared to be sO weakly con-
thor'sopi- trived, the not being sure of a ship, if the resolution were
whole bu- fixed for embarking, which was never manifest, the making
smess. choice of the Isle of Wight, and of Hammond to be
trusted, since nothing fell out which was not to be rea
sonably foreseen and expected, and the bringing him to
Titchfield, without the permission of the King, if not di
rectly contrary to it, seemed to be all so far from a rational
design and conduct, that most men did believe there was
treason in the contrivance, or that his Majesty entrusted
those who were grossly imposed upon and deceived by his
greatest enemies. Legg had had so general a reputation
of integrity, and fidelity to his master, that he never fell
under the least imputation or reproach with any man : he
was a very punctual and steady observer of the orders he
received, but no contriver of them ; and though he had in
truth a better judgment and understanding than either of
the other two, his modesty and diffidence of himself never
suffered him to contrive bold counsels. Berkley was less
known among those persons of honour and quality who
had followed tbe King, being in a very private station be
fore the war, and his post in it being in the farthest corner
of the kingdom, and not much spoken of till the end of it,
when he was not beholden to reports ; ambition and vanity
were well known to be predominant in him, and that he
had great confidence in himself, and did not delight to
converse with those who had not ; but he never fell under
any blemish of disloyalty, and he took care to publish that
this enterprise of the King's was so totally without his
privity, that he was required to attend on horseback at such
an hour, and had not the least intimation of his Majesty's

OF THE REBELLION. 125
purpose what he intended to do. Another particular, BOOK
which was acknowledged by Hammond, did him much X-
credit, that when Hammond demanded that Ashburnham ~
should remain with him whilst the other went to the
King, which Ashburnham refused to do, Berkley did offer
himself to remain with him whilst Ashburnham should
attend his Majesty ; so that the whole weight of the pre
judice and reproach was cast upon Ashburnham ; who was
known to have so great an interest in the affections of his
Majesty, and so great an influence upon his counsels and
resolutions, that he could not be ignorant of any thing
that moved him.
The not having a ship ready, if it Were intended, was
unexcusable; and the putting the King into Hammond's
hands without his leave, could never be wiped out. There
were some who said, that Ashburnham resolved that the
King should go to the Isle of Wight, before he left Hamp
ton Court; and the Lord Langdale often said, " that being
" in Mr. Ashburnham's chamber at that time, he had the
" curiosity, whilst the other went out of the room, to
" look upon a paper that lay upon the table; in which was
" writ, that it would be best for the King to withdraw
" from the army, where he was in such danger; and that
" the Isle of Wight would be a good retreat, where Colo-
" nel Hammond commanded ; who was a very honest
" man." And this was some days before his Majesty re
moved. And then it was observed, that Hammond him
self left the army but two or three days before the King's
remove, and went to the Isle of Wight at a season when
there was no visible occasion to draw him thither, and
when the Agitators in the army were at highest; and it
was looked upon with the more wonder, because Ashburn
ham was not afterwards called in question for being in
strumental in the King's going away, but lived unques
tioned long after in the sight of the Parliament, and in con
versation with some of the officers of the army who had
most deceived him ; and, which was more censured than
all the rest, that after the murder of the King he com-

126 THE HISTORY
BOOK pounded, as was reported, at an easy rate, and lived at
x- ease, and grew rich, for many years together without in
terruption. On the other hand, he preserved his reputation and
credit with the most eminent of the King's party; and his
remaining in England was upon the marriage of a lady by
whom he had a great fortune, and many .conveniences;
which would have been seized by his leaving the kingdom ;
and he did send over to the King, and had leave to stay
there ; and sometimes supplied the King with considerable
sums of money. Afterwards he was committed to the
Tower by Cromwell, where he remained till his death;
and the King was known to have had, to the last, a
clear opinion of his affection and integrity; and when
King Charles the Second returned, most of those of great
est reputation, as the Marquis of Hertford, and the Earl
of Southampton, gave him a good testimony; yet then,
the old discourses were revived, and Major Huntington
did affirm, " that Mr. Ashburnham did intend the King
" should go to the Isle of Wight, before he left Hampton
" Court." Many who did not believe him to be cor
rupted, did still think that Cromwell and Ireton had over-
witted him, and persuaded him, upon great promises, that
it should prove for his Majesty's benefit, and that tbey
should the sooner do his business, that he should with
draw from the army, and put himself into Hammond's
hands; for if in truth transportation had been thought of, it
is hard to believe that a ship would not have been provided.
Sir John Berkley, who, shortly after the King's being in
the Isle of Wight, had transported himself into France,
and remained still with the Duke of York to the time of
King Charles the Second's return, and Mr. Ashburnham,
who continued in England, and so the more liable to re
proach, had been so solicitous to wipe off the aspersions
which were cast upon them jointly, that they had it in
care to preserve the reputation of a joint innocence; bat
whilst each endeavoured to clear himself, he objected or
imputed somewhat to the other, that made him liable to

OF THE REBELLION. 127
just censure; and, in this contention, their friends men- BOOK
tioned their several discourses so loudly, and so passion- x-
ately for the credit and reputation of him whom they
loved best, that they contracted a very avowed animosity
against each other; insomuch as it was generally believed
upon the King's return, that they would, with some
fierceness, have expostulated with each other in that way
which angry men choose to determine the right, or that
both of them would have desired the King to have caused
the whole to be so strictly examined, that the World might
have discerned, where the faults or oversights had been, if
no worse could have been charged upon them : but they
applied themselves to neither of those expedients, and
lived only as men who took no delight in each other's
conversation, and who did not desire to cherish any fami
liarity together. And the King, who was satisfied that
there had been no treasonable contrivance, (from which
his father had absolved them,) did not think it fit, upon
such a subject, to make strict inquisition into inadverten
cies, indiscretions, and presumptions, which could not
have been punished proportionally.
It is true that they both writ apologies, or narrations of
all that had passed in that affair, which they made not
public, but gave in writing to such of their friends in
whose opinions they most desired to be absolved, without
any inclination that one should see what the other had
writ; in which, though there were several reflections upon
each other, and differences in occurrences of less moment,
there was nothing in either that seemed to doubt of the
integrity of the other ; nor any clear relation of any pro
bable inducement that prevailed with the King to under
take that journey. I have read both their relations, and
conferred with both of them at large, to discover in truth
what the motives might be which led to so fatal an end;
and, if I were obliged to deliver my own opinion, I should
declare that neither of them were, in any degree, corrupted
in their loyalty or affection to the King, or suborned to
gratify any persons with a disservice to their master.

128 THE HISTORY
BOOK They were both of them great opiniators, yet irreso-
x- lute, and easy to be shaken by any thing they had not
thought of before; and exceedingly undervalued each
other's understanding ; but, as it usually falls out in
men of that kind of composition and talent, they were
both disposed to communicate more freely with, and,
consequently, to be advised by new acquaintance, and men
they had lately begun to know, than old friends, and such
whose judgments they could not but esteem ; who they
had no mind should go sharers with them in the merit of
any notable service which they thought themselves able to
bring to pass. Then, in the whole managery of the
King's business, from the time that they came into the
army, they never conversed with the same persons; but
governed themselves by what they received from those
whose correspondence they had chosen. Ashburnham
seemed wholly to rely upon Cromwell and Ireton; and
rather upon what they said to others than to himself.
For besides outward civilities, which they both exercised
towards him more than to other men, they seldom held
private discourse with him, persuading him " that it was
" better for both their ends, in respect of the jealousy the
" Parliament had of them, that they should understand
" each other's mind, as to the transaction of any particu-
" lars, from third persons" mutually entrusted between
" them, than from frequent consultations together;" and
Sir Edward Ford, who had married Ireton's sister, but had
been himself an officer in the King's army from the be
ginning of the war, and a gentleman of good meaning,
though not able to fathom the reserved and dark designs
of his brother in law, was trusted to pass between them,
with some other officers of the army, who had given Ash
burnham reason to believe that they had honest purposes.
Berkley had not found that respect, from Cromwell and
Ireton, that he expected ; at least discerned it to be greater
towards Ashburnham, than it was to him ; which he
thought evidence enough of a defect of judgment in them;
and therefore had applied himself to others, who had not

OF THE REBELLION. 129
so great names, but greater interest, as he thought, in the BOOK
soldiers. His chief confidence was in Dr. Staines, who, x-
though a Doctor in Physic, was Quarter Master General ~
of the army; and one Watson, who was Scout Master
General of the army ; both of the Council of War, both
in good credit with Cromwell, and both notable fanatics,
and professed enemies to the Scots and the Presbyterians^
and, no doubt, were both permitted and instructed to
caress Sir John Berkley, and, by admiring his wisdom and
conduct, to oblige him to depend on theirs ; and dissimu
lation had so great and supreme an influence on the hearts
and spirits of all those who were trusted and employed by
Cromwell, that no man was safe in their company, but he
who resolved before, not to believe one word they said.
These two persons knew well how to humour Sir John
Berkley, who believed them the more, because they seemed
very much to blame Ireton's stubbornness towards the
King, and to fear that he often prevailed upon Cromwell
against his own inclinations : they informed him of many
particulars which passed in the Council of Officers, and
sometimes of advice from Cromwell, that was clean con
trary to what the King received by Ashburnham as his
opinion, and which was found afterwards to be true, (as it
may be the other was too,) which exceedingly confirmed
Sir John in the good opinion he had of his two friends.
They were the first who positively advertised the King by
him, that Cromwell would never do him service ; and the
first who seemed to apprehend that the King's person was
in danger, and that there was some secret design upon his
life. I do not believe that Sir John Berkley knew any thing
of the King's purpose in his intended escape, or whither
he resolved to go, or, indeed, more of it than that he re
solved at such an hour, and in such a place, to take horse,
and was himself required to attend him; nor do I, in
truth, think that the King himself, when he took horse,
resolved whither to go. Some think he meant to go into
the city; others, that he intended for Jersey; and that
vol. m. p. 1. K .

130 THE HISTORY
BOOK was the ground of the question to Mr. Ashburnham,
x- " where is the ship?" Certain it is that the King never
thought of going to the Isle of Wight. I am not sure
that Mr. Ashburnham, who had not yet given over all
hope of the chief officers of the army, and believed the
alterations," which had fallen out, proceeded from the bar
barity of the Agitators, and the levelling party, had not the
Isle of Wight in his view from the beginning, that is,
from the time his Majesty thought it necessary to make
an escape from the army. It had been a difficult task to
go about to dissuade the King from an apprehension of
his own safety, when it was much more natural to fear an
assassination, than to apprehend any thing that they did
afterwards do. Mr. Ashburnham had so great a detesta
tion of the Scots, that he expected no good from their
fraternity, the Presbyterians of the city; and did really
believe that if his Majesty should put himself into their
hands, as was advised by many, with a purpose that
he should be there concealed, till some favourable con
juncture should offer itself, (for nobody imagined that,
upon his arrival there, the city would have declared for
him, and have entered into a contest with that army which
had so lately subdued them,) the security of such an escape
was not to be relied on, and very earnestly dissuaded his
master from entertaining the thought of it ; and this opi
nion of his was universally knoWn, and, as hath been said
before, was an ingredient into the composition of that
civility and kindness the officers of the army had for him.
They did, to him, frequently lament the levelling spirit
that was gotten into the soldiers, which they foresaw
would in the future be as inconvenient and mischievous to
themselves, as it was, for the present, dangerous to the
person of the King; which they seemed wcfnderfully to
apprehend, and protested "that they knew not how to
" apply any remedy to it, whilst his Majesty was in the
" army; but that they would quickly correct or subdue it,
" if the King were at any distance from them ;" and it is
not impossible, that, in such discourses, somebody who

OF THE REBELLION. 131
was trusted by them, if not one of themselves, might men- BOOR
tion the Isle of Wight as a good place to retire to, and x-
Colonel Hammond as a man of good intentions ; the mi
nutes of which discourse Mr. Ashburnham might keep by
him: for the Lord Langdale's relation of such a paper,
which he himself saw, and read, cannot be thought by me
to be a mere fiction ; to which, besides that he was a per
son of unblemished honour and veracity, he had not any
temptation : yet Mr. Ashburnham did constantly deny that
he ever saw any such paper, or had any thought of the
Isle of Wight when the King left Hampton Court, and
he never gave cause, in the subsequent actions of his life,
to have his fidelity suspected. And it is probable, that
Cromwell, who many years afterwards committed him to
the Tower, and did hate him, and desired to have taken
his life, would have been glad to have blasted his reputa
tion, by declaring that he had carried his master to the
Isle of Wight, without his privity, upon his own presump
tion; which, how well soever intended, must have been
looked upon by all men as such a transcendent crime, as
must have deprived him of all compassion for the worst
that could befall him.
The sudden unexpected withdrawing of the King made
a great impression upon the minds of all men, every man
fancying that his Majesty would do that which he wished
he would do. The Presbyterians imagined that he lay
concealed in the city, (which they unreasonably thought
he might easily do,) and would expect a proper conjunc
ture, upon a new rupture between the Parliament and the
army, and the many factions in the army, which every day
appeared, to discover himself. The Cavaliers hoped that
he would transport himself into the parts beyond the seas,
and quietly attend there those alterations at home, which-
might probably in a short time invite his return. The
army was not without this apprehension, as imagining it
the worst that could fall out to their purposes.
The Parliament, that is, that part of it that was devoted The Par-
to the army, was most frighted with the imagination that behaviour
k 2

132

THE HISTORY

withdrawing, and
where he
was.

BOOK the King was in the city, and would lurk there until some
x- conspiracy should be ripe, and all his party should be
upon the present in London to second it ; and therefore they no
King's^ the sooner heard that he was gone from Hampton Court, than
they passed an ordinance of both Houses, by which they
declared, " that it should be confiscation of estate, and
" loss of life, to any man who presumed to harbour and
" conceal the King's person in his house, without reveal-
" ing, and making it known to the Parliament :" which,
no doubt, would have terrified them all in such a manner,
that if he had been in truth amongst them, he would
quickly have been discovered, and given up. They caused
some of the most notorious Presbyterians' houses to be
searched, as if they had been sure he had been there ; and
sent posts to all ports of the kingdom, " that they might
" be shut, and no person be suffered to embark, lest the
" King, in disguise, transport himself;" and a proclama
tion was issued out, " for the banishing all persons who
" had ever borne arms for the King, out of London, or
" any place within twenty miles of it;" and all persons of
that kind, who, upon strict search, were found, were ap
prehended, and put into several prisons with all the cir
cumstances of severity and rigour. But all these doubts
were quickly cleared, and within two days Cromwell in
formed the House of Commons, " that he had received
" letters from Colonel Hammond, of all the manner of
" the King's coming to the Isle of Wight, and the com-
" pany that came with him ; that he remained there in
" the castle of Carisbrook, till the pleasure of the Parlia-
" ment should be known." He assured them, "that
" Colonel Hammond was so honest a man, and so much
" devoted to their service, that they need have no jealousy
" that he might be corrupted by any body;" and all this
relation he made with so unusual a gaiety, that all men
concluded that the King was where he wished he should
be. And now the Parliament maintained no farther contests
with the army, but tamely submitted to whatsoever they

OF THE REBELLION. 133
proposed; the Presbyterians in both Houses, and in the BOOK
city, being in a terrible agony, that some close corre- x-
spondences they had held with the King during his abode
at Hampton Court, would be discovered; and therefore
would give no farther occasion of jealousy by any con
tradictions, leaving it to their Clergy to keep the fire
burning in the hearts of the people by their pulpit-in
flammations ; and they stoutly discharged their trust.
But Cromwell had more cause to fear a fire in his own
quarters, and that he had raised a spirit in the army wbich
would not easily be quieted again. The Agitators, who
were first formed by him to oppose the Parliament, and
to resist the destructive doom of their disbanding, and
likewise to prevent any inconvenience, or mischief, that
might result from the drowsy, dull Presbyterian humour
of Fairfax; who wished nothing thatfcCromwell did, and
yet contributed to bring it all to pass : these Agitators
had hitherto transcribed faithfully all the copies he had
given them, and offered such advices to the Parliament,
and insisted upon such expostulations and demands, as
were necessary, whilst there was either any purpose to
treat with the King, or any reason to flatter his party.
But now the King was gone from the army, and in such
a place as the army could have no recourse to him, and
that the Parliament was become of so soft a temper, that
the party of the army that was in it could make all neces
sary impression upon them, he desired to restrain the Agi
tators from that liberty which they had so long enjoyed,
and to keep them within stricter rules of obedience to their
superiors, and to hinder their future meetings, and con
sultations concerning the settling the government of the
kingdom ; which, he thought, ought now to be solely left
to the Parliament ; whose authority, for the present, he
thought best to uphold, and by it to establish all that was
to be done. But the Agitators would not be so dismissed
from State affairs, of which they had so pleasant a relish ;
nor be at the mercy of the Parliament, which they had so
much provoked ; and therefore, when they were admitted
k3

134 THE HISTORY
BOOK no more to consultations with their officers, they continued
x- their meetings without them; and thought there was as
great need to reform their officers, as any part of the
Church or State. They entered into new associations, and
made many propositions to their officers, and to the Par
liament, to introduce an equality into all conditions, and
a parity among all men ; from whence they had the appel
lation of Levellers ; which appeared a great party. They
did not only meet against the express command of their
officers, but drew very considerable parties of the army to
rendezvous, without the order or privity of their superiors;
and there persuaded them to enter into such engagements^
as would in a short time have dissolved the government of
the army, and absolved them from a dependence upon
their general officers. The suppression of this licence put
Cromwell to the expence of all his cunning, dexterity, and
courage ; so that after he had cajoled the Parliament, as
if the preservation of their authority had been all he cared
for and took to heart, and sent some false brothers to
comply in the counsels of the conspirators, by that means
having notice of their rendezvous, he was unexpectedly
found with an ordinary guard at those meetings; and,
with a marvellous vivacity, having asked some questions
of those whom he observed most active, and receiving in-
Cromweli solent answers, he knocked two or three of them in the
^"tamun68 head "with his own hand, and then charged the rest with
of theLe- his troop ; and took such a number of them as he thought
fit; whereof he presently caused some to be hanged, and
sent others to London to a more formal trial. By two
or three such encounters, for the obstinacy continued long,
he totally subdued that spirit in the army, though it con
tinued and increased very much in the kingdom; and if it
had not been encountered at that time with that rough
and brisk temper of Cromwell, it would presently have
produced all imaginable confusion in the Parliament,
army, and kingdom.
AU opposition being thus suppressed, and quieted, and
Cromwell needing no other assistance to the carrying on

OF THE REBELLION. 135
his designs, than the present temper and inclination of BOOK
the Parliament, they sent a message to the King, briefly x-
proposing to him, "that he would forthwith grant hisThePar-
" royal assent to four Acts of Parliament; which they j^-XL*
" then sent to him." By one of them, he was to confess message to
the war to have been raised by him against the Pariia- topas/four
ment; and so that he was guilty of all the blood that hadActs-
been spilt. By another, he was totally to dissolve the go
vernment of the Church by Bishops, and to grant all the
lands belonging to the Church to such uses as they pro
posed; leaving the settling a future government in the
place thereof to farther time and counsels. By a third,
he was to grant, and settle the militia in the manner and
in the persons proposed, reserving not so much power in
himself as any subject was capable of. In the last place,
he was in effect to sacrifice all those, who had served or
adhered to him, to the mercy of the Parliament.
The persons, who were sent with these four bills, had
liberty given to expect the King's answer only four days,
and were then required to return to the Parliament.
With the commissioners of Parliament there came likewise
the commissioners of Scotland, who, after the four bills
were delivered, and read to the King, the very next day,
desired an audience; and, with much formality and con
fidence, delivered a declaration, and protestation on the
behalf of the kingdom of Scotland against those bills and
propositions. They said, " they were so prejudicial toThecom-
" religion, the crown, and the union and interest of the 0f Scotland
" kingdoms, and so far different from the former proceed- enter a
. . ii*,t protesta-
"ings and engagements between the two kingdoms, that tion against
"they could not concur therein; and therefore, in thetnen1,
" name of the whole kingdom of Scotland, did declare
" their dissent." The King had received advertisement,
that as soon as he should refuse to consent to the bills, he
should presently be made a close prisoner, and all his ser
vants should be removed from him ; upon which, and
because the commissioners had no power to treat with
him, but were only to receive his positive answer, he re-
k4

136 THE HISTORY
BOOK solved that his answer should not be known till it was
x- delivered to the Parliament; and that, in the mean time,
he would endeavour to make his escape, before new or
ders could be sent from Westminster: so when the com
missioners came to receive his answer, he gave it to them
The King seaiec]# The Earl of Denbigh, who was the chief of the
gives his . .
answer to commissioners, and a person very ungracious to the King,
ment TOm- told n-n-> " that though they had no authority to treat
missioners. « with him, or to do any thing but to receive his answer,
" yet they were not to be looked upon as common mes-
" sengers, and to carry back an answer that they had not
" seen :" and, upon the matter, refused to receive it ; and
said, " they would return without any, except they might
" see what they carried."
His Majesty conceived that their return without his an
swer would be attended with^the worst consequences; and
therefore he told them, " that he had some reason for hav-
" ing offered to deliver it to them in that manner; but if
" they would give him their words, that the communicating
" it to them should be attended with no prejudice to him,
•" he would open it, and cause it to be read ;" which they
readily undertook, (as in truth they knew no reason to
suspect it,) and thereupon he opened it, and gave it one
to read. The answer was, " that his Majesty had always
il thought it a matter of great difficulty to comply in such
" a manner with all engaged interests, that a firm and
"lasting peace might ensue; in which opinion he was
" now confirmed, since the commissioners for Scotland do
solemnly protest against the several bills and proposi
tions, which the two Houses of Parliament had pre-
" sented to him for his assent ; so that it was not possible
" for him to give such an answer as might be the founda-
" tion of a hopeful peace." He gave them many un
answerable reasons, " why he could not pass the four bills
" as they were offered to him ; which did not only di-
" vest him of all sovereignty, and leave him without any
" possibility of recovering it to him or his successors, but
" opened a door for all intolerable oppressions upon his

aa

OF THE REBELLION. 137
"subjects, he granting such an arbitrary and illimited BOOK
" power to the two Houses." He told them, " that nei- x-
" ther the desire of being freed from that tedious and irk-
" some condition of life, which he had so long suffered,
lt nor the apprehension of any thing that might befall
" him, should ever prevail with him to consent to any one
" act, till the conditions of the whole peace should be
" concluded; and then that he would be ready to give all
"just and reasonable satisfaction, in all particulars; and
" for the adjusting of all this, he knew no way but a per-
" sonal treaty, (and therefore very earnestly desired the
" two Houses to consent to it,) to be either at London,
" or any other place they would rather choose." As soon
as this answer, or to the same effect, was read, he delivered
it to the commissioners ; who no sooner received it than
they kissed his hand, and departed for Westminster.
The commissioners were no sooner gone than Ham- Presently
mond caused all the King's servants, who tilhthen had all Hammond
liberty to be with him, to be immediately put out of theremoves
, - , . , - , . i • , the King's '
castle; and forbid any of them to repair thither any more; old ser-
and appointed a strong guard to restrain any body from ^ott hinT
going to the King, if they should endeavour it. This
exceedingly troubled and surprised him, being an absolute
disappointment of all the hope he had left. He told
Hammond, " that it was not suitable to his engagement,
" and that it did not become a man of honour or honesty
" to treat him so, who had so freely put himself into his
" hands. He asked him, whether the commissioners were
" acquainted with his purpose to proceed in this manner?"
To which he answered, " that they were not; but that he
" had an order from the Parliament to do as he had done ;
" and that he saw plainly by his answer to the proposi-
" tions, that he acted by other counsels than stood with
" the good of the kingdom."
This insolent and imperious proceeding put the island
(which was generally inhabited by a people always well
affected to the Crown) into a high mutiny. They said,
" they would not endure to see their King so used, and

138

THE HISTORY

BOOK X.

Tliereupon CaptainBurly stirs
up the peo
ple in the
island, but
is quickly
suppress ed, con
demned, and exe
cuted.

" made a prisoner." There was at that time there one
Captain Burly, who was of a good family in the island.
He had been a captain of one of the King's ships, and
was put out of his command when the fleet rebelled
against the King; and then he put himself into the King's
army, where he continued an officer of good account to
the end of the war, and was in one of the King's armies
General of the ordnance. When the war was at an end,
he repaired into his own country, the Isle of Wight ; where
many of his family still lived in good reputation. This
gentleman chanced to be at Newport, the chief town in
the island, when the King was thus treated, and when the
people seemed generally to resent it with so much indig
nation ; and was so much transported with the same fury,
being a man of more courage than of prudence and cir
cumspection, that he caused a drum to be presently beaten,
and put himself at the head of the people who flocked to
gether, and cried " for God, the King, and the people ;"
and said, " he would lead them to the castle, and rescue
" the King from his captivity." The attempt was pre
sently discerned to be irrational and impossible; and by
the great diligence and activity of the King's servants,
who had been put out of the castle, the people were
quieted, and all men resorted to their own houses; but
the poor gentleman paid dear for his ill advised and pre
cipitate loyalty. For Hammond caused him presently to
be made prisoner; and the Parliament, without delay,
sent down a commission of Oyer and Terminer; in which
an infamous Judge, Wild, whom they had made Chief
Baron of the Exchequer for such services, presided; who
caused poor Burly to be, with all formality, indicted of
high treason for levyiug war against the King, and en
gaging the kingdom in a new war; of which the jury they
had brought together, found him guilty ; upon which their
Judge condemned him, and the honest man was forthwith
hanged, drawn, and quartered, with all the circumstances
of barbarity and cruelty ; which struck a wonderful terror
into all men, this being the first precedent of their having

OF THE REBELLION. 139
brought any man to a formal legal trial by the law to de- BOOK
prive him of his life, and make him guilty of high treason x-
for adhering to the King ; and it made a deeper impression
upon the hearts of all men, than all the cruelties they had
yet exercised by their courts of war ; which, though they
took away the lives of many innocent men, left their
estates to their wives and children : but when they saw
now, that they might be condemned of high treason be
fore a sworn Judge of the law for serving the King, by
which their estates would be likewise confiscated, they
thought they should be justified if they kept their hearts
entire, without being involved by their actions in a capital
transgression. Upon the receipt of the King's answer, there appeared How the
a new spirit and temper in the House of Commons ; hi- Km£.s an"
r r » swer is re-
therto, no man had mentioned the King's person without ceived by
duty and respect, and only lamented " that he was misled tlntfi^d
" by evil and wicked counsellors ; who being removed Cromwell'sSD66CIJ Of
"from him, he might by the advice of his Parliament the King
" govern well enough." But now, upon the refusal to thereuPon-
pass these bills, every man's mouth was opened against
•him with the utmost sauciness and licence; each man
striving to exceed the other in the impudence and bitter
ness of his invective. Cromwell declared, " that the King
" was a man of great parts, and great understanding,"
(faculties they had hitherto endeavoured to have him
thought to be without,) " but that he was so great a dis-
" sembler, and so false a man, that he was not to be
" trusted." And thereupon repeated many particulars,
whilst he was in the army, that his Majesty wished that
such and such things might be done, which being done
to gratify him, he was displeased, and complained of it :
" That whilst he professed with all solemnity that he re-
" ferred himself wholly to the Parliament, and depended
" only upon their wisdom and counsel for the settlement
" and composing the distractions of the kingdom, he had,
" at the same time, secret treaties with the Scottish com-
" missioners, how he might embroil the nation in a new

110 THE HISTORY
BOOK " war, and destroy the Parliament." He concluded, " that
x' " they might no farther trouble themselves with sending
" messages to him, or farther propositions, but that they
" might enter upon those counsels which were necessary
" towards the settlement of the kingdom, without having
" farther recourse to the King." Those of his party
seconded this advice with new. reproaches upon the per
son of the King, charging him with such abominable
actions, as had been never heard of, and could be only
suggested from the malice of their own hearts; whilst
men who had any modesty, and abhorred that way of pro
ceeding, stood amazed and confounded at the manner and
presumption of it, and without courage to give any no
table opposition to their rage. So that, after several days
spent in passionate debates to this purpose, they voted,
Vote of no « that they would make no more addresses to the King,
more ad- °'
dresses but proceed towards settling the government, and pro-
Kin & " v'^^nS for the peace of the kingdom, in such manner as
" they should judge best for the benefit and liberty of the
" subject :" and a committee was appointed to prepare a
declaration to inform and satisfy the people of this their
resolution, and the grounds thereof, and to assure them,
" that they had lawful authority to proceed in this man-
" ner." In the mean time, the King, who had, from the
time of his coming to the Isle of Wight, enjoyed the li
berty of taking the air, and refreshing himself throughout
the island, and was attended by such servants as he had
appointed, or sent for, to come thither to him, to the time
that he had refused to pass those bills, from thenceforth
was no more suffered to go out of the castle beyond a little
ill garden that belonged to it. And now, after this vote
of the House of Commons, that there should be no more
addresses made to him, all his servants being removed, a
few new men, for the most part, unknown to his Majesty,
were deputed to be about his person to perform all those
offices which they believed might be requisite, and of whose
fidelity to themselves they were as well assured, as that they
were without any reverence or affection for the King.

OF THE REBELLION. Ml
It is very true, that within few days after the King's BOOK
withdrawing from Hampton Court, and after it was known x-
that he was in the Isle of Wight, there was a meeting of A meeting
the general officers of the army at Windsor, where Crom- ^Jj1^™"
well and Ireton were present; to consult what should be tbe officers
now done with the King. For, though Cromwell was sor]^here ¦
weary of the Agitators, and resolved to break their meet- ia they de-
ings, and though the Parliament concurred in all he de- King's de
sired, yet his entire confidence was in the officers of the structl0n-
army ; who were they who swayed the Parliament, and the
army itself, to bring what he intended to pass. At this
conference, the preliminaries whereof were always fastings
and prayers, made at the very council by Cromwell or Ire-
tou, or some other inspired person, as most of the officers
were, it was resolved, " that the King should be prose-
" cuted for his life as a criminal person :" of which his
Majesty was advertised speedily by Watson, Quarter Mas
ter General of the army; who was present; and had pre
tended, from the first coming of the King to the army, to
have a desire to serve him, and desired to be now thought
to retain it ; but the resolution was a great secret, of which
the Parliament had not the least intimation or jealousy;
but was, as it had been, to be cozened by degrees to do
what they never intended. Nor was his Majesty easily
persuaded to give credit to the information ; but though
he expected, and thought it very probable, that they would
murder him, he did not believe they would attempt it with
that formality, or let the people know their intentions.
The great approach they made towards it, was, their de
claration, " that they would make no more addresses to
" the King," that by an interregnum they might feel the
pulse of the people, and discover how they would submit
to another form of government; and yet all writs, and
process of justice, and all commissions, still issued in the
King's name without his consent or privity; and little
other change or alteration, but that what was before done
by the King himself, and by his immediate order, was now
performed by the Parliament ; and, instead of Acts of Par-

142

THE HISTORY

no more
addresses
secondedby a de
claration.

BOOK liament, they made Ordinances of the two Houses to serve
x- all their occasions ; which fourid the same obedience from
the people.
The vote of This declaration of no more addresses contained a charge
against the King of whatsoever had been done amiss from
the beginning of his government, or before, not without a
direct insinuation, as if " he had conspired with the Duke
" of Buckingham against the life of his father ; the pre-
" judice he had brought upon the Protestant religion in
" foreign parts, by lending his ships to the King of France,
" who employed them against Rochelle :" they renewed
the remembrance and reproach of all those grievances
which had been mentioned in their first remonstrance of
the state of the kingdom, and repeated all the calumnies
which had been contained in all their declarations before
and after the war; which had been all so fully answered by
his Majesty, that the world was convinced of their rebel
lion and treason : they charged him with being " the cause
" of all the blood that had been spilt, by his having made
" a war upon his Parliament, and rejecting all overtures of
" peace which had been made to him ; and in regard of all
" these things, they resolved to make no more address to
" him, but, by their own authority, to provide for the
" peace and welfare of the kingdom."
This declaration found ranch opposition in the House
of Commons, in respect of the particular reproaches they
had now cast upon the person of the King, which they
had heretofore, in their own published declarations to the
people, charged upon the evil counsellors, and persons
about him; and some persons had been sentenced, and
condemned, for those very crimes which they now accused
his Majesty of. But there was much more exception to
their conclusion from those premises, that therefore they
would address themselves no more to him; and John
Maynard, a member of the House, and a lawyer of great

Mr. May
nard's ar-
gument

against it. eminence, who had too much complied and concurred
with their irregular and unjust proceedings, after he had
with great vehemence "opposed and contradicted the most

OF THE REBELLION. US
odious parts of their declaration, told them plainly, " that BOOK
" by this resolution of making no more addresses to the X-
" King, they did, as far as in them lay, dissolve the Par-
" liament; and that, from the time of that determination,
" he knew not with what security, in point of law, they
" could meet together, or any man join with them in their
" counsels : that it was of the essence of Parliament, that
" they should upon all occasions repair to the King ; and
" that his Majesty's refusal at any time to receive their
" petitions, or to admit their addresses, had been always
" held the highest breach of their privilege, because it
" tended to their dissolution without dissolving them; and
" therefore if they should now, on their parts, determine
" that they would receive no more messages from him,
" (which was likewise a part of their declaration,) nor
" make any more address to him, they did, upon the
" matter, declare that they were no longer a Parliament :
" and then, how could the people look upon them as
" such ?" This argumentation being boldly pressed by a
man of that learning and authority, who had very seldom
not been believed, made a great impression upon all men
who had not prostituted themselves to Cromwell and his
party. But the other side meant not to maintain their re
solution by discourses, well knowing where their strength
lay ; and so still called for the question ; which was carried
by a plurality of voices, as they foresaw it would; very
many persons who abhorred the determination, not having
courage to provoke the powerful men by owning their dis
sent; others satisfying themselves with the resolution to
withdraw themselves, and to bear no farther part in the
counsels ; which Maynard himself did, and came no more
to the House in very many months, nor till there seemed
to be such an alteration in the minds of men, that there
would be a reversal of that monstrous determination ; and
many others did the same.
When this declaration was thus passed the Commons,
and by them sent to the House of Peers for their concur
rence, the manner or the matter was of that importance as

144 THE HISTORY
BOOK to need much debate; but/with as little formality as was
x- possible, it had the concurrence of that House, and was
~ immediately printed and published, and new orders sent to
the Isle of Wight, for the more strict looking to and
guarding the King, that he might not escape.
The publishing this declaration wrought very different
effects in the minds of the people, from what they expected
it would produce; and it appeared to be so publicly de
tested, that many who had served the Parliament in several
unwarrantable employments and commissions, from the
beginning of the war, in the city and in the country, with
drew themselves from the service of the Parliament; and
much inveighed against it, for declining all the principles
upon which they had engaged them. Many private per
sons took. upon them to publish answers to that declara
tion, that, the King himself being under so strict a re
straint that he could make no answer, the people might
not be poisoned with the belief of it. And the several an
swers of this kind wrought very much upon the people,
who opened their mouths very loud against the Parliament
and the army ; and the clamour was increased by the in
crease of taxes and impositions, which were raised by new
Ordinances of Parliament upon the kingdom ; and though
they were so entirely possessed of the whole kingdom, and
the forces and garrisons thereof, that they had no enemy
to fear or apprehend, yet they disbanded no part of their
army ; and notwithstanding they raised incredible sums of
money, upon the sale of the Church and the Crown lands ;
for which they found purchasers enough amongst their
own party in the city, army, and country, and upon com
position with delinquents, and the sale of their lands who
refused, or could not be admitted, to compound, (which
few refused to do who could be admitted, in regard that
their estates were all under sequestration, and the rents
thereof paid to the Parliament, so that till they com
pounded they had nothing to support themselves, whereby
they were driven into extreme wants and necessities, and
were compelled to make their compositions, at how un-

OF THE REBELLION. 145
reasonable rates soever, that they might thereby be enabled BOOK
to sell some part, to preserve the rest, and their houses x-
from being pulled down, and their woods from being
wasted or spoiled ;) notwithstanding all these vast receipts,
which they ever pretended should ease the people of their
burden, and should suffice to pay the army their expences
at sea and land, their debts were so great, that they raised
the public taxes ; and, besides all customs and excise, they
levied a monthly contribution of above a hundred thousand
pounds by a land tax throughout the kingdom ; which was
more than had been ever done before, and it being at a
time when they had no enemy who contended with them,
was an evidence that it would have no end, and that the
army was still to be kept up, to make good the resolution
they had taken, to have no more to do with the King; and
that made the resolution generally the more odious* All
this grew the more insupportable, by reason that, upon
the publishing this last monstrous declaration, most of
those persons of condition, who, as hath been said before,
had been seduced to do them service throughout the king
dom, declined to appear longer in so detestable an employ
ment; and now a more inferior sort of the common people
succeeded in those employments, who thereby exercised so
great insolence over those who were in quality above them,
and who always had a power over them, that it was very
grievous; and for this, let the circumstances be what they
would, no redress could be ever obtained, all distinction of
quality being renounced. They who were not above the
condition of ordinary inferior constables, six or seven years
before, were now the justices of peace, and sequestrators,
and commissioners ; who executed the commands of the
Parliament, in all the counties of the kingdom, with such
rigour and tyranny, as was natural for such persons to use
over and. towards those upon whom they had formerly
looked at such a distance. But let their sufferings be
never so great, and the murmur and discontent never so
general, there was no shadow of hope by which they might
discern any possible relief: so that they who had strug-
vol. m. p. 1. L

146 THE HISTORY
BOOK gled as long as they were able, submitted patiently to the
x- yoke, with the more satisfaction, in that they saw many
of those who had been the principal contrivers of all the
mischiefs to satisfy their own ambition, and that they
might govern others, reduced to almost as ill a condition
as themselves, at least to as little power, and authority,
and security; whilst the whole government of the nation
remained, upon the matter, wholly in their hands who in
the beginning of the Parliament were scarce ever heard of,
or their names known but in the places where they in
habited. The King being in this melancholic neglected condition,
and the kingdom possessed by the new rulers, without
control, in the new method of government, where every
thing was done, and submitted to, which they propounded,
they yet found that there was no foundation laid for their
peace, and future security; that besides the general dis
content of the nation, which for the present they did not
fear, they were to expect new troubles from Ireland, and
from Scotland; which would, in the progress, have an in
fluence upon England.
Tlie affairs In Ireland, (which they had totally neglected from the
time of the differences and contests between the Parliament
and the army, and from the King's being in the army,)
though they were possessed ofL Dublin, and, upon the
matter, of the whole province of Munster, by the activity
of the Lord Inchiquin, and the Lord Broghill; yet the
Irish rebels had very great forces, which covered all the
other parts of the kingdom. But they had no kind of
fears of tbe Irish, whom they vanquished as often as they
saw, and never declined fighting upon any inequality of
numbers : they had an apprehension of another enemy.
The Marquis of Ormond had often attended the King at
Hampton Court, and had great resort to him, whilst he
stayed in London, by all those who had served the King,
and not less by those who were known to be unsatisfied
with the proceedings both of theParliament and the army;
and by the Scottish commissioners, who had frequently

OF THE REBELLION. 147
private meetings with him ; insomuch as the officers of the BOOK
army, who gave the first motion to all extravagant acts of X,
power, had resolved to have apprehended and imprisoned
him, as a man worthy of their fear, though they had no
thing to charge him with ; and by his articles, he had
liberty to stay six months where he would in England,
(which time was little more than half expired,) and then
he might transport himself into what part he desired be
yond the seas. The Marquis had notice of this their pur
pose; and having conferred with his Majesty as much as
was necessary, upon a reasonable foresight of what was
like to fall out, shortly after, or about the time that the
King left Hampton Court, he in disguise, and without be-,^ M
ing attended by more than one servant, rid into Sussex ; quis of Or-
and, in an obscure and unguarded port or harbour, put transports
himself on board a shallop, which safely transported him bimself out
into Normandy; from whence he waited upon the Queen, into
and the Prince of Wales, at Paris ; to whom he could not Fl'ance.
but be very welcome.
At the same time, there were commissioners arrived
from Ireland from the confederate Roman Catholics ; who,
after they had driven the King's authority from them,
quickly found they needed it for their own preservation.
The factions grew So great amongst the Irish themselves,
and the Pope's Nuncio exercised his authority with so
great tyranny and insolence, that all were weary of him ;
and found that the Parliament, as soon as they should send
more forces over, would easily, by reason of their divisions,
reduce them into great straits and necessities. They there
fore sent commissioners to the Queen and Prince to desire,
" that, by their favour, they might have the King's au-
" thority again among them ;" to which they promised,
for the future, a ready obedience, with many acknowledg
ments of their former miscarriage and ill behaviour. It is
very true that the Marquis of Antrim, who was one of the
commissioners, and was always inseparable from the high
est ambition, (though without any qualifications for any
great trust,) had entertained the hope, that by the Queen's

148 THE HISTORY
BOOK favour, who had too good an opinion of him, the govern-
x> ment of Ireland should be committed to him, and his con
duct; which none of the other commissioners thought of,
nor had their eyes fixed on any man but the Marquis of
Ormond, in whom the King's authority was vested; for
he remained still Lieutenant of Ireland by the King's
commission; and they had reason to believe that all the
English Protestants, who had formerly lived under his
government, (without a conjunction with whom, they well
foresaw the Irish would not be able to defend or preserve
themselves,) would return to the same obedience, as soon
as he should return to receive it. The Queen and the
Prince thought not of trusting any other in that most
hazardous and difficult employment, and so referred the
commissioners to make all their overtures and propositions
to him ; who knew well enough, what they would not do
if they could, and what they could not do if they had a
mind to it ; and how devoted soever he was to the King's
service, nothing proposed or undertaken by them, could
have been the least inducement to him to engage himself,
and to depend upon their fidelity. But there were three
things, which with the great and entire zeal for the King's
service, to which he had dedicated himself, made him be
lieve that he might with some success appear again in that
kingdom, in this conjuncture; and that his so doing might
have a good effect upon the temper of England towards
the mending his Majesty's condition there.
The rea- First, the Cardinal Mazarine (who then absolutely go-
moved the verne(i France) seemed very earnestly to advise it, , and
Marquis promised to supply him with a good sum of money, and
into lrSam store of arms and ammunition to carry with him ; which
land. hg knew very well how to dispose of there. Secondly, he
was privy to the Scottish engagement, and to a resolution
of many persons of great honour in England, to appear
in arms at the same time; which was designed for the
summer following; whereby the Parliament, and army,
which were like to have new divisions amongst themselves,
would not be able to send any considerable supplies into

OF THE REBELLION. 149
Ireland; without which, their power there was not like to BOOK
be formidable. Thirdly, which was a greater encourage- X-
ment than the other two, he had, during his abode in""
England, held a close correspondence with the Lord In-
chiquin, President of the province of Munster in Ireland,
who had the full power and command of all the English
army there; which was a better body of men than the
Parliament had in any other part of that kingdom. That
lord was weary of his masters, and did not think the ser
vice he had done the Parliament (which indeed had been
very great, and without which it is very probable that
whole kingdom had been united to his Majesty's service)
well requited ; and did really and heartily abhor the pro
ceedings of the Parliament, and army, towards the King ;
and did therefore resolve to redeem what he had formerly
done amiss, with exposing all he had for his Majesty's
restoration ; and had frankly promised the Marquis to re
ceive him into Munster, as the King's Lieutenant of that
kingdom ; and that that whole province, and army, should
pay him all obedience; and that against the time he
should be sure of his presence, he would make a cessation
with the Irish in order to a firm conjunction of that whole
kingdom for the King. After the Marquis came into
France, he received still letters from that lord to hasten
his journey thither.
These were the motives which disposed the Marquis to
comply with the Queeri's and the Prince's command to
prepare himself for that expedition ; and so he concerted
all things with the Irish commissioners; who returned
into their country, with promises to dispose their General
Assembly to consent to those conditions as might not
bring a greater prejudice to the King, than any conjuno
tion with them could be of advantage.
The Parliament had too many spies and agents at Paris,
not to be informed of whatsoeyer was whispered there ;
but whether they undervalued any conjunction with the
Irish, (for of the Lord Inchiquin they had no suspicion,) .
or were confident of the Cardinal's kindness, that he woulrj
h3

150 THE HISTORY
BOOK not advance any design against them, they were not so
x- apprehensive of trouble from Ireland as they were of their
brethren from Scotland; where they heard of great pre
parations, and of a purpose to call a Parliament, and to
raise an army ; which, they believed, would find too many
friends in England, the Presbyterian party holding up
their heads again, both in the Parliament, and the city.
Besides, they knew that some persons of quality and
interest, who had served the King in good command in
the late war, were gone into Scotland, and well received
there; which, they thought, would draw the King's party
together upon the first appearance.
After the King had been so infamously delivered up to
the Parliament by the Scots at Newcastle, and as soon as
the army had possessed themselves of him, that nation
was in terrible apprehension that the officers of the army
would have made their peace, and established their own
greatness by restoring the King to his just rights, of which
they had so foully deprived him ; and then the conscience
of their guilt made them presume, what their lot must be;
and therefore, the same commissioners who had been
joined with the committee of Parliament in all the trans
actions, made haste to Westminster again to their old
seats, to keep their interest ; which was great in all the
Presbyterian party, both of Parliament and city ; for there
remained still the same profession of maintaining the strict
union between the two kingdoms, and that all transactions
should be by joint counsels. And as soon as the King
appeared with some shew of liberty, and his own servants
had leave to attend him, no men appeared with more
confidence than the Scottish commissioners; the Earl of
Lowden, the Earl of Lautherdale, and the rest ; as if they
had been the men who had contrived his restoration : no
men in so frequent whispers with the King; and they
found some way to get themselves so ihueh believed by
the Queen, with whom they held a diligent correspond
ence, that her Majesty very earnestly persuaded the King
" to trust them, as the only persons who had power and

OF THE REBELLION. 151
"credit to do him service, and to redeem him from the BOOK
" captivity he was in." Duke Hamilton, who had been x-
scut prisoner by the King to the castle of Pendennis, and
had been delivered from thence by the army, when that
place was taken in the end of the war, had enjoyed his
liberty at London, and in his own house at Chelsea, as
long as he thought fit, that is, near as long as the King
was with the Scottish army and at Newcastle ; and some
time before his Majesty was delivered up to the Parliament
commissioners, he went into Scotland to his own house at Duke Ha-
Hamilton; looked upon by that nation as one who had hTto°Scot-eS
unjustly suffered under the King's jealousy and displeasure, land-
and who remained still very faithful to him ; and during
the time that he remained in and about London, he found
means to converse with many of the King's party, and
made great professions that he would do the King a very
signal service, which he desired them to assure his Majesty
of; and seemed exceedingly troubled and ashamed at his
countrymen's giving up the King. His having no share in
that infamy made him the more trusted in England, and to
be received with the more respect in Scotland by all those
who abhorred that transaction.
The commissioners who attended his Majesty made
great apologies for what had been done, imputing it wholly
to the " malice and power of the Marquis of Argyle, and
" to his credit and authority in the council and in the
" army; so that nothing could be done wbich was desired
" by honest men ; but that now Duke Hamilton was
" amongst them, who they knew was most devoted to
" his Majesty, they should be able to overpower Argyle ;
" and the proceedings of the army and the Parliament
" were so foul, and so contrary to their public faith, that
" they were confident that all Scotland would rise as one
" man for his Majesty's defence and vindication ; and they
" were well assured, there would such a party in England
" of those who were faithful to his Majesty appear at the
" same time, that there would be little question of being
" able, between them, to be hard enough for that part of
14

152 THE HISTORY
BOOK " the army that would oppose them ;" which his Majesty
Xl knew well was resolved by many persons of honour, who
afterwards performed what they had promised.
When the commissioners had, by these insinuations,
gained new credit with the King, and had undertaken, that
their invading England with an army equal to the under*
taking, should be the foundation upon which all other
hopes were to depend, (for no attempt in England could.
be reasonable before such an invasion, which was likewise
to be hastened, that it might be at the same time when
the Marquis of Ormond should appear in Ireland,) they
The com- begun tp propose to him many conditions, which would
of Scot- De necessary for his Majesty to engage himself to perform
land's pri- towards thaf nation ; without which it would not be easy
vate treaty .....
with the to induce it into so unanimous a consent and engagement,
Kmg at as was necessary for SHcn an enterprise. They required,
Court. as a thing without which nothing was to' be undertaken,
ff that the Prince of Wales should be present with them,
." and march in the head of their army; and desired that
." advertisement, and order, might be sent to that purpose
f to the Queen and the Prince at Paris ; that so his High-
." ness might be ready for the voyage, as soon as they
f should be prepared to receive him." The King would
by no means consent that the Prince should go into Scot
land, being too well acquainted with the manners and
fidelity of that party there ; b.ut he was contented, that
when they should have entered England with their army,
then the Prince of Wales should put himself in the head
of them. They demanded, ?'¦ that such a number of Scotch-
'.' men should be always in the Court, of the Bedchamber,
" and all other places about the persons of the King, and
" Prince, and Duke of York : that Berwick and Carlisle
" should be put into the hands of the Scots ;" and some
other concessions with reference to the northern counties;
which trenched so far upon the honour and interest of the
English, that his Majesty utterly refused jto consent to it j
and so the agreement was not concluded when the King
left Hampton Court. But, as soon as he was at the Isle

OF THE REBELLION. 153
of Wight, the Scottish commissioners repaired to him, at BOOK
the same time with those who were sent to him from the x-
Parliament for his royal assent to those four bills spoken
of before; then, in that season of despair, they prevailed
with him to sign the propositions he had formerly refused ; Wliich
and, having great apprehension, from the jealousies they^ae^^s
knew the army had of them, that they should be seized and lie
upon, and searched in their return to London, they made at the
up their precious contract in lead; and buried it in a^.e°f
garden in the Isle of Wight; from whence they easily
found means afterwards to receive it. So constant were
those men to their principles, and so wary to be sure to
be no losers by returning to their allegiance; to which
neither conscience nor honour did invite or dispose them.
So after a stay of some months at London to adjust all
accounts, and receive the remainder of those monies they
had so dearly earned, or so much of it as they had hope
would be paid, they returned to Scotland, with the hatred
and contempt of the army, and the Parliament, that was
then governed by it; but with the veneration of the Pres
byterian party, which still had faith in them, and exceed
ingly depended upon their future negociation ; which was
now incumbent upon them : and, in order thereunto, a
fast intercourse and correspondence was settled, as well
by constant letters, as by frequent emissaries of their
Ctergy, or other persons, whose devotion to their combi
nation was unquestionable.
It can never be enough wondered at that the Scottish
Presbyterians, being a watchful and crafty people, the
principal of whom were as unrestrained by conscience as
any of the officers of the army were, and only intended
their particular advantage and ambition, should yet hope
to carry on their interest by such conditions and limi
tations, as all wise men saw must absolutely ruin and
destroy it. They knew well enough the spirit of their
own people, and that though it would be no hard matter
to draw a numerous army enough together, yet that being
together it would be able to do very little towards any

154 THE HISTORY
BOOK vigorous attempt; and therefore their chief dependence
x- was upon the assistance they should find ready to join with
them in England. It is true, tbey did believe the body of
the Presbyterians in England to be much more consider
able than in truth it was; yet they did, or might haye
known, that the most considerable persons who in the
contest with the other faction were content to be thought
Presbyterians, were so only as they thought it might re
store the King; which they more impatiently desired, than
any alteration in the government of the Church; and that
they did heartily intend a conjunction with all the royal
party, upon whose interest, conduct, and courage, they
did more rely than upon the power of the Scots ; who did
publicly profess that all the King's friends should be most
welcome, and received by them: nor did they trust any
one Presbyterian in England with the knowledge of the
particulars contained in the agreement with the King;
but concealed it between the three persons who transacted
it ; and. if it had been known, Cromwell might as easily
have overrun the country before their army invaded Eng
land, as he did afterwards; nor would one Englishman
have joined with them. Besides the infamous circum
stances by which they extorted concessions from the King,
which would have rendered any contract odious, (it being
made in those four days, which were all that were assigned
both to the English and Scottish commissioners, so that
his Majesty had not only no time to advise with others,
but could not advise with himself upon so many monstrous
particulars as were demanded of him by both kingdoms;
which if he could have done, he would no more then have
submitted to them, than he did afterwards upon long de
liberation, and when his life appeared to be in more mani
fest danger by his refusal,) the particulars themselves were
the most scandalous, and derogatory to the honour and
interest of the English nation ; and would have been abo
minated, if known and understood, by all men, with all
possible indignation.
The sub- After they had made his Majesty give a good testimony
stance of

OF THE REBELLION. 155
of their League and Covenant, in the preface of their BOOK
agreement, and " that the intentions of those who had x-

" entered into it were real for the preservation of his Ma- the treaty
"jesty's person and authority, according to their allegi- 2^dfthe
" ance, and no ways to diminish his just power and great- Dec. 1647.
" ness," they obliged him " as soon as he could, with
" freedom, honour, and safety, be present in a free Parlia-
" ment, to confirm the said League and Covenant by Act
" of Parliament in both kingdoms, for the security of all
" who had taken, or should take it." It is true, they ad
mitted a proviso, " that none who was unwilling, should
" be constrained to take it." They likewise obliged his
Majesty " to confirm by Act of Parliament in England,
"Presbyterian government; tbe Directory for worship;
" and the Assembly of Divines at Westminster, for three
" years ; so that his Majesty, and his household, should
" not be hindered from using that form of divine service
" he had formerly practised; and that during those three
" years there should be a consultation with the Assembly
" of Divines, to which twenty of the King's nomination
" should be added, and some from the Church of Scot-
" land ; and thereupon it should be determined by his
" Majesty, and the two Houses of Parliament, what form
" of government should be established after the expiration
" of those years, as should be most agreeable to the word
" of God : that an effectual course should.be taken by Act
" of Parliament, and all other ways needful or expedient,
" for the suppressing the opinions and practices of Anti-
" Trinitarians, Arians, Socinians, Anti-Scripturists, Ana-
" baptists, Antinomians, Arminians, Familists, Brownists,
" Separatists, Independents, Libertines, and Seekers, and,
" generally, for the suppressing all blasphemy, heresy,
" schism, and all such scandalous doctrines and practices
" as are contrary to the light of nature, and to the known
" principles of Christianity, whether concerning faith,
" worship, or conversation, or the power of godliness, or
" which may be destructive to order and government, or
" to the peace of the church or kingdom." The King

li

li

156 THE HISTORY
BOOK promised, " that in the next session of Parliament, after
x- " the kingdom of Scotland should declare for his Majesty,
" in pursuance of this agreement, he should in person, or
" by commission, confirm the League and Covenant in
" that kingdom ; and concerning all the Acts passed in
"the last Parliament of that kingdom," his Majesty de
clared, " that he should then likewise be content to
" give assurance by Act of Parliament, that neither he,
nor his successors, should quarrel, call in question, or
command the contrary of any of them, nor question any
for giving obedience to the same." Then they made a
long recital of ** the agreement the Parliament of Eng-
" land had made, when the Scots army returned to Scot-
" land, that the army under Fairfax should be disbanded;
" and of that army's submitting thereunto ; of their taking
" the King from Holmby, and keeping him prisoner till
" he fled from them to the Isle of Wight ; and since that
time both his Majesty, and the commissioners for the
kingdom of Scotland, had very earnestly desired that the
King might come to London, in safety, honour, and
" freedom, for a personal treaty with the two Houses and
" the commissioners of the Parliament of Scotland; which,
" they said, had been granted, but that the army had, in
" violent manner, forced away divers members of the Par-
" liament from the discharge of their trust, and possessed
" themselves of the city of London, and all the strengths
" and garrisons of the kingdoms : and that by the strength
" and influence of that army, and their adherents, propo-
" sitions and bills had been sent to the King without the
" advice and consent of the kingdom of Scotland, contrary
" to the treaties which are between the two kingdoms,
" and destructive to religion, his Majesty's just rights, the
" privileges of Parliament, and liberty of the subject;
" from which propositions and bills the Scottish commis-
" sioners had dissented, and protested against, in the name
" of the kingdom of Scotland."
After this preamble and recital, they said, " that foras-
" much as his Majesty is willing to give satisfaction con*

tt
n

OF THE REBELLION. 157
" cerning the settling religion, and other matters in differ- BOOK
" ence, as is expressed in this agreement, the kingdom of x-
" Scotland doth oblige and engage itself, first, in a peace- _
" able way and manner to endeavour that the King may
" come to London in safety, honour, and freedom, for a per-
" sonal treaty with the Houses of Parliament and the com-
" missioners of Scotland, upon such propositions as should
li be mutually agreed on between the kingdoms, and such
" propositions as his Majesty should think fit to make; and
" for this end all armies should be disbanded : and in case
" that this should not be granted, that declarations should
" be emitted by the kingdom of Scotland in pursuance of
*' this agreement, against the unjust proceedings of the two*
" Houses of Parliament towards his Majesty and the king-
" dom of Scotland ; in which they would assert the right
" that belonged to the Crown, in the power of the militia,
" the Great Seal, bestowing of honours and offices of trust,
" choice of the privy counsellors, and the right of the
" King's negative voice in Parliament : and that the
" Queen's Majesty, the Prince, and the rest of the royal
?' issue, ought to remain where his Majesty shall think fit
" in either of his kingdoms, with safety, honour, and
*e freedom : that, upon the issuing out this declaration, an
" army should be sent out of Scotland into England, for
" the preservation and establishment of religion ; for de-
" fence of his Majesty's person and authority, and re-
" storing him to his government, to the just rights of the
" Crown, and his full revenues ; for defence of the pri-
" vileges of Parliament, and liberties of the subject; for
" making a firm union between the kingdoms under his
" Majesty, and his posterity, and settling a lasting peace."
In pursuance whereof, the kingdom of Scotland was to
endeavour " that there might be a free and full Parliament
" in England, and that his Majesty may be with them in
" honour, safety, and freedom ; and that a speedy period
" be set to the present Parliament. And they undertook,
" that the army which they would raise should be upon
" its march, before the message and declaration should be

158 THE HISTORY
BOOK " delivered to the Houses." It was farther agreed, " that
x- " all such in the kingdoms of England and Ireland, as
" would join with the kingdom of Scotland in pursuance
" of this agreement, should be protected by his Majesty
" in their persons and estates; and that all his Majesty's
" subjects in England or Ireland who would join with
" him, in pursuance of this agreement, might come to the
" Scottish army, and join with them, or else put them-
" selves into other bodies in England or Wales, for pro-
" secution of the same ends, as the King's Majesty should
"judge most convenient, and under such commanders, or
" generals of the English nation, as his Majesty should
" think fit : and that all such should be protected by the
" kingdom of Scotland, and their army, in their persons
"and estates; and where any injury or wrong is done
" unto them, they would be careful to see them fully
" repaired, as far as it should be in their power to do ; and
" likewise when any injury or wrong is done to those who
"join with the kingdom of Scotland, his Majesty shall be
" careful of their full reparation."
They obliged his Majesty to promise " that neither him-
" self, nor any by his authority or knowledge, should
" make or admit of any cessation, pacification, or agree-
" ment whatsoever for peace, nor of any treaty, propo-
" sitions, bills, or any other ways foT that end, with the
" Houses of Parliament, or any army or party in England,
" or Ireland, without the advice and consent of the kihg-
" dom of Scotland ; and, reciprocally, that neither the
" kingdom of Scotland, nor any having their authority,
" should make or admit of any of these any manner of
" way, with any whatsoever, without his Majesty's advice
" or consent : and that, upon the settlement of a peace,
" there should be an act of oblivion to be agreed on by
. " his Majesty, and both his Parliaments of both kingdoms ;
" that his Majesty, the Prince, or both, should come into
" Scotland upon the invitation of that kingdom, and their
" declaration, that they should be in honour, freedom, and
" safety, when possibly they could come with safety and

OF THE REBELLION. 159
"convenience; and that the King should contribute his BOOK
" utmost endeavour, both at home and abroad, for assist- x-
" ing the kingdom of Scotland for carrying on this war
" by sea and land, and for their supplies by monies, arms,
" ammunition, and all other things requisite, as also for
" guarding the coasts of Scotland with ships, and protect-
" ing all their merchants in the free exercise of their trade
" and commerce with other nations ; and likewise that
" his Majesty was willing, and did authorize the Scottish
" army to possess themselves of Berwick, Carlisle, New-
" castle upon Tyne, with the castle of Tinmouth, and the
" town of Hartlepool : those places to be for retreat, and
" magazines ; and that, when the peace of the kingdom
" should be settled, the kingdom of Scotland should re-
" move their forces, and deliver back again those towns
" and castles."
And as if all this had not been recompence enough for
the wonderful service they were like to perform, they
obliged the King to promise, and undertake to pay, the
remainder of that brotherly assistance which was yet un
paid upon the large treaty after their first invasion of Eng
land, and likewise two hundred thousand pounds, which
remained still due upon the last treaty made with the
Houses of Parliament for return of tbe Scottish army,
when they had delivered up the King ; and also, " that
"payment should be made to the kingdom of Scotland,
" for the charge and expence of their army in this future
" war, with due recompence for the losses which they
"should sustain therein; and that due satisfaction, ac-
" cording to the treaty on that behalf betwixt the two
" kingdoms, should be made to the Scottish army in Ire-
" land, out of the lands of the kingdom, or otherwise :
" and that the King, according to the intention of his
" father, should endeavour a complete union of the two
" kingdoms, so as they may be one under his Majesty,
" and his posterity ; or if that cannot speedily be effected,
"that all liberties and privileges, concerning commerce,
" traffic, manufactures, peculiar to the subjects of either

160 THE HISTORY
BOOK " nation, shall be common to the subjects of both king-
x; " doms without distinction ; and that there be a commu-
" nication, and mutual capacity, of all other liberties of
" the subjects in the two kingdoms : that a competent
" number of ships should be yearly assigned, and appointed
" out of his Majesty's navy, which should attend the
" coasts of Scotland, for a guard, and freedom of trade of
"that nation; ahd that his Majesty should declare that
" his successors, as well as himself, are obliged to the per-
" formance of the articles and conditions Of this agree-
" ment; but that his Majesty shall not be obliged to the
" performance of the aforesaid artidles, until the kingdom
" of Scotland shall declare for him in pursuance of this
" agreement ; and that the whole articles and conditions
" aforesaid shall be finished, perfected, and performed,
" before the return of the Scottish army ; and that when
" they return into Scotland, at the same time, simul et se-
" mel, all armies should be disbanded in England." And
for a compliment, and to give a relish to all the rest, the
King engaged himself " to employ those of the Scottish
" nation equally with the. English in all foreign employ-
" ments, and negociations ; and that a third part of all
" the offices and places about the King, Queen, and Prince,
" should be conferred upon some persons of that nation ;
" and that the King and Prince, or one of them, will fre-
" quently reside in Scotland, that the subjects of that
" kingdom may be known to them." This treaty and
agreement being thus presented to the King by the Scot
tish commissioners in the castle of Carisbrook, his Ma
jesty was prevailed with to sign the same the 26tb day of
December, 1647 ', and to oblige himself, " in the word of
" a King, to perform his part of the said articles;" and
the Earl of Lowden, Chancellor of Scotland, and the Earl
of Lautherdale, and the Earl of Lanrick, being entrusted
as commissioners from that kingdom, signed it likewise at
the same time ; and engaged themselves " upon their
" honour, faith, and conscience, and all that is dear to
" honest men, to endeavour to the utmost of their power,

OF THE REBELLION. 161
" that the kingdom of Scotland should engage to perform BOOK
" what was on its part to be performed ; which they were x-
" confident the kingdom of Scotland would do, and they
" themselves would hazard their lives and fortunes in pur-
" suance thereof."
No man who reads this treaty (which very few men
have ever done) can wonder that such an engagement met
with the fate that attended it; which contained so many
monstrous concessions, that, except the whole kingdom of
England had been likewise imprisoned in Carisbrook castle
with the King, it could not be imagined that it was pos
sible to be performed; and the three persons who were
parties to it were too wise to believe that it could be punc
tually observed; which they used as the best argument,
and which only prevailed with the King, " that the treaty
" was only made to enable them to engage the kingdom of
" Scotland to raise an army, and to unite it in his Ma-
" jesty's service ; which less than those concessions would
" never induce them to do ; but when that army should be
"entered into England, and so many other armies should
" be on foot of his English subjects for the vindication of
" his interest, there would be nobody to exact all those
" particulars ; but every body would submit to what his
" Majesty should think fit to be done ;" which, though it
had been urged more than once before to induce the King
to consent to other inconveniences, which they would
never after release to him, did prevail with him at this
time. And, to confirm him in the belief of it, they were
contented that it should be inserted under the same treaty,
as it was, "that his Majesty did declare, that by the clause
" of confirming Presbyterian government by act of Parlia-
" ment, he is neither obliged to desire the settling Presby-
" terian government, nor to present any bills to that
" effect; and that he likewise understands that no person
" whatsoever shall suffer in his estate, nor undergo any
" corporal punishment, for not submitting to Presbyterian
"government; his Majesty understanding that this in-
" demnity should not extend to those who are mentioned
vol. in. p. 1. M

162 THE HISTORY
BOOK " in the article against toleration :" and to this the three
_ earls likewise subscribed their hands, " as witnesses only,
" as they said, that his Majesty had made that declaration
" in their presence, not as assenters ;" so wary they were
of administering jealousy to their masters, or of being
thought to be less rigid in so fundamental a point, as they
knew that would be thought to be.
TheAu- There was a wonderful difference, throughout their
judgment whole proceedings, between the heads of those who were
of thedif- thought to sway the Presbyterian counsels, and those who
duct of the governed the Independents, though they were equally
two par- masters of dissimulation, and had equally malice and wick-
11CS, tllv ¦ • «
Independ- edness in their intentions, though not of the same kind,
lish anlthe ano- were equally unrestrained by any scruples or motions
Presby- of conscience, the Independents always doing that, which,
Scots. h°w iii an(l unjustifiable soever, contributed still to the
end they aimed at, and to the conclusion they meant to
bring to pass; whereas the Presbyterians, for the most
part, did somewhat that reasonably must destroy their own
end, and cross that which they first and principally de
signed; and there were two reasons that might naturally
produce this ill success to the latter, at least hindered the
even progress and current which favoured the other. First,
their councils were most distracted and divided, being
made up of many men, whose humours and natures must
be observed, and complied with, and whose concurrence
was necessary to the carrying on the same designs, though
their inclinations did not concur in them; whereas the
other party was entirely led and governed by two or three,
to whom they resigned, implicitly, the conduct of their in
terest; who advanced, when they saw it seasonable, and
stood still, or retired, or even declined the way they best
liked, when they saw any inconvenient jealousy awakened
by the progress they had made.
In the second place, the Presbyterians, by whom I mean
the Scots, formed all their counsels by the inclinations and
affections of the people; and first considered how they
might corrupt and seduce, and dispose them to second

OF THE REBELLION. 153
their purposes $ and how far they might depend upon their BOOK
concurrence and assistance, before they resolved to make x-
any attempt; and this made them in such a degree submit ~~
to their senseless and wretched Clergy ; whose infectious
breath corrupted and governed the people, and whose au
thority was prevalent upon their own wives, and in their
domestic affairs; and yet they never communicated to
them more than the outside of their designs : whereas, on
the other side, Cromwell, and the few others with whom
he consulted, first considered what was absolutely neces
sary to their main and determined end ; and then, whether
it were right or wrong, to make all other means subservient
to it; to cozen and deceive men, as long as they could in
duce them to contribute to what they desired, upon mo
tives how foreign soever; and when they would keep com
pany with them no longer, or farther serve their purposes,
to compel them by ¦force to submit to what they should
not be able to oppose ; and so the one resolved, only to do
what they believed the people would like and approve;
and the other, that the people should like and approve
what they had resolved. And this difference in the mea
sures they took, was the true cause of so different success
in all they undertook. Machiavel, in this, was in the
right, though he got an ill name by it with those who take
what he says from the report of other men, or do not
enough consider themselves what he says, and his method
in speaking : (he was as great an enemy to tyranny and in
justice in any government, as any man then was, or now
is ; and says,) " that a man were better be a dog than be
" subject to those passions and appetites, which possess
" all unjust, and ambitious, and tyrannical persons;" but
he confesses, " that they who are so transported, and have
" entertained such wicked designs as are void of all con-
" science, must not think to prosecute them by the rules
" of conscience, which was laid aside, or subdued, before
" they entered upon them ; they must make no scruple of
" doing all those impious things which are necessary to
" compass and support the impiety to which they have de~
M 2

164 THE HISTORY
BOOK "voted themselves;" and therefore he commends Caesar
x- Borgia for " not being startled with breach of faith, per-
""" juries, and murders, for the removal of those men who
" he was sure would cross and enervate the whole enter-*
" prise he had resolved, and addicted himself to ; and
" blames those usurpers, who had made themselves ty-
" rants, for hoping to support a government by justice,
" which they had assumed unjustly, and which having
" wickedly attempted, they manifestly lost by not being
" wicked enough." The common old adage, " that1 he
" who hath drawn his sword against his Prince, ought to
" throw away the scabbard, never to think of sheathing it
" again," will still hold good ; and they who enter upon
unwarrantable enterprises, must pursue many unwarrant
able ways to preserve themselves from the penalty of the
first guilt.
Cromwell, though the greatest dissembler living, always
made his hypocrisy of singular use and benefit to him;
and never did any thing, how ungracious or imprudent so
ever it seemed to be, but what was necessary to the de
sign; even his roughness and unpolishedness, which, in
the beginning of the Parliament, he affected contrary to
the smoothness and complacency, which his cousin, and
bosom friend, Mr. Hambden, practised towards all men,
was necessary ; and his first public declaration, in the be
ginning of the war, to his troop when it was first mus
tered, " that he would not deceive or cozen them by the
" perplexed and involved expressions in his commission,
" to fight for King and Parliament ;" and therefore told
them, " that if the King chanced to be in the body of the
" enemy that he was to charge, he would as soon dis-
" charge his pistol upon him, as any other private person ;
" and if their conscience would not permit them to do the
" like, he advised them not to list themselves in his troop,
" or under his command ;" which was generally looked
upon as imprudent and malicious, and might, by the pro
fessions the Parliament then made, have proved dangerous
to him ; yet served his turn, and severed from others, and

OF THE REBELLION. 165
united among themselves, all the furious and incensed BOOK
men against the government, whether ecclesiastical or x-
civil, to look upon him as a man for their turn, upon
whom they might depend, as one who would go through
his work that he undertook. And his strict and unsociable
humour in not keeping company with the other officers of
the arrny in their jollities and excesses, to which most of
the superior officers under the Earl of Essex were inclined,
and by which he often made himself ridiculous or con
temptible, drew all those of the like sour or reserved na
tures to his society and conversation, and gave him oppor
tunity to form their understandings, inclinations, and re
solutions, to his own model. By this he grew to have a
wonderful interest in the common soldiers, out of which,
as his authority increased, he made all his officers, well in
structed how to live in the same manner with their sol
diers, that they might be able to apply them to their own
purposes : whilst he looked upon the Presbyterian humour
as the best incentive to rebellion, no man more a Presby
terian ; he sung all psalms with them to their tunes, and
loved the longest sermons as much as they; but when he
discovered that they would prescribe some limits and
bounds to their rebellion, that it was not well breathed,
arid would expire as soon as some few particulars were
granted to them in religion, which he cared not for; and
then that the government must run still in the same
channel; it concerned him to make it believed " that the
" State had been more delinquent than the Church, and
" that the people suffered more by the civil than by the
"ecclesiastical power; and therefore that the change of
" one would give them little ease, if there were not as
" great an alteration in the other, and if the whole govern-
"ment in both were not reformed and altered;" which
though it made him generally odious at first, and irrecon-
ciled many of his old friends to him ; yet it made those
who remained more cordial and firm: he could better
compute his own strength, and upon whom he might de
pend. This discovery made him contrive the new model
m3

166 THE HISTORY
BOOK of the army ; which was the most unpopular act, and dis-
x- obliged all those who first contrived the rebellion, and who
were the very soul of it ; and yet, if he had not brought
that to pass, and changed a general, who, though not very
sharp-sighted, would never be governed, nor applied to
any thing he did not like, for another who had no eyes, and
so would be willing to be led, all his designs must have
come to nothing, and he remained a private colonel of
horse, not considerable enough to be in any figure upon
an advantageous composition.
After all the successes of his new model, he saw his army
was balanced by that of the Scots, who took themselves to
have equal merit with the other, and was thought to have
contributed no less towards the suppression of the King,
than that under Fairfax had done ; and after all the vic
tories, and reduction of the King to that lowness, desired
still a composition, and to submit again to the subjection
of the King: nor was it yet time for him to own or com
municate his resolution to the contrary, lest even many of
those who wished the extirpation of monarchy, might be
startled at the difficulty of the enterprise, and with the
power that was like to oppose them. He was therefore
first to incense the people against the Scottish nation, " as
<( being a mercenary aid, entertained at a vast charge to
" the kingdom, that was only to be paid their wages, and
" to be dismissed, without having the honour to judge
" with them upon what conditions the King should be re-
" ceived, and restored; the accomplishing whereof ought
" to be the particular glory of the Parliament without a
" rival, and that the King might owe the benefit wholly to
"them." And this was as popular an argument as he
could embark himself in, the whole kingdom in general
having at that time a great detestation of the Scots ; and
they who most desired the King's restoration wished that
he mightjhave as little obligation to them as was possible,
and that they might have as little credit afterwards with
him. With this universal applause, he compelled the
Scottish army to depart the kingdom, with that circum-

OF THE REBELLION. 167
stance as must ever after render them odious and infa- BOOK
mous. There now seemed nothing more dangerous and x-
destructive to the power and interest of the English army, ~
in so general a discontent throughout the kingdom, than
a division, and mutiny within itself; that the common
soldiers should erect an authority distinct from their offi
cers, by which they would choose to govern against their
superior commanders, at least without them, and to fancy
that they had an interest of their own severed from theirs,
for the preservation whereof they were to trust none but
themselves; which had scarce ever been heard of before in
any army, and was looked upon as a presage of the ruin of
the whole, and of those who had adhered to them ; yet, if
he had not raised this seditious spirit in the army, he could
not have prevented the disbanding some part of it, and
sending another part of it into Ireland, before the Scots
left Newcastle ; nor have been able to have taken the King
from Holmby into the hands of the army, after the Scots
were gone. And after all his hypocrisy towards the King
and his party, by which he prevented many inconveniences
which might have befallen him, he could never haye been
rid of him again so unreproachfully, as by his changing his
own countenance, and giving cause to the King to suspect
the safety of his person, and thereupon to make his escape
from the army; by which his Majesty quickly became a
prisoner, and so was deprived of any resort, from whence
many mischiefs might have proceeded to have disturbed
his counsels. How constantly he pursued this method in
his subsequent actions, will be observed in its place.
Contrary to this the Presbyterian Scots proceeded, in all
their actions after their first invasion in the year 1640, and
always interwove some conditions in their counsels and
transactions, which did not only prove, but, in the instant,
might have been discerned to be, diametrically opposite to
their public interest, and to their particular designs. It is
very true, that their first invasion, saving their breach of
allegiance, might have some excuse from their interest.
They were a poor people, and though many particular men
M 4

168 THE HISTORY
BOOK of that nation had received great bounties, and were ex-
x- ceedingly enriched in the Court of England by King James
and the present King, yet those particular men, who had
been and then were in the Court, were, for the most part,
persons of little interest in Scotland; nor was that king
dom at all enriched by the conjunction with this; and
they thought themselves exposed to some late pressures,
which were new to them, and which their preachers told
them " were against conscience, and an invasion of their
" religion ;" from which they had vindicated themselves so
rudely and unwarrantably, that they might well expect to
be called to an account hereafter, if those persons, whom
they had most provoked, retained their interest still with
the King, and in his councils ; from whom they were pro
mised to be secured, and to be well paid for their pains, if
they would, by marching into England with an army, give
their friends their countenance to own their own griev
ances, and so to procure relief and security for both king
doms. In this enterprise, the success crowned their work;
they were thought a wise and a resolute nation ; and after
an unbloody war of above a year, they returned into their
country laden with spoils and great riches ; and were libe
rally rewarded, as well for going out, as for coming into
England. But from their return from this expedition,
their whole true interest consisted in, and depended upon,
an entire adhering to the King, and vindicating his honour
and interest from all assaults; and their being suborned
afterwards (when the King was in a hopeful way to have
reduced his English rebels to their obedience, by the
strength and power of his arms) to make a second invasion
of the kingdom, was a weak and childish engagement, di
rectly opposite to their interest, except they had at the
same time a resolution to have changed their own govern
ment, and for ever to have renounced subjection to mo
narchy, (which was never in their purpose to do,) or to
withdraw it from the present King. Again, when his Ma
jesty had trusted them so far (which they had never reason
to expect) as to put his royal person into their hands, and

OF THE REBELLION. 169
thereby given them an opportunity to redeem themselves BOOK
in the eyes of the world, and to undo some part of the mis- x-
chief they had done, it was surely their interest to have
joined cordially with him, and firmly to have united them
selves to his party in vindication of the law, and the go
vernment established; and if they had not had the cou
rage at that time to have looked the English army in the
face, as apparently they had not, it had been their interest
to have retired with the King in the head of their army
Into Scotland; and, leaving good garrisons in Newcastle,
Berwick, and Carlisle, all which were in their possession,
to have expected a revolution in England from the divi
sions amongst themselves, and from some conjunction
with a strong body of the King's English party, which
would quickly have found themselves together; but the
delivery of the King up, besides the infamy of it, was, in
view, destructive to all that could be thought their in
terest. After all this, when they found themselves cozened and
deceived in all the measures they had taken, and laughed
at and despised by those who had deceived them, to have
a new opportunity to serve the King, and then to insist
upon such conditions as must make it impossible for them
to serve him effectually, was such a degree of weakness,
and a depraved understanding, that they can never be
looked upon as men who knew what their interest was, or
what was necessary to advance their own designs. And
yet we shall be obliged to observe how incorrigibly they
adhered to this obstinate and froward method, in all the
transactions they afterwards had with the King ; all which
turned, as it could not but do, to their own ruin, and the
destruction of that idol they adored, and paid their de
votion to. But it is time to return to our discourse, from
whence this tedious digression hath misled us.
All designs and negociations, abroad and at home, being The King's
in this state and condition, the King remained under a £°jjj.ti£je
strict and disconsolate imprisonment, no man being suf- of Wight at
fered to speak with him, and all diligence used to intercept

170 THE HISTORY
BOOK all letters which might pass to or from him; yet he found
x- means sometimes, by the affection and fidelity of some in
habitants of the island, to receive important advertisements
from his friends ; and to write to and receive letters from
the Queen ; and so he informed her of the Scottish trans
action, and of all the other hopes he had ; and seemed to
have some ease ; and looked upon it as a good omen, that
in that desperate lowness of his fortune, and notwithstand
ing all the care that was taken that none should be about
him but men of inhuman tempers and natures, void of all
reverence towards God and man, his Majesty's gracious
disposition and generous affability still wrought upon some
soldier, or other person placed about him, to undertake
and perform some offices of trust, in conveying papers to
and from him. So great a force and influence had natural
duty ; or some desperate men had so much craft, and fore
cast, to lay out a little application that might bring advan
tage to them in such a change as they neither looked for,
nor desired. But -many, who did undertake to perform
those offices, did not make good what they promisedj;
which made it. plain, they were permitted to get credit,
that they might the more usefully betray.
The pre- in the Parliament, there was no opposition or contra-
sent con- ; Ir
dition of diction in any thing relating to the public ; but in all those
transactions which concerned particular persons, with re
ference to rewards, preferments, or matter of profit, men
were considered according to the party they were of; every
day those received benefit who had appeared most to ad
here to the army; the notorious Presbyterians were re
moved from places of profit and authority, which vexed
them, and well prepared and disposed them to be ready for
revenge. But the pulpit-skirmishes were higher than ever;
the Presbyterians, in those fields, losing nothing of their
courage, having a notorious power in the city, notwith
standing the emulation of the Independents, who were
more learned and rational : who, though they had not so
great congregations of the common people, yet infected,
and were followed by, the most substantial and wealthy

the Parlia
ment.

OF THE REBELLION. 171
citizens, and by others of better condition. To these men BOOK
Cromwell and most of the officers of the army adhered, x-
with bitterness against the other. But the divinity of the
time was not to be judged by the preaching, and congrega
tions in churches, which were now thought not to be the
fit and proper places for devotion and religious assemblies,
where the Bishops had exercised such illimited tyranny,
and which had been polluted by their original consecra
tions. Liberty of conscience was now become the great
charter ; and men who were inspired, preached and prayed
when and where they would. Cromwell himself was the
greatest preacher; and most of the officers of the army,
and many common soldiers, shewed their gifts that way.
Anabaptists grew very numerous, with whom the Inde
pendents concurred so far as to join with them for the
utter abolishing of tythes, as of Judaical institution ; which
was now the patrimony of the Presbyterians, and therefore
prosecuted by one party, and defended by the other, with
equal passion and animosity. If any honest man could
have been at so much ease as to have beheld the prospect
with delight, never was such a scene of confusion, as at
this time had spread itself over the face of the whole king
dom. During all this time, the Prince remained at Paris under The
the government of his mother, exercised with that strict- P™^la
ness, that though his Highness was above the age of at Paris.
seventeen years, it was not desired that he should meddle
in any business, or be sensible of the unhappy condition
the royal family was in. The assignation which was made
by the Court of France for the better support of the
Prince, was annexed to the monthly allowance given to the
Queen, and received by her, and distributed as she thought
fit; such clothes and other necessaries provided for his
Highness as were thought convenient; her Majesty desir
ing to have it thought that the Prince lived entirely upon
her, and that it would not consist with the dignity of the
Prince of Wales to be a pensioner to the King of France.
Hereby none of his Highness's servants had any pretence

172 THE HISTORY
BOOK to ask money, but they were to be contented with what
x- should be allowed to them ; which was dispensed with a
""very sparing hand; nor was the Prince himself ever master
of ten pistoles to dispose as he desired. The Lord Jermyn
was the Queen's chief officer, and governed all her re
ceipts, and he loved plenty so well, that he would not be
Without it, whatever others suffered. All who had any
relation to the Prince, were to implore his aid ; and the
Prince himself could obtain nothing but by him; which
made most persons of honour of the English nation who
were driven into banishment, as many of the nobility and
chief gentry of the kingdom then were, choOse rather to
make their residence in any other place, as Caen, Rouen,
and the like, than in Paris, where the Prince was, and
could do so little : nor was this economy well liked even in
France, nor the Prince himself so much respected as he
would have been if he had lived more like himself, and ap
peared more concerned in his own business.
When the Marquis of Ormond came thither, he was re
ceived very graciously by the Queen, and consulted with in
all things, being the person most depended upon to begin
to give a turn to their fortune, recommended to them by
the King, and of the most universal reputation of any
subject the King had. He pressed a speedy dispatch,
that he might pursue his designs in Ireland; where he
longed to be, whilst the affairs of that kingdom were no
more taken to heart by the Parliament, who had yet sent
no supplies thither. He informed the Queen, and the
Lord Jermyn, of the necessity of hastening that work,
which they understood well enough by the Irish commis
sioners ; who had been there, and had been sent back with
a million of promises, a coin that Court always abounded
with, and made most of its payments in.
When the Queen, who was as zealous for the dispatch
as was possible, pressed the Queen Regent, and the Car
dinal, upon it, she received in words all the satisfaction
imaginable, and assurance that all things should be speedily
provided ; and when the Marquis spoke first with the Car-

OF THE REBELLION. 173
dinal upon the subject, he found him well disposed; mak- BOOK
ing such ample promises for a very good sum of money, x-
and such a proportion of arms and ammunition, as could
be wished. So that he thought he had no more to do, but
to appoint the place for his embarkation, that those pro
visions might be sent thither to meet him ; and that he
should be ready to transport himself within a very short
time ; of which he gave notice to those who expected him
in" Ireland, and prepared all his own accommodations ac
cordingly. But he was very much disappointed in his ex
pectation ; the Cardinal was not so confident of the re
covery of the King's affairs as to disoblige the Parliament
by contributing towards it : so that affair advanced very
slowly. Having now, contrary to the order formerly observed by
me, crowded in all the particular passages and important
transactions of two whole years into this book, that I
might not interrupt or discontinue the relation of the
mysterious proceedings of the army, their great hypocrisy,
and dissimulation, practised towards the King and his
party, and then their pulling off their mask, and appearing
in their natural dress of inhumanity and savageness, with
the vile artifices of the Scottish commissioners to draw the
King into their hands, and then their low and base com
pliance, and gross folly, in delivering him up, and lastly
their absurd and merchandly trafficking with him for the
price of returning to their allegiance, when there was no
other way of preserving themselves, and their nation from
being destroyed, the many woful tragedies of the next
year, which filled the world with amazement and horror,
must be the subject of the discourse in the next book.

THE END OF THE TENTH BOOK.

THE
HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION, &c.

BOOK XI.

Deut. xxix. 24.
Even all nations shall say, Wherefore hath the Lord done
unto this land ? what meaneth the heat of this great anger ?
Lam. ii. 7.
The Lord hath cast off his altar; he hath abhorred his sanctuary;
he hath given up into the hand of the enemy the walls of his
. palaces; they have made a noise in ttie house of the Lord as in.
the day of a solemn feast.

IF a universal discontent and murmuring of the three BOOK
nations, and almost as general a detestation both of Par

liament and army, and a most prssionate desire that all xhe temper
their follies and madness might be forgotten in restoring °f*enf:
the King to all they had taken from him, and in settling time.
that blessed government they had deprived themselves of,
could have contributed to his Majesty's recovery, never
people were better disposed to erect and repair again
the building they had so maliciously thrown and pulled
down. In England there was a general discontent a-
mongst all sorts of men ; many officers and soldiers who
had served the Parliament from the beginning of the war,

176 THE HISTORY
BOOK and given too great testimonies of their courage and
XL fidelity to their party, and had been disbanded upon the
new model, looked upon the present army with hatred, as
those who reaped the harvest and reward of their labours,
and spake of them and against them in all places accord
ingly: the nobility and gentry who had advanced the
credit and reputation of the Parliament by concurring
with it against the King, found themselves totally neglect
ed, and the most inferior people preferred to all places of
trust and profit : the Presbyterian ministers talked very
loud; their party appeared to be very numerous, and the
expectation of an attempt from Scotland, and the impor
tunity and elamour from Ireland, for supplies of men and
money against the Irish, who grew powerful, raised the
courage of all discontented persons to meet and confer
together, and all to inveigh against the army, and the offi-
The aifairs cers who corrupted it. The Parliament bore no reproach
during"1 s0 concernedly, as that of " the want of supplies to Ire-
the Lord « land, and that, having so great an army without an
being there. " enemy, they would not spare any part of it to preserve
" that kingdom." This argument made a new warmth in
the House of Commons, they who had been silent, and
given over insisting upon the insolence and presumption
of the army, which had prevailed, and crushed them, took
now new spirit, and pressed the relief of Ireland with great
earnestness, and in order thereunto made great inquisition
into, the expences of the money, and how such vast sums
received had been disbursed ; which was a large field, and
led them to many menhs doors upon whom they were will
ing to be revenged.
There was a design this way to get the Presbyterians
again into power, and that they might get the command
of an army for the subduing the rebels in Ireland. Crom
well had, for the quieting the clamours from thence, got
the Lord Lisle, eldest son to the Earl of Leicester, to be
sent under the title of Lord Lieutenant of that kingdom
thither, with a commission for a limited time. He had
landed ih Munster, either out of the jealousy they had of

OF THE REBELLION. 177
the Lord Inchiquin, or because the best part of their army BOOK
of English were under his command in that province. X1,
But that expedition gave the English no relief, nor weak
ened the power or strength of the Irish, but rather in
creased their reputation by the faction and bitterness that
was between the Lieutenant and the President, who writ
letters of complaint one against the other to the Parlia
ment, where they had both their parties which adhered to
them. So that, the time of his commission being expired,
and the contrary party not suffering it to be renewed, tbe
Lord Lisle returned again into England, leaving the Lord
Inchiquin, whom he meant to have destroyed, in the en
tire possession of the command, and in greater reputation
than he was before. And, in truth, he had preserved both
with wonderful dexterity, expecting every day the arrival
of the Marquis of Ormond, and every day informing the
Parliament of the ill condition he was in, and pressing for
a supply of men and money, when he knew they would
send neither.
Upon the return of the Lord Lisle the Presbyterians Waller no-
renewed their design, and caused Sir William Waller to General
be named for Deputy or Lieutenant of Ireland, the rather there> but
. • • opposed by
(over and above his merit, and the experience they hadcromweiij
had of his service) because he could quickly draw together who P™-
those officers and soldiers which had served under him, bert.
and were now disbanded, and would willingly again engage
under their old General. At the first, Cromwell did not
oppose this motion, but consented to it, being very willing
to be rid both of Waller, and all the officers who were
willing to go with him, who he knew were not his friends,
and watched an opportunity to be even with hint. But
when he saw Waller insist upon great supplies to Garry
with him, as he had reason to do, and when he considered
of what consequence it might be to him and all his designs,
if a well formed and disciplined army should be Under tbe
power of Waller, and such officers, be changed his mind-;
and first set his instruments to cross such a supply of men
and money, as he had proposed ; " the one, as more than
vol. 111. p. 1. N

178 THE HISTORY
BOOK " necessary for the service; and the other, as more than
x^' " they could spare from their other occasions :" and when
this check was put to Waller's engagement, he caused
Lambert to be proposed for that expedition, a man who
was then fast to the same interest he embraced, and who
had gotten a great name in the army. He formalized- so
long upon this, that Ireland remained still unsupplied,
and their affairs there seemed to be in a very ill con
dition. The Scots made so much noise of their purposes, even
before their commissioners left London, and gave such
constant advertisements of the impatience of their country
men to be in arms for the King, though they made no
haste in providing for such an expedition, that both the
Presbyterians, who were their chief correspondents, and
the royal party, bethought themselves how they might be
ready; the one, that they might redeem themselves from
their former guilt, and the other, that they might not only
have a good part in freeing the King from his imprison
ment, but be able to preserve him in liberty from any Pres
byterian impositions, which they still apprehended the
Scots might endeavour to oppose, though they had no
suspicion of the engagement lately mentioned at the Isle
of Wight.
The Earl The Earl of Holland, who had done twice very notori-
of Holland ous]y amiss, and had been, since his return from Oxford,
prepares to J ' , ' , '
rise with notably despised by all persons of credit in the Parliament
ofB^cks6 anQl the army, had a mind to redeem his former faults by
and others, a new and thorough engagement. He had much credit
by descent and by alliance with the Presbyterian party,
and was privy to the undertakings of Scotland, and had
constant intelligence of the advance that was made there.
His brother, the Earl of Warwick, had undergone some
mortification with the rest, and had not that authority in
the naval affairs as he had used to have, though he was
the High Admiral of England by Ordinance of Parliament,
and had done them extraordinary services. He did not
restrain or endeavour to suppress the Earl of Holland's

OF THE REBELLION. 179
discontents, but inflamed them, and promised to join with BOOK
him, as many others of that gang of men did; resolving XI-
that the Scots should not do all that work, but that they
would have a share in the merit. The Duke of Bucking
ham, and his brother, the Lord Francis Villiers, were
newly returned from travel, and though both very young,
were strong and active men, and being, in respect of their
infancy, unengaged in the late war, and so unhurt by it,
and coming now to the possession of large estates, which
they thought they were obliged to venture for the Crown
upon the first opportunity, they fell easily into the friend
ship of the Earl of Holland, and were ready to embark
themselves in his adventure. The Earl had made tender
of his resolutions to his old mistress the Queen at Paris,
who was always disposed to trust him, and the Lord Jer
myn and he renewed their former friendship, the warmth
whereof had never been extinguished.
So a commission was sent from the Prince to the Earl
to be General of an army, that was to be raised for the
redemption of the King from prison, and to restore the
Parliament to its freedom. The Earl of Peterborough,
and John Mordaunt his brother, the family of the Earl of
Northampton, and all the officers who had served the
King in the war, with which the city of London and all
parts of the kingdom abounded, applied themselves to the
Earl of Holland, and received commissions from him for
several commands.
This engagement was so well known, and so generally
spoken of, that they concluded that tbe Parliament durst
not take notice of it, or wished well to it. And there
is no question, never undertaking of that nature was
carried on with so little reservation ; there was scarce a
county in England, in which there was not some associa
tion entered into to appear in arms for the King. They
who had the principal command in Wales under the Par
liament, sent to Paris to declare, " that, if they might
" have supply of arms and ammunition, and a reasonable
" sum for the payment of their garrisons, they would de-
N 2

180 THE HISTORY
BOOK " clare for the King, having the chief places of those parts
XJ- " in their custody." The. Lord Jermyn encouraged all
those overtures with most positive undertaking, that they
should be supplied with -all they expected, within so many
days after they should declare ; which they depended upon,
and he, according to his custom, never thought of after;
by which the service miscarried, and many gallant men
were lost.
Cromwell, to whom all these machinations were known,
chose rather to run the hazard of all that such a loose
combination could produce, than, by seizing upon persons,
to engage tbe Parliament in examinations, and in parties;
the inconvenience whereof he apprehended more; finding
already that the Presbyterian party had so great an influ
ence upon the General, that he declared to him, " he
" would not march against the Scots," whom he had a
good mind to have visited before their counsels and reso
lutions were formed ; and Cromwell had reason to believe,
that Fairfax would be firm to the same mind, even after
they should have invaded the kingdom.
The Scots' All things being in this forwardness in England^ it is
tionsfbr ^ *° in(lmre now *ne Scots complied with their obliga-
an expedi- tions, and what expedition they used in raising their army.
England^ After the commissioners' return from London, upon the
King's being made prisoner in the Isle of Wight, it was
long before the Marquis of Argyle could be prevailed with
to consent that a Parliament should be called. He had
made a fast friendship with Cromwell and Vane; and
knew that in this new stipulation with the King, the
Hamiltonian faction was the great undertaker, and meant
to have all the honour of whatsoever should follow. And
yet the Duke upon his return to Scotland lived at first
very privately at his own house; seldom went abroad to
any meeting; and to those who came to him, and to
whom that resolution would be grateful, he used to speak
darkly, and as a man that thought more of revenge upon
those who had imprisoned him, than of assisting the Crown
to recover the authority it had lost. Argyle, whose power

OF THE REBELLION. 181
was over that violent party of the Clergy which would not BOOK
depart from the most rigid clause in the Covenant, and XI-
were without any reverence for the King or his govern--
ment, discerned that he should never be able to hinder the
calling of a Parliament, which the people generally called
for, and that he should sooner obtain his end by puzzling
their proceedings, and obstructing their determinations,
after they should be assembled, than by obstinately op
posing their coming together. So summons were issued
for the convention of a Parliament; and they who ap
peared most concerned for the King, and to set him at
liberty from his imprisonment, (which was all they pre
tended,) were the Earl of Lanrick, brother to Duke Ha
milton, and then restored to his office of Secretary of Scot
land, who had been imprisoned at Oxford, and made his
escape from thence; and the Earl of Lautherdale, who
had been with the forwardest from the beginning of the
rebellion, when he was scarce of age, and prosecuted it to
the end with most eminent fierceness and animosity.
They were both men of great parts and industry, though Thecharac-
they loved pleasures too ; both proud and ambitious ; the rick^nd*"1"
former, much the civiller and better bred, of the better Lauther-
nature, and better judgment, and an openness and clear
ness more to be trusted and relied upon than most men of
that party : the latter, insolent, imperious, flattering, and
dissembling, fitter for intrigues and contrivances by the
want of the ingenuity which the other had, and by the
experience and practice he had in the committee of both
kingdoms in their darkest designs. The former was a
man of honour and courage ; the latter had courage enough
not to fail where it was absolutely necessary, and no im
pediment of honour to restrain him from doing any thing
that might gratify any of his passions.
These two were the chief managers and contrivers to
carry on this affair; for though the Chancellor, the Earl
of Lowden, had been a commissioner in England, and as
privy to the treaty with the King, and had made as many
professions and protestations of duty to him as they, and
n3

182 THE HISTORY
BOOK indeed was willing to perform them, yet he was so ob-
noxious for his loose and vicious life, which was notorious,
that he durst not provoke Argyle or the Clergy by dis
senting from them. They used all the interest and skill
they had, to get such elections in the boroughs of mem
bers for the Parliament as might comply with them; and
the people generally were exceedingly offended, and
ashamed of the infamOus delivery up of the King to the
English, to which they imputed all the danger that threat
ened them, and the reproach and infamy that lay upon
their country ; and so had great prejudice to all men who
were thought to be the cause of it. -
At the opening of the Parliament, they did all they
could to inflame the people against the army in England;
The Pariia- which, they said, "had forced the Parliament there to
mesco?-et " break the treaty between the two kingdoms in their ill
land; and "usage of the King, who was imprisoned by the army,
berations" " nor was i* 'n tne power of the Parliament to set him at
" liberty: that they had now, upon the matter, absolutely
" deposed him, by not suffering him to perform the office
" of a King, nor permitting any of his subjects to repair
"to him; in which the kingdom of Scotland was con-
" cerned, in that being independent upon England, and
" the Parliament of England, they were by them deprived
" of their King, and could not be admitted to speak with
" him, nor his Majesty to send to them ; which was such
" a presumption, and violation of the law of nations, and
" such a perfidious breach and contempt of the solemn
" League and Covenant, and of the treaty between the two
" kingdoms, that they were bound by all the obligations
" human and divine to be sensible of it, and to redeem
" their King's liberty, and their own honour, with the
" hazard of their lives and fortunes and all that was dear
" to them : and therefore they desired that they might
" enter upon those counsels, which might soonest get an
" army together, which should no sooner enter England,
" but it would find a conjunction from that whole king-
" dom, except only the army; and that it would then

OF THE REBELLION. 183
"quickly appear that the Parliaments of both kingdoms BOOK
" desired the same thing, and to live happily under the XI-
" government of the same King."
This discourse, urged and seconded by many of the
principal men, was entertained by the rest with so general
a reception, that Argyle found it would be to no purpose
directly to contradict or oppose it. He saw the election
of the knights and burgesses had succeeded according to
the wishes of the other lords, and that they would concur
with whatsoever was proposed ; and he found likewise that
they had wrought upon the greatest part of their Clergy ;
who believed all they said to them. He did not therefore
oppose any thing proposed by them, but only desired,
" that they would very well weigh the manner of their
" proceeding in an affair of so great concernment, which
" was like to terminate in a bloody war between the two
"kingdoms; which had hitherto proceeded as brethren,
" and had both reaped great benefit and advantage from
" the conjunction : and he hoped there was no purpose to
" shake any of those foundations which had been laid in
" the years by-gone, which supported that government,
"and made that kingdom happy; which if dissolved, all
" the mischief and tyranny they had formerly felt and un-
" dergone, would break in upon them with a torrent that
" should destroy them." Every body declared, " that
" there was no purpose to swerve, in the least degree,
" from what was established for the government in either
" kingdom, by their solemn League and Covenant, which
" they had in perfect veneration, and looked upon it as an
" obligation upon them to do all that had been proposed ;"
upon which Argyle acquiesced as satisfied, not doubting
but that, in the prosecution of their counsels, he should
find opportunity enough to obstruct the quick progress,
and to interrupt the conclusion, and execution.
The lords who had been in England, and frequented Sir M.
Hampton Court, whilst the King was there, to makeJJI?^
themselves the more gracious, had treated all the King's Musgrave
party with all manner of caresses, and more particularly ^t°e*ers'
N 4

184 THE HISTORY
BOOK had much applied themselves to those gentlemen of the
XL North who had most eminently served the King, and who
with by tlie had good fortunes there to support their interest. Of
fn^tedlnto tnis kJnd there WCre tW0 Very notable men' S'r Marma"
Scotiand; duke Langdale, and Sir Philip Musgrave; both men of
theywent. large and Plent»ful estates, the one in Yorkshire, the other
in Cumberland and Westmoreland; who having been in
the time of peace eminent in their country in the offices
of justices of peace, and deputy lieutenants, had, in the
beginning of the war, engaged themselves in commands
in the King's army with great reputation of stout, dili
gent, and active officers; and continued to the end, and
had not after applied themselves to make any composition,
but expected a new opportunity to appear with their
swords in their hands. They were both looked upon by
the Parliament, and the chief officers of the army, with
great jealousy, as men worthy to be feared, and who could
never be induced to comply with them. The Scottish
lords had not been scrupulous to let these two gentlemen
know what they intended, and " that they made no ques-
" tion but they should engage their whole kingdom and
" nation to enter into a present war with England on the
" King's behalf; and therefore desired them, by the in-
" terest and influence they had upon the northern counties,
" to dispose them to a conjunction with them." And be
cause they knew that they two were too notorious to stay
with any security about London, much less in their own
country, they invited them into Scotland, where they as
sured them, " they should not only be safe, but very wel-
" come ; and should be witnesses of their proceedings,
" and have parts of their own to act in, as soon as the
" season should be ripe."
These gentlemen, though they had been hitherto un
hurt, and, whilst the army made those professions towards.
the King, had been much courted by the chief officers
thereof, and had been quartered with them as friends,
knew well, now the mask was off, that if they did not im
mediately iipply themselves to make their compositions,

OF THE REBELLION. 185
they should be apprehended, and imprisoned. And there- BOOK
fore, being persuaded that the Scots would engage for the x1.
King, they accepted their invitation, and told them, " they
" should quickly find them in Scotland after their own
" return." Accordingly, after having secretly spent some
time in their own countries, and directed their friends to
be in a readiness when they should be called upon, and in
the mean time settled a way how to correspond together,
they went into Scotland to those who had invited them,
and were received by them with civility enough. They
owned such a wariness, in respect of the jealousies amongst
themselves, and the ill arts of Argyle, that they desired
them " for some time to withdraw to some place," (which
they recommended to them,) " and there to remain in
" Secret, and under feigned names, until the calling of the
" Parliament; at which time they might come to Edin-
" burgh, and appear in their own likeness with all free-
" dom." So after having remained in that private man
ner, where they were well treated for some months, when
the Parliament was assembled at Edinburgh, they returned
thither ; and were very well looked upon by all that knew
them ; which made them behave themselves with the more
freedom and confidence in their conversation, the fore-
mentioned lords telling them all they meant to do, and
what arts they were to use till they could get their army
up, towards which they believed they had mastered the
greatest difficulties.
Though the Scottish commissioners had withdrawn from
London, shortly after they had protested loudly against
the proceedings of the Parliament, both in imprisoning
the King, and in refusing to give them leave to repair to
him, or to receive from him any directions or orders con
cerning the government of that kingdom, and thought it
high time to provide for their own security by quitting
their station at London, where they received every day
affronts, and their persons were exposed to contempt ; yet
there were no sooner preparations towards a Parliament c°mmis-
sioncrs scut
in Scotland, than commissioners were sent from the Lords from the

186 THE HISTORY
BOOK and Commons at Westminster to reside at Edinburgh, as
XI- if they hoped to over-vote them there too; and it was
two Houses evident quickly that they were not without a strong or at
landSCOt" 'east an actiye party there. They were received with the
same shew of respect, and the same care was taken for
their accommodation, as had been when they first came
for contriving of the Covenant ; not only the Marquis of
Argyle, and his party, very diligently visited them, and
performed all offices of respect towards them, but even
the Hamiltonian faction, and they who were most solicit
ous to raise the war, attended them as officiously as others,
and made the same professions to preserve the peace and
amity between the two nations.
That rigid party of the Clergy which so adored the
Covenant in the strictest sense of the letter, that they did
not desire to have any more dependence upon the King,
but in effect to lay him aside, and to settle the govern
ment without him, as their brethren in England had re
solved to do, were never from them, and willingly received
such presents and pensions from the English commission
ers, as they were prepared and provided to offer to them ;
and much money was given to make them fast friends.
By this means nothing was resolved, or proposed in the
most secret councils, that was not forthwith imparted, and
made known to them ; and they behaved themselves as
haughtily and imperiously, as if they had their army at
hand to second them. They took notice of the resort of
sO many English to Edinburgh, and that there were many
amongst them who had been in arms against the Parlia
ment, and demanded, " that they might either be banished
" that kingdom, or delivered to them to be sent to the
" Parliament." They were so clamorous in this argument, and found so
much countenance to their clamour, that they who had
invited the English thither, had not the courage to own
them ; but advised them underhand, " to absent them-
"" selves from the town, till that storm should be over."
And even Sir Marmaduke Langdale, and Sir Philip Mus-

OF THE REBELLION. 187
grave, whom, over and above all the discourses held with BOOK
them at London, the Scottish lords had sent to confer XI-
with as they passed through the northern parts home
wards, and had then conferred with them, and desired
them " to prepare all things with their friends for the
" surprisal of Berwick and Carlisle, when the season
" should be ripe ; and that they would hasten their jour-
" ney into Scotland, tbat they might be out of danger of
"imprisonment;" even these men were desired, " either
" to withdraw again from Edinburgh, or to keep their
" chambers there, and not to be seen abroad, until their
" army should be raised, and such a General made choice
" of as would take care of their protection." And they
did not conceal from them, that they made no doubt but
that Duke Hamilton should be that General; who often
conferred with them in private, and always assured them,
" that whatever was, in that place and season, discoursed
" of the Covenant, which was very necessary to bring their
" designs to pass, he should be no sooner invested in the
" command his friends designed for him, than he would
" manifest his resolution to join with the King's party,
" upon the true interest of the Crown, without which he
" would hope for little success in England :" and he de
sired ,them, " though they saw little appearance yet of
" raising an army, which would be as soon finished as
" begun, by the method they were accustomed to use, that
" they would write very earnestly to their friends in Eng-
" land to begin, as soon as might be, to execute the de-
" signs they had laid, in as many parts of the kingdom as
" they could upon confidence that they should receive
" relief before they could be oppressed." To the same
purpose they writ to the Queen, and desired " that the
" Prince might be in a readiness to be with them against
" the time their army should be ready to march ; which,
" they assured her, should be by the beginning of May."
All which several advertisements, being communicated
in England, found a people too ready to give credit to
what was promised, and to begin the work sooner than

188 THE HISTORY
BOOK they ought to have done; and yet they were hastened by
XL such accidents, as, in truth, made their appearance even
necessary. The King, whilst he was at Hampton Court, when he
foresaw that the army would not comply with him, as he
once believed, and resolved to get themselves out of their
hands, had, as is mentioned before, directed the Duke of
York, who was of years to be trusted with the secret,
" that, when a fit opportunity should be offered, he should
" make his escape into the parts beyond the seas, and
" follow the directions of his mother :" and about this
time, when so much action was expected, which probably
might produce many alterations, his Majesty, in all places,
found some way to advertise the Duke, " that it would be
" a very proper season for him to make his escape." The
person who was entrusted to contrive it was Colonel Bam-
field, a man of an active and insinuating nature, and dex
terous enough in bringing any thing to pass that he had
the managing of himself. He had now no relation to the
King's service ; he had served the King in the late war as
a colonel of foot, and had not behaved himself so well in
it, as to draw any suspicion upon himself from the other
party, and was in truth much more conversant with the
Presbyterian party than with the King's. So that his re
pair often to tbe place where the Duke of York and the
other children were, drew nothing of suspicion upon him.
The escape The Duke and his brother and sister were then kept at
Duke of ^t- James's> where they had the liberty of the garden and
York be- park to walk and exercise themselves in, and lords, and
from st ladies, and other persons of condition, were not restrained
James's. fr0m resorting thither to visit them. In this manner Bam-
field had been sometimes there; and after he had informed
the Duke what he was to do', and found one or two more
to be trusted between them, that he might not become
suspected by being observed to speak too often with him,
he provided a small vessel to be ready about the custom
house, and to have its pass for Holland, and then adver
tised the Duke to be ready in the close of an evening, when

OF THE REBELLION. 189
playing, as he used to do, with the other children, in a B^)OK
room from whence there was a pair of stairs to the garden, £*•
he might, untaken notice of, get thither; from whence
there was a door into the park; where Bamfield would
meet him. And this was so well adjusted, that the Duke
came at the hour to the place ; where the other met him,
and led him presently where a coach was ready, and so
carried him into a private house; where he only stayed
whilst he put on women's apparel, that was provided for
him; and presently, with Colonel Bamfield only, went
into a pair of oars that was ready ; so he passed the bridge,
and went on board the vessel that was ready to receive
him ; which immediately hoisted sail, and arrived safe in
Holland, without any man of the ship having the least
imagination what freight they carried.
The Duke, as soon as he was on shore, and in a lodging,
resolving no longer to use his woman's habit, stayed there
till he advertised his sister, the Princess Royal of Orange,
of his arrival ; who quickly took care to provide all such
things as were necessary for his remove to the Hague;
from whence the Queen was informed, and so knew as
soon almost where he was, as she did of his escape from
London. The Prince was not yet ready for his remove,
nor was it resolved which way he should go ; so that it
was thought best that the Duke should, for the present,
stay at the Hague with his sister, till farther resolutions
might be taken ; and though the service which Bamfield
had performed, was very well esteemed, yet they thought
the making him a Groom of his Bedchamber, would be an
ample recompence, and that it was necessary to put a per
son of a better quality about his Highness, who might
have a superior command over the other servants ; and be
cause the Lord Byron, who had been made Governor of
the' Duke of York by the King, was then in England, se
cretly attending the conjuncture to appear in arms in a
quarter assigned to him, Sir John Berkley was sent by the Sir John
Queen to wait upon the Duke, as Governor in the absence madehis
of the Lord Byron, which Bamfield looked upon as a de- Highness's
J Governor

190

THE HISTORY

BOOK XI.
in the ab
sence of
the Lord
Byron,

The Chan
cellor of
the Exche
quer sent
for to the
Prince from Jer
sey.

gradation, and bringing the man he hated of all men
living, to have the command over him.
The Lord Capel, who was in the most secret part of all
these intrigues in England, being entirely trusted by those
who would not trust any of the Presbyterians, nor com
municate their purposes to them, had written to the Chan
cellor of the Exchequer, who remained still in Jersey, the
hopes he had of a good conjuncture, and his own resolu
tion to embark himself in that attempt, as soon as it
should be ripe ; and had signified the King's command to
him, " that as soon as the Chancellor should be required
" to wait upon the Prince, he should without delay obey
" the summons:" and the King had likewise writ to the
Queen very positively, " that when it should be necessary
" for the Prince to remove out of France, the Chancellor
" should have notice of it, and be required to give his at-
" tendance upon the person of his Royal Highness, in the
" condition he had formerly done." About the beginning
of May, in the year 164S, the Lord Capel, who had always
corresponded with the Chancellor, and informed him of
the state of affairs, and all that concerned himself, writ to
him, " that all things were now so ripe, that he believed
" the Prince would not find it fit to remain longer in
" France; and thereupon conjured him that he would be
" ready, if he should be sent for, as he was confident he
" would be, to attend upon his Highness ;" which, he
said, all the King's friends expected he should do; and
which he was resolved to do as soon as the Prince should
be out of France, though he should receive no order or in
vitation so to do.
About the middle of May, the Queen, according to his..
Majesty's command, sent to the Chancellor of the Exche
quer to Jersey, commanding, " that he would wait upon
" the Prince in the Louvre at Paris," upon a day that was
past before the letter came to his hands. But he no sooner
received the summons, than he betook himself to the jour
ney, and to transport himself into Normandy; where, after
he was landed, he made what haste he could to Caen, sup-

OF THE REBELLION. 191
posing he should there find Secretary Nicholas, who had BOOK
given him notice, " that he had received the same com- xr-
" mand." When he came to Caen, he found the Secre-
tary's lady there, but himself was gone to Rouen, to the
Lord Cottington, and intended to stay there till the other
should arrive, and to consult together there upon their far
ther journey. The old Earl of Bristol, who had lived like
wise at Caen, was gone with the Secretary to Rouen, hav
ing likewise received the same summons with the others to
attend the Prince at the Louvre. The Chancellor has
tened to Rouen, where he found the Lord Cottington,
who had still the title and precedency of Lord High Trea
surer of England, the Earl of Bristol, and Secretary Ni
cholas, who were all his very good friends, and very glad
of his arrival. They had received advertisement, the day
before, " that the Prince, with all his small train, was
"passed by towards Calais;" and direction was sent,
" that the Chancellor, whom they supposed to be on the
" way, and the rest, should stay at Rouen, till they should
" receive new orders from Calais, where his Royal High-
" ness would take new measures what he was to do." So
they stayed together at Rouen, where there were at the
same time very many English of quality in their own con
dition, who were driven out of England, as well as tbey,
for their fidelity to the King, and had brought somewhat
with them for their support abroad, till they might upon
some good change return to their own country. In the
mean time they lived very decently together in that city;
where they were well esteemed. The way between Rouen
and Calais was so dangerous without a very strong con
voy, that no day passed without robberies and murders, so
that they were glad of their order not to stir from thence,
till they should receive a very particular direction from the
Prince; and within few days they received advice, ',! that The Prince
" the Prince had, as soon as he came to Calais, put him- Holland
" self on board a ship that he found there bound for Hoi- from Ca-
" land, whence they were to hear from him, how they
" should dispose of themselves." Whereupon they all re-

192 THE HISTORY
BOOK solved to remove from Rouen to Dieppe, from whence
x1, they might embark themselves for Holland if they saw
cause ; the ways by land, in regard that both the French
and the Spanish armies were in the" field, being very dan
gerous.
The revolt The Prince's remove from Paris on such a sudden, pro-
Die fleet to ceeded from an accident in England that was very extra-
the King ordinary, and looked like a call from Heaven. The Par-
fromRainsbo- liament about this time had prepared, according to custom,
rough. a g00(j fleet 0f ten or a dozen ships for the summer guard,
and appointed Rainsborough to be Admiral thereof; who
had been bred at sea, and was the son of an eminent com
mander at sea, lately dead; but he himself, from the time
of the new model, had been an officer of foot in the army,
and was a colonel of special note and account, and of
Cromwell's chief confidents. This offended the Earl of
Warwick much, and disposed him to that inclination to
concur with his brother lately mentioned. Captain Batten
likewise was as much unsatisfied, who had acted a great
part in the first alienating the fleet and the affections of
the seamen from the King, and had ever been their Vice-
Admiral afterwards, and one of the persons upon whom
they principally relied at sea. Rainsborough, as long as
he remained in the navy, had been under his command,
and both the Earl and Batten well knew that this man was
now made Admiral of this fleet, because they, being Pres
byterians, should have no credit or influence upon it;
which made them solicitous enough that the seamen
should not be well pleased with the alteration ; and they
looked upon Rainsborough as a man that had forsaken
them, and preferred the land before the sea service. The
seamen are in a manner a nation by themselves, a humour
ous, brave, and sturdy people; fierce, and resolute in what
soever they are inclined to, somewhat unsteady and incon
stant in pursuing it, and jealous of those to-morrow by
whom they are governed to-day. These men, observing
the general discontent of the people, and that, however the
Parliament was obeyed by the power of the army, both

OF THE REBELLION. 193
army and Parliament were grown very odious to the na- BOOK
tion, arid hearing so much discourse of an army from Scot- x1,
land ready to enter into the kingdom, concluded that the
King would be restored ; and then remembering that the
revolt of the fleet was the preamble to the loss of his Ma
jesty's authority every where else, and a great cause of all
his misfortunes, thought it would be a glorious thing to
them, if they could lead the way to his Majesty's restora
tion by their declaring for him. This was an agitation
among the common seamen, without communicating it to
any officer of the quality of master of a ship. This incli
nation was much improved in them by a general disposi
tion in Kent to an insurrection for the King, and by some
gentlemen's coming on board the ships, according to the
custom of that country ; who fomented the good disposi-_
tion in the seamen by all the ways they could.
At this very time there appeared generally throughout Commo-
Kent the same indigested affection to the King, and incli- Ke„t f°r
nation to serve him, as was among the seamen, and was tne King.
conducted with much less order and caution, neither the
one nor the other having been designed by those who took
care of the King's affairs, and who designed those insur
rections which happened in other parts of the kingdom.
They knew nothing, that is, contributed nothing to this
good disposition in the seamen, though they were not
without some hope, that, upon all other revolutions,
somewhat might likewise fall out at sea to the advantage
of the King's affairs. They had some expectation indeed
from Kent, where they knew the people were generally
Well affected, and depended upon two or three gentlemen
of that country, who had been officers in the King's army,
and resolved to bring in some troops of horse, when occa
sion should be ripe ; but it was resolved and intended that
the Scottish army should be entered the kingdom, by
which the Parliament army would be upon their march
towards them, before they would have any appearance of
force in the parts near London ; and then they believed
that both country and city would rise together. And so
VOL. III. p. 1. o

194 THE HISTORY
BOOK, those gentlemen of Kent, who were privy to any design,
x1, lay privately in London to avoid all cabals in their coun
try ; so that what now fell out there, was by mere chance
and accident, that could never be foreseen, or prevented.!
There happened to be at some jovial meeting in Kent
about that time, one Mr. L'Estrange, a younger brother
of a good family in Norfolk, who had been- always of the
King's party, and for attempting somewhat in his own
country for his Majesty's service, had been taken prisoner
by the Parliament, and by a Court of War condemned to
die, but being kept in prison till the end of the war, was
then set at liberty, as one in whom there was no more
danger. But he retained his old affections, and more re
membered the cruel usage he had received, than that they
had not proceeded as cruelly with him as they might have
done. He had a great friendship with a young gentleman,
Mr. Hales, who lived in Kent, and was married to a lady
of a noble birth and fortune, he being heir to one of the
greatest fortunes of that country, but was to expect the in
heritance from the favour of an old severe grandfather,
who for the present kept the young couple from running
into any excess ; the mother of the lady being of as sour
and strict a nature as the grandfather, and both of them so
much of the Parliament party, that they were not willing
any part of their estates should be hazarded for the King.
At the house of this Mr. Hales, Mr. L'Estrange was,
when, by the communication which that part of Kent al
ways hath with the ships whieh lie in the Downs, the re
port first did arise that the fleet would presently declare
for the King, and those seamen who came on shore talked
as if the city of London would join with them. This drew
many gentlemen of the country who wished well, to visit
the ships, and they returned more confirmed of the truth
of what they 'had heard. Good-fellowship was a vice
spread every where, and this young great heir, who had
been always bred among bis neighbours, affected that
whidh they were best pleased with, and so bis house was a
rendezvous for those who delighted in that exercise, and

OF THE REBELLION. 195
who every day brought him the news of the good incUna- BOOK
tions in the fleet for the King ; and all men's mouths were XI-
full qf the general hatred the whole kingdom had against "~
the Parliament as well as the army. Mr. L'Estrange
was a man of a good wit, and a fancy very luxuriant, and
of an enterprising nature. He observed, by the good
company that came to the house, that the affections of all
that large and populous country were for the King. He
begun to tell Mr. Hales, " that though his grandfather
" did in his heart wish the King well, yet his carriage had
" been such in his conjunction with the Parliament, that
" he had more need of the King's favour than of his grand-
" father's to be heir to that great estate ; and that cer-
" tainly nothing could be more acceptable to his grand-
" father, or more glorious to him, than to be the instru-
" ment of both ;" and therefore advised him " to put him-
" self into the head of his own country, which would be
" willing to.be led by him ; that when the Scots were en-
" tered into the northern parts, and all the kingdom
" should be in arms, he might, with the body of his coun-
" trymen, march towards London; which would induce
" both the city and the Parliament to join with him,
" whereby he should have great share in the honour of re-
" storing the King."
The company that frequented the house thought the
discourse very reasonable, and saw that the issue must be
very honourable : the young lady of the house was full of
zeal for the King, and was willing her husband should be
the instrument of his delivery : the young gentleman him
self had not been enough conversant in the affairs of the
world to apprehend the danger or hazard of the attempt,
and so referred himself and the whole business to be go
verned and conducted by Mr. L'Estrange, whom they all
believed by his discourse to be an able soldier. He writ
some letters to particular gentlemen, who he was informed
would receive them willingly, and signed warrants to the
constables of hundreds with his own name, which had been

196 THE HISTORY
BOOK never heard of in the country, requiring, "in his Majesty's
XI- " name, all persons to appear, at a time and place ap-
" pointed, to advise together, and to lay hold on such Op-
" portunities, as should be offered for relieving the King
" and delivering him out of prison." There was an in
credible appearance of the country at the place appointed,
where Mr. L'Estrange appeared with Mr. Hales, and
those persons which had been used to their company. Mr.
L'Estrange spoke to them in a style very much his own ;
and being not very clear to be understood, the more pre
vailed over them. He spake like a man in authority, in
veighed against " the tyranny of the army, which had sub-
" dued the Parliament, against their barbarous imprison-
" ment of the King, and against a conspiracy they had to
" murder him." He added, " that the affections of that
" noble country were well known to his Majesty, and that
" he had therefore appointed the fleet that was in the Downs
" to join with them ; and that he doubted not but they
" would together be too strong for his enemies, who were
" like to have enough to do to defend themselves in many
" other places ; and that his Majesty was willing they should
" have a gentleman of their own country, well known to
" them, to be their General ;" and named Mr. Hales ; who
was present. There was not one man who so much as asked
for any letter or commission, or other authority from the
King; but all of them, very frankly and unanimously, de
clared " they would be ready to join, and march as their
"** General Hales should direct ;" and so another day and
place was appointed for another appearance, and listing
and forming their regiments ; and in the mean time Mr.
L'Estrange set out such declarations and engagements, as
he thought most like to prevail with the people, and re
quired, " that they should be read in all churches;" which
was done accordingly. The next appearance was greater
than the former; and with the same forwardness, many
coming armed both horse and foot, and Shewing a mar
vellous alacrity to the engagement. Their General then

OF THE REBELLION. 197
gave out his commissions for several regiments, and a new BOOK
day was appointed for their rendezvous, when all should XI"
come armed, and keep together in a body, until it should
be fit to march to London.
It was known that the fleet was gone out of the Downs,
but it was as well known that it had absolutely renounced
the service of the Parliament, and rejected all their officers.
It was easy to persuade the people, that they were gone
upon some important enterprise, and would speedily re
turn; and it was insinuated, " that it was gone to the
" Isle of Wight to release the King, who would return
" with it into Kent;" which made them hasten their pre
parations. At the time when the King made the Earl of Northum
berland Admiral, he declared, and it was inserted in his
commission, " that he should enjoy that office during the
" minority of the Duke of York ;" and the Duke having
made his escape at this time, when there was this commo
tion amongst the seamen, it was no sooner known that his
Highness was in Holland, but the seamen talked aloud,
" that they would go to their Admiral ;" and the gentle
men of Kent stirring them up and inflaming them to that
resolution, and the seamen again pressing the gentlemen
to hasten their rising in arms, that they might assist and
second each other, they both declared themselves sooner
than they ought to have done, and before they were pre
pared for an enterprise of that importance.
The Parliament was well informed of the distemper
amongst the seamen, and had therefore forborne putting
the half of the provisions aboard the ships; which, for the
greatest part, lay ready in the Downs, wanting only half
the victual they were to have for the summer service. But
those officers which were on board, finding they had no
authority, and that the seamen mocked and laughed at
them, sent every day to inform the Parliament, what mu
tinous humour the whole fleet was in. Whereupon they
sent Rainsborough and some other officers thither ; pre«
o3

lot* THE HISTORY
BOOK suming that the presence of the Admiral would quickly
XL quiet all. Hej being a man of a rough imperious nature,
as soon as he came on board his ship, begun to make a
strict inquiry into the former disorders and mutinous be
haviour, upon which all the men of his ship retired ihto
Rains- their old fortress of one and all, and presently laid hold on
borough hm1 an(1 t hjm and suc]j 0ther officers of the ship as
and some J r *
other offi- they liked hot, into the boatj and sent them on shore.
shoreby011 Which was no sooner known to the rest of the ships; but
the sea- they followed their example, and used their officers in the
same manner. After they had for some days been feasted
and caressed by the pebple of Kent, some of the gentlemen
putting themselves on board to join with them, and in
order to assist them towards providing such necessaries
as were wanting), they went out of the Dbwns, and stood
There- for Holland; that thtey might find their Admiral ; and let
^°nt0ygrPS fall their anchors before the Brill. What Was done by the
to Holland. gentlemen of Kent on shore, and the success therebfj will
be related hereafter.
This so very seasonable revolt Of the fleet, in a con
juncture when so many advantages were expected) was
looked upon as a sure omen of the deliverance of the
King. And the report that the ships were before Calais,
as if they had expected somebody there, which was true,
for some time; was the reason that it was thought fit that
the Prince (who had hitherto thought of nothing but being
sent for by the Scots, and how to find himself with them)
should make all possible haste to Calais. This was the
cause of that his sudden motion; which was yet retarded
for want of money, and all other things necessary for his
journey. The Cardinal shewed no manner of favouring
all these appearances of advantage to the King; he gave
less countenance to Scotland, than he had ever done when
it was in rebellion against the King; and, notwithstanding
all his promises with reference to Ireland, the Marquis of
Ormond remained still at Paris, without obtaining arms or
money in any proportion, (both which had been promised

OF THE REBELLION. 199
so liberally,) and was, after all importunities, compelled to BOOK
transport himself into Ireland (where he was so importu- X1,
nately called for) without any manner of supplies, which Tlie Mar-
were expected. And now, when the remove of the Prince ^^goes
was so behoveful, the Cardinal utterly refused to furnish °«t of
him with any money ; all which discountenances were to jreiand.
shortly after remembered to Cromwell, as high merit.
The Prince's remove was by every body thought so ne
cessary, that the Lord Jermyn, as was pretended, found
means to borrow so much money as was necessary for the
journey ; which the King paid long after with full interest.
Dr. Goffe, a man well known in that time, as the chief
agent and confident of my Lord Jermyn, was presently
sent into Holland, to dispose the seamen to be willing to
receive the Lord Jermyn to command the fleet. So so
licitous that nobleman was to be in the head of any action
that was like to prosper, how unfit soever he was for it ;
having neither industry, nor knowledge of any thing of
the sea, and being less beloved by the seamen than any
man that could be named. The Prince made what haste
he could to Calais, attended by Prince Rupert, the Lord
Hopton, and the Lord Colepepper, and some other gentle
men, besides his own domestics ; and finding one of the
English frigates before Calais, and understanding that the
Duke of York was gone from the Hague to Helvoetsluys,
and had put himself on board the fleet there, his Highness
presently embarked, and,made the more haste lest his bro
ther should be in action before him, and was received at Tlie Prince
the fleet with all those acclamations and noises of joy, atthe fleet,
which that people are accustomed to; they having ex
pressed as much some days before, at the arrival of the
Duke of York.
As soon as it was known in Holland that the Prince of
Wales was arrived, the Prince of Orange, with his wife
the Princess Royal, came presently thither to entertain
his Highness the best that place would permit, but espe
cially to rejoice together, having not seen each other from Factions in
the time they were children. The Prince found the fleet fleeet nn'
o4

200 THE HISTORY
BOOK in faction and disorder, and great pains had been taken to
. XL corrupt them. Sir John Berkley's coming to the Hague
to assume the government of the Duke of York, had not
been acceptable to his Royal Highness; who was per
suaded by Colonel Bamfield, that he had been unfaithful,
as well as unfortunate, in his attendance upon the King to
the Isle of Wight. Tbe Colonel himself was so incensed
with it, that he used all the skill and insinuation he had,
to lessen his Highness's reverence to the Queen, and to
dispute her commands. Then taking the opportunity of
the fleet's being come to Helvoetsluys, he went thither,
and having, as is said before, a wonderful address to the
disposing men to mutiny, and to work upon common men,
which the fleet consisted of, there being no officers, for
the most part, above the quality of a boatswain or master's
mate, he persuaded them " to declare for the Duke of
" York, without' any respect to the King or Prince; and
" when his Highness should be on board, that they should
" not meddle in the quarrel between the King and the
" Parliament, but entirely join with the Presbyterian party,
" and the city of London ; which by this means would
" bring the Parliament to reason :" and he prepared his
friends the seamen when the Duke should come to them,
that they would except against Sir John Berkley, and
cause him to be dismissed ; and then he believed he should
be able to govern both his Highness and the fleet.
At the same time Dr. Goffe, who was a dexterous man
too, and could comply with all men in all the acts of good-
fellowship, had gotten acquaintance with others of the
seamen, and made them jealous of Bamfield's activity;
and endeavoured to persuade them, " that they should all
" petition the Prince," (who, he knew, would be shortly
with them,) " that the Lord Jermyn might be made their
"Admiral; who would be able to supply them with
" money, and whatsoever else they wanted : that there
" was no hope of money but from France, and that the
" Lord Jermyn had all the power and credit there, and
might have what money he desired;" and by these

n

OF THE REBELLION. 201
agitations, the infant loyalty of the seamen begun to be BOOK
distracted. XI-
At the same time the Lord WiUoughby of Parham, who
had always adhered to the Presbyterians, and was of great
esteem amongst them, though he was not tainted with
their principles, had left the Parliament, and secretly
transported himself into Holland; and was arrived at
Rotterdam, when Bamfield returned from the fleet, and
went to wait upon the Duke of York at the Hague.
Bamfield delivered such a message from the fleet as he
thought would hasten the Duke's journey thither; and
told him, " the seamen made great inquiry after the Lord
" WiUoughby, and much longed to have him with them;"
insinuating to the Duke, " that he had much contributed
" to that good disposition in the seamen, and was privy to
" their revolt, and had promised speedily to come to them,
" and that it would be the most acceptable thing his High-
" ness could do to carry him with him to the fleet, and make
" him his Vice-Admiral." The Duke made all imaginable
haste to Helvoetsluys, and immediately went on board the
Admiral; where he was received with the usual marks of
joy and acclamation. He declared the Lord WiUoughby
his Vice-Admiral, and appointed some other officers in the
several ships, and seemed very desirous to be out at sea.
In the mean time Bamfield continued his activity; and the
Doctor, finding he had little hope to raise his patron to
the height he proposed, did all he could to hinder the
operation of Bamfield, and took all the ways he could that
the Prince might be advertised of it, and thereupon hasten
his own journey; which did likewise contribute to the
haste his Highness made. He arrived at Helvoetsluys
very seasonably to prevent many inconveniences, which
would have inevitably fallen out; and the seamen, upon
his Highness's appearance, returned again into their old
cheerful humour; which the Prince knew would be best
preserved by action ; and therefore exceedingly desired to
be at sea, where he was sure he must be superior to any
force the Parliament could in a short time put out. But

202 THE HISTORY
BOOK the fleet already wanted many provisions, of which beer
XI- was the chief; which, by the countenance and assistance
of the Prince of Orange, was in a short time procured. in
The Prince a reasonable proportion; and then the Prince set sail first
the Downs for Yarmouth Road, then for the Downs ; having sent his
with the brother, the Duke of York, with all his family to the
Hague, to remain there.
Though the Duke was exceedingly troubled to leave the
fleet, which he had been persuaded to look upon as his
province, ye he could not but acknowledge, that right
reason would not permit they should both be ventured at
one time on board the fleet ; and, the Prince determining
to engage his own person, he submitted to the determi
nation ; and was well content to remain with his sister.
The Prince did not think fit to remove the Lord WiUough
by (who, he knew, was much relied upon by the Presby
terian party) from the charge the Duke had given him;
though he was not much known to the seamen. But
Captain Batten coming at the same time when his High
ness did to the fleet, and bringing the Constant Warwick,
one of the best frigates the Parliament had built, with
Jordan, and two or three seamen of good command, his
Highness knighted him, and made him Rear-Admiral of
the fleet ; believing, that he could not do a more popular
and acceptable thing to the seamen, than by. putting the
same man, who had commanded them so many years, over
them again at this time; whose experience and govern
ment would supply the defects and want of skill of the
Vice-Admiral, who Was very willing to be advised by hirn.
But the Prince shortly after found he was mistaken iii
that expedient, and that the seamen (who desired to serve
the King upon the clear principles of obedience and loyalty)
did not ih any degree affect Batten, because he had failed
in both, and was now of a party towards which they had
no veneration. The truth is, the Prince came prepared
and disposed from the Queen, to depend wholly upon the
Presbyterian party, which, besides the power of the Scot
tish army, Whieh was every day expected to invade Eng-

OF THE REBELLION. 203
land, was thought to be possessed of all the strength of BOOK
the city of London ; and the Lord Colepepper, and Mr* XI-
Long, the Prince's Secretary, were trusted by the Queen ~
to keep the Prince steady and fast to that dependence;
and his Highness was enjoined to be entirely advised by
them ; though all the other lords about him were of an
other mind, and the Prince himself not inclined that way.
Dr. Steward, the Dean of the King's chapel, whom his
Majesty had recommended to his son to instruct him in
all matters relating to the Church, and Dr. Earles, and
the rest of his Chaplains, waited diligently upon him to
prevent those infusions. But, by those two, the benefit of
this fleet was principally considered, as a happy means to
put the Prince on shore, that he might be in the head of
the Scottish army; and no doubt if that army had been
then entered into England, as it was very shortly after, the
Prinee would have been directed, with the fleet, " to have
" followed all the advice which should have been sent
" from the Scots."
In the mean time it was thought most counsellable,
after the Prince had sailed some days about the coast, that
the kingdom might generally know that his Highness was
there, that they should all go into the river of Thames, Thence into
and lie still there; by which they expected two great ad-^™6™
vantages; first, that the city would be thereby engaged to
declare itself, when they saw all their trade obstructed;
and that their ships homewards bound, of which, at that
season of the year, they expected many, must fall into the
Prince's hands ; and then, that the presence of the Prince
in the river would hinder the Parliament from getting
seamen; and from setting out that fleet which they were
preparing to reduce the other, under the command of the
Earl of Warwick ; whom they thought fit, in this exigent,
again to employ; and who, by accepting the charge,
thought he should be in a better posture to choose his
party, in any other alteration that should happen at land.
When the Parliament first heard of the commotion in
Kent, and saw the warrants which were sent out and

204 THE HISTORY
BOOK signed by L'Estrange, whom nobody knew, (and the
x1, gentlemen of Kent, who sat in the Parliament, assured
them, " that there was no such gentleman in that county ;"
and Sir Edward Hales, who likewise was present there,
told them, " he was very confident that his grandson could
" not be embarked in such an affair,") they neglected itj
and thought it a design to amuse them. But when they
heard that the meetings were continued, and saw the de
clarations which were published, and were well assured
that young Hales appeared with them as their General,
they thought the matter worth their care ; and therefore
appointed their General, " to send two or three troops
" of horse into Kent to suppress that seditious insurrec-
" tion ;" Sir Edward Hales now excusing himself with
revilings, threats, and detestation of his grandson; who,
he protested, should never be his heir.
The Earl of Holland, who had a commission to be
General, and the rest who were engaged, were not yet
ready, the Scots being not yet entered ; nor did they un
derstand any thing of the business of Kent; however when
they were assured that they were drawn into a body, and
were so strong that the officers who commanded the troops
which had been sent to suppress them, had sent to the
Parliament word, " that they durst not advance, for that
" the enemy was much stronger than they, and increased
" daily ; and that they had sent a letter to the city of
" London inviting them to join with them ;" the Earl of
Holland I say, and the others with him, thought it fit to
send them all the countenance and encouragement they
Could; and thereupon dispatched those officers who had
been designed for the troops of that county, when the
season should be ripe, and who had hitherto lurked pri
vately in London to avoid suspicion. They were desired
to call their friends together, as soon as was possible, to
join with their neighbours ; and were told, " that they
" should very shortly receive a General from the King :"
for they did not think Mr. Hales equal to the work, who
found his power and credit to grow less, the greater the

OF THE REBELLION. 205
appearance grew to be ; and they begun to inquire for the BOOK
King's commission. The Earl of Holland had formed XL
his party of many officers who had served both the King
and the Parliament; all which were in the city; and he
had not yet a mind to call them together, but to expect
the appearance of their northern friends, and therefore
consulting with the rest, and finding the Earl of Nor
wich, who had been some months in England under a
pass from the Parliament, (upon pretence of making his
composition, from which he had never been excluded,)
willing to engage himself in the conduct of those in Kent,
where he was well known and beloved, his affection and
zeal for the King's service being not to be doubted, they
resolved that he should go thither; and there being many
blank commissions ready to be disposed as the service
should require, they filled one with his name, by which
the command of all Kent was committed to him, " with
" power to lead them any whither as the good of the
" King's service should make requisite." And with this
Commission he made haste into Kent, and found at Maid
stone a better* body of horse and foot armed than could
have been expected; enough in number to have met any
army that was like to be brought against them. They all
received him with wonderful acclamations, and vowed obe
dience to him. Mr. Hales, upon the news of another
General to be sent thither, and upon the storms of threats
and rage which fell upon him from his grandfather, on the
one side, and on his wife by her mother on the other side,
and upon the conscience that he was not equal to the
charge, though his affection was not in the least declined,
found means to transport himself, and wife, together with
his friend Mr. L'Estrange, who had lost his credit with
the people, into Holland ; resolving, as .soon as he had
put his wife out of the reach of her mother, to return
himself, and to venture his person in the service which
he could not conduct ; which he did quickly after very
heartily endeavour to do.
The importunities from Scotland with the Presbyterians

206 THE HISTORY
BOOK tne>r correspondents, the fame of Sir Marmaduke Lang-
XI. ' dale's being well received at Edinburgh, and that many
^English officers and soldiers daily flocked thither, but
especially the promises from Paris of supplies of arms,
ammunition, and money, as soon as they could expect it,
set all the other wheels going in England which had been
preparing all the winter. There were in South Wales
Colonel Laughorn, Colonel Powell, and Colonel Poyer,
who commanded those parts under the Parliament, which
they had served from the beginning: the first of them
a gentleman of a good extraction, and a fair fortune in
land in those counties, who had been bred a page under
the Earl of Essex, when he had a command in the Low
Countries, and continued his dependence upon him after
wards, and was much in his favour, and by that relation
was first engaged in the rebellion, as many other gentle
men had been, without wishing ill to the King: the
second was a gentleman too, but a soldier of fortune: the
third, had from a low trade raised himself in the war to
the reputation of a very diligent and stout officer, and was
at this time trusted by the Parliament wifh the govern
ment of the town and castle of Pembroke. These three
communicated their discontents to each other, and all
thought themselves ill requited by the Parliament for the
service they had done, and that other men, especially
Colonel Mitton, were preferred before them ; and resolv
ed to take the opportunity of the Scots coming in, to de
clare for the King upon the Presbyterian account. But
Laughorn, who was not infected with any of those freaks,
and doubted not to reduce the other two, when it should
be time, to sober resolutions, would not engage till he first
sent a confident to Paris to inform the Prince of what he
had determined, and of what their wants consisted, which
if not relieved, they should not be able to pursue their
purpose, desiring to receive orders for the time of their
declaring, and assurance that they should in time receive
those supplies they stood in need of. And the Lord Jer
myn sent him a promise under his hand, " that he should

OF THE REBELLION. 207
". not fail of receiving all the things he had desired, be- BOO K
« fore he could be pressed by the enemy ;" and therefore XI-
conjured him, and his friends, " forthwith to declare for
" the King ; which he assured them would be of singular
" benefit and advantage to his Majesty's service ; since,
" upon the first notice of their having declared, the Scot-
" tish army would be ready to march into England."
Hereupon they presently declared, before they were pro
vided to keep the field for want of ammunition and money,
and when Pembroke was not supplied with provisions for
above two months ; and were never thought of after.
The Lord Byron had been sent from Paris, upon the
importunities from Scotland, to get as many to declare in
England in several places, as might distract the army,
and keep it from an entire engagement against them ; to
dispose his old friends about Chester and North Wales to
appear as soon as might be: and he presently, with the
help of Colonel Robinson, possessed, himself of the island
of Anglesey, and disposed all North Wales to be ready to
declare as soon as the Scots should enter the kingdom.
But that which was of most importance, and seemed
already to have brought the war even into the heart of
England, was that some gentlemen, who had formerly
served the King in the garrison of Newark, and in the
northern army, under Sir Marmaduke Langdale, had (by
a design consulted with him before his going into Scot
land, and upon orders received from him since, when he
believed the Scots would be in a short time ready to begin
their march) surprised the strong castle of Pontefract in
Yorkshire, (which had a garrison in it for the Parliament,)
and grew presently so numerous, by the resort of officers
and soldiers from the adjacent counties, that they grew
formidable to all those parts, and made the communica
tion between London and York insecure, except it was
with strong troops. Upon which argument of the sur
prise of Pontefract, we shall enlarge hereafter, before we
speak of the tragic conclusion of this enterprise. AH
affairs were in this motion in England, before there was

208 THE HISTORY
BOOK any appearance of an army in Scotland, which they had
XI- promised should be ready to march by the beginning of
May. Indeed as to the raising an army in Scotland, the diffi
culties were well nigh over, nor did they ever look upon
that as a thing that would trouble them, but who should
command, and be General of this army, was the matter
upon which the success of all they proposed would depend ;
and if they could not procure Duke Hamilton to be made
choice of for that service, they would promise themselves
no good issue of the undertaking. It was a hard thing to
remove the old General Lesley, who had been hitherto in
the head of their army in all their prosperous successes;
but he was in the confidence of Argyle, which was objec
tion enough against him, if there were no other ; and the
man was grown old, and appeared, in the actions of the
last expedition into England, very unequal to the com
mand. And therefore some expedient was to be found to
be rid of him; and they found it no hard matter to
prevail with him to decline the command, upon pretence
of his age and infirmities, when in truth he had no mind
to venture his honour against the English, except assisted
by English, which had been his good fortune in all the
actions of moment he had performed in this war; and
when he had been destitute of that help, he had always
received some affront. When by this means there was a
new General to be named, Duke Hamilton was proposed,
as a fit man to be employed to redeem the honour of the
nation. He had formerly discharged the office of General
under the King of Sweden, where Lesley, that had now
declined the employment, was Major General under him;
and therefore could not be thought to be without ample
experience of war.
Whilst this was depending, Argyle took notice of Sir
Marmaduke Langdale's arid Sir Philip Musgrave's being
in the town, and of some discourses which they had used,
or some other English officers in their company, and
desired, " that, if they were to have any command in the

OF THE REBELLION. 209
" army, they might presently take the Covenant; and that BOOK
" there might be a general declaration, that there should XL
" be neither officer nor soldier received into their army, ~
" before he had first taken the Covenant : and that, after
" they were entered into the kingdom of England, they
" should make no conjunction with any forces, or persons,
" who had not done, or should refuse to do the same."
This proposal found no opposition ; they who were most
forward to raise the army for the delivery of the King,
being as violent as any to advance that declaration. And
though Duke Hamilton and his brother of Lanrick did as
well disapprove it in their own judgments, as they did
foresee, out of the long experience they had of England,
what prejudice it would bring upon them there, yet they
had not the courage in any degree to speak against it;
and the Chancellor of Scotland and the Earl of Lauther-
dale were as passionate for the advancement of it, as Argyle
himself; and seemed to think that those two gentlemen
either had already taken, or would be willing to take it.
It can hardly be believed, that, after so long knowledge
of England, and their observation of whom the King's
party did consist, after their so often conferences with the
King without prevailing upon him, in any degree, either
to preserve himself at Newcastle from being delivered up
to the Parliament, or in their last agitation with him,
when he yielded to so many unreasonable particulars to
gratify them, to consent to or promise, " that any man
" should be compelled to take the Covenant ;" that they
should still adhere to that fatal combination against the
Church, which they could never hope to bring to pass,
except they intended only to change the hand, and to keep
the King under as strict a restraint, when they should get
him into their hands, as he was under the domination of
the Parliament and army: yet they were so infatuated
with this resolution, that they discovered their appre
hension of the King's party, and designed no less to op
press them than the Independents and Anabaptists; and
upon the news of the revolt of the fleet from the Pariia-
vol. in. p. 1. p

210 THE HISTORY
BOOK ment to the King, the insurrection in Kent, and other
XI- places, and the general inclinations throughout the king
dom for the King, they slackened their preparations, that
they might defer their march, to the end that all that
strength might be oppressed and reduced, that so they
might be absolute masters after they had prevailed over
the army. And at last, when they could defer their march
no longer, upon the importunate pressure of their friends
in London, they sent the Earl of Lautherdale with those
insolent instructions, which will be mentioned anon, and
positively required the Prince immediately to repair to
them ; declaring, " that if his person should not be forth-
" with in their army, they would return again into Scot-
" land without making any attempt ;" and the knowing
this resolution, was the reason that the Queen was so po
sitive in her instructions, notwithstanding the appearance
of any other advantage to the King in England.
Sir Marmaduke Langdale and Sir Philip Musgrave no
sooner heard of this declaration, than they went to those
lords, and expostulated very sharply with them, for " hav-
" ing broken their faiths, and betrayed them into their
" country ; where they were looked upon as enemies."
They were answered, " that they must give over their de-
" sign to redeem the King, or yield to this determination,
" which their Parliament was so firm and united in ; and
" would never depart from." And therefore they en
treated them with all imaginable importunity, that they
would take the Covenant ; some of them desiring to confer
with them upon it, and undertaking to satisfy them, that
the Covenant did not include those things in it, which
they thought it did. But when they saw those gentlemen
would not be prevailed with, but that on the contrary they
resolved presently to leave the country ; and told them,
" they would undeceive those honest people in England,
"who were too much inclined to trust them; and that
" they should find that they had a harder work in hand
" than they imagined ;" the Scottish lords knew well
enough of what importance their presence was to be to

OF THE REBELLION. 211
them, for their very entrance into England; and thereupon BOOK
desired them, " that they would have a little patience, and XT-
« again absent themselves from Edinburgh, till the heat of '
" this dispute was over, and till the army should be ready
" to march ;" and Duke Hamilton, who had a marvellous
ihsinuation to get himself believed, assured them in confi
dence, " that as soon as he should find himself in the head
" of his army, and upon their march, there should be no
" more talk of covenants, but that all the King's friends
" should be welcome, and without distinction." So they
left Edinburgh again, and went to their old quarters;
where they had not stayed long, before the Duke sent for
them to come to him in private ; and after a very cheerful
reception, he told them, " he was now ready ; and that
" their friends in England called so importunately for
" them, that he was resolved to march in very few days ;
" which he thought necessary to communicate to them,
" not only for the friendship he had for them ; which
"would always keep him without reserve towards them;
" but because he must depend upon them two to. surprise
" the towns of Berwick and Carlisle, against the time he
"should be able to march thither; for he intended to
" march between those two places."
The work was not hard to be performed by them, they
having, from their first entrance into Scotland, adjusted
with their friends who inhabited near those places, to be
ready for that enterprise when they should be called upon ;
which they then believed would have been much sooner;
so that they were willing to undertake it, and demanded
commissions from the Duke for the doing thereof; which
he excused himself for not giving, under pretence of " the
" secrecy that was necessary ; in respect whereof he would
" not trust his own Secretary ; and likewise, as a thing
" unnecessary for the work; since it was their own re-
" putation and interest, and their being known to have
" been always trusted by the King, by which they could
" bring it to pass, and not his commission ; for which
" those towns would have no reverence." Besides, he
P 2

212 THE HISTORY
BOOK told them, " that the Marquis of Argyle had still protested
XI- " against their beginning the war by any act of hostility
" against the English, in forcing any of the towns; which
" was not necessary in order to the King's deliverance ;
" but that an army might march to the place where the
" King was, to the end that those messengers who were
"sent by the State to speak with the King, might have.
" liberty to speak with his Majesty; which was a right of
" the kingdom, and the demanding it could be no breach
" of the pacification between the two kingdoms."
This argument, they knew, was not reasonable enough
to sway the Duke. But they foresaw two other reasons,
which did prevail with him not to give those commissions
they desired, which otherwise might have been given with
the same secrecy that the business was to be acted with ;
the one, the order against giving any commission to any
man before he had taken the Covenant : and how much
authority soever the Duke might take upon him to dis
pense with that order after he should be in England, it
might not be convenient that he should assume it whilst
he remained yet at Edinburgh : the other was, that, when
they had done it without his commission, he might, upon
his march, or as soon as he came thither, dispossess them
of the government, and put Scotchmen into their places;
the last of which he did not dissemble to them ; but con
fessed, " that, though the Council of Scotland would not
" attempt the taking of those towns, yet when they should
" be taken, they would expect the government thereof
" should be in their hands, and depend upon them, with-
'< out which they should not be able to send him those
" continual supplies which he expected from them." And
there being then a recruit of five or six thousand, which
Sir George Monroe had near raised in the north, and from
Ireland, who were to begin their march after him, as soon
as he should be out of Scotland, the two gentlemen had no
purpose of remaining in those governments, well knowing
that their presence would be of importance to the army, at
least whilst they stayed in the northern counties ; yet they

OF THE REBELLION. 213
knew well, it was for the service that those towns should BOOK
remain in the hands of the English,*without which few of XI-
the gentlemen of those parts would declare themselves,-
how well affected soever they were ; which when they had
offered to the Duke, they left it to him, and accepted the
employment he pressed them to undertake, and parted to
put the same in execution in both places at one time, all
things being concerted between them to that purpose.
Sir Marmaduke Langdale had several officers, and sol
diers, laid privately on the Scottish side to wait his com
mands, and more on the English ; there being two or
three good families within two or three miles of Berwick,
who were well affected and ready to appear when they
should be required ; in expectation whereof they had har
boured many men. Some of them Sir Marmaduke ap
pointed to meet him, on the Scottish side, at a place about
a mile distant from Berwick, the night before he intended
the surprise, and the rest to be in the town by the rising
of the sun ; some about the market place, and some upon
the bridge, by which he must enter. The next morning,
being market day, when great droves of little horses, laden
with sacks of corn, always resorted to the town, Sir Mar
maduke Langdale, with about a hundred horse, and some
few foot, which walked with the market people, presently
after sun rising, was upon the bridge, before there was any
apprehension ; and finding his friends there whom he ex
pected, he caused the bridge presently .to be drawn up, and
guarded by his foot, and sent others to the other parts.
Himself with most of his troops went into the market
place, where he found his country friends ready to do all
he would command. There was so general a consterna- sir M.
tion seized upon the whole town, there being no other ^rites'
garrison but town's-men, that after they had seized upon Berwick,
the Mayor, who was the Governor, all things were in & Musgrave
short time so quiet, that they opened their ports again, Carlisle
that the market might not be interrupted. Sir Philip'
Musgrave, with as little opposition, possessed himself of
Carlisle; where he had a greater interest; and the people
p3

214 THE HISTORY
BOOK were generally better affected to the King, and more disin-
xt' clined to the Scots than those of Berwick used to be; and
they both hastened advertisement to the Duke of what
they had done.
" It will be much wondered at, that after Cromwell plainly
foresaw they should have a war with Scotland, and had
constant intelligence from thence of the advances they
made, he did not take care to put garrisons into those two
important places, the very strength of which could for
some time have withstood all the power which Scotland
could have brought against them. But the same reason
which had been current at Edinburgh to this very time,
had prevailed at Westminster. It was specially provided
for by the Act of Pacification between the two kingdoms,
when the Parliaments of both kingdoms combined against
the King, " that there should be no more garrisons kept
" on either side in Berwick or Carlisle;" where they were
then disbanded, and some of their fortifications slighted ;
which could easily have been repaired; and, without re
pairing, could have kept out an enemy. for some time.
• And the Parliament would not now permit any men to be
sent thither, that the Scots might not pretend that the war
was begun by them ; but left Berwick to the government
of the mayor and the citizens; who could have defended
themselves against the Scots if they had expected them.
But the truth is, Cromwell had so perfect a contempt of
the whole strength, of that nation, that he never cared
what advantage ground they had upon any field, or what
place they ever possessed.
Sir Marmaduke Langdale and Sir Philip Musgrave were
no sooner possessed of Berwick and Carlisle, than all the
gentlemen, officers, and soldiers thereabouts, who had for
merly served the King, resorted and flocked to them well
armed, appointed, and provided for the war; so that they
had not only very sufficient garrisons to keep those places,
but troops enough of horse to free the adjacent counties
from those forces, and committees, and other persons, who
were either publicly engaged in, or well known privately

OF THE REBELLION. 215
to wish well to the Parliament. It was upon the 28th of BOOK
April that Sir Marmaduke Langdale possessed himself of XI-
Berwick; and soon after Sir Philip Musgrave surprised
Carlisle, about eight of the clock at night, many gentle
men of the neighbours being in and about the town, ex
pecting his arrival ; so that the citizens were in confusion,
and made little resistance. It is very true, they had both
given under their hands to Duke Hamilton, that they
would deliver up the towns to him when he should require
them ; he having assured them, " that the King had pro-
" mised, under his hand, that those two towns should be
"delivered into the possession of the Scots;" which it
must needs be supposed that they should first take from
the Parliament, in whose possession they were both when
the King signed the engagement at Carisbrook castle.
And the Duke had not only refused to give them any men,
or other assistance towards the taking them, but, as hath
been said, would not grant them his commission to per
form it ; pretending, " that he durst not do it, because
" they were bound not to begin the war :" only he, and
the other lords of his fraternity, promised " to send five
" hundred muskets, and ten barrels of powder to each
" garrison ; and that their whole army should march into
" England within twenty days ; and that, if they were
" sooner in distress, they should be sure to be relieved."
But after he heard that both places were possessed by
them, he deferred not to send a governor and garrison to
receive Berwick ; to whom Sir Marmaduke Langdale de
livered it according to his promise ; and was required " to
" march with all the English to the parts adjacent to Car-
" lisle, and there to increase his troops to what number he
"could, with what expedition was possible;" which he
performed so effectually, that, in very few days, he had a
rendezvous upon a heath within five miles of Carlisle,
where he mustered above three thousand foot well armed,
and seven hundred horse not so well armed; all which
were raised in Cumberland and Westmoreland, over and
above the garrison of Carlisle ; which yet remained under
p4

216 THE HISTORY
BOOK Sir Philip Musgrave; and, within two days, five hundred
XL horse, very well appointed, came out of Yorkshire, the bi
shopric of Durham, and the neighbour parts; so that Sir
Marmaduke Langdale re'solved presently to march into
Lancashire, to reduce those who were for the Parliament
there ; which he could easily have done, the Lord Byron
being ready upon the borders of Cheshire to have joined
with him. But this quick advance and progress towards
an army, was not well looked upon at Edinburgh ; and an
express was dispatched with positive orders to Sir Marma
duke Langdale " not to engage or fight with the enemy,
" upon what advantage soever, until the Scottish army
'.' should come up." And wherever that express should
overtake Sir Marmaduke, he was immediately to retire
with his forces near Carlisle; which he obeyed as soon as
he received. the order, and when he might have marched
against Lambert; who was sent before with a less strength
than Sir Marmaduke commanded, and which in all proba
bility would have been defeated.
But, as if this had not been discouragement enough,
within one or two days after that express, letters were sent
from the Council in Scotland, by which Sir Marmaduke
Langdale was very severely reprehended, " for receiving
" Papists into his army, and not owning the Covenant in
" the declarations which he had published ;" and told,
" that he should receive no assistance from them, except
" the Covenant was embraced by all his army." This
struck at the root of all their hopes ; and was so contrary
to all the engagements they had received from the Scottish
lords, both by words and letters, " that they should never
*? be troubled with any such motions, after they were once
?c upon English ground ; and that then they should pro-
'.' ceed upon those grounds as were like to bring in most
"men to their assistance;" that Sir Marmaduke pre
vailed with Sir Philip Musgrave to make a journey forth
with to Edinburgh, to expostulate upon the whole matter,
and declare their firm resolution to the lords there.
Sir Philip Musgrave, that it might appear that they did

OF THE REBELLION. 217
not exclude any who had taken the Covenant, and were BOOK
willing to join with them, carried a list with him of the XI-
names of many officers in their troops who had been com
pelled to take the Covenant before they could be admitted
to composition, or procure the sequestrations to be taken
from their estates, and of some others who had taken it
for quietness sake in the places where they lived; with
whicli the Scots were in some degree mitigated, but seemed
to retain still their rigour, that it should be submitted to
by the whole army.
In the mean time Lambert, having gotten a strong body Lambert
of horse and foot, advanced upon Sir Marmaduke Lang-™"m^s
dale; who, being enjoined not to fight, was forced to re-tbem.
tire to Carlisle, and suffer himself to be, upon the matter,
blocked up on one side, whilst he sent letter upon letter
to the Duke " to hasten his march, or to send some
" troops to his assistance, and liberty to fight the enemy."
The Earl of Norwich had found the assembly at Maid- The Earl
stone very numerous, but likewise very disorderly, and°tMaid-C
without government, nor easy to be reduced under any sl0De wi*1'
° _, , ' , . , . J the Kent-
command, lhey had been long enough together to en ter ish forces.
into jealousies of one another, and from thence into fac
tions, and were of several opinions what they were to do.
And though they all pretended an entire submission and
obedience to the Earl of Norwich as their General, yet,no
man forbore to deliver his opinion of things and persons,
nor to inquire by what means they had first been drawn
together ; which implied that many men wished they had
been to begin again. The Earl was a man fitter to have
drawn such a body together by his frolic and pleasant hu
mour, which reconciled people of all constitutions won
derfully to him, than to form and conduct them towards
any enterprise. He had always lived in the Court in such
a station of business as raised him very few enemies; and
his pleasant and jovial nature, which was every where ac
ceptable, made him many friends, at least made many de
light in his company. So that by the great favour he had
with the King and Queen, and the little prejudice he stood

u

II

218 THE HISTORY
BOOK in with any body else, he was very like, if the fatal disorder
XI- of the time had not blasted bis hopes, to have grown
master of a very fair fortune; which was all that he pro
posed to himself. But he had no experience or know
ledge of the war, nor knew how to exercise the office he
had taken upon him of General, but was very willing to
please every man, and comply with every body's humour;
which was quickly discovered ; and so men withdrew the
reverence they were prepared to have paid him, and grew
more obstinate in their own opinions what was to be done;
and the indisposition increased, when they heard that
Fairfax himself was appointed to march towards them.
They who best understood the affair, and how to apply the
strength they had to the best advantage, advised, " that
they might retire beyond Rochester, and by breaking
down the bridge there, and fortifying another pass or
two, which was easy to be done, they might keep the
enemy from entering into the east of Kent" (which was
the largest and best part of that rich and populous county)
" longer than they would be able to continue the attempt,
" for fear of being inclosed by an enemy at their back, if
" the city of London, or those of Essex, who were most
" spoken of, had a mind to declare for the King ; and by
" this means they might be sure of a correspondence with
" the fleet;" of the return whereof in a short time they
were most confident; and the more, because some gentle
men of their own body were on board the fleet in some au
thority, who, they knew, would hasten their return all
they could.
Many were the more persuaded that the fleet was gone
to the Isle of Wight for the rescue of the King, because
those gentlemen were gone in it. And without doubt that
advice was the most reasonable, and if it had been pursued
might have kept the enemy at a bay for some time. But
other men less reasonable were of another mind: they did
not believe " that Fairfax could have leisure to look after
" them ; they were confident that the Parliament had so
" many enemies to look after, those in Wales growing

OF THE REBELLION. 219
" strong, and having beaten the party that had lieen sent BOOK
" against them ; and the officers in the north, who had seized XL
" upon Pontefract castle in Yorkshire, and had drawn in
" a strong garrison from the parts adjacent, had a body of
" horse, that infested all those parts ; and the Scots were
" upon their march for England ; and therefore they con-
" eluded that Fairfax could not be at leisure to visit them :
" the retiring would be an argument of fear, which would
" dishearten their friends at London, and all those of that
" part of Kent, which must be deserted upon their retreat,
" would desert them, as soon as that resolution should be
" known ;" and therefore they desired, " that they might
" all march towards Blackheath ; which would raise the
" spirits of their friends, and many would resort every
" day to them out of London and the parts adjacent ; all
" which were eminently well affected."
The noise for this was the greater, and the Earl of Nor- The Kent-
wich himself was thereby swayed to be of that opinion ; ish !U[m3r
J J r ' marches
and so they resolved to advance, and a short day was ap- towards
pointed for a general rendezvous upon Blackheath; andj^j,"
orders were sent out accordingly.
The disturbance in so many places made the resolution
of the General now to be known, which had been hitherto
carefully concealed, " that Fairfax himself was not willing
" to march against the Scots ;" which was not now coun-
sellable for him to do. Cromwell was very willing to take
that province to himself, and had always so great a con
tempt of the Scots, that he was willing to march with a
much lesser number than he well knew the Scottish army
to consist of; and being informed which way the Scots
resolved to enter the kingdom, and that they were even
ready to march, he advanced to meet them, as soon as they Cromwell
should be entered, with those troops which he had madeadv?n<ies
3 r against
choice of, having first suppressed the risings in South the Scots :
Wales by taking of Pembroke castle, and making prisoners
therein Laughorn, Powel, and Poyer, the heads of that
insurrection, and not troubling himself with Pontefract

220 , THE HISTORY
BOOK castle, winch he thought would not be of great conse-
x*- quence, if the Scots were subdued.
Fairfax, with a numerous part of the army, remained in
and about London to suppress the insurrection in Kent,
and watch any other which should fall out in the city or
thereabouts ; of which they had more apprehension than
of all the power of Scotland. And so when the Parlia
ment was advertised by their troops which were first sent,
that they were too weak to advance farther, and heard that
the Earl of Norwich was declared General of the Kentish
troops, and was marching in the head of them towards
Fairfax Blackheath, Fairfax drew all his army together, and his
Kentish*6 cannon, and marched over London-bridge to meet the men
men. 0f Kent at Blackheath, and to stop their march to London.
The Earl was now advanced so far, and Fairfax advanced
too fast to put the former counsel in practice, of breaking
down the bridges, and keeping the passes; and they who
had opposed that counsel, and were so forward to advance,
thought they were now too far. The countrymen were
weary of being all night in the field, though it was the
warmest season of the year, and many Withdrew them
selves, every day; so that they who remained had no rea
son to believe themselves equal to the power that marched
towards them, and yet there were more left than could
hope to preserve themselves by flying, and by conceal
ment. And therefore, as Fairfax advanced, the Kentish
forces drew back; made several stands; but, being hard
pressed, they divided, some retiring to Rochester, others
to Maidstone. Those at Maidstone had a sharp encounter
with the General's whole strength, and fought very bravely,
but were at last defeated. In the mean time the Earl of
Norwich, and divers other officers who were with the
party at Rochester, quitting that place, marched back to
wards London, in hope still of the city's joining with them.
But that failing, and apprehending Fairfax would be soon
in their rear, the Earl and those who remained, and de
signed to run the utmost hazard, resolved to pass them-

OF THE REBELLION. 221
selves and their horses by such boats as they had ready BOOK
about Greenwich, and down the river, over into Essex, XL
where they knew they had many friends, and where Fair- The Earl
fax and his army could not visit them in some days. SoofNor- ,
wicli <iiid
they made a shift to transport themselves to the number some'
of near a thousand men, horse and foot; whereof many j^™^
were officers and soldiers who had served the King, and themselves
young gentlemen grown up in loyal families, who hadaUfixin'
been too young to appear before. Colchester.
They found many persons in Essex ready to join with
them, who came sooner together than they intended, upon
the alarm of Kent ; and who had purposed to have passed
over into Kent to have joined with and assisted those who
had so frankly appeared for the King, if they had not been
prevented by their unexpected coming to them. There
was the brave Lord Capel, Sir William Compton, Sir
Charles Lucas, Sir George Lisle, all excellent officers.
There was Sir Bernard Gascoign, and many other gentle
men, and officers of name, who had drawn together many
soldiers. To these joined Colonel Farr ; who had served
the Parliament, and was a known creature and confident
of the Earl of Warwick's, and had at that time the com
mand of Languard Point, a fort of importance upon the
sea; so that when they were all come together, with those
who came from Kent, they made a body of above three
thousand horse and foot, with officers enough to have
formed and commanded a very good army.
They well knew Fairfax would quickly visit them, and
therefore they chose to post themselves in Colchester, a
great and populous town, which though unfortified, they
cast up such Works before the avenues, that they did not
much fear to be forced by an assault ; and resolved to ex
pect a conjunction with other of their friends ; and were
in great hopes that the Scottish army, which they heard
was upon its march, would be with them before they could
be distressed.
They had scarce put themselves and the town, which
was not glad of their company, into any order, before

222 THE HISTORY
BOOK Fairfax came upon them ; who made no stay in Kent,
XI- after he heard what was become of the Earl of Norwich
and his friends ; but left two or three troops of horse to
settle that county, with the assistance of their committees,
who had been driven from thence, and returning now vic
torious, knew well enough how to deal with those who
Fairfax had revolted from them. When he came first before Col-
them868 chesterj and saw it without any fortifications, he thought
presently to have entered the town with his army ; but he
found so rude resistance, that by the advice of Ireton, who
was left by Cromwell to watch the General as well as the
army, he resolved to encompass it with his troops, and
without hazarding the loss of men to block them up, till
famine should reduce them ; and disposed his army ac
cordingly ; which quickly stopped up all passages by which
either men or provisions should get into the town ; though
by many brave sallies from within, their quarters were
often beaten up, and many valiant men were lost on both
sides. The fleet, after it had, with all imaginable cheerfulness,
submitted to the command of the Prince, was not so active
Factions as it was expected it should be ; and was very much the
Prince's worse f°r t^e factions and divisions which were amongst
fleet. those who attended upon the Prince ; who, according to
their several humours, endeavoured to work upon the sea
men ; a people capable of any impression, but not very re
tentive of it. Prince Rupert, to whom the Prince was
very kind, did not, upon many old contests in the late war,
love the Lord Colepepper, who was not of a temper that
cared to court him : and there was one, who had the greatest
influence on Prince Rupert, Herbert the Attorney Gene
ral, that of all men living was most disposed to make discord
and disagreement between men ; all his faculties being re
solved into a spirit of contradicting, disputing, and wran
gling upon any thing that was proposed. He having no
title or pretence to interpose in councils, and yet there be
ing no secret in the debates there, found it easy to infuse
into Prince Rupert, who totally resigned himself to his

OF THE REBELLION. 223
advice, such arguments as might disturb any resolution : BOOK
and there were so many who were angry that they were XI.
not admitted into the Council, as the Lords Piercy, Wil-
mot, and Wentworth, that it was no hard matter to get
any thing disliked that was resolved there. They had all
that admission and countenance from the Prince, that they
had as much confidence to speak to and before him, as any
where else. Prince Rupert had a great mind that some
what should be attempted upon the coast, which might
have caused some sea-towns, and the parts adjacent, to
have declared for the King; which seemed not a design
that would bear a reasonable discourse. But action was a
very grateful word to the seamen, and they who opposed
any thing that tended toward it, were looked upon with
great jealousy and prejudice. But the Prince was obliged,
as hath been said, by his instructions at Paris, not to en
gage himself in any thing that might divert him from be
ing ready at the minute when the Scots should call for
his presence; and they expected the first intimation of
that from London ; from whence they had the assurance
already, that Duke Hamilton was entered into the king
dom with an army of above thirty thousand men ; which
was then generally thought true, though they fell far short
of the number.
When the Prince came with the fleet into the sea from
Helvoetsluys, he met a ship of London bound for Rotter
dam, and laden with cloth by the company of Merchant
Adventurers, who did not think that the fleet could have
been so soon ready for sea. This ship was taken, and,
the decks being sealed up, was kept under guard with the
fleet ; which, at their entrance into the river of Thames, It enters
the river of
took many other ships of great value outward bound, andxUames;
intercepted all vessels homeward bound, and amongst takes se-
r ° veral ships.
those an East India ship richly laden, and the more wel
come because the ship itself was a very strong ship, and
would make an excellent man of war, and the captain
thereof was a seaman of courage and experience, and was
very well inclined to serve the King: and, without doubt,

224 THE HISTORY
BOOK if all the ships which were then taken, had been sent into
XI- • some secure ports, the value of the goods would have
~ mounted to so great a sum, as might have countervailed a
very great expence at sea and land. But as it would have
been very difficult to have found such a secure port, where
that treasure might have been deposited, so it was not
suitable to those measures which had been taken, and
were still pursued, for his Royal Highness's proceedings.
The city of London was to be courted by all the artifices
imaginable, and that was so alarmed by the fleet's being in
the river, and by the seizure of so many of their ships,
especially the cloth ship, that there was a general con
sternation amongst the people : and the Lord Mayor and
Aldermen applied themselves to the Parliament, for leave
to send down some agents to the fleet to procure a release
of that ship ; and if that could not be brought to pass,
that they might buy it at as good rate as they could get it.
Which was the introducing such a commerce and corre
spondence between the fleet and the city, in such a con
juncture of jealousy, that most men believed the Parlia
ment would never have hearkened to it; and concluded,
from the granting it, that there was another sort of trea
sure inclosed in that ship, than what belonged to the Mer
chant Adventurers ; and that many of those who granted
that indulgence to the city, had more money on board that
vessel than the cloth was worth, though the value thereof
amounted to no less than forty thousand pounds.
Commis- Upon this liberty granted by the Parliament, a com-
Sl°Tr th m^tee was sent fr°m the city with a petition to the Prince
Prince of Wales, " that he would restore the ship which belonged
citywith a " to n's father's good subjects." With these men came
petition, letters from some of those who were well known to/be very
solicitous at that time for the advancement of the King's
service, and privy to the treaty with the Scots, and what
ever was intended by the Earl of Holland : the Countess
of Carlisle, who was trusted by all that people, and had
gotten again confidence with the Queen, trusted Mr. Lowe,
who was employed by the city in this negociation, to say

OF THE REBELLION. 225
many things to the Prince of the good inclinations of the BOOK
city, and how necessary it was not to irritate it. And he XI.
brought other letters and testimonies to give him credit,
as a man trusted by all who intended to serve the King,
who had with wonderful address got him to be one of
those employed by the city, that he might, under that se
curity, give such animadversions to the Prince, .arid to his
Council, as was necessary. He was a man intelligent
enough of the spirit and humour of the city, and very con
versant with the nobility and gentry about the town ; and
though he was trusted by the Presbyterian party, as a man
entirely addicted to them, he took pains to insinuate him
self into many of the King's party, which did believe him
fit to be trusted in any thing that might concern them.
But he was a man of so voluble a tongue, and so everlast
ing a talker, and so undertaking and vain, that no sober
man could be imposed upon by him.
Upon the receipt of-this petition, the Prince writ a long The Prince
letter to the city, and inclosed in it a declaration, for the ^" ^st °
publishing of both which in print care was taken, the
substance of which was, " the great affection he bore to
" the city, and the prosperity thereof;" the whole being
h> such a style, as might best please the Presbyterians^
with less care than should have been used to preserve the
zeal of the King's party ; and desiring, " that they would
"join with him for the delivery of the King his father
" out of prison, and to make a good understanding be-
", tween his Majesty and the Parliament, which his
" Highness desired with all imaginable concernment."
The citizens quickly found, that there was no hope to
have their ship released without a good sum of money,
which the Prince told them " was absolutely necessary for
" the payment of the seamen, and he would receive it as a
" Joan from them, and repay it when a peace should be
" made." So some of them returned to London, and the
rest remained with the fleet, coming and going for a month,
and driving many bargains for other ships. By this means
the Prince received advertisement of the Scots continuing
Vol. m. p. 1. Q

226 THE HISTORY
BOOK their march, and that those who were inclosed in Col-
XI- Chester were in a very good condition, and willing to ex
pect relief; whicli they would be sure to receive in due
time, the Earl of Holland being ready to declare as soon
as their pressures should require it. After near a month's
negociation, there was about twelve thousand pounds paid
to the Prince, and thereupon that cloth ship was delivered
to the merchants, with a general opinion,, as hath been
said, that there was somewhat else besides cloth in the
body of it; for which there was not any search suffered
to be made.
Whilst the Prince lay in the Downs, there was an en
terprise necessary to be made on shore, which did not
succeed to wish. Upon the first revolt of the fleet from
the Parliament, and before it set sail for Holland, it had
taken one or two of those blockhouses, or castles, whieh
are nearest the Downs; and had left some seamen in
them, with sufficient provisions to defend themselves till
the fleet should return. The Prince found these block
houses besieged, and received intelligence out of them,
that their provisions were so near spent, that they could
not hold out above so many days. The strength that lay
before them consisted more in horse than foot; and at
high tide the boats might go so near, that there seemed
little difficulty of putting in relief, or to compel the be
siegers to rise : and the seamen, having nothing else to
do, offered to undertake the service for the redemption of
their fellows; many land officers being likewise on board,
and some foot soldiers, the Prince sent some of those with
the seamen to undertake the business ; but it had no good
issue; the tide was too far spent before it begun; whereby
they had more ground to march between their landingand
the castle than they imagined, and the horse charged than
with such resolution, that many of the men were killed,
and more taken prisoners, and the rest forced to their
boats with more disorder than became them. And some
other attempts being afterwards made with no betters uc-
cess, the blockhouses at last came into the hands of the

OF THE REBELLION. 227
enemy; which though of little inconvenience to the Prince, BOOK
those forts being of very small importance to do any preju- XI-
dice, yet there was some disreputation in it ; and it dis
credited the designs, which had not yet appeared very
prosperous in any place ; and any access of good fortune
raised the spirits of the Parliament's party, who easily
were persuaded to think it greater than it was, in a time
when they lay under some mortification.
By this time another fleet was prepared by the Pariia- The Parlia
ment of more and better ships than had revolted, and the pares a fleet
command thereof given to the Earl of Warwick; who asainst the
, , ° , . , , ' revolted
very frankly accepted it; and was already on board, and fleet, under
with the tide was come within sight of the Prince ; and J^J^^i
there dropped anchor. So that both fleets lay within that of War-
distance of each other, that there was now nothing thought wici-
of but a battle; to which there seemed all alacrity in the
Prince's fleet; and, it may be, the more upon the intelli
gence that the other was not well manned, and that many
were put on board who had more affection for the King;
which they would manifest when they came within dis
tance: but whether that fancy was from imagination or
intelligence, it seemed to have no foundation in truth.
The Earl of Warwick and his fleet appeared resolute
and prepared enough for an engagement : yet it was well
known, that the Earl was privy to the engagement of his
brother the Earl of Holland, and had promised to join
with him. And therefore it was thought fit, that the The Prince
Prince should write to the Earl to summon, or invite him^1*^^
to return to his allegiance. This was sent by Harry Sey- Warwick.
mour, who quickly returned with an answer from the Earl, His an-
which, in terms of duty enough, humbly besought hisswer-
Highness " to put himself into the hands of the Parlia-
" ment ; and that the fleet with him might submit to their
" obedience ; upon which they should be pardoned for
" their revolt."
Though this might well have satisfied concerning the
Earl's inclination, yet the Prince was prevailed with that
Mr. Crofts might give the Earl a visit ; who, having more
q2

228 THE HISTORY
BOOK acquaintance with him, having married his aunt, might be
/XL able to get a private audience of the Earl ; which Seymour
endeavoured, but could not obtain. But Crofts returned
as the other did; and now there wanted only a wind to
bring them together, which coming fair for the Prince, he
resolved to attack them. All anchors were weighed, and
preparations made to advance to the assault, the whole
fleet being under sail towards the other; which seemed
equally resolved and disposed, though the wind, which
drove the Prince upon them, compelled them a little to
retire, where tbe river was somewhat narrower. In an
instant the wind ceased, and there was a calm ; so that the
Prince could not advance; and some doubts arose, upon
the narrowing of the river, as if some of his ships might
want water in the engagement. In this deliberation the
wind rose again, but from another quarter, which was
directly in the Prince's face; and would not suffer him to
move towards the enemy, but drove him back, and would
carry him out of the river. Hereupon were new con
sultations ; great want of provisions was discovered to be
in the fleet, insomuch as that they should not be able to
stay at sea above ten days, and many ships would want
sooner, and therefore since the Earl of Warwick, as the
wind stood, could not be compelled to fight, and they were
in danger to be distressed for provisions, it was thought
most counsellable to put to sea; where they could more
commodiously engage in a battle, if the Earl of Warwick
would advance ; and if he did not, there was great reason
to hope, that the Prince might meet with those ships
which were coming from Portsmouth to join with the
Earl, and which might easily be surprised or taken by
the Prince's fleet; which was much superior to them in
strength. At this time the Earl of Lautherdale arrived in a ship
from Scotland ; and having left Duke Hamilton upon his
march towards. Berwick, he was sent to demand the per
formance of the treaty, and that the Prince would im
mediately repair to that army. This confirmed the Prince

OF THE REBELLION. 229
in the purpose of putting out to sea, since it was abso- BOOK
lutely necessary to carry the fleet first into Holland, before XI-
it could transport him into the northern parts. So the The Prince
whole fleet went to sea, and continued their course f or ^e^,°s sea
Holland, with hope still to meet with those ships which HoUand,
were coming from Portsmouth. And meet with them ^g6rathav"
they did in the night; which the Prince knew not till thetemPtedt0
morning; when one put the fault upon another; and it Earl o"
was now necessary to make all possible haste to Holland ; Warwiek-
since by the conjunction with these ships, besides all other
advantages, the Earl of Warwick was now become superior xhe Earl of
in the number, as well as the strength and goodness 0fWarwick
.... ... . . , followshim
his ships ; which appeared by his coming before Helvoet- towards
sluys, within few days after the Prince's arrival there. Holland.
It was near the middle of July, when Duke Hamilton Duke Ha-
entered into England with his army, when he came to™1,.^
Carlisle, and immediately took that government from SirEngland
Philip Musgrave, and drew out all the English garrison, middle of
and put Scots in their place. And after some few daysJulJ''
stay there, the English and Scottish forces met at a ren-TlieD|uke's
dezvous, in the way to that part of Cumberland where
Lambert then quartered: and if they had continued their
march, as they ought to have done, it is very probable
they had broken that body of Lambert's. But the Duke
would quarter that night two miles short; and Lambert,
in the same night, marched from thence in great disorder
and confusion to the edge of Yorkshire. The Duke rested
many days, that all his forces might come up, which came
slowly out of Scotland. As soon as they were come up,
he marched to Kendal ; where he rested again several
days; the reason whereof nobody could imagine. It was
suspected it was that those forces which were up in se
veral parts of the kingdom, for the King, might undergo
some defeat, that they might not be so united, as to con
trol or obstruct the Presbyterian design. For after that
army was entered into England, it moved, as hath been
said, by such very slow marches, and so negligently, and
with so little apprehension of an enemy, and it was quar
a3

230

THE HISTORY

BOOK XL

SirM. Langdale a day be
fore him.

SirM.Langdale gives him
an account
of the Eng
lish army.

tered at so great a distance, that the head quarter was very
often twenty miles distant from some part of the army;
the Duke himself performing no part of the office of a
General, but taking his ease, and being wholly governed
by the Lieutenant General of the army, and two or three
other officers.
Sir Marmaduke Langdale marched, with his body of
English, consisting of near four thousand foot, and seven
or eight hundred horse, always a day before the army; by
which they intended to have timely advertisement of the
enemy's motion, and likewise meant that he should bear
the first brunt of them, desiring to weaken him by all the
ways they could. They had not marched many days, it
being now near the middle of August, when Sir Marma
duke Langdale advertised the Duke, by an express, " that
" he had received unquestionable intelligence that Crom-
" well was within two or three days march, and resolved
" to engage his army as soon as possibly he could, and
" that he would not be diverted from it, by the people's
" gathering together at any distance from him, in what
" posture soever;" and therefore desired his Grace, " that
" he would keep his army close together ; for they could
"not be far asunder with any security;" and declared,
" that he himself would rest, and wait the advance of the
" enemy, and then retire back as he should find it ne-
" cessary." The Duke, notwithstanding this advertisement, reform
ed not the order of his march in any degree, but was per
suaded, " that the enemy could not be so near; and that,
" if Cromwell was advanced to such a distance, it was only
" with such a party, as he would not presume to engage
" with their whole army." In this confidence, he marched
as he had done before. Sir Marmaduke sent him every
day advice that confirmed the former, " and that his horse
" had encountered some of the enemy, and that their
" whole body was at hand ; but that it was true, it was
" not a body equal in number to their army, yet all that
« Cromwell expected was to join battle with him." All

OF THE REBELLION. 231
this gained not credit, till Sir Marmaduke himself, making BOOK
his retreat with very sharp skirmishes, in which many men XL
fell on both sides, was pursued into the head quarters of the
Duke; whither he likewise brought with him some prison
ers, who averred, that the whole body of the army was with
in five or six miles, and marched as fast as they were able.
The Duke was confounded with the intelligence, and
knew not what to do : the army was not together ; and
that part that was about him, was without any order, and
made no shew of any purpose to fight. In this amaze
ment, the Duke stayed himself with some officers at Pres
ton; and caused his foot to be drawn over a bridge, that
they might march towards Wiggan, a town in Lancashire,
where he should, as he thought, find some regiments, and
where they might make some stand till the rest should
come up. In the mean time Sir Marmaduke Langdale re
turned to his troops, the Duke having promised to send
him some troops to assist, and that some foot should be
sent to keep a lane, that would flank his men upon his re
treat. Sir Marmaduke retired before the enemy, and drew
up his troops into the closes near Preston. The enemy
followed him close, and pressed him very hard ; notwith
standing which he maintained the dispute for above six
hours with great courage, and with very great loss to" tlie
enemy in officers, and common soldiers; insomuch as they
seemed to retire, at least to make a stand. And in all
this time the Scots sent him no assistance, but concluded
that it was not Cromwell's whole army that assaulted him,
but only some party, which he would himself be well
enough able to disengage himself from. And Sir Marma
duke Langdale told me often afterwards, " that he verily
" believed, if one thousand foot had then been sent to
" him, he should have gained the day :" and Cromwell
himself acknowledged, that he never saw foot fight so des
perately as they did.
The Scots continued their march over the bridge, with- SirM.
out taking care to secure the lane, which he had recom- g^ts, and
mended to them; by which Cromwell's horse came upon >5 beaten ;
q4

232 THE HISTORY
BOOK his flank, whilst he was equally pressed in the van. So
XI- that his excellent body of foot being broken, Sir Marma-
andDuke duke, and such of his horse as kept together, were driven
routed!011 'nto the town 5 where tne Duke remained yet with some
officers; who all retreated over a ford to the foot, who
were in equal disorder. For as soon as the English forces
were broken, tbe Scots were presently beaten from the
bridge, and forced. to a very disorderly march. However,
the Duke had still a great part of his own army together;
with which he continued to march two or three days to
Wiggan ; thence to Warrington ; where Baily capitulated,
and delivered up all the foot; thence to Nantwich, and at
last to Uxeter ; and in all that time many of the Scottish
noblemen forsook him, and rendered themselves prisoners
to the gentlemen of the country; and Cromwell's troops
under Lambert pressed so hard upon the rear, that they
killed, and took as many prisoners as they pleased, with
out hazarding their own men. The Duke was scarce got
into Uxeter, when his troops, which made no resistance,
were beaten in upon him, and so close pursued by Crom-
The Duke well's horse under Lambert, that himself and all the prin-?
cipal officers (some few excepted, who, lying concealed, or
by the benefit of the swiftness of their horses, made their
escape) were taken prisoners : the Duke neither behaving
himself like a General, nor with that courage which he
was before never thought to want; but making all sub
missions, and all excuses to those who took him.
Thus his whole army was routed, and defeated; more
killed out of contempt, than that they deserved it by any
opposition ; the rest taken prisoners, all their cannon and
baggage taken, and their colours ; only some of thejr
horse, which had been quartered most backward, made
haste to carry news to their country of the ill success of
their arms. They who did not take the way for Scotland,
were for the most part taken by the activity of the coun
try, or the horse that pursued them ; whereof Sir Marma
duke Langdale, after he had made his way with some of
his officers and soldiers, who stood with him till they found

taken.

OF THE REBELLION. 233
It safest to disperse themselves, had the ill fortune to be BOOK
discovered; and was so taken prisoner, and sent to the Xl-
castle of Nottingham. All this great victory was got by sir M.
Cromwell with an army amounting to a third part of the fatnSdale
Scots in number, if they had been all together ; and it was
not diminished half a hundred in obtaining this victory,
after the English forces under Langdale had been defeated.
It may be proper now to mention, that the Lord Cot
tington, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, had many
misadventures ; which detained them from attending upon
the Prince in the fleet. As soon as they heard that his
Highness had put himself on board a ship at Calais to find
the fleet in Holland, they embarked at Dieppe, in a French
man of war that was bound for Dunkirk ; where when they
arrived, they found a gentleman, a servant of the Prince's,
who informed them, " that the Prince was with the whole
" fleet in the Downs, and that he had sent him with a
" letter to the Marshal Ranzaw, who was Governor of
" Dunkirk, to borrow a frigate of him ;" which he had
there, and had by some civil message offered to lend to his
Highness; and the Marshal, who received them with
great civility, assured them that the frigate should be
ready the next day, and, if they pleased to make use of it,
should carry them to the Prince.
They looked upon it as a good opportunity, which would
deliver them much sooner at the fleet, than they had be
fore expected to be; and so, without weighing the darfgers
which might accompany it, and might very naturally have
been foreseen, they embraced the occasion; there being
no hazard which they apprehended at sea, but that they
might be taken by the Parliament ships; which, by the
Prince's being with his fleet in the Downs, and so being
master at sea, was hardly possible. So they unwarily put
themselves into that frigate, and set sail in the evening
from Dunkirk; presuming that they should, the next
morning, find themselves in the Downs with the Prince.
But there was so dead a calm that night, that they made

234 THE HISTORY
BOOK very little way ; and, the next morning, they fofind that
X1, they were chased by six or seven frigates of Ostend. In
short, they were taken prisoners, and plundered of all they
had, (which amounted to good value in jewels and money,)
and were carried into Ostend, where, though they were
presently at liberty, they were compelled to stay many
days, not without some hope, raised by the civility of the
Spanish governor, and the Lords of the Admiralty there,
who very liberally promised an entire restitution of all
that they had lost. But that being without any effect,
that brutish people, the free-booters, being subject to no
government, they found means to give notice to the Prince
of all that happened, and that they would attend his com
mand at Flushing ; whither they easily went. Within few
days after, the Prince, out of the Downs, sent a frigate for
them to Flushing; where they embarked several times,
and were at sea the whole night, and in the morning
driven back by high winds, sometimes into Flushing,
sometimes to Ramekins ; and so were compelled to go to
Middleborough, and after a month's stay in those places,
and many attempts to get to sea, they received order from
the Prince to attend him in Holland, whither he had re
solved to go, as soon as the Earl of Lautherdale arrived
from Scotland in the fleet, and had delivered his imperious
invitation for the Prince's immediate repair to the Scottish
army; which was then entered into England. By this
The Prince measis they came not to the Prince, till the next day after
thTm^ie. he came t0 the HaSue> having left the fleet before Goree
and near Helvoetsluys.
The Prince was received by the States with all outward
respect, and treated by them for four or five days at their
charge; his Royal Highness every night lodging in the
palace, which belonged to the States too, where the Prince
of Orange and the Princess lay, and where both his Royal
Highness and the Duke of York had very good apart
ments ; the Prince and Duke, after two or three days, al
ways eating with the Princess Royal, the Prince of Orange

OF THE REBELLION. 235
himself keeping his own table open, according to custom, BOOK
for the resort of such of the States, or officers of the army, XL
or other noble persons, who frequently repaired thither.
The Prince of Wales's Court was full of faction, and Divisions
animosity against each other, so that the new comers werep™"!*6
not only very well received by the Prince, but very wel- Wales's
come to every body, who being angry with the other coun- Court'
sellors there, believed that matters would be better carried
now they were come. They had not been an hour in the
Hague, when Herbert the Attorney General came to
them, and congratulated their arrival, and told them " how
* much they had been wanted, and how much Prince Ru-
" pert longed for their company." And within a very
short time after, Prince Rupert himself came to bid them
welcome, with all possible grace, and profession of great
kindness and esteem for them. They both inveighed bit
terly against the whole administration of the fleet, in which
most part of the Court, which had been present, and who
agreed in nothing else, concurred with them.
The whole clamour was against the Lord Colepepper,
and Sir Robert Long the Prince's Secretary, who, by the
Queen's injunction, was wholly subservient to the Lord
Colepepper. They accused them of corruption, not only
with reference to the cloth ship, but to the release of very
many other ships, which they had discharged upon no
other reason, but as it would be a very popular thing, and
make the Prince grateful to the city of London. Though
there was much discourse of money brought to both their
cabins by Mr. Lowe, yet there was never any proof made
of any corruption in the Lord Colepepper, who was not
indeed to be wrought upon that way ; but, having some
infirmities, and a multitude of enemies, he was never ab
solved from any thing of which any man accused him ; and
the ©.ther was so notoriously inclined to that way of hus
bandry, that he was always thought guilty of more than
he was charged with. It was true enough that great riches
were parted with, and had been released for little or no
money; which being now exceedingly wanted, made it

236 THE HISTORY
BOOK easily believed that such unthrifty counsel could not have
XI> been given, except by those who were well rewarded for
it ; which still fell upon those two.
There was a general murmur that the fleet had lain so
long idle at the mouth of the river, when it had been pro
posed that it might go to the Isle of Wight, where they
might, in the consternation the whole kingdom was then
in, probably have been able to have released the King;
Carisbrook being near- the sea, a castle not strong in itself,
the island well affected, and at that time under no such
power as could subdue them. And why such an attempt,
which, if unsuccessful, could have been attended with no
damage considerable, was not made, was never fully an
swered. They were very angry with Batten, and would have it
treachery in him, that the two fleets did not fight with
each other, when they were so near engaging in the river;
which, they said, they might well have done before the
wind changed, if he had not dissuaded the Prince ; and in
this the clamour of the seamen joined with them. But it
was but clamour, for most dispassionate men gave him a
good testimony in that affair, and that he behaved himself
like a skilful officer, and was very forward to fight whilst
there was reason to effect it. The other reproach upon
him, of passing by the ships which came from Portsmouth,
in the night, was not so well answered : for it was known,
though he said that they were passed by, and out of reach
before he was informed of them, that he had notice time
enough to have engaged them, and did decline it; which
might reasonably enough have been done, out of appre
hension, besides the inconvenience of a night engagement,
that the noise of the conflict might have called the Earl of
Warwick out of the river to their assistance, before they
could have mastered them ; there being two or three of
the best ships of the royal navy, which would have made a
very notable resistance. But this being never urged by
himself, and what would have been too much for him to
have taken upon himself, it was imputed to his cowardice,

OF THE REBELLION. 237
of which the seamen, as well as the courtiers, accused him ; BOOK
though, as was generally thought, without reason, and XI-
only with prejudice to the man for what he had done be
fore, and because he was a man of a regular and orderly
course of life, and command, and of very few words, and
less passion than at that time raised men to reputation in
that province. There was only one man in the Council of
whom nobody spoke ill, or laid any thing to his charge ;
and that was the Lord Hopton. But there was then such
a combination, by the countenance of Prince Rupert, with
all the other lords of the Court, and the Attorney General,
upon former grudges, to undervalue him, that they had
drawn the Prince himself to have a less esteem of him
than his singular virtue, and fidelity, and his unquestion
able courage, and industry (all which his enemies could
not deny that he excelled in) did deserve.
This state the Court was in, when the two lately men
tioned counsellors came; who quickly discerned, by the
unsteady humours and strong passions all men were pos
sessed with, that they should not preserve the reputation
they seemed to have with every body for the present, any
long time, and foresaw that necessity would presently
break in upon them like an armed man, that would dis
turb and distract all their counsels. And there was, even
at the instant in which they arrived at the Hague, the
fatal advertisement of that defeat of the Scottish army,
which must break all their measures, and render the con
dition of the Prince, and of the whole kingdom, very de
plorable, and leave that of the King his father in the ut
most despair.
The rumour of this defeat came to the Hague the next
day after the Prince came thither, but not so particularly
that the extent of it was known, or the tragical effects yet
throughly understood. And his Highness appointing his
Council to meet together the next morning after the Lord
Cottington and the Chancellor of the Exchequer came
thither, he informed them of the Lord Lautherdale's mes
sage to him from the Parliament of Scotland, and that he

238 THE HISTORY
BOOK very earnestly pressed him, even since the news of the de-
xl- feat, that he would forthwith repair to their army ; and
his Highness thought fit, that the Earl should give an ac
count of his commission at the Board ; whereupon he was
sent for in ; and, that all respect might be shewed to the
Parliament of Scotland, he had a chair allowed him to sit
upon.
The letter jje grst rea(j his commission from the Parliament, and
liament of then the letter which the Parliament had writ to the
fhCOPrince° Pruice 5 'n which, having at large magnified the great
affection of the Parliament, " that out of their native and
" constant affection and duty to their King, and finding
" that, contrary to the duty of subjects, his Majesty was
" imprisoned by the traitorous and rebellious army in
" England, they had raised an army in that kingdom, that,
" since their advice, counsel, and intreaty in an amicable
" way, could not prevail, might by force redeem his Ma
jesty's person from that captivity; which they held
" themselves obliged by their solemn League and Cove-
" nant to endeavour to do, with the hazard of their lives
" and fortunes : that this army was already entered into
" England, under the command of James Duke Hamilton,
" whom, in respect of his known and eminent fidelity to
" his Majesty, they had made General thereof; and having
" now done all that was in their power to do for the pre-
" sent, and having taken due care for the seasonable sup-
" ply and recruit of that army, they now sent to his High-
" ness, that he would with all possible speed, according to
" the promise which the King his father had made, trans-
" port his royal person, that he might himself be in the
" head of that army to obtain the liberty of his father;"
and they desired him, " that for the circumstances of his
" journey he would be advised by the Earl of Lautherdale,
" to whom they had given full instructions ;" and they
besought his Highness " to give credit to him in all
" things." The Earl likewise shewed his instructions, by which
none of the Prince's chaplains were to be admitted to at-

OF THE REBELLION. 239
tend him, and great care to be taken, that none but godly BOOK
men should be suffered to be about the person of his High- xr-
ness ; and particularly that neither Prince Rupert, nor the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, nor some other persons
should be admitted to go with the Prince. And after all
these things were read and enlarged upon, he pressed the
Prince, with all imaginable instance, and without taking
notice of any thing that was befallen their army in Eng
land, of which he could not but have had particular rela
tion, that he would lose no time from entering upon his
journey; and all this with as insolent and supercilious be
haviour, as if their army had been triumphant.
When he had said all he meant to say, he sat still, as if
he expected to hear what the Prince or any body else
would say to what he proposed. It was then moved, Delibera-
" that, if he had no more to say, he would withdraw, top'°mp".s e
" the end that the Council might debate the matter, before Council
" they gave their advice to the Prince." He took this
motion very ill, and said " he was a privy counsellor to
" the King in Scotland, and being likewise a commissioner
" from the Parliament, he ought not to be excluded from
" any debate that concerned the affair upon which he was
" employed." This he urged in so imperious and offen
sive a manner, that drew on much sharpness; and the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, who knew him very well
since the treaty at Uxbridge, where they had often differed
in matters of the highest importance, treated him with the
same liberty they had then been accustomed to. He told
him, " he meant not to say any thing in that debate, when
" he should be withdrawn, that he desired should be con-
" cealed from him, or unheard by him ; and that he was
" ready to say, that, in his judgment, all he had proposed
" was very unreasonable ; but he would not that the dig-
" nity of the Board should be prostituted to his demand,
" nor that he should be present there at any debate."
The Earl replied, " that he was sent by the Parliament
" and kingdom of Scotland, to the Prince of Wales, and
" that he did protest against having any thing he pro-

240 THE HISTORY
BOOK " posed to be treated, and debated by, or before the Eng-
XI- " lish Board; nor did he consider what was or should be
" said, by any man but the Prince himself." The Prince
told him, " it was necessary that he himself should hear,
" and know what the opinion of the Council should be ;
" and that it was as unreasonable that he should be pre-
"sent;" and thereupon commanded him to withdraw;
which he presently submitted to with indecency enough.
The Prince then told them, " that there were some per^
" sons come to the town, the last night, who came out of
" England after the news of the victory over the Scots
" came to London, with all the circumstances thereof;
"and of the Duke's being taken prisoner;" and that the
Prince of Orange had told him, " that the States had re-
" ceived intelligence of it from their ambassador Newport,
" who resided in London." Upon the whole matter, the
Prince resolved " to meet again the next morning to con-
" suit farther what he was to do, and that probably, in the
" mean time, the intelligence would be more perfect, and
" unquestionable, and they should see whether Lauther-
" dale would take any notice of it."
But the night made no alteration in him ; he appeared
the next morning with the same confidence, and the same
importunity for'the Prince to remove, and begin his jour
ney. He was asked, " whether he had received no in-
" formation of some ill fortune, that had befallen that
" army, which might so change the case since he left Scot-
" land, that what might then have been fit, would be now
" unfit and uncompellable?" The Earl said, " he knew
" well what the news was from England ; and whatever he
" hoped, that he was not confident it was not true: how-
" ever he hoped, that would not change the Prince's pur-
" pose, but that it would more concern him to pursue the
" resolution he was formerly obliged to; that if any mis-
" fortune had befallen that army, the Prince had the more
" reason to endeavour to repair it ; which could be done
" no other way, than by his making all possible haste into
li Scotland; which remained still a kingdom entire, wholly

OF THE REBELLION. 241
"devoted to his service; and that, by the benefit of his BOOK
" presence, might quickly draw together another army, XL
" towards which there was a good beginning already by the
" preservation of that body under Monroe : that if his High-
" ness should decline this only probable way to preserve
" himself, and to recover his other two kingdoms, it would
" be thought he had little zeal for the liberty of his father,
" and as little for his own interest, and for the preservation
" of the Crown : he therefore besought his Highness, that he
" would cause some of his ships to be forthwith made ready,
" and would therein immediately transport himself into
" Scotland; whereby the late wound would, in a short time,
" be healed ; which would otherwise prove incurable."
But Scotland was so well known, and the power of Ar
gyle, (which must be now greater than ever by tlie total de
feat of the contrary party,) that his proposition was by all
dispassionate men thought to be very extravagant, and not
to be hearkened to : and the news from London, that
Cromwell was marched into Scotland with his whole army,
confirmed every honest man in that opinion. And within
few days the Earl of Lautherdale seemed rather to think of
going thither himself, where his own concernments were in
great danger, than of pressing the Prince to so hazardous
a voyage; and after a few weeks more stay at the Hague,
upon the intelligence from his friends in Scotland, how af
fairs went there, he returned thither in the same ship that The Earl of
transported him from thence, with as much rage and ma- ^"returns
lice against the Council about the Prince, as against Crom-into Scot-
well himself. land-
The defeat of the Scottish army at Preston, though it
was not at first believed to be an entire victory over their
whole body, there being double that number that was not
there or that marched from thence, broke or disappointed
most of the designs which were on foot for raising men,
in those northern counties, for the King's service, to have
joined and united under Sir Marmaduke Langdale. Sir
Thomas Tildesly, a gentleman of a fair estate, who had
served the King from the beginning of the war with good
vol. in. p. 1. R

242 THE HISTORY
BOOK courage, was then with a body of English, with which
XI' he had besieged the castle of Lancaster, and was upon

the point of reducing it, when the news of Preston ar
rived. It was then necessary to quit that design; and
hearing that Major General Monroe, who, shortly after
the Duke marched out of Scotland, followed him with
a recruit of above six thousand horse and foot, was
sir Th. Til- come to the skirts of Lancashire, he retired thither to him,
tireJto having gathered up many of Sir Marmaduke Langdale's
Monroe. mer)j wno haci Deen broken at Preston, and some others
who had been newly levied. Sir Thomas Tildesly moved
Monroe, " that his forces, and some regiments of Scots,
" who yet remained about Kendal, might join with the
" English under his command, and march together to-
" wards Preston, and follow Cromwell in the rear, as he
"pursued the Scots:" which they might very well have
done, being a body, when in conjunction, of above eight
thousand men ; which was equal in number to the army
under Cromwell. But the Major General would not con
sent to the motion, but retired to the farther part of West
moreland; and the English followed them in the rear;
presuming, that though they would not be persuaded to
advance after Cromwell, yet that they would choose some
other more convenient post to make a stand in, if the ene
my followed them ; and then that they would be glad to join
with them : to which he was pressed again the next day,
but continued still fast in his sullen resolution, without de
claring what he meant to do ; and retired through Cum
berland, where he had left a sad remembrance of his hav
ing passed that way a few days before, having then raised
vast sums of money upon the poor people, and now in his
retreat plundered almost all they had left.
The English marched into the bishopric of Durham, to
join with such new levies as were then raising there ; and
their number being increased by the addition of those troops
which were under the command of Sir Henry Bellingham,
Monroe they met again Major General Monroe in Northumberland,
tered Eng- an^ desired him, " that they might unite together against

OF THE REBELLION. 243
" the common enemy, who equally desired the destruction BOOK
" of them both." But he resolutely refused, and told them XI.
plainly, " that he would march directly into Scotland, and land, upon
" expect orders there ; " which he did with all possible ex- "^ *°'s
pedition. treats to-
Sir Philip Musgrave believed that he and his foot might uZ£Scoi'
be welcome to Carlisle; and went thither; and sent Sir sir Philip
Henry Bellingham, Sir Robert Strickland, and Colonel ^ u*e™™e
Chater, to the Earl of Lanrick, and offered that they
should carry their troops into Scotland to join with him ;
who he knew well would stand in need of help. But he
durst not accept their motion, saying, " if he should, Ar-
" gyle would from thence take an excuse to invite Crom-
"well;" who they heard was then' upon his march to
wards Berwick, to bring his army into Scotland: upon
which Sir Henry Bellingham returned with the party he
commanded into Cumberland, paying for all they had
through that part of Scotland it was necessary for them
to pass through.
Sir Philip Musgrave had no better success with Sir Wil
liam Levingston, the Governor of Carlisle; for though he
received him very civilly, and entered into a treaty with
him, (for he knew well enough that he was not able to
victual or defend the place without the assistance of the
English, and therefore desired the assistance of Sir Philip
in both,) yet when articles were agreed upon, and signed
by Sir Philip Musgrave, the Governor fell back, and re
fused to engage himself " not to deliver up the garrison
" without the consent of Sir Philip Musgrave ; " who was
contented that none of his men should come within the
walls, until it should be most apparent, that they could no
longer keep the field.
Within a short time after, orders were sent out of Scot- Berwick
land for the delivery of Berwick and Carlisle to the Pariia- j^^ul
ment; in which orders there was not the least mention ofveredto th t* P atI i si—
making conditions for the English. Sir Philip Musgrave ment
had yet Appleby castle in his own possession, having taken
it after he had delivered Carlisle to Duke Hamilton, and
r 2

244 THE HISTORY
BOOK after he was marched from thence. By this good accident,
XI- upon the delivery of it up, which could not long have
made any defence, he made conditions for himself, and one
hundred and fifty officers, many of them gentlemen of qua
lity, who lived again to venture, and some to lose, their
lives for the King : after which, he soon transported him
self into Holland.
Cromwell resolved to loose no advantage he had got, but
as soon as he had perfected his defeat of Duke Hamilton,
by gathering up as many prisoners as he could of the dis
persed troops, he marched directly towards Scotland, to pull
up the roots there, from which any farther trouble might
spring hereafter j though he was very earnestly called upon
from Yorkshire to reduce those at Pontefract castle; which
grew' very troublesome to all their neighbours; and, not
satisfied with drawing contributions from all the parts ad
jacent, they made excursions into places at a great distance,
ahd took divers substantial men prisoners, and carried them
to the castle ; where they remained till they redeemed them
selves by great ransoms. However, he Would not defer
his northern march ; but believing that he should be in a
short time capable to take vengeance upon those affronts,
he satisfied himself in sending Colonel Rainsborough, with
some troops of horse and foot, to restrain their adventures,
Cromwell and to keep them blocked up ; and himself, with the rest
intoScot- °^ h's armv> continued their march for Scotland, it being
land. about the end of August, or beginning of September, before
the harvest of that country was yet ripe ; and so capablfiof
beihg destroyed.
It was generally believed, that the Marquis of Argyle
earnestly invited him to this progress ; for the defeat of the
Scottish army in England had not yet enough made him
master of Scotland. There was still a committee of Parlia
ment sitting at Edinburgh, in which, and in the Council;
the Earl of Lanrick swayed without a rival ; ahd the troops
which had been raised under Monroe for the recruit of the
Duke's army, were still together, and at the Earl's devo
tion ; so that the Marquis was still upon his good beha-

OF THE REBELLION. 245
vldur. If he did not invite Cromwell, he was very glad of BOOK
his coming ; and made all possible haste to bid him wel- XL
come upon his entering into the kingdom. They made
great shews of being mutually glad to see each other,
being linked together by many promises, and professions,
and by an entire conjunction in guilt.
There was no act of hostility committed; Cromwell de
claring, " that he came with his army to preserve the godly
" party, and to free the kingdom from a force, which it was
" under, of malignant men, who had forced the nation to
" break the friendship with their brethren of England, who
" had been so faithful to them : that it having pleased God
" to defeat that army under Duke Hamilton, who endea-
" voured to engage the two nations in each other's blood,
" he was come thither to prevent any farther mischief, and
" to remove those from authority who had used their power
" so ill ; and that he hoped he should, in very few days,
" return with an assurance of the brotherly affection of that
" kingdom to the Parliament of England; which did not
" desire in any degree to invade their liberties, or infringe
" their privileges." He was conducted to Edinburgh by is received
the Marquis of Argyle, where he was received with all^*^111"
solemnity, and the respect due to the deliverer of their
country, and his army quartered about, and supplied with
all provisions the country could yield.
The Earl of Lanrick, and all the Hamiltonian faction,
(that is, all who had a mind to continue of it,) were with
drawn, and out of reach ; and they who remained at Edin
burgh' were resolved to ohey Argyle ; who they saw eould
protect them. There were then enough left of the com
mittee of Parliament to take care of the safety and good
of the kingdom, without putting Cromwell to help them
by the power of the English; which would have been a
great discredit to their government. Whilst he remained
their guest, (whom they entertained magnificently,) Argyle
thought himself able, by the laws of Scotland, to reform all
that was amiss, and presetye the government upon the true
foundation. So the Committee of Parliament sent to Mon- 1"1"- com
mittee of
r3

246 THE HISTORY
BOOK roe an order and command to disband his troops ; which
XI- when he seemed resolved not to do, he quickly discerned
the Scot- that Cromwell must be arbitrator ; and thereupon he ob-
menforder ^serve<^ the orders of the committee very punctually: so
Monroe to that there was no power in Scotland that could oppose the
command of Argyle; the committee of Parliament, the
Council, all the magistrates of Edinburgh, were at his de
votion ; and whoever were not so, were either in prison, or
fled. The pulpits were full of invectives against the sin
fulness of the late engagement, and solemn fasts enjoin
ed by the Assembly to implore God's pardon and forgive
ness for that heinous transgression ; the Chancellor Lowden
giving the good example, by making his recantation and
humble submission with many tears. Cromwell had rea
son to believe that it would henceforward prove as peace
able a kingdom as he could wish; and having thus con
certed all things with his bosom friend Argyle, (who re
solved, as soon as he was withdrawn a distance from Edin
burgh, that he and his army might not be thought to have
an influence upon the councils, to call the Parliament to
Cromwell confirm all he should think fit to do,) he returned for
England?' England ; where he thought his presence was like to be
wanted. The committee of Parliament at Edinburgh (who had
authority to convene the Parliament when the major part
of them should please ; care being taken in the nomination
of them, that they were such as were thought most like to
pursue the way they were entered into) sent out their sum-
TheScot- mons to call the Parliament. They who appeared, were of
mfnfbeing anotner mind from what they had been formerly, and with
called, con- the same passion and zeal with which they had entered
Hamilton's 'nto tne engagement, they now declared it unlawful and un-
menT* S0^ly > and the Assembly joining with them, they excom
municated all who had the most eminent parts in the pro
moting it; and made them incapable of bearing any office
in the State, or of sitting in Council, or in Parliament;
subjecting those who had sinned in a less degree, to such
penalties as would for ever make them subject to their

OF THE REBELLION. 247
government. By these judgments, amongst others, the BOOK
Earl of Lanrick was deprived of being Secretary of State, XL
and that office was conferred upon the Earl of Lothian ;
who, in the beginning of the rebellion, had been employed
by the conspirators into France, and coming afterwards
into England was imprisoned thereupon, and being after
set at liberty continued amongst those who, upon all oc
casions, carried the rebellion highest, and shewed the most
implacable malice to the person of the King. And by this
time Argyle was become so much more master of Scotland
than Cromwell was of England, that he had not so much
as the shadow of a Parliament to contend, or to comply
with, or a necessity to exercise his known great talent of
dissimulation, all men doing as he enjoined them, without
asking the reason of his direction.
To return to the state of the King's affairs in England :
when the Earl of Norwich and the Lord Capel with the
Kentish and Essex troops were inclosed in Colchester, their
friends could not reasonably hope that the Scottish army,
which had so long deferred their march into England, con
trary to their promise, would, though they were now come
in, march fast enough to relieve Colchester before they
should be reduced by famine. The Earl of Holland thought The Earl of
it necessary, since many who were in Colchester had en- riMSMroes
gaged themselves upon his promises and authority, now to to King-
begin his enterprise ; to which the youth and warmth of
the Duke of Buckingham, who was General of the horse,
the Lord Francis Villiers his brother, and divers other
young noblemen, spurred him on. And he might have the
better opinion of his interest and party, in that his purpose
of rising, and putting himself into arms for the relief of
Colchester, was so far from being a secret, that it was
the common discourse of the town. There was a great
appearance every morning, at his lodging, of those officers
who were known to have served the King; his commissions
•shewed in many hands ; no question being more commonly
asked, than " when doth my Lord Holland go out?" and
the answer was, " such and such a day ;" and the hour he
r 4

248 THE HISTORY
BOOK did take horse, when he was accompanied by an hundred
XI- horse from his house, was publicly talked of two or three
days before.
His first rendezvous was at Kingston upon Thames;
where he stayed two nights, and one whole day, expecting
a great resort to him, not only of officers, but of common
men, who had promised, and listed themselves under seve
ral officers ; and he imputed the security he had enjoyed so
long, notwithstanding his purpose was so generally known,
to the apprehension both the Parliament and the army had
of the affections of the city to join with him ; and he be
lieved, that he should not only remain secure at Kingston,
as long as he should think fit to stay there, but that some
entire regiments of the city would march out with him for
the relief of Colchester.
During the short stay he made at Kingston, some offi
cers and soldiers, both of horse and foot, came thither, and
many persons of honour and quality, in their coaches, came
to visit him and his company from London ; and returned
thither again to provide what was still wanting, and re
solved to be with him soon enough. The principal officer
the Earl relied upon (though he had better) was Dalbeer a
Dutchman, of name and reputation, and good experience
in war; who had served the Parliament as Commissary
General of the horse under the Earl of Essex, and having
been left out in the new model, was amongst those dis
contented officers who looked for an opportunity to be re
venged of the army; which they despised for their ill
breeding, and much preaching. Thus Dalbeer was glad
to depend upon the Earl of Holland, who thought himself
likewise happy in such an officer. The keeping good
guards, and sending out parties towards the Kentish parts,
where it was known some troops remained since the last
commotion there, was committed to his care. But he dis
charged it so ill, or his orders were so ill observed, that the
second or third morning after their coming to Kingston,
some of the Parliament's foot, with two or three troops of
Colonel Rich's horse, fell upon a party of the Earl's about

OF THE REBELLION. 249
Nonsuch; and beat, and pursued them into Kingston, be- BOOK
fore those within had notice to be ready to receive them ; XL
the Earl and most of the rest making too much haste out is routed
of town, and never offering to charge those troops. Intnere:
this confusion the Lord Francis Villiers, a youth of rare
beauty and comeliness of person, endeavouring to make
resistance, was unfortunately killed, with one or two more
but of little note. Most of the foot made a shift to con
ceal themselves, and some officers, until they found means
to retire to their close mansions in London. The Earl
with near an hundred horse (the rest wisely taking the
way to London, where they were never inquired after)
wandered without purpose or design, and was, two or three
days after, beset in an inn at St. Neots in Huntington- Escapes to
shire, by those few horse who pursued him, being joined ^jere'he'is
with some troops of Colonel Scroop's ; where the Earl de- taken.
livered himself prisoner to the officer without resistance :
yet at the same time Dalbeer and Kenelm Digby, the
eldest son of Sir Kenelm, were killed upon the place;
whether out of former grudges, or that they offered to de
fend themselves, was not known ; and the Duke of Buck
ingham escaped, and happily found a way into London ;
where he lay concealed, till he had an opportunity to
secure himself by being transported into Holland; where
the Prince was ; who received him with great grace and
kindness. The Earl of Holland remained prisoner in the
place where he was taken, till by order from the Parlia
ment he was sent to Warwick castle, where he was kept
prisoner with great strictness.
The total defeat of the Scottish army lately mentioned
succeeded this, and when those noble persons within Col
chester were advertised of both, they knew well that there
was no possibility of relief, nor could they subsist longer
to expect it, being pressed with want of all kind of vic
tual, and having eaten near all their horses. They sent
therefore to Fairfax, to treat about the delivery of the
town upon reasonable conditions ; but he refused to treat,
or give any conditions, if they would, not render to mercy

250 THE HISTORY
BOOK all the officers and gentlemen; the common soldiers he
XL was contented to dismiss. A day or two was spent in
deliberation. They within proposed " to make a brisk
" sally ; and thereby to shift for themselves, as many
" as could." But they had too few horse, and the few
that were left uneaten were too weak for that enterprise.
Then, " that they should open a port, and every man die
" with their arms in their hands ;" but that way they
could only be sure of being killed, without much hurting
their adversaries, who had ways enough securely to as-
Colchester sau]t them. Hereupon, they were in the end obliged to
deliver themselves up prisoners at mercy; and were, all
the officers and gentlemen, led into the public hall of the
town ; where they were locked up, and a strong guard set
upon them. They were required presently to send a list
of all their names to the General ; which they did ; and,
within a short time after, a guard was sent to bring Sir
Charles Lucas, and Sir George Lisle, and Sir Bernard
Gascoigne to the General, being sat with his Council of
War. They were carried in, and in a very short discourse
told, " that after so long and so obstinate a defence until
" they found it necessary to deliver themselves up to
" mercy, it was necessary, for the example of others, and
" that the peace of the kingdom might be no more dis-
" turbed in that manner, that some military justice should
" be executed ; and therefore, that Council had determined
" they three should be presently shot to death ;" for which
they were advised to prepare themselves; and without
considering, or hearing what they had a mind to say for
themselves, they were led into a yard there by ; where they
found three files of musketeers ready for their dispatch.
Sir Bernard Gascoigne was a gentleman of Florence;
and had served the King in the war, and afterwards re
mained in London till the unhappy adventure of Col
chester, and then accompanied his friends thither; and
had only English enough to make himself understood, that
he desired a pen and ink and paper, that he might write a
letter to his Prince the Great Duke, that his Highness

OF THE REBELLION. 251
might know in what manner he lost his life, to the end BOOK
his heirs might possess his estate. The officer that at- XL
tended the execution thought fit to acquaint the General
and Council, without which he durst not allow him pen
and ink, which he thought he might reasonably demand :
when they were informed of it, they thought it a matter
worthy some consideration ; they had chosen him out of
the list for his quality, conceiving him to be an English
gentleman, and preferred him for being a knight, that they
might sacrifice three of that rank.
This delay brought the news of this blobdy resolution to
the prisoners in the town ; who were infinitely afflicted with
it ; and the Lord Capel prevailed with an officer, or soldier,
of their guard, to carry a letter, signed by the chief persons
and officers, and in the name of the rest, to the General ;
in which they took notice of that judgment, and desired
him " either to forbear the execution of it, or that they
" might all, who were equally guilty with those three, un-
" dergo the same sentence with them." The letter was
delivered, but had no other effect than the sending to the
officer to dispatch his order, reserving the Italian to the
last. Sir Charles Lucas was their first work; who fell sir Charles
dead ; upon which Sir George Lisle ran to him, embraced g^G^,^
him, and kissed him ; and then stood up, and looked those Lisle shot
who were to execute him in the face; and thinking they
stood at too great a distance, spake to them to come
nearer; to which one of them said, " I'll warrant you, sir,
"we'll hit you:" he answered smiling, "Friends, I have
" been nearer you, when you have missed me." There
upon, they all fired upon him, and did their work home,
so that he fell down dead of many wounds without speak
ing word. Sir Bernard Gascoigne had his doublet off,
and expected the next turn ; but the officer told him " he
" had order to carry him back to his friends ;" which at
that time was very indifferent to him. The Council of
War had considered, that if they should in this manner
have taken the life of a foreigner, who seemed to be a per
son of quality, their friends or children who should visit

252 THE HISTORY
BOOK Italy might pay dear for many generations; and therefore
XI- they commanded the officer, " when the other two should
" " be dead, to carry him back again to the other prisoners."
Their cha- The two who were thus murdered were men of great
racters. name and esteem in the war; the one being held as good a
commander of horse, and the other of foot, as the nation
had; but of very different tempers and humours. Lucas
was the younger brother of the Lord Lucas, and his heir
both to the honour and estate, and had a present fortune
of his own. He had been bred in the Low Countries un
der the Prince of Orange, and always amongst the horse.
He had little conversation in that Court, where great civi
lity was practised, arid learned. He was very brave in his
person, and in a day of battle a gallant man to look upon,
and follow; but at all other times and places, of a nature
scarce to be lived with, of no good understanding, of a
rough and proud humour, and very morose conversation;
yet they all desired to accompany him in his death. Lisle
was a gentleman who had had the same education with the
other, and at the same time an officer of foot ; had all the
courage of the other, and led his men to a battle with
such an alacrity, that no man was ever better followed;
his soldiers never forsaking him; and the party which he
commanded, never left any thing undone which he led them
upon. But then, to his fierceness of courage he had the
softest and most gentle nature imaginable; was kihd to
all, and beloved of all, and without a capacity to have an
enemy. The manner of taking the lives of these worthy men was
new, and without example, and concluded by most men to
be very barbarous ; and was generally imputed to Ireton,
who swayed the General, and was upon all occasions of an
unmerciful and bloody nature. As soon as this bloody sa
crifice was ended, Fairfax, with the chief officers, went to
the town-house to visit the prisoners; and the General
(who was an ill orator on the most plausible occasion) ap
plied with his civility to the Earl of Norwich, and the Lord
Capel; and, seeming in some degree to excuse the having

OF THE REBELLION. 253
done that, which he said " the military justice required," BOOK
he told them, " that all the lives of the rest were safe ; and XL
" that they should be well treated, and disposed of as the
" Parliament should direct." The Lord Capel had not so
soon digested this so late barbarous proceeding, as to re
ceive the visit of those who caused it, with such a return as
his condition might have prompted to him ; but said, " that
*e they should do well to finish their work, and execute the
" same rigour to the rest ;" upon which there were two or
three such sharp and bitter replies between him and Ireton,
that cost him his life in few months after. When the
General had given notice to the Parliament of his proceed
ings, he received order to send the Earl of Norwich and the
Lord Capel to Windsor castle ; where they had afterwards
the society of Duke Hamilton, to lament each other's mis
fortunes; and after some time they two were sent to the
Tower. Though the city had undergone so many severe mortifi
cations, that it might very well have been discouraged from
entering into any more dangerous engagements, at least all
other people might have been terrified from depending
again upon such engagements, yet the present fright was The beha-
.. . • . . c viour of
no sooner over than they recovered new spirits tor new un- &e city at
dertakings ; and seemed always to have observed some- this time.
what in the last miscarriage which might be hereafter pre
vented, and no more obstruct their future proceedings ;
and many in the Parliament, as well as in the city, who
were controlled and dispirited by the presence of the army,
when that was at a distance appeared resolute, and brisk
in any contradiction and opposition of their counsels. So
that Cromwell had no sooner begun »bis march towards the
north, and Fairfax his into Kent, but the Common Coun
cil delivered a petition to the Parliament, " that they They peti-
" would entertain a personal treaty with the King, that the p°°0°*jd
" kingdom might be restored again to a happy peace ; treaty.
" which could be hoped for no other way." This was the
first presumption that had been offered, since their vote of
no more addresses to be made to the King ; which had

254 THE HISTORY
BOOK been near half a year before; and this seemed to be made
XI- with so universal a concurrence of the city, that the Par
liament durst not give a positive refusal to it. And in truth
the major part thereof did really desire the same thing;
which made Sir Harry Vane, and that party in the Parlia
ment to which the army adhered, or rather which adhered
to the army, to contrive some specious way to defer and
delay it by seeming to consent to it, rather than to oppose
A commit- the motion. And therefore they appointed a committee of
liament*'" the House of Commons, to meet with such a committee of
treats with the Common Council, as they should make choice of, to
it. confer together of the ways and means to provide for the
King's safety and security during the time of the treaty:
which committee being met together, that of the House of
Commons perplexed the other with many questions, " what
" they meant by those expressions, they used in their peti-
" tion," (and had been the common expressions, long used
both by the King and the Parliament, in all applications
which had concerned a treaty,) " that his Majesty might
" treat with honour, freedom, and safety? what they in
tended by those words ? and whether the city would be
at the charge in maintaining those guards, which were
to be kept for the . security of the King during such
treaty; and if the King should in that treaty refuse to
give the Parliament satisfaction, how his person should
" be disposed of?" and many such questions, to which they
well knew that the committee itself could make no answer,
but that there must be another Common Council called, to
which they must repair for directions. And by this means,
and administering new questions at every meeting, much
time was spent, and the delays they wished could not be
avoided. So that notwithstanding all the city's earnestness
that the treaty might be presently entered upon, it was
delayed till the insurrection in Kent, and the designs of
the Earl of Holland (to both which they had promised
another kind of assistance) were both disappointed, and ex
pired. However, the Prince was still in the Downs with
his fleet, and the gentlemen in Colchester defended them-

OF THE REBELLION. 255
selves resolutely, and the Scottish army was entered the BOOK
kingdom, all which kept up their courage; insomuch as, XL

after all the delays, the Parliament consented, and declared, The Parlia-
" that they would enter into a personal treaty with the ment a„e-
1 • 111 clares for a
"King for the settling the peace of the kingdom; but personal
" that the treaty should be in the Isle of Wight, where histreaty-
" Majesty should enjoy honour, freedom, and safety."
Tlie city had offered before to the committee upon some
of the questions which had been administered to them,
" that if the treaty might be in London, they would be at
" the charge of maintaining those guards which should be
" necessary for the safety and security of the King;" and
therefore they were very much troubled, that the treaty
should be now in the Isle of Wight, upon which they could
have no influence; yet they thought not fit to make any
new instances for change of the place, lest the Parliament
might recede from their vote, that there should be a treaty
entered upon. So they only renewed their importunity,
that all expedition might be used; and, in spite of allAcommit-
delays, in the beginning of August a committee was sent ^ °sfe!!oth
from both Houses to the King to Carisbrook castle, where, sent to the
he had been close shut up about half a year, without being jj,1^,,"'
suffered to speak with any but such who were appointed Pose in the
iii- beginning
by them to attend, and watch him. of August
The message the committee delivered was, "that the The sub-
"Houses did desire a treaty with his Majesty, in what ^^ mes_
" place of the Isle of Wight he would appoint, upon the ^fc to the
" propositions tendered to him at Hampton Court, and
" such other propositions, as they should cause to be pre-
" sented to him; and that his Majesty should enjoy honour,
" freedom, and safety to his person." The messengers, who
were one of the House of Peers and two Commoners, were
to return within ten days, nobody being very strict in the
limitation of time to a day, because the treaty was so much
the longer kept off, which they hoped still would by some
accident be prevented.
The King received them very graciously, and told them,
" they could not believe that any man could desire a peace

256 THli HISTORY
BOOK " more heartily than himself, because no man suffered so
XL it mucn ^ the want of it : that, though he was without
" any man to consult with, and without a secretary to
" write what he should dictate, yet they should not be put
" to stay long for an answer ;" which he gave them within
two or three days, all written in his own hand ; in which,
after he had lamented his present condition, and the ex-
The King's treme restraint he was under, he said, " he did very cheer-
answer, a £uljy embrace tjiejr motion, and accepted a treaty they
" promised should be with honour, freedom, and safety;
" which he hoped they did really intend should be per-
" formed ; for that, in the condition he was in, he was so
" totally ignorant and uninformed of the present state of
" all his dominions, that a blind man was as fit to judge
" of colours, as he was to treat concerning the peace of
" the kingdom, except they would first revoke their votes,
" and orders, by which all men were prohibited and forbid
" to come, write, or speak to him. For the place, be
" could have wished, for the expedition that would have
" resulted from thence, that it might have been in or near
" London, to the end that the Parliament's resolution and
" determination might have been sooner known upon any
" emergent occasion that might have grown in the treaty,
" than it could be at such a distance : however, since they
" had resolved that it should be in the Isle of Wight, he
" would not except against it, but named the town of
" Newport for the place of the treaty." He said, " though
" he desired all expedition might be used towards the
" beginning and ending the treaty, yet he should not think
" himself in any freedom to treat, except, before the treaty
" begun, all such persons might have liberty to repair to
" him, whose advice and assistance he should stand in
" need of in the treaty." He sent a list of the names of
those his servants which he desired might be admitted to
come to him, and attend upon him; whereof the Duke
of Richmond, the Marquis of Hertford, the Earls of South
ampton and Lindsey, were the chief; all four gentlemen
of his Bedchamber, and of his Privy Council. He named

OF THE REBELLION. 257
likewise all the other servants, whose attendance he de- BOOK
sired in their several offices. He sent a list of the names XL
of several Bishops, and of such of his Chaplains, as he
desired to confer with, and of many common Lawyers,
and some Civilians, whose advice he might have occasion
to use, and desired, " that he might be in the same state
" of freedom, as he enjoyed whilst he had been at Hamp-
" ton Court."
By the time that the commissioners returned from the
Isle of Wight, and delivered this answer to the Parlia
ment, news was brought of the defeat of the Scottish army,
and Cromwell had written to his friends, " what a per-
" petual ignominy it would be to the Parliament, that no-
" body abroad or at home would ever give credit to them,
" if they should recede from their former vote and de-
" claration of no farther addresses to the King, and con-
"jured them to continue firm in that resolution." But
they had gone too far now to recede, and since the first
motion and petition from the Common Council for a
treaty, very many members, who had opposed the vote
and declaration of no more addresses, and from the time
that had passed, had forborne ever to be present in the
Parliament, upon the first mention of a treaty, flocked
again to the House, and advanced that overture; so that
they were much superior in number to those who en
deavoured first to obstruct and delay, and now hoped
absolutely to frustrate all that had been proposed towards
a treaty. And the great victory which had been obtained
against the Scots, and which they concluded must speedily
reduce Colchester, and put a quick period to all other
attempts against the Parliament, made them more earnest
and solicitous for a treaty ; which was all the hope left tp
prevent that confusion they discerned was the purpose of
the army to bring upon the kingdom : and so with the
more vigour they pressed " that satisfaction might be
" given to the King, in all that he had proposed in his
"answer;" and, notwithstanding all opposition, it was The vote of
declared, "that the vote for no more addresses should addresses
VOL. HI. p. 1. S

258 THE HISTORY
BOOK " stand repealed : that the treaty should be at Newport ;

XI

" and that his Majesty should be there in the same free-
repealed; " dom in which he was at Hampton Court; that the
treaty to " instructions to Colonel Hammond, by which the King
be at New- « had been in that manner restrained, and all persons
"forbid from going to him, should be recalled; that alt
" those persons who were named by the King, should have
" free liberty to repair to him, and to remain with him
" without being questioned, or troubled." And having
proceeded thus far, they nominated five lords and ten
commoners to be the commissioners who should treat
with the, King, and who were enjoined to prepare all
things to be in readiness for the treaty with all possible
expedition ; but Sir Harry Vane, being one of those com
missioners, used all his arts to obstruct and delay it, in
hope that Cromwell would dispatch his affairs in Scotland
time enough to return, and to use more effectual and
powerful arguments against it, than he was furnished
withal. All these occurrences were very well known to Crom
well, and were the motives which persuaded him to be
lieve that his presence at the Parliament was so necessary
to suppress the Presbyterians, who ceased not to vex him
at any distance, that he would not be prevailed with to
stay and finish that only work of difficulty that remained
to be done, which was the reducing Pontefract castle;
but left Lambert to make an end of it, and to revenge the
death of Rainsborough, who had lost his life by that
garrison, with some circumstances which deserve to be
remembered; as in truth all that adventure in the taking
and defending that place, should be preserved by a very
particular relation, for the honour of all the persons who
were engaged in it.
oVtheTak"' When the first war had been brought to an end by the
ing of Pon- reduction of all places, and persons, which had held for
castle for the King, and all men's hopes had been rendered despe-
thc King, rate, by the imprisonment of his Majesty in the Isle of
Wight, those officers and gentlemen who had served,

OF THE REBELLION. 259
whilst there was any service, betook themselves generally BOOK
to the habitations they had in the several counties ; where XL
they lived quietly and privately, under the insolence of~
those neighbours who had formerly, by the inferiority of
their conditions, submitted to them. When the Parlia
ment had finished the war, they reduced and slighted most
of the inland garrisons, the maintenance whereof was very
chargeable; yet by the interest of some person who com
manded it, or out of the consideration of the strength
and importance of the place, they kept still a garrison in
Pontefract castle, a noble royalty and palace belonging to
the Crown, and then part of the Queen's jointure. The
situation in itself was very strong ; no part whereof was
commanded by any other ground: the house very large,
with all offices suitable to a princely seat, and though
built very near the top of a hill, so that it had the pro
spect of a great part of the West Riding of Yorkshire, and
of Lincolnshire, and Nottinghamshire, yet it was plen
tifully supplied with water. Colonel Cotterell, the Go
vernor of this castle, exercised a very severe jurisdiction
over his neighbours of those parts ; which were inhabited
by many gentlemen, and soldiers, who had served the
King throughout the war, and who were known to retain
their old affections, though they lived quietly under the
present government. Upon the least jealousy or humour,
these men were frequently sent for, reproached, and some
times imprisoned by the Governor in this garrison ; which
did not render them the more devoted to him. When
there appeared some hopes that the Scots would raise an
army for the relief and release of the King, Sir Marmaduke
Langdale, in his way for Scotland, had visited and con
ferred with some of his old friends and countrymen, who
now lived quietly within some distance of Pontefract, who
informed him of that garrison, the place whereof was well
known to him. And he acquainting them with the as
surance he had of the resolution of the principal persons
of the kingdom of Scotland, and that they had invited
him to join with them, in order to which he was then
s 2

260 THE HISTORY
BOOK going thither, they agreed, "that, when it should appear
X1, " that an army was raised in Scotland upon that account,
" which must draw down the Parliament's army into the
" other northern counties, and that there should be risings
" in other parts of the kingdom," (which the general in
disposition and discontent, besides some particular designs,
made like to fall out,) " that then those gentlemen should
" endeavour the surprise of that castle, and after they had
" made themselves strong in it, and furnished it with pro-
" visions to endure some restraint, they should draw as
" good a body to them as those countries would yield :"
and having thus adjusted that design, they settled such a
way of correspondence with Sir Marmaduke, that they
frequently gave him an account, and received his directions
for their proceeding. In this disposition they continued
quiet, as they had always been ; and the Governor of the
castle lived towards them with less jealousy, and more
humanity, than he had been accustomed to.
There was one Colonel Morrice, who, being a very
young man, had, in the beginning of the war, been an
officer in some regiments of the King's ; and, out of the
folly and impatience of his youth, had quitted that service,
and engaged himself in the Parliament army with some
circumstances not very commendable; and by the clear
ness of his courage, and pleasantness of his humour,
made himself not only very acceptable, but was preferred
to the command of a colonel, and performed many notable
services for them, being a stout arid bold undertaker. in
attempts of the greatest danger ; wherein he had usually
success. After the new modelling of the army, and the
introducing of a stricter discipline, his life of great licence
kept not his reputation with the new officers; and being a
free speaker and censurer of their affected behaviour, they
left him out in their compounding their new army, but
with many professions of kindness, and respect to his emi
nent courage, which they would find some occasion to
employ, and reward. He was a gentleman of a competent
estate in those parts in Yorkshire; and as he had grown

OF THE REBELLION. 261
elder, he had heartily detested himself for having quitted BOOK
the King's service, and had resolved to take some sea- XL
sonable opportunity to wipe off that blemish by a service
that would redeem him; and so was not troubled to be
set aside by the new General, but betook himself to his
estate; enjoyed his old humour, which was cheerful and
pleasant; and made himself most acceptable to those who
were most trusted by the Parliament; who thought that
they had dismissed one of the best officers they had, and
were sorry for it.
He now, as a country gentleman, frequented the fairs
and markets, and conversed with equal freedom with all
his neighbours, of what party soever they had been, and
renewed the friendship he had formerly held with some of
those gentlemen who had served the King. But no friend
ship was so dear to him, as that of the Governor of Pon
tefract castle, who loved him above all men, and delighted
so much in his company, that he got him to be with him
sometimes a week and more at a time in the castle, when
they always lay together in one bed. He declared to one
of those gentlemen, who were united together to make
that attempt, " that he would surprise that castle, when-
" ever they should think the season ripe for it;" and that
gentleman, who knew him very well, believed him so en
tirely, that he told his companions, " that they should not
" trouble themselves with contriving the means to sur-
" prise the place ; which, by trusting too many, would be
" liable to discovery ; but that he would take that charge
"upon himself, by a way they need not inquire into;
" which he assured them should not fail :" and they all
very willingly acquiesced in his undertaking; to which
they knew well he was not inclined without good grounds.
Morrice was more frequently with the Governor, who
never thought himself well without him ; and always told
him " he must have a great care of his garrison, that he
" had none but faithful men in the castle ; for that he was
" confident there were some men who lived not far off}
" and who many times came to visit him, had some design
s3

262 THE HISTORY
BOOK "upon the place;" and would then in confidence name
XL many persons to him, some whereof were those very men
— with whom he communicated, and others were men of
another temper, and were most devoted to the Parliament,
all his particular friends and companions ; " but that he
" should not be troubled ; for he had a false brother
" amongst them, from whom he was sure to have sea-
" sonable advertisement;" and promised him, " that he
" would, within few hours notice, bring him at any time
" forty or fifty good men into the castle to reinforce
" his garrison, when there should be occasion ;" and be
would shew him the list of such men, as would be always
ready, and would sometimes bring some of those men
with him, and tell the Governor before them, " that those
" were in the list he had given him of the honest fellows,
"who would stick to him when there should be need;"
and others would accidentally tell the Governor, " that
" they had listed themselves with Colonel Morrice to come
*e to the castle, whenever he should call or send to them.''
And all these men thus listed, were fellows very notorious
for the bitterness and malice which they had always against
the King, not one of which he ever intended to make
use of.
He made himself very familiar with all the soldiers in
the castle, and used to play and drink with them ; and,
when he lay there, would often rise in the night, and visit
the guards; and by that means would sometimes make
the Governor dismiss and discharge a soldier whom he
did not like, under pretence, " that he found him always
" asleep," or some other fault which was not to be ex
amined; and then he would commend some other to him
as very fit to be trusted and relied upon ; and by this
means he had very much power in the garrison. The
Governor received several letters from his friends in the
Parliament, and in the country, " that he should take care
" of Colonel Morrice, who resolved to betray him;" and
informed him, " that he had been in such and such com-
" pany of men, who were generally esteemed most malig-

OF THE REBELLION. 263
« nant, and had great intrigues with them;" all which BOOK
was well known to the Governor; for the other was XL
never in any of that company, though with all the shew
of secrecy, in the night, or in places remote from any
house, but he always told the Governor of it, and of many
particular passages in those meetings ; so that when these
letters came to him, he shewed them still to the other;
and then both of them laughed at the intelligence; after
which Morrice frequently called for his horse, and went
home to his house, telling his friend, " that though he
" had, he knew, no mistrust of his friendship, and knew
" him too well to think him capable of such baseness, yet
" he ought not for his own sake be thought to slight the
" information ; which would make his friends the less
"careful of him: that they had reason to give him warn-
" ing of those meetings, which, if he had not known him-
" self, had been very worthy of his suspicion ; therefore
"he would forbear coming to the castle again, till this
" jealousy of his friends should be over ; who would know
" of this, and be satisfied with it :" and no power of the
Governor could prevail with him, a,t such times, to stay;
but he would be gone, and stay away till he was, after some
time, sent for again with great importunity, the Governor
desiring his counsel and assistance as much as his com
pany. It fell out, as it usually doth in affairs of that nature,
when many men are engaged, that there is an impatience
to execute what is projected before the time be throughly
ripe. The business of the fleet, and in Kent, and other
places, and the daily alarms from Scotland, as if that army
had been entering the kingdom, made the gentlemen who
were engaged for this enterprise imagine that they deferred
it too long, and that though they had received no orders
from Sir Marmaduke Langdale, which they were to expect,
yet they had been sent, and miscarried. Hereupon they
called upon the gentleman who had undertaken, and he
upon Morrice, for the execution of the design. The time
agreed upon was such a night, when the surprisers were to
s4

264 THE HISTORY
BOOK be readyupon such a part of the wall, and to have ladders
x _ to mount in two places, where two soldiers were to be
appointed for sentinels who were privy to the attempt.
Morrice was ih the castle, ahd in bed with the Governor,
and, according to his custom, rose about the hour he
thought all would be ready. They without made the sign
agreed upon, and were answered by one of the sentinels
from the wall ; upon which they run to both places where
they Were to mount their ladders. By some accident, the
other sentinel who was designed was not upon the other
part of the wall ; but when the ladder was mounted there,
the sentinel called out; and finding that there were men
under the wall, run towards the court of guard to call for
help; which gave an alarm to the garrison: so that, for
that time, the design was disappointed. But, shortly
after, Morrice and some of the same gentlemen surprised
the castle, under the disguise of countrymen coming in
with carts of provision; and presently seized on and
mastered the main guard, and made way for their friends,
horse and foot, to enter. Then two or three of them
went to the Governor's chamber, whom they found in his
bed, and told him, " the Castle was surprised, and himself
" a prisoner." He betook himself to his arms for his de
fence, but quickly found that his friend had betrayed it,
and the other gentlemen appearing, of whom he had been
before warned, his defence was to no purpose, yet he re
ceived some wounds. Morrice afterwards comforted him
with assurance " of good usage, and that he would pro-
" cure his pardon from the King for his rebellion."
They put the garrison in good order, and so many came
to them from Yorkshire, Nottingham, and Lincoln, that
they could not in a short time be restrained, and had
leisure to fetch in all sorts of provisions for their support,
and to make and renew such fortifications as might be
necessary for their defence. From Nottingham there came
Sir John Digby, Sir Hugh Cartwright, and a soh and
nephew of his, who had been good officers in the army,
with many soldiers who had been under their command;

OF THE REBELLION. 265
many other gentlemen of the three counties were present, BOOK
and deserve to have their names recorded, since it was an XL
action throughout of great courage and conduct.
Cromwell's marching towards the Scots with the neglect
of these men after their first appearance, and only ap
pointing some county troops to inclose them from in
creasing their strength, gave them great opportunity to
grow ; so that driving those troops to a greater distance,
they drew contribution from all the parts about them, and
made incursions much farther, and rendered themselves so
terrible, that, as was said before, after the Scots' defeat,
those of Yorkshire sent very earnestly to Cromwell, " that
" he would make it the business of his army to reduce
" Pontefract." But he, resolving upon his Scottish ex
pedition, thought it enough to send Rainsborough to per
form that service, with a regiment of horse, and one or
two of foot, belonging to the army ; which, with a con
junction of the country forces under the same command,
he doubted not would be sufficient to perform a greater
work. As soon as the castle had been reduced, they who
were possessed of it were very willing to be under the com
mand of Morrice; who declared he would not accept the
charge, nor be Governor of the place, knowing well what
jealousies he might be liable to, at least upon any change
of fortune, but under the direction of Sir John Digby;
who was Colonel General of those parts, and was a man
rather cordial in the service, than equal to the command;
which made him refer all things still to the counsel and
conduct of those officers who were under him ; by whose
activity, as much was done as could be expected from
such a knot of resolute persons.
The total defeat of the Scottish army being now ge- Part of the
nerally known, and that their friends in all other places ^°°'s
were defeated, they in the castle well knew what they were^aons
presently to expect, and that they should be shortly shutborough.
up from making farther excursions. They heard that
Rainsborough was upon his march towards them, and had
already sent some troops to be quartered near them, him-

266 THE HISTORY
BOOK self yet keeping his head quarters at Doncaster, ten miles
XL from the castle. They resolved, whilst they yet enjoyed
this liberty, to make a noble attempt. They had been
informed, that Sir Marmaduke Langdale, (whom they still
called their General,) after the overthrow of the Scottish
army, had been taken prisoner, and remained in Notting
ham castle, under a most strict custody, as a man the
Parliament declared, " they would make an example of
" their justice." A party of about twenty horse, but
picked and choice men, went out of the castle, in the be
ginning of the night, with a resolution to take Rains
borough prisoner, and thereby to ransom their General.
They were all good guides, and understood the ways,
private and public, very exactly; and went so far, that
about the break of day or a little after, in the end of
August, they put themselves into the common road that
led from York; by which ways the guards expected no
enemy; and so slightly asked them " whence they came?"
who negligently answered; and asked again, " where their
" General was ?" saying, " they had a letter for him from
" Cromwell." They sent one to shew them where the
General was ; which they knew well enough ; and that
he lay at the best inn of the town. And when the gate
of the inn was opened to them, three of them only entered
into the inn, the other rode to the other end of the town
to the bridge, over which they were to pass towards Pon
tefract ; where they expected and did find a guard of horse
and foot, with whom they entertained themselves in dis
course, saying, " that they stayed for their officer, who
"went only in to speak with the General;" and called
for some drink. The guards making no question of their
being friends, sent for drink, and talked negligently with
them of news ; and, it being broad day, some of the horse
alighted, and the foot went to the court of guard, con
ceiving that morning's work to be over. They who went
into the inn, where nobody was awake but the fellow who
opened the gate, asked in which chamber the General (for
so all the soldiers called Rainsborough) lay ; and the fellow

OF THE REBELLION. 267
shewing them from below the chamber door, two of them [BOIOK
went up, and the other stayed below, and held the horses. XL
and talked with the soldier who had walked with them
from the guard. The two who went up, opened the
chamber door, found Rainsborough in his bed, but awaked
with the little noise they had made. They told him in
short, " that he was their prisoner, and that it was in his
" power to choose whether he would be presently killed,"
(for which work he saw they were very well prepared,)
" or quietly, without making resistance, or delay, to put
" on his clothes and be mounted upon a horse, that was
" ready below for him, and accompany them to Ponte-
" fract." The present danger awakened him out of the
amazement he was in, so that he told them he would wait
upon them, and made the haste that was necessary to put
on his clothes. One of them took his sword, and so they
led him down stairs. He that held the horses, had sent
the soldier away to those who were gone before, to speak
to them to get some drink, and any thing else that could
be made ready in the house, against they came. When
Rainsborough came into the street, which he expected to
find full of horse, and saw only one man, who held the
others' horses, and presently mounted that he might be
bound behind him, he begun to struggle, and to cry out.
Whereupon, when they saw no hope of carrying him away,
they immediately run him through with their swords, and,
leaving him dead upon the ground, they got upon their
horses, and rode towards their fellows, before any in the
inn could be ready to follow them. When those at the
bridge saw their companions coming, which was their
sign, being well prepared, and knowing what they were to
do, they turned upon the guard, and made them fly in
distraction; so that the way was clear and free; and
though they missed carrying home the prize for which
they had made so lusty an adventure, they joined together,
and marched, with the expedition that was necessary, a
shorter way than they had come, to their garrison ; leav
ing the town and soldiers behind in such a consternation,

268 THE HISTORY
BOOK that, not being able to receive any information from their
XI- General, whom they found dead upon the ground without
any body in view, they thought the Devil had been there;
and could not recollect themselves, which way they were
to pursue an enemy they had not seen. The gallant party
came safe home without the least damage to horse or man,
hoping to make some other attempt more successfully,
by which they might redeem Sir Marmaduke Langdale.
There was not an officer in the army whom Cromwell
would not as willingly have lost as this man; who was
bold and barbarous to his wish, and fit to be entrusted
in the most desperate interest, and was the man whom
that party always intended to commit the maritime affairs
to, when it should be time to dismiss the Earl of Warwick ;
he having been bred in that element, and knowing the
duty of it very well, though he had that misfortune spoken
of in the beginning of the summer.
And now to finish this business of Pontefract altogether,
which lasted near to the end of this year, when Lambert
came to this charge, (instructed by Cromwell to take full
vengeance for the loss of Rainsborough, to whose ghost
he designed an ample sacrifice,) and kept what body of
men he thought fit for that purpose, he reduced them
in a short time within their own circuit, making good
works round about the castle, that they might at last
yield to hunger, if nothing else would reclaim them. Nor
did they quietly suffer themselves to be cooped up without
bold and frequent sallies, in which many of the besiegers,
as well as the others, lost their lives. They discovered
rriany of the country who held correspondence with, and
gave intelligence to the castle, whom they apprehended,
whereof there were two divines, and some women of note,
friends and allies to the besieged. After frequent morti
fications of this kind, and no human hope of relief, they
were content to offer to treat for the delivery of the castle,
if they might have honourable conditions; if not, they
sent word, " that they had provisions yet for a good time ;
" that they durst die, and would sell their lives at as dear

OF THE REBELLION. 269
"a price as they could." Lambert answered, that he BOOK
knew " they were gallant men, and that he desired to pre- XL
" serve as many of them, as was in his power to do ; but
" he must require six of them to be given up to him,
" whose lives he could not save ; which he was sorry for,
" since they were brave men ; but his hands were bound."
The six excepted by him were Colonel Morrice, and five
more whose names he found to have been amongst those
who were in the party that had destroyed Rainsborough;
which was an enterprise no brave enemy would have re
venged in that manner: nor did Lambert desire it, but
Cromwell had enjoined it him : all the rest he " was con-
" tent to release, that they might return to their houses,
" and apply themselves to the Parliament for their com-
" positions, towards which he would do them all the good
" offices he could." They from within acknowleged " his
" civility in that particular, and would be glad to embrace
" it, but they would never be guilty of so base a thing, as
" to deliver up any of their companions ;" and therefore
they desired " they might have six days allowed them,
" that those six might do the best they could to deliver
" themselves ; in which it should be lawful for the rest to
" assist them ;" to which Lambert generously consented,
" so that the rest would surrender at the end of that
"time;" which was agreed to. Upon the first day the
garrison appeared twice or thrice, as if they were resolved
to make a sally, but retired every time without charging ;
but the second day they made a very strong and brisk sally
upon another place than where they had appeared the
day before, and beat the enemy from their post, with the
loss of men on both sides ; and though the party of the
castle was beaten back, two of the six (whereof Morrice
was one) made their escape, the other four being forced to
retire with the rest. And all was quiet for two whole
days ; but in the beginning of the night of the fourth day,
they made another attempt so prosperously, that two of
the other four likewise escaped: and the next day they

270 THE HISTORY
BOOK made great shews of joy, and sent Lambert word, " that
XI' " their six friends were gone," (though there were two
still remaining,) " and therefore they would be ready the
" next day to surrender."
The other two thought it to no purpose to make another
attempt, but devised another way to secure themselves,
with a less dangerous assistance from their friends, who
had lost some of their own lives in the two former sallies
to save theirs. The buildings Of the castle were very large
and spacious, and there were great store of waste stones
from some walls, which were fallen down. They found
a convenient place, which was like to be least visited,
where they walled up their two friends in such a manner
that they had air to sustain them, and victual enough to
feed them a month, in which time they hoped they might
Pontefract be able to escape. And this being done, at the hour ap-
up t» Lam- pointed they opened their ports, and after Lambert had
bert. caused a strict inquisition to be made for those six, none
of which he did believe had in truth escaped, and was
satisfied that none of them were amongst those who were
come out, he received the rest very civilly, and observed
his promise made to them very punctually, and did not
seem sorry that the six gallant men (as he called them)
were escaped.
And now they heard, which very much relieved their
broken spirits, that Sir Marmaduke Langdale had made
an escape out of the castle of Nottingham ; who shortly
after transported himself beyond the seas. Lambert pre
sently took care so to dismantle the castle, that there
should be no more use of it for a garrison, leaving the
vast ruins still standing; and then drew off all his troops
to new quarters ; so that, within ten days after the sur
render, the two, who were left walled up, threw down
their inclosure, and securely provided for themselves. Sir
John Digby lived many years after the King's return, and
was often with his Majesty. Poor Morrice was afterwards
taken in Lancashire, and happened to be put to death in

OF THE REBELLION. 271
the same place where he had committed a fault against BOOK
the King, and where he first performed a great service to XI.
the Parliament.
In this desperate condition, that is before described, The condi-
stood the King's affairs when the Prince was at the Hague, p°.n of th^
his fleet already mutinying for pay, his own family factious the Duke
and in necessity, and that of his brother the Duke of York °he nl^ue'
full of intrigues and designs, between the restless unquiet ana_the
spirit of Bamfield, and the ambitious and as unquiet hu- among
mour of Sir John Berkley. The Council, which was not Jhe:r fo'"
lowers
numerous, (for the Prince had not authority to add any to
those who were his father's counsellors,) wanted not unity
in itself, so much as submission and respect from others,
which had been lost to those who were in the fleet, and the
prejudice to those still remained, and so abated much of the
reverence which mos.t men were willing to pay to the two
who came last. And the great animosity which Prince
Rupert had against the Lord Colepepper infinitely disturb
ed the counsels, and perplexed the Lord Cottington, and
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had credit enough
with the other two. But Colepepper had some passions
and infirmities, which no friends could restrain ; and though
Prince Rupert was very well inclined to the Chancellor,
and would in many things be advised by him, yet his pre- ,
judice to Colepepper was so rooted in him, and that preju
dice so industriously cultivated by Herbert the Attorney
General, who had the absolute ascendant over that Prince,
and who did perfectly hate all the world that would not be
governed by him, that every meeting in council was full of
bitterness and sharpness between them.
One day the Council met (as it used to do when they did
not attend the Prince of Wales at his lodgings) at the
Lord Treasurer's lodging, (he and the Chancellor of the
Exchequer being in one house,) about giving direction for
the sale of some goods which had been taken at sea, for the
raising of money toward the payment of the fleet. In
such services merchants, and other proper persons, were
always necessary to be trusted. Prince Rupert proposed,

272 THE HISTORY
BOOK " that one Sir Robert Walsh" (a person too well known to
XI- be trusted) " might be employed in that affair :" it was to
sell a ship of sugar. No man who was present would ever
have consented that he should have been employed; but
the Lord Colepepper spoke against him with some warmth,
so that it might be thought to reflect a little upon Prince
Rupert, who had proposed him. Upon which, he asking
" what exceptions there were to Sir Robert Walsh, why he
" might not be fit for it," Colepepper answered with some
quickness, " that he was a known cheat;" which, though
notoriously true, the Prince seemed to take very ill; and-
said, " he was his friend, and a gentleman ; and if he should
" come to hear of what had been said, he knew not how the
" Lord Colepepper could avoid fighting with him." Cole
pepper, whose courage no man doubted, presently replied,
" that he would not fight with Walsh, but he would fight
" with his Highness;" to which the Prince answered very
quietly, " that it was well ;" and the Council rose in great
perplexity. Prince Rupert went out of the house, and the Chancellor
led the Lord Colepepper into the garden, hoping that he
should so far have prevailed with him, as to have made him
sensible of the excess he had committed, and to have per-
suaded him presently to repair to the Prince, and to ask
his pardon, that no more notice might be taken of it. But
he was yet too warm to conceive he had committed any
fault, but seemed to think only of making good what he
had so imprudently said. Prince Rupert quickly informed
his confident the Attorney General of all that had passed;
who was the unfittest man living to be trusted with such a
secret, having always about him store of oil to throw upon
'such fire. He soon found means to make it known to the
Prince, who presently sent for the Chancellor of the Ex
chequer to be informed of the whole matter; and when he
understood it, was exceedingly troubled, and required him
" to let Colepepper know, that he ought to make a sub-
" mission to Prince Rupert; without which worse would
" fall out."

OF THE REBELLION. 273
He went first to Prince Rupert, that he might pacify BOOK
him till he could convince the other of his fault; and he so x*-
far prevailed with his Highness, who would have been more
choleric if. he had had less right of his side, that he was
willing to receive a submission ; and promised, " that the
" other should receive no affront in the mean time." But
he found more difficulty on the other side, the Lord Cole
pepper, continuing still in rage, thought the provocation
was so great, that he ought to be excused for the reply,
and that the Prince ought to acknowledge the one as well
as he the other. But after some days recollection, finding
nobody with whom he conversed of his mind, and un
derstanding how much the Prince was displeased, and that
he expected he should ask Prince Rupert pardon, and
withal reflecting upon the place he was in, where he could
expect no security from his quality and function, he re
solved to do what he ought to have done at first ; and so
he went with the Chancellor to Prince Rupert's lodg
ing ; where he behaved himself very well ; and the Prince
received him with all the grace could be expected ; so that
so ill a business seemed to be as well concluded as the na
ture of it would admit. But the worst was to come : the
Attorney General had done all he could to dissuade that
Prince from accepting so small and so private a satisfac
tion ; but, not prevailing, he inflamed Sir Robert Walsh,
who had been informed of all that had passed at the Coun
cil concerning himself, to take his own revenge ; in which
many men thought, that he was assured Prince Rupert
would not be offended. And the next morning after his
Highness had received satisfaction, as the Lord Cole
pepper was walking to the Council without a sword, Walsh,
coming to him, seemed quietly to expostulate with him, for
having mentioned him so unkindly. To the which the
other answered, " that he would give him satisfaction in
" any way he would require ; though he ought not to
" be called in question for any thing he had said in that
" place." On a sudden, whilst they were in this calm
discourse, Walsh struck him with all his force one blow in
VOL. III. p. 1. T

274

THE HISTORY

BOOK the face with his fist; and then stepped back, and drew his
XI- sword ; but seeing the other had none, walked away ; and
the Lord Colepepper, with his nose and face all bloody,
went back to his chamber, from whence he co'jJcl not go
abroad in many days by the effect and disfiguring of the
blow. This outrage was committed about ten of the clock
in the morning, in the sight of the town ; which trou
bled the Prince exceedingly; who immediately sent to the
States to demand justice; and they, according to their
method and slow proceedings in matters which they do
not take to hearty caused Walsh to be summoned, and
after so many days, for want of appeafance, he was by the
sound of a bell publicly banished from the Hague; and
so he made his residence in Amsterdam, or what other
place he pleased. And this was the reparation the States
gave the Prince for so ruffianly a transgression ; and both
the beginning and the end of this unhappy business ex
posed the Prince himself, as well as his Council, to more
disadvantage, and less reverence, than ought to have be^n
paid to either.
The improvidence that had been used in the fleet, be
sides its unactivity, by the dismissing so many great prizes,
was now too apparent, when there was neitheu money to
pay the seamen, who were not modest in requiring it, nor
to new victual the ships, which was as important ; since it
was easy to be foreseen, that they could not remain long in
the station where they were for the present, and the ex
treme licence wbich all men took to censure and reproach
that improvidence, disturbed all counsels, and made con
versation itself very uneasy. Nor was it possible to sup
press that licence; every man believing that his particular
necessities, with which all men abounded, might easily
have been relieved, and provided for, if it had not been for
that ill husbandry ; which they therefore called treachery
and corruption. It cannot be denied but there was so
great a treasure taken, which turned to no account, and so
much more might have been taken, if the several ships had
been applied to that end, that a full provision might have

The ill
condition of the
Prince'sfleet in
Holland.

OF THE REBELLION. 275
been made, both for the support of the fleet, and supply of BOOK
the Prince, and of all who depended upon him for a good XI.
time, if the same had been well managed; and could have
been deposited in some secure place, till all might have
been sold at good markets. And nobody was satisfied with
the reasons which were given for the discharging and dis
missing so many ships to gratify the city of London, and the
Presbyterian party throughout the kingdom. For, besides
that the value of what was so given away and lost, was ge
nerally believed to be worth more than all they would have
done, if they had been able, those oounties were not the
natural motives which were to be applied to that people;
whose affections had been long dead, and could be revived
by nothing but their sharp sufferings, and their insupport
able losses; the obstruction and destruction of their trade,
and the seizing upon their estates, being, at that time,
thought by many the most proper application to the city of
London, and the best arguments to make them in love with
peace, and to extort it from them in whose power it was
to give it. And if the fleet had applied itself to that, and
visited all those maritime parts which were in counties
well affected, and where some places had declared for the
King, (as Scarborough in Yorkshire did,) if it had not
been possible to have set the King at liberty in the Isle
of Wight, or to have relieved Colchester, (both which
many men believed, how unskilfully soever, to be practi
cable,) it would have spent the time much more advan
tageously and honourably than it did.
But let the ill consequence be never so great, if it had
proceeded from any corruption, it would probably have
been discovered by the examination and inquisition that
was made; and therefore it may be well concluded that
there was none. And the truth is, the Queen was so fully
possessed of the purpose and the power of the Scots to do
the King's business, before the insurrections in the several
parts in England, and the revolt of the fleet appeared, that
she did not enough weigh the good use that might have
t 2

276 THE HISTORY
BOOK Been made of those when they did happen, but kept her
mind then so fixed upon Scotland, as the sole foundation
of the King's hopes, that she looked upon the benefit Of
the fleet's returning to their allegiance, only as an oppor
tunity offered by Providence to transport the Prince with
security thither. And her instructions to those she trusted
about the Prince were so positive, " that they should hdt
" give consent to any thing that might divert or delay
** that expedition," that, if the Earl of Lautherdale had
been arrived when the Prince came to the fleet, it would
have been immediately engaged to have transported the
Prince into Scotland, what other conveniences soever,
preferable to thai, had offered themselves. Ahd the very
next day after that Lord's coming to the Prince in the
Downs, his injunctions and behaviour were so imperious
for the Prince's present departure, that nothing but a
direct mutihy among the seamen prevented it. His Hig'fi-
riess's own ship was uridet sail for Holland, that he might
frbm thence have prosecuted his other voyage : nor would
he at that time have taken Holland in his way, if there
had bCCn any quantity of provision in the fleet for such a
peregrination. This expedition for Scotland was the more
grievous to all men, because it was evident that the Prince
himself was much more inclined to have pursued other
occasions which were offered, and only resigned himself
implicitly to the pleasure of his mother.
The present ill condition of the fleet, arid the unsteady
humou^of the common seamen, was the more notorious
Tlie Earl of and unseasonable, by the Earl of Warwick's coming with
wMhisk atltithrt fleet from tne Parliament upon the coast of Hol-
fleet comes lahd, within few days after the Prince came to the Hague,
coast of8 atl^ anchoring Within view of the King's fleet* And it is
Holland, probable he would have made some hostile attempt upon
it, Well knowing that many officers and seamen were oh
shore, if the States had riOt, in the very instant, sent some
5f their ships of War to preserve the' peace ih their port.
However, according to the insolence of his masters, and

OF THE REBELLION. 277
of most of those employed by them, the Earl sent a sum- BOOK
mons of a strange nature to the King's ships, in which he x*-
took notice, " that a fleet of ships, which were part of the
"navy royal of the kingdom of England, was then riding
" at anchor off Helvoetsluys, and bearing a standard: that
" he did therefore, by the Parliament's authority, by which
" he was constituted Lord High Admiral of England, re-
" quire the Admiral, or commander in chief of that fleet,
" to take down the standard ; and the captains, and ma-
"riners belonging to the ships, to render themselves and
" the ships to him, as High Admiral of England, and for
" the use of the King and Parliament : and he did, by the
" like authority, offer an indemnity to all those who should
" suhnjit to him."
After which summons, though received by the Lord
WiUoughby, who remained on board the fleet in the com
mand of Vice-Admiral, with that indignation that was due
to it, and though it made no impression upon the officers,
nor visibly, at that time, upon the common men, yet,
during the time the Earl continued in so near a neighbour
hood, he did find means by private insinuations, and by.
sending many of his seamen on shore at Helvoetsluys,
(where they entered into conversation with their old com
panions,) so to" work upon and corrupt many of the sea
men, that it afterw.ards appeared many were debauched;
some whereof went on board his ships, others stayed to
do more mischief. But that ill neighbourhood continued
not long; for the season of the year, and the winds which
usually rage on that coast in the month of September,
removed him from that station, and carried him back to
the Downs to attend new orders.
AJJ.. these disturbances were attended with a worse,
which fell out at the same time, and that was the sickness
of the Prince; who, after some days indisposition, ap- The Prince
peared to have the small pox ; which almost distracted all ^s^es
who were about him, who knew how much depended upon small pox.
his precious life: and therefore. the consternation was very
universal whilst that was thought in danger. But, by the
t3

278 THE HISTORY
BOOK goodness and mercy of God, he recovered in few days the
xl- peril of that distemper ; and, within a month, was restored
to so perfect health, that he was able to take an account
himself of his melancholic and perplexed affairs.
There were two points which were chiefly to be consi
dered, and provided for by the Prince; neither of which
would bear delay for the consultation and resolution : the
first, how to make provision to pay and victual the fleet,
and to compose the mutinous spirits of the seamen; who
paid no reverence to their officers, insomuch as, in the
short stay which the Earl of Warwick had made before
Helvoetsluys, as hath been said, many of the seamen had
gone over to him, and the Constant Warwick; a frigate of
the best account, had either voluntarily left the Prince's
fleet, or suffered itself willingly to be taken, and carried
away with the rest into England. The other was, what
he should do with the fleet, when it was both paid and
victualled. Towards the first, there were some ships brought ih
with the fleet, laden with several merchandize of value,
that, if they could be sold for the true worth, would
amount to a sum sufficient to pay the seamen tfieir wages,
and to put in provisions enough to serve four months;
and there were many merchants from London, who were
desirous to buy their own goods, which had been taken
from them; and others had commissions from thence to
buy the rest. But then they all knew, that they could
not be carried to any other market, but must be sold in
the place where they were; and therefore they were re
solved to have very good pennyworths. And there were
many debts claimed, which the Prince had promised, whilst
he was in the river, should be paid out of the first money
that should be raised upon the sale of such and such ships :
particularly, the Prince believed that the Countess of Car
lisle, who had committed faults enough to the King and
Queen, had pawned her necklace of pearls for fifteen hun
dred pounds, which she had totally disbursed in supplying
officars, and making other provisions for the expedition of

OF THE REBELLION. 279
the Earl of Holland, (which sum of fifteen hundred pounds BOOK
the Prince had, promised the Lord Piercy her brother, who XL
was a very importunate solicitor,) should be paid upon
the sale of a ship that was laden with sugar, and was then
conceived to be worth above six or seven thousand pounds.
Others had the like engagements upon other ships : so that
when money was.to be raised upon the sale of merchan
dize, they who had such engagements would be themselves
entrusted, or nominate those who should be, to make the.
bargain with purchasers, to the end that they might be
sure to receive what they claimed, out of the first monies
that should be raised. By this means, double the value
was delivered, to satisfy a debt that was not above the
half. But that which was worse than, all this, the Prince of
Orange advertised the Prince, that some questions had
been started in the States, " what they should do, if the
" Parliament of England (which had now a very dreadful
" name) should send over to them to demand the restitu-
" tion of those merchants' goods, which had been un-
" justly taken in the Downs, and in the river of Thames,
" and had been brought into their ports, and were offered
" to sale there, against the obligation of that amity which
" had been observed between the two nations, during the
" late war ? What answer they should be able to make, or
" how they could refuse to permit the owners of those
" goods to make their arrests, and to sue in their Admi-
" ralty for tbe same? Which first process would stop the
" present sale of whatever others pretended a title to, till
" the right should be determined." The Prince of Orange
said, " that such questions used not to be started there
" without design ;" and therefore advised the Prince " to
" lose no time in making complete sales of all that was to
" be sold; to the end that they who were engaged in the
" purchase, might likewise be engaged in the defence of
" it." Upon this ground, as well as the others which
have been mentioned, hasty bargains were made with all
who desired to buy, and who would not buy except they
t 4

280 THE HISTORY
BOOK were sure to be good gainers by all the bargains which
XI- they made. Nor could this be prevented by the caution
or wisdom of any who were upon the place, with no more
authority than they had. Mr. Long, who was Secretary to
• the Prince, had been possessed of the office of receiving
and paying all monies, whilst the Prince was in the fleet,
and so could not well be removed from, it when he came
into Holland : though he was thought to love money too
well, yet nobody who loved it less, would at that time
have submitted to the employment, which exposed him to
the importunity and insolence of all necessitous persons,
when he could satisfy none ; yet he liked it well with all
its prejudice and disadvantage.
As soon as the money was raised, it was sent to the fleet
to pay the seamen ; and the Prince made a journey to the
.fleet to see, and keep up the spirits of the seamen, who
were very mutinous, not without the infusions of some
who did not desire they should be too well pleased with
their officers. The Lord WiUoughby stayed on board
purely out of duty to the King, though he liked neither
the place he had, nor the people over whom he was to
command, who had yet more respect for him than for any
body else. Sir William Batten likewise remained with
them, not knowing well how to refuse it, though he had
too much reason to be weary of his province, the sea
men having contracted an implacable jealousy and malice
against him, more than they were naturally inclined to.
And the truth is, though there was not any evidence that
he had any foul practices, he had an impatient desire to
make his peace, and to live in his own country, as after
wards he did with the leave of the King; against whom
he never after took employment.
The other point to be resolved was yet more difficult,
,'* what should be done with the fleet, and who should
" command it?" and though the advertisement the Prince
of Orange had given his Royal Highness, of the question
started in the States, concerned only the merchants' ships,
which were made prize, yet it was very easy to discern the

OF THE REBELLION. 281
logic of that question would extend as well, and be applied BOOK
to those of the royal navy, as to merchants' ships. And XL
it was evident enough, that the United Provinces would ~"
not take upon them to determine whether they were in
truth the ships of the King, or of the Parliament. And it
was only the differences which were yet kept up in the
Houses, which kept them from being united in that de
mand. So that the Prince knew that nothing was more
necessary than that they should be gone out of the ports
of those Provinces, and that tlie States wished it ex
ceedingly. Whilst Bamfield was about the person of the Duke of
York, he had infused into him a marvellous desire to be
possessed of the government of- the fleet: but the Duke
was convinced with much ado, that it was neither safe for
his Highness, nor for his father's service, that he should
be embarked in it : and Bamfield, by an especial command
from the King, who had discovered more of his foul prac
tices than could be known to the Prince, was not suffered
to come any more near the person of the Duke. So he
returned into England; where he was never called in
question for stealing the Duke away. From this time the
Duke, who was not yet above fifteen years of age, was so-
far from desiring to be with the fleet, that, when there
was once a proposition, upon occasion of a sudden mutiny
amongst the seamen, " that he should go to Helvoetsluys,
" to appear amongst them," who professed great duty to
his Highness, he was so offended at it that he would not
hear of it ; and he had still some servant about him who
took pains to persuade him, " that the Council had in-
" clined the Prince to that designation, out of ill will to
" his Highness, and that the ships might deliver him up
" to the Parliament." So unpleasant and uncomfortable
a province had those persons, who, being of the King's
Council, served both with great fidelity ; every body who
was unsatisfied (and nobody was satisfied) aspersing them,
or some of them (for their prejudice was not equal to them
all) in such a manner as touched the honour of the rest,

282 THE HISTORY
BOOK and most reflected upon the King's own honour and
XI- service. Prince Rupert had a long desire to have that command
of the fleet put into his hands ; and that desire, though
carried with all secrecy, had been the cause of .so many
intrigues, either to inflame the seamen, or to cherish their
froward inclinations, and increase the prejudice they had
to Batten. The Attorney mentioned this to the Chancel
lor of the Exchequer, shortly after his coming to the
Hague, as a thing, he thought, that Prince might be in
duced to accept out of his zeal to the King's service, if he
were invited to it; and thereupon was willing to debate,
to what person the government of the fleet could be com
mitted, when it should set sail from that port, and whi
ther it should go. The Chancellor made no other answer
to him, than " that it was like to be a charge of much
" danger 'and hazard ; that he must not believe that any
" body would propose the undertaking it to Prince Ru-
" pert, or that the Prince would command him to under-
" take it ; and that he thought it necessary, that it shbuld
" be first resolved what the fleet should do, and whither
" it should go, before a commander should be appointed
" over it."
The affairs When the Marquis of Ormond had waited so many
quisof Or- months at Paris for the performance of those gaudy pro-
mond and m\ses which the Cardinal had made, after he saw in
Inchiquin what manner the Prince of Wales himself was treated by
in Ireland. j(jm^ an(i tnat he wou](} noi suffer the least assistance to
be applied to the affairs of England, in a conjuncture
when very little would probably have done the work, upon
the revolt of the fleet, upon so powerful insurrections in
England, and possessing so many places of importance on
the King's behalf, and when the whole kingdom of Scot
land seemed so united for his Majesty's service, and an
army of thirty thousand men were said to be even ready
to march; I say, after he discerned that the Cardinal was
so far from giving any countenance or warmth to their
blooming hopes, that he left nothing undone towards the

OF THE REBELLION. 283
destroying them, but the imprisoning the Prince; he con- BOOK
eluded that it was in vain for him to expect any relief for XL
Ireland. And therefore he resolved, though he had nei
ther men, nor money, nor arms, nor ammunition, all which
had been very liberally promised to transport with him,
he would-yet transport his own person, to what evident
danger soever he was to expose it. Upon the full as
surance the Cardinal had given him of very substantial
aid, he had assured the Lord Inchiquin, " that he would
" be present with him with notable supply of money,
" arms, and ammunition, and good officers, and some
" common men," (which were all in readiness, if the
money had been paid to entertain them,) and had likewise
sent to many, who had formerly served the King, and
lived now quietly in the enemy's quarters, upon the ar
ticles which had been formerly granted the Marquis of
Ormond, " that they should expect his speedy arrival."
And though he had, from. time to time, sent advertise
ments of the delays and obstructions he met with in the
French Court, so that he did almost despair of any as
sistance from it, yet the Lord Inchiquin had advanced too
far to retire ; and the Lord Lisle, who had been sufficiently
provoked, and contemned by him, was gone into England
with full malice, and such information (which was not
hard for him to be furnished with) as would put Crom
well and the army into such fury, that his friends in the
Parliament, who had hitherto sustained his credit, would
be very hardly able to support him longer. So that, as
he was to expect a storm from thence, so he had a very
sharp war to maintain against the Irish, led and com
manded by the Pope's Nuncio ; which war had been al
ways carried on in Munster with wonderful animosity, and
with some circumstances of bloodiness, especially against
priests, and others of the Roman clergy, that it was very
hard to hope that those people would live well together.
And indeed the Irish Were near rooted out of the province
of Munster, though they were powerful enough and strong
iri all the other-provinces. Hereupon the Lord Inchiquin,

284 THE HISTORY
BOOK with all possible earnestness, writ to the Lord of Ormond,
X*- « that, though without any other assistance^ he would
" transport his own person :" by whose countenance and
authority he presumed the Irish might be divided and
brought to reason; and desired him, " in the mean time
" to send to such of the Irish as had dependence upon
" him, and who, he knew, in their hearts did not wish
" well to the Nuncio, that they would secretly correspond
" with him, and dispose their Mends and dependents to
" concur in what might advance the King's service ; to
" which they did not know that he was inclined, but
" looked upon him, as the same malicious and irrecon-
" cileable enemy to them, as he had always appeared to
" be to their religion, more than to their persons."
An account From the time that the Irish entered into that bloody
fairs of the anQ foolish rebellion, they had very different affections,
insh about intentions, and designs, which were every- day improved
in the carrying on the war. That part of them which
inhabited the Pale, so called from a circuit of ground con*-
tained in it, was originally of English extraction, since
the first plantation by the English many ages past. And
though they were degenerated into the manners and bar
barous customs of the Irish, and were as stupidly trans
ported with the highest superstition of the Romish re
ligion, yet they had always steadily adhered to the Crown,
and performed the duty of good subjects during all those
' rebellions which the whole reign of Queen Elizabeth was
seldom without. And of that temper most of the province
of Lemster was : Munster was the most planted with Eng
lish of all the provinces of Ireland, and though there were
many noblemen of that province who were of the oldest
Irish extractions, and of those families which had been
kings of Munster, yet many of them had intermarried with
the best English families, and so were better bred and more
civilized than the rest of the old Irish, and lived regularly
in obedience to the government, and by connivance en
joyed the exercise of their religion, in which they were
very zealous, with freedom and liberty enough.

OF THE REBELLION. 285
The seat of the old Irish, who retained the rites, cus- BOOK
toms, manners, and ignorance of their ancestors, without XL
any kind of reformation in either, was the province of
Ulster; not the better cultivated by the neighbourhood
of the Scots, who were planted upon them in great num
bers, with circumstances of great rigour. Here the re
bellion was first contrived, cherished, and entered upon
with that horrid barbarity, by the O'Neiles, the Mac-
guyres, and the Macmahoons; and though it quickly
spread itself, and was entertained in the' other provinces,
(many persons of honour and quality engaging themselves
by degrees in it for their own security, as they pretended,
to preserve themselves from the undistinguishing severity
of the Lords Justices, who denounced the war against all
Irish equally, if not against all Roman Catholics ; which
kind of mixture and confusion was carefully declined in
all the orders and directions sent to them out of England,
but so unskilfully pursued by the Justices and Council
there, that as they found themselves without any em
ployment or trust, to which they had cheerfully offered
their service, they concluded, that the English Irish were
as much in the jealousy of- the State as the other, and so
resolved to prevent the danger by as unwarrantable courses
as the rest had done,) yet, I say, they were no sooner
entered into the war, which was so generally embraced,
but there appeared a very great difference in the temper
and purposes of those who prosecuted it. They of the
more moderate party, and whose main end was to obtain
liberty for the exercise of their religion, without any
thought of declining their subjection to the King, or of
invading his prerogative, put themselves under the com
mand of General Preston : the other, of the fiercer and
more savage party, and who never meant to return to
their Obedience of the Crown of England, and looked upon
all the estates which had ever been in the possession of
any of their ancestors, though forfeited by their treason
and rebellion, as justly due to them, and ravished from
them by the tyranny of the CrOWn, marched under the

286 THE HISTORY
BOOK conduct of Owen Roe O'Neile; both generals of the Irish
XI- nation ; the one descended of English extraction through

Thecharac- many descents ; the other purely Irish, and of the family of
tersofPres- Tyrone; both bred in the wars of Flanders, and both emi-
ton and J ' .
O'Neile, nent commanders there, and of perpetual jealousy of each
genCTals?f other: the one of the more frank and open nature;. the.
other darker, less polite, and the wiser man ; but both of
them then in the head of more numerous armies apart,
than all the King's power could bring into the field against
either of them.
This disparity in the temper and humour of those people
first disposed those of the most moderate to desire a peace
shortly after the rebellion was begun, and produced the
cessation that was first entered into, and the peace, which
did not- soon enough ensue upon it; and which, upon the
matter, did provide only for the exercise of the Roman
Catholic religion ; but did that in so immoderate and ex
travagant a manner, as made it obnoxious to all the Protes
tants of the King's dominions.
Owen Roe O'Neile refused to submit to the conditions
and articles of that peace, though transacted and confirmed
by their Catholic Council at Kilkenny, which was the re
presentative the Irish nation had chosen for the conduct of
all the counsels for peace and war, and to which they all
avowed, and had hitherto paid, an entire obedience. The
Pope's Nuncio, who about that time came from Rome, and
transported himself into that kingdom, applied himself to
Owen O'Neile, and took that party into his protection;
and so wrought upon their clergy, generally, that he broke
that peace, and prosecuted those who had made it, with
those circumstances which have been before remembered,
and which necessitated the Lord Lieutenant to quit the
kingdom, and to leave the city of Dublin in the hands of
the Parliament; the Lord Inchiquin having likewise re
fused to consent, and submit to that peace, and continued
to make the war sharply and successfully against the Irish
in the province of Munster ; whereof he was president.
But the Nuncio was no sooner invested in the supreme

OF THE REBELLION. 287
command of that nation both by sea and land, as over BOOK
a people subject to the Pope, and of a dominion belonging XL
to him, than, being a man of a fantastical humour, and of The Pope's
an imperious and proud nature, he behaved himself so in-^mand*
solently towards all, (and, having brought no assistance to the Irish.
them but the Pope's bulls, endeavoured by new exactions to
enrich himself,) that even the men of Ulster were weary of
him; and they who had been the instruments of the
former peace were not wanting to foment those jealousies
and discontents, which had produced that application to
the Queen and Prince at St. Germains, and the resolution
of sending the Marquis of Ormond thither again, both
which have been related before. And the Marquis now
having given the Lord Muskerry (who had married his
sister, and was the most powerful person and of the
greatest interest in Munster of all the Irish) and other of
his friends notice that the Lord Inchiquin would serve the
King, and therefore required them to hold secret corre
spondence with him, and to concur with him in what he
should desire for the advancement of his service, they found
means to hold such intercourse with him, that, before the
Marquis of Ormond arrived there, against all the opposition
the Nuncio could make, a cessation of arms was concluded
between the confederate Catholics and the Lord Inchiquin ;
and the Nuncio was driven into Waterford ; and, upon
the matter, besieged there by the Catholic Irish; and the The Mar-
Marquis arriving at the same time at KinSale, and being 1£oLa a?"
received by the Lord Inchiquin with all imaginable duty asriyesat
the King's Lieutenant, the forlorn and contemned Nuncio and the'
found it necessary to transport himself into Italy, leaving J'0?6'?
the kingdom of Ireland under an excommunication, and leaves Ire-
interdict, as an apostate nation ; and all the province of an '
Munster (in which there are many excellent ports) became
immediately and entirely under the King's obedience. All
which being well known to the Prince and the Council, it
was easily concluded, " that it was the best, if not the only
" place the fleet could repair to ;" though the danger in
conducting it thither was visible enough; and therefore

288 THE HISTORY
BOOK they were glad that Prince Rupert had made that advance
XI« towards the command of it, and well satisfied with the
wariness of the answer the Chancellor of the Exchequer
gave to the Attorney Herbert.
There was in truth nobody in view to whom the charge
of the fleet could be committed but Prince Rupert : for it
was well known that the Lord WiUoughby, besides his
being without much experience of the sea, was weary of it,
and would by no means continue there ; and the seamen
were too much broke loose from all kind of order, to be
reduced by a commander of an ordinary rank. It was as
true, that Prince Rupert, at that time, was generally very
ungracious in England, having the misfortune not to be
much beloved by the King's parl^, and hated by the Parlia
ment. This was an exception that was foreseen : there
was no other choice of a place to which the fleet must be
carried, but Munster; and the passage thither could not
but be full of danger, in respect that the Parliament was
without question master of the sea, (although the island of
Scilly being then under the King's authority, and Sir John
Greenvil being the governor thereof, made that passage
something the "more secure) therefore this purpose was to
be concealed as the last secret ; there being great danger
that the seamen would rather carry all the ships back again
to the Parliament, than into Ireland ; against which people
they had made a war at sea with circumstances very barba
rous, for they had seldom given any quarter, but the Irish,
as well merchants and passengers, as mariners, which fell
into their hands, as hath been said before, were bound back
to back, and thrown into the sea ; so that they could have
no inclination to go into a country whose people had been
handled so cruelly by them.
Here again appeared another objection against the per
son of Prince Rupert, who would never endure to be sub
ject to the command of the Lord Lieutenant of that king
dom : and yet it seemed most reasonable that the ships,
whilst they stayed there, might be employed towards the
reducing of the other parts, which were in rebellion : be-

OF THE REBELLION. 289
sides that there was cause to fear, that the Prince would BOOK
not live with that amity towards the Marquis of Ormond, . _XI.
as was necessary for the public service. Notwithstanding
all this, when the little stratagem of having Prince Rupert
desired to take the command of the fleet upon him did not
succeed, Prince Rupert himself made the proposition to Prince Ru-
the Prince to take the command of it upon him, and to^™^"
carry it whither his Royal Highness would be pleased command
to direct. And then, the whole matter being debated, ne-prmce-s
cessity made that to be counsellable, against which veryfleet-
many reasonable objections might be made. So it was re
solved that Prince Rupert should be Admiral of that fleet,
and that it should sail for Ireland. And the charge and
expedition appeared to be the more hopeful by the presence
of good officers, who had long commanded in the royal
navy : Sir Thomas Kettleby, whom the Prince made cap
tain of his own ship the Antelope ; Sir John Mennes, who
had the command of the SwalloW, a ship of which he had
been captain many years before ; and Colonel Richard
Fielding, who was made captain of the Constant Reforma
tion ; all worthy and faithful men to the King's service, of
long experience in the service at sea, and well known and
loved by the seamen. With these officers, and some other
gentlemen, who were willing to spend their time in that
service, Prince Rupert went to Helvoetsluys, Where the
ships lay, and seemed to be received by the fleet with great
jby. They all bestirred themselves in their several places
fo get the ships ready for sea, and all those provisions
which were necessary, in making whereof there had not
diligence enough been used.
When they took a strict survey of the ships, the carpen
ters were all of opinion, " that the Convertine, a ship of the
" seeohd rank, that carried seventy guns, was too old and
*' decayed to be now set out in a winter voyage, and in so
" rough seas, and that when a great deal of money should
"be laid out to mend her, she would not be serviceable or
rt safe." And it did appear, that when the officers of the
vol. in. p. ] . u

290 THE HISTORY
BOOK navy had fitted her out at the beginning of the summer,
they had declared, " that, when she came in again, she

" would not be fit for more use, but must be laid upon the
" stocks." Whereupon the ship was brought into Hel
voetsluys, upon the next spring tide, and examined by the
best Dutch carpenters and surveyors; and all being of the
same mind, information was sent by Prince Rupert to the
Prince of the whole, who thereupon gave direction for the
sale of the ordnance, and whatsoever else would yield mo
ney : all which was applied to the victualling and setting
out the rest, without which no means could have been
found to have done it; so much ill husbandry had been
used, and so much direct cheating in the managing all the
money that had been raised upon the prizes.
Prince Rupert remained all the time at Helvoetsluys, till
all was ready to set sail, and had, with notable vigour and
success, suppressed two or three mutinies, in one of which
he had been compelled to throw two or three seamen over
board by the strength of his own arms. All subordinate
officers were appointed, commissioners for the sale of all
prize goods, and ships that should be taken, treasurers and
paymasters for issuing and paying and receiving all monies;
and an establishment for the whole too regular and strict to
be observed : and though all persons employed were well
known, and approved by Prince Rupert, and most of them
nominated by himself, yet he thought it fit after to change
that constitution, and by degrees brought the whole re
ceipts and issues under his own management, and sole
government. When all was ready he came to the Hague
to take leave of the Prince, and returned, and about the
Sets sail beginning of December he set sail for Ireland, met with
in'Decem- &ood Prizes in the way> and ar«ved safely at Kinsale:
ber. nor had he been long gone out of Holland, when the
Prince had a shrewd evidence how unsecure a long abode
would have been there, by some Parliament ships coming
into that road, and sending their men on shore, who at
noon-day burnt the Convertine within the very town of

OF THE REBELLION. 291
Helvoetsluys, nor did the States make any expostulation, BOOK
or do any justice for the affront offered to themselves, and xr-
their government.
In this calamitous state of affairs there seemed to be no
hope left, but that by treaty the King might yet be restored
to such a condition, that there might be those roots left in
the Crown, from whence its former power and prerogative
might sprout out hereafter, and flourish. The commis- The com-
sioners for the treaty arrived in the Isle of Wight upon themifioners
fifteenth day of September, whilst Cromwell yet remained the Isle of
in his northern progress, and his army divided into several s^p^Vs.
parts for the finishing his conquest; which was the reason
that all they who wished ill to the treaty, and that it might
prove ineffectual, had used and interposed all the delays
they could, that he might return before it begun, as they
who wished it might succeed well, were as solicitous, that
it might be concluded before that time ; which made them
the less to insist upon many particulars both in the propo
sitions and the instructions, which they hoped might be
more capable of remedies in the treaty than before it.
They stayed three days in the island before the treaty
begun, which was time little enough to prepare the house
for the King's reception at Newport, and adjusting many
circumstances of the treaty. In that time they waited
several times on the King, with great shew of outward duty
and respect ; and though none of them durst adventure to
see the King in private, they communicated freely with
some of those lords, and others, who, with the Parliament's
leave, were come to attend the King during the time, of the
treaty. And so they found means to advertise his Majesty
of many particulars, which they thought necessary for him
to know; which made different impressions upon him, as
the information proceeded from persons better or worse
affected to him. And many of those who had liberty to at
tend, were competent considerers of the truth of what they
said. '
The truth is, there were amongst the commissioners
many who had been carried with the violence of the stream,
U2

292 THE HISTORY
BOOK and would be glad of those concessions which the King
' would very cheerfully have granted; an act of indemnity
and oblivion being what they were principally concerned
in. And of all the rest, who were more passionate for the
militia, and against the Church, there was no man, except
Sir Harry Vane, who did not desire that a peace might be
established by that treaty. For as all the other lords de
sired, in their own natures and affections, no more than
that their transgressions might never more be called to re
membrance; so the Lord Say himself (who was as proud of
his quality, and of being distinguished from other men by
his title, as any man alive) well foresaw what would become
of his peerage, if the treaty proved ineffectual, and the
army should make their own model of the government they
would submit to, (as undoubtedly they resolved, shortly to
do,) and therefore he did all he could to work upon the
King to yield to what was proposed to him, and, after
wards, upon the Parliament, to be content with what his
Majesty had yielded. But the advice they all gave, of
what inclinations or affections soever they were; was the
same, " that his Majesty should, forthwith, and without de-
" laying it to the expiration of the term assigned by the
" Parliament for the treaty," (which was forty days,)
" yield to the full demands which were made in the propo-
" sitions." Their only argument was, " that, if he did
" not, or not do it quickly, the army would proceed- their
" own way, and had enough declared, that they would de-
" pose the King, change the government, and settle a
" republic by their own rules and invention." And. this
advertisement was as well believed by those of the King's
own party, as by the commissioners themselves.
Before the treaty begun, the commissioners made it
known to the King, " that they could not admit that any
" person should be present in the room where the treaty
" should be in debate : that they were commissioners sent
" from the Parliament to treat with his Majesty, and with
" him alone ; and that they might not permit any particu-
*' lar and private persons to oppose or confer with them

OF THE REBELLION. 293
"upon the demands of the Parliament." So that albeit BOOK
the Parliament had given leave to the several Bishops, and XI>
other Divines, arid to many Lawyers of eminency, to wait
on his Majesty, upon his desire, that they might instruct
and inform him in all difficult cases which related to re
ligion or the law of the land, they were like to be of little
use to him now they were come, if they might not be pre
sent at the debate, and offer such advice to his Majesty, as
upOn emergent occasions he should stand in need of, or
require from them. At last they were contented, and his
Majesty was obliged to be contented too, that they might
stand behind a curtain, and hear all that was said, and
when any such difficulty occurred as would require con
sultation, his Majesty might retire to his chamber, and call
those to him, with whom he would advise, to attend him,
and might then return again into the room for the treaty,
and declare his own resolution. This was the unequal and
unreasonable preliminary and condition, to which the
King was compelled to submit before the treaty could
begin. They who had not seen the King in. a year's time (for it
was little less from the time that he had left Hampton
Court) found his countenance extremely altered. From
the time that his own servants had been taken from him,
he would never suffer his hair to be cut, nor cared to have
any new clothes ; so that his aspect and appearance was
very different from what it had used to be : otherwise, his
health was good, and he was much more cheerful in his
discourses towards all men than could have been imagined,
after such mortification of all kinds. He was not at all
dejected in his spirits, but carried himself with the same
majesty he had used to do. His hair was all gray, which*
making all others very sad, made it thought that he had
sorrow in his countenance, which appeared only by that
shadow. •
Upon Monday the 18th of September, the treaty begun,
and the commissioners presented their commission to his
Majesty, to treat with him personally, upon the pio'-
u3

294 THE HISTORY
BOOK positions presented formerly at Hampton Court, concern-
X1, ing the kingdom of England and Ireland only, and upon
such propositions as should be offered either by his Majesty,
or the two Houses of Parliament, according to their in
structions, &c. Though the King knew very well, that
Cromwell had so totally subdued, Scotland, that he had not
left any man there in the least authority or power, who
did so much as pretend to wish well to him, and that, in
truth, Cromwell had as much the command there as Argyle
himself had, who was but his creature, yet, either to recover
their broken spirits, or to manifest his own royal com
passion for them, he told the commissioners, " that, when
" the propositions had been delivered to him at Hampton
" Court, the Scottish interest was so involved in them,
" that it could be hardly separable from that of England :
" that it concerned him, as King of both kingdoms, to be
"just and equal between both; and that though they had
" no authority to treat for any thing but what related to
" England, yet he, who was to provide for the public
" peace, (which could hardly be provided for, except the
" Scots were comprehended in this treaty,) did desire,
" that they would send to the two Houses of Parliament,
rt to give a pass for one of the servants to go into Scot
land, to invite the Council there to send somebody au-
"thorized by that kingdom, who might treat with the
" commissioners of Parliament •" and to that purpose his
Majesty delivered them a paper in writing to be sent by them
to the Parliament, telling them at the same time, " that
" it was never his desire or meaning, that they should
" meddle in the government of England, but only should
" treat concerning the peace, to the end that that might
" be durable." But the commissioners alleged, that " it
"was not in their power to receive and transmit that,
" or any other paper, to the Parliament, that referred to
" that kingdom ; and they besought him to give them
" leave, as an evidence of their duty, to inform him of
" what ill consequence the transmission of that paper at
" that time might be to the treaty itself." Whereupon he

* OF THE REBELLION. 295
declined sending it by a messenger of his own for the BOOK
present, (which he intended to have done,) being unwilling XL
to give any occasion of dispute or jealousy so early, and be-
lieving that after he should have gotten a good understand
ing with the two Houses, in what was of immediate con
cernment to England, he should more effectually transmit
that, or any other paper, for the more easy composing the
affairs of Scotland.
Then they presented their first proposition to his Ma- Tlie first
jesty; "that he would revoke all declarations, and com- Crevok-"
" missions granted heretofore by him against the Pariia- ing all his
"ment." Whereupon his Majesty desired, "that hedlci«a-'S
" might see all the propositions, they had to make to him, tions> &c-
" together ; that he might the better consider what satis-
" faction he could give them upon the whole :" which
they would not yield to without much importunity, and at
last delivered them with reluctancy, as a thing they were
not sure they ought to do. And though their commission
referred to instructions, and his Majesty desired that he
might have a view of those, they peremptorily refused to
let him have a sight of them; and only told him, " that
" they were directed by their instructions, first to treat
" upon the proposition they had already presented to him,
" concerning the revocation of the declarations, &c. and in
" the next place, of the Church, then of the militia, and
" fourthly of Ireland, and afterwards of the rest of the pro-
tf positions in order ;" and they declared likewise that,
" by their instructions, they were not to enter upon any
" new propositions, before they should have received his
" Majesty's final answer to what was first proposed."
Hereupon the King demanded of them, " whether they
" had power and authority to recede from any particular
" contained in their propositions, or to consent to any
" alterations, if his Majesty should give them good reason
" so to do ?" To which they answered very magisterially,
" that they were ready to debate, to shew how reasonable
" their desires were, and that there could be no reason why
" they should alter or recede from them ; but if his Majesty
u4

296 THE HISTORY
BOOK "did satisfy them, they should do therein as they Were
XL " warranted by their instructions." These limitations and
restrictions in a matter of that importance, which contained
a new frame of government, and an alteration of all civil
and ecclesiastical constitutions, almost damped and stifled
all the hope his Majesty had entertained of good from this
treaty. However, he resolved to try if consenting to the
substantial part of any proposition would give them satis
faction ; and so, without taking notice of the preamble of
that proposition, which they had delivered to him, he de-
His Ma- clared in writing, which he delivered to them, " that he was
^eStrtoit" " willing to grant the body of their proposition, that was
" to recall all declarations, &c." But they immediately re
turned another paper to him, in which they s:iid, " his
" Majesty had left unanswered the most essential part of
" their proposition," repeating the words in the preamble,
which recited, " that the two Houses of Parliament had
" been necessitated to enter into a war in their just and
"lawful defence; and that the kingdom of England had
" entered into a solemn league and covenant to prosecute
" the same;" and so justifying all that had been done, &c.
To all which they very vehemently pressed " his Majesty's
" approbation and consent, as the most necessary founda-
" tion of a lasting peace, and the indispensable expectation
" of the two Houses and of the whole kingdom ; and that
" the two Houses, and the kingdom, could not decline this
" particular demand, without which they could not believe
"themselves to be in any security; since, by the letter of
" the law, they who had adhered to the Parliament, might
" seem guilty of raising war against the King, and so to be
" guilty of high treason by the statute of the 25th year of
11 King Edward the Third : whereas by the construction
" and equity thereof they were justified; and therefore that
" the consenting to this preamble was so essential, that
"without it the Parliament would be thought guilty;
" which they hoped his Majesty did not desire it should."
And that this might make the deeper impression upon
him, the Lord Say, in the debate of it, twice repeated,

OF THE REBELLION. 297
with more passion than was natural to his constitution, BOOK
" that he did tremble to think how sad the consequence XL
" would be, if what they now pressed should be denied."
And others said, that " it was no more than his Majesty
" had heretofore granted in the Act of Indemnity that he had
" passed in Scotland ; and if he should now refuse to do it
" in England, there would be a speedy end put to the
" treaty, without entering upon any of the other proposi-
" tions." The King was so much perplexed and offended
wifh this haughty way of reasoning, that he told those
with whom he consulted, and writ the same to the Prince
his son, " that the long restraint he had endured in the
" castle of Carisbrook, was not a greater evidence of the
" captivity of his person, nor was he more sensible of it, than
" this was of the captivity of his mind, by his being forced
" to decline those answers and arguments which were
" proper to the support of his cause, and which must have
" brought blushes over the faces of the commissioners, and
" to frame others more seasonable and fit to be offered
'? to men in that condition from him who was to receive,
" and not give conditions."
However, this proposition was of so horrid and mon- Dispute
strous a nature, so contrary to the known truth, and so de- the pream-
structive to justice and government, that it seemed to bleof it-
naturalize rebellion, and to make it current in the kingdom
to all posterity, that his Majesty could not forbear to tell
them, " that no act of Parliament could make that to
" be true, which was notoriously known to be false ; that
" this treaty must be the foundation of the future peace
" and security, and what was herein provided for both
" could never be called in question ; that he was most
" willing, that it should be made very penal to every man
" to reproach another for any thing he had done during the
" late troubles, upon what provocation soever." He put
them in mind, " that it was well known to some of them,
" that the Act of Indemnity in Scotland was passed when
" his Majesty was not there, nor any commissioner ap-
" pointed- by him ; that it was prepared and drawn by his

298 THE HISTORY
BOOK " Attorney General of that kingdom, who was then of the
' " party that was against his Majesty ; and therefore it was
" no wonder that he called those of his own side, loyal sub-
" jects, and good Christians, in the preamble of that Act ;
" which was never seen by his Majesty, though it was con-
" firmed indeed, with the other Acts which had passed
" in that disorderly time, by his Majesty upon the conclu-
" sion of the peace, and their return to their obedience ;
" and that, when that should be the case here, he would
" give them all the appellations they should desire, and as
" unquestionable security as they could wish." To all
which they made no other reply, and that unanimously,
" but that they could not believe themselves secure, if that
" preamble was not entirely consented to."
This refractory obstinate adherence of the commissioners
to their own will, without any shadow of reason, prevailed
nothing upon the King; insomuch as he was inclined to
run the hazard of the present dissolution of the treaty, and
to undergo all the inconveniences and mischiefs which
probably might attend it, rather than to sacrifice his ho
nour, and the justice of his cause, to their insolent demand,
until he had entered into a serious deliberation with those
persons who were about him, of whose affections to him he
had all assurance, and of the great abilities and understand
ing of most of them he had a very just esteem. They all
represented to him, from the conference they had with such
of the commissioners, who, they were confident, spoke to
them as they thought and believed, " that if there were no
" expedient found out to give more satisfaction upon this
" first proposition, than his Majesty had yet offered, as
" soon as the commissioners should give account of it to
" the two Houses, they would be presently recalled ; and
" the treaty be at an end : and then it would be universally
" declared and believed, how untrue soever the assertion
" was, that the King refused to secure the Parliament, and
" all who had adhered to them, from a prosecution by
" law ; upon which they thought it to no purpose to pro-
" ceed farther in the treaty : whereas if his Majesty had

OF THE REBELLION. 299
"condescended to them ih that particular, which con- BOOK
" cerned the lives and fortunes of their whole party in the XL
" kingdom, they would have given him such satisfaction in ~ "
" all other particulars, as a full and happy peace must have
" ensued." Then the lawyers informed him, " that his giving way to
" a recital in a new law, which was not a declaratory law
" of what the law was formerly in being, concerning the
" business in question, and only in a preamble to a law for
" recalling declarations, &c. did not make their actions
" lawful, if they were not so before ; nor did it take away
" from those who had adhered to him, any defence or be-
" nefit the former laws had given to them ; nor would his
" party be in a worse condition than they had always
" been : for his Majesty had always offered, in all his de-
" clarations, that they who followed him, and who were by
" them called Delinquents, should, at all times, submit to
" a trial by the laws of the land, and if they should be found
" guilty of any crime, they should not be protected by
" him. And it was evident, by their not prosecuting any
" one since they were fallen into their hands, in any legal
" way, that they do not think their transgressions can be
" punished by law."
Upon these reasons, and the joint advice and importunity
of all about him, as well the divines as the lawyers, the
King first delivered a paper in writing to the commis
sioners, in which he declared, " that nothing that should
" be put in writing concerning any proposition, or part of
" any proposition, should be binding, prejudicial, or made ,
" use of, if the treaty should break off without effect :"
and the commissioners presented another paper in writing,
in whicli they fully consented to that declaration, in the
very terms of the said declaration. Thereupon the King The King
consented to pass the first proposition, with the preamble c°nsents to
to it, albeit, he said, " that he well foresaw the aspersions
"it would expose him to; yet he hoped his good subjects
" would confess that it was but a part of the price he had
" paid for their benefit, and the peace of his dominions."

300 THE HISTORY
BOOK The first proposition being thus consented to as they
XI- could wish, they delivered their second concerning Religion
The second and the Church; which comprehended " the utter abolish-
concerrlnff " mS episcopacy, and all jurisdiction exercised by arch-
Religion " bishops, bishops, deans and chapters, and alienating their
Church. " lands, which should be sold to the use and benefit of the
" commonwealth ; the Covenant ; which was presented to
" his Majesty to take himself, and to impose upon all
" others : the Common-Prayer and public Liturgy of the
" Church to be abolished, and taken away ; and that the
" reformation of Religion, according to the Covenant, in
" such manner as both Houses had, or should agree, after
" consultation with divines, should be settled by. Act of
" Parliament :" which, the King told them, " exceeded
" the implicit faith of the Church of Rome; which rather
" obliges her proselytes to what she does hold, than to
" what she shall." It required " the establishing the Pres-
" byterian government, the Directory, the Articles of Chris-
" tian Religion," (a body whereof they presented,) " the
"suppressing innovations in churches; for the better ad-
" vahcement of preaching, the observation of the Lord's
" day; a Bill against Pluralities and Non-residency; several
" Acts against Papists; and the taking and imposing the
" Covenant." This pregnant proposition, containing so many mon
strous particulars, sufficiently warned his Majesty, how im
possible it would be to give them satisfaction in all; and
therefore having, by consenting to the entire first proposi
tion, put it out of their power to break off the treaty, and
to tell the people, " that the King, at the entrance into it,
" had denied to give them any security for their lives and
The King « fortunes," he thought it now fit to offer to the corn-
offers apro- . . .....
position of missioners a proposition of his own, that both the Parha-
wMchThe ment' and tlie PeoPle' might clearly discern how much
commis- of his own right and dignity he would sacrifice for their
fuseetosendPeace5 and wllich> he thought, might prevent the design*
to the of those who might endeavour, upon one single proposi
tion, or part of a proposition^ to break the treaty.

OF THE REBELLION. 301
His own proposition contained, in very few words, but BOOK
three particulars: 1. "That he might enjoy his liberty: XL
" 2. That his revenue might be restored to him : 3. That
"an act of oblivion might pass:" which, he very well
knew, would be most grateful to those who seemed to value
it least, as it would exempt his own friends from any illegal
and unjust vexations.
The commissioners absolutely refused to send it to the
Houses, though they had no authority to answer it them
selves. They said, " itrrather contained an answer to all
" their propositions, than was a single proposition of his
" own ; and that the sole end of making it was to cajole
" the people ;" which, the King told them, " better be-
" came him to do than any body else." But when they
peremptorily refused to transmit it to the Houses, the
King sent an express of his own to deliver it; which being The King
done, after some days deliberation, the Houses returned no lessen- ^
other answer to the King, " than that his proposition wassers ofnis
• >> t i -i ¦ own; but
" not satisfactory. In the mean time the commissioners ;tis voted
pressed for his answer to the first part of their proposition, «nsatisfac-
for the abolishing of bishops. It would be very tedious
and unnecessary to set down at large the dispute, and ar
guments which were used on both sides upon this subject.
The commissioners, who would not suffer any of the King's
servants to be so much as present when any thing of the
treaty was agitated, thought fit now to let loose their own
clergy upon the King ; who was much better versed in the
argument than they were.
That which they urged most, was the common alle
gations, " that bishop and presbyter in the Scripture Ian- Their mini-
"guage signified one and the same thing: that, if the^f^
"Apostles exercised a larger jurisdiction, it had been the King
" granted to them as Apostles, and concerned not their bishops. *
" successors, to whom no such authority had been granted,
" nor any superiority over other presbyters, who were of
" the same function with them." Then they inveighed
vehemently against " lords bishops ; their pride, and
" lustre;" and they all behaved themselves with that rude-

302 THE HISTORY
BOOK ness, as if they meant to be no longer subject to a king, no
XI- more than to a bishop. And two of them very plainly and
fiercely told the King, " that if he did not consent to the
" utter abolishing of episcopacy, he would be damned;"
with which his Majesty was not moved. The men, Jen
kins and Spurstow, lived after the return of King Charles.
the Second, and, according to the modesty of that race of
people, came to kiss his Majesty's hand, and continued
the same zeal in all seditious attempts.
The King pressed them with those texts of Scripture
which have been constantly urged by those who maintain
the jus divinum of bishops, the authority of the fathers, and
the government of 'all Christian churches for fifteen hun
dred years, and particularly of the Church of England, be
fore and since the Reformation, by constant and uniform
practice and usage ; which could not but be by themselves
acknowledged to have been by bishops. The commission
ers relieved their ill mannered clergy, and urged, " that
" whatsoever was not of divine institution might very law-
" fully be altered ; for if it had its original from men, it
" might by men be changed, or reversed : that episcopacy
" as it was established in the Church by the laws of Eng-
" land, was not that episcopacy that was mentioned or
prescribed in Scripture ; and therefore the laws which
supported it might be justly taken away; which, they
" said, was the reason that had induced many men who
" were not enemies to episcopacy, to take the Covenant;
" which obliged them to take the present hierarchy away."
In a word they urged " the practice of other reformed
" churches, and that his Majesty insisting upon the pre-
" servation of episcopacy, as essentially necessary, was to
" reproach and condemn them." To which he answer
ed, " that both Calvin and Beza, and most learned men of
" the reformed churches, had approved and commended the
" episcopal government in England; and many of them
" had bewailed themselves, that they were not permitted
" to retain that government."
Besides all their arguments in public, which his Majesty

ait ,

OF THE REBELLION. 303
with wonderful acuteness fully answered, and delivered his BOOK
answers in writing to them, (which none of them ever after XL
undertook to reply unto,) they found means in private to
advertise the King, that is, such of them who were known
to wish well to him, " that they were of his Majesty's judg-
" ment with reference to the government, which they
" hoped might yet be preserved, but not by the method his
" Majesty pursued: that all the reasonable hope of pre-
" serving the Crown, was in dividing the Parliament from
" the army ; which could be only done by his giving satis-
" faction in what was demanded with reference to the
" Church ; which would unite the Parliament in itself,
"some few persons excepted, and the city to the Parlia-
" ment ; where the Presbyterians were most powerful ; and
" this being done, the Parliament would immediately have
" power to reform their army, and to disband those who
" would not be reformed : that then the King would be
" removed to London, to perfect that by his own presence
" in Parliament, which should be prepared by this treaty ;
" and then the wording those bills, and the formality of
" passing them, would give opportunity for many alter-
" ations ; which, being now attempted, would destroy all,
" and reconcile the Parliament to the army ; which would
" destroy' the King : but then, what the King urged as
" matter of conscience in himself would find respect, reve-
" rence, and concurrence." No doubt they, who did make
these insinuations, did in truth believe themselves ; and did
think, as well as wish, that the sequel would be such as they
foretold. But that which had more authority with the
King, and which nobody about him could put him in mind
of, because none of them had been privy to it, was the re
membrance of what he had promised concerning the Church
to the Scots, in the engagement at the Isle of Wight; which
he could not but conclude was well known to many of the
Presbyterians in England : and he thought, that whatever
he had promised to do then, upon the bare hope and pro
bability of raising an army, he might reasonably now offer
when that army was destroyed, and no hope left of raising

-304 THE HISTORY
BOOK another. And thereupon he did, with much reluctancy,
XI- 0ffeT the same he had then promised to do ; which was,
The King's "to suspend episcopacy for three years, and then upon
ontMsSSi°nS " consultation with divines, amongst which he would no-
point. " mihate twenty to be present, and to consult with them,
" such a government of the Church as should be agreed
" upon might be established : that he would not force any
" man to take the Covenant, and would have the privilege
" of his own chapel to use the Common-Prayer, and ob-
" serve the same Worship he had used to do ; and that all
" persons, who desired it, might have liberty to take the
" Covenant, and to use the Directory : in fine, he coh-
" sented to all that he had offered ih that engagement with
" reference to the government of the Church;" and like
wise, " that money should be raised upon the sale of the
" church lands, and only the old rent should be reserved to
" the just owners and their successors." These, with some
Other concessions of less importance, which related to other
branches of the same proposition, magna inter -suspiria, he
delivered to the commissioners as his final answer; which
themajor part of them did then believe would have pre
served his Majesty from farther importunity ahd vexation
in that particular.
The third The next proposition was concerning the militia; which
proposition Was their darling; and distinguished the Scots from the
the militia, English Presbyterians; the former never desiring to invade
that unquestionable prerogative of the Crown ; the latter
being in truth as fond of it (and as refractory without it)
as of Presbytery itself; and in that particular concurred
even with Cromwell, and made little doubt of subduing
him by it in a short time. In this demand they exercised
their usual modesty, and, to abridge the substance of it in
few words, they required " a power to keep up the present
" army, and to raise what other armies they pleased for the
" future; which gave them authority over the persons of all
" subjects; Of what degree or quality soever. Secondly, a
" power to raise money for the use and maintenance of
" those forces, in such a manner, and by such ways and

OF THE REBELLION. 305
" means, as they should think fit." And hereby they had BOOK
had the disposal of the estates and fortunes of all men XL
without restraint or limitation. Thirdly, "all forces by
" land and sea to be managed and disposed as they should
" think fit, and not otherwise." All this modest power and
authority " must be granted to the Lords and Commons for
" twenty years." And, as if this had not been enough,
they required farther, " that in all cases, when the Lords
" and Commons shall declare the safety of the kingdom to
" be concerned, unless the King give his royal assent to
" such a Bill as shall be tendered to him for raising mo-
" ney, the Bill shall have the force of an Act of Parliament,
" as if he had given his royal assent."
There were other particulars included, of power to the
city of London over the militia, and for the Tower of
London, of no importance to the King, if he once disposed,
and granted the other as was required, nor need he take
care to whom the rest belonged. Here the King was to
consider whether he would wholly grant it, or wholly
deny it, or whether he might reasonably hope so to limit
it, that they might have authority enough to please them,
and he reserve some to himself for his own security. The
King had thought with himself, upon revolving all ex
pedients, which he had too long warning to ruminate
upon, to propose " that the inhabitants of every county
" should be the standing militia of the kingdom, to be
" drawn out of the counties upon any occasions which
"should occur;" which would prevent all excessive taxes
and impositions, when they were to be paid by them
selves. But he quickly discerned that such a proposition
would be presently called a conspiracy against the army,
and so put an end to all other expedients. Then he
thought of limiting the extravagant power in such a man
ner, that it might not appear so monstrous to all intents
and purposes whatsoever ; and therefore proposed, " that The King's
" none should be compelled to serve in the war against ans^er
" their wills, but in case of an invasion by foreign enemies :
" that the power concerning the land forces should be
vol. m. p. 1. x

306 THE HISTORY
BOOK " exercised to no other purposes, than for the suppressing
X1, " of forces which might at any time be raised without the
" authority and consent of the Lords and . Commons, and
" for the keeping up and maintaining the forts and gar-
" risons, and the present army, so long as it should be
" thought fit by both Houses of Parliament : that what
" monies should at any time be thought necessary to be
" raised, should be raised by general and equal taxes,
" and impositions ; and lastly, that all patents and com-
" missions to the purposes aforesaid might be made in the
" King's name, by warrant signified by the Lords and
" Commons, or such other signification as they should
" direct and authorize."
These limitations were sent to the Parliament, who, ac
cording to the method they had assumed, soon voted
This voted tt tbat the message was unsatisfactory." Hereupon, that
liament un- he might at least leave some monument and record of his
satisfac- care anc[ tenderness of his people, (for, after his extorted
concessions to the so great prejudice of the Church, he
never considered what might be dangerous to his own
person,) he delivered his consent to the proposition itself
to the commissioners, with a preamble to this purpose;
The King " that whereas their proposition concerning the militia
iTwitha ° " required a far larger power over the persons and estates
preamble. « of his subjects, than had been ever hitherto warranted
" by the laws and statutes of the kingdom, yet in regard
" the present distractions might require more, and trusting
" in his two Houses of Parliament, that they would make
" no farther use of the power therein mentioned, after the
present distempers should be settled, than should be
agreeable to the. legal exercise thereof in times past; and
" for the purposes particularly mentioned in their; pro-
", position, and to give satisfaction to his two Houses* of
" Parliament that he intends a full security to them, and
" to express his rpal desires to settle the peace of tbe
" kingdom, his Majesty doth consent to the proposition
"concerning the militia as it was desired." This the
commissioners did by no means like, nor would acquiesce

tt ii

OF THE REBELLION. 307
in, and alleged, " that as the concession must be the sub- BOOK
" ject of an Act of Parliament, so this preamble must be XL
" a part of it, and would administer occasion of difference
" and dispute upon the interpretation of it ; which being
" so clearly foreseen, ought not to be admitted in any Act
" of Parliament, much less in such a one as is to be" the
" principal foundation of a lasting peace of the kingdom."
After much vexation of this kind, and importunity of
friends, as well as of enemies, and being almost as weary
of denying as of granting, he suffered the preamble to be Atlast con-
left out, and his consent to be delivered without it. ^thout the
It may be well wondered at, that, after having so far preamble.
complied with these three propositions, there should be any
pause or hesitation in the debate of the rest. For in that
concerning the Church, and the other concerning the
militia, both the Church and the militia of Ireland followed
the fate of England, and were ih effect comprehended in
the same propositions: so that there remained nothing
more with reference to that kingdom, " but declaring the The fourth
" peace that was made there with the Irish, to be void ;" proposition
r_ 7 ' concerning
which they pressed with the same passion, as if they had Ireland.
obtained nothing ; although his Majesty referred the carry
ing on the war to them, and told them, " that he knew
" nothing of the peace, which had been made during his
" imprisonment, when he could receive no advertisementof
" what was doing, or done ; and therefore he was content
" that it should be broken, and the war be carried on iri
" such a manner as should please them;" which was all
one to their ends and purposes, as what they desired.
But this did by no means please them. If the peace were
not declared to be actually void, they could not so easily
take that vengeance of the Marquis of Ormond as they
resolved to do. Yet after all these general concessions,
which so much concerned himself, and the public, and
when the necessity that had obliged him to that unwilling
compliance, might well have excused him for satisfying
them in all 'the rest of their demands, when they pressed
his consent to what only concerned private and particular
x 2

308 THE HISTORY
BOOK persons, as the revoking all honours and grants of offices
XI- which he had conferred upon those who had served him
faithfully, and to except many of them from pardon, and
leave them to the unmerciful censure of the two Houses,
both for their lives and fortunes ; to submit others to pay,
for their delinquency in obeying and serving him, a full
moiety of all they were worth ; to deprive others of their
practice in their several professions and functions, (which
Some other exposed all the lawyers and divines, who had been faithful
particulars . . . . , , . , .
the King at to him, to utter rum,) it cannot be expressed with what
first sticks grief and trouble of mind he received those importunities;
and, without doubt, he would at that time with much
more willingness have died, than submitted to it ; but the
argument " that he had done so much," was now pressed
upon him, (by his friends, and those who were to receive
as much prejudice as any by his doing it,) " that he should
" do more ; and since he had condescended to many things
" which gave himself no satisfaction, he would give so
" full satisfaction to the Parliament, that he might receive
" that benefit, and the kingdom that peace and security
" he desired."
Many advertisements came from his friends in London,
and from other places, " that it was high time that the
" treaty were at an end, and that the Parliament had all
" his Majesty's answers before them, to determine what
" they would do upon them, before the army drew nearer
" London, which, infallibly, it would shortly do, as soon
" as those in the north had finished their work." It was
now near the end of October, and the appointed time for
the conclusion of the treaty was the fourth of November ;
and so after all importunities, as well of those who were
to suffer, as of those who were to triumph in their suffer-
sentsCat *n^S' ms Majesty's consent was procured to most that was
last. demanded in the rest of the propositions ; the King, and
all men, conceiving the treaty to be at an end.
The King had, about the middle of October, again de
livered his own proposition for, his liberty, his revenue,
and an act of oblivion, to the commissioners; which they

OF THE REBELLION. 309
received. And though, at the beginning of the treaty, BOOK
they had refused to transmit it to the Houses, yet now, XL
after so many concessions, they thought fit to send it ; The com-
and did so as soon as they received it. But no answer "ow^enT
was returned. Hereupon, when the treaty was within the King's
two days of expiring, his Majesty demanded of them, potion "to
" whether they had received any instructions to treat the Par~
,, . . . liament.
upon, or to give an answer to his own proposition,
"which he had delivered to them so long since? or
" whether they had received any order to prolong the
"treaty?" To which they answered, "they had not as
" to either." And when he asked them the same ques
tion, the very last hour of the limited time, they made
the same answer. So that the whole forty days assigned
for the treaty were expired, before they vouchsafed to re
turn any answer to the single proposition the King had
made to them. However they told him, "they had re- They re-
" ceived new command to make fresh instance to his Ma- ^"""tf de"
"jesty, that he would forthwith publish a declaration of the King
"against the Marquis of Ormond; who had very lately M^rquis^f
" declared, that he had authority to make a peace with Ormond.
"the Irish rebels; and was then treating with them to
" that purpose." To which his Majesty answered, " that His Ma-
" it was not reasonable to press him to publish any de-s^J/3""
" claration against the Marquis ; since that if the treaty
" should end happily, the desires of the two Houses were
" satisfied by the concessions he had already made;" and
so adhered to his first answer. And conceiving the treaty
to be closed, he desired the commissioners, " that since
" he had departed from so much of his own right to give
" his two Houses satisfaction, they would be a means
" that he might be pressed no farther ; since the few
" things he had not satisfied them in had so near relation
" to his conscience, that, with the peace of that, he could
" not yield farther ; and desired them to use the same elo-
" quence and abilities, by which they had prevailed with
" him, in representing to the two Houses the sad condition
" of the kingdom, if it were not preserved by this treaty."
x3

310 THE HISTORY
BOOK And so concluded with many gracious expressions for
X1, their personal civilities, and other kind expressions; which
made impression upon all of them who had any bowels.
All this being past, and the King believing and expecting
that the commissioners would take their leave of him the
next morning, they came the same night to inform himj
The Par- " that they had then received new orders and instructions
lar^^he1 " *°r the cont,nuing and enlarging the treaty for fourteen
treaty " days longer;" for which his Majesty was nothing glad;
days'6611 nor did they in the Houses who wished well to him de-
longer. sire that prolongation. For it was easily discerried, that
it was moved and prosecuted only by them who did not'
intend that the treaty itself should have any good effect;
which they were not yet ready and prepared enough to
prevent, the army not having yet finished what they were
to do in all places; and was consented to unskilfully, by
those who thought the continuance of the, treaty was the
best sign that both sides desired peace : and it quickly
appeared, by the new instances they made, that delay was
The com- their only business. The commissioners, with new im-
renew their portunity and bitterness, begun upon their new instruc-
<hmann tions, " that the King would immediately publish the de-
mond. " claration against the Marquis of Ormond," without any
other reasons than those which he had answered before.
His Ma- His Majesty answered," there was no other difference be-
icstv's AH—
swer. " tween them but in point of time, whether presently, or
"at the conclusion of the peace: upon the peace, they
" had the substance of their desire already granted; and if
" there were no peace, they had reason to believe that no
" declaration he should make would be believed or obey-
" ed ;" and so adhered to what he had answered formerly.
They urge Then they declared, " that the Parliament was not
farther . .
about the satisfied with his concessions with reference to the
Church. a Church ; that the Presbyterian government could be ex-
" ercised with little profit, or comfort, if it should appear
" to be so short-lived as to continue but for three years;
" and that they must therefore press the utter extirpating
" the function of bishops." Then, the perfect and entire

OF THE REBELLION. 311
alienation of their lands was insisted on ; whereas by the BOO K
King's concessions the old rent was still reserved to them. XL
They said, " the Parliament did not intend to force, but"
" only to rectify his conscience ;" and, to that end, they
added more reasons to convince him in the several points.
They repeated their old distinction between the Scripture-
bishop, and the bishop by law. For the absolute aliena
tion of their lands, they urged many precedents of what
had been done in former times upon convenience, or ne
cessity, not so visible and manifest as appeared at pre
sent ; and coricluded with their usual threat, " that the
"consequence of his denial would be the continuance of
" the public disturbances."
To all which his Majesty answered, "that, for the The King's
" Presbyterian government, they might remember that answer-
" their own first order for the settling it was only for three
"years; which they then thought a competent time for
" a probationary law, that contained such an alteration in
" the State ; and therefore they ought to think the same
" now : and that it might be longer lived than three years,
" if it would in that time bear the test and examination
" of it; and that nothing could be a greater honour to
" that discipline, than its being able to bear that test and
" examination." He said, " he was well pleased with
"their expression, that they did not intend to force his
" conscience ; yet the manner of pressing him looked very
"like it, after he had so solemnly declared that it was
"against his conscience; that he did concur with them
" in their distinction of bishops, and if they would pre-
" serve the Scripture-bishop, he would take away the bi-
" shop by law." He confessed, " that necessity might
" justify or excuse many things, but it could never war-
" rant him to deprive the Church of God of an order
" instituted for continual use, and for establishing a suc-
" cession of lawful ministers in the Church." For the
point of sacrilege, he said, " the concurrent opinion of
" all divines was a much better information to his con-
" science, what is sacrilege, than any precedents or law
x4

312 THE HISTORY
BOOK "of the land could be." Upon the whole matter, he
X1, adhered to his former answer in all the particulars, and
concluded, " that he could with more comfort cast him-
" self upon God's goodness to support him in, and defend
" him from, all afflictions, how great soever, that might
" befall him, than deprive himself of the inward tran-
" quillity of his mind, for any politic consideration that
" might seem to be a means to restore him."
It must not be forgotten, that the last day, when the
treaty was to end, they delivered to the King the votes
which the two Houses had passed concerning and upon
his own message, (which had lain so long in their hands
The Par- unanswered,) which were in effect, 1. "That from and
votes upon " a^ter such t'me as the agreements upon this treaty should
the King's « be ratified by Acts of Parliament, all his houses, manors,
position. " and lands, with the growing rents and profits thereof,
" and all other legal revenue of the Crown should be re-
" stored to him, liable to the maintenance of those ancient
" forts, and castles, and such other legal charges as they
" were formerly charged withal, or liable to. 2. That he
" should be then likewise resettled in a condition of ho-
" nour, freedom, and safety, agreeable to the laws of the
" land. 3. That an act of indemnity should be then passed
" with such exceptions and limitations as should be agreed
" upon, with this addition, that it should be declared by
" Act of Parliament, that nothing contained in his Majes-
" ty's propositions should be understood or made use of to
" abrogate, weaken, or in any degree to impair any agree-
" ment in this treaty, or any law, grant, or commission
" agreed upon by his Majesty and the two Houses of Par-
" liament, in pursuance thereof;" in all which his Majesty
acquiesced. The time limited for the prolongation of the treaty was
to end upon the one and twentieth of November, and the
commissioners believed it so absolutely concluded, that
they took their leave of the King, and early the next morn
ing went to Cowes harbour to embark themselves. But
the tide not serving to transport them out of the island,

OF THE REBELLION. 313
that night a messenger arrived with directions to them BOO&
to continue the treaty till the five and twentieth ; which was XI-
four days more. So, the three and twentieth, they return- Another
ed and acquainted his Majesty with it. proionga-
At the same time, the thundering declaration of the treaty m
army was published; which declared the full resolution Nov- 25-
" to change the whole frame of the government, and that^tionof1"
"they would be contented with no less an alteration ;" the army.
which, as it was an argument to the King to endeavour all
he could to unite the two Houses, that they might be able
to bear that shock, so it was expected that it would have
been no less an argument to have prevailed with them to
adhere to the King, since their interest was no less threat
ened than his.
The fresh instances the commissioners made were upon The com-
several votes which had passed the two Houses against ™"s^°u"
Delinquents; and a new proposition concerning those whoproposi-
had engaged themselves against the Parliament since the „„$„£( jj^
last January, and particularly against the Marquis of Or- linquents
mond. They proposed, " that there should be seven per- 1647, and
" sons, the Lord Newcastle, and six others," (who were others,
' 11. esPeciaiiy
named,) " who should be excepted from pardon, and their the Mar-
" estates forfeited : that the Delinquents, in the several ^ond
" classes mentioned in their proposition, should pay for
" tjjeir composition, some a moiety, others a third part of
" their estates, and other rates, as they were set down ;
" and that all who had been engaged in the land or sea
" service since January 1647, should pay a full year's value
" of their whole estates more than the other Delinquents ;
" and that none who had been against the Parliament
" should presume to come within either of the Courts be-
" longing to the King, Queen, or Prince, or be capable of
" any office or preferment, or of serving in Parliament, for
" the space of three years ; and that all clergymen who had
" been against the Parliament should be deprived of all
" their preferments, places, and promotions; which should
" be all void as if they were naturally dead." To these the
King answered, that, " to the excepting the seven persons The King's

314 THE HISTORY
BOOK " named from pardon, and the forfeiture of their estates,
XI. it njs answer was, that, if they were proceeded against ac-
" cording to the ancient established laws, and could not
"justify and defend themselves, he would not interpose on
" their behalf; but he could not, in justice or honour,
" join himself in any act for taking away the life or estate
" of any that had adhered to him. For the rates which
" were to be paid for composition, he referred it to the two
" Houses of Parliament, and to the persons themselves,
" who would be contented to pay it ; and he did hope and
" desire, that they might be moderately dealt with." And
for the clergymen, whose preferments he well knew were
already disposed of, and in the hands of another kind of
clergy, who had deserved so well of the Parliament, that it
would not be in his power to dispossess them, his Majesty
desired, " that they might be allowed a third part of what
" was taken from them, till such time that they, or the
" present incumbents, should be better provided for." As
to the Marquis of Ormond, against whom they pressed
what they had before done with extraordinary animosity,
the King answered, " that since what he had said before"
(and which would bring all to pass that they desired) " did
" not give them satisfaction, he had written a letter,"
(which he delivered to them, to be sent, and read to them,)
" in which he directed him to desist ; and said, if he je-
" fused to submit to his command, he would then publish
" such a declaration against his power and his proceedings,
" as they desired."
Another And now the second limitation of time for the treaty was
prolonga- at an end. But that night came another vote ; which con-
tion of the . ... , , • , ,
treaty for tinued it for a day longer, with a command to the commis-
ad*y>. sioners to return on Thursday morning; which was the
they pre- eight and twentieth of November: and thereupon they
proposi- presented two propositions to his Majesty, which were
tions more, to be dispatched that day.
One con- The two propositions they sent for one day's work were,
Scotland the nrs*> concerning Scotland; the other, concerning the
Church ; which they did not think they had yet destroyed

OF THE REBELLION. 315
enough. For Scotland, they demanded " the King's con- BOOK
" sent, to confirm by Act of Parliament such agreements XL
" as should be made by both Houses with that kingdom,
" in the security of such thereof who had assisted or ad-
" hered to those of the Parliament of England, and for
" the settling and preserving a happy and durable peace
"between the two nations, and for the mutual defence of
" each other." The King put them in mind, " that at theTothatthe
"beginning of the treaty they had informed him, thats^fsan~
" their commission was only to treat concerning England
" and Ireland; and that they had no authority to meddle
" in any thing that related to Scotland; and that they had
" thereupon refused to receive a paper from him, which
" was to preserve the interest of that kingdom; and de-
" manded of them, whether their commission was en-
" larged;" which they confessed " was not; and that they
" had presented that paper only in obedience to the order
" they had received." So that the King easily understood
that the end was only that they might have occasion to
publish, " that the King had rejected whatsoever was ten-
" dered to him on the behalf of the kingdom of Scotland."
To prevent which, he answered, " that as he would join
" in any agreement, to be confirmed by Act of Parliament,
l< for the settling and preserving a happy and durable peace
" between the two nations, and for their mutual defence of
'' each other under him as King of both ; so he would se-
" cure all who had been formerly engaged with them : but
" for any new engagement, or confederacy, which they
" would make hereafter, he would first know what it was,
" and be advised with in the making it, before he would
"promise to confirm it." The other business with refe- Tlie other
rence to the Church gave him much more trouble. The ^"cCm^ch>
commissioners pressed him " to consider the exigence of
" time, and that there was not a whole day left to deter-
" mine the fate of the kingdom ; and that nothing could
" unite the counsels of those who wished and desired
" peace, and to live happily under his subjection and obe-
" dience, against the bold attempts of the army, which had

316 THE HISTORY
BOOK " enough declared and manifested what their intentiori
XI- " was, but satisfying the Houses fully in what they de-
" manded in that particular." His own Council, and the
Divines, besought him " to consider the safety of his own
" person, even for the Church's and his people's sakes, who
" had some hope still left whilst he should be preserved,
" which could not but be attended with many blessings :
" whereas, if he were destroyed, there was scarce a possi-
" bility to preserve them : that the moral and unavoidable
" necessity that lay upon him, obliged him to do any thing
" that was not sin ; and that, upon the most prudential
" thoughts which occurred to them, the order which he,
" with so much piety and zeal, endeavoured to preserve,
" was much more like to be destroyed by his not comply-
" ing, than by his suspending it till his Majesty and his
" two Houses should agree upon a future government;
" which, they said, much differed from an abolition of
" it."
The King's Hereupon he gave them his final answer, " that after
swer a° " such condescensions, and weighed resolutions in the
" business of the Church, he had expected not to be far-
" ther pressed therein; it being his judgment, and his
" conscience." He said, " he could not, as he was then
" informed, abolish episcopacy out of the Church ; yet, be-
" cause he apprehended how fatal new distractions might
" be to the kingdom, and that he believed his two Houses
" would -yield to truth, if it were made manifest to them,
" as he had always declared that he would comply with
" their demands, if he were convinced in his conscience, he
" did therefore again desire a consultation with divines, in
" the manner he had before proposed, and would in the
" mean time suspend the episcopal power, as well in point
" of ordination of ministers, as of jurisdiction, till he and
" the two Houses should agree what government should
" be established for the future. For bishops' lands, he
" could not consent to the absolute alienation of them
" from the Church, but would consent that leases for lives,
" or years, not exceeding ninety-nine, should be made for

OF THE REBELLION. 317
" the satisfaction of purchasers or contractors :" little dif- BOOK
fering from the answer he had formerly given to this last XL
particular : and in all the rest he adhered to his former an-
swers. And the commissioners, having received this his
final answer, took their leaves, and the next morning be
gun their journey towards London.
The King had begun a letter to the Prince his son be
fore the first forty days were expired, and continued it, as
the treaty was lengthened, even to the hour it was con
cluded, and finished it the nine and twentieth of Novem
ber, after the commissioners were departed, and with it
sent a very exact copy of all the papers which had passed
in the treaty, in the order in which they were passed, The s<"n of
fairly engrossed by one of the clerks who attended. ButieKertoghis
the letter itself was all in his own hand, and contained son ?on"
above six sheets of paper; in which he made a very parti- whole trea-
cular relation of all the motives and reasons which hadty"
prevailed with him, or over him, to make those con
cessions ; out of which most of this relation is extracted.
And it is almost evident, that the major part of both
Houses of Parliament was, at that time, so far from de
siring the execution of all those concessions, that, if they
had been able to have resisted the wild fury of the army,
they would have been themselves suitors to have declined
the greatest part of them. That which seemed to afflict
him most, next what referred to the Church and Religion,
and which, he said, " had a large share in his conscientious
" considerations," was the hard measure his friends were
subjected to ; for whose interest he did verily believe he
should better provide in the execution of the treaty, than
he had been able to do in the preliminaries. For, he said,
" he could not but think, that all who were willing that he
" should continue their King, and fo live under his govern-
" ment, would be far from desiring in the conclusion to
" leave so foul a brand upon his party, of which they
" would all desire to be accounted for the time to come.
" However, he hoped that all his friends would consider,
" not what he had submitted to, but how much he had

318 THE HISTORY
BOOK "endeavoured to relieve them from;" and conjured the
XI- Prince his son, " that the less he had been able himself to
" do for them, the more, if God blessed him, he should
" acknowledge and supply." He said, " he would willingly
" forget in how high degree some subjects had been dis-
" loyal, but never had Prince a testimony in others of more
" loyalty than he had had ; and however that God, for
" their and his punishment, had not blessed some of their
" endeavours, yet, he said, more misguided persons were at
" last reduced to their loyalty, than could in any story
"be exampled; and that, by that, subjects might learn
" how dangerous the neglect of seasonable duty is ; and
" that men cannot easily fix when they please what they
" have unnecessarily shaken." The conclusion of the let
ter, as it was dated the five and twentieth of November,
(what was added to it after, till the nine and twentieth, was
but the additional passages upon the enlargement of time,)
deserves to be preserved in letters of gold, and gives the
best character of that excellent Prince ; and was in these
words.
The con- " By what hath been said, you see how long we have
thatletter " laboured in the search of peace : do not you be dis-
in the " heartened to tread in the same steps. Use all worthy
own words. " ways to restore yourself to your right, but prefer the way
" of peace ; shew the greatness of your mind, if God bless
" you, (and let us comfort you with that which is our own
" comfort, that, though affliction may make us pass under
" the censures of men, yet we look upon it so, as if it
" procure not, by God's mercy, to us a deliverance, it will
" to you a blessing,) rather to conquer your enemies by
" pardoning; than punishing. If you saw how unmanly
" and unchristian the implacable disposition is in our 111—
" willers, you would avoid that spirit. Censure us not for
" having parted with so much of our own right ; the price
" was great, but the commodity was security to us, peace
" to our people : and we were confident, another Parlia-
" ment would remember how useful a King's power is to

OF THE REBELLION. 319
"a people's liberty; of how much thereof we divested BOOK
" ourself, that we and they might meet once again in a due XL
" parliamentary way, to agree the bounds- of Prince and~
" people. And in this give belief to our experience, never
" to affect more greatness or prerogative, than that which
" is really and intrinsically for the good of subjects, not the
" satisfaction of favourites. If you thus use it, you wUl
" never want means to be a father to all, and a bountiful
" Prince to any you would be extraordinary gracious to.
" You may perceive all men entrust their treasure where it
" returns them interest; and if Princes, like the sea, re-
" ceive, and repay all the fresh streams the river entrusts
" with them, they will not grudge, but pride themselves to
" make them up an ocean. These considerations may
" make you as great a Prince, as your father is now a
" low one ; and your State may be so much the more
" established, as mine hath been shaken. For our subjects
" have learned (we dare say) that victories over their
" Princes are but triumphs over themselves ; and so will
" be more unwilling to hearken to changes hereafter. The
" English nation are a sober people, however at present
" infatuated. " We know not but this may be the last time we .may
" speak to you, or the world, publicly : we are sensible into
" what hands we are fallen ; and yet, we bless God, we
" have those inward refreshments the malice of our enemies
" cannot perturb. We have learned to busy ourself by re-
" tiring into ourself; and therefore can the better digest
" what befalls us ; not doubting but God's providence will
" restrain our enemies' power, and turn their fierceness to
" his praise.
"To conclude, if God gives you success, use it humbly
" and far from revenge. If he restore you to your right
" upon hard conditions, whatever you promise, keep.
"These men, who have forced laws, which they were
" bound to preserve, will find their triumphs full of troubles.
" Do not think any thing in this world worth the obtain-
" ing by foul and unjust means.

320 THE HISTORY
BOOK " You are the son of our love, and as we direct you to
XL tt Weigh what we here recommend to you, so we assure
"you, we do not more affectionately pray for you, (to
" whom we are a natural parent,) than we do, that the an-
" cient glory and renown of this nation be not buried in
" irreligion and fanatic humour ; and that all our subjects
" (to whom we are a politic parent) may have such soher
" thoughts, as to seek their peace in the orthodox pro-
" fession of the Christian religion, as was established since
" the reformation in this kingdom, and not in new revela-
" tions; and that the ancient laws, with the interpretation
" according to the known practice, may once again be a
" hedge about them : that you may in due time govern,
" and they be governed, as in the fear of God ; which is
" the prayer of " Your very loving father, C. R."
Newport, 25th Nov. 1648.
Whilst the treaty lasted^ it was believed that his Ma
jesty might have made his escape ; which most men who
wished him well thought in all respects ought to have been
attempted ; and before the treaty, he himself was inclined
to it, thinking any liberty preferable to the restraint he had
endured. But he did receive some discouragement from
pursuing that purpose, which both diverted him from it,
and gave him great trouble of mind. It cannot be ima
gined how wonderfully fearful some persons in France were
that he should have made his escape, and the dread they
had of his coming thither; which, without doubt, was not
from want of tenderness of his safety, but from the appre
hension they had, that the little respect they would have
shewed him there, would have been a greater mortification
to him than all that he could suffer by the closest im
prisonment. And sure there was, at that time, no court in
Christendom so honourably or generously constituted, that
it would have been glad to have seen him ; and it might be
some reason that they who wished him very well did not
wish his escape, because tbey believed imprisonment was

OF THE REBELLION. 321
the worst his worst enemies intended towards him; since BOOK
they miglit that way more reasonably found and settle their XL
republican government ; which men could not so prudently
propose to bring to pass by a murder; which, in the in
stant, gave the just title to another who was at liberty to
claim his right, and to dispute it : I say, before the treaty,
and after the votes and declarations of no more addresses,
when his treatment was so barbarous, his Majesty had pro
posed to himself to make an escape, and was very near the
perfecting it. He had none about him but such persons
who were placed by those who wished worst to his safety; .
and therefore chose such instruments as they thought to be
of their own principles. Amongst those there was a young
man, one Osborne, by extraction a gentleman ; who was
recommended by the Lord Wharton (one who deserved not
to be suspected by Cromwell himself) to Colonel Ham
mond, to be placed in some near attendance about the
King; and he, from the recommendation, never doubting
the fitness of the man, immediately appointed him to wait
as Gentleman Usher ; which gave him opportunity to be
almost always in the presence of the King. This young
man, after some months' attendance, was wrought upon by
the dignity of the King's carriage, and the great affability
he used towards those who were always about him, to have
a tenderness and loyal sense of his sufferings ; and did
really desire to do him any service that might be acceptable.
By his office of Gentleman Usher he usually held the
King's gloves when he was at meat, and first took that
opportunity to put a little billet, in which he expressed his
devotion, into one of the fingers of his glove. The King
was not forward to be credulous of the professions of a per
son he knew so little, and who, he knew, would not be
suffered to be about him, if he were thought to have those
inclinations. However, after longer observation, and some
times speaking to him whilst he was walking amongst others
in the garden allowed for that purpose, his Majesty be
gun to believe that there was sincerity in him; and so
frequently put some memorial into fingers of his glove,
VOL. in. p. I. Y

322 THE HISTORY
BOOK and by the same expedient received advertisertient from
XL him. There was in the garrison one Rolph, a captain of a fopt
company, whom Cromwell placed there as a prime confi
dent; a fellow of a low extraction, and very ordinary parts ;
who, from a common soldier, had been trusted in all the
intrigues of the army, and was one of the agitators inspired
by Cromwell to put any thing into the soldiers' minds,
upon whom he had a wonderful influence, and could not
eontain himself from speaking maliciously and wickedly
against the King, when dissimulation was at the highest
amongst the great officers. This man grew into great
familiarity with Osborne, and knowing from what person
he came recommended to that trust, could not doubt but
that he was well inclined to any thing that might advance
him ; and so, according to-his custom of reviling the King,
he wished " he were out of the world ; for they should
" never make- any settlement whilst he was alive. He
" said, he was sure the army wished him dead, and that
" Hammond had received many letters from the army to
" take him away by poison, or any other way ; but he saw
" it would never be done in that place ; and therefore, if he
" would join with him, they would get him from thence;
" and then the work would easily be done." Osborne
asked him, " how it could be possible to remove him from
" thence, without Hammond's or the King's own con-
" sent ?" Rolph answered, " that the King might be decoyed
" from thence, as he was from Hampton Court, by some
" letters from his friends, of some danger that threatened
" him, upon which he would be willing to make an escape;
"and then he might easily be dispatched." Osborne
shortly found an opportunity to inform the King of all
this.
An attempt The King bid him " continue his familiarity with Rolph,
King's '* an<* to Pron»se t& j°»h with him in contriving how
escape. " his Majesty should make an escape ;" and he hoped
thereby to make Rolph's villainy the means of getting
away. He recommended one of the common soldiers to

OF THE REBELLION. 323
Osborne, " who, he said, he thought might be trusted;" BOOK
and wished him " to trust one Doucet;" whom the King XL
had known before, and who was then placed to wait upon
him at his back stairs, and was indeed an honest man ; for
it was impossible for him to make an escape, without the
privity of such persons, who might provide for him, when
he was got out of the castle, as well as help him from
thence. Osborne told Rolph, " he was confident he should
" in the end persuade the King to attempt an escape, though
" he yet seemed jealous and apprehensive of being dis-
" covered, and taken again." Doucet concurred very wil
lingly in it, and the soldier who was chosen by the King
proved likewise very honest, and wrought upon one or
two of his companions who- used to stand sentinels at the
place where the King intended to get out. All things were
provided; and the King had a file and saw; with which
he had, with wonderful trouble, sawed an iron bar in the
window, by which he could be able to get out ; and being
in this readiness, the night was appointed, and Osborne at
the place where he was to receive the King. But one
of tbe soldiers informed Rolph of more particulars than
Osborne had done; by which he concluded that he was
false, and directed the soldier to proceed, and stand sen
tinel in the same place to which he had been assigned;
and he, and some others trusted by him, were armed, and
stood very near with their pistols. At midnight the King
came to the window, resolving to go out ; but as he was
putting himself out, he discerned more persons to stand
thereabout than used to do, and thereupon suspected that
there was some discovery made; and so shut the win
dow, and retired to his bed. And this was all the ground
of a discourse, which then flew abroad, as if the King had
got half out at the window, and could neither draw his
body after, nor get his head back, and so was compelled to
call out for help ; which was a mere fiction.
Rolph acquainted Hammond with what the King had
designe4 ; who presently went into his chamber, and found
the King in his bed, but the bar of the window cut in two,
y2

324 THE HISTORY
BOOK and taken out; by which he concluded his information
XT
• to be true ; and presently seized upon Doucet, but could

not apprehend Osborne ; who was either fled out of the
island, or concealed in it that he could not be found.
Rolph could not forbear to insult upon Doucet in prison,
and scornfully asked him, " why his King came not forth
" when he was at the window?" and said, " he was ready
" with a good pistol charged to have received him." When
Osborne had got into a place of present safety, he writ a
letter to his patron the Lord Wharton, informing him of
Osborneac-the whole matter; and desired him, "to acquaint the
for a design " House of Peers of the design upon the King's life, and
upon the a tbat he would be ready to appear and justify the con-
" spiracy." That Lord, after he had kept the letter some
time, sent it to Hammond, as the fittest person to examine
the truth of the relation. Osborne was not discouraged
with all this ; but sent two letters to the Speakers of both
Houses, and inclosed the letter he had formerly writ to the
Lord Wharton. In the House of Commons the informa
tion was slighted, and laid aside ; but it made more im
pression upon the House of Peers ; who sent, with more
than ordinary earnestness, to the Commons, " that Rolph
" might be sent for, and a safe-guard for forty days to
" Osborne to appear, and prosecute."
Rolph brought with him a large testimonial from Ham
mond of his " integrity, and of the many good services he
" had done to the State." Osborne appeared likewise at
the Lords' bar, and made good upon oath all that is before
set down, and undertook to produce other evidence. The
House of Commons had no mind to have it examined far
ther ; but the clamour of the people was so great, that,
after many delays, they voted " that it should be tried at
" the general assizes at Winchester." And thither they
sent their well-tried Serjeant Wild, to be the sole Judge of
that circuit : before whom the major part of the same jury
that had found Captain Burley guilty was impannelled for
the trial of Rolph. Osborne, and Doucet, who upon bail
had liberty to be there, appeared to make good the indict-

OF THE REBELLION. 325
ment; and, upon their oaths, declared all that Rolph had BOOK
said to them, as is set down before. The prisoner, if he XI'
may be called a prisoner who was under no restraint, had
two lawyers assigned to be of council with him, contrary to
the law and custom in those cases : but he needed not
to have had any council but the Judge himself ; who told
the jury, " that it was a business of great importance that
" was before them ; and therefore that they should take
" heed what they did in it : that there was a time indeed
" when intentions and words were treason, but God forbid
" it should be so now : how did any body know but that
" those two men, Osborne and Doucet, would have made
" away the King, and that Rolph charged his pistol to pre-
" serve him ? or, perhaps they would have carried him
" away to have engaged them in a second war." He told
them, " they were mistaken who did believe the King in
" prison ; the Parliament did only keep him safe to save
" the shedding of more blood." Upon these good direc
tions, the grand jury found an ignoramus upon the bill;
and this was some little time before the treaty.
When the commissioners, who had treated with the King The com-
at the Isle of Wight, were returned to the Parliament, their ™p0rt 0f
report took up many days in the House of Commons, the treaty
where the resolution was first to be taken; which com-nament.
monly was final, the Lords rarely presuming to contradict
what the others thought fit to determine. The question
upon the whole was, " whether the answer that the King
" had made to their propositions was satisfactory ?" which Along and
was debated with all the virulence and acrimony towards bate^ipon
each other, that can fall from men so possessed as both it-
sides were.
Young Sir Harry Vane had begun the debate with the Sir Harry
highest insolence and provocation; telling them, " that speech con-
" they should that day know and discover, who were their cerning it.
" friends, and who were their foes ; or, that he might
" speak more plainly, who were the King's party in the
" House, and who were for the people ;" and so proceeded
with his usual grave bitterness against the person of the
y3

326 THE HISTORY
BOOK King, and the government that had been too long settled;
xr- put them in mind, " that they had been diverted from
" their old settled resolution and declaration, that they
" would make no more addresses to the King; after which
" the kingdom had been governed in great peace, and be-
" gun to taste the sweet of that republican government
" which they intended and begun to establish, when, by a
" combination between the city of London and an ill
" affected party in Scotland, with some small contemptible
" insurrections in England, all which were fomented by
" the city, the Houses had, by clamour and noise, been
" induced and compelled to reverse their former votes and
" resolution, and enter into a personal treaty with the
"King; with whom they had not been able to prevail,
" notwithstanding the low condition he was in, to give
" them any security ; but he had still reserved a power in
" himself, or at least to his posterity, to exercise as tyran-
" nical a government as he had done : that all the insur-
" rections, which had so terrified them, were now totally
"subdued; and the principal authors and abettors of them
" in their custody, and ready to be brought to justice, if
" they pleased to direct, and appoint it : that their enemies
" in Scotland were reduced, and that kingdom entirely de-
" voted to a firm and good correspondence with their bre-
" thren, the Parliament of England; so that there was
" nothing wanting, but their own consent and resolution,
" to make themselves the happiest nation and people in
" the world ; and to that purpose desired, that they might,
" without any more loss of time, return to their former re-
" solution of making no more addresses to the King; but
" proceed to the settling the government without him, and
" to the severe punishment of those who had disturbed
" their peace and quiet, in such an exemplary manner, as
" might terrify all other men for the future from making
" the like bold attempts : which, he told them, they might
" see would be most grateful to their army, which had
" merited so much from them by the remonstrance they
" had so lately published."

OF THE REBELLION. 327
This discourse appeared to be exceedingly disliked, by BOOK
that kind of murmur which usually shews how the House XL
stands inclined, and by which men make their judgments
there, of the success that is like to be. And his preface,
and entrance into the debate, were taken notice of with
equal sharpness ; and, " his presumption in taking upon
" himself to divide the House, and to censure their
" affections to the public, as their sense and judgment
" should agree, or disagree, with his own." One said,
" that since he had, without example, taken so much upon
" him, he was not to take it ill, if the contrary was assumed
" by other men ; and that it was as lawful for another man,
" who said he was no gainer by the troubles, to make
" another division of the House, and to say, that they
" should find in the debate of that day, that there were
" some who were desirous of peace ; and that they were
" all losers, or, at least, no gainers by the war ; and that
" others were against peace ; and that they by the war had
" gained large revenues, and great sums of money, and
" much wealth ; and therefore his motion was, that the
" gainers might contribute to the losers, if they would not
" consent that the one might enjoy what was left, and the
" other possess what they had got, by a peace that might
"be happy for both."
Whilst this was debating in the House, which continued Tlie large
several days, six officers, from the head quarters at Windsor, strance of
whither the army had been brought before, or at the time the army
when the treaty ended at the Isle of Wight, brought their the House
large remonstrance to the House ; in which they desired, J^cers
" that there might be no farther proceedings upon the
" treaty ; but that they would return to their former deter-
" mination of no farther addresses, and make what haste
" they could in settling the government : that the bargain-
" ing proposition on the behalf of Delinquents, which was
" only upon a contract with the King, and not in any judi-
" cial way, might be laid aside, and that public justice
" might be done upon the principal actors in the late
" troubles, and that others, upon a true submission, might
y4

328 THE HISTORY
BOOK "find mercy: that a peremptory day might be set, when
XI- " the Prince of Wales and the Duke of York should be

" required to appear ; which if they should not do, they
" should stand exiled as traitors ; and if they should ap-
" pear, yet they should be bound to make some satisfac-
" tion : that an end might be put to this Parliament, and
" a new representative chosen of the people, for the
" governing and preserving the whole body of the nation.
"That no King might b'e hereafter admitted but upon
" election of the people, and as upon trust for the people,
" who should be likewise limited and restrained by the
" representative ;" with many other impracticable particu
lars, which troubled the Parliament the less for their in
coherence, and impossibility to be reduced into practice.
The King Rut that which troubled most, and indeed which awaken-
Carisbrook ed them to the most dismal apprehensions, was, that they
castle, and were advertised, that the King was taken away from Caris-
carried to ' ° ¦ i tt
Hurst cas- brook castle by an officer of the army, and carried to Hurst
1 castle, not far from the other, but situated on the main
land, and in so vile and unwholesome an air, that the com
mon guards there used to be frequently changed for the
preservation of their health. Colonel Hammond had,
before the expiration of the treaty, writ many letters to the
Parliament, to be discharged from that government, and
from the care of the King's person ; and the officers of the
army seemed wonderfully offended with him for making
the demand ; and he got himself looked upon as under a
cloud. But the treaty was no sooner ended, (and before the
commissioners begun their report to the Houses,) but he
was discharged of the trust of the person of the King, and
another colonel sent to take the person of the King, and to
carry him to Hurst castle.
This news being brought when they were in the heat of
the debate upon the King's answer, they gave over that
Vote of the contest, and immediately voted, "that the seizing upon
Commons " tlie King's person, and. carrying him prisoner to Hurst
thereupon. " castle, was without their advice and consent :" which
vote had little contradiction, because no man would own

OF THE REBELLION. 329
the advice. Then they caused a letter to be written to the BOOK
General, " that the orders and instructions to Colonel XL
" Ewre" (the officer who had seized the King) "were con-
" trary to their resolutions, and instructions to Colonel
" Hammond; and therefore, that it was the pleasure of
"the House, that he should recall those orders; and that
" Colonel Hammond should again resume the care of the
" King's person." But the General, without taking any
notice of their complaint, or of their command, demanded
the payment of the arrears due to the army; and told
them, " that, unless there were present money sent to that
" purpose, he should be forced to remove the army, and
" to draw them nearer to London." And at the same time Another
a new declaration was sent to the House from the army, in declaration
^ , ¦" of the army-
pursuance of their late remonstrance ; which the House sent to the
refused to take into consideration ; and some sturdy mem- ouse"
bers moved, " that the army might be declared traitors, if
" they presumed to march nearer London than they were
" at present ; and that an impeachment of high treason
" might be drawn up against the principal officers of it."
Hereupon, the General marches directly for London, and The Gene-
quarters at Whitehall ; the other officers, with their troops, for Lon-
in Durham House, the Mews, Covent Garden, Westmin- don-
ster, and St. James's ; and for the present necessity, that
no inconvenience might fall out, they sent to the city
without delay to supply forty thousand pounds, to be im
mediately issued out to satisfy the army. Notwithstanding
all which monstrous proceeding, the House of Commons
retained its courage, and were resolute " to assert the
" treaty ; and that the King's answers were satisfactory ;
" or if they were not fully satisfactory, that the House
" might and ought to accept thereof, and proceed to the
" settlement of peace in Church and State, rather than to
" reject them as unsatisfactory, and thereby continue the
" kingdom in war and distraction."
They who vehemently pressed this conclusion, and would
be thought to be for the King, to make themselves popu
lar, took upon them to make all the invectives both against

330

THE HISTORY

BOOK the King, and all the time of his government, that his
X1, bitterest enemies could do, only that they might shew how

" the
" King's
" answer
" was a
" ground
" for
*' peace."

much the concessions he had now granted had provided
remedies for all those evils, and made all the foundation of
their future hope of happiness and peace to be in the no-
power they had left him in : so that if he should have a
mind to continue the distractions to-morrow, he would
find nobody ready ever to join with him, having at this
time sacrificed all his friends to the mercy of their mortal
enemies. In conclusion, and when they had prosecuted
the debate most part of the night, till almost five of the
clock in the morning, on Monday night, they had first put
the question, " whether the question should be put ?" and
carried it by a hundred and forty voices against one hun-
Vote " that dred and four: the main question, "That the answer of
" the King to the propositions of both Houses was a
" ground for the Houses to proceed upon for the settle-
" ment of the peace of the kingdom," was so clearly voted,
that the House was not divided ; and, that there might be
no afterclaps, they appointed a committee " to confer with
" the General, for the better procuring a good intelligence
" and correspondence between the army and the Parlia-
" ment;" and then they adjourned the House to Wednes
day morning, it being then near the morning of Tuesday.
The committee that was appointed to confer with the
General waited that afternoon upon him in his lodging:at
Whitehall, that they might be able to give some account to
the House the next morning. But they were forced to
attend full three hours, before they could be admitted to his
presence ; and then he told them sullenly and supercili
ously, " that the way to correspond with the army, was to
" comply with their remonstrance :" and the next morn
ing there was a guard of musketeers placed at the entry
into and door of the House, and the officers thereof having
a list in their hands of the names of those «who should be
restrained from going into the House, all those were
the mem- stoPPed3 one °Y one> as they came, and Sent into the Court
bers enter- of Wards, where they were kept together for many hours,

OF THE REBELLION. 331
under a guard, to the number of near one hundred. Not- BOOK
withstanding which, there were so many of the same opi- X[-
nion got into the House, through the inadvertency of the ing into the
guard, or because they meant only to sequester the most ^^^
notorious and refractory persons, that the debate, upon re- the soldiers.
suming the same question, continued very long; several
members who observed the force at the entrance of the
House, and saw their companions not suffered to come in,
complained loudly of the violence and breach of privilege,
and demanded remedy ; but in vain ; the House would take
no notice of it. In the conclusion, after a very long de- The re
bate, the major part of those who were present in the "embers
House voted the negative to what had been settled in the vote the
former debate, and " that the answer the King had given former
" to their propositions was not satisfactory." TOtes'
Those gentlemen who for some hours had been restrained
in the Court of Wards were afterwards led in triumph
through Westminster-hall, (except some few, who were
suffered for affection, or by negligence, to go away,) by a
strong guard, to that place under the Exchequer which is
commonly called Hell; where they might eat and drink, at
their own charge, what they pleased. And here they were
kept in one room, till after twelve of the clock in the
night : after which hour, in respect of the extreme cold
weather, and the age of many of the members, they were
carried to several inns; where they were suffered to lodge
as prisoners, and remained under that confinement for two
or three days. In which time, they published a protesta
tion in print against the proceedings of the House of Com
mons, declaring " the force and violence that had been
" used against them :" and then the House, with the re
maining members, having determined what they thought
fit, most of the other were at liberty to do what they
pleased. Nobody owned this act of violence in the exclu
sion of so many members : there was no order made for it
by the House. Fairfax the General knew nothing of it,
and the guards themselves being asked " what authority
" they had," gave no other answer " but that they had

332 THE HISTORY
BOOK " orders." But afterwards there was a full and clear order
XL 0f the House, without taking notice of any exclusion,
Vote " that " that none of them who had not been present that day
«| those a wnen tbe negative vote.prevailed should sit any more in
" absent at " the House, before they had first subscribed the same
« tive'vote" " vote, as agreeable to their judgments; which if they
" should « subscribed, they were as well qualified members as be
et sit no *
" more in " fore." Many of these excluded members, out of con-
" *e „ science or indignation, forbore coming any more to the
House for many years; some, not before the Revolution;
others, sooner or later, returned to their old seats, that they
might not be idle when so much business was to be done.
Vote of no Then the House renewed their old votes of no more
dresses re- addresses, and annulled and made void all those which in-
newed. troduced the treaty : and, that they might find no more
such contradiction hereafter, they committed to several
prisons Major General Brown, (though he was then Sheriff
of London,) Sir John Clotworthy, Sir William Waller,
Major General Massey, and Commissary General Copley,
who were the most active members in the House of the
Presbyterian party, and who had all as maliciously ad
vanced the service of the Parliament in their several stations
against the King as any men of their rank in the kingdom,
and much more than any officer of the present army had
then credit to do : of these, Massey made his escape, and
transported himself into Holland ; and there, according to
the natural modesty of that sect, presented himself to the
Prince, with as much confidence (and as a sufferer for the
King his father) as if he had defended Colchester.
The protes- The protestation that the secluded members had pub-
tation of ijshed and caused to be printed, with the narrative of the
the seclud- r ...
ed mem- violence that had been exercised upon them, and their de-
berB- daring all acts to be void which from that time had been
done in the House of Commons, made a great noise over
the kingdom, and no less incensed those who remained arid
sat in the House, than it did the officers of the army; and
therefore, to lessen the credit of it, the House likewise
' made a declaration against that protestation ; and declared

OF THE REBELLION. 333
it " to be false, scandalous, and seditious, and tending to BOOK
" the destruction of the visible and fundamental govern- XL
" ment of the kingdom;" and to this wonderful declara- Voted
tion they obtained the concurrence of the small House of ^nstby
Peers, and jointly ordained, " that that protestation should Houses.
" be suppressed, and that no man should presume to sell, or
" buy, or to read the same."
When they had in this manner mastered all contradiction Votes of
and opposition, they begun more directly to consult what 0hfec"™se
they were to do, as well as what they were not to do, and mons.
to establish some affirmative conclusions, as they had done
negatives. They were told, " that it was high time to
" settle some form of government, under which the nation
"was to live: there had been much treasure and blood
" spent to recover the liberty of the people, which would
" be to no purpose if there were not provision made for
" their secure enjoying it; and there would be always the
" same attempts made, which had been of late, to disturb
" and to destroy the public peace,. if there were not such
" exemplary penalties inflicted, as might terrify all men, of
" what condition soever, from entering upon such despe-
" rate undertakings." They resolved to gratify the army,
by taking a view of a paper formerly digested by, them as
a model for a new government, which was called the Agree
ment of the . People, and for contriving and publishing
whereof, one of the Agitators had been, by Cromwell's
directions, the year before, shot to death, when he found
the Parliament was so much offended with it. They de7
clared now, as the most popular thing they could do to
please both the people and the army, " that they would
" put an end to the Parliament on the last day of April
" next; and that there should be a representative of the
"nation, consisting of three hundred persons chosen by
" the people ; of which, for the term of seven years, no
" person who had adhered to the King, or who should op-
" pose this agreement, or not subscribe thereunto, should
" be capable of being chosen to be one, or to have a voice
" in the election ; and that, before that time, and before

334 THE HISTORY
BOOK " the dissolution of the present Parliament, it would be
XI- " necessary to bring those signal Delinquents, who had
" lately disturbed the quiet and peace of the kingdom, and
" put it to so great an expence of blood and treasure, to
" exemplary punishment." And it was with great impu
dence very vehemently urged, " that they ought to begin
" with him who had been the cause of all the miseries, and
" mischiefs, which had befallen the kingdom, and whom
" they had already divested of ali power and authority to
" govern them for the future ; and they had had near two
" years' experience, that the nation might be very happily
" governed without any recourse to him : that they had
" already declared, and the House of Peers had concurred
" with them, that the King had been the cause of all the
" blood which had been spilt ; and therefore, that it was fit
" that such a man of blood should be brought to justice,
" that he might undergo the penalty that was due to his
" tyranny and murders : that the people expected this at
" their hands; and that having the principal malefactor in
" their power, he might not escape the punishment that
" was due to him."
How new and monstrous soever this language and dis
course was to all English ears, they found a major part still
A commit- to concur with them : so that they appointed a committee
pointed by f°r the present " to prepare a charge of high treason
them to it against the King, which should contain the several crimes
prepare a .
charge and misdemeanors of his reign ; which being made, they
against the n v^oujj consider of the best way and manner of proceed-
" ing, that he might be brought to justice."
This manner of proceeding in England was so unheard
of, that it was very hard for any body to propose any way
to oppose it that might carry with it any hope of success.
However, the pain the Prince was in would not suffer him
to rest without making some effort. He knew too well
how far the States of Holland were from wishing that suc
cess and honour to the Crown of England, as it had de
served from them, and how much they had always favoured
the rebellion; that his own presence was in no degree

OF THE REBELLION. 335
acceptable or grateful to them ; and that they were devising BOOK
all ways how they might be rid of him : yet he believed the XL
way they were now upon in England would be so univer-
sally odious to all Christians, that no body of men would
appear to favour it. His Highness therefore sent to the The Prince
States General, to desire them " to give him an audience SLteftL
" the next day ; and that he would come to the place states to
" where they sat;" which he did, being met by the whole ^ the"
body at the bottom of the stairs, and conducted into the two Houses.
room where they sat.
The Prince was attended by four or five of his Council ;
and when he had said a little to the States of compliment,
he referred them to a paper which Sir William Boswell,
the King's Resident there, was to deliver to them. The
paper described the ill condition the King his father was
in ; and the threats and menaces which his enemies used
to proceed against him in such a manner as must be
abominated by all Christians, and which would bring the
greatest reproach and obloquy upon the Protestant reli
gion, that ever Christianity had undergone : and therefore
desired them, " that they would interpose their credit, and
" authority, in such a manner as they thought fit, with the
" two Houses at Westminster, that, instead of such an
" unlawful and wicked prosecution, they would enter into
" terms of accommodation with his royal father; for the
" observation whereof his Royal Highness would become
" bound." The States assured his Highness, "that they were very Their an-
" much afflicted at the condition of the King, and would be swer"
" glad any interposition of theirs might be able to relieve
" him ; that they would seriously consider in what manner
" they might serve him." And, that day, they resolved to
send an extraordinary ambassador into England, who
should repair to the Prince of Wales, and receive his in
structions to what friends of the King's he should resort,
and consult with ; who, being upon the place, might best
inform him to whom to apply himself. And they made
choice of Paw, the pensioner of Holland, for their ambas-

336 THE HISTORY
BOOK sador; who immediately attended the Prince with the offer
XL of his service, and many professions of his desire that his
journey might produce some good effect.
The Council that was about the Prince had looked upon
Paw as a man that had always favoured the rebellion in
England, and as much obstructed all civilities from the
States towards the King, as was possible for him to do;
and therefore they were very sorry that he was made choice
of for ambassador in such a fatal conjuncture. But the
Prince of Orange assured the Prince, " that he had used
" all his credit to compass that election ; that he was the
" wisest man of their body ; and that neither he,- nor any
" of the rest, who had cherished the English rebellion
" more than he, ever desired it should prosper to that de-
" gree it had done, as to endanger the changing the go
vernment;" and therefore wished "there might not
" appear any distrust of him, but that the Prince would
"treat him with confidence, and some of the Council
¦*" would confer with him with freedom, upon any particu-
" lars which it would be necessary for him to be inslructed
" in." But the wisdom of angels was not sufficient to give
any effectual advice for such a negociation, since the States
could not be brought so much to interest themselves,' as to
use any menaces to the Parliament as if they would embark
themselves in the quarrel. So that the Council could only
wish, " that the ambassador would confer with such of the
" King's friends who were then at London, and whose
" relation had been most eminent towards his Majesty;
" and receive advice from them, how he might most hope-
" fully prevail over particular men, and thereby with the
They send « Parliament." And so the ambassador departed for Eng-
sador into land, within less than a week after he was nominated for the
England, employment.
The Queen At the same time, the Queen of England, being struck
to^de'u^ to tne neart wi^ amazement and confusion upon the re
vered to the port of what the Parliament intended, sent a paper to the
ment; but agent who was employed there by the Cardinal to keep a
it was laid good correspondence; which she obliged him to deliver to
A51Q6* i

OF THE REBELLION. 337
the Parliament. The paper contained a very passionate BOOK
lamentation of the sad condition the King her husband XL
was in; desiring "that they would grant her a pass to~
" come over to him, offering to use all the credit she had
" with him, that he might give them satisfaction. How-
" ever, if they would not give her leave to perform any of
" those offices towards the public, that she might be per-
" mitted to perform the duty she owed him, and to be
" near him in the uttermost extremity." Neither of these
addresses did more than express the zeal of those who
procured them to be made: the ambassador Paw could
neither get leave to see the King, (which he was to en
deavour to do, that he might from himself be instructed
best what to do,) nor be admitted to an audience by the
Parliament, till after the tragedy was acted : and the
Queen's paper was delivered, and never considered in
order to return any answer to it.
When the committee had prepared such a charge, which The charge
they called "an impeachment of high treason against jungap-
f Charles Stewart, King of England," digested into se- v™™& hy
m trie \_/Oixt-"
yeral articles, which contained all those calumnies they mons.
had formerly heaped up in that declaration of no more
addresses to be made to him, with some additional re
proaches, it was read in the House; and, after it was
approved there, they sent it to the House of Peers for
their concurrence. That House had very little to do, from
the time that Cromwell returned from Scotland, and were
few in number, and used tp adjourn for two or three days
together for want of business; so that it was believed,
that they who had done so many- extravagant things,
rather than they would dissent from the House of Com<-
mons, would likewise concur with them in this, rather
than sever from them when they were so triumphant.
But, contrary to this expectation, when this impeachment
was brought up to the Peers, it was so ill received, that
there was not one person who concurred with them;
which, considering the men and what most of them had
done, might seem very strange. And when they had,
vol. in. p. 1. z

338 THE HISTORY
BOOK with some warmth, rejected it, they adjourned for a week;
x*- presuming they should thereby at least give some inter-
Rejected by ruption to that career which the House of Commons was
whoIadrdS' uPon3 an(^j m tnat time> some expedient might be found
joumed to reconcile the proceedings in both Houses. But they
or a wee . ^^ ^ much deceived in this; the House of Commons
was very well pleased with it, and thought they had given
them ease, which they could not so well have contrived
for themselves. So they proceeded in their own method,
and when the day came to which the Lords had adjourned
The door of their House, they found their doors all locked, and fastened
locked1™86 w'th padlocks, that there should then be no more entrance
against the for them ; nor did any of them ever after sit in that House
wWch they as Peers above twice or thrice at most, till Cromwell, long
had ad- after, endeavoured in vain to have erected a House of
journed. . . , , .
Peers of his own creation ; in which some of them then
very willingly took their places.
The charge and accusation, upon which they resolved to
proceed against the King, being thus settled and agreed
upon, they begun to consider in what manner and form to
proceed, that there might be some appearance of justice.
Nothing could be found in the common or statute law,
which could direct or warrant them ; nor could the pre
cedent of deposing Richard the Second (the sole prece
dent of that kind) be applied to their purpose : for, how
foul soever the circumstances precedent had been, he had
made a resignation of his royalty before the Lords in Par
liament; so that his deposition proceeded from himself,
and with his own consent, and would not agree in any
particular with the case in question. They were therefore
to make a new form to warrant their proceedings: and
The Com- a new form they did erect, never before heard of. They
stitutea"" constituted and erected a court that should be called
High Court « jfoe High Court of Justice, to consist of so many judges,
" who should have authority to try the King, whether he
" were guilty of what he was accused of, or no ; and, in
" order thereunto, to examine such witnesses as should be
" produced :" the number of the judges named was about

OF THE REBELLION. 339
an hundred and fifty, whereof the major part might pro- go OK
ceed. XL
They could not have found such a number yet amongst
themselves, after so many barbarities and impieties, upon
whom they might depend in this last tragical act. And
therefore they laid this for a ground ; that if they should
make only their own members to be judges in this case,
they might appear in the eyes of the people to be too
much parties, as having from the beginning maintained
a war, though defensive, as they pretended, against the
King, and so not so fit to be the only judges who were in
the fault: on the other band, if they should name none of
themselves, it might be interpreted that they looked upon
it as too dangerous a province to engage themselves in,
and therefore they had put it off to others; which would
discourage others from undertaking it. Wherefore they
resolved, that the judges should be nominated promiscu
ously, as well of members of the House, as of such other
of their good and godly men in the kingdom. Whosoever
would not be one himself when named, as there were yet
many amongst them, who, out of conscience, or of fear,
utterly protested against it, should take upon him to name
another man; which sure he could not but think was
equally unlawful: so that few took upon them to nomi
nate others, who would reject the province themselves.
All the chief officers of the army were named, and di
vers accepted the office; and such aldermen and citizens
of London, as had been most violent against peace, and
some few country gentlemen, whose zeal had been taken
notice of for the cause, and who were like to take such a
preferment as a testimony of the Parliament's confidence
in them, and would thereupon embrace it. When such
a number of men were nominated as were thought in all
respects to be equal to tbe work, they were to make choice
of a speaker, or prolocutor, who should be called Lord
President of that High Court, who must manage and
govern all the proceedings there, ask the witnesses all
proper questions, and answer what the prisoner should
z 2

340 THE HISTORY
BOOK propose. And to that office one Bradshaw was chosen,
XI- a lawyer of Gray's Inn, not much known in Westminster-
Bradshaw hall, though of good practice in his chamber, and much
Pr^identrd employed by the factious. He was a gentleman of an
ancient family in Cheshire and Lancashire, but of a for
tune of his own making. He was not without parts, add
of great insolence and ambition. When he was first no
minated, he seemed much surprised, and very resolute to
refuse it; which he did in such a manner, and so much
enlarging upon his own want of abilities to undergo so
important a charge, that it was very evident he had ex
pected to be put to that apology. And when he was
pressed with more importunity than could have been used
by chance, he required " time to consider of it ;" and said,
" he would then give his final answer;" which he did the
next day; and with great humility accepted the office,
which he administered with all the pride, impudence, and
superciliousness imaginable. He was presently invested
Lawyers in great state, and many officers and a guard assigned for
officers ap- tne security of his person, and the Dean's house at West-
pointed, minster given to him for ever for his residence and habi
tation, and a good sum of money, about five thousand
pounds, was appointed to be presently paid to him, to put
himself in such an equipage and way of living, as the
dignity of the office which he held would require. And
now, the Lord President of the High Court of Justice
seemed to be the greatest magistrate in England. And
though it was not thought seasonable to make any Such
declaration, yet some of those whose opinions grew quickly
into ordinances, upon several occasions, declared, " that
" they believed that office was not to be looked upon as
" necessary pro hac vice only, but for continuance; and
" that he who executed it deserved to have an ample and
" a liberal estate conferred upon him for ever :" which
sudden mutation and exaltation of fortune could not but
make a great impression upon a vulgar spirit, accustomed
to no excesses, and acquainted only with a very moderate
fortune. All this being done, they made choice of some

OF THE REBELLION. 341
lawyers (till that time very obscure, and men scarce known BOOK
or heard of in their profession) to perform the offices of XL
Attorney General, and Solicitor General for the State, to
prosecute the prisoner at his trial, and to manage the
evidence against him. Other officers, of all kinds, were
appointed to attend, and perform the several offices of
their new court; which was ordered to be erected in
Westminster-hall. The King was now sent for from Hurst castle, and was Tlie King
received by Colonel Harrison with a strong party of horse ; from Hurst
by whom he was to be conducted to Windsor castle. castle by
tt i f twt /-ii Harrison.
Harrison was the son of a butcher near Nantwich in ^he-Thecllarac_
shire, and had been bred up in the place of a clerk underterof Har-
a lawyer of good account in those parts; which kind of
education introduces men into the language and practice
of business, and, if it be not resisted by the great inge
nuity of the person, inclines young men to more pride
than any other kind of breeding ; and disposes them to be
pragmatical and insolent, though they have the skill to
conceal it from their masters, except they find them (as
they are too often) inclined to cherish it. When the re
bellion first began, this man quitted his master, (who had
relation to the King's service, and discharged his duty
faithfully,) and put himself into the Parliament army;
where, having first obtained the office of a cornet, he got
up, by diligence and sobriety, to the state of a captain,
without any signal notice taken of him till the new model
of the army ; when Cromwell, who, possibly, had know
ledge of him before, found him of a spirit and disposition
fit for his serviee, much given to prayer and to preaching,
and, otherwise, of an understanding capable to be trusted
in any business ; to which his clerkship contributed very
much: and then he was preferred very fast; so that, by
the time the King was brought to the army, he had been
a colonel of horse, and looked upon as inferior to few,
after Cromwell and Ireton, in the Council of Officers and
in the government of the Agitators ; and there were few
men with whom Cromwell more communicated, or upon
z3

342 THE HtSTORY
BOOK whom he more depended for the conduct of any thing com-
XL mitted to him. He received the King with outward re
spect, kept himself bare; but attended him with great strict
ness ; and was not to be approached by any address ; an
swering questions in short and few words, and, when im
portuned, with rudeness. He manifested an apprehension
that the King had some thought of making an escape, and
did all things in order to prevent it. Being to lodge at
Windsor, and so to pass by Bagshot, the King expressed
a desire to see his little park at Bagshot, and so to dine at
the Lodge there, a place where he had used to take much
pleasure; and did not dissemble the knowing that the
Lord Newburgh, who had lately married the Lady Aubig-
ney, lived there ; and said, " he would send a servant to
" let that lady know that he would dine with her, that she
" might provide a dinner for him." Harrison well knew
the affection of that lord and lady, and was very unwilling
he should make any stay there; but finding the King
so fixt upon it, that he would not be otherwise removed
from it than by absolutely refusing him to go thither, he
chose to consent, and that his Majesty should send a ser
vant ; which he did the night before he intended to dine
there. Both lord and lady were of known duty and affection
to the King; the lady, after her husband the Lord A u-
bigney had been killed at Edge-hill, having so far in
censed the Parliament, that she had endured a long im
prisonment, under a suspicion that she had been privy to
the design which had been discovered by Mr. Waller,
upon which Tomkins and Challoner had been put to
death, and had likewise herself been put to death, if she,.
had not made her escape to Oxford. After the war was
ended, she had, with the King's approbation, married the
Lord Newburgh; who had the same affections. They
had, from the time of the King's being at Hampton Court,
concerted with his Majesty upon such means,.that, in the
strictest restraint he was under, they found a way to write
. to, and to hear from him. And most of the letters which

OF THE REBELLION. 343
passed between the King and the Queen passed through BOOK
their hands; who had likewise a cipher with the King, by XL
which they gave him notice of any thing they judged of
importance for him to know. They had given him notice
that he would be sent for from Hurst castle, and advised
him " to find some way that he might dine at the Lodge
" at Bagshot ; and that he should take occasion, if he
"could, to lame the horse he rode upon, or to find such
" fault with his going, that he might take another horse
" out of the Lord Newburgh's stables to continue the rest
" of his journey upon." That lord much delighted in
horses, and had, at that time, in his stables one of the
fleetest that was in England; and the purpose was, to
mount the King upon that horse, that, when he found
a fit opportunity, he might, upon the sudden, set spurs to
him; and, if he could get out of the company that en
compassed him, he might, possibly, by the swiftness of
his horse, and his own skill in the most obscure ways
of that forest, convey himself to another place in their
view; and so, three or four good horses were laid in
several places. And this was the reason that the King
had so earnestly insisted upon dining at Bagshot; which
being in his way, and his custom being always to dine,
they could not reasonably deny him that liberty.
Before the King came thither, Harrison had sent some
horse with an officer to search the house, and all about
the park, that he might be sure that no company lurked,
which might make some attempt. And the King, all the
morning, found fault with the going of his horse; and
said," he would change it, and procure a better." When The King
his Majesty came to the Lodge, he found his dinner -ready, LordNew-
but was quickly informed, " that the horse so much de- burgh's;
" pended upon was, the day before, by the blow of another aa inten-
" horse, so lamed, that he could not be of use to the pur- ti("?.of ,
' 7 ¦ r making the
" pose he was designed for." And though that lord had King's
other good horses, which in such an exigent might bejj*ctaP' ;n
made use of, yet the King had observed so great difficulty
to be in the attempt all his journey, when he was en-
z 4

344 THE HISTORY
BOOK compassed always in the middle of a hundred horse, the
XI- officers all exceedingly well horsed, and every man, officer,
and soldier, having a pistol ready spanned in one hand,
that he resolved not to pursue that design. And Harrison
had already told him, " that he had provided a better horse
" for him :" and it was believed he would never have per
mitted him to have made use of one of the Lord New-
burgh's. So that after having spent three or four hours
there with very much satisfaction to himself, though he
was not suffered to be in any room without the company
of six or seven soldiers, who suffered little to be spoken,
except it was so loud that they could hear it too, he took
a sad farewell of them, appearing to have little hope ever
to see them again. The Lord Newburgh rode some miles
in the forest to wait upon the King, till he was required
by Harrison to return. His Majesty lodged that night at
The King his castle of Windsor, and was soon after carried to St.
st°james'°s. James's. In this journey, Harrison observing that the.
King had always an apprehension that there was a purpose
to murder him, and had once let fall some words of tf the
" odiousness and wickedness of such an assassination and
" murder, which could never be safe to the person who
"undertook it;" he told him plainly, " that he needed
" not to entertain any such imagination or apprehension ;
" that the Parliament had too much honour and justice to
" cherish so foul an intention ;" and assured him, " that
" whatever the Parliament resolved to do would be very
"public, and in a way of justice; to which the world
" should be witness ; and would never endure a thought
" of secret violence :" which his Majesty could not per
suade himself to believe; nor did imagine that they durst
ever produce him in the sight of the people, under any
. form whatsoever of a public trial.
The several It hath been acknowledged since by some officers, and
consulta- - , . . .
tions, be- others who were present at the consultations, that from
f fte "tbi the t"ne °* the King?s being at Hampton Court, and after
time, the army had mastered both the Parliament and the city,
offi°°r^the and were weary Of having the King with them, and knew

OF THE REBELLION. 345
•not well how to be rid of him, there were many secret BOOK vr
consults'what to do with him. And it was generally con- u

tt

eluded, " they should never be able to settle their new form what to do
"of government whilst he lived:" and after he was be-J_j' '\ e
come a prisoner in the Isle of Wight, they were more
solicitous for a resolution and determination in that parti
cular : and after the vote of no more addresses, the most
violent party thought " they could do nothing in order to
" their own ends, till he should be first dead ; and there-
" fore, one way or other, that was to be compassed in
" the first place." Some were for " an actual deposing
" him ; which could not but be easily brought to pass,
" since the Parliament would vote any thing they should
" be directed :" others were for " the taking away his life
" by poison ; which would make least noise;" or, " if that
could not. be so easily contrived, by assassination; for
" which there were hands enough ready to be employed."
There was a third sort, as violent as either of the other,
who pressed " to have him brought to a public trial as a
" malefactor; which," they said, " would be most for the
" honour of the Parliament, and would teach all Kings to
?' know, that they were accountable and punishable for the
" wickedness of their lives."
Many of the officers were of the first opinion, " as a
" thing they had precedents for ; and that he being once
¦' deposed, they could better settle the government than if
" he were dead ; for his son could pretend no right whilst
" he was alive ; whereas, if the father were dead, he would
"presently call himself King, and others would call him
'* so too; and, it may be, other Kings and Princes would
"own him for such. If he were kept alive in a close
*' prison, he might afterwards be made use of, or removed
" upon any appearance of a revolution."
There were as many officers of the second judgment,
" that he should be presently dispatched." They said,
it appeared by the experience they had, that whilst he
was alive, (for amore strict imprisonment than he had
" undergone, he could never be confined to,) there would

tt

346 THE HISTORY
BOOK " be always plots and designs to set him at liberty; and he
XI- " would have parties throughout the kingdom ; and, in a
" short time, a faction in their most secret councils, and it
" may be in the army itself; and, where his liberty would
" yield so great a price, it would be too great a trust to re-
" pose in any man, that he would long resist the tempta-
" tion. Whereas, if he were confessedly dead, all those
" fears would be over; especially if they proceeded with
" that circumspection and severity towards all his party, as
" in prudence they ought to do." This party might pro
bably have carried it, if Hammond could have been
wrought upon to have concurred; but he had yet too
much conscience to expose himself to that infamy; and
without his privity or connivance it could not be done.
The third party, which were all the levellers and agita
tors of the army, in the head of which Ireton and Harrison
were, would not endure either of the other ways ; and Said,
" they could as easily bring him to justice in the sight of
" the sun, as depose him ; since the authority of the Par-
" liament could do one as well as the other : that their pre-
" cedent of deposing had no reputation with the people ;
" but was looked upon as the effect of some potent faction,
" which always oppressed the people more after, than they
" had been before. Besides, those deposings had always
" been attended with assassinations and murders, which
" were the more odious and detested, because nobody owned
" and avowed the bloody actions they had done. But if he
" were brought to a public trial, for the notorious ill things
" he had done, and for his misgovernment, upon the com-
" plaint and prosecution of the people, the superiority of
" the people would be hereby vindicated and made mani-
" fest ; and they should receive the benefit, and be for ever
" free from those oppressions which he had imposed upon
" them, and for which he ought to pay so dear; and such
" an exemplary proceeding and execution as this, where
" every circumstance should be clear and notorious, would
" be the best foundation and security of the government
" they intended to establish; and no man would be ambi-

OF THE REBELLION. 347
" tious to succeed him, and be a King in his place, when BOOK
" he saw in what manner he must be accountable to the XL

" people." This argumentation, or the strength and ob- Concluded
stinacy of that party, carried it: and, hereupon, all thatt°-hav«mm
formality of proceeding, which afterwards was exercised, tried.
was resolved upon and consented to.
Whether the incredibility or monstrousness of such a
kind of proceeding wrought upon the minds of men, or
whether the principal actors took pains, by their insinu
ations, to have it so believed, it fell out however that they
among them who wished the King best, and stood nearest
to the stage where these parts were acted, did not believe
that there were those horrid intentions that shortly after
appeared. The preachers, who had sounded the trumpets
loudest to, and throughout the war, preached now as furi
ously against all wicked attempts and violence against the
person of the King, and foolishly urged the obligation of
the Covenant (by which they had involved him in all the
danger he was in) for the security of his person.
As soon as the Prince heard of the King's being carried
by Harrison to Windsor, and from thence to St. James's,
though he had lately sent a servant on purpose to see his
Majesty, and to bring him an account of the state he was in,
which servant was not permitted to see him, he sent now The Prince
another with a letter to Fairfax and the Council of War, ff* *'?*-
' ter to Fair-
(for he knew the Parliament had no authority,) in which fax and the
he told them, " that he had no other means to be informed w^r™ °
" of the health and condition of the King his royal father,
" but by the common prints, and general intelligences that
" arrived in those parts : he had reason by those to believe,
" that, after the expiration of the treaty in the Isle of
" Wight, (where he hoped the foundation for a happy
" peace had been laid,) his Majesty had been carried to
" Hurst castle; and since, by some officers of the army, to
" \Vindsor, not without purpose of a more violent prose-
" cution ; the rumour whereof, though of so monstrous
" and incredible a nature, had called upon his piety to make
" this address to them ; who had at this time the power to

348 THE HISTORY
BOOK " choose, whether they would raise lasting monuments to
XL " themselves of loyalty and piety, by restoring their So-
" vereign to his just rights, and their country to peace
" and happiness, a glory which had been seldom abso-
" lutely vouchsafed to so small a number of men, or to
" make themselves the authors of endless misery to the
" kingdom, by contributing or consenting to an act which
" all Christians, into how different opinions soever di-
" vided, must abhor as the most inconsistent with the
" elements of any religion, and destructive to the security
" and being of any kind of government : he did therefore
" earnestly desire and conjure them, sadly to consider the
" vast and prodigious disproportion in that election ; and
" then," he said, " he could not doubt but that they
" would choose to do that which is most just, safe, and
" honourable for them to do ; make themselves the blest
" instruments to preserve, defend, and restore their King;
" to whom only their allegiance was due; by which every
" one of them might justly promise themselves peace
" of conscience, the singular good-will and favour of his
" Majesty, the ample thanks and acknowledgment of all
" good men, and the particular and unalterable affection
" of the Prince himself." This letter was, with much
ado, delivered into the hands of Fairfax himself ; but the
messenger could never be admitted to speak with him;
Which was nor was there more known, than that it was read in the
Council of Council of War, and laid aside.
War, and From the time of the King's being come to St. James's,
when he was delivered into the hands and custody of Co
lonel Tomlinson, a colonel of foot, though the officer
seemed to be a man of a better breeding, and of a nature
more civil than Harrison, and pretended to pay much
respect and duty to the King in his outward demeanour,
The usage yet his Majesty, after a short time, was treated with more
at St* ng rudeness and barbarity than he had ever been before.
James's. They were so jealous of their own guards, lest they should
be wrought upon by the influence of this innocent Trince,
or by the remorse of their own conscience upon the exer-

OF THE REBELLION. 349
cise of so much barbarity, that they caused the guards to BOOK
be still changed; and the same men were never suffered XL
twice to perform the same monstrous duty.
When he was first brought to Westminster-hall, which He is
was upon the twentieth of January, before their High^^J?
Court of Justice, he looked upon them, and sat down, ster-hali,
without any manifestation of trouble, never stirring his
hat; all the impudent judges sitting covered, and fixing
their eyes upon him, without the least shew of respect.
The odious libel, which they called a charge and impeach
ment, was then read by the clerk ; which, in effect, con
tained, " that he had been admitted King of England, and The sum of
"trusted with a limited power to govern according tomscharSe-
" law ; and, by his oath and office, was obliged to use the
" power committed to him for the good and benefit of the
" people : but that he had, out of a wicked design to erect
" to himself an illimited and tyrannical power, and to
" overthrow the rights and liberties of the people, traitor-
" ously levied war against the present Parliament, and the
" people therein represented." And then it mentioned
his first appearance at York with a guard, then his being
at Beverly, then his setting up his standard at Nottingham,
the day of the month and the year in which the battle had
been at Edge-hill, and all the other several battles which
had been fought ih his presence ; " in which," it said, " he .
" had caused and procured many thousands of the free-
" born people of the nation to be slain : that after all his
" forces had been defeated, and himself become a prisoner,
" he had, in that very year, Caused many insurrections to be
" made in England, and given a commission to the Prince
" his son . to raise a new war against the Parliament ;
" whereby many who were in their service, and trusted by
" them, had revolted, broken their trust, and betook them-
" selves to the service of the Prince against the Parlia-
" ment and the people : that he had been the author and
" contriver of the unnatural, cruel, and bloody wars ; and
" was therein guilty of all the treasons, murders, rapines,
" burnings, and spoils, desolations, damage, and mischief

350 THE HISTORY
BOOK "to the nation, which had been committed in the said
XI- " war, or been occasioned thereby; and that he was
~ " therefore impeached for the said treasons and crimes, on
" the behalf of the people of England, as a tyrant, traitor,
" and murderer, and a public implacable enemy to the
" commonwealth of England." And it was prayed,
" that he might be put to answer to all the particulars, to
" the end that such an examination, trial, and judgment,
" might be had thereupon, as should be agreeable to
" justice." Which being read, their president Bradshaw, after he
had insolently reprehended the King " for not having
" shewed more respect to that high tribunal," told him,
What pass- « that the Parliament of England had appointed that court
ed the first . . - , , , • i
day of his to try him for the several treasons, and misdemeanours,
trial. « whJch he had committed against the kingdom during the
" evil administration of his government ; and that, upon
" the examination thereof, justice might be done." And,
after a great sauciness and impudence of talk, he asked the
King, " what answer he had to make to that impeach-
" ment." The King, without any alteration in his countenance by
all that insolent provocation, told them, " he would first
" know of them, by what authority they presumed by force
" to bring him before them, and who gave them power to
"judge of his actions, for which he was accountable to
" none but God; though they had been always such as he
" need not be ashamed to own them before all the world."
He told them, "that he was their King, they his subjects;
" who owed him duty and obedience : that no Parliament
" had authority to call him before them; but that they
" were not the Parliament, nor had any authority from the
" Parliament to sit in that manner: that of all the persons
" who sat there, and took upon them to judge him, ex-
" cept those persons who being officers of the army he
" could not but know whilst he was forced to be amongst
" them, there were only two faces which he had ever seen
" before, or whose names were known to him." And,

OF THE REBELLION. 351
after urging " their duty, that was due to him, and his su- BOOK
" periority over them," by such lively reasons, and argu- XL
ments, as were not capable of any answer, he concluded,-
" that he would not so much betray himself, and his royal
" dignity, as to answer any thing they objected against
" him, which were to acknowledge their authority ; though
" he believed that every one of themselves, as well as the
" spectators, did, in their own consciences, absolve him
" from all the material things which were objected against
"him," Bradshaw advised him, in a very arrogant manner, " not
" to deceive himself with an opinion that anything he had
" said would do him any good : that the Parliament knew
" their own authority, and would not suffer it to be called
". in question or debated :" therefore required him, " to
" think better of it, against he should be next brought
" thither, and that he would answer directly to his charge ;
" otherwise, he could not be so ignorant, as not to know
" what judgment the law pronounced against those who
" stood mute, and obstinately refused to plead." So the
guard carried his Majesty back to St. James's; where they
treated him as before.
There was an accident happened that first day, which Disturb-
may be fit to be remembered. When all those who were ^^t'o v"
commissioners had taken their places, and the King was the Lady
brought in, the first ceremony was, to read their commis- General's
sion ; which was the Ordinance of Parliament for the trial; wife- -
and then the judges were all called, every man answering
to his name as he was called, and the President being first
called and making answer, the next who was called being
the General, Lord Fairfax, and no answer being made, the
officer called him the second time, when there was a voice
heard that said, " he had more wit than to be there;"
which put the court into some disorder, and somebody ask
ing, who it was, there was no other answer but a little
murmuring. But, presently, when the impeachment was
read, and that expression used, of " all the good people of
" England," the same voice in a louder tone answered,

352 THE HISTORY
BOOK " No, nor the hundredth part of them :" upon which, one
XL of the officers bid the soldiers give fire into that box
"" whence those presumptuous words were uttered. But it
was quickly discerned that it was the General's wife, the
Lady Fairfax, who had uttered both those sharp sayings ;
who was presently persuaded or forced to leave the place,
to prevent any new disorder. She was of a very noble ex
traction, one of the daughters and heirs of Horace Lord
Vere of Tilbury; who, having been bred in Holland, had
not that reverence for the Church of England, as she
ought to have had, and so had unhappily concurred in her
husband's entering into rebellion, never imagining what
misery it would bring upon the kingdom ; and now ab
horred the work in hand as much as any body could do,
and did all she could to hinder her husband from acting
any part in it. Nor did he ever sit in that bloody court,
though he was throughout overwitted by Cromwell, and
made a property to bring that to pass which could very
hardly have been otherwise effected.
As there was in many persons present at that woful
spectacle a real duty and compassion for the King, so there
was in others so barbarous and brutal a behaviour towards
him, that they called him tyrant and murderer; and one
spit in his face ; which his Majesty, without expressing any
trouble, wiped off with his handkerchief.
?j;.?" The two men who were only known to the King before
and sir the troubles, were Sir Harry Mildmay, Master of the
verTthe8"1' King's Jewel-house, who had been bred up in the Court,
only two being younger brother of a good family in Essex, and who
.Gngknew had been prosecuted with so great favours and bounties by
besides the King James, and by his Majesty, that he was raised by
officers of . , _ , _, . ,.
the army, them to a great estate, and preferred to that office in his
house, which is the best under those which entitle the
officers to be of the Privy Council. No man more obse
quious to the Court than he, whilst it flourished ; a great
flatterer of all persons in authority, and a spy in all places
for them. From the beginning of the Parliament, he can*-
curred with those who were most violent against the

OF THE REBELLION. 353
Court, and most like to prevail agaihst it; and being BOOK
thereupon branded with ingratitude, as that brand com- XI-
monly makes men most impudent, he continued his despe
rate pace with them, till he became one of the murderers
of his master. The other was Sir John Danvers, the
younger brother and heir of the Earl of Danby, who was
a gentleman of the Privy Chamber to the King, and being
neglected by his brother, and having, by a vain expence in
his way of living, contracted avast debt, which he knew
not how to pay, and being a proud, formal, weak man,
between being seduced and a seducer, became so far in
volved in their counsels, that he suffered himself to be
applied to their worst offices, taking it to be a high honour
to "sit upon the same bench with Cromwell, who employed
and contemned him at once : nor did that party of mis
creants look upon any two men in the kingdom with that
scorn and detestation, as they did upon Danvers and
Mildmay. The several unheard of insolences which this excellent A summary
Prince was forced to submit to, at the other times he wasovertne
brought before that odious judicatory, his majestic beha-™st°ftlie
viour, and resolute insisting upon his own dignity, and de- trial.
fending it by manifest authorities in the law, as well as by
the clearest deductions from reason, the pronouncing that
horrible sentence upon the most innocent person in tbe
world, the execution of that sentence by the most execra
ble murder that was ever committed since that of our
blessed Saviour, and the circumstances thereof; the appli
cation and interposition that was used by some noble per
sons to prevent that woful murder, and the hypocrisy with
which that interposition was eluded, the saint-like beha
viour of that blessed martyr, and his Christian courage and
patience at his death, are all particulars so well known, and
have been so much enlarged 'upon in a treatise peculiarly
writ to that purpose, that the farther mentioning it in this
place would but afflict and grieve the reader, and make the
relation itself odious as well as needless; and therefore no
more shall be said here of that deplorable tragedy, so much
vol. m. p. 1. a a

354 THE HISTORY
BOOK to the dishonour of the nation, and the religion professed
XI- by it, though undeservedly.
Hischarac- But it will not be unnecessary to add a short character of
ter" his person, that posterity may know the inestimable loss
which the nation then underwent, in being deprived of
a Prince, whose example would have had a greater in
fluence upon the manners and piety of the nation, than the
most strict laws can have. To speak first of his private
qualifications as a man, before the mention of his princely
and royal virtues; he was, if ever any, the most worthy of the
His justice title of an honest man ; so great a lover of justice, that no
mercy. temptation could dispose him to a wrongful action, except
it was so disguised to him that he believed it to be just.
He had a tenderness and compassion of nature, which re
strained him from ever doing a hard-hearted thing: and
therefore he was so apt to grant pardon to malefactors, that
the Judges of the land represented to him the damage
and insecurity to the public, that flowed from such his in
dulgence. And then he restrained himself from pardoning
either murders or highway robberies, and quickly discerned
the fruits of his severity by a wonderful reformation of
His devo- those enormities. He was very punctual and regular in his
tion and devotions; he was never known to enter upon his recreations
religion. ' "
or sports, though never so early in the morning, before he
had been at public prayers; so that on hunting days his
chaplains were bound to a very early attendance. He was
likewise very strict in observing the hours of his private
cabinet devotions; and was so severe an exactor of gravity
and reverence in all mention of religion, that he could
never endure any light or profane word, with what sharp
ness of wit soever it was covered : and though he was well
pleased and delighted with reading verses made upon any
occasion, no man durst bring before him any thing that was
profane or unclean. That kind of wit had never any coun-
His conju- tenance then. He was so great an example of conjugal af-
ga^c as- fectjori} that they who did not imitate him in that particular
dursjjjjot brag of their liberty: and he did not only permit,
but direct his bishops to prosecute those scandalous vices, in

OF THE REBELLION. 355
the ecclesiastical courts, against persons of eminence, and BOOK
near relation to his service. XI.
His kingly virtues had some mixture and allay, that hin
dered them from shining in full lustre, and from producing
those fruits they should have been attended with. He was He was not
not in his nature very bountiful, though he gave very much. V?? boun"
This appeared more after the Duke of Buckingham's death,
after which those showers fell very rarely ; and he paused
too long in giving, which made those, to whom he gave,
less sensible of the benefit. He kept state to the full, which Hekept
made his Court very orderly; no man presuming to be^t^°rt
seen in a place where he had no pretence to be. He saw
and observed men long, before he received them about his
person; and did not love strangers; nor very confident men.
He was a patient hearer of causes; which he frequently ac- Patient in
customed himself to at the Council Board ; and judged very fuse's5
well, and was dexterous in the mediating part : so that he
often put an end to causes by persuasion, which the stub
bornness of men's humours made dilatory in courts of jus
tice. He was very fearless in his person ; but, in his riper years, Fearless,
not very enterprising. He had an excellent understanding, prisinff.
but was not confident enough of it; which made him often- Not confi-
times change his own opinion for a worse, and follow the ^V"^!8
advice of men that did not judge so well as himself. This ment.
made him more irresolute than the conjuncture of his affairs
would admit : if he had been of a rougher and more impe
rious nature, he would have found more respect and duty.
And his not applying some severe cures to approaching
evils proceeded from the lenity of his nature, and the ten
derness of his conscience, which, in all cases of blood, made
him choose the softer way, and not hearken to severe coun
sels, how reasonably soever urged. This only restrained him
from pursuing his advantage in the first Scottish expedi
tion, when, humanly speaking, he might have reduced that
nation to the most entire obedience that could have been
wished. But no man can say he had then many who ad
vised him to it, but the contrary, by a wonderful indis-
a a 2

356 THE HISTORY
BOOK position all his Council had to the war, or any other
XI- fatigue. He was always a great lover of the Scottish na-
Loverof tion, having, not only been born there, but educatediby
the Scottish tjiat pe0p{Cj anc} besieged by them always, having few
English about him till he was king; and the major number
of his servants being still of that nation, who he thought
could never fail him. And among these, no man had such
an ascendant over him, by the humblest insinuations, as
Duke Hamilton had.
Abhorred As he excelled in all other virtues, so in temperance he
"^'was so strict, that he abhorred all debauchery to that de
gree, that, at a great festival solemnity, where he once was,
when very many of the nobility of the English and Scots
were entertained, being told by one who withdrew from
thence, what vast draughts of wine they drank, and " that
" there was one Earl, who had drank most of the rest down,
"and was not himself moved or altered," the King said,
" that he deserved to be hanged;" and that Earl coming
shortly after into the room where his Majesty was, in some
gaiety, to shew how unhurt he was from that battle, the
King sent one to bid him withdraw from his Majesty's pre
sence; nor did he in some days after appear before him.
So mahy miraculous circumstances contributed to his
ruin, that men might well think that heaven and earth
conspired it. Though he was, from the first declension of
his power, so much betrayed by his own servants, that there
were very few who remained faithful to him, yet -that
treachery proceeded not always from any treasonable pur
pose to do him any harm, but from particular and personal
animosities against other men. And, afterwards, the terror
all men were under of the Parliament, and the guilt they
were conscious of themselves, made them watch all oppor
tunities to make themselves gracious to those who could do
them good ; and so they became spies upon their master,
and from one piece of knavery were hardened and con
firmed to undertake another ; till at last they had no hope of
preservation but by the destruction of their master. And j
after all this, when a man might reasonably believe that j

Beloved by
•his subjects
in general
when be

OF THE REBELLION. 357
less than a universal defection of three nations could not BOOK
have reduced a great King to so ugly a fate, it is most cer- Xl.
tain, that, in that very hour when he was thus wickedly
murdered in the sight of the sun, he had as great a share in
the hearts and affections of his subjects in general, was as
much beloved, esteemed, and longed for by the people in
general of the three nations, as any of his predecessors had Xred*™'"
ever been. To conclude, he was the worthiest gentleman, The sum
the best master, the best friend, the best husband, the bestofl!is cha"
rnct6r.
father, and the best Christian, that the age in which he
lived produced. And if he were not the greatest king, if
he were without some parts and qualities which have'
made some kings great and happy, no other prince was
ever unhappy who was possessed of half his virtues and
endowments, and so much without any kind of vice.
This unparalleled murder and parricide was committed
upon the thirtieth of January, in the year, according to
the account used in England, 1648, in the forty and ninth
year of his age, and when he had such excellent health,
and so great vigour of body, that when his murderers
caused him to be opened, (which they did, and were some
of them present at it with great curiosity,) they confessed
and declared, " that no man had ever all his. vital parts so
" perfect and unhurt : and that he seemed to be of so
" admirable a composition and constitution, that he would
" probably have lived as long as nature could subsist."
His body was immediately carried into a room at Whitehall ; His funeral.
where he was exposed for many days to the public view,
that all men might know that he was not alive. And he
was then embalmed, and put into a coffin, and so carried
to St. James's; where he likewise remained several days.
They who were qualified to order his funeral declared,
" that he should be buried at Windsor in a decent man-
" ner, provided that the whole expence should not exceed
" five hundred pounds." The Duke of Richmond, the
Marquis of Hertford, the Earls of Southampton and Lind-
sey, who. had been of his bedchamber, and always very
faithful to him, desired those who governed, " that they
a a 3

358 THE HISTORY
BOOK "might have leave to perform the last duty to their dead
x1, " master, aiid to wait upon him to his grave;" which,
after some pauses, they were permitted to do, with this,
" that they should not attend the corpse out of the town ;
" since they resolved it should be privately carried to Wind-
" sor without pomp or noise, and then they should have
" timely notice, that, if they pleased, they might be at his
" interment." And accordingly it was committed to four
of those servants, who had been by them appointed to wait
upon him during his imprisonment, that they should con
vey the body to Windsor ; which they did. And it was,
that night, placed in that chamber which had usually been
his bedchamber: the next morning, it was carried into the
great hall ; where it remained till the lords came ; who
arrived there in the afternoon, and immediately went to
Colonel Whitchcot, the Governor of the castle, and shewed
the order they had from the Parliament to be present at
the burial ; which he admitted : but when they desired that
his Majesty might be buried according to the form of the
Common Prayer Book, the Bishop of London being pre
sent with them to officiate, he positively and roughly re
fused to consent to it ; and said, " it was not lawful ; that
" the Common Prayer Book was put down, and he would
" not suffer it to be used in that garrison where he corn-
" manded ;" nor could all the reasons, persuasions, and
entreaties, prevail with him to suffer it. Then they went
into the church, to make choice of a place for burial. But
when they entered into it, which they had been so well ac
quainted with, they found it so altered and transformed, all
inscriptions, and those land-marks pulled down, by which
all men knew every particular place in that church, and
such a dismal mutation over the whole, that they knew not
where they were : nor was there one old officer that had
belonged to it., or knew where our princes had used to be
interred. At last there was a fellow of the town who un
dertook to tell them the place, where, he said, " there was
" a vault, in which King Harry the Eighth and Queen
*' Jane Seymour were interred." As near that place as

OF THE REBELLION. 359
could conveniently be, they caused the grave to be made. BOOK
There the King's body was laid without any words, or XL
other ceremonies than the tears and sighs of the few be-~
holders. Upon the coffin was a plate of silver fixed with
these words only, King Charles 1648. When the coffin
was put in, the black velvet pall that had covered it was
thrown over it, and then the earth thrown in ; which the
Governor stayed to see perfectly done, and then took the
keys of the church.
I have been the longer and the more particular in this
relation, that I may from thence take occasion to mention
what fell out long after, and which administered a subject
of much discourse; in which, according to the several
humours and fancies of men, they who were in nearest
credit and trust about the King underwent many very
severe censures and reproaches, not without reflection upon
the King himself. Upon the return of King Charles the
Second with so much congratulation, and universal joy of
the people, above ten years after the murder of his father,
it was generally expected that the body should be removed
from that obscure burial, and, with such ceremony as
should be thought fit, should be solemnly deposited with
his royal ancestors in King Harry the Seventh's Chapel in
the collegiate church of Westminster. And the King him
self intended nothing more, and spoke often of it, as if it
were only deferred till some circumstances and ceremonies
in the doing it might be adjusted. But, by degrees, the
discourse of it was diminished, as if it were totally laid
aside upon some reasons of state, the ground whereof
¦several men guessed at according to their fancies, and
thereupon cast those reproaches upon the statesmen as
they thought reasonable, when the reasons which were
suggested by their own imaginations did not satisfy their
understanding. For the satisfaction and information of
all men, I choose in this place to explain that matter;
which, it may be, is not known to many ; and at that time
was not, for many reasons, thought fit to be published.
Aa 4

360 THE HISTORY
BOOK The Duke of Richmond was dead before the King, re-
XL turned ; the Marquis of Hertford died in a short time
after, and was seldom out of his lodging after his Majesty
came to Whitehall : the Earl of Southampton and the Earl
of Lindsey went to Windsor, and took with them such of
their own servants as had attended them in that service,
and as many others as they remembered had been then pre
sent, and were still alive; who all amounted to a small
number; there being, at the time of the interment, great
strictness used in admitting any to be present whose names
were not included in the order which the lords had brought.
In a word, the confusion they had at that time observed to
be in that church, and the small alterations which were
begun to be made towards decency, so totally perplexed
their memories, that they could not satisfy themselves in
what place or part of the church the royal body was in
terred : yet, where any concurred upon this or that place,
they caused the ground to be opened at a good distance,
and, upon such inquiries, found no cause to believe that
they were near the place: and, upon their giving this ac
count to the King, the thought of that remove was laid
aside; and the reason communicated to very few, for the
better discountenancing farther inquiry.
Though this wicked and abominable action had to a
degree satisfied their malice, it had not enough provided
for their ambition or security. They had no sooner freed
themselves from one, than another King was grown up in
his place. And besides the old royal party, which con
tinued still vigorous, notwithstanding their loss of so much
blood, and (which weakens almost as much) of so great
estates, they did apprehend that there were in the vast
number- of the guilty (who quietly looked on upon the
removal of the old, whom they had so grievously offended)
who would yet be very willing to submit, and be obedient
to the new King ; who was like to find more friends abroad,
as well as at home, than his father had done.. And there
fore they made haste to prevent this threatening evil, hy

OF THE REBELLION. 361
publishing a proclamation, "that no person whatsoever BOOK
" should presume to declare Charles Stuart, son of the XL

"late Charles, commonly called the Prince of Wales, or Proclama-
" any other person, to be King, or Chief Magistrate of t'r°0nc^mnst
"England, or Ireland, or of any dominions belonging ing Charles
" thereunto, by colour of inheritance, succession, election, gj^J
" or any other claim whatsoever; and that whoever, con-
" trary to this Act, presume to proclaim, &c. should
" be deemed and adjudged a traitor, and suffer accord-
" ingly." In the next place, that their infant republic might be
nursed, cherished, and brought up by those only who had
gotten and brought it forth, they resolved to take away
and abolish the House of Peers, and voted, "that they The Com-
" would make no farther addresses to the House of Lords, ™s^bg °"
"nor receive any more from thern : that the House of House of
" Peers, in Parliament, was useless and dangerous; and
"that an Act should be brought in for abolishing it : that
" the privilege of the Peers, of being freed from arrests,
" should be declared null and void;" all which was done
within few days. However, they declared, " that the
5e Peers should have the privilege to be elected knights, or
" burgesses ;" of which gracious concession some of them
took the benefit soon after, and sat, upon their election
info vacant places, in the House of Commons.
There remained yet another provision to be made against
their own ambition; for it was well known, that there were
yet amongst them many who were not equally fond of a
commonwealth ; and therefore they declared, " that it had Vote
" been found by experience, that the office of a King in officeof S
" this nation, or to have the power thereof in any single kingship.
" person, was unnecessary, burdensome, and dangerous to
" the liberty, and safety, and public interest of the nation ;
" and therefore that it should be utterly abolished; and to
"" that purpose an Act should be forthwith prepared :"
which was likewise done, and passed. And by this triple
cord they believed their republic would be strongly com
pacted, and sufficiently provided for.

362 THE HISTORY
BOOK Their new Great Seal was by this time ready; whereon
was engraven, on one side, the arms of England and Ire-

Theymake land, with this inscription, The Great Seal of England;
Great Seal. an^ on the other s>de the portraiture of the House of Com
mons sitting, circumscribed, In the first year of freedom by
God's blessing restored, 1648. The custody of this Great
Seal was committed to three lawyers, whereof one had sat
among the King's Judges, and the others had contributed
too much to their service. All things being now in this
good order, they sent for their Judges, to agree upon the
formality and circumstances of proceedings. For it was
declared by the Parliament, " that they were fully resolved
" to maintain and uphold the fundamental laws of the
" nation, in order to the preservation of the lives, pro-
" perty, and liberty of the people, notwithstanding all the
" alterations made in the government for the good of the
" people :" and the writs were no more to run in the
King's name, as they had always done, but the name, style,
and test, to be Custodes libertatis Anglim, authoritate Par-
liamenti. If it were not a thing so notoriously known, it
could not be believed, that of twelve Judges, whereof ten
were of their own making, and the other two had quietly
submitted, from the beginning of the war, to the autho-
Six of their rity that governed, six laid down their places, and could
gireup?SeSnot give themselves leave to accept commissions from the
new established power. So aguish and fantastical a thing
is the conscience of men who have once departed from the
rule of conscience, in hope to be permitted to adhere to it
again upon a less pressing occasion.
How some It will be requisite, at least it may not be unfit, to rest
ingSPrinces an(^ make a pause in this place, to take a view, with what
took the countenance the Kings and Princes of Christendom had
murder. their eyes fixed upon this sad and bloody spectacle ; how
they looked upon that issue of blood, at which their own
seemed to be so prodigally poured out ; with what conster
nation their hearts laboured to see the impious hands of
the lowest and basest subjects bathing in the bowels and
reeking blood of their Sovereign ; a brother King, the

OF THE REBELLION. 363
anointed of the Lord, dismembered as a malefactor; what BOOK
combination and union was entered into, to. take vengeance XJ-
upon those monsters, and to vindicate the royal blood
thus wickedly spilt. Alas ! there was scarce a murmur
amongst any of them at it ; but, as if they had been all called
upon in the language of the Prophet Isaiah, Go, ye swift
messengers, to a nation scattered and peeled, to a people
terrible from the beginning hitherto, to a nation meted out,
and trodden down, whose lands the rivers have spoiled, they
made haste, and sent over, that they might get shares in the
spoils of a murdered monarch.
Cardinal Mazarine, who, in the infancy of the French
King, managed that sceptre, had long adored the conduct
of Cromwell, and sought his friendship by a lower and
viler application than was suitable to the purple of a Cardi
nal, sent now to be admitted as a merchant to traffic in the
purchase of the rich goods and jewels of the rifled Crown,
of which he purchased the rich beds, hangings, and carpets,
which furnished his palace at Paris. The King of Spain
had, from the beginning of the rebellion, kept Don
Alonzo de Cardinas, who had been his ambassador to the
King, residing still at London ; and he had, upon several
occasions, many audiences from the Parliament, and several
treaties on foot; and as soon as this dismal murder was
over, that ambassador, who had always a great malignity
towards the King, bought as many pictures, and other
precious goods appertaining to the Crown, as, being sent
in ships to the Corunna in Spain, were carried from thence
to Madrid upon eighteen mules. Christina, Queen of
Sweden, purchased the choice of all the medals, and
jewels, and some pictures of a great price, and received the
Parliament's agent with great joy and pomp, and made an
alliance with them. The Archduke Leopold, who was
Governor of Flanders, disbursed a great sum of money for
many of the best pictures, which adorned the several
palaces of the King; which were all brought to him to
Brussels, and from thence carried by him into Germany.
In this manner did the neighbour Princes join to assist
Cromwell with very great sums of money, whereby he was

364 THE HISTORY
BOOK enabled to prosecute and finish his wicked victory over
' what yet remained unconquered, and to extinguish mo
narchy in this renowned kingdom ; whilst they enriched
and adorned themselves with the ruins and spoils of the
surviving heir, without applying any part thereof to -his
relief, in the greatest necessities which ever King was sub
ject to. And that which is stranger than all this, (since
most men, by recovering their fortunes, use to recover
most of what they were before robbed of, many who
joined in the robbery pretending that they took care to
preserve it for the true owner,) not one of all these Princes
ever restored any of their unlawful purchases to the King,
after his blessed restoration.
Whilst these perfidious wretches had their hands still
reeking in the precious blood of their Sovereign, they were
put upon a new piece of butchery, as necessary to the esta
blishment of their new tyranny. The King was no sooner
dead, but they declared, as hath been said, " that from
'.' this time England should be governed as a common-
" wealth by the Parliament ;" that is, by that handful of
men, who by their wisdom and power had wrought this
wonderful alteration. And because the number of those
appeared very small, and the number of those they had
excluded was as visible, they made an order and declara
tion, " that as many of the members who had been ex-
" eluded, as would under their hands approve all that had
" been done during the time they were excluded, should
" return to their seats in the House without any prejudice
" for the future." Hereupon divers went again into the
House, satisfying themselves that they were not guilty of
the innocent royal blood that had been spilt ; and so their
number increased. They had made a new Great Seal, as
hath been said, and called the commissioners, who were en
trusted with the keeping thereof, the Keepers of the Liber
ties of England. And the Court of King's Bench they
called the Upper Bench, and appointed certain persons to
consider of such alterations as were necessary to be made
in the laws of England, in regard of so important a muta
tion. That they might have some obligation of obedience

OF THE REBELLION. 365
from their subjects for the future, who had broken all the BOOK
former oaths which they had taken, a new oath was pre- ' '

pared and established, which they called an Engagement ; An oath
the form whereof was, that every man should swear, " that^Jj th'e
" he would be true and faithful to the government esta- Engage-
" blished without King or House of Peers :" and whoso
ever refused to take that Engagement should be incapa
ble of holding any place or office in Church or State.
The necessity of taking which oath did not only exclude all
of the royal party, but freed them from very many who
had offices in Church and State, who, being of the Presby
terian party, durst not sacrifice their beloved Covenant to
this new Engagement. And so they filled many consider
able places, both in the one and the other, with men
throughly prepared for their service. But before they
could model and finish all this, and whilst it was preparing,
they had, in several parts of the kingdom, terrified the
people with blood-spectacles, in the executing many of the
persons who had been taken. And, that all hopes and pre
tences might be taken away from their subjects, the Peers
of England, that they should hereafter have any thing to
do in declaring what the fundamental laws of the land
were, a new High Court of Justice was appointed to sit for Anew High
the trial of Duke Hamilton, the Earl of Holland, the Earl j°^'e°f
of Norwich, the Lord Capel, and another gentleman, one sits: and
Sir John Owen, -(who, having been heretofore a colonel in^Xbe-
the King's army, had in a late insurrection in Wales killed fore aiem'
the High Sheriff,) that they might see there should here
after be no more distinction of quality in trials for life, but
that the greatest lord and the commoners should undergo
the same judicatory, and form of trial. Nor could it be
thought unreasonable, that all the creations of the Crown
should be determined by that jurisdiction to which the
Crown itself had been subjected.
Duke Hamilton could not well be thought other than Duke Ha-
a prisoner of war, and so not liable to a trial for his life. ™Ut°u first
He had attempted to make an escape; in which he had
so well succeeded, that he was out of his enemies' hands

366 THE HISTORY
BOOK full three days; but, being impatient to be at a greater
XI- distance from them, he was apprehended as he was taking
horse in Southwark ; and carried prisoner into the Tower ;
from whence he was brought, with the others, before that
High Court of Justice. He insisted upon " the right and
"privilege of the kingdom of Scotland \ that it had not
" the least dependence upon the kingdom of England, but
" was entirely governed by its own laws : that he, being
" a subject of that kingdom, was bound to obey the com-
" mands thereof; and the Parliament of that kingdom
"having thought it necessary to raise an army for the
" relief of their King, and constituted him General of that
" army, it was not lawful for him to refuse the command
" thereof; and whatever misfortune he had undergone
" with it, he could not be understood to be liable to any
" punishment but what a prisoner of war was bound to
" undergo." He was told, " that the rights and laws of
" the kingdom of Scotland were not called in question,
" nor could be violated by their proceedings against him,
" who was a subject of England; against which he was
" charged with rebellion and treason : that they did not
" proceed against him as Duke Hamilton of Scotland, but
" as Earl of Cambridge in England, and they would judge
Then the " him as such." The Earl of Holland was not at that
Hau°fd t'me *n a S000" disposition of health, and so answered
little, as a man that would rather receive his life by their
The Earl of fa vour, than from the strength of his defence. The Earl
Norwich. Qf Norwich behaved himself with great submission to the
Court, and with all those addresses as were most like to
reconcile his judges to him, and to prevail over their af
fections: spoke of " his being bred up in the Court from
" his cradle, in the time of Queen Elizabeth ; of his having
" been a servant to King James all his reign ; of his de-
" pendence upon Prince Harry ; afterwards upon the late
" King ; of the obligations he had to the Crown, and of
"his endeavours to serve it;" and concluded as a man
that would be beholding to them, if they would give him
leave to live.

OF THE REBELLION. 367
The Lord Capel appeared undaunted, and utterly refused BOOK
to submit to their jurisdiction; "that in the condition XL
" and capacity of a soldier and a prisoner of war, he said, The Lord
" the lawyers and gownmen had nothing to do with him, CaPel-
" and therefore he would not answer to any thing which
" they had said against him ;" (Steel having treated him
with great rudeness and insolence;) but insisted upon
" the law of nations, which exempted all prisoners, though
" submitting to mercy, from death, if it was not inflicted
" within so many days : which were long since expired."
He urged " the declaration which Fairfax the General had
" made to him, and the rest of the prisoners, after the
" death of Sir Charles Lucas and Sir George Lisle ; that
" no other of their lives should be in danger, which he
" had witnesses ready to prove, if they might be admitted;"
and concluded, " that, if he had committed any offence
" worthy of death, he might be tried by his peers : which
" was his right by the laws of the land ; the benefit
" whereof he required." Ireton, who was present, and
sat as one of his judges, denied " that the General had
" made any such promise, and if he had, that the Parlia-
" ment's authority could not be restrained thereby;" and
put him in mind of his carriage at that time, and how
much he neglected then the General's civility. The other
insisted still on the promise ; and urged " that the General
" might be sent for and examined;" which they knew
not how to deny; but, in regard of his indisposition
of health, they said they would send to him, whilst they
proceeded against Sir John Owen, who was the other
prisoner. He answered them without any application, " that he Sir John
" was a plain gentleman of Wales, who had been always
"taught to obey the King; that he had served him
** honestly during the war, and finding afterwards that
" many honest men endeavoured to raise forces, whereby
" they might get him out of prison, he did the like ; and
" the High Sheriff endeavoured to oppose him, and so
" chanced to be killed ; which he might have avoided, if

368 THE HISTORY
BOOK "he had staid at home:" and concluded like a man'
that did not much care what they resolved concerning
him. Whether the question was well stated to Fairfax, or
what was else said to him to dissuade him from owning
his declaration and promise, he boggled so much in his
answer, that they would be of opinion, " that he had not
" made such direct and positive promise ; and that the
?' same was never transmitted to the Parliament; which- it
" ought to have been ; and that, at most, it could but
"exempt those prisoners from being tried before a court,
"or council of war, and could not be understood as an
" obligation upon the Parliament, not to give direction to
"•such a legal proceeding against them, as they should
" find necessary for the peace and safety of the kingdom."
The president Bradshaw told the Lord Capel, with many
insolent expressions, " that he was tried before such judges
" as the Parliament thought fit to assign him ; ahd who
Aiifivecon-" had judged a better man than himself." So the sen
tence of death was pronounced against all five of them,
"that they should lose their heads;" upon which Sir
John Owen made a low reverence, and gave them humble
thanks; and being asked by a stander by, "what he
" meant?" he said aloud, " it was a very great honour
" to a poor gentleman of Wales to lose his head with such
" noble lords ;" and swore a great oath, " that he was
" afraid they would have hanged him."
The prisoners were all carried to St. James's,; where
they were to remain till their execution two days- > after;
which time their friends and relations had to endeavour to
preserve their lives by the power and authority of the
Parliament ; where there were so many sitting who had
not sat in judgment upon them, and who were of several
affections, and liable to several temptations, that there
might be a reasonable hope to rescue them from the cruel
and unjust judgment. Their wives, and children, and
friends, left no way untried to prevail; offered and gave
money to some who were willing to receive rt, and made

OF THE REBELLION. 369
promises accordingly. But they who had the greatest BOOK
credit, and most power to terrify others who should dis- XL
please them, were inexorable; yet dealt so much more
honestly than the rest, that they declared to the ladies,
who solicited for their husbands and their fathers, " that
" they would not endeavour to do them service." Ireton,,
above all men, continued his insolent and dogged humour,
and told them, " if he had credit, they should all die."
Others, who gave better words, had no better meaning
than he.
All their petitions were read in order, being penned in
such styles as the friends, who solicited for them, were
advised. Duke Hamilton's petition being read, many,
upon the motives of justice, and as they imagined bis
death might be the occasion of new troubles between the
two nations, since Scotland could not but resent it, would
have been willing he should live. But he had fewer
friends to his person than any of the rest ; and Cromwell
knew well that his being out of the way would not be un
acceptable to them upon whom the peace of that kingdom
depended : so that when his petition was read, it was re
jected by very much the major part of voices. The con
sideration of the Earl of Holland took up a long debate :
the interest and interposition of the Earl of Warwick, his
brother, was applied; and every Presbyterian, to a man,
was solicitous to preserve him. They urged " his merit
" towards the Parliament in the beginning of the troubles ;
" how much he had suffered in the Court for his affection
" to them : his age and infirmities, which would not suffer
" him long to enjoy that life they should give him : and
" the consideration of his wife, and children, which were
" numerous." But these arguments stirred up others to
inveigh against his backslidings with the more bitterness,
and to undervalue the services he had ever done ; to tax
his vanities, and his breach of faith. When the question
was put concerning him, they who were for the negative
exceeded the number of the other by three or four votes ;
Cromwell having more than an ordinary animosity against
VOL. Ill, p. 1. b b

370 THE HISTORY
BOOK him, for his behaviour in the beginning of the summer,
XI- and for some words of neglect and contempt he had let fall
concerning himself. The Earl of Norwich came next upon
the stage ; who, having always lived a cheerful and jovial
life, without contracting many enemies, had many there
who Wished him well, and few who had animosity against
him : so that when the question was put concerning him,
the house was equally divided, the votes which rejected
his petition, and those which would preserve his life, were
equal : so that his life or death depended upon the single
vote of the Speaker ; who told the House, " that he had
" received many obligations from that lord ; and that once
" when he had been like to have incurred the King's dis-
" pleasure, by some misinformation, which would have
" been very penal to him, the Lord Goring" (under which
style he was treated, the additional of Norwich not being
allowed by them upon their old rule) " had by his credit
" preserved him, and removed the prejudice tbat was
" against him ; and therefore he was obliged in gratitude
" to give his vote for the saving him." By this good
fortune he came to be preserved; whether the groundof it
were true or no, or whether the Speaker mad© it only as
an excuse for saving any man's life who was put to ask it
in that place.
The Lord Capel, shortly after he was brought prisoner
to the Tower from Windsor Castle, had by a wonderful
adventure, having a cord and all things necessary con
veyed to him, let himself down out of the window of his
chamber in the night, over the wall of, the Tower:; arid
had been directed through what, part of the ditch he might
be best able to wade. Whether he found the right place,
or whether ther,e was no safer place, he found the water
and the mud so deep, that, if he had not been by the head
taller than other men, he must have perished, since the
water came up to his chin. The way was so long to tk,
other side; and the fatigue of drawing himself out of so
much mud so intolerable, that his spirits were near spent,
and he was once ready to call put for help, as thinking it

OF THE REBELLION- 371
better to be carried back again to the prison, than to be BOOK
found in such a place, from whence he could not extricate '
himself, and where he was ready to expire. But it pleased
God, that he got at last to the other side; where his
friends expected him, and carried him to a chamber in the
Temple; where he remained two or three nights secure
from any discovery, notwithstanding the diligence that
could not but be used to recover a man they designed
to use no better. After two or three days, a friend whom
he trusted much, and who deserved to be trusted, con
ceiving that he might be more secure in a place to which
there was less resort, and where there were so many har
boured who were every day sought after, had provided
a lodging for him in a private house in Lambeth Marsh ;
and calling upon him in an evening, when it was dark,
to go thither, they chose rather to take any boat they
found ready at the Temple stairs, than to trust one of
that people with the secret ; and it was so late that there
was one only boat left there. In that the Lord Capel (as
well disguised as he thought necessary) and his friend put
themselves, and bid the waterman to row them to Lambeth.
Whether, in their passage thither, the other gentleman
called him my. Lord, as was confidently reported, or whe
ther the waterman had any jealousy by observing what he
thought was a disguise, when they were landed, the wicked
waterman, undiscerried, followed them, till he saw into
what house they went; and then went to an officer, and
demanded, " what he would give him to bring him to the
« place where the Lord Capel lay?" And the officer pro
mising to give him ten pounds, he led him presently to
the house, where that excellent person was seized upon,
and the next day carried to the Tower.
When the petition, that his wife had delivered,, was
read, many gentlemen spoke on bis behalf; and men
tioned the great virtues which were in him ; and " that he
"had never deceived them, or pretended to be of their
" party ; but always resolutely declared himself for the
" King :" and Cromwell, who had known him very wel),
b b 2

372 THE HISTORY
BOOK spoke so much good of him, and professed to have so
XI- much kindness and respect for him, that all men thought
he was now safe, when he concluded, " that his affection
" to the public so much weighed down his private friend-
" shipj that he could not but tell them, that the question
" was now, whether they would ..preserve the most bitter
" and the most implacable enemy they had : that he knew
" the Lord Capel very well, and knew that he would be
" the last man in England that would forsake the royal
"interest; that he had great courage, industry, and ge-
" nerosity; that he had many friends who would always
" adhere to him ; and that as lorig as he lived, what con-
" dition soever he was in, he would be a thorn in their
" sides ; and therefore, for the good of the commonwealth,
"he should give his vote against tjie petition." Ireton's
hatred was immortal ; he spake of him, and against him,
as of a man of whom he was heartily afraid. Very many
were swayed by the argument that had been urged against
Duke Hamilton, " that God was not pleased that he
" should escape, because he had put him into their hands
" again, when he was at liberty." And so, after a long
debate, though there was not a man who had not a value
for him, and very few who had a particular malice or pre
judice towards him, the question being put, the negative
was more by three or four voices : so that of the four
Lords, three were without the mercy of that unmerciful
people. There being no other petition presented, Ireton
told them, " there had been great endeavours and solici-
" tation used to save all those lords ; but that there was
" a commoner, another condemned person, for whom, no
" one man had spoke a word, nor had he himself so much,
"as petitioned them; and therefore he desired, that Sir,
" John Owen might be preserved by the mere motive and
" goodness of the House itself;" which found little op
position ; whether they were satiated with blood, or that
they were willing, by this instance, that the nobility should
see that a commoner should be preferred before them.
A scaffold was erected before Westminster Hall, and all

OF THE REBELLION. 373
the prisoners condemned were brought from St. James's, BOOK
(aS Well the two who were reprieved, as the three who XL
were to suffer,) upon the ninth of March, that was at the
end of the year 1648, a little more than a month after the
murder of the King, to Sir Thomas Cotton's house, at the
upper end of Westminster Hall ; Where they were suffered
to repose themselves about the space of an hour, and then
were led successively through the Hall to the scaffold,
Duke Hamilton being first; who seemed yet to have some Duke Ha-
i <• • , i i tt it mi milton be-
hope of a reprieve, and made some stay in the Hall, till headed
the Earl of Denbigh came to him; and, after a short Marcn 9-
whisper, in which he found there was no hope, he ascended
the scaffold. He complained much of " the injustice that
" was done him ; and that he was put to death for obey-
" ing the laws of his country ; which if he had not done,
" he must have been put to death there." He acknow
ledged the obligations he had to the King, and seemed
not sorry for the gratitude he had expressed, how dear
soever it cost him. His natural darkness, and reservation
in his discourse, made him to be thought a wise man, and
his having been in command under the King of Sweden,
and his continual discourses of battles, and fortifications,
made him be thought a great soldier. And both these
mistakes were the cause that made him be looked upon as
a worse and a more dangerous man, than in truth he de
served to be.
The Earl of Holland was brought next, who, by his long The Earl of
sickness, was so spent, that his spirits served not to en- sameaday.
tertain the people with long discourse. He spoke of " his
"religion, as a matter unquestionable, by the education
" he had had in the religious family of which he was a
" branch :" which was thought a strange discourse for a
dying man, who, though a son, knew enough of the ini
quity of his father's house, which should rather have been
buried in silence, than, by such an unseasonable testi
mony, have been revived in the memory and discourse of
men. He took more care to be thought a good friend to
Parliaments, than a good servant to his master, and was
Bb3

374 THE HISTORY
BOOK thought to say too little of his having failed so much iq
______ his duty to him, which most good men believed tp, be the
source from whence his present calamity sprung. He
was a very well bred man, and a fine gentleman in gppd
times; but tpo much desired to enjoy ease and plenty,
when the King could have neither; and did think poverty
the most insupportable evil that could befall any man in
this world. He was then so weak that he could not have
lived long; and when his head was cut off, very little
blood followed.
The Lord The Lord Capel was then called ; who walked through
ape- Westminster Hall, saluting such of his friends and ac^
quaintapce as he saw there, with a very serene counte*
nance, accompanied with his friend Dr. Mprley ; who had
been with him from the time of his sentence ; but, at the
foot of the scaffold, the soldiers stopping the Doctor, his
Lordship took his leave of him ; and, embracing himj
thanked him; and said, he should go no farther, having
some apprehension that he might receive some affront by
that rude people after his death; the chaplains who at
tended the two other lords being men of the time, and
the Doctor being well known to be most contrary. ... ,
As soon as his Lordship had ascended the scaffold, fef
looked very vigorously about, and asked, " whether the
" otb,er lords had, spoken to the people with their hats, on ?"
and being told, that " they were bare ;" he gave his hat
to his servant^ and then with a clear and a strong voice
he said, " that he was brought thither to die for doing
" that which he could not repent of: that he had. been
" born and bred under the government of a Kihg; whom
" he was bound in conscience to obey ; under laws, to
" which he had been always obedient; and in the bosom
" of a Church, which he thought t1 e best in the world:
" that he had never violated his faith to. either of those,
" and was now condemned to die against all the laws of
<f the land ; to which sentence he did submit."
He enlarged himself in commending " the gre,at virtue
" and piety of the King^ whom they had put tp death;

OF THE REBELLION. 375
u who was so just and so merciful a Prince;" and prayed BOOK
to God, "to forgive the nation that innocent blood." XL
Then he recommended to them the present King ; " whoy"
he told them, " was their true and their lawful Sovereign;
" and was Worthy to be so : that he had the honour to
" have been some years near his person, and therefore he
" could not but know him well ;" and assured them,
" that he was a Prince of great understanding, of an ex-
" cellent nature, of great courage, an entire lover of justice,
" and of exemplary piety : that he was not to be shaken
" in his religion ; and had all those princely virtues, which
" could make a nation happy :" and therefore advised them
" to' submit to his government, as the only means to preT
" serve themselves, their posterity, ahd the Protestant
" religion." And having, with great vehemence, recom
mended it to them, after some prayers very devoutly pro
nounced upon his knees, he submitted himself, with an
unparalleled Christian courage, to the fatal stroke, which
deprived the nation of the noblest champion it had.
He was a man in whom the maliee of his enemies could The Lord
discover very fjsw faults, and whom his friends could not character.
wish better accomplished; whom Cromwell's own character
well described; and who indeed would never have been
contented to have lived under that government. His
memory all men loved and reverenced, though few followed
his example. He had always lived in a state of great
plenty and general estimation, having a very noble fortune
of his own by descent, and a fair addition to it by his
marriage with an excellent wife; a lady of very worthy
extraction, of great virtue and beauty, by whom he had
a numerous issue of both sexes, in which he took great
joy and comfort : so that no man was more happy in all
his domestic affairs ; and he was so much the more happy,
in that he thought himself most blessed in them.
And yet the King's honour was no sooner violated, and
his just power invaded, than he threw all those blessings
behind him ; and having no other obligations to the Crown,
than those which his own honour and conscience suggested
Bb4

376 THE HISTORY
BOOK to him, he frankly engaged his person and his fortune
XI- from the beginning of the troubles, as many others did,
in all actions and enterprises of the greatest hazard and
danger; and continued to the end, without ever making
one false step, as few others did, though he had once, by
the iniquity of a faction, that then prevailed, an indignity
put upon him that might have excused him for some re
mission of his former warmth. But it made no other im
pression upon him, than to be quiet and contented, whilst
they would let him alone, and, with the same cheerfulness,
to obey the first summons when he was called out; which
was quickly after. In a word, he was a man, that whoever
shall, after him, deserve best of the English nation, he
can never think himself undervalued, when he shall hear,
that his courage, virtue, and fidelity, is laid in the balance
with, and compared to, that of the Lord Capel.
The con- So ended the year one thousand six hundred forty eight ;
character11 a year °^ reproach and infamy above all years which had
of the year passed before it ; a year of the highest dissimulation and
hypocrisy, of the deepest villainy and most bloody treasons,
that any nation was ever cursed with, or under : a year, in
which the memory, of all the transactions ought to be rased
out of all records, lest, by the success of it, atheism, in
fidelity, and rebellion, should be propagated in the world :
a year, of which we may say, as the historian said of the
time of Domitian, Sicut vetus cetas vidit, quid ultimum in
libertate esset, ita nos quid in servitute; or, as the same
writer says of a time not altogether so wicked, is habitus
animorum fuit, ut pessimum facinus audcrent pauci, plures
vellent, omnes paterentur.

THE END OF THE ELEVENTH BOOK.

THE
HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION, &c.

BOOK XII.

2 Chron. xxviii. 10.
And now ye purpose to keep under the children of Judah and Jeru
salem for bondmen and bondwomen unto you : but are there not
with you, even with you, sins against the Lord your God ?
Isaiah xxix. 10.
For the Lord hath poured out upon you ihe spirit of deep sleep, and
hath closed your eyes: the prophets and your rulers, tlie seers
hath he covered.

WHILST these tragedies were acting in England, and BOOK
ordinances formed, as hath been said, to make it penal in XII.
the highest degree for any man to assume the title of King, The young
or to acknowledge any man to be so, the King himself re- £mgscton"
mained in a very disconsolate condition at the Hague, the Hague,
Though he had known the desperate state his father was
long in, yet the barbarous stroke so surprised him, that he
was in all the confusion imaginable, and all about him were
almost bereft of their understanding. The truth is, it can
hardly be conceived, with what a consternation this terrible
news was reoeived by all, even by the common people of

378 THE HISTORY
BOOK that country. There was a woman at the Hague, of the
XII- middling rank, who, being with child, with the horror of
the mention of it, fell into travail, and in it died. There
could not be more evidence of a general detestation, than
there was, amongst all men of what quality soever. Within
two or three days, which they gave fo the King's recollec-
The states tion, the States presented themselves in a body to his
condole Majesty, to condole with him for the murder of his father,
in terms of great sorrow, save that there was not bitterness
enough against the rebels and murderers. The States of
Holland, apart, performed the same civility towards his
Majesty ; and the body of the Clergy, in a Latin oration,
delivered by the chief preacher of the Hague, lamented the
misfortune, in terms of as much asperity, and detestation
of the actors, as unworthy the name of Christians, as could
be expressed.
The desperateness of the King's condition could not
excuse his sinking under the burden of his grief: but those
who were about him besought hirn to resume so much
The new courage as was necessary for his present state. He there-
sworn, upon caused those of his father's Council who had attended
him to be sworn of his Privy Council, adding only Mr.
Long his secretary : who, before, was not of the Council.
All which was done before he heard from the Queen his
mother; who, notwithstanding the great agony She was in,
which without doubt was as great a passion of sorrow as
The she was able to sustain, wrote to the King, " that he could
fiilt -nes- " not ^° better, than to repair into France as soon as was
sage ta ,» possible, and, in the mean time, desired him not. to
" swear any persons to be of his Council, till she could
" speak With him." Whether it was, tha* she did not
think; those persons to be enough at her devotion ; or that
she would have them receive that honour upon her- recom
mendation. The King himself had no mind to go imto France, where
he thought he had not been treated with excess of cour
tesy; and he resolved to perform all filial respect towards
the Queen his mother, without such a condescension: and

OF THE REBELLION. 37a
resignation of himself, as she expected; and, to avoid all BOOK
eclaircissements upon that subject, he heartily desired that XII.
any other course might be found more counsellable than
that he should go into France. He himself lived with and
Upon the Prince of Orange ; who supplied him with all
things necessary for his own person, for his mourning, and
the like : but towards any other support for himself and
his family, his Majesty had not enough to maintain them
one day: and there were very few of them who could
maintain themselves in the most private way: and it was
visible enough, that they should not be long able to reside
in the Hague ; where there was, at that very time, an agent
for the Parliament, Strickland ; who had been there some
years, but pretended then to reside there with his wife,
(who was born in Holland of English parents,) and with
out any public character, though he was still under the
same credentials. And their advertisements from London
assured them, that the Parliament had nominated one,
who was presently to be sent as their ambassador, or envoy
to the States, to give them an account of their, affairs, and
to invite them to enter into an alliance with them. So
that it was time to think of some other retreat for the
King ; and none appeared then so seasonable in, their view,
as Ireland; from whence they heard, " that Prince Rupert The King
"was arrived safely at Kinsale with the; fleet: that the thi.nks.°J
J , , . going into
"Lord Inchiquin had made a cessation with the Irish,' Ireland.
" before the Lord Lieutenant came thither;, and the Irish qJ^J315
" had deserted the Pope's, Nuncio, whc- was ; driven away, that time-
" and had embarked himself for France : that the Marquis.
" of Ormond was received *by the Lord Inchiquin with
" all the obedience imaginable, by which he became en-
" tirely possessed of the whole province of Munster ; and
'* that the confederate Roman Catholics had invited him'
" to Kilkenny ; where he had made a full peace with them :
" so that they were preparing an army fo march under his
" comnaand against Dublin." This news made them
hope, that e,very day would improve it so much, that it

380 THE HISTORY
BOOK would be fit for the King to transport his own person thi-
XII- ther in the spring.
In this conjuncture there arrived a gentleman, one Sir
Joseph Douglass, with a letter from the Privy Council of
Scotland, by which they sent his Majesty word, that they
had proclaimed him King of Scotland ; and sent him the
proclamation ; and wished " that he would prepare him-
" self to repair into that his kingdom ; in order to which
" they would speedily send another invitation to him."
And that invitation arrived at the same time with some
commissioners deputed by the Council, and three or four
preachers sent from the commissioners of the Kirk. The
"^dalmed proclamation indeed declared, " for that as much as the
in Scot- " late King was, contrary to the dissent and protestation
commis- " or" *^a* kingdom, removed by a violent death, that, by
^ioners « the Lord's blessing, there was left unto them a righteous
to him. " heir, and lawful successor, Charles &c. who was be-'
" come their true and lawful King ;" but upon condition
of " his good behaviour, and strict observation of the
" Covenant, and his entertaining no other persons about
" him but such as were godly men, and faithful to that
" obligation." A proclamation sb strangely worded, that,
though it called him their King, manifested enough to
him, that he was to be subject to their determinations, in
all the parts of his government. And the commissioners,
both laity and clergy, spoke no other language ; and saving
that they bowed their bodies, and made low reverences,
they appeared more like ambassadors from a free state to
an equal ally, than like subjects sent to their own Sove-
LanrDuk re'£n' ¦^t the same t'me» tnough not in the same ship,
Hamilton, arrived likewise from Scotland the Earl of Lanrick, and
Swdrie1" ^arl of Lautherdale ; the former not knowing, till he came
came to into Holland, that he was Duke Hamilton by the slaughter
im also. Q£ m-s .jjgj. brother. But they two were so far from having
any authority from their country, that they were fled from
thence as proscribed persons and malefactors. The Earl
of Lautherdale, after his departure from the Hague, in that

OF THE REBELLION. 381
discontent that is mentioned before, bent his course for BOOK
Scotland. But before he came thither, he was informed, XII.
that the state of all things had been reversed, and the
Engagement declared unlawful, and to what penalties him
self was liable, if he should be taken. Whereupon, with
out suffering his ship to go into any port, he found means
to send on shore to some friends, and so to concert all
things, that, without being discovered, the Earl of Lanrick,
and some other persons, liable to danger if they were
found, put themselves on board the same ship, and arrived
in Holland about that time when the other messengers
from the State and from the Kirk came from Scotland, and
when the news came of the execution of Duke Hamilton.
Whereupon the new Duke kept his chamber for some
days, without so much as waiting on the King; who sent a
gracious message to him to condole for the loss of his
brother; and all the lords, and other persons of quality
about the King, made their visits to him with all civility.
This Duke was not inferior in wisdom, arid parts of under- The cha-
.standing, to the wisest man of that nation, and was very jjjfjjjj^,
much esteemed by those who did not like the complying Hamilton.
and insinuating nature of his brother. He was a man of
great honour, courage, and sincerity in his nature, and,
which was a rare virtue in the men of that time, was still
the same man he pretended to be ; and had very much to
say in his own defence for the errors he had run into ;
which he acknowledged always with great ingenuity, and
abhorred the whole proceedings of his countrymen ; and,
at this time, brought a heart and affection clearer and less
clogged with scruples and reservations for the King's ser
vice, than any other of them did.
.Though Cromwell, at his being in Scotland, had left The condi-
Argyle in full possession of the government there, and hads°°tl°n(j
reduced and disbanded all those who were in arms against a^0"1 this
him, and promised him all necessary assistance to subdue
those who should rise against him in that kingdom for the
future, and. thereby compelled the Committee of Estates to
convene and summon the Parliament to assemble, which

382 THE HISTORY
BOOK tney had authority to do ; and so he had suppressed the
XII. party of Hamilton, driven the Earl of Lanrick to hide
hhnself in some obscure place, and condemned the En
gagement as unlawful and sinful, and all the persons who
advanced and promoted it, as deserters of the Covenant,
and so to stand excommunicated, and not to be capable of
serving in Parliament, or in the Council of Estate; so that
he was sure to find no opposition in whatsoever he pro
posed; yet, after the Parliament had served him so far,
when they heard that the Parliament in England was
broken, and their freedom and privileges were taken from
them by the insolence and power of the army, (which they
. perfectly hated and detested, and all those sects and liber
tinism they heard were introduced in religion contrary to
their Covenant, which Cromwell himself had promised
should be strictly observed,) they begun to examine, what
the obligations were which were incumbent upon them
even by the Covenant itself. The delivery of the King's
person into the hands of the Parliament at Newcastle had
been, in the instant it was done, the most unpopular and
ungracious act to the whole nation of Scotland, that it had
been ever guilty of, and to the army they had then on
foot, which took itself to be deeply wounded by the infamy
of it, and was therefore quickly disbanded by the cunning
of Argyle: and the universal indignation against that
action was the principal incitement to that general engage
ment with Duke Hamilton, that the honour of the nation
might in some degree be repaired, or redeemed. It was a
gross oversight in the Hamiltonian party, and discerned
then to be so by the Earl of Lanrick, that, upon that popu
lar advantage, in which he would have found an universal
concurrence, Argyle himself and all his faction had not
beep totally suppressed, for the redemption of the honour
of their country. But that Duke's politics did not lie
that way; and, so he might return to his old post of
favour in England, of which he made little doubt, he was
not willing to give a new beginning to those bloody enter
prises in Scotland, which, he knew well, used not to be

OF THE REBELLION. 383
Short-lived in that climate after once begun, but had BOOK
always fresh sacrifices of blood to perpetuate the memory XII.
of them.
They had no sooner heard of the erection of a High Commis-
Court of Justice, and of a purpose of trying the King for been sent
his life, than, notwithstanding all the artifices Argyle could p0I^the
use, they were all in a flame. As well the Assembly of the of Scotland
Kirk, as the Parliament, renewed the sense they always had aeatiTof 6
of reproach in the delivery of his person, of which the the King,
present danger he was in was the consequence. And the liament of
Marquis of Argyle had had too deep a share in that wicked- Eng1»nd.
ness, to endure the shock of a new dispute, and inquisition
upon that subject ; and therefore gave not the least oppo- .
sition to their passion ; but seemed equally concerned in
the honour of the nation, to prosecute an high expostula
tion with those of England, for the breach of faith, and the
promises, which had been made for the safety and preser
vation of the King's person, at the time he was delivered
up ; and therefore proposed " that commissioners should
" be forthwith sent to the Parliament at London, to re-
" quire the performance of what they had promised, and to
" enter their dissent and protestation against all their pro-
" ceedings against their King, in the name of the king-
" dom of Scotland." And the Earl of Lothian, and two
others, who were known to be most zealous for the Cove
nant, and most enraged and incensed against the proceed
ings of the army, were made choice of, and presently seht
away, that they might make all possible haste to West
minster, and were, immediately upon their arrival, to de
mand permission to wait upon the King, wherever he
should be, and to receive from him such farther directions,
as he should judge necessary for his service.
Thus far Argyle could not oppose ; and therefore was as
zealous as any man to advance it ; knowing that the parti
cular instructions must be prepared by a less number of
men, ahd hot subjected to the examination and perusal of
so many. And in those, he was sure to prevent any in-
convenient powers to be granted to the commissioners,

384 THE HISTORY
BOOK with whom he had credit enough, having made the Earl of
XIL Lothian Secretary of State, in the place of the Earl of
~" Lanrick, and the other two being (however solicitous for
the due observation of the Covenant, as he himself like
wise pretended to be) known to be most averse from the
Their pri- Hamiltonian party. Their private instructions were, " that,
structions " they should not, in their enlargements and aggravations
from Ar- « upon the subject of their message, seem to take notice,"
party. " or to imply, that any violence had been used against the
" Parliament, or any member of it : that they should be so
" short in their expostulations, that they gave no occasion
" of offence : that nothing should fall from them justifying
" the King's proceedings, nor in approbation of the late
" engagement, or which might import a breach, or give,
" or be ground of a new war : they should urge, that the
" Parliament would delay to meddle with the King's per-
" son, according to their several promises and declarations
" at Newcastle and at Holmby : that if they should pro-
" ceed to sentence against the King, then they were to
" enter their dissent and protest, that this kingdom may be
" free from the miseries which will inevitably follow, with-
" put offering in their reasons, that Princes are exempted
" from trial and justice: that none in the Parliament of
" Scotland hath or had any hand in the proceedings against
" the King, or members of Parliament in England. If
" they proceed, then to shew the calamities that will
" follow, and how grievous it must be to the kingdom of
" Scotland, considering his being delivered up at New-
" castle : that if the papers which were entitled, Thd
" Agreement of the People, appeared to be countenanced,
i( and should import any thing concerning the processing
" of the Prince, or changing the fundamental government
" of the kingdom, they should enter their dissent : that
" they should alter those their instructions, and manage
" their trust therein, according to the advice they should
" receive from their friends there : that they should pro
secute their instructions concerning the Covenant, and
" against any toleration : that they should shew, that the

OF THE REBELLION. 385
*' King's last concessions were unsatisfactory to those pro- BOOK
" positions which they had made in point of religion." XIL
These were their private instructions; and who those
friends at London were, by whose advice they were to alter
their instructions, or manage their trust therein, can be un
derstood of no other men but Cromwell, and young Sir
Harry Vane; with whom Argyle held close correspondence.
The commissioners observed their instructions very faith
fully, and, after the King had been twice brought before the
High Court of Justice, they gave in their very calm protes
tation; in which they put them in mind, " that they had, Upon the
" near three weeks before, represented to them what endea- thej^enter
" vours had been used for taking away the King's life, and their ?r°-
"for the change of the fundamental government of theanddis-
" kingdom, and introducing a sinful and ungodly toleration sent•
"in matters of religion; and that therein they had ex-
*' pressed their thoughts, and fears of the dangerous conse-
" quences, that might follow thereupon ; and that they had
" also earnestly pressed, that there might be no farther
-" proceeding against his Majesty's person, which would
"" certainly continue the great distractions of the kingdom,
" and involve them in many evils, troubles, and confu-
" sions; but that, by the free counsels of both Houses of
" Parliament of England, and with the advice and consent
" of the Parliament of Scotland, such course might be taken
"in relation to the King, as might be for the good and
" happiness of both kingdoms ; both having an unques-
" tionable and undeniable right in his person, as King of
" both ; which duly considered, they had reason to hope,
" that it would have given a stop to all farther proceedings .
"against his Majesty's person. But now understanding
" that after the imprisonment and exclusion of divers
" members of the House of Commons, and without and
" against the consent of the House of Peers, by a single
" act of their own, and theirs alone, power was given to
" certain persons,of their own members;, of the army, and
" some others, to proceed against his Majesty's person, in
" order whereunto he had been brought before that ex-
VOL. III. p. 1. c c

386 THE HISTORY
BOOK " traordinary new Court; tbey did therefore in the name of
XIL " the Parliament of Scotland, for their vindication from
___ {£ ^_ aspers;ons an(j calumnies, declare, that though they
" were not satisfied With his Majesty's late concessions, in
" the treaty at Newport in the Isle of Wight, especially in
" the matters of religion, and were resolved not to crave his
" restoration to his government, before satisfaction should
" be given by him to that kingdom ; yet they did all unani-
" inously with one voice, not one member excepted, dis-
" claim the least knowledge of, or occasion to, the late pro-
" ceedings of the army here against the King; and didsin-
" cerely profess that it would be a great grief to their
" hearts, and lie heavy upon their spirits, if they should see
" the trusting his Majesty's person to the two Houses of the
" Parliament of England to be made use of to his ruin, con-
" trary to the declared intentions of the kingdom of Scot-
" land, and solemn professions of the kingdom of England:
es and to the end that it might be manifest to the world,
" how much they did abominate and detest so horrid ade-
" sign against his Majesty's person, they did, in the name of
" the Parliament and kingdom of Scotland, declare their
'¦' dissent from the said proceedings, and the taking away
" of his Majesty's life ; protesting, that as they were alto-
" gether free from the same, so they might be free from
" all the miseries, evil consequences, and calamities, that
" might follow thereupon to the distracted kingdoms."
Whoever considers the wariness in the wording and tim
ing this protestation, the best end whereof could be no other
tthan the keeping the King always in prison, and so.govern-
ing without him in both kingdoms, (which was thought to
have been the purpose and agreement of Cromwell and Ar
gyle when they parted,) must conclude that both the commis
sioners, and they who sent them, laboured and considered
more, what they were to say in the future, than what they
were to do to prevent the present mischief they seemed to ap
prehend. And the Parliament best knew their temper, when
they deferred taking notice of their protestation, till after
they had executed their execrable villainy; and then they

it

OF THE REBELLION. 387
sent them an answer that might suit with all their palates. BOOK
They said, " they had heretofore told them, what power XII-
"this nation had in the fundamentals of government : The Pariia-
" that if Scotland had not the same power and liberty, as ^"King"
" they went not about to confine them, so they would not murder
" be limited by them, but leaving them to act in theirs as ansnm-to
" they should see cause, they resolved to maintain their il-
" own liberties as God should enable them. And as they
" were very far from imposing upon them, so they should
" not willingly suffer impositions from them, whilst God
" gave them strength or lives to oppose them." They said,
f the answer they made to their first and second letter was,
" that after a long and serious deliberation of their own
" intrinsical power, and trust, (derived to them by the pro
vidence of God, through the delegation of the people,)
" and upon the like considerations of what themselves and
" the whole nation had suffered from the misgovernment
" and tyranny of that King, both in peace, and by the
"wars, and considering, how fruitless and full of danger
" and prejudice the many addresses to him for peace had
" been, ' and being conscious how much they had provoked
" and tempted God, by the neglect of the impartial exe-
" cution of justice, in relation to the innocent blood spilt
" and mischief done in the late wars, they had proceeded
,ff in such a course of justice against that man of blood,' as
" they doubted hot the just God (who is no respecter of
ff persons) did approve and would countenance with his
" blessings upon the nation ; and though perhaps they
'f might meet with many difficulties before their liberties
and peace were settled, yet they hoped they should
be preserved from confusion, by the good- will of him
(£ who dwelt in the bush, which burned, and was not
" consumed; and that the course they had taken with the
" late King, and meant to follow towards others the capital
" enemies of their peace, was, they hoped, that which would
'f be for the good and happiness of both nations ; of which
" if that of Scotland would think to make use, and vindi-
lf cate their own liberty and freedom, (Which lay before
cc 2

it ,

388 THE HISTORY
BOOK " them, if they gave them not away,) they would be ready
XII. d to -.;_- them au neighbourly and friendly assistance in
" the establishing thereof; and desired them to take it irtto
" their most serious consideration, before they espoused
" that quarrel, which could bring them no other advantage
" than the entailing upon them, and their posteritiesj a
" lasting war, with all the miseries wliich attended it, and
" slavery under a tyrant and his issue."
It cannot be denied, but that Scotland had by this a fair
invitation to have made themselves' a poor republic, under
the shelter and protection of the other, that was already
become terrible. But the commissioners, who well knew
how unsuitable such a change would be to the constitution
of their government, and that they might be welcome to
The com- their own country, whither they were now to repair, made
rep?y°and a repty to this answer with more courage than they had
areim- yet expressed; for which, notwithstanding their qualifi-
b"tS after- cation, they were imprisoned by the Parliament; and,
wards upon new instance from Scotland, set at liberty after
wards.
The Mar- Matters being reduced to this state, the Marquis of Ar
gyle clogs gyle could not hinder the new King's being acknowledged
the Act for an(j proclaimed King, nor from being invited home ; which
ing of the since he could not obstruct, it would be his master-piece
I'ciauTe1111 to C^°S the proclamation itself with such conditions as
for the might terrify the new King from accepting the invitation ;
and therefore he caused this clause to be inserted in the
body of the proclamation itself, " because his Majesty is
" bound, by the law of God and the fundamental laws of
¦ " this kingdom, to rule in righteousness and equity to the
" honour of God, and the good of religion, and the wealth
"of the people; it is hereby declared, that before he be
" admitted to the exercise of his rdyal power, he shall
" give satisfaction to this kingdom in those things which
" concern the security of religion, the unity betwixt the
" kingdoms, and the good and peace of this kingdom,
" according to the national Covenant and solemn League
" and Covenant j for which end, they were resolved, with

OF THE REBELLION. 389
" all possible expedition, to make their humble and earnest BOOK
" address to his Majesty." XII.
This was the proclamation that Sir Joseph Douglass
brought to the Hague, and the subject upon which the
commissioners were to invite his Majesty to go for Scot
land, whose instructions were very suitable to the pro
clamation : and at the same time when the commissioners
came from thence, Middleton, and some other officers, Middleton
who had been in their last army, hearing that the Prince som""'^
was , proclaimed King, thought it was seasonable to putinScotland-
themselves into a posture to serve him upon his arrival ;
and so assembled some of those troops which had formerly
served under them in the north of Scotland ; whereupon
David Lesley was appointed forthwith, with a party of
horse and foot, against those royalists, whom they knew to
be real assertors of his cause, without any other interest
or design than of their performing their duties, as loyal
subjects ought to do : and the Kirk at the same time de
clared, " that, before the King should be received, albeit
" they had declared his right by succession, he should
"first sign the Covenant, submit to the Kirk's censure,
" renounce the sins of his father's house, and the iniquity
" of his mother," with other things of the like nature.
All which information arrived at the same time with the
commissioners, that they who were about the King might
not be too much exalted wifh their master's being declared
King of one of his three kingdoms. And it was very
manifest, by all that passed then and afterwards, that the
Marquis of Argyle meant only to satisfy the people, in
declaring that they had a King, without which they could
not be satisfied, but that such conditions should be put
upon him, as he knew he would not submit to ; and so he
should be able, with the concurrence of the Kirk, to govern
the kingdom, till, by Cromwell's assistance and advice, he
might reverse that little approach he had made towards
monarchy by proclaiming a King.
It was a great misfortune to the King, arid which always Factions in
attends Courts which labour under great wants and ne-^J^1^
c e 3

390 THE HISTORY
BOOK cessities, that, whilst the greatest union imaginable amongst
 the few friends he had was necessary, and of too little
reference power to buoy him up frOm the distresses which over-
to cot ani . wneime(j n;mj there was yet so great a faction and ani
mosity amongst them, that destroyed any the most pro
bable design that could offer itself; as it now fell out with
reference to Scotland, which, if united, might yet be able
to give reputation at least, if not a vigorous assistance
to the King's interest.
Tlie Mar- The Marquis of Mountrose, who hath been mentioned
Mountrose before, had been obliged by the late King to lay down his
arrives in arms ; and after he had performed such wonderful actions
PvilllCC " in "Scotland, and left that kingdom upon his Majesty's
first coming into the Scottish army to Newcastle, had first
arrived in France; and had not such a reception from the
Queen of England* and those who were in credit with her,
as he thought the notable services he had performed foi
the King had merited. The truth is, he was somewhat
elated With the great actions he had done; which, upon
his first coming to Paris* he Caused to be published ih
a full relation in Latin, dedicated to the Prince of Wales ;
in which, as his own person, courage, and conduct, was
well extolled, so the reputation of all the rest of that nation
(upon whose affections the Queen at that time depended)
was exceedingly undervalued and depressed ; which obliged
the Queen and the Prince to look less graciously upon
hihi ; which he could not bear without expressing much
disturbance at it. He was then a man of eclat, had many
servants, and more officers, who had served under him,
and came away with him, all whom he expected the Queen
should enable him to maintain with some lustre, by a
liberal assignation of monies. On the other hand, the
Queen was in straits enough, and never openhanded, and
Used to pay the best services with receiving them gra
ciously, and looking kindly upon those who did them.
And her graces were still more towards those who were
like to do services, than to those who had done them.
So that, after a long attendance, and some overtures made

OF THE REBELLION. 391
by him to Cardinal Mazarine, to raise an army for the BOOK
service of that King, which he did not think were received XIL
with that regard his great name deserved, the Marquis left
France, and made a journey into Germany to the Em- Thence
peror s Court, desiring to see armies, till he could come Germany.
to command them ; and was returned to Brussels, about
the time that the Prince came back into Holland with the
fleet; and lay there very privately, and as incognito, for
some time, till he heard of the murder of the late King.
Then he sent to the King with the tender of his service,
and to know, " if his Majesty thought his attendance upon
"him might bring any prejudice to his Majesty; and if
" so, that he would send over the Chancellor. of the Ex-
" chequer to Sevenbergh, a town in Flanders, where he
li was at present to expect him, and had matters to'com-
" municate to him of much importance to his Majesty's
" service." Whether he did this out of modesty, and
that he might first know his Majesty's pleasure, or out of
some vanity, that he 'might seem to come to the King,
after the coldness he had met at Paris, by a kind of treaty,
the King commanded the Chancellor presently to go to
him ; and, " if he could, without exasperating him,"
(which he had no mind to do,) wished, " he might be
" persuaded rather for some time to suspend his coming
" to the Hague, than presently to appear there ;" which
was an injunction very disagreeable to the Chancellor;
who in his judgment believed his Majesty should bid him
very welcome, and prefer him before any other Of that
nation in his esteem.
The sudden violent frost, which shut up all the rivers
in less than four and twenty hours, kept them at that time
from meeting; but, within a short time after, and upon
another message from him, they met at a village tliree or
four miles off the Hague ; whither the Marquis was come. ^.^^
The Chancellor had never seen him from the tinae he had Exchequer
left Oxford, when he seemed to have very much modesty, s™"0^
and deference to the opinion and judgment of other men. in a village
But he had, since that time, done so many signal actions, Hea^e
c c 4

392 THE HISTORY
B O OK won so many battles, and in truth made so great a noise
XIL jn the world, that there appeared no less alteration to be
in his humour and discourse, than there had been in his
fortune. He seemed rather to have desired that interviews,
that he might the better know what advice to give the
King, and how to make a party that would be fast to him,
than out of any doubt that his presence would not be ac
ceptable to his Majesty. There was yet no news from
Scotland since the murder of the King, and he seemed to
think of nothing but that the King would presently send
him thither with some forces, to prepare the way for him
self to follow after. They spent that night together in
conference, and the next morning the Chancellor pre^
vailed with him, with great difficulty, that he would stay
in that place, which did not abound with all things
desirable, or somewhere else, until he might give him
notice, what the King's sense should be of the matters
discoursed between them ; insisting principally, " that, if
" his going into Scotland should be thought presently to
" be necessary, it would then be as necessary, that he
" should not be taken notice of publicly to have been with
" the King :" with which reason he seemed satisfied ; and
promised " not to come to the Hague, till he should first
<l receive advice from the Chancellor." Bat when he
heard of the commissioners being come from Scotland,
and of the other lords' arrival there, he would no. longer
The Mar- defer his journey thither, but came to the Hague well at-
to the0™65 ten^e(l DV servants and officers, and presented himself to
Hague. the King; who received him with a very good counte
nance. There were at this time in the Hague the commissioners
who came from the Council and the Kirk to invite the
King into Scotland, or rather to let him know upon what
terms he might come thither, Duke Hamilton, the Earl of
Lautherdale, and others of the nobility of that faction,
who were now as odious, and as much persecuted by that
party, which then governed Scotland, and which in that
manner invited the King, as any men were who had served

OF THE REBELLION. 393
the King from the beginning. There was also the Mar- BOOK
quis of Mountrose, with more of the nobility, as the Earls XIL
of Seaford, and Kinoul, and others, who adhered to Mount-
rose, and believed his clear spirit to be most like to ad
vance the King's service. Of these three parties, it might Theparties
reasonably have been hoped that the two last, being equally °„w afth?
persecuted by the power that governed, should have been Hague.
easily united to have suppressed the other. But it was a
business too hard for the King to bring to pass; and he
could as easily have persuaded the Parliament to reject
Cromwell, as the lords of the Engagement, and those who
had joined with Duke Hamilton, to be reconciled to
Mountrose : so that when the King hoped to have drawn
all the Scottish nobility together, to have consulted what
answer he should give to the messages he had received
from the Council and the Kirk, with which they them
selves were enough offended, those lords of the Engage
ment did not only refuse to meet with the Lord Mount-
rose, but, as soon as he came into the room where they
were, though his Majesty himself was present, they im
mediately withdrew, and left the room ; and had the con
fidence to desire the King, " that the Marquis of Mount-
" rose" (whom they called James Graham) " might be
" forbidden to come into his Majesty's presence, or Court,
" because he stood excommunicated by the Kirk of Scot-
" land, and degraded and forfeited by the judicatory of that
" kingdom." This proposition and demand they made ,
confidently in writing under their hands, and abounded so
much in this sense, that a learned and worthy Scottish
divine, Dr. Wishart, who was then chaplain to a Scottish
regiment in the service of the States, being appointed to
preach before the King on the Sunday following, they
formally besought the King, " that he would not suffer
" him to preach before him, nor to come into his presence,
" because he stood excommunicated by the Kirk of Scot-
" land, for having refused to take the Covenant ;" though
it was' known, that the true cause of the displeasure they
"had against that Divine was, that they knew he was the

394 THE HISTORY
BOOK author of the excellent relation of the Lord Mountrose's
XII; actions in Scotland. This carriage and behaviour of those
~ lords appeared ridiculous to all sober men, that ahy men
should have" the presumption to accuse those Who had
served the King with that fidelity; and were only branded
by those rebellious judicatories for having performed their
duties of allegiance, and to demand that the King himself
should condemn them for having served his father : which
made those of his Majesty's Council full of indignation at
their insolence, and his Majesty himself declared his being
offended, by using the Marquis of Mountrose with the
more countenance, and hearing the Doctor preach with
the more attention. But from this very absurd behaviour,
besides his Majesty's desire being frustrated, of receiving
the joint advice of the nobility of that kingdom in an affair
that so much concerned himself and them; and besides
tlie displeasure, and distance, that it caused between them
and the King's Council, (who thought the Scottish lords
might as reasonably move the King, that they might be
removed, who lay under the same brand and reproaches ih
England for adhering to the Crown, as the other did in
Scotland,) the King had reason to be troubled with another
apprehension, which was, that the Marquis of Mountrose
(who could not be ignorant, of ahy thing which the other
persons said or did) would, out of just indignation, take
revenge upon those persons whom he contemned too
much ; and so that the peace of the country, where his
Majesty was but a guest, would be violated by his subjects,
as it Were in his own sight; which would make his ab
sence from thence the more desirable.
He, to whom this unreasonable animosity was most
imputed, and who indeed was the great fomenter and pro
secutor of it, was the Earl of Lautherdale; whose fiery
spirit was not capable of any moderation. One of the
Council conferring one day with him upon a subject that
could not put him into passion, and so being in a very fair
conversation, desired him " to inform him, what foul of-
" fence the Marquis of Mountrose had ever cpmmitted,

OF THE REBELLION. 395
"that should hinder those to make a conjunction with BOOK
" him, who, in respect of the rebels, were in as desperate XIL
" a condition as himself, and who could not more desire
" the King's restitution than he did." The Earl told him f^t^.T,
calmly enough, " that he could not imagine or conceive dale's dis
" the barbarities and inhumanities Mountrose was guilty against
" of, in the time he made a war in Scotland ; that he never Mountrose.
" gave quarter to any man, but pursued all the advantages
" he ever got, with the utmost outrage and cruelty -. that
<( he had in one battle killed fifteen hundred of one family,
" of tbe Campbels, of the blood and name of Argyle, and
u that he had utterly rooted out several names and entire
" noble families." The other told him, " that it was the
" nature and condition of that war, that quarter was given
• " on neither side ; that those prisoners which were taken
" by the Scots, as once they did take some persons of
K honour of his party, were afterwards in cold blood
" hanged reproachfully, which was much worse than if
" they had been killed in the field;" and asked him, " if
" Mountrose had ever caused any man to die in cold blood,
" or after the battle was ended ; since what was done in it
"flagrante, was more to be imputed to the fierceness of
" his soldiers, than to his want of humanity." The Earl
confessed, " that he did not know he was guilty of any
" thing but what was done in the field ;" but concluded
with more passion, " that his behaviour there was so
"savage, that Scotland would never forgive him." And
in other company, where the same subject was debated, he
swore with great passion, " that though he wished nothing
" more in this world than to see the King restored, he had
" much rather that he should never be restored, than that
" James Graham should be permitted to come into the
"Court:" of which declaration of his the King was in
formed by William Legg and Sir William Armorer, who
were both present at the Hague, and in the company,
when he said it.
There was at that time in the Hague the Lord New
burgh, who, after the murder of the late King, was com-

396 THE HISTORY
BOOK pelled, together with his wife, the Lady Aubigney, to fly
XH- out of England, Cromwell every day making discoveries of
correspondences which had been between the King and
them. And thereupon they made an escape from thence,
and came to the Hague. That lord having been too young
to have had a part in the former war, had been then sent,
by his Majesty's direction, to be bred in France; from
whence he returned not till his Majesty was in the hands
of the Scottish army; and from that time he performed all
the offices of fidelity and duty to the King, that a generous
and worthy person could find any opportunity for : with
which his Majesty was abundantly satisfied and pleased:
and he now transported himself and his wife into Hol
land, that he might leave her there, and himself attend the
King in any expedition.
This lady was a woman of a very great wit, and most
trusted and conversant in those intrigues, which at that'
time could be best managed and carried on by ladies, who
with less jealousy could be seen in all companies : and so
she had not been a stranger to the most secret transactions
with the Scots, and had much conversation with the Lord
Lanrick, during the time the King was at Hampton Court,
and whilst he stayed afterwards in London, when the King
was imprisoned in the Isle of Wight ; and being now both
in the Hague, they had much conversation together. She
had likewise had long acquaintance and friendship with
one of the Council, who, she knew, had been as much
trusted as any by the father, and was believed to have credit
with the present King. She lamented those divisions
amongst the Scots, which every body spoke of, and every
body knew the disorder they produced in the King's
councils; and said, " she desired nothing more, than that
"there were a good understanding between DukeHamil-
" ton and him ; which," she said, cf she was sure would
" easily be, if they two had but onCe a frank conference
" together." The other, who indeed had an esteem for the
Duke, seemed very desirous. of it : and she thereupon told
him, that " the Duke had expressed to her, that he would

OF THE REBELLION. 397
" be willing to embrace the occasion -." and it was so con- BOOK
certed, that within a day or two tbey met as by chance at XIL
her lodgings. And she so dexterously introduced them to
a civility towards each other, and to express their inclina
tions to a mutual freedom, that after an hour's general con
versation there, to which she left them, and went herself
abroad, they parted with fair professions of future good
will; and the other promised to visit the Duke the next
morning early, that they might have the more time with
out being interrupted; and he was with him accordingly,
and found him in his bed. They continued together near
two hours, the Duke having commanded his servant to tell
any who came to visit him, that he was asleep. The other
spoke of " the proclamation, and the manner of inviting Conference
"the King into Scotland, and of the strange spirit that Duke^Ha-
" possessed those who governed there, and persuaded them miltonand
" to imagine it possible, that the King could ever be pre- Privy°
"vailed with to take the Covenant, or that it could be 0f Counsellor
concerning
" advantage to him to do so ; since it could not but much the aifairs
" alienate the affections of all that party in England thatff ^cot"
" had served his father, upon whom he ought chiefly to
" depend for his restoration to the government of that
"kingdom." Then he spoke of " the differences and
" jealousies which were between those of that nation who
" had an equal desire to serve the King, and seemed to be
" equally prosecuted by the party that now prevailed,
" which had excluded both :" and wished " that some ex
pedient might be found out to unite all those ; and
" particularly that his Grace and the Marquis of Mount-
•" rose might be reconciled; towards which," he said, "he
" was sure that the Marquis had great inclination, and
" had always esteemed him a man of honour; which ap-
" peared by the book which was published, where he was
" always worthily-mentioned, though he had not dealt so
" well with many others."
When the Duke had heard him with very civil attention,
he told him as to the first part, " concerning the proclama-
" tion, and the manner of inviting the King to come to

398 THE HISTORY
BOOK " them, he was not to make any other judgment by it,
XI1' " than only of the person of the Marquis of Argyle ; who,
" with the assistance of some few ministers, and others his
" creatures, did at present govern : that Argyle well knew
" there was an absolute necessity, in respect of the whole
" people, to proclaim the King after the murder of his
" father ; and therefore he could find no other way to keep
" him from coming thither, but by clogging the proclama-
" tion and message with those unworthy expressions,
" which might deter him from putting himself into their
" hands; which Argyle did not wish he should do, because
" in his absence he was sure he should govern all, being
" well agreed with Cromwell how the government should
" be carried ; and so the King might be kept out, Crom-
" well would support him against all other parties ; but
" that they both knew well enough, that, if his Majesty
" were once there, the whole nation would stick to him and
" obey him." He confessed, " that there was generally
" so great a superstition for the Covenant, that whosoever
" should speak against it for the present, would lose all
" credit, though he did acknowledge it had done much
" mischief, and would do more whilst it should be insisted
" upon ; but," he said, " that must be a work of time, and
" an effect of the King's government : which would find it
" necessary, in many other respects, to lessen the power of
" the ministers ; which being lessened, the reverence of the
" Covenant would quickly fall too ; and till then he, and all
" men, must have patience. For the second," he said,
" he wished heartily that there could be a union of all
" parties which desired the King's restoration, and that the
" animosity against the Marquis of Mountrose might be
" extinguished. For his own part, that he had only one
tf quarrel against him, which was that, by his unjust
" calumnies and prosecution, he had driven him into re-
" bellion ; which nothing else could have done. And for
" that he always asked God forgiveness from his heart, and
" desired nothing more than to repair his fault by losing
(f his life for the King; and would, with all his heart, join

OF THE REBELLION. 399
" to-morrow with the Marquis of Mountrose, in carrying BOOK
" on the King's service, though he did believe, in that XII.
" conjuncture, the animosity against the Marquis was so
" great, that, if he should declare such an inclination, all
" his own friends would fall from him, and abhor him."
He said, " his own condition was very hard ; for that
shaving been always bred up in the Church of England,
" for which he had a great reverence, he was forced to
tf comply with the Covenant; which he perfectly detested,
" and looked upon it as the ruin of his nation -y and would
f* be as glad as any man of a good opportunity to declare
" against it. But," said he, " I dare not say this-; and if
;" I did, I should have no power or credit to serve the
" King. There is," said he, "- a very worthy gentleman,
" who lodges in this house, the Earl of Lautherdale, my
" friend and my kinsman; who, upon my conscience, loves
" me heartily ; and yet I dare say nothing of this to him,
"either against the Covenant, or for the Marquis of
'^Mountrose: and, if I should, I believe he would rather
" choose to kill me, than to join with me : so much he is
f transported with prejudice in both these particulars,
" and so incapable to hear reason upon either of those
?' arguments, though, in all other things, few men have a
" better understanding, or can discourse more reasonably."
Whilst they continued in all possible freedom in this
conference, the Earl of Lautherdale, who it seems was in
formed of ,the other's being there, came in his night
gown into the chamber, and so broke off the discourse.
The other, after sitting some time in general conversa
tion, departed. And there continued afterwards all civi
lity between the Duke and him. But as himself told
the Lady Aubigney, who shortly after died there, " he
"could not, without giving jealousy to his friend Lauther-
" dale, which he had no mind to do, spend so much time
(f with the other in private as he could have been willing
" to have done :" and the death of that lady lessened the
opportunities. In this unsteady and irresolute condition of the King's

400 THE HISTORY
BOOK Council, it was very manifest, that/how long soever his Ma-
XH- jesty should defer the resolution, to what place he would re
move, he should not be able to stay long in the place where
he was. The States, especially those of Holland, let fall
somewhat every day in their councils and consultations,
" that the King's residing in the Hague would be very
" inconvenient to them ;" and it was the great interest of
the Prince of Orange, not without much dexterity, that
kept the States from sending a message directly to his
Majesty, to desire him, " that he would depart from that
" country, as soon as he could." And there happened an
accident at this time, which made the resolution necessary,
and would inevitably have drawn on that message, which
had yet been kept back.
It was touched before, that there was a purpose at
London, to send over an envoy from thence into Holland,
to prepare the way for a farther good intelligence and
negociation, which might end in a firm peace, and a re
ciprocal alliance between the two republics. To that pur
pose one Dorislaus, a Doctor in the Civil Law, was named;
who, being born in Delpht in Holland, had been bred at
Leyden, and afterwards lived long in London, having been
received into Gresham College as a Professor in one of
those chairs which are endowed for public lectures in that
society, and had been, from the beginning of the troubles,
in the exercise of the Judge Advocate's office in the Earl
of Essex's army. In this conjuncture this man arrived at
the Hague, and took his lodging in a house where strangers
used to repair, and were accommodated till they provided
Dorislaus, otherwise for their better accommodation. Whilst he was
an agent
of the Par- at supper, the same evening that he came to the town, in
kiZdnat comPany of many others who used to eat there, half a
the Hague dozen gentlemen entered the room with their swords drawn,
ScottiX and required those who were at the table " not to stir ; for
men. u that there was no harm intended to any but the agent
" who came from the rebels in England, who had newly
" murdered their King." And one of them, who knew
Dorislaus, pulled him from the table, and killed him at his

OF THE REBELLION. 401
feet: and thereupon they all put up their swords, and BOOK
walked leisurely out of the house, leaving those who were XIL
in the room, in much amazement and consternation.
Though all who were engaged in the enterprise went
quietly away, and so out of the town, insomuch as no one
of them was ever apprehended, or called in question, ,yet
they kept not their own counsel so well, (believing they
had done a very heroic act,) but that it was generally
known they were all Scottish men, and most of them ser
vants or dependants upon the Marquis of Mountrose.
The King was exceedingly troubled and perplexed with
this accident, which he could not foresee, and easily dis
cerned that it would be applied to his prejudice; and that
the States could not but highly resent it, in many respects ;
that the man who was killed was in truth their own sub
ject, and employed to them, as a public minister, by those
with whom they had no mind to have any quarrel. Upon
all which his Majesty concluded, that his presence there
would quickly appear more unacceptable than ever : be
sides, that there had been the same night some quarrels
and fighting in the streets between some servants of the
King and some gentlemen of the town ; in which a son of
one of the States was dangerously hurt, though he recovered
after wards.
It cannot be denied but that the States proceeded upon
these disorders, to which they had not been accustomed, with
great gravity, and more than ordinary respect to the King.
They were highly offended with what was past, and sensi
ble what expostulations and clamour for justice they must
expect, and sustain from England, and what reproaches
they must undergo for suffering all those who had been
guilty of such a crime, to escape,, the ministers of justice;
which could not but be imputed to them, as a great scandal
to their government: yet they proceeded very slowly in
their inquisition, and with such formalities as were usual,
(and which could bring no prejudice to the offenders; who
were either gone out of their dominions, or concealed
vol. m. p. 1. p d

402 THE HISTORY
BOOK themselves in other towns, where the same formalities were
_______ to be used, if they were discovered,) and without so much
. , reflection upon the King, as if they believed that the guilty
persons had any relation to his service : yet they took
notice of-" the multitude of strangers which were in the
" town, and how impossible it would be for them to pre-
" serve the peace and good government thereof, if such
" resort were not restrained." They aggravated exceed
ingly " the indignity that had been offered to the State
"t itself, ih the attempt that had been made UpOn a person
" under their protection, and for whose safety the public
" faith wasj upon the matter, engaged ;" With insinuatioti
enough, " that it would be fit for the King to remove
" from thence." Of all which his Majesty receiving ad
vertisement, he thought it better himself to give them
notice of his purpose to leave them, than to expect a plain
injunction from them to do so. He found this the more
necessary to be done, since from the time that the Scottish
commissioners were come thither, they had taken great
pains to infuse into the opinions of that people, " that
" they were sent from the kingdom of Scotland, that was
" entirely and unanimously at his Majesty's disposal, to
" invite him to repair thither, and to take possession of his
" government there, where there was, already an army
" preparing to assist him towards the recovery of his other
" dominions ; but that there was a party of evil counsellors
" about his Majesty, who dissuaded him from accepting
*' that their invitation, except they would be content to
" change tlie government of their Church, and to establish
" episcopacy there again." And by these insinuations
they persuaded many of the States to believe, that the de
fence of Bishops, for whom they had no regard, waS the
sole difference between the King and them, which kept the
King from going into Scotland : so that the King Was not
without some apprehension, that, by that mistake arid false
information, the States might give him advice to accept
the Scots' invitation. And therefore he sent to the States

OF THE REBELLION. 403
of Holland, "that he had a desire to say somewhat to BOOK
" them, if they would assign him an audience the next XII.
" day;" which they readily did.
The King was received in the same manner he had been The King
formerly, and being conducted into the room of council, ^ts^ the
after a short compliment, he delivered a paper to them, States of
which he desired might be read, and that he might receive and de_ '
their advice thereupon as soon as they pleased. The me- livers them
morial contained, in the first place, his Majesty's acknow
ledgment of the civilities he had received there, and his
desire " that by them the States General" (who were not
at that time assembled) " might be informed of such his
" Majesty's sense of their kindness ; especially in the full
" and high detestation they had expressed of the impious
" and unparalleled murder of his royaljather of blessed
" memory, their fast and unshaken ally, by which the
" forms and rules of all kind of government were no less
" violated and dissolved, than that of monarchy: that he
" came to inform them that he did intend, in a short time,
" so to dispose of his person* as might with God's blessing
" most probably advance his affairs ; and that for the better
"doing thereof, 'and that he might in so important an
" affair receive their particular advice, he should impart to
" them the true state and condition of his several do-
" minions. That he needed not inform them of the deplor-
" able condition of his kingdom of England, where the
" hearts and affections of his loyal subjects were so de-
" pressed and kept under by the power and cruelty of
"those who had murdered their late Sovereign, ahd who
"every day gave fresh and bloody instances pf their
" tyranny, to fright men from their allegiance, that for the
"present no man could believe that miserable kingdom
" could be fit for his Majesty to trust his person in : that
" in Scotland, it is very true, that his Majesty is proclaimed
"King, but with such limitations and restrictions against
"this exercise of his royal power, that in truth they had
"only given him the name, and denied him the authority :
"that above five parts of six of the nobility and chief
Dd2

404 THE HISTORY
BOOK " gentry of that kingdom were likewise excluded from their
XII. «jUst right, and from any part in the administration of the
" public affairs ; so that that kingdom seemed not suffi-
" ciently prepared for his Majesty's reception ; but that
" he hoped, and doubted not, that there would be in a
" short time a perfect union and right understanding.be-
" tween all his subjects of that his kingdom, and a due
" submission and obedience from them all to his Majesty,
"for that he was resolved (and had never had the least
" purpose to the contrary) to preserve and maintain the
" government of Church and State in that kingdom, as it
¦¦" is established by the laws thereof, without any violation
" or alteration on his part : so that there could be no
" difference between him and his subjects of that king-
" dom, except they should endeavour, and press his Ma-
" jesty to alter the laws and government of his other
" kingdoms ; which as it would be very unreasonable to
" desire, so it is not in his power to do if he should con-
" sent, and join with his subjects of Scotland to that
" purpose ; which made him confident, that, when they
" had throughly weighed and considered what was good
" for themselves, as well as for him, they would acquiesce
" with enjoying the laws and privileges of that kingdom,
" without desiring to infringe or impose upon those of
" their brethren and neighbours." And his Majesty de
sired the States, " that if any persons had endeavoured to
" make any impressions upon them, that he hath or ever
" had other intentions or desires, with reference to his
" subjects of Scotland, than what himself now expressed
" to them to have, that they would give no credit to them:
"and assured them, that they should always find him con-
" stant to those resolutions, and especially, that all ways
" and means which might lead to the advancement and
"propagation of the Protestant religion should be, so
" heartily embraced by him, that the world should have
'f cause to believe him to be worthy of his title of De-
" fender of the Faith, which he valued as his greatest
" attribute,"

OF THE REBELLION. 405
This being the true present condition of his two king- BOOK
doms of England and Scotland, and it being necessary for XIL
his Majesty, to give life to the afflicted state of his affairs
by his own personal activity and vigour, he told them,
" there remained only, that he should impart to them the
"like state of his other kingdom of Ireland; which had
" likewise sent to him, and desired him to repair thithet
"with great importunity: that the Marquis of Ormond,
" his lieutenant there, had concluded a peace with the Ro-
" man Catholics; and that thereby his Majesty was etl-
" tirely possessed of three parts of four of that his large
" and fruitful kingdom, and of the command of good ar-
" mies, and of many good ships to be joined to his own
" fleet; and that he had reason to hope and to believe that
" Dublin itself, and the few other places, which had sub-
" mitted to the rebellious power in England, either al-
" ready were, upon tbe knowledge of that odious parricide,
" returned to their allegiance, or Would speedily be re-
"" duced; of which he expected every day to receive adver-
" tisement ; which if it should fall out, yet he foresaw
" many objections might be made against his going
" thither, not only in regard of the difficulty and danger
" of his passage, but of the jealousies which would arise
" upon the large concessions which were made unto the
" Roman Catholics of that kingdom ; which could not
"be avoided." And having thus given them a clear in
formation of the state of his three kingdoms, his Majesty
concluded with his desire, " that the States Would give
" him their advice as freely, to which of them he should
"repair; and that they would give him all necessary as-
" sistance that he might prosecute their. counsel."
Many men feared, that the King would have brought
great prejudice to himself by this communication, and,
upon the matter, obliged himself to follow their advice ;
which they apprehended would be contrary to his own
judgment. For nothing was more commonly discoursed
among the Dutch, ahd by many of the States themselves,
than " that the King ought, without delay, to throw
D d 3

406 THE HISTORY
BOOK " himself into the arms of Scotland, and to gratify them
_______" in all they desired: that Bishops were not worth the
" contending for; and that the supporting them had been
" the ruin of his father, and would be his, if he continued
" in the same obstinacy." But the King had reason to
believe that they would not so much concern themselves
in his broken affairs, as to give him advice what to do :
and it was necessary for him to get a little more time, upon
some occurrences which would every day happen, before
he took a positive resolution which way to steer: for
though, in his own opinion, Ireland was the place to
Which he was to repair, yet he knew that, notwithstanding
the peace that was made, there were several parties still
in arms there, besides those who adhered to the Parlia
ment, who refused to submit to that peace. Though
the general Council at Kilkenny (which had been always
looked upon as the representative of the confederate Ca
tholics of that kingdom, and to which they had always
submitted) had fully consented to the treaty of peace with
the Lord Lieutenant, yet Owen O'Neile, who had the com
mand of all the Irish in Ulster, and who was looked upon
as the best general they had, totally refused to submit to
it, and positively protested against it, as not having pro
vided for their interest ; and that Council was not sorry for
his separation, there being little less animosity between
those of Ulster and the other Irish, than was between
them both and the English : and they knew that O'Neile
more insisted upon recompense in lands and preferments,
than upon any provision that concerned religion itself.
Then the Scots in Ulster, who were very numerous," and
under good discipline, and well provided with arms' and
ammunition, would not submit to the commands of the
Lord Lieutenant; but were resolved to follow the example
of their countrymen, and to see the King admitted and re
ceived, as well as proclaimed, before they would submii'to
his authority: which made the Marquis of Ormond the
less troubled at the obstinacy of O'Neile, (though he had
used all the means he had to draw him in,) since he pre-

OF THE REBELLION. 407
SUmed .the Scots and he would mortify each other, during BOOK
the time that he should spend in making himself strong XIL
enpugh to suppress them both : for the Scots who would
not join with the Marquis were very vigorous in prosecuting
the war against O'Neile, and the Irish of Ulster. These
divisions, factions, and confusions in Ireland, made, the
.King the more solicitous that, his Council should be una
nimous for his going thither, at least that the Scots, how vi
rulent soever against each other, should all concur in their
.advice, " that it was not yet, seasonable for him to go, for
"Scotland;" which made him labour so much to bring the
Hamiltpnians, and. those who followed Mountrose, whom
he believed .both to be of, that opinion, to meet together,
and to own it, jointly to the King in council: but it is said
before bow impossible it was to obtain that conjunction.
,When the, King found that it was not possible to bring
the lords of the , Scottish ,na,tion together to confer upon
the affairs of that kingdom, he thought to have drawn
them severally, that is, those of the Engagement by them
selves, and the Marquis of Mountrose. with his friends by
themselves, to have giyen turn their advice in the pre
sence of his Council, that so, upon debate .thereof between
them, his ,Majesty might the, more maturely have deter
mined what he was to do. The Marquis of Mountrose '
expressed a great .willingness, to give his Majesty satisfac
tion this or anys other way, being willing to deliver his
opinion concerning things, or, persons, before any body,
and in any place. But the lords of the Engagement posi
tively , refused to deliver th,eir opinion, but to the King
i himself, . and, not in, the, presence of his Council;, which,
they said, "^would be to cppfess a kind of subordination of
" the kingdom of Scotland, which was independent on
-"the Council of England;" and Duke Hamilton told
Jhe. counsellor, with wbgm he had bef ore so, freely con
versed, , and, who expostulated, with himuponit, " that it
"(was the only ground, of the.. heavy judgment in Parlia-
"jment against, the Earl, of Traquair, that, ,haying been
¦ i*f- the King's commissipner in Scotland, he gave account to
r>d4

408 THE HISTORY
BOOK " the King of transactions, and of the affairs of that king-
_______" dom, at the Council Table in England; .whereof he was
"likewise a member; so jealous that kingdom was, and
"still is, of their native privileges;" and therefore de
sired, " that he might not "be pressed to do what had been
" so penal to another in his own sight."
The King satisfied himself with having all their opinions
delivered to himself, subscribed under all their hands, which
every one consented to.- though most of them would have
been glad that the King would have gone into Scotland,
upon what condescensions soever; because they all be
lieved his presence would easily turn all, and that they
should be quickly restored to their estates, which tliey
cared most for ; yet nobody presumed to give that advice,.
or seemed to think it seasonable. So that the King re
sumed the former debate of going directly for Ireland, and
direction was given for providing ships, and all other things
necessary for that voyage. There remained only one doubt,
whether his Majesty should take France in his way, that
he might see his mother, who by letters and messages-
pressed him very earnestly so to do ; or whether he should
embark in Holland directly for Ireland ; which would be
less loss of time, and might be done early in the spring,
before the Parliament's fleet should put out to sea.
They who did not wish that the Queen should exercise
any power over the King, or have too much credit with
him, were against his going into France, as " an occa-
" sion of spending more time than his affairs would per-
" mit, and an obligation to make a greater expence than
" he had, or knew where to have, means to defray :" and
they thought it an argument of moment, " that, from the
" time of the murder of his father, the King had never re-
" ceived letter of condolement from Franee, nor the least
" invitation to go thither." On the other side, they who
wished and hoped that the Queen would have such an in
fluence upon the King that his Council should have less
credit with him, desired very much that his Majesty would
make France his way. The Scots desired it very much,

OF THE REBELLION. 409
"believing they should find her Majesty very propitious to BOOK
their counsels, and inclined to trust their undertakings ; XIL
and they were very sure that Mountrose would never go
to Paris, or have credit with the Queen.
The Prince of Orange, and the Princess Royal his wife,
had a great desire to gratify the Queen, and that the King
should see her in the way ; and proposed, " that his Ma-
" jesty might appoint a place, where the Queen and he
" might meet, without going to Paris ; and, after three of
" four days stay together, his Majesty might hasten his
" journey to some convenient port, from whence he might
" embark for Ireland by a shorter passage than from Hol-
" land; and the Prince of Orange would appoint two ships
" of war, to attend his Majesty in that French port, before
" he should get thither." His Majesty inclined this way,
without positively resolving upon it ; yet directed " that
" his own goods of bulk, and his inferior servants, should
" be presently embarked to take the directest passage to
" Ireland ;" and ordered " that the rest, who were to wait
" upon his person, should likewise send their goods and
" baggage, and such servants who were not absolutely
" necessary for their present service, upon the same ships
"for Ireland;" declaring, " that, if he made France his
" way, he would make all possible haste, and go with as
" light a train as he could." Hereupon two ships were
shortly after provided, and many persons (and great store of
baggage) embarked for Ireland, and arrived there in safety;
but most of the persons, and all the goods, miscarried in
their return, when they knew that the King was not to come
thither, upon the accidents that afterwards fell out there.
This resolution being taken, the Lord Cottington, who
had a just excuse from his age, being then seventy-five
years old, to wish to be in some repose, considered with
hftnself how to become disentangled from the fatigue of
those voyages and journeys, which he saw the King would
be obliged to make. In Holland he had no mind to stay,
having never loved that people, iior been loved by them ;
and he thought the climate itself was very pernicious to

4io the history
BOOK his health, by reason of the gout, which frequently visited
XIL him. ,Francewas as ungrateful to him, where he, had not
been kindly treated, and was looked upon as one who had
been always addicted to Spain, and no friend to the Crown
of France; so that he was willing to find a good pccasion
to spend the remainder of his age where he had spent so
much of his youth, in Spain, and where he believed that he
might be able to do the King, more service than any other
way. And there was newly come to the Hague an English
gentleman, who had been an officer in the <King!s, army,
and was at Madrid when the news came thither of- the
murder of the King: and he related many particulars of
the passion and indignation of that Court, upon that oc
casion,; against the rebels ; that " the King, and . all . the
" Court, put themselves into solemn mourning;" (and he
repeated some expressions which the King and Don Lewis
de Haro had made of tenderness and com passion, for pur
.King;) and that ¦" the King of Spain spoke of , sending
" an ambassador to his Majesty."
These relatipns, and any thing of, that kind, how weakly
soever founded, were very willingly heard. And from
Conference hence the Lord Cottington took occasion to confer with
Lord Cot- the Chancellor of the Exchequer (with whom he, held a
tjngtonand strict friendship, they living and keeping house together)
ceiloroftheof " the ill condition the King was in, and that he ought
foncemi'ng " to think> wnat Prince's kindness was like to be of most
the King's " use and benefit to his Majesty, and from whom he might
embassy311 " hope to receive a sum pf money; if not as much as
into Spain, n might serve for a martial expedition,, yet such an annual
" exhibition as might serve for his support: that he had
" already experience of France, and knew well the intelli-
" gence that the Cardinal had at that very time with
"Cromwell: but he did verily believe, that if the King of
" Spain were dexterously treated with, and not, more.aj&ed
" of him than could consist with his, affairs to spare,. a
(t good yearly support might be procuredi there, and the
" expectation of it might be worth the King's sending an
"ambassador thither." He said, " he was more of that

OF THE REBELLION. 411
" opinion since the King had taken the resolution of going BOOK
" for Ireland; where the King of Spain's credit might be XII.
"of great benefit to him: that Owen O'Neile, and the
" old Irish of Ulster, were still in arms against the King;
" and wohld not submit to the Conditions which the
" general Council of the confederate Catholics had con
sented to with the Marquis of Ormond : that O'Neile
" had been bred in Spain, and had a regiment in Flanders,
" and so must have an absolute dependence upon his
" Catholic Majesty, for whom all the old Irish had ever
" had a particular devotion ; and if it were only to dis-
" pose him and that people to the King's obedience, and
" to accept those conditions Which might conveniently be
"given to them, it were well worth such a journey; and
" the King of Spain would never refuse to gratify the
"King to the utmost that could be desired in that par-
" ticular." The Chancellor thought this discourse not
uhreasonable, and 'asked him, " who would be fit to be
"sent thither?" not imagining that he had ahy'thought
of going ' thither himself. He answered, " that, if the
"Kirig would be advised by him,' he should send them
" two thither, and he did believe they should do him very
" good service."
The Chancellor ¦ was weary of the company he was in,
arid the1 business, which, having no prospect but towards
despair, 'was yet rendered more grievous1 by the continual
contentions and animosities between persons. He knew
"he'Vas not in the Queen's favour at all, and' should find no
'respect in that Cbtirt. However, he was very scrupulous,
that thei!King might not Suspect that he was weafy of his
attehdance, ¦ or that any body else might believe that he
'withdrew himself from waiting longer upon so desperate a
fortune. In the end, ¦he 'fold- the Lord Cottington, "that
"'he1 would only be passive in the point, and refer it en-
"'tlreiy to him,if he thought fit to dispose the King to
"like it; arid if the King approved it so much as to take
"nbtice'of it to-the Chancellor; and commend it as a thing

41:

THE HISTORY

BOOK "he thought for his service, he would submit to his com-
______" mand." The Lord Cottington's heart was much set upon this
employment, and he managed so warily with the King,
and presented the whole scheme to him so dexterously,
that his Majesty was much pleased with it; and shortly
The King after declared his resolution publicly, " to send the Lord
thosTtwo " Cottington, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, his
to be his " ambassadors extraordinary into Spain ;" and commanded
dors.aSSa them " to prepare their own commission and instructions.;
" and to begin their journey as soon as was possible."
Before the King could begin his own journey for France,
and so to Ireland, his Majesty thought it necessary, upon
the whole prospect of his affairs with reference to all places,
to put his business into as good a method as he could, and
to dispose of that number of officers, and soldiers, and
other persons, who had presented themselves to be ap
plied to his service, or to leave them to take the best
course they could for their own subsistence. Of these,
many were sent into Ireland with the ships which carried
the King's goods, with recommendation to the Marquis
of Ormond, " to put them into his army till the King came
" thither." Since the Scots were no better disposed to
serve, or receive the King for the present, his Majesty
was resolved to give the Marquis of Mountrose all the en
couragement he desired to visit them, and to incline them
to a better temper.
There was then at the Hague Cornificius Wolfelte, am
bassador extraordinary from the King of Denmark to the
States General; who came with a great train and great
state, and was himself a man of vanity and ostentation,
and took pains to be thought so great a man by his own
interest, that he did not enough extol the power of his
master ; which proved his ruin after his return. He had
left Denmark before the news came thither of the murder
of the King, and so he had no credentials for his Majesty,
by reason whereof he could not receive any public formal

OF THE REBELLION. 413
audience; but desired " the King's leave that he might, BOOK
" as by accident, be admitted to speak to him at the Queen XIL
"of Bohemia's Court;" where his Majesty used to be""
every day; and there the ambassador often spoke to him.
The Marquis of Mountrose had found means to endear
himself much to this ambassador, who gave him en
couragement to hope for a very good reception in Den
mark, if the King would send him thither, and that he
niight obtain arms and ammunition there for Scotland.
The anibassador told him, " that, if the King would write
" a letter to him to that purpose, he would presently
" supply him with some money and arms, in assurance
" that his master would very well approve of what he
" should do." The Marquis of Mountrose well knew
that the King was not able to supply him with the least
proportion of money to begin his journey; and therefore
he had only proposed, " that the King would give him
" letters, in the form he prescribed, to several Princes in
" Germany, whose affections he pretended to know;"
which letters he sent by several officers, who were to bring
the soldiers or arms they should obtain, to a rendezvous
he appointed near Hamburg ; and resolved himself to go
into Sweden and Denmark, in hope to get supplies in
both those places, both from the Crowns, and by the con
tribution of many Scottish officers, who had command and
estates in those countries; and to have credentials, by
virtue of which he might appear ambassador extraordinary
from the King, if he should find it expedient; though he
did intend rather to negociate his business in private, and
without any public character. All this was resolved before
his confidence, at least his familiarity, with the ambassa
dor was grown less. But, upon the encouragement he
had from him, he moved the King " for his letter to the
" ambassador, to assist the Marquis of Mountrose with
" his advice, and with his interest in Denmark, and in
" any other Court, to the end that he might obtain the
" loan of monies, arms, and ammunition, and whatever
" else was necessary to enable the Marquis to prosecute

414 THE HISTQRY
BOOK "his intended descent into Scotland." The King, glad
XIL that he did not press for ready money, which he was nqt
able to supply him with, gave him such letters as he
desired to all persons, and particularly tp the ambassador
himself, who, having order from his master to present the
King with a sum of money for his present occasions, never
informed the King thereof, but advised Mountrose to pro
cure such a letter from his Majesty to him ; which being
done, the Marquis received that money from him, and
likewise some arms ; with which he begun his unfortunate
The Mar- enterprise; and prosecuted his journey to Hamburg;
Mountrose where he expected to meet his German troops, which he
goes to believed the officers he had sent thither with the King's
Hamburg. . , ' ' ¦
letters would be well able to raise, with the assistance of
those Princes to whom they had been sent. But he was
carried on by a stronger assurance he had received from
some prophecies and predictions, to which he was naturally
given, " that he should by his valour recover Scotland for
" the King, and from thence conduct an army that should
" settle his Majesty in all his other dominions."
There had been yet nothing done by the King with
reference to England since the murder of his father; nor
did there appear any thing, of any kind, to be attempted
as yet there : there was so terrible a consternation, that
still possessed the spirits of that people, that though men's
\ affections were greater, and more general for the King, out
of the horror and detestation they had of the late parricide,
yet the owning it was too penal for their broken courage;
nor was it believed possible for any man to contribute any
, thing, at present, for their deliverance. However, most
men were of opinion, " that it was necessary for the King
" to publish some declaration, that he might not seem
*' utterly to give over his claim there; and to keep up the
*' spirits of his friends." And many from England, who
in the midst of their despair would give some counsel, ad
vised, " that there might be somewhat published by the
"King that might give some check to the general sub-
emitting to the Engagement, which was so universally

OF THE REBELLION. 415
"pressed there*" The King being every day advertised, BOOK
how much this was desired and expected, and the Scottish _______

lords being of the same opinion, hoping that somewhat
might be inserted in it that might favour the Presbyterians,
his Majesty proposed at the Council, " that there might
" be some draught prepared of a proclamation, or declara-
" tion, only with reference to the kingdom of England ;"
and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who had been most The Chan-
.... - ., , , . . .cellorofthe
conversant in instruments of that nature, was appointed Exchequer
to make one ready ; though he had declared, " that he did appointed
iii- ¦ ito make a
" not know what such a declaration could contain, and declaration
"therefore that he thought it not seasonable to publish ^^j10
" any." The Prince of Orange was present at that Coun
cil, and, whether from his own opinion, or from the sug
gestion of the Scottish lords, who were much favoured by
him> he- wished, " that, in regard of the great differences
" which were in England about matters of religion, the
" King would offer, ih this declaration, to refer all matters
" in controversy concerning religion to a national synod;
" in which there should be admitted some foreign divines
" from the Protestant churches ;" which, he thought,
would be a popular clause, and might be acceptable abroad
as well as at home : and the King believed no objection
could be made against it ; and so thought fit such a clause
should be inserted.
Within a short time after the Council was parted, the
Prince of Orange sent for the Lord Cottington, and told
him, " he was not enough acquainted with the Chancellor
" of the Exchequer, but desired him to entreat him not to
" be too sharp in this declaration, the end whereof was to
" unite and reconcile diffefent humours ; and that he found
" many had a great apprehension, that the sharpness of
"his style would irritate them much more," The Chan
cellor knew well enough that this came from the Lord
Lautherdale, and he wished heartily that the charge might
be committed to any body else, protesting, " that he was
" never less disposed in his own conceptions and reflec-
" tions to undertake any such task in his life; and that 'he

416 THE HISTORY
BOOK " could hot imagine how it was possible for the King to
xn- " publish a declaration at that time, (his first declaration,)
"without much sharpness against, the murderers of his
"father;" which nobody could speak against; nor could
he be excused from the work imposed upon him : and the
Prince of Orange assured him, " it was not that kind of
" sharpness which he wished should be declined :" and
though he seemed not willing farther to explain himself,
it was evident that he wished that there might not be any
sharpness against the Presbyterians, for which there was
at that time no occasion.
There was one particular, whichy without a full and
distinct instruction, the Chancellor could not presume, to
express. The great end of this declaration was to confirm
the affection of as many as was possible for the King, and,
consequently, as few were \o be made desperate as might
consist with the King's honour, and necessary justice ; so
that how far that clause, which was essential to a declara
tion upon this subject, concerning the indemnity' of per
sons, should extend, was the question. And in this there
was difference of opinions; the most prevalent was, " that
" no persons should be excepted from pardon, but only
" such who had an immediate hand in the execrable mur-
" der of the King, by being his judges, and pronouncing
" that sentence, and they who performed the execution."
Others said, they " knew that some were in the list of the
" judges, and named by the Parliament, who found excuses
" to be absent ;" and others, that " some who were not
" named, more contrived and contributed to that odious
" proceeding, than many of the actors in it." But the
resolution was, that the former should be only compre
hended. When the declaration was prepared, and read at the
Board, there was a deep silence, no man speaking to any
part of it. But another day was appointed for the second
reading it, against which time every man might be better
prepared to speak to it : and in the mean time the Prince
of Orange, in regard he was not ^i perfect master of the

OF THE REBELLION. 417
English tongue, desired he might have a copy of it, that BOOK
he might the better understand it. And the Chancellor of XIL
the Exchequer desired, « that not only the Prince of
" Orange might have a copy, but that his Majesty would
" likewise have one, and, after he should have perused it
" himself, he would shew it to any other, who he thought
" was fit to advise with ;" there being many lords and other
persons of quality about him, who were not of the Coun
cil :: and he moved, " that he might have liberty himself
" to communicate it to some who were like to make a
"judgment, how far any thing of that nature was like to
" be acceptable, and agreeable to the minds of the peo-
" pie;" and named Herbert the Attorney General, and Dr.
Steward, who was Dean of the chapel; and his opinion, in
all things relating to the Church, the King had been ad
vised by his father to submit to. All which was approved
by the King ; and, for that reason, a farther day was ap
pointed for the second reading. The issue was, that, Different
exCept two or three of the Council, who were of one and th^Kine's1
the same opinion of the whole, there were not two persons Council
who were admitted to the perusal of it, who did not take when it
some exception to it, though scarce two made the same was read-
exception. Doctor Steward, though a man of a very good under
standing, was so exceedingly grieved at the clause of ad
mitting foreign divines irito a synod that was to consult
Upon the Church of England, that he could not be satisfied
by any arguments that could be giyen of " the impossi-
" bility of any effect, or that the Parliament would accept
" the overture ; and that there could be no danger if it did,
" because the number of those foreign divines must be
" still limited by the King ;" but came one morning to
the Chancellor, with whom he had a friendship, and pro-
" tested he had not slept that night, out of the agony and
" trouble, that he, who he knew loved the Church so well,
" should consent to a clause so much against the honour
" of it ;" and went from him to the King, to beseech
him never to approve it. Some were of opinion, " that
VOL. III. P. 1. e e

418 THE HISTORY
BOOK " there were too few excepted from pardon; by which the
XH- " King would not have confiscations enough to satisfy, and
" reward his party :" and others thought, " that there
" were too many excepted ; and that it was not prudent to
" make so many men desperate ; but that it would be
" sufficient to except Cromwell, and Bradshaw, and three
" or four more of those whose malice was most notorious;
" the whole number not to exceed six."
The Scots did not value the clause for foreign divines,
who, they knew, could persuade little in an English synod ;
but they were implacably offended, that the King men
tioned the government of the Church of England, and the
Book of Com mon -Prayer, with so much reverence and de
votion ; which was the sharpness they most feared of the
Chancellor's style, when they thought now the Covenant
to be necessary to be insisted upon more than ever. Sp
that, when the declaration was read at the Board the
second time, most men being moved with the discourses,
and fears which were expressed abroad of some ill effects
it might produce, it was more faintly debated, and men
seemed not to think that the publishing any, at this time,
was of so much importance, as they formerly had con
ceived it to be. By all which men may judge, how. hard, a
thing it was for the King to resolve, and act with that
steadiness and resolution, which the most unprosperous
condition doth more require than the state that is less per-
Upon . plexed and entangled. Thus the declaration slept without
which it . . . .
was laid farther proposition to pubnsh any.
aside. All things being now as much provided for as they were
like to be, the two ambassadors for Spain were very solw
citous to begin their journey, the King being at last re
solved not to give his mother the trouble of making a
journey to meet him, but to go himself directly to St.
Germain's, where her Majesty was. The Prince of Orange,
to advance that resolution, had promised to supply the
King with twenty thousand pounds ; which was too great
a loan for him to make, who had already great debts upon
him, though it was very little for the enabling the King to

OF THE REBELLION. 419
discharge the debts he and his family had contracted at the BOOK
Hague, and to make his journey. Out of this sum the _______
Lord Cottington and the Chancellor were to receive so
much as was designed to defray their journey to Paris :
what was necessary for the discharge of their embassy, or
for making their journey from Paris, was not yet provided.
The King had some hope, that the Duke of Lorrain would
lend him some money ; which he designed for this ser
vice; which made it necessary that they should imme
diately resort to Brussels, to finish that negociation, and
from thence to prosecute their journey.
In the soliciting their first dispatch at the Hague, they
made a discovery that seemed very strange to them, though
afterwards it was a truth that was very notorious. Their
jour ney having been put off some days, only for the receipt
of that small sum, which was to be paid them out of the
money to be lent by the Prince of Orange, and Hemflet,
the Prince's chief officer in such affairs of money, having
been some days at Amsterdam to negociate that loan, and
no money being returned, they believed that there was
some affected delay ; and so went to the Prince of Orange,
who had advised, and was well pleased with that embassy,
to know when that money would be ready for the King,
that he might likewise resolve upon the time for his own
journey. The Prince told them, he believed, " that they,
" who knew London so well, and had heard so much dis-
" course of the wealth of Holland, would wonder very
" much that he should have been endeavouring above ten
" days to borrow twenty thousand pounds ; and that the
" richest men in Amsterdam had promised him to supply
"him with it, and that one half of it was not yet provided."
He said, " it was not that there was any question of his
" credit, which was very good ; and that the security he
" gave was as good as any body desired, and upon which
" he could have double tbe sum in less time, if he would
" receive it in paper, which was the course of that country ;
" where bargains being made for one hundred thousand
" pounds to be paid within ten days, it was never known
_ e 2

420 THE HISTORY
BOOK " that twenty thousand pounds was paid together in one
XH- " town ; but by bills upon Rotterdam, Harlem, the Hague,
" and Antwerp, and other places, which was as convenient,
" or more, to all parties ; and he did verily believe,; that
" though Amsterdam could pay a million within a mOnth,
" upon any good occasion, yet they would be troubled to
" bring twenty thousand pounds together into any one
" room ; and that was the true reason, tbat the money
" was not yet brought to the Hague ; which it should be
" within few days ;" as it was accordingly.
The ambas- fne ambassadors took their leave of the King at the
sadors for . °
Spain be- Hague before the middle of May, and had a yacht from
journey' ^ Prince pf Orange, that attended them at Rotterdam,
and transported t.hem with great convenience to Antwerp,
where the Chancellor's wife and his family were arrived
ten days before, and were settled in a good and convenient
house; where the Lord Cottington and he both lodged
Whilst they stayed in that city. There they met the Lord
Jermyn in his way towards the King, to hasten the King's
journey into France,, upon the Queen's great importunity.
He was very glad they were both come away from the
King, and believed he should more easily prevail with his
Majesty in all things, as indeed he did. After two or three
days stay at Antwerp, they went to Brussels to deliver their
credentials both to the Archduke and the Duke of Lorrain,
and to visit the Spanish ministers, and, upon their landing
at Brussels, they took it for a good omen, that they were
assured, " that LeBrune, who had been one of thepleni-
".potentiaries at the treaty of Munster, on the behalf of
" the King of Spain, was then in that town, wiAh creden-
" tials to visit the King, and to condole with, him."
They had an audience,, the nest day, of the Archduke :
tliey performed the complii!_ei_ts to hkn, from the King,
and informed him: of their embassy into Spain, and de
sired his recommendation, and good offices in tha* Court;
which he,, according to his slow arid formal way of speak
ing, consented to,: and they had no more to do with him,
but received the visits from the officers, in his name, accord-

OF THE REBELLION. 421
ing to the style of that Court. Their main business was BOOK
with the Duke of Lorrain, to procure money for their XIL
journey into Spain. They visit
The Duke was a prince that lived in a different manner l^^^n
from all other sovereign princes in the world : from the time, at Brussels.
that he had been driven out of his country by France, he
had retired to Brussels with his army, which he kept up
very strong, and served the King of Spain with it against
the French, upon such terms and conditions as were
made, and renewed every year between them ; by which he
received great sums of money yearly from the Spaniard,
and was sure very rich in money. He always commanded
apart in the field ; his officers received no orders but from
himself: he always agreed at the council of war what he
should do, and his army was in truth the best part of the
Spanish forces. In the town of Brussels he lived without
any order, method, or state of a Prince, except towards the
Spaniards in his treaties, and being present in their coun
cils, where he always kept his full dignity : otherwise, he
lived in a jolly familiarity with the bourgeois and their
wives, and feasted with them, but scarce kept a court, or
any number of servants, or retinue. The house wherein .
he lived was a very ordinary one, and not furnished ; nor
was he often there, or easy to be found; so that the am- ¦
bassadors could not easily send to him for an audience.
He received them in a lower room with great courtesy and
familiarity; and visited them at their own lodging. He
was a man of great wit, and presence of mind, and, if he
had not affected extravagancies, no man knew better how
to act the prince. He loved his money very much; yet
the Lord Cottington's dexterity and address prevailed with
him to lend the King two thousand pistoles ; which was all
that was in their view for defraying their embassy. But
they hoped they should procure some supply in Spain, out
of which their own necessary expences must be provided
for. There were two Spaniards; by whom all the councils
there were governed and conducted, and which the Areh-
e e 3

422 THE HISTORY
BOOK duke himself could not control; the Conde of Pignoranda
XH- (who was newly come from Munster, being the other
~ plenipotentiary there ; and stayed only at Brussels, in
expectation of renewing the treaty again with France; but,
whilst he stayed there, was in the highest trust of all the
affairs) and the Conde of Fuensaldagna, who was the go
vernor of the arms, and commanded the army next under
the Archduke ; which was a subordination very little in
ferior to the being General. They were both very able
and expert men in business, and if they were not very wise
men, that nation had none. The former was a man of the
robe, of a great wit, and much experience, proud, and, if
he had not been a little too pedantic, might very well be
looked upon as a very extraordinary man, and was much
improved by the excellent temper of Le Brune, (the other
plenipotentiary,) who was indeed a wise man, and by seem
ing to defer in all things to Pignoranda, governed him.
The Conde of Fuensaldagna was of a much better temper;
more industry, and more insinuation than Spaniards use to
have: his greatest talent lay to civil business; yet he was
the best general of that time to all other offices and pur
poses, than what were necessary in the hour of battle,
when he was not so present and composed as at all other
seasons. Both these received the ambassadors with the usual civi
lities, and returned their visits to their own lodging, but
seemed not pleased with their journey to Madrid, and
spoke much of the necessities that Crown was in, and its
disability to assist the King; which the ambassadors im
puted to the influence Don Alonzo de Cardinas had upon
them both ; who remained still under the same character
in England he had done for many years before. The same
civilities were performed between Le Brune and them ;
who treated them with much more freedom, and encouraged
them to hope well from their negociation in Spain; ac
quainted them with his own instructions, " to give the
" King all assurance of the affection of his Catholjc Ma-
" jesty, and of his readiness to do any thing for him that

OF THE REBELLION. 423
"was in his power." He said, "he only deferred his BOOK
"journey, because he heard that the King intended to XII.
" spend some time at Breda; and he had rather attend him ~~
" there, than at the Hague."
When the ambassadors had dispatched all their business
at Brussels, and received the money from the Duke of
Lorrain, they returned to Antwerp ; where they were to
negociate for the return of their monies to Madrid ; which
required very much wariness, the bills from thence finding
now more difficulties at Madrid, than they had done in
former times.
By the letters my Lord Jermyn brought, and the impor
tunity he used, the King resolved to begin his journey
sooner than he thought to have done, that is, sooner than
he thought he should have been able, all provisions being
to begin to be made both for his journey into France, and
from thence into Ireland, after the money was received that
should pay for them. But the Queen's impatience was so
great to see his Majesty, that the Prince of Orange, and
the Princess Royal his wife, were as impatient to give her
that satisfaction. Though her Majesty could not justly
dislike any resolution the King had taken, nor could
imagine whither he should go but into Ireland, she was
exceedingly displeased that any resolution at all had been
taken before she was consulted. She was angry that the
counsellors were chosen without her directions, and looked
upon all that had been done, as done in order to exclude
her from meddling in the affairs ; all which she imputed
principally to the Chancellor of the Exchequer : neverthe
less she was not pleased with the design of the negociation
in Spain. For though she had no confidence of his affec
tion to her, or rather of his complying with all her com
mands, yet she had all confidence in his duty and integrity
to the King, and therefore wished he should be still about
his person, and trusted in his business; which she thought
him much fitter for than such a negociation, which she be
lieved, out of her natural prejudice to Spain, would pro
duce no advantage to the King. E e 4

424 THE HISTORY
B O OK That the Queen might receive some content, in knowing
x • that the King had begun his journey, the Prince of Orange
The King desired h?m, ¦" whilst his servants prepared what was
Breda68*0 " necessary at the Hague, that himself, and that part of
" his train that was ready, would go to Breda, and stay
f there till the; rest were ready to come up to him ;" that
being his best way to Flanders, through which he must
pass into France. Breda'was a town of the Prince's own,
where he had, a handsome palace and castle, and a place
where the King might haye many diyertisenients. Hither
the Spanish ambassador, Le Brune, came to attend Ins
Majesty, and delivered his master's complimepts to his
Majesty, and offered his own services to him, whilst he
should remain in those provinces ; he being at that time
designed to remain ambassador to the United Provinces;
as he did; and died shortly after at the Hague, with a
general regret. He was born a subject to the King of
Spain, in that part of Burgundy that was under his do*
minion; and having been from his youth always bred in
business, and being a man of great parts and temper, he
might very well be looked upon as one of the best states
men in Christendom, and who best understood the true
interest of all the Princes of Europe.
As soon as the Lord Cottington and the Chancellor
heard of the King's being at Breda, and that he intended to
hasten his journey for France, they resolved, haying in
truth not yet negociated all things necessary for thejr
journey, to stay till the King passed by, and not to go to
St. Germain's rill the first interview, and eplaircissements
were passed between the King and Queen, that they might
then be the better able to judge what weather was like
to be.
Thence to The King was received at Antwerp with great magiur
rerp' licence : he entered in a very rich coach with six horses>
which the Archduke sent a present to him when he came
into the Spanish dominions: he was treated there, at the
Thence to charge of the city, very splendidly for two days : apd went
then to Brussels, where he was lodged in the palace, and

OF THE REBELLION. 425
royally entertained. But the French army, under the BOOK
command pf the Conte de Harcourf, was two days before XII.
set down before Cambray; with the news whereof the
Spanish Council was surprised, and in so much disorder,
that the Archduke was gone to the army to Mons, and
Valenciennes, whilst the King was in Antwerp ; so that the
King was received only by his officers; who performed
their parts very well,
Here the Conde of Pignoranda waited upon the King in
the quality of an ambassador, and covered. And his Ma
jesty stayed here three or four days, not being able sud
denly to resolve which way he should pass into France.
But he was not troubled long with that doubt ; for the
French thought to have surprised that town, and to have
casf UP their line of circumvallafion before any supplies
could be put in ; but the Conde Fuensaldagna found a way
to put seven or eight hundred foot into the town ; upon
which the French raised the siege; and so the King made
his journey by the usual way; and, near Valenciennes, had The King
an interview wifh the Archduke; and, after some short interview
ceremonies, continued on his journey, and lodged at^itQthe
Canibray ; where he was likewise treated by the Conde de nearValen-
Garcies, who was governor there, and a very civil gentle- ciennes.
man. About a week after the King left Brussels, the two am
bassadors prosecuted their journey for Paris; where they
stayed only one day, and then went to St. Germain's;
where the King and the Queen his mother, with both their
families, and the Duke of York's, then were ; by whom
they were received graciously. They had no reason to re
pent their caution in staying so long behind the King, for
they found the Court so full of jealousy and disorder, that
every body was glad that they were come. After the first
two or three days that the King and Queen had been
together, which were spent in tears and lamentations for
the great alteration that had happened since their last
parting, the Queen begun to confer with the King of his
business, and what course he meant to take ; in which she

426 THE HISTORY
BOOK found him so reserved, as if he had no mind she should be
XI1- conversant. in it. He made no apologies to her; which
she expected ; nor any professions of resigning himself up
to her advice. On the contrary, upon some expostulations,
he had told her plainly, " that he would always perform
" his duty towards her with great affection and exactness,
" but that in his business he would obey his own reason
"and judgment;" and did as good as desire her not to
trouble herself in his affairs : and finding her passions
strong, he frequently retired from her with some abrupt
ness, and seemed not to desire to be so much in her com
pany as she expected ; and prescribed some new rules to
be observed in his own retirement, which he had not been
accustomed to.
This kind of unexpected behaviour gave the Queen
much trouble. She begun to think, that this distance,
which the King seemed to affect, was more than the Chan--
cellor of the Exchequer could wish ; and that there was
somebody else, who did her more disservice : insomuch as
to the ladies who were about her, whereof some were very
much his friends, she seemed to wish, that the Chancellor
were come. There was a gentleman, who was newly come
from England, and who came to the Hague after the
Chancellor had taken his leave of the King, and had been
ever since very close about him, being one of the Grooms
Mr. Elliot of his Bedchamber, one Mr. Thomas Elliot, a person
comes to , - , - , , _.,. r
the King: spoken of before; whom the King's father had formerly
his influ- sent ;nt0 France, at the same time that he resolved the
ence upon .
his Ma- Prince should go for the west; and for no other reason,
*«*'*• but that he should not attend upon his son. And he had
given order, " that if he should return out of France, and
" come into the west, the Council should not suffer him
« to be about the Prince;" with whom he thought he had
too much credit, and would use it ill ; and he had never
seen the Prince from the time he left Oxford till now. He
was a bold man, and spoke all things confidently, and had
not that reverence for the late King which he ought to
have had ; aud less for the Queen ; though he had great

OF THE REBELLION. 427
obligations to both; yet being not so great as he had a BOOK
mind to, he looked upon them as none at all. This gentle- XII.
man came to the King just as he left the Hague, and both ~
as he was a new comer, and as one for whom his Majesty
had formerly much kindness, was very well received; and
being one who would receive no injury from his modesty,
made the favour the King shewed him as bright, and to
shine as much in the eyes of all men, as was possible. He
was never from the person of the King, and always whis
pering in his ear, taking upon him to understand the sense
and opinion of all the loyal party in England : and when
he had a mind that the King should think well, or ill, of
any man, he told him, " that he was much beloved by, or
" very odious to, all his party there." By these infusions,
he had prevailed with him to look with less grace upon the
Earl of Bristol, who came from Caen (where he had hi
therto resided) to kiss his hands, than his own good nature
would have inclined him to ; and more to discountenance
the Lord Digby, and to tell him plainly, " that he should
" not serve him in the place of Secretary of State ;" in
which he had served his father, and from which men have
seldom been removed upon the descent of the Crown ; and
not to admit either father or son to be of his Council;
which was more extraordinary. He told the King, " it
" would be the most unpopular thing he could do, and
" which would lose him more hearts in England than any
" other thing, if he were thought to be governed by his
" mother." And in a month's time that he had been
about the King, he begun already to be looked upon as
very like to become the favourite. He had used the Queen
with wonderful neglect when she spoke to him, and had
got so much interest with the King, that he had procured
a promise from his Majesty to make Colonel Windham,
whose daughter Mr. Elliot had married, Secretary of
State ; an honest gentleman, but extreme unequal to that
province; towards which he could not pretend a better
qualification, than that his wife had been nurse to the
Prince, wlio was now King.

428 THE HISTORY
BOOK In these kind of humours and indispositions the ambas-
XIL sa:(lors found the Court, when they came to St. Germain's.
They had, during their stay at Paris, in their way to Court,
conferred with the Earl of Bristol, and his son the Lord
Digby ; who breathed out their griefs to them ; and the
Lord Digby was the more troubled to find that Mr. Elliot,
who was a known and declared enemy of his, had gotten
so much credit with the King, as to be able to satisfy his
own malice upon him, by the countenance of his Majesty;
in whom, he knew, the King his father desired, that he
should of all men have the least interest. After they had
been a day or two there, the Chancellor of the Exchequer
thinking it his duty to say somewhat to the Queeu in par
ticular, and knowing that she expected He should do so,
and the King having told him at large all that had passed
with his mother, and the ill humour she was in, (all which
his Majesty related in a more exalted dialect than he had
been accustomed to,) and his Majesty being very willing to
understand what the Queen thought upon the whole, the
A private Chancellor asked a private audience ; which her Majesty
the Chan- readily granted. And after she had gently expostulated
cellorwith upon the old passages at Jersey, she concluded with the
mention of the great confidence the King her husband had
always reposed in him, and thereupon renewed her own
gracious professions of good-will towards him. Then she
complained, not without tears, of the King's unkindness
towards her, and of his way of living with her, of some ex
pressions he had used in discourse in her own presence,
and of what he had said in other places, and of the great
credit Mr. Elliot had with him, and of his rude behaviour
towards her Majesty, and lastly of the incredible design of
making Windham Secretary ; " who, besides his other
" unfitness," she said, "would be sure to join with the
" other to lessen the King's kindness to her all they
" could." The Chancellor, after he had made all the pro
fessions of duty to her Majesty which became him, and
said what he really believed of the King's kindness and re
spect for her, asked her, " whether she would give him

OF THE REBELLION. 429
" leave to take notice of any thing she had said to him, or, BOOK
" in general, that he found her Majesty unsatisfied with XI1,
"the King's unkindness?" The Queen replied, "that
" she was well contented he should take notice of every
" thing she had said ; and, above all, of his purpose to
" make Windham Secretary :" of which the King had not
made the least mention, though he had taken notice to
him of most other things the Queen had said to him.
The Chancellor, shortly after, found an opportunity to
inform the King of all that had passed from the Queen, in
such a method as might give him occasion to enlarge upon
all the particulars. The King heard him very greedily,
and protested, " that he desired nothing more than to live
" very well with the Queen ; towards whom he would
f never fail in his duty, as far as was consistent with his
"honour, and the good of his affairs; which, at present,
f it may be, required, more reservation towards the Queen,
" and to have it believed that he communicated less with
" her than he did, or than he intended to do ; that, if he
" did not seem to be desirous of her company, it was only
" when she grieved him by some importunities, in' which
" he could not satisfy her; and that her exception against
" Elliot was very unjust; and that he knew well the man
" to be very honest, and that he loved him well ; and that
" the prejudice the King his father had against him was
" only by the malice of the Lord Digby, who hated him
" without a cause, and had likewise informed the Queen
" of some falsehoods, which had incensed1 her Majesty
" against him ;" and seemed throughout much concerned '
to justify Elliot, against whom the Chancellor himself had
no exceptions, but received more respects from him than
he paid to most other men.
When the Chancellor spoke of making Windham Secre
tary, the King did not own the having promised to do it,
but " tbat he intended to do it." The Chancellor said,
" he was glad! he had not promised it ; and that he hoped,
(( he would never do it : that he was an honest gentleman,
" but in no degree qualified for that office." He put him

430 THE HISTORY
BOOK in mind of Secretary Nicholas, who was then there to pre-
X1[- sent his duty to him; "that he was a person of such
" known affection and honesty, that he could not do a
" more ungracious thing than to pass him by." The King
said, " he thought Secretary Nicholas to be a very honest
" man ; but he had no title to that office more than another
" man : that Mr. Windham had not any experience in
" that employment, but that it depended so much upon
" forms, that he would quickly be instructed in it : that
" he was a very honest man, for whom he had never done
" any thing, and had now nothing else to give him but this
" place; for which he^doubted not but, in a short time,
" he would make himself very fit." All that the Chan
cellor could prevail with hisJVlajesty was, to suspend the
doing it for some time, and that he would hear him again
upon the subject, before he took a final resolution. For
the rest, he promised " to speak upon some particulars
<e with the Queen, and to live with her with all kindness
" and freedom, that she might be in good humour." But
he heard her, and all others, very unwillingly, who spoke
against Mr. Windham's parts for being Secretary of State.
One day the Lord Cottington, when the Chancellor and
some others were present, told the King very gravely,
(according to his custom, who never smiled when he made
others merry,) " that he had an humble suit to him, on
" the behalf of an old servant of his father's, and whom, he
" assured him upon his knowledge, his father loved as well
f as he did any man of that condition in England ; and that
" he had been for many years one of his falconers ; and he
" did really believe him to be one of the best falconers in
f England;" and thereupon enlarged himself (as he could
do very well in all the terms of that science) to shew how
very skilful he was in that art. The King asked him,
" what he would have him do for him ?" Cottington told
him, " it was very true that his Majesty kept no falconers,
" and the poor man was grown old, and could not ride as
" he had used to do ; but that he was a very honest man,
" and could read very well, and had as audible a voice as

OF THE REBELLION. 431
" any man need to have ;" and therefore besought his Ma- BOOK
jesty, " that he would make him his Chaplain ;" which XII.
speaking with so composed a countenance, and somewhat
of earnestness, the King looked upon him with a smile to
know what he meant ; when he, with the same gravity, as
sured him, " the falconer was in all respects as fit to be his
" Chaplain, as Colonel Windham was to be Secretary of
t( State;" which so surprised the King, who had never
spoken to him of the matter, all that were present be
ing not able to abstain from laughing, that his Majesty
was somewhat out of countenance : and this being merrily
told by some of the standers by, it grew to be a story in all
companies, and did really divert the King from the pur
pose, and made the other so much ashamed of pretending
to it, that there was no more discourse of it.
Whilst all endeavours were used to compose all ill hu
mours here, that the King might prosecute his intended
voyage for Ireland, there came very ill news from Ireland.
As soon as the Marquis of Ormond was arrived, as hath An account
been said before, the confederate Catholics, who held their fairsin Ire-
assembly, as they had always done, at Kilkenny, sent com- _n<l?fter
missioners to him to congratulate his arrival, and to enter quis of Or-
upon a treaty of peace, that they might all return to their mo"j ,_,""
obedience to the King. But the inconstancy of that na
tion was such, that, notwithstanding their experierice of
the ruin they had brought upon themselves by their falling
from their former peace, and notwithstanding that them
selves had sent to Paris to importune the Queen and the
Prince to send the Marquis of Ormond back to them,
with all promises and protestations that they would not
insist upon any unreasonable concessions; now he was
come upon their invitation to them, they made new de
mands in point of religion, and insisted upon other things,
which if he should consent to, would have irreconciled all j
the English, who were under the Lord Inchiquin, upon
whom his principal confidence was placed : by this means
So much time was spent, that the \yinter passed without
any agreement; whereby they might have advanced against

432 TH£ HISTORY
BOOK the Parliament forces, which were then weak, and ih want
XII- of all manner of supplies, whilst the distractions Cohtihued
in England between the Parliament and" the army, the di
visions in the army, and the prosecution of the King;
during which the governors there had work enough to look
to themselves ; and left Ireland to provide for itself: and
if that unfortunate people would have made use of the
advantages that were offered, that kingdom might indeed
have been entirely reduced to the King's obedience.
That the Lord Lieutenant might even compel thern to
preserve themselves, he went himself to Kilkenny, where
the Council sat, about Christmas, after three months had
been spent from his arJJva't, that no more time might be
lost in their commissioners' coming ahd going, and that
the spring might not be lost as well as the winter. Ahd
at last a peace was made and concluded ; by which, against
such a day, the confederate Catholics obliged themselves
" to bring into the field a body of horse and foot, with all
" provisions' for the field, which should be at the disposal
" of the Lord Lieutenant, and to march as he Should ap-
" point." The treaty had been drawn out into the more
lerigth, ih hope to have brought the whole nation to the
same agreement. And the General Assembly, to- which
they all pretended to submit, and from which all had re
ceived their commissions, as hath been' saidj sent to Owen
O'Neile, who remained in Ulster with his army, and came
not himself to Kilkenny, as he had promised to haye done,
upon pretence of* his indisposition of health; He professed
" to Submit to whatsoever the General Assembly should de-
" termine :" but when they sent the articles, to which they
had agreed, to be signed by him, he took several excep
tions, especially in matters of religion ; which he thought
was not enough provided for ; and, in the end, positively
declared, " that he would not submit, or be bound by
" them :" and at the same time he sent to the Marquis of
Ormond, " that he would treat with him apart, ahd not
" concern himself in what the Assembly resplved Upon."
The truth is, there was nothing of religipn in this cnn-

OF THE REBELLION. 433
tention ; which proceeded from the animosity between the BOOK
two generals, O'Neile and Preston, and the bitter faction XIL
between the old Irish and the other, who were as much hated
by the old, as the English were; and lastly, from the am
bition of Owen O'Neile; who expected some concessions
to be made to him in his own particular, which would
very much have offended and incensed the other party, if
they had been granted to him : so that the Assembly was
well pleased to leave him out, and concluded the peace
without him.
Hereupon the Lord Lieutenant used all possible endea
vours that the army might be formed, and ready to march
in the beginning of the spring. And though there was not
an appearance answerable to their promise, yet their troops
seemed so good, and were so numerous, that he thought fit
to march towards Dublin ; and, in the way, to take all cas
tles and garrisons, which were possessed by the Parliament :
in which they had very good success. For many of the
Parliament soldiers having served the King, they took the
first opportunity, upon the Marquis of Ormond's approach
within any distance, to come to him; and by that means
several places surrendered likewise to him. Colonel Monk,
who had formerly served the King, and remained for the
space of three or four years prisoner in the Tower, had
been at last prevailed with by the Lord Lisle to serve the
Parliament against the Irish; pleasing himself with an
opinion that he did not therein serve against the King.
He was at this time Governor of Dundalk, a garrison
about thirty miles from Dublin; which was no sooner
summoned (Tredagh and those at a nearer distance being
taken) but he was compelled by his own soldiers to deliver
it up ; and if the officer, who commanded the party which
summoned him, had not been his friend, and thereby hoped
to have reduced him to the King's service, his soldiers
would have thrown him over the walls, and made their
own conditions afterwards ; and most of that garrison be
took themselves to the King's service.
Upon all these encouragements, before the troops were
vol. ni. p. 1. F f

434

THE HISTORY

BOOK XII.
The Mar
quis of Or
mondblocks up
Dublin.

The Lord
Inchiquin departs
from him
for Mun
ster.

Recruits
land at
Dublin
from Eng
land.

Jones sal
lies out of
Dublin,
and beats
the Marquis
of Or
mond's
army.

come up to make the army as numerous as it might have
been, the Marquis was persuaded to block up Dublin at a
very little distance ; having good reason to hope, from the
smallness of the garrison, and a party of well affected peo
ple within the town, that it would in a short time have been
given up to him. In the mean time, he used all the means
he could tp hasten the Irish troops, some whereof were upon
their march, and others not yet raised, to come up to the
army. By all their letters from London (with which, by the
way of Dublin, and the ports of Munster, there was good
intelligence) they understood, that there were fifteen hun
dred or two thousand men shipped for Ireland : and the wind
having been for some time against their coming for Dub
lin, there was an apprehension that they might be gone for
Munster : whereupon the Lord Inchiquin, who was not con
fident of all his garrisons there, very unhappily departed with
some troops of horse to look after bis province ; there being
then no cause to apprehend any sally out of Dublin, where
they were not in a condition to look out of their own walls.
But he was not gone above two days, when the wind com
ing fair, the ships expected came into the port of Dublin;
and landed a greater number of soldiers, especially of horse,
than was reported; and brought the news that Cromwell
himself was made Lieutenant of Ireland, and intended to
be shortly there with a very great supply of horse and foot.
This fleet that was already come had brought arms, and
clothes, and money, and victuals ; which much exalted the
garrison and the city; which presently turned out of the
town some of those who were suspected to wish well to
the Marquis of Ormond, and imprisoned others. The se
cond day after the arrival of the succours, Jones, who had
been a lawyer, and was then Governor of Dublin, at noon
day marched out of the city, with a body of three thousand
foot, and three or four troops of horse, and fell upon that
quarter which was next the town ; where they found so
little resistance that they adventured upon the next; and
in short so disordered the whole army, one half whereof was
on the other side the river, that the Lord Lieutenant, after

OF THE REBELLION. 435
he had, in the head of some officers whom he drew to- BOOK
gether, charged the enemy with the loss of many of those XIL
who followed him, was at last compelled to draw off the
whole army, which was so discomfited, that he did not
think fit to return them again to their posts, till both the
troops which he had were refreshed, and composed, and
their numbers increased by the levies which ought to have
been made before, and which were now in a good forward
ness. It may be remembered, that the general insurrections in
the last year, the revolt of the navy, and the invasion of
the Scots, encouraged and drawn in by the Presbyterian
party, had so disturbed and obstructed the counsels both
in the Parliament, and in the army, that nothing had been
done in all that year towards the relief of Ireland, except
the sending over the Lord Lisle as Lieutenant, with a
Commission- that was determined at the end of so many
months, and which had given so little relief to the Eng
lish, that it only discovered more their weakness, and ani
mosity towards each other, than obstructed the Irish in
making their progress in all the parts of the kingdom ; and
the more confirmed the Lord Inchiquin to pursue his re
solutions of serving the King, and of receiving the Mar
quis of Ormond, how meanly soever attended, and to unite
with the Irish ; the perfecting of which conjunction, with
so general a success, brought so great reproach upon the
Parliament, with reference to the loss of Ireland, that the
noise thereof was very great : so that Cromwell thought it Cromwell
,.,,..,. , , made Lord
high time, in his own person, to appear upon a stage of so Lieutenant
great action. There had been always men enough to beof Ireland-
spared out of the army to have been sent upon that ex
pedition, when the other difficulties were at highest ; but
the conducting it then was of that importance, that it was,
upon the matter, to determine which power should be su
perior, the Presbyterian or the Independent. And there
fore the one had set up and designed Waller for that com
mand, and Cromwell, against him and that party, had
insisted, that it should be given to Lambert, the second
Ff 2

436 THE HISTOHY
BOOK man pf the army, who was known to have as great a de-
XII- testation of the Presbyterian power, as he had of the pre
rogative of the Crown : and the contests between the two
factions, which of these should be sent, had spent a great
part of the last year, and of their winter counsels. But
now, when all the domestic differences were composed by
their successes in the field, and the bloody prosecution of
their civil counsels, so that there could be little done to
the disturbance of the peace of England, and when Wal
ler's friends were so suppressed, that he was no more
thought of, Cromwell began to think that the committing
the whole government of Ireland, with such an army as
was necessary to be sent thither, was too great a trust even
for his beloved Lambert himself, and was to lessen his own
power and authority, both in the army which was com
manded by Fairfax, and in the other, that, being in Ire
land, would, upon any occasion, have great influence upon
the affairs of England. And therefore, whilst there ap
peared no other obstructions in the relief of Ireland (which
was every day loudly called for) than the determining who
should take that charge, some of his friends, who were
always ready upon such occasions, on a sudden proposed
Cromwell himself the Lieutenant General, to conduct that
ex-pedition. •
Cromwell himself was always absent when such over
tures were to be made ; and whoever had proposed Lam
bert, had proposed it as a thing most agreeable to Crom
well's desire; and therefore, when they heard Cromwell
himself proposed for the service, and by those who they
were sure intended him no affront, they immediately ac
quiesced in the proposition, and looked upon the change
as a good expedient : on the other side, the Presbyterian
party was no less affected, and concluded that this was
only a trick to defer the service, and that he never did
intend to go thither in person ; or that if he did, his ab
sence from England would give them all the advantages
they could wish, and that they should then recover entirely
their General Fairfax to their party; who was already

OF THE REBELLION. 437
much broken in spirit upon the concurrence he had been BOOK
drawn to, and declared some bitterness against the persons XII.
Who had led him to it. And so in a moment both parties
were agreed, and Oliver Cromwell elected and declared
to be Lord Lieutenant of Ireland, with as ample and in
dependent a commission, as could be prepared.
Cromwell, how little surprised soever with this desig
nation, appeared the next day in the House full of con
fusion and irresolution; which the natural temper and
composure of his understanding could hardly avoid, when
he least desired it; and therefore, when it was now to his
purpose, he could act it to the life. And after much he
sitation, and many expressions of " his own unworthiness,
" and disability to support so great a charge, and of the
" entire resignation of himself to their commands, atod
" absolute dependence upon God's providence and bless-
" ing, from whom he had received many instances of his
"favour," he submitted to their good will and pleasure;
and desired them, " that no more time might be lost in
" the preparations which were to be made for so great
" a work ; for he did confess that kingdom to be reduced
" to so great straits, that he was willing to engage his own
" person in this expedition, for the difficulties which ap-
" peared in it ; and more out of hope, with the hazard of
" his life, to give some obstruction to the successes which
" the , rebels were at present exalted with," (for so he
called the Marquis of Ormond, and all who joined with
him,) " that so the commonwealth might retain still some
" footing in that kingdom, till they might be able to send
" fresh supplies, than out of any expectation, that, with
" the strength he carried, he should be able, in any signal
" degree, to prevail over them."
It was an incredible expedition that he used from thisHeprt_
minute after his assuming that charge, in the raising of !?desforc<»
money, providing of shipping, and drawing of forces to- going
gether, for this enterprise. Before he could be ready him- thither-
self to march, he sent three thousand foot and horse to
Milford Haven, to be transported, as soon as tbey arrived
Ff3

438 THE HISTORY
BOOK there, to Dublin; all things being ready there for their
XH- transportation ; which troops, by the contrary winds, were
"constrained to remain there for many days. And that
caused the report in Ireland, by the intelligence from
London, that Cromwell intended to make a descent in
Munster; which unhappily divided the Lord Inchiquin,
and a good body of his men, from the Lord Lieutenant, as
hath been said, when he marched towards Dublin. Nor
did the MafqUis of Ormond in truth at that time intend to
have marched thither with that expedition, until his army
should be grown more numerous, and more accustomed to
discipline; but the wonderful successes of those troops,
which were sent before, in the taking of Trim, Dundalk,
and alf the out-garrisons, and the invitation and intelli
gence he had from within Dublin, made him unwilling to
lose any more time, since he was sure that the crossness
of the wind only hindered the arrival of those supplies,
which were designed thither out of England': and the
arrival of those supplies, the very day before bis coming
before Dublin, enabled the Governor thereof to make that
sally which is mentioned before; and had that success
which is mentioned.
The Marquis of Ormond, at that time, drew off his whole
army from Dublin to Tredagh, where he meant to remain
till he could put it into such a posture, that he might pro
secute his farther design. And a full account of all these
particulars met Cromwell at his arrival at Milford Haven,
when he rather expected to hear of the loss of Dublin,
and was in great perplexity to resolve what he was then to
do. But all those clouds being dispersed, upon the news
of the great success his party had that he had sent beforer
he deferred not to embark his whole army, and, with a
Cromwell very prosperous wind, arrived at Dublin within two or
DuMin.*1 *nree ^ays after the MarqUis of Ormond had retired from
thence; where he was received with wonderful acclama
tion; which did not retard him from pursuing his active
resolutions, to improve those advantages had already' be
fallen him. And the Marquis of Ormond was no sooner

OF THE REBELLION. 439
advertised of his arrival, than he concluded to change his BOOK
former resolution, and to draw his army to a greater dis- XII.
tance, till those parties which were marching towards him
from the several quarters of the kingdom might come up
to him; and in the mean while to put Tredagh into so
good a posture, as might entertain the enemy, till he
might be able to relieve them. And so he put into that
place, which was looked upon, besides the strength of the
situation, to be in a good degree fortified, the flower of his
army, both of soldiers and officers, most of them English,
to the number of three thousand foot, and two or three
good troops of horse, provided with all things ; and com
mitted the charge and command thereof to Sir Arthur
Aston, who hath been often mentioned before, and was an
officer of great name and experience, and who at that time
made little doubt of defending it against all the power of
Cromwell, for at least a month's time. And the Marquis
of Ormond made less doubt, in much iess time, to relieve
and succour it with his army; and so retired to those parts
.where he had appointed a rendezvous for his new levies.
This news coming to St. Germain's broke all their mea- This news
sures, at least as to the expedition : the resolution con- Kingps
tinued for Ireland; but it was thought fit that they should ™yage !nto
, - i tt-. Ireland.
expect another account from thence, before the King begun
his journey; nor did it seem counsellable that his Majesty
should venture to sea whilst the Parliament fleet com
manded the ocean, and were then about the coast of Ire
land; but that he should expect the autumn, when the
season of the year would call home or disperse the ships.
But where to stay so long was the question ; for it was
now the month of August ; and as the King had received
no kind of civility from France, since his last coming, so
it was notorious enough that his absence was impatiently
desired by that Court ; and the Queen, who found herself
disappointed of that dominion which she had expected,
resolved to merit from the Cardinal by freeing him from a
guest that was so unwelcome to them, though he had not
been in any degree chargeable to them ; and so was not at
Ff 4

440 THE HISTORY
BOOK all solicitous for his longer stay. So his Majesty eon-
xn- sidered how he should make his departure; and, upon
looking round, he resolved, that he would make his jour
ney through Normandy, and embark himself for his island
Of Jersey ; which still continued under his obedience, and
under the government of Sir George Carteret; who had
in truth the power over the place, though he was but the
lieutenant of the Lord Jermyn ; who, in those straits the
King was in, and the great plenty he himself enjoyed, was
wonderfully jealous that the King's being there would
lessen some of the profit, which he challenged from thence ;
and therefore, when, it was found, in order to the King's
support, whilst he should stay there, necessary to sell
some of the King's demesnes in that island, the yearly
rent whereof used to be received by that lord towards the
discharge of the garrisons there, he insisted, with all pos
sible importunity, " that some of the money, which should
" be raised upon that sale, should be paid to him, because
" his receipt, for the time to come, would not remain so
" great as it had been formerly :" and though this demand
appeared so unjust and unreasonable, that the Council
could not admit it, yet he did prevail with the King ia
private, to give him such a note under his hand, as enabled
him to receive a good sum of money, after the return of
his Majesty into England, upon that consideration. This
resolution being, taken for Jersey, the King sent to the
Prince of Orange, " that he would cause two ships, of war
" to ride in the road before St. Maloes," (which they might
do without notice,) " and that he might have a warrant
." remain in his hands, by which the ships might attend his
" Majesty, when he should require them ;" which they
might do in very few hours ; and in these he meant to
transport himself, as soon as it should be seasonable, into
Ireland. These ships did wait his pleasure there acccrd-
ingly.
Tlie affairs France had too good an excuse at this time for not giv-
whilrtthe ing the King any assistance in money, which he might
King was expect, and did abundantly want, by the ill condition their

OF THE REBELLION, 441
own affairs were in. Though the sedition, which had been BOOK
raised in Paris the last winter, was at present so much ap- XII.
peased by the courage and conduct of the Prince of Conde,
(who brought the army, which he commanded in Flanders,
with so great expedition before Paris, that the city yielded
to reason,) so that his most Christian Majesty, the Queen
his mother, and the whole Court, were at this present there;
yet the wound was far from being closed up. The town
continued still in ill humour; more of the great men ad
hered to them than had done before; the animosities against
the Cardinal increased, and, which made those animosities
the more terrible, the Prince of Conde, who surely had
merited very much, either unsatisfied, or not to be satisfied,
broke his friendship with the Cardinal, and spoke with
much bitterness against him : so that the Court was far
from being in that tranquillity, as to concern itself much
for the King our master, if it had been otherwise well
inclined to it.
All things standing thus, about the middle of September, The King
the King left St. Germain's, and begun his journey to- Germain's,
wards Jersey ; and the Queen, the next day, removed from and goes
thence to Paris, to the Louvre. The two ambassadors for jersey.
Spain waited upon her Majesty thither, having nothing
now to do but to prepare themselves for their journey to
Spain, where they longed to be, and whither they had sent
for a pass to- meet them at St. Sebastian's, and that they
might have a house provided for them at Madrid, against
th& time they should come thither : both which they re
commended to an English gentleman, who lived there, to
solicit, and advertise them in their journey of the temper
of that Court.
They thought it convenient, since they were to desire a
pass to go from Paris into Spain, that they should wait
upon the Queen Mother of France, and the Cardinal ; and
likewise upon the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of
Conde- ; who were then in a cabal against the Court. The
Prince of Conde" spoke so publicly and so warmly against
the Cardinal, that most people thought the Cardinal un-

442 THE HISTORY
BOOK done; and he himself apprehended some attempt upon his
XIL person ; and therefore had not in many days gone out of
his house, and admitted few to come to him, and had a
strong guard in every room; so that his fear was not
dissembled. In this so general disorder, the ambassadors declined
any formal audiences ; for which their equipage was not
suitable: so the Lord Cottington went privately to the
Queen Regent, who received him graciously, and desired
him " to recommend her very kindly to her brother the
" King of Spain," without enlarging upon any thing else.
From her he went to the Duke of Orleans, whom he found
in more disorder ; and when the ambassador told him, " he
" came to know whether he had any service to command
" him into Spain," the Duke, who scarce stood still whilst
he was speaking, answered aloud, " that he had nothing to
<c do with Spain ;" and so went hastily into another room ;
and the Lord Cottington then withdrew. They intended
both to have gone together to the Prince of Conde*, and
to the Cardinal. But when they sent to the Prince, he
wisely, but with great civility, sent them word, " that they
" could not be ignorant of the disorder that Court was in,
" and of the jealousies which were of him ;" and there
fore desired them " to excuse him, that he did not see
" them." The Cardinal appointed them a time; and accordingly
they met, and conferred together about half an hour, the
Lord Cottington speaking Spanish, and the Cardinal and
he conferring wholly in that language. The Cardinal ac
knowledged the apprehension he was in, in his looks ; and
took occasion in his discourse to mention " the unjust
" displeasure, which Monsieur le Prince had conceived
" against him." He seemed earnestly to desire a peaee
between the two Crowns ; and said, " that he would gi|ve
" a pound of his blood to obtain it ;" and desired the am
bassadors " to tell Don Lewis de Haro from him, that he
" would with all his heart meet him upon the frontiers ;
" and that he was confident, if they two were together-

OF THE REBELLION. 443
"but three hours, they should compose all differences:" BOOK
which message he afterwards disavowed, when Don Lewis XII.
accepted the motion, and was willing to have met him.
When they took their leave of him, he brought them to
the top of the stairs in disorder enough, his guards being
very circumspect, and suffering no stranger to approach
any of the rooms.
They begun their journey from Paris upon Michaelmas The Lord
day, and continued it, without resting one day, till they Co*tj?stton
came to Bourdeaux ; which was then in rebellion against Chancellor
the King. The city and the Parliament had not only sent j^" **£
several complaints and bitter invectives against the Duke; Spain, and
of Espernon, their governor, for his acts of tyranny in his Bourdeaux.
government, but had presumed, in order to make his per
son the more ungracious, to asperse his life and manners
with those reproaches which they believed would most
reflect upon the Court. And the truth is, their greatest
quarrel against him was, that he was a fast friend to the
Cardinal, and would not be divided from his interest.
They had driven the Duke out of the town, and did not
only desire the King, " that he might no more be their
f governor; but that his Majesty would give the govern-
" ment to the Prince of Conde";" which made their com
plaints the less considered as just. And it was then one
of the most avowed exceptions that Prince had against
the Cardinal, that he had not that government upon the
petition of Bourdeaux, since he offered to resign his of
Burgundy, which was held to be of as much value, to
accommodate and repair the Duke of Espernon. At Blay,
the ambassadors were visited by the Marshal of Plessy
Praslin, who had been sent by the Court to treat with the
Parliament of Bourdeaux, but could bring them to no rea
son, they positively insisting upon the remove of their old
governor, and conferring the command upon the Prince.
When they came to Bourdeaux they found the Chateau
Trompette, which still held for the King, shooting at the
townj the town having invested it very close, that no suc
cour could be put into them, the Duke of Espernon being

444 THE HISTORY
BOOK at his house at Cadilliac, from whence his horse every day
XH- infested the citizens when they stirred out of the town.
Herte the ambassadors were compelled to stay one whole
day, the disorders upon the river, ahd in the town, not
suffering their coaches and baggage to follow them so soon
as they should have done. They were here visited by some
counsellors and presidents of the Parliament; who pro
fessed duty to their King, but irreconcileable hatred to the
Duke of Espernon ; against whom they had published
several remonstrances in print, and dedicated them to the
Trince of Conde". After a day's rest there, which was
not unwelcome to them, they continued their journey to
Bayonne; and arrived, upon the twentieth day from their
leaving Paris, at the Taio ; where they took boat, and in
an hour or two arrived at Girona. The next day they
went by the river to Passage, and when they came out of
their boats, which were rowed by women, according to
their privilege there, they found mules, sent from St.
Sebastian's to carry them thither. About half a mile from
the town they were met by the Governor of Guipuscoa,
Don Antonio de Cardinas, an old soldier, and a Knight of
the Order, the Corregidor and all the magistrates of St.
Sebastian's, and the English merchants which inhabited
there ; and were conducted by the Governor to one of the
best houses in the town, which was provided for their re
ception ; where they no sooner were, than the Governor,
and the rest of the magistrates, took their leave of them.
They had not been half an hour in their lodging, con
ferring with the English merchants, about conveniences to
prosecute their journey, when the Corregidor came to
them, and desired to speak with them in private, and after
some compliment and apology, he shewed them a letter,
which he had received from the Secretary of State; the
contents whereof were, " that when the ambassadors of
" the Prince of Wales should arrive there, they shouldbe
" received with all respect ; but that he should find some
" means to persuade them to stay and remain there, till
" he should give the King notice of it, and receive his

OF THE REBELLION. 445
"farther pleasure." And at the same time an English BOOK
merchant of the town, who had told them before, that he XII.
had letters from Madrid for them, and had gone home to
fetch them, brought them a packet from Sir Benjamin
Wright : .who was entrusted by them to solicit at Madrid
for their pass, ,and for a house to be prepared for them.
In this letter their pass was inclosed, under the same style,
as ambassadors from the Prince of Wales ; which he had
observed upon the place, and desired to have it mended,
but could procure no alteration, nor could he obtain any
order for the providing a house for them ; but was told,
" that it should be done time enough." This was an un
expected mortification to them; but they seemed not to
be troubled at it, as if they had intended to stay there a
month, to refresh themselves after their long journey, and
in expectation of other letters from the King their master.
The Corregidor offered to send away an express the same
night, which tbey accepted of j and writ to Don Lewis de
Haro, " tbat the King their master had sent them his am-'
" bassadors to his Catholic Majesty, upon affairs of the
" highest importance : that they were come so far on their
" way, but had, to their great wonder, met there with a
" signification of that King's pleasure, that they should
" stay and remain there, till they should receive his Ma
jesty's farther orders; which troubled them not so much,
"as to find themselves styled the ambassadors of the
" Prince of Wales, which they thought very strange, after
" his Catholic Majesty had sent an ambassador to the
" King their master before they left him : they desired
" therefore to. know, whether their persons were unac-
" ceptable to his Catholic Majesty, and if that were the
"case, they would immediately return to their master;
" otherwise, if his Majesty were content to receive them,
" they desired they might be treated in that manner as
" was due to the honour and dignity of the King their
" master." And they writ to Sir Benjamin Wright, " to
" attend Don Lewis, and if he found that they were ex-
" pected at Madrid, and that they reformed the errors they

446 THE HISTORY
BOOK '* had committed, he should then use those importunities,
XII. it which were necessary for the providing a house for them
" against they should come."
Though the Court was then full of business, being in
daily" expectation of their new Queen; who was landed,
and at that time within few days journey of Madrid ; yet
the very next day after the letter was delivered to Don
Lewis de Haro, he returned an answer full of civility, and
imputed the error that was committed to the negligence or
Their ignorance of the Secretary ; and sent them new pa"sses in
senuo r the proper style ; and assured them, " that they should
them. tt _n_ a very good welcome from his Majesty." And Sir
Benjamin Wright sent them word, " that he had received
" the warrant for the providing the house ; and the officer,
" to whom it was directed, had called upon him to view two
"or three houses; and that Don Lewis told him, that, as
" soon as he had found a house that pleased him, orders
" should be given to the King's officers of the wardrobe to
" furnish it ; and then when the ambassadors came, there
" should be one of the King's coaches to attend them
'.' whilst they stayed." Hereupon they made haste' in
their journey, with some satisfaction and confidence, that
they should find a Court not so hard to treat with, that
could begin to receive them with so barefaced and formed
an affront, and then so easily recede from it with weak
apologies. And it was plain enough, that they heartily
wished that they had not come ; and imagined that this
might put them to return again, and then were ashamed
of their own expedient, and being pressed, chose rather to
decline than avow it : so unnatural a thing is it for that
Court to stoop to any ugly action, without doing it so un
graciously, as to confess it in their own countenance, and
quickly receding from it.
It was about the middle of November when they left St.
Sebastian's, the weather yet continuing fair; and a gentle
man of quality of the country was appointed to accompany
them out of the jurisdiction of Guipuscoa, which was to
the city of Victoria ; and from thence they entered into

OF THE REBELLION. 44?
Castile. When they came to Alcavendas, within three BOOK
leagues of Madrid, they sent to Sir Benjamin Wright to XIL
know what house was provided for them : he came to
them, and told them, " all things were in the same state
" they were when he writ to ttiem to St. Sebastian's : that
" though Don Lewis gave him very good words, and
" seemed much troubled and angry with the officers that
" the house was not ready, and the officers excused them-
" selves upon the jollities the town was in during the
"fiestas, which were held every day for the Queen's arrival,
" that nobody could attend any particular affair, yet it was
" evident there was not that care taken from the Court
" that there ought to have been, and that Don Alonzo de
" Cardinas from England had done the ambassadors all tbe
" ill offices possible, as if their good reception in Spain
" would incense the Parliament, and make them more pro-
" pitious to France, which valued itself upon having driven
" all the royal family from thence." i
Upon this new mortification, they writ again from
thence to Don Lewis, to desire, " that they might not be
" put to stay there for want of a house, and so be exposed <
" to contempt." Nor were they accommodated in that
place in any degree. He always answered their letters
with great punctuality, and with courtesy enough, as if all
things should be ready by the next day. The English
merchants, who, resided at Madrid, came every day to visit
them, but still brought them word, that there was no ap
pearance of any provision made to receive them ; so that,
after a week's stay in that little town, and ill accommoda
tion, they accepted the civil offer and invitation which Sir
Benjamin Wright made them, of reposing themselves in
cognito in his house; which would only receive their
persons with a valet de chambre for each ; and the rest of
their family was quartered in the next adjacent houses for
the reception of strangers ; so they went privately in the They go
evening into Madrid in Sir Benjamin Wright's coach, and d°^ _._.._
came to his house : and if, by his generosity, they had not"*'"; and

448 THE HISTORY
BOOK been thus accommodated, they must have been exposed to
XIL reproach and infamy, by the very little respect they received
lodge at from the Court. This Sir Benjamin Wright was a gen tie-
first, at Sir man of a good family in Essex; and, being a younger
Benjamin ° - , ' . ° \ °
Wright's brother, had been bred a merchant in Madrid ; where he
house. kad great business, and great reputation; and, having
married a wife of the family of Toledo, was become a per
fect Spaniard, not only in the language, but in the gene
rous part of their nature and customs.
The Court well enough knew of their arrival, but took
no notice of it. The Lord Cottington therefore sent to
Don Lewis, to desire that he might have a private audi
ence of him incognito; which he presently consented to,
ana appointed, the next morning, to meet in the King's
garden ; which was at such a distance from the Court, that
it was not in the view of it. There they met at the hour :
Don Lewis was a man of little ceremony, and used no
flourishes in his discourses, which made most men believe
that he said all things from his heart ; and he seemed to
speak so cordially, that the Lord Cottington, who was not
easy to be imposed upon, did think that they should have a
house very speedily, and that he had a good inclination to
favour them in what they came about. He spoke, with
more commotion than was natural to him, in the business
of the murder of the King; excused all the omissions
towards the ambassadors ; " which should . be repaired out
" of hand, after the few days, which yet remained to be
" spent in fiestas for the Queen ; during which time, he
" said, no officers would obey any orders that diverted
" them from the sight of the triumphs ; and wished that
" the ambassadors would see the masquerade that after-
" noon, and the toros the day following."
The Lord Cottington returned home very well satisfied;
and had not been half an hour in the house, when a gentle
man came from Don Lewis-^to invite the ambassadors to
see those exercises, which are mentioned before ; and sent
them word that there should be places provided for them.

OF THE REBELLION. 449
The Chancellor went that afternoon to the place assigned, BOOK
where he saw the masquerade, and the running of the XIL
course, and, afterwards, the toros.
At the running of the course, the King and Don Lewis
run several courses, in all which Don Lewis was too good
a courtier to win any prize, though he always lost it by
very little. The appearance of the people was very great,
and the ladies in all the windows made a very rich show,
otherwise the show itself had nothing wonderful. Here
there happened to be some sudden sharp words between
the Admirante of Castile, a haughty young man, and the
Marquis de Liche, the eldest son of Don Lewis de Haro ;
the which being taken notice of, they were both dismissed
the squadrons wherein they were, and committed to their
chambers. At the entertainment of the toros there was another acci
dent, the mention whereof is not unfit to shew the dis
cipline and severity of that nation in the observation of
order. It was remembered, that at the masquerade, the
Admirante and the Marquis of Liche were sent to their
chambers : and afterwards, the matter being examined,
they were both commanded to leave the town, and retire
each to a house of his own, that was within three or four
leagues of the town. The Marquis of Liche was known to
have gone the next day, and nobody doubted the same of
the Admirante, those orders being never disputed or dis
obeyed. The King, as he was going to the toros, either
himself discerned at another balcony, or somebody else
advertised him of it, that the Duchess, who was wife to the
Admirante, was there ; and said, " he knew that lady was
" a woman of more honour than to come out of her house,
" and be present at the fiesta, whilst her husband was
" under restraint, and in his Majesty's displeasure;" and
therefore concluded that her husband was likewise there;
and thereupon sent an Alguazil to that room, with com
mand to examine carefully with his eye, whether the Ad
mirante was there ; for there appeared none but women.
The Admirante being a young rash man, much in the
VOL. III. p. 1. g g

450 THE HISTORY
BOOK King's favpur, and a gentleman of his Bedchamber, thought
XH- he might undiscerned see the triumph of that day; and
therefore caused himself to be dressed in the habit of a
lady, which his age would well bear, and forced his wife to
go with him; who exceedingly resisted his commands, well
knowing to what reproach she exposed her own honour,
though she had no fear of his being discovered. The
Alguazil brought the King worcr, that he was very sure that
the Admirante was there, in the habit of a woman, and sat
next his wife among many other ladies. Whereupon the
King sent the officer to apprehend him in the habit he was
in, and to carry him to the officer's own house. And as
soon as the King returned ta the palace, there was an
order that the Alguazil should the next morning carry the
Admirante to Valladolid, four days journey from Madrid,
to a house of his own there ; where he was confined not to
go out of the limits of that city; and under this restraint
remained for the space of full three years : so penal a thing
it is amongst that people, for any man, of how great
quality soever, (there was not in Spain a man of greater
than the Admirante of Castile,) to disobey or elude the
judgment of the King.
It may be thought impertinent to the work in hand, to
make a digression upon this embassy, and to enlarge upon
many circumstances which occurred in it, of the formality
and constitution of that Court, of the nature and humour
of that people, which may seem foreign to the affairs of
England. But since the King,- after his leaving Paris, re-
The King mained in Jersey for many months, waiting such a revolu-
severa!3 t'on as m'ght administer an opportunity and occasion to
months in quit that retirement, in all which time there was no action
- or counsel to be mentioned, and this being the first and
the only embassy, in which his Majesty's person was sre-
presented, until his blessed return into England, (for
though some other persons were afterwards sent to other
princes, with commissions to perform that function, if
they found encouragement so to do, yet none assumed
that character, nor were treated as such in any Court in

OF THE REBELLION. 451
Christendom, Spain only excepted,) it may therefore be BOOK
reasonably thought not improper in this history, to give XIL
such a relation of this negociation, that it may appear
what sense so great a Court as that of Spain had of those
revolutions in England, and of the deplorable condition to
which this young innocent Prince was reduced, when it
was fully pressed to them in the most efficacious terms
possible ; and every circumstance of their reception and
treatment may serve to illustrate those particulars ; and
therefore we shall proceed farther in the relation of them.
Before their audience, Don Lewis de Haro sent them An account
word of the imprisonment of the Prince of Conde", the Dassaa0rs'
Prince of Conti, and the Duke of Longueville, and that audience.
Marshal Turenne had made his escape into Flanders ; the
news whereof gave the Spanish Court much trouble; for
they had promised themselves a better harvest from that
seed, which they bad carefully and industriously sown, and
that thereby the Cardinal, whom they perfectly hated,
would have been totally suppressed, and/ all his power
entirely taken from him ; which, they concluded, would
forthwith produce a peace, which was not less desired in
France than in Spain ; or that those princes, and all their
dependants, would have appeared in arms in that king
dom ; by which the Spaniards should be able to recover
much of what they had lost in Flanders; the hopes of
either of which appeared now blasted by this unexpected
revival of the Cardinal's power.
Upon the day assigned for the audience, it being re
solved that, when they had ended with the King, they
should likewise have one of the Queen, Don Lewis de
Haro sent horses to their lodging, for the accommodation
of the ambassadors, and their servants : it being the fashion
of that Court, that the ambassadors ride to their first audi
ence. And so they rode, being attended by all their own
servants, and all the English merchants who lived in the
town, together with many Irish officers who were in the
service of his Catholic Majesty, all on horseback; so that
their cavalcade appeared very fair, all the coaches of other
Gg2

452 THE HISTORY
BOOK ambassadors likewise following them. In this manner
XII- they came to the Court about ten of the clock in the morn-
ing} being conducted by an officer, who had been sent to
their lodging, and rode with them to the Court.
Through several rooms, where there was only one officer,
who attended to open and shut the doors, they came to the
room next that where his Majesty was; where, after a little
stay, whilst their conductor went in and out, they found
the King standing upright, with his back against the wall,
and the grandees at a distance, in the same posture, against
the wall. When they had made their several respects, and
came to the King, he lightly moved his hat, and bid them
cover. The Lord Cottington spoke only general things,
" of the confidence the King had in his Majesty's 'kind*
" ness, and that he believed his condition such,- as that all
" the kings of the world were concerned to vindicate the
" wrong he sustained : that this was the first embassy he
had sent, relying more upon the honour of his Majesty's
nature and generosity, than upon any other prince;"
with discourses of the same nature : then they presented
their credentials.
The King expressed a very tender sense of our King's
condition, and acknowledged " that it concerned all kings
to join together for the punishment of such an impious
rebellion and parricide; and if his own affairs would
permit it, he would be the first that would undertake it;
" but that they could not but know how full his hands
" were ; and whilst he had so powerful an adversary to
" contend with, he could hardly defend himself; but that
" when. there should be a peace with France," (which he
desired,) " the King, his Sobrino," (for so he still called
the King, his nephew,) " should find all he could expect
" from him ; in the mean time he would be ready to do all
" that was in his power towards his assistance and relief."
After the formal part was over, the King asked many
questions, most with reference to his sister, the Queen of
France; and discoursed very intelligently of every thing;
so that his defects proceeded only from the laziness of his

a

ttit
it

OF THE REBELLION. 453
mind, not from any want of understanding ; and he seemed BOOK
then, when he was about eight and forty years of age, to XII.
have great vigour of body, having a clear ruddy com-
plexion; yet he had been accustomed to fevers from his
debauches with women, by which he was much wasted.
From the King they were conducted to the Queen ; who
used very few words, and spoke so low, that she could
scarce be heard ; she stood, in the same manner the King
did, against a wall, and her ladies on both sides as the
grandees did; the Infanta at a little distance from her,
to whom likewise they made a compliment from their
master. The Queen was then about eighteen years of
age, not tall, round faced, and inclined to be fat. The
Infanta was much lower, as she ought to be by her age,
but of a very lovely complexion, without any help of art,
which every one else in the room, even the Queen herself,
was beholden to ; and she was then the fullest of spirit and
wit of any lady in Spain, which she had not improved
afterwards, when she had more years upon her. Their
audience ended, they returned; and at last they had a They have
house provided for them in the Calle de Alcala, belonging ^g"^
to the Marquis of Villa Magna, to whom the King paid them.
four hundred pounds sterling by the year.
The Council of State at this time consisted of Don
Lewis de Haro, the Duke de Medina de los Torres, Duke
de Mounterey, Marquis of Castille Roderigo, Marquis de
Vall-Periso, the Conde of Castrilio, and Don Francisco de
Melo; there were no more residing in that Court then;
the Duke de Medina Celi residing constantly at his go
vernment of St. Lucar; the Marquis of Leganez being
General against Portugal, and so remaining at Badajoz,
and coming seldom to Madrid; and the Duke of Arcos
stood confined to his house, since the defection of Naples
when it was under his government; and the Conde de
Pignoranda was not yet come out of Flanders.
Don Lewis was as absolute a favourite in the eyes of his The cha-
master, had as entire a disposal of all his affections »-d __*_££.
faculties, as any favourite of that age : nor was any thing de Haro.
Gg3

454 THE HISTORY
BOOK transacted at home or abroad, but by his direction and
XH- determination : and yet of all the favourites of that, or any
other time, no man ever did so little alone, or seemed less
to enjoy the delight and empire of a favourite. In the
most ordinary occurrences, which, for the difficulty, re
quired little deliberation, and in the nature of them
required expedition, he would give no order without
formal consultation with the rest of the Council; which
hindered dispatch, and made his parts the more suspected.
He was son of the Marquis of Carpioj who had married the
sister of Olivarez, and had been put about the person of
the King, being about the same age with his Majesty, and
had so grown up in his affection, and was not thought to
have been displeased at the disgrace of his uncle, but
rather to have contributed to it, though he did not succeed
in the place of favourite in many years, nor seemed to be
concerned in any business till after the death of the then
Queen, and was rather drawn into it by the violence of the
King's affection, who had a great kindness for his persdn,
than by the ambition of his own nature, or any delight in
business. His education had not fitted him for it, and his
natural parts were not sharp, yet his industry was great,
and the more commendable, because his nature had some
repugnancy to it, and his experience had so fitted him for
it, that he never spoke impertinently, but discoursed rea
sonably and weightily upon all subjects. He was of a
melancholic complexion ; which, it may be, was tbe reason
that he did not trust himself to himself, which was his de
fect. He seemed to be a very honest and well natured
man, and did very rarely manifest his power in acts of op
pression, or hard-heartedness ; which made him grateful
to most particular men, when he was hated enough by the
generality. His port and grandeur was very much inferior
to that of either of the French Cardinals; the last of which
was favourite during his administration. Nor did he affect
wealth as they did, not leaving a fortune behind him much
improved by his own industry : yet it cannot be denied,
that the affairs of Spain declined mpre, in the time they

OF THE REBELLION. 455
were under his government, than at any time before; and BOOK
that less was done with the consumption of so much

money, than might have been expected. But it must be
likewise considered, that he entered upon that administra
tion in a very unhappy conjuncture, after the loss of
Portugal, and the defection in Catalonia, which made such
a rent in that Crown, as would have required more than an
ordinary statesman to have repaired, and make it flourish
as before.
The ambassadors had not been long at Madrid, when the Of the
Conde of Pignoranda returned thither from his negoeia- pignoran-
tion in the treaty of Munster. He had been declared to be da-
of the Council of State, after he had made that peace with
Holland, and was admitted to it as soon as he returned.
He was Conde in the right of his wife only ; and before,
being of a good family, Don Diego de Brachamonte, and
bred in the study of the law, was looked upon as a good
man of business, and so employed in matters of greatest
trust. He was indeed a man of great parts, and under
stood the affairs of the world better than most in that
Court. He was proud to the height of his nation, and re
tained too much of the pedantry which he had brought
with him from Salamanca. As soon as he returned,
according to the method of that Court upon great and
successful employments, the Presidentship de los Ordines,
an office of great reputation, becoming void, it was the
very next day conferred upon him. The ambassadors
found no benefit by his arrival, coming from Brussels,
which was throughly infected by Don Alonzo. The truth
is, Don Alonzo, who had no affection for the King, upon
the memory of some disobligations when he first came over
into England, and liked well his employment and residence
there, used all the endeavours imaginable to have the
King's condition thought to be irrecoverable and desperate,
and that therefore all civilities extended towards him were
cast away, and would yield no fruit, and that the Common
wealth was so established, that it could never be shaken.
So that Spain thought only how tp make a firm friendship
Gg4

456

THE HISTORY

BOOK there, and to forget that there ever had been a King of
xn- England, in the confidence that there would be no more.

demands.

The an
swer they
receive.

Theambas-And therefore when the ambassadors, after all ceremonies
vtteauX1 "were over3 nad a private audience of the King, and desired,
ence and « that he would appoint commissioners, with whom they
" might treat about the renewing the alliance between the
" two Crowns, which had been provided for by the last
'^treaty to be renewed within so many months after the
" death of either King, and with whom they might like-
" wise confer upon such relief in arms and money, as his
" Catholic Majesty would think proper to send to their
" master into Ireland," (whither one of the ambassadors
desired to hasten his journey as soon as might be> and in
that memorial, which they then delivered to his Catholic
Majesty, they had desired likewise " that he would write
" to Owen O'Neile to dispose him to submit to the King,")
they received shortly after an answer, sent to them by Don;
Francisco de Melo, who told them, " that the King had
" sent him to them, to confer with them upon the sub-
" stance of their last memorial. He said, the King did
" not think it necessary to appoint any committee to re-
" new the last treaty of peace; which was still in force,
" and might well be observed between the two nations ;
" and that the renewing might be deferred till the times
" should mend ;" implying very little less than that when
the King should be in England, it would be a fit time to
renew the alliance. He said, " he was ready to receive
" any propositions from them, wherein they might more
" particularly set down their desires, if they were ready to
" depart ; and for writing to Owen O'Neile," (whom he
called Don Eugenio,) " he had so misbehaved himself to-
" wards his Catholic Majesty, by leaving his service in
" Flanders, and transporting himself into Ireland without
" his licence, that his Majesty could not in honour write
" to him ; but that he would take such care, that he should
" know it would be agreeable to his Majesty's good liking,
" that he betook himself to the service of the King of
" Great Britain without reserve; which he did believe

OF THE REBELLION. 457
" would dispose him to it:" which method the ambassa- BOOK
dors conceived was proposed, because they should believe XIL
that the Spaniard had no hand in sending him into that
kingdom, or in fomenting the rebellion there ; whereas at
the same time Don Diego de la Torre was with the Irish as
resident or envoy from Spain.
This answer was evidence enough to them, how little
they were to expect from any avowed friendship of that
Crown, though they still thought they might be able to
obtain some little favour in private, as armsj and ammuni
tion, and a small supply of money for the King's subsist
ence, that could hardly be taken notice of. And therefore
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, who was designed by the
King to attend him in Ireland, expected only to hear that
he was arrived there, till when he could not present his
memorial so particularly as was demanded, nor prepare
himself for his voyage thither : and so they rested for
some time, without giving the Court any farther trouble by
audiences. Now whilst they were in this impatient expectation to
hear from the King their master, who yet remained at
Jersey, by which they might take their own resolutions,
Prince Rupert came upon the coast of Spain with the fleet Prince Ru-
under his command ; which he had brought from Ireland ; upon'fte6*
and had sent a letter on shore to be sent to the Chan- coast of
cellor of the Exchequer; which the officer upon the place
sent presently to Don Lewis de Haro; who, in the same
moment, sent it to him with a very civil salutation. The
Prince writ him word, " that he had brought away all the His letter
" fleet from Ireland, and that he had received an assurance chancellor
" from Portugal, tbat he should be very welcome thither ; of the Ex-
clicci ucr.
" upon which he was resolved, after he had attended some
" days to meet with any English ships that might be prize,
" to go for Lisbon ; and desired him to procure orders
" from the Court, that he might find a good reception in
" all the ports of Spain, if his occasions brought him
" thither." The ambassadors sent immediately for an au
dience to Don Lewis; who received them with open arms,

458 , THE HISTORY
BOOK and another kind of countenance than he had ever done
XII. before. A fleet of the King of England, under the com-
mand of a Prince of the*5kood, upon the coast of Spain, at
a season of the year when they expected the return of
their galeons from the Indies^ made a great consternation
amongst the people, and the Court received the news of it
with disorder enough. All that the ambassadors asked
was granted without hesitation ; and letters were dis
patched away that very night (copies whereof were sent to
the ambassadors) by several expresses, to all the governors
of the ports, and other officers, for the good reception, Of
Prince Rupert, or any ships under his command, if they
came into any of the ports ; and for the furnishing them
with any provisions they should stand in need of, with as
many friendly clauses as could have been inserted if the
King had been in possession of his whole empire : so great
an influence a little appearance of power had upon their
spirits; and the ambassadors found they lived in another
kind of air than they had done, and received every day
visits and caresses from the Court, and from those in
authority.
The Prince But the government of these benign stars was very
grossofhis snort: within few days after, they received news, "that
fleet goes " the Prince, with the gross of his fleet, was gone into the
river of " river of Lisbon, and that a squadron of four or five ships,
Lisbon. n under the command of Captain Allen, being severed
" from the Prince by a storm, was driven upon the rocks
" at Carthagena ; where the people of the country had
" treated them very rudely, and seized both upon the ships,
" and persons of the men, and the storm continuing had
" wrecked two or three of their vessels in the road, though
" the guns and all things in the ships were saved." When
the ambassadors demanded justice, " and that restitution
" might be made of all those goods, and ordnance, and
" rigging of the ships, which not only the people, but the
" governors, and officers themselves had seized upon/'
they were received with much more cloudy looks than
before; nor was there the same expedition in granting

OF THE REBELLION. 459
what they could not deny. Orders were at last given for BOOK
the setting all the men at .liberty, and re-delivery of the XII.
goods, that thereby they might be enabled to mend their
vessels, and transport their men.
But as these orders were but faintly given, so they were The chief
more slowly executed ; and a stronger fleet set out by the erofthe "
Parliament of England then appeared upon the coast, Parlia-
which came into the road of St. Andero's; from whence comes <

i on

the commander in chief writ a very insolent letter in Eng- the ^Pamsh
lish to the King of Spain ; wherein he required, " that His letter
" none of those ships under the command of Prince Ru- to the ?lns
" pert, which had revolted from the Parliament, and were
" in rebellion against it, might be received into any of the
" ports of Spain, and that those ships which were in the
" ports of Carthagena might be delivered to him, and the
" ordnance and tackling of the other which were wrecked
" might be carefully kept, and be delivered to such person
" as should be authorized to receive the same by the Com-
" monwealth of England ; to whom they belonged :" and
concluded, " that as the Commonwealth of England was
" willing to live in amity and good intelligence with his
" Catholic Majesty, so they knew very well how to do
" themselves right for any injury, or discourtesy, which
" they should sustain."
This imperious style made such an impression upon the
Court, that all the importunity the ambassadors could use
could get nothing done at Carthagena in pursuance of the
orders they had sent from the Court ; but the poor men
were, after long attendance, forced to transport themselves
as they were able; and two or three hundred of them
marched over land, and were compelled to list themselves
in the Spanish service at land ; where they, for the most
part, perished; care being in the mean time taken, that
the Parliament fleet should be received in all places, with
all possible demonstration of respect and kindness; and
the King sent a ring of the value of fifteen hundred pounds
to the commander. In this triumph he sailed from thence He sails
into Portugal, and dropped his anchors in the river ofriveiof Lisbon.

460 THE HISTORY
BOOK Lisbon, at a very small distance from the fleet of Prince
XII- Rupert ; and suffered not any ship to enter into that river;
Requires but denounced war against that kingdom, if that fleet
pert'ffleet were not Present'y delivered up into his hands.
to be deli- The Portugueze had received Prince Rupert very civilly,
up" bought all the prizes he had brought thither, gave him the
free use of all their ports, and furnished him with all
things he stood in need of. The Queen, and the Prince
of Portugal then living, who was a young man of great
hope and courage, made great professions of friendship
to our King, and of a desire to assist him by all the ways
and means whicli could be proposed to them. But when
their river was. blocked up, their ships taken, and the
whole kingdom upon the matter besieged by the Parlia
ment fleet, of which they knew the Spaniard would quickly
make use, the Council was astonished, and knew not what
to do : their free trade with England was not only their
profit, but their reputation; and if they should be de
prived of that, they should not be able to preserve it any
where else; which would put the whole kingdom into a
flame; and therefore they besought their King, "that
" Prince Rupert might be desired to leave the river, and
" to carry his fleet from thence;" which was not pos
sible for him to do without fighting with the enemy, to
whom he was much inferior in strength of shipping, and
number of men, by the loss he had sustained at Cartha
gena. The Prince of Portugal had so great indignation at this
overture made by the Council, that he declared " he would
" have all the ships in the port made ready, and would
" himself go on board, and join with Prince Rupert, and
" fight the English, and drive them from thence :" and he
manifested a great desire to do so; but the Council pre
vailed with the Queen not to consent to that. So in the
end, after some months stay there, and the fleet being fully
supplied with whatever it stood in need of, Prince Rupert
found it necessary, upon the assurance the Portugueze
gave him that the other fleet should not follow him till

OF THE REBELLION. 461
after two tides, to set sail and leave that kingdom; which BOOK
he did with so full a gale, that the Parliament's com- XH.
mander, after so long a stay, found it to no purpose to Prince Ru-
follow him; but took full vengeance upon Portugal for o__l_f _I|es
rescuing his prey from him; until they were compelled, river of Lis-
after great sufferings, to purchase their peace from Crom- „eet!"
well upon very hard conditions.
It seemed no good sign to the ambassadors that Prince
Rupert had left Ireland ; where there were so many good The affairs
ports, and where the fleet had been so necessary for the at this time.
carrying on his Majesty's service. But, in a short time
after, they received advertisement, " that the King had
" laid aside his purpose of going thither,- and had taken
" new resolutions." Before the Marquis of Ormond could
draw his army together, Cromwell had besieged Tredagh :
and though the garrison was so strong in point of number,
and that number of so choice men, that they could wish
for nothing more than that the enemy would attempt to
take them by storm, the very next day after he came be
fore the town he gave a general assault, and was beaten off
with considerable loss. But, after a day more, he assaulted
it again in two places, with so much courage, that he
entered in both; and though the governor and some of
the chief officers retired in disorder into a fort, where they
hoped to have made conditions, a panic fear so possessed
the soldiers, that they threw down their arms upon a
general offer of quarter: so that the enemy entered the
works without resistance, and put every man, governor, Tredagh '
officer, and soldier, to the sword ; and the whole army being t^en by
entered the town, they executed all manner of cruelty, and
put every man that related to the garrison, and all the
citizens who were Irish, man, woman, and child, to the
sword; and there being three or four officers of name, and
of good families, who had found some way, by the hu
manity of some soldiers of the enemy, to conceal them
selves for four or five days, being afterwards discovered,
they were butchered in cOld blood.
This insupportable loss took away all hopes from the

462 THE HISTORY
BOOK Marquis of Ormond of drawing an army strong enough,
XII- and resolute enough, together, to meet Cromwell in the field,
during the summer, which was drawing to an end; and
obliged him to retire into those quarters, where, in respect
of the strong passes, he might be secure, and from whence
he might attempt upon the enemy. Cromwell in the
mean time took no rest, but, having made himself terrible
Cromwell by that excess of rigour and cruelty, marched into Munster
Stolen- against tne Lord Inchiquin, and that body of English
ster. which was under his command. Here he defied fortune
again ; and marched so far out of the places devoted to
him, and from whence he had any reasonable hope to re
ceive supplies, that he must necessarily have been starved,
and could not have retired, all the bridges over which he
His success had passed being broken down, if the city of Cork, which
he could not have forced, had not been by the garrison
basely delivered up to him ; those officers who had been
most obliged to the Lord Inchiquin, and in whom he had
most confidence, unworthily betraying him, and every day
forsaking him : so that by the example of Cork, and by the
terror of Tredagh, the whole province of Munster in a
very short time fell into Cromwell's hands, except some
few towns and sea-ports, which, being garrisoned by the
Irish, would, neither officers nor soldiers, receive or obey
any orders which were sent from the Lord of Ormond.
Tlie King The King receiving information of this at Jersey, gave
the thought over the thought very reasonably of adventuring himself
of going jn(.0 Ireland; and dismissed the two ships, which, by the
into Ire- . r ' ' J
land. direction of the Prince of Orange, had attended so long at
St. Maloes, to have wafted him thither.
Though Duke Hamiltonj and the Earl of Lautherdale,
and the other Scottish lords, who remained in Holland
when the King came into France, durst not return into
their own country, yet they held intelligence with their
party there. And though the Marquis of Argyle had the
sole power, yet he could not extinguish the impatient
desire of that whole nation, to have their King come to
them. And every day produced instances enough, which

OF THE REBELLION. 463
informed him, how the affections of the people were ge- BOOK
nerally disposed, and upon how slippery ground himself XII.
stood, if he were not supported by the King; and that
the government he was then possessed of could not be
lasting, except he had another force to defend him, than
that of his own nation. And he durst not receive any
from Cromwell, who would willingly have assisted him,
for fear of being entirely deserted by all his friends, who
had been still firm to him. Hereupon he thought of Argyle de-
drawing the King into Scotland, and keeping the Hamil- vite the "'
tonian faction from entering with him, by the sentence £in?in?°
. ° ' J Scotland.
that was already against them, and to oblige the King to
submit to the Covenant, and all those other obligations
which were at that time established ; and if his Majesty
would put himself into his hands upon those conditions,
he should be sure to keep the power in himself under the
King's name, and might reasonably hope that Cromwell,
who made no pretence to Scotland, might be well enough
pleased that his Majesty might remain there under his
government, and assurance, that he should not give Eng
land or Ireland any disturbance.
Upon this presumption, he wished the Council of Scot- Provides,
land, and that committee of the Parliament in whom the sage be"68
authority was vested, to send again to the King, (who, sent to his
they thought, by this time, might be weary of Jersey,) Jersey
to invite him to come to them upon the old conditions ; uf°n the
r ' old con-
and by gratifying them in this particular, which all theditions.
people did so passionately desire, he renewed all the solemn
obligations they had been before bound in, never to ad
mit the King to come amongst them, but upon his first
submitting to and performing all those conditions. All
things being thus settled, and agreed, they sent a gentle
man with letters into Jersey, to invite his Majesty again
to come into his kingdom of Scotland, not without a rude
insinuation that it was the last invitation he should receive.
The Scottish lords, who are mentioned before to be then
in Holland, were glad of this advance; and believed that
if the King were there, they should easily find the way

464 THE HISTORY
BOOK home again. And therefore they prevailed with the Prince
XIL of Orange, to write very earnestly to the King, and to re-
_ commend it to the Queen; and themselves made great
instance to the Queen, with whom they had much credit,
" that the King would not lose this opportunity to improve
" his condition." Nobody presumed to advise him to
submit to all that was proposed ; and yet it was evidentj
that if he did not submit to all, he could have the benefit
of none ; but " that he should make such an answer as
" might engage the Scots in a treaty, for the King's better
" information, and satisfaction in some particulars : which
" being done, he should imply a purpose to transport his
" person thither."
The spring was now coming on, and though Jersey was
a convenient place to retire to, in order to consider what
was next to be done, yet it was not a place to reside in,
nor would be longer safe, than whilst the Parliament had
so much else to do, that it could not spare wherewithal to
reduce it. The design for Ireland was at an end, and the
despair of being welcome in any other place compelled the
King to think better of Scotland; and so, according to
the advice he had received, he returned an answer to the
The King's message from Scotland, " that there were many particulars
« tnat i,e " contained in the propositions which he did not under-
wouldhave a stan^ ancl which it was necessary for him to be advised
with them " in; and, in order thereunto, and that he might be well
in Hoi- a informed and instructed in what so nearly concerned
" him, he resolved, by such a time, which was set down,
" to find himself in Holland ; where he desired to meet
" such persons as his kingdom of Scotland would send to
" him, and to confer, and treat, and agree with those upon
" all things that might give his subjects of that kingdom
"satisfaction; which his Majesty did very much desire
" to do."
The Queen had so good an opinion of many of the Scot
tish lords, and so ill a one of many of the English who
were about the King, (in truth, she had so entire a despair
of all other ways,) that she was very desirous that the

OF THE REBELLION. 465
Overtures from Scotland should be hearkened to, and em- BOOK
braced : besides that she found her authority was not so XIL
great with the King, as she expected, she saw no possi-
bility of their being long together : she knew well that the
Court of France, that grew every day into a closer cor
respondence with Cromwell, would not endure that the
King should make his residence in any part of that king
dom, and so shortened the assignations which they had
made for her own support, that she was at no ease, and
begun to think of dissolving her own family, and of her
own retiring into a monastery; which from that time she
practised by degrees: and, no doubt, that consideration
which made most impression upon the King, as it had
done upon his father, and terrified him most from comply
ing with the Scots' demands,, which was the alteration it
would make in religion, and the government of the Church,
seemed not to her of moment enough to reject the other
conveniences ; nor did she prefer the order and decency of
the Church of England before the sordidness of the Kirk
of Scotland, but thought it the best expedient to advance
her own religion, that the latter should triumph over the
former. She therefore writ earnestly to the King her
son, "that he would entertain this motion from Scot- The Queen
"land, as his only refuge; and that he would invite com- King to
" missioners to meet him ih Holland, in such a place as asree with
the Scots
" the Prince of Orange should advise ;" and desired that, upon their
"in his passage thither, he would appoint some place terms-
"where her Majesty would meet him; that they might
f.( spend some days together in consultation upon what
"might concern them jointly." In all which his Majesty Their Ma-
complying, the city of Beauvais in Picardy was appointedJaetSg^™eet
for the interview; where both their Majesties met, andvais.
conversed together three or four days ; and then the Queen
returned to Paris, and the King passed through Flanders
to Breda; which the Prince of Orange thought to be theThe King
fittest place for the treaty, the States having no mind that|oe^°
the King should come any more to the Hague.
The Scottish commissioners came to Breda with theTheScot-
VOL.III.P. 1. h tishcora-

466 THE HISTORY
BOOK very same prpppsitions which had been formerly. sent, and
XH- without the least mitigation, and as positive an exception
missioners to persons : so that if the King should incline to go thither,
gm,etoa d he must go without any one chaplain of his own: there
the terms were ministers sent from Scotland to attend, and to in-:
ey nDg' struct him. His Majesty must not carry with him any one
counsellor, nor any person who had ever served his father
in the war against the Parliament, without taking the
Covenant. And, that nobody might have cause to com
plain, if they did go thither, that they were worse treated
than they had reason to expect, the King himself, and all
who should attend upon him, were first to sign the Cove
nant before they should be admitted to enter into the
kingdom. Very fair warning indeed : nor could any man
justly except against any thing that was afterwards done;
to him.
Here was no great argumenWbr consultation : no man had
so ill an understanding, as not to discern the violence that
was offered to honour, justice, and conscience ; yet whoever
objected against what was proposed, upon any of those
considerations, was looked upon as a party, because he
himself could not be suffered to attend the King. It was
thought to be of great weight, that they who dissuaded
the King from going into Scotland, upon those rude and
barbarous terms, could not propose any thing else fop him
to do, nor any place where he might securely repose him
self, with any hope of subsistence : a very sad state for a
prince to be reduced to, and which made it manifest
enough, that the kings of the earth are not such a body as
is sensible of the indignity and outrage that is offered to
any member of it. The Scottish Hamiltonian.lords were
thought to be the most competent counsellors, since they,
by going, were to be exposed to great rigour, and to un
dergo the severest part of all censures. They could not
sit in the Parliament, nor in the Council, and knew well
that they should not be suffered to be about the person of
the King : yet all these resolved to wait upon him, and
persuaded him to believe, " that his Majesty's presence

OF THE REBELLION. 467
" would dissipate those clouds; and that a little time would BOOK
" produce many alterations, which could not be presently XIL
" effected." For his Majesty's signing the Covenant, " he
" should tell the commissioners, that he would defer it
"till he came thither, that he might think better of it;
" and that if then the Kirk should press it upon him, he
" would give them satisfaction. And they were confident,
" that, after he should be there, he should be no more im-
" portuned in it, but that even the churchmen themselves
" would contend to make themselves gracious to him."
This kind of argumentation wrought much with the
Prince of Orange, but more with the Duke of Bucking
ham, who had waited upon the King from the time of his
adventure with the Earl of Holland, (against whose person
there was no exception,) and with Wilmot, and Went
worth, (who resolved to go with his Majesty, and would
submit to any conditions, which would be required of
them,) and with others about the King, who could not di
gest the Covenant; yet the hope that it would not be re
quired from them, and the many promises those Scottish
lords made to them, who were like to grow into authority
again when they should be once in their native air and upon
their own soil, prevailed with them to use all their credit
with the King to embark himself, and try how propitious
fortune would be to him in Scotland. In the end, a faint
hope in that, and a strong despair of any other expedient,
prevailed so far with his Majesty, that he resolved, upon
what terms soever, to embark himself, in Holland, upon a The King
rfisolvcs fop
fleet Which the Prince of Orange provided for him ; and Scotland.
so with all the Scottish, and very few English servants, to
set sail for Scotland.
There were two very strong arguments, which made Arguments
deep impression on those lords who very vehemently dis- lords
suaded, and ever protested against his Majesty's going for_£in,sst1£e
Scotland, and which, as it often falls out in matters of;ngtoScot*
the highest importance, they could not make use of to,and-
convert others, especially in the place and. company in
which they were to urge them. The first, " that the
H h 2

468 THE HISTORt
BOOK ^expedition of Duke Hamilton the year before, with an
XIL n army as numerous, and much better furnished, and
" provided, than Scotland could in many years be again
" enabled to send out, made it manifest enough, how little
" that nation, how united soever, could prevail against
" the force of England :" The other, " that the whole
" and absolute power of Scotland being, at that time,,con-
" fessedly vested in the Marquis of Argyle, it might rea-
ec sonably be feared, and expected, that the King should
" no sooner arrive there, and the least appearance be dis—
" covered of such resolutions, or alterations in the affec-
" tions of the people, upon which the Hamiltonian faction
'.' wholly and solely depended, but Argyle would, immedi-;
" ately deliver up the person of the King into the hands
" of Cromwell; and, with the assistance he would wil-
" lingly give, make that kingdom tributary or subservient
" to him, whilst the King remained his prisoner, and
" Argyle continued his vicegerent in Scotland." Np
doubt these objections had too much weight in them not
to be thought worthy of apprehension, by many men, who
were not blinded with passion, or amazed with despair;
and though they were not able to give any other counsel,
what course the King might steer with reasonable hope
and security, they might yet warrantably dissuade his ex
posing himself, to so many visible dangers as that voyage
was subject to both at sea and land; and might prudently '
believe, that the enjoying the empty title of King, in what
obscurity soever, in any part of the world, was to be pre
ferred before the empty name of King in any of his own
dominions; which was the best that could reasonably be
expected from the conditions which were imposed upon
him ; to which he was compelled to submit.
The two During this time, when the ambassadors who were in
ambassa- Spain expected every day to hear of his Majesty's being
Spainhad arrived in Ireland, and had thereupon importuned that
t£e King'to Court for a dispatch, the King gave them notice of this his
stay where resolution, and directed them "to remain where they were,
eywere. M ^ ^e couj_ t,etter judge of his own fortune." Tliey

OF THE REBELLION. 469
were extremely troubled, both of them having always had BOOK
a strong aversion that the King should ever venture him- XII.
selif in the hands of that party of the Scottish nation, "
which had treated his father so perfidiously. And they
were now necessitated to stay there, where they had re
ceived so little encouragement, and had no reason to ex
pect more. They therefore resolved to set the best face
they could upon it, and desired an audience from the
King: in which they told his Catholic Majesty, "that they They ac-
"had received letters from the King their master; who^o*6
" commanded them to inform his Majesty, who, he knew Spain with
" well, would be glad to hear of any good fortune that be- ^l ™™ia.
" fell him, that it had now pleased God to work so fartio11 for
" upon the hearts and affections of his subjects of Scot-
" land, that they had given over all those factions and ani-
" mosities, which had heretofore divided them, and made
" them rather instruments of mischiefs than benefit to his
" blessed father, and to himself: that they were now sen-
" sible of all those miscarriages, and had sent unanimously
" to entreat his Majesty to come into that kingdom, and
" to take them all into his protection : with which his
" Majesty was so well satisfied, that he had laid aside the
" thought of transporting himself into Ireland ; which he
"had intended to do; and was gone into Scotland; where
" the kingdom was entirely at his devotion, and from
" whence he could visit England, or Ireland, as he found
" it most convenient : and that he had reason to believe,
" that his friends in either of the kingdoms would quickly
" appear in arms, when they were sure to be so powerfully
" assisted, and seconded." And they said, " they would;
" from time to time, inform his Majesty of the good suc-
" cess that should fall out." The King professed " to be The King
" very glad of this good news; and that they should assure °^P_n^-
" the King their master, that he would be always ready to them.
" make all the demonstration of a brotherly affection that
"the ill condition of his own affairs would permit; and
" that, if it pleased God to give a peace to the two Crowns,
" the world should see how forward he would be to re-
Hh3

470 THE HISTORY
BOOK " venge the wrong and indignity the King of Great Bri-
XII- " tain had undergone,"
Though the ambassadors themselves were afflicted with
the news of his Majesty's being gone for Scotland, upon
the too much knowledge they had of the treachery of that
faction there, yet they found his Majesty was much the
more esteemed in this Court by it. He was before looked
upon as being dispossessed and disinherited of all his do
minions, as if he had no more subjects than those few who
were banished with him, and that there was an entire de
fection in all the rest. But now that he was possessed of
one whole kingdom, in which no man appeared in arms
against him, a kingdom which had been famous for many
warlike actions, and which always bred a very warlike peo
ple, which had borne good parts in all the wars of Europe
in this age, and had been celebrated in them, was a happy
advance, and administered reasonable hope that he might be
established in the other two kingdoms, in one of which he
. was thought to have a good, and was known to have a nu
merous army on foot at that very time : so that the ambas
sadors were much better looked upon than they had been ;
and when they made any complaints of injuries done to
any of the English merchants who lived in the ports of
Spain, as they had sometimes occasion to do, upon taxes
and impositions laid upon them, contrary to the treaties
which had been made, and which they said were still in
force, they were heard with respect; the merchants were
relieved; and many favours were done to particular per
sons upon their desires and interposition : so that they
were not so much out of couutenance as they had been,
and all men spoke with more freedom and detestation
against the rebellion in England, and the barbarity thereof,
than they had used to do.
There fell out at this time, and before the King left
Holland, an accident of such a prodigious nature, that, if
Providence had not, for the reproach of Scotland, deter
mined that the King should once more make experiment
of the courage and fidelity of that nation, could not but

OF THE REBELLION. 471
have diverted his Majesty from that northern expedition; BOOK
which, how unsecure soever it appeared to be for the XIL
King, was predestinated for a greater chastisement and
mortification of that people, as it shortly after proved to
be. When the King had left Holland, the summer before,
and intended only to make France his way to Ireland, he
had given his commission to the Marquis of Mountrose,
to gather such a force together, as by the help of the
northern princes he might be enabled to do. Upon which
the Marquis, who was naturally full of great thoughts, and
confident of success, sent several officers who had served
in Germany, and promised very much, to draw such troops
together as they should be enabled to do, and himself, with
a great train of officers and servants, went for Hamburg; The Mar-
which he appointed for the rendezvous for all these troops, Xuntrose
and from whence he could in the mean time visit such goes to
courts of the neighbour princes and states, as he should be to^oUdtfor
encouraged to do; and keep such intelligence with hisforces-
friends in Scotland, as should provide for his reception.
Besides the hopes and encouragement he had received
from the ambassador Wolfelte, to expect good supplies in
Denmark, there were many officers of good name and
account in Sweden, of the Scottish nation, who were
grown rich, and lived in plenty in that kingdom. With the
principal of them, the Marquis had held correspondence;
who undertook, as well for others as for themselves, " that
" if the Marquis engaged himself in the King's service in
" the kingdom of Scotland, they would give him notable
"assistance in money, arms, and men." In a word, he
sent, or went in person, to both those kingdoms ; where
he found the performance very disproportionable to their
promises. Queen Christina had received an agent from
England with wonderful civility and grace, and expressed
a great esteem of the person of Cromwell, as a man of
glorious achievements ; and before she resigned the Crown,
which she in few years after did, she engaged it in a fast
alliance with the new Commonwealth, and disposed her
successor to look upon it as a necessary support to his
h h 4

472 THE HISTORY
BOOK Crown. In Denmark, the Marquis found good wishes
XI1- enough, a hearty detestation of all the villanies which had
been acted in England, and as hearty wishes for the ad
vancement and prosperity of the King's affairs; but the
kingdom itself was very poor, and full of discontent, the
King not so much esteemed, because not so much feared,
as his father had been, and he had been compelled to make
many unreasonable concessions to Holland, that he might
have assistance from them, to protect him from those
assaults and invasions which were threatened from Sweden.
So that the Marquis was obliged to return to Hamburg,
with very small supplies, from either or both those king
doms : and there he received no better account from those
officers who had been sent into Germany. His design
had always been to land in the Highlands of Scotland,
before the winter season should be over, both for the safety
of his embarkation, and that he might have time to draw
those people together, who, he knew, would be willing to
repair to him, before it should be known at Edinburgh
that he was landed in the kingdom. He had, by frequent
messages, kept a constant correspondence with those prin
cipal heads of the Clans who were most powerful in the
Highlands, and were of known or unsuspected affection
to the King, and advertised them of all his motions and
designs. And by them acquainted those of the Lowlands
of all his resolutions ; who had promised, upon the first
notice of his arrival, to resort with all their friends and
followers to him.
Whether these men did really believe, that their own
strength would be sufficient to subdue their enemies, who
were grown generally odious, or thought the bringing over
troops of foreigners would lessen the numbers and affec
tions of the natives, they did write .very earnestly to the
Marquis, " to hasten his coming over with officers, arms,
"and ammunition; for which he should find hands
" enough;" and gave him notice, "that the Committee
f of Estates at Edinburgh had sent again to the King to
(l come over to them ; and that the people were so io>

OF THE REBELLION. 473
" patient for his presence, that Argyle was compelled to . BOOK
" consent to the invitation." It is very probable that this XIL
made the greatest impression upon him. He knew very
well how few persons there were about the King, who were
like to continue firm in those principles, which could only
confirm his Majesty in his former resolutions against the
persuasions and importunities of many others, who knew
how to represent to him the desperateness of his con
dition any other way, than by repairing into Scotland upon
any conditions. Mountrose knew, that of the two factions
there, which were not like to be reconciled, each of them
were equally his implacable enemies; so that which soever
prevailed, he should be still in the same state, the whole
Kirk, of what temper soever, being alike malicious to him ;
and hearing likewise of the successive misfortunes in Ire
land, he concluded, the King would not trust himself there.
Therefore, upon the whole, and concluding that all his
hopes from Germany and those northern princes would
not increase the strength he had already, he caused, in the
depth, of the winter, those soldiers he had drawn together,
which did not amount to above five hundred, to be em-
ibarked, and sent officers with them, who knew the country,
with directions that they should land in such a place in
the Highlands, and remain there, as they might well do,
till he came to them, or sent them orders. And then in
another vessel, manned by people well known to him, and
commanded by a captain very faithful to the King, and
who was well acquainted with that coast, he embarked Mountrose
6___[)4.T'k^
himself, and near one hundred officers, and landed in an- for scot-
other creek, not far from the other place, whither his sol- 1fnd ; .lands
1 there in
diers were directed. And both the one and the other party March,
were set safely on shore in the places they designed; from 49'
whence the Marquis, himself with some servants, and offi
cers, repaired presently to the house of a gentleman of
quality, with whom he had corresponded, who expected
him ; by whom he was well received, and thought himself
to be in security till he might put his affairs in some
method : and therefore ordered his other small troops to

474 THE HISTORY
BOOK contain themselves in those uncouth quarters, in which
XII- they were, and where he thought they were not like to be
disturbed by the visitation of any enemy.
After he had stayed there a short time, it being in
March about the end of the year 1649, he quickly pos
sessed himself of an old castle; which, in respect of the
situation in a country so impossible for any army to march
in, he thought strong enough for his purpose : thither he
conveyed the arms, ammunition, and troops, which he had
Publishes brought with him. And then he published his declara-
tion. tion, " that he came with the King's commission, to assist
" those his good subjects, and to preserve them from op-
" pression : that he did not intend to give any interrup-
" tion to the treaty that he heard was entered into with
" his Majesty ; but, on the contrary, hoped that his being
" in the head of an army, how small soever, that was
" faithful to the King, might advance the same. How-
" ever, he had given sufficient proof in his former actions,
" that if any agreement were made with the King, upon
" the first order from his Majesty, he should lay down his
" arms, and dispose himself according to his Majesty?s
" good pleasure." These declarations he sent to his
friends to be scattered by them, and dispersed amongst
the people, as they could be able. He writ likewise to
those of the nobility, and the heads of the several Clans,
" to draw such forces together, as they thought necessary
" to join with him;" and he received answers from many
of them, by which they desired him " to advance more
" into the land," (for he was yet in the remotest parts of
Cathness,) and assured him, " that they would meet him
" with good numbers :" and they did prepare so to do,
some really ; and others, with a purpose to betrayhim.
In this state stood the affair in the end of the year 1649 :
but because the unfortunate tragedy of that noble person
succeeded so soon after, without the intervention of any
The con- notable circumstances to interrupt it, we will rather con-
Moun1-n0ftinue the relation of 5t 5n this Place> than defer it to be
rose's af- resumed in the proper season ; which quickly ensued, in

OF THE REBELLION. 475
the beginning of the next year. The Marquis of Argyle BOOK
was vigilant enough, to observe the motion of an enemy XII.
that was so formidable to him ; and had present informa- fairs, after
tion of his arrival in the Highlands, and of the small forces f^J^ "1
which he had brought with him. The Parliament wastohisdeath.
then sitting at Edinburgh, their messenger being returned
to them from Jersey, with an account, " that the King
"would treat with their commissioners at Breda;" for
whom they were preparing their instructions. .
The alarm of Mountrose's being landed startled them
all, and gave them no leisure to think of any thing else
than of sending forces to hinder the recourse of others to
join with him. They immediately sent Colonel Straghan, Colonel
a diligent and active officer, with a choice party of the St™ghai1
best horse they had, to make all possible haste towards gainst him
him, and to prevent the insurrections, which they feared smai"s
would be in several parts of the Highlands. And, within forces.
few days after, David Lesley followed with a stronger party
of horse and foot. The encouragement the Marquis of
Mountrose received from his friends, and the unpleasant
ness of the quarters in which he was, prevailed with him
to march, with these few troops, more into the land. And
the Highlanders flocking to him from all quarters, though
ill armed, and worse disciplined, made him undervalue any
enemy who, he thought, was yet like to encounter him.
Straghan made such haste, that the Earl of Southerland,
who at least pretended to have gathered together a body of
fifteen hundred men to meet Mountrose, chose rather to
join with Straghan : others did the like, who had made
the same promises, or stayed at home to expect the event
of the first encounter. The Marquis was without any
body of horse to discover the motion of an enemy, but
depended upon all necessary intelligence from the affection
of the people ; which he believed to be the same it was
when he left them. But they were much degenerated;
the tyranny of Argyle, and his having caused very many
to be barbarously murdered, without any form of law or
justice, who had been in arms with Mountrose, notwith-

476 THE HISTORY
BOOK standing all acts of pardon and indemnity, had so broken
______ their hearts, that they were ready to do all offices that
might gratify and oblige him. So that Straghan was
within a small distance of him, before he heard of his ap
proach; and those Highlanders, who had seemed to come
with much, zeal to him, whether terrified, or corrupted,
left him on a sudden, or threw down their arms ; so that
he had none left, but a company of good officers, and five
or six hundred foreigners, Dutch and Germans, who had
been acquainted with their officers. With these, he be
took himself to a place of some advantage by the inequality
of the ground, and the bushes and small shrubs which
filled it : and there they made a defence for some time with
notable courage.
But the enemy being so much superior in number, the
common soldiers, being all foreigners, after about a hun
dred of them were killed upon the place, threw down their
By whom arms; and the Marquis, seeing all lost, threw away his
is routed, ribbon and George, (for he was a Knight of the Garter,)
and found means to change his clothes with a fellow of the
country, and so after having gone on foot two or three
miles, he got into a house of a gentleman, where he re
mained concealed about two days : most of the other offi
cers were shortly after taken prisoners, all the country
desiring to merit from Argyle by betraying all those into
his hands which they believed to be his enemies. And
thus, whether by the owner of the house, or any other
The Mar- way, the Marquis himself became their prisoner. The
Mountrose strangers who were taken, were set at liberty, and trans-
taken pn- ported themselves into their own countries ; and the castle,
in which there was a little garrison, presently rendered it
self; so that there was no more fear of an enemy in those
parts. The Marquis of Mountrose, and the rest of the prison
ers, were the next day, or soon after, delivered to David
Lesley; who was come up with his forces, and had now
nothing left to do but to carry them in triumph to Edin
burgh ; whither notice was quickly sent of their great

soner.

OF THE REBELLION. 477
victory; which was received there with wonderful joy and BOOK
Acclamation. David Lesley treated the Marquis with great XII.
insolence, and for some days carried him in the same
clothes, and habit, in which he was taken ; but at last per
mitted him to buy better. His behaviour was, in the whole
time, such as became a great man ; his countenance serene
and cheerful, as one that was superior to all those re
proaches, which they had prepared the people to pour out
upon him in all the places through which he was to pass.
When he came to one of the gates of Edinburgh, he Brought to
was met by some of the magistrates, to whom he was de- Edia°m«h-
livered, and by them presently put into a new cart, pur
posely made, in which there was a high chair, or bench,
upon which he sat, that the people might have a full view
of him, being bound with a cord drawn over his breast and
shoulders, and fastened through holes made in the cart.
When he was in this posture, the hangman took off his
hat, and rode himself before the cart in his livery, and
with his bonnet on; the other officers, who were taken
prisoners with him, walking two and two before the cart ;
the streets and windows being full of people to behold
the triumph over a person whose name had made them
tremble some few years before, and into whose hands the
magistrates of that place had, upon their knees, delivered
the keys of that city. In this manner he was carried to1
the common gaol, where he was received and treated as
a common malefactor. Within two days after, he was He is
brought before the Parliament, where the Earl of Lowden, bgf"r^ *he
thfe Chancellor, made a very bitter and virulent declama- radia
tion against him : told him, *' he had broken all the cove-
" nants by which that whole nation stood obliged ; and
"had impiously rebelled against God, the King, and the
"kingdom; that he had committed many horrible mur-
*' ders, treasons, and impieties, for all which he was now'
" brought to suffer condign punishment;" with all those
insolent reproaches upon his person, and his actions,
which the liberty of that place gave him leave to use.
Permission was then given to him to speak ; and without

478 THE HISTORY
BOOK the least trouble in his countenance, or disorder, upon all
XIL the indignities he had suffered, he told them, " since the

His be- " King had owned them so far as to treat with them, he
haviour a na(j appeared before them with reverence, and bare-
" headed, which otherwise he would not willingly have
" done : that he had done nothing of which he was
" ashamed, or had cause to repent ; that the first Cove-
" nant, he had taken, and complied with it, and with them
" who took it, as long as the ends for which it was or-
" dained were observed; but when he discovered, which
" was now evident to all the world, that private and par-
" ticular men designed to satisfy their own ambition and
" interest, instead of considering the public benefit ; and
" that, under the pretence of reforming some errors in
" religion, they resolved to abridge and take away ' the
" King's just power, and lawful authority, he had with*
"drawn himself . from that engagement: that for the
" League and Covenant, he had never taken it, and there-
" fore could not break it: and it was now tooapparent to
" the whole Christian world, what monstrous mischiefs it
" had produced : that when, under colour of it, an army
" from Scotland had invaded England in assistance of the
" rebellion that was then against their lawful King, he
" had, by his Majesty's command, received a commission
" from him to raise forces in Scotland, that he might
,( thereby divert them from the other odious prosecution :
" that he had executed that commission with the obedi-
" ence and duty he owed to the King ; and, in all the cir-
" cumstances of it, had proceeded like a gentleman; and
" had never suffered any blood to be shed but in the heat
" of the battle ; and that he saw many persons there,
" whose lives he had saved : that when the King com-
" manded him, he laid down his arms, and withdrew out
"of the kingdom; which they could not have compelled
" him to have done." He said, " he was now again entered
" into the kingdom by his Majesty's command, and with
"his authority: and what success soever it might have
" pleased Go4 to have given him, he would always have

OF THE REBELLION. 479
"obeyed any commands he should have received from BOOK
" him." He advised them, " to consider well of the con- * *
, " sequence before they proceeded against him, and that
" all his actions might be examined, and judged by the
" laws of the land, or those of nations."
As soon as he had ended his discourse, he was ordered
to withdraw; and, after a short space, was again brought
in ; and told by the Chancellor, " that he was, on the The sen-
" morrow, being the one and twentieth of May 1650, to e^tamm>
" be carried to Edinburgh Cross, and there to be hanged
" upon a gallows thirty foot high, for the space of three
" hours, and then to be taken down, and his head to be
" cut off upon a scaffold, and hanged on Edinburgh Tol-
" booth ; his legs and arms to be hanged up in other
" public towns of the kingdom, and his body to be buried
" at the place where he was to be executed, except the
" Kirk should take off his excommunication ; and then
" his body might be buried in the common place of burial."
He desired, " that he might say somewhat to them ;" but
was not suffered, and so was carried back to the prison.
That he might not enjoy any ease or quiet during tneHisdia^j_
• short remainder of his life, their ministers came presently the Pres
to insult over him with all the reproaches imaginable J_£__Ja(
pronounced his damnation; and assured him, "that the
" judgment he was the next day to suffer, was but an easy
" prologue to that which he was to undergo afterwards."
After many such barbarities, they offered to intercede for
him to the Kirk upon his repentance, and to pray with
him ; but he too well understood the form of their com
mon prayer, in those cases, to be only the most virulent
and insolent imprecations upon the persons of those they
prayed against, (" Lord, vouchsafe yet to touch the ob-
" durate heart of this proud incorrigible sinner, this wicked,
V perjured, traitorous, and profane person, who refuses to
" hearken to the voice of thy Kirk," and the like charitable
expressions,) and therefore he desired them '" to spare
w their pains, and to leave him to his own devotions."
He told them, " that they were a miserable, deluded,' and

480 THE HISTORY
BOOK "deluding people; and would shortly bring that poor
______" nation under the most insupportable servitude ever
" people had submitted to." He told them, " he was
" prouder to have his head set upon the place it was ap-
" pointed to be, than he could have been to have had his
" picture hang in the King's bedchamber: that he was so
" far from being troubled that his four limbs were to be
" hanged in four cities of the kingdom, that he heartily
" wished that he had flesh -enough to be sent to every city
" in Christendom, as a testimony of the cause for which
" he suffered."
pis execu- The next day, they executed every part and circumstance
tl0a' of that barbarous sentence, with all the inhumanity ima
ginable; and he bore it with all the courage and magnani
mity, and the greatest piety, that a good Christian could
manifest. He magnified the virtue, courage, and*religion
of the last King, exceedingly commended the justice, and
goodness, and understanding of the present King; and
prayed, " that they might not betray him as they had done'
" his father." When he had ended all he meant to say,
and was expecting to expire, they had yet one scene more
to act of their tyranny. The hangman brought the book
that had been published of his truly heroic actions, whilst
he had commanded in that kingdom, which book was tied
in a small cord that was put about his neck. The Marquis
smiled at this new instance of their malice, and thanked
them for it ; and said, " he was pleased that it should be
" there ; and was prouder of wearing it, than ever he had
" been of the Garter ;" and so renewing some devout
ejaculations, he patiently endured the last act of the exe
cutioner. .
tion ofhis S°°n aftCT' the officers Wh0 had been taken with hlm>
officers. Sir William Urry, Sir Francis Hay, and many others, of as
good families as any in the kingdom, were executed, to
the number of thirty, or forty, in several quarters of the
kingdom ; many of them being suffered to be beheaded.
There was one whom they thought fit to save, one Colonel
Whitfordj who, when he was brought to die, said, rt be

OF THE REBELLION. 481
" knew the reason why he was put to death; which was BOOK
'-'Only because he had killed Dorislaus at the Hague;" XII.
who was one pf those who had joined in the murder of the *" *"
last King. One of the magistrates, who were present to
see the execution, caused it to be suspended, till he pre
sently informed the Council what the man. had said; and
they thought fit to avoid the reproach ; and so preserved
the gentleman ; who was not before known to have had a
hand in that action.
Thus died the gallant Marquis ,of Mountrose, after he
had given as great a testimpny of loyalty and courage, as a
subject can do, and performed as wonderful actions in se
veral battles, upon as great inequality of numbers, and as
great disadvantages in respect of arms, and other prepara
tions for war, as have been performed in this age. He His cha-
was a gentleman of a very ancient extraction, many ofracter-
whose ancestors had exercised the highest charges under
the King in that kingdom, and had been allied to the
Crown itself. He was of very good parts, which were im
proved, by a good education : he had always a great emula
tion, or rather a great contempt of the Marquis of Argyle,
(as he was too apt to contemn those he did not love,) who
wanted nothing but honesty and courage tp be a very
extraordinary man, haying all other good talents in a very
great degree. Mountrose was in his nature fearless of
danger, and never declined any enterprise for the difficulty
of going through with it, but exceedingly affected .those
which seemed desperate to other men, and did believe
somewhat to be in himself above other men, which made
him live more easily towards those who were, or were
willing to be, inferior to him, (towards whom he .exercised
wonderful civility and generosity,) than with his superiors
or equals. He was naturally, jealous, and suspected those
Who did not concur with him in the way, not to mean so
well as he. He was not without vanity, but his virtues
were much superior, and he well deserved to have bis
memory preserved, and celebrated amongst the most illus
trious persons of the age in which he lived.
VOL. hi. p. 1. i i

482 THE HISTORY
BOOK The King received an account and information of all
XII- these particulars, before he embarked from Holland, with-
TheKing out any other apology for the affront and indignity to
new Vof aU6 nimse,f> than that they assured him> " tbat the proceeding
fliis. " against the late Marquis of Mountrose had been for his
" serviee." They who were most displeased with Argyle
and his faction, were not sorry for this inhuman and mon
strous prosecution; which at the same time must render
him the more odious, and had rid them of an enemy that
they thought would have been more dangerous to them;
and they persuaded the King, who was enough afflicted
with the news, and all the circumstances of it, " that he
" might sooner take revenge upon that people by a tem-
" porary complying with them, and going to them, than
" staying away, and absenting himself, which would invest
" them in an absolute dominion in that kingdom, and
" give them power to corrupt or destroy all those who yet
" remained faithful to him,- and were ready to spend their
"• lives in his service:" and so his Majesty pursued his
former resolution of embarking for Scotland.
Ity; affairs ln Ireland, after the massacre of that body of English at
' Tredagh, and the treacherous giving up the towns in
Munster, by the officers of the Lord Inchiquin, there broke
out so implacable a jealousy amongst the Irish against all
the English, that no orders of the Marquis of Ormond
found any obedience, nor could he draw an army together.
At the making of the peace, he had consented that the
confederate Roman Catholics should name a number of
the commissioners, by whose orders and ministry all levies
of men, and all collections of money, were to be made,
according to the directions of the Lord Lieutenant. And
such persons were named, in whose affections, for the
most part, the Lieutenant was well satisfied, and the rest
were such as were not like to be able to give any interrup
tion. A certain number of these were appointed to be
always in the army, and near the person of the Lord Lieu
tenant, and the rest in their several stations, where they
were most like to advance the service. Many of these

OF THE REBELLION. 48*3
Commissioners were of the Roman Catholic nobility, per- BOOK
Sdhs of honour, and very sensible of the weakness, wilful- XII.
ness, and wickedness of that rebellion ; and did manifest
all possible zeal and affection to the King's service, engag
ing their persons in all enterprises of danger, and using all
possible industry to raise men and money, whereby the
Lord Lieutenant might be enabled to carry on the war in
the spring. But many of the other, after those misfor
tunes had fallen out, which are mentioned before, either
totally desponded, and rather thought of providing for
themselves than for the preservation of the public; or
fomented the jealousies which were amongst the Irish, and
incensed them against the English, who were still with the
Lord Lieutenant ; so that his orders were not obeyed at
all, or not in time, which was as bad; and their clergy
and friars publicly incensed the people against the articles
of the peace, and desired to have an army raised apart
under a General of their own.
The Lord Lieutenant now discovered the reason why
Owen O'Neile had refused to consent to the peace which
the confederate Roman Catholics had made with the King,
and kept his army in Ulster from submitting thereunto,
and pretended to desire to treat apart with the Lord
Lieutenant for himself; which was then thought to pro
ceed from the jealousy that was between him and Preston,
and the animosity between those old Irish of Ulster, and
the other of the other provinces. But the truth was, from
the time of the Marquis of Ormond's transporting him
self out of France, and that the correspondence was dis
covered to be between him and the Lord Inchiquin, and
the treaty begun with the confederate Catholics, the close
committee at Westminster sent secret instructions to
Monk, who commanded part of their forces in Ireland,
" that he should endeavour to treat with Owen O'Neile,
" and so divide him from the rest of the Irish ;" which
Monk found opportunity to do : and it was no sooner pro
posed than hearkened unto by O'Neile; who presently
sent a trusty messenger with such propositions to Monk,
i i 2

484 THE HISTORY
BOOK as he desired to have granted to him. He offered, " with
XII. it his army, which should always consist of such a num-
« ber of horse and foot, and artillery, as should be agreed
"between them, to serve the Parliament; and not to
" separate from their interest ;" and proposed, " that he,
" and all his party that should adhere tp him, should enjoy
" the exercise of their religion, without any prejudice or
" disadvantage : that himself might be restored to those
" lands which his ancestors had been possessed of in
"Tyrone, Londonderry, or any other parts of Ireland;
" and that all those who had or would adhere to him,
" should be likewise restored to their estates; and that an
" act of oblivion might be granted." Monk received these
propositions ; and after he had perused them, he sent him
word, " that there were some particulars, which, he
" doubted, would shock and offend the Parliament, and
" therefore desired they might be altered ;" and proposed
the alterations he advised; which principally concerned
the public exercise of their religion ; which he so qualified,
-that they might well enough satisfy ; and proposed, " that,
" if O'Neile would consent to those alterations, he would
" return the treaty signed by him ; which he would imme-
" diately send over to the Parliament for their cohfirma-
" tion; and ihat, in the mean time, there might be a
" cessation of arms between them for three months ; ia
" which time, and much less, he presumed, he should re-
" ceive a ratification of the treaty from the Parliament."
Owen O'Neile consented to the alterations, set his hand
and seal to the treaty, and returned it to Monk, with his
consent likewise to the cessation for three months. And
at this time it was, that he refused to agree with the con
federate council at Kilkenny in the peace with the King.
Monk sent it presently to the committee, which had given
him authority to do what he had done. But their affairs
were now better composed at home, and some preparations
were made towards sending relief for Ireland; besides,
they had not authority to make any such ratification, but
presented it to the Parliament, which could only give it.

OF THE REBELLION. 485
It was no sooner reported there but the Hpuse was on BOOK
fire $ -all men inveighed against "the presumption of XII.
"Monk, who deserved to be displaced, and to have his The House
" command taken from him, and to have exemplary refu?es t0
"punishment inflicted on him. They remembered how Monk's
" criminal they had declared it to be in the King himself, o^en ^
" to have treated, and made a peaee with the Irish rebels : O'Neile.
" and what would the people think, and say, if any coun-
" tenance should be given to the same transgression by
" the Parliament ? if they should ratify a treaty made by
" the most notorious of the rebels, and with that people
" under his command, who were the most notorious con-
" trivers of that rebellion, and the most bloody execu-
" tioners of it ? for the most merciless massaeres had been
" committed in Ulster, by that very people who now con-
" stituted that army of which Owen O'Neile was now
" General." After all the passion and choler which they
thought necessary to express upon this subject, they de
clared, " that they had given no authority to Monk to
" enter into that treaty; and therefore, that it was void,
" and should never be confirmed by them ; but that, since
" he had proceeded out of the sincerity of his heart, and
" as he thought (how erroneously soever) for the good
" and benefit of the Commonwealth, he should be excused;
"and no farther questioned thereupon." For they knew
well, that he could produce such a warrant from those in
authority, as would well justify his proceeding : and so the
treaty with Owen O'Neile became void, though they had
received a very considerable benefit by it ; for though the
Scots in Ulster had not yet submitted to the peace, and
had not received directions from Edinburgh to acknow
ledge the authority of the Lord Lieutenant, which they
ought to have had before that time, yet, after the murder
of the late King, they had used all acts of hostility against
the Parliament forces, and had besieged Londonderry ; the
only considerable place that yielded obedience to the Par
liament; which was defended by Sir Charles Coote, and
when it was brought to some extremity, by the cessation
i i3

486 THE HISTORY
BOOK made with Owen O'Neile, and by his connivance and
XIL assistance, Londonderry was relieved; and O'Neile, find
ing himself deluded by the Parliament, sent then to offer
his service and conjunction to the Lord Lieutenant, with
abundant professions of fidelity and revenge.
Cromwell made notable use of this animosity between
the Irish amongst themselves, and of the jealousy they all
appeared to have of the Marquis of Ormond, and of those
who adhered to him ; and used all the endeavours he could,
by some prisoners who were taken, and by others who
were in the towns which were betrayed to him, and were
well known to have affection for the Marquis, to procure
a conference with him. He used to ask in such company,
" what the Marquis of Ormond had to do with Charles
" Stuart, and what obligations he had ever received- from
" him ?" And then would mention the hard measure his
grandfather had received from King James, and the many
years imprisonment he had sustained by him, for not sub
mitting to an extrajudicial and private determination of
his ; which yet he was at last compelled to do. He said,
" he was confident, if the Marquis and he could meet to-
" gether, upon conference, they should part very good
" friends." And many of those with whom he held these
discourses, by his permission and licence, informed the
Marquis pf all he said; who endeavoured nothing but to
put himself into such a posture, as to be able to meet
him as he desired to do.
When Cromwell saw that he should be able to do
nothing that way, and knew well enough that, besides the
army that yet remained under Owen O'Neile so much dis
obliged and provoked, there were still vast bodies of the
Irish, which might be drawn together into several armies,
much greater and superior in number to all his forces, and
Cromwell that they had several great towns and strong holds in their
gives the 11, ;
iribh leave power, he declared a full liberty and authority to all the
portXm- ofncers with thP Irisll> and to all other persons whatsoever,
sclvcsinto to raise what men they would, and to transport them for
scnS"" S tne service of any foreign princes with whom they could

OF THE REBELLION. 487
make the best conditions; and gave notice to the Spanish BOOK
and French ministers, and agents at London, of the liberty XIL
he had granted.. Upon which many officers who had
served the King, and remained in London in great poverty
and want, made conditions with Don Alonzo de Cardinas,
to raise regiments and transport them into Spain ; and
many officers, who were already in Spain, as well English
as Irish, contracted with the ministers in that Court to
raise and transport several regiments into that kingdom
from Ireland; for which they received very great sums of
money in hand; many merchants joining with them in the
contract, and undertaking the transportation upon very
good conditions ; there being no other danger but of the
sea in the undertaking ; insomuch that, in very few months
above a year, there were embarked in the ports of Ireland
about five and twenty thousand men for the kingdom of
Spain ; whereof not half were ever drawn into the field
there, and very few ever lived to return. . For the officers
and masters of ships, who contracted, and were bound to
deliver their men at such ports as were assigned to them,
and where care was taken for their reception, and conduct
to the quarters which were appointed, according to the
service to whieh they were designed, either for Catalonia
or Portugal, (after they had been long at sea, by which the
soldiers, who were crowded more together into one ship
than was fit for so long voyages, had contracted many dis
eases, and many were dead, and thrown overboard,) as
soon as they came upon the coast made all haste to land,
how far soever from the place at which they stood bound
to deliver their men ; by which, in those places that could
make resistance, they were not suffered to land, and in
others no provision was made for their reception or march,
but very great numbers were starved or knocked in the
head by the country people, and few ever came up to the
armies, except officers ; who flocked to Madrid for the re
mainder of their monies; where the ministers received
them with reproaches for not observing their conditions,
and refused to pay either them, or the masters of the ships,
ii 4

488 THE HISTORY
BOOK what remained tP be paid by them. This was the case pf
XH- too many: though the truth is, where the articles Were
punctually observed, and the ships arrived in -the very
ports assigned; by ihe defect in the orders sent from the
Court, or the negligent execution of them, the poor men
vvere often kept from disembarking, till some officers went
to Madrid, and returned with more positive orders, and
afterwards so ill provision was made for their refreshing
Shd march, that rarely half of those who were shipped in
Ireland, ever lived to do any service in Spain : and nothing
could be more wonderful, than that the ministers there
Should issue out such vast sums in money for the raising
Wf soldiers, and bringing them into the kingdom at very
liberal and bountiful rates to the officers, and take so very
little care to cherish and nourish them, when they came
thither; which manifested how loose the government
was. ••,
It is very true; that there was at that time a much
greater inclination in the Irish for the service of Spain,
than of France ; yet the Cardinal employed more active
and dexterous instruments to make use of the liberty that
Was granted, ahd shipping was more easily procured, the
passage beihg shorter; insomuch that there were not
fewer than twenty thousand men at the same time trans
ported out of Ireland into the kingdom of France; of
whose behaviour ih the one kingdom and the other, there
will be abundant argument hereafter to discourse at large.
In the mean time, it is enough to observe that when the
King's Lieutenant, notwithstanding all the promises, ob
ligations, and contracts, which the confederate Roman
Cathplics had made to and with him, could not draw
together a body of five thousand men, (by which he might
have been able to have given some stop to the current of
Cromwell's successes,) Cromwell himself found a way to
send above forty thousand men out of that kingdom for
service of foreign princes ; which might have been enough
fo have driven him from thencfe, and to have restored it to
the King's entire pbedience.

OF THE REBELLION. 489
In England, the spirits of all the loyal party were so BOOK
broken and subdued, that they could scarce breathe under XIL
the insupportable burdens which were laid upon them by The low
imprisonments, compositions, and sequestrations. What- conditi011
ever articles they had made in the war, and whatever pro- party in7
mises had been made of pardon and indemnity, they were EnBlan(1-
now called upon to finish their composition for their de
linquency, and paid dear for the credit they had given to
the professions and declarations of the army, when it
seemed to have pity, and complained of the severe and
rigorous proceeding against the King's party, and extort
ing unreasonable penalties from them; which then they
desired might be moderated. But now the mask was off,
they sequestered all their estates, and left them nothing to
live upon, till they should compound; which they were
forced to do at so unreasonable rates, that many were
Compelled to sell half, that they might enjoy the other to
wards the support of their families ; which remainder was
still liable to whatever impositions they at any time
thought fit to inflict upon them, as their persons were to
imprisonment, when any unreasonable and groundless re
port was raised of some plot and conspiracy against the
state. The Parliament, which consisted only of those members
who had sat in judgment, and had solemnly murdered the
King, and of those who as solemnly under their hands had
approved and commended what the others had done, met
with no opposition or contradiction from any, but an en
tire submission from all to all they did, except only from
that part of their own army which had contributed most to
the grandeur and empire of which they were possessed,
the Levellers. That people had been countenanced byTheLevel-
Cromwell to enter into cabals and confederacies to corrupt _„?__
and dissolve the discipline of the army, and by his arti- ™ sup-
fices had been applied to bring all his crooked designs to Fairfax.
pass. By them he broke the strict union between the
Parliament and the Scots, and then took the King out of

490 THE HISTORY
BOOK the hands of the Parliament, and kept him in the army,
XH- , with so many fair professions of intending better to his
Majesty, and his party, than the other did; by them the
Presbyterians had been affronted and trodden under foot,
and the city of London exposed to disgrace and infamy ;
by them he had broken the treaty of the Isle of Wight j
driven out of the Parliament, by force of arms, all those
who desired peace, and at last executed his barbarous ma
lice upon the sacred person of the King : and when he had
applied them to all those uses, for which he thought them
to be most fit, he hoped and endeavoured to have reduced
them again, by a severe hand, into that order and obedi
ence from whence he had seduced them, and which was
now as necessary to his future purpose of government.
But they had tasted too much of the pleasure of having
their part and share in it, to be willing to be stripped, and
deprived of it; and made an unskilful computation of what
they should be able to do for the future, by the great things
they had done before in those changes and revolutions
which are mentioned ; not considering, that the superior
officers of the army were now united with the Parliament,
and concurred entirely in the same designs. And there
fore when they renewed their former expostulations and
demands from the Parliament, they were cashiered, and
imprisoned, and some of them put to death. Yet about
the time that Cromwell, who had prosecuted them with
great fury, was going for Ireland, they recovered their
courage, and resolved to obtain those concessions by force,
which were refused to be granted upon their request: and
so they mutinied in several parts, upon presumption that
the rest of the army, who would not join With them in
public, would yet never be prevailed with to oppose, and
reduce them by force. But this confidence deceived them;
for the Parliament no sooner commanded their General
Fairfax to suppress them, than he drew troops together,
and fell upon them at Banbury, Burford, and in other
places; and by killing some upon the place, and executing

OF THE REBELLION. 491
others to terrify the rest, he totally suppressed that fac- BOOK
tion ; and the orders of those at Westminster met with no XIL
more opposition.
This was the state and condition of the three kingdoms
at the end of the year 1649, some few months after the
King embarked himself in Holland for Scotland. And
since the next year afforded great variety of unfortunate
actions, we will end this discourse, according to the method
we have used, with this year : though hereafter we shall
not continue the same method; but comprehend the occur
rences of many years in less room, whilst the King rested
in a patient expectation of God's blessing and deliver
ance.

THE END OF THE TWELFTH BOOK.

THE
HISTORY

OF THE

REBELLION, &c.

BOOK XIII.

Exod. ix. 16, 17.
And in very deed for this cause have I raised thee up, for to shew
in thee my power, and that my name may be declared throvghout
all the earth. As yet exaltest thou thyself against my people ?

IHE Marquis of Argyle, who did not believe that the BOOK
King would eveT have ventured into Scotland upon the XIII.
conditions he had sent, was surprised with the account the
commissioners had given him, " that his Majesty resolved
"to embark the next day; that he would leave all his
" chaplains and his other servants behind him, and only
" deferred to take the Covenant himself till he came
" thither, with a resolution to satisfy the Kirk if they
"pressed it." Thereupon he immediately dispatched Argyle
away another vessel with new propositions, which thej^^w
commissioners were to insist upon, and not to consent to tions;
the King's coming into that kingdom, without he likewise ™d_ej__g"
consented to those. But that vessel met not with the
King's.fleet, which, that it might avoid that of the Parlia
ment, which attended to intercept the King, had held its
course more northward, where there are good harbours ;

494

THE HISTORY

The King
arrives in
Scotland.

BOOK and so had put into a harbour near Stirling, that is, W.Uhni
XIH- a day's journey of it, but where there was no town nearer
than that for his Majesty's reception, or where there was
any accommodation even for very ordinary passengers.
From thence notice was sent to the Council of the
King's arrival : the first welcome he received was a .new
demand " that he would sign the Covenant himself, before
" he set his foot on shore;" which all about him pressed him
to do : and he now found, that he had made haste thither
upon very unskilful imaginations apd presumptions : yet
The King he consented unto what they so imperiously required, that
Cove^nt. he might have leave to put himself into the hands of those
who resolved nothing less than, to serve him. The lords of
the other party, who had prevailed with him to submit to
all that had been required of him, quickly found that they
had deceived both him and themselves, and that nobody
had any authority but those men who were their mortal
enemies. So that they would not expose themselves to be
imprisoned, or to be removed from the King; but, with his
Majesty's leave, and having given him the best advice they
could, what he should do for himself, and what he should
do for them, they put themselves on shore before the King
disembarked; and found means to go to those places
where they might be some time concealed, and which were
Hamilton like to be at distance enough from the King. And shortly
T^i'1 after Duke Hamilton retired to the island of Arran, which
tiicrci 'A 1G m m
depart from belonged to himself; where he had a little house well
t eKwg. en0Ugh accommodated, the island being for the most part
inhabited with wild beasts : Lautherdale concealed himself
amongst his friends, taking care both to be well informed
of all that should pass about the King, and to receive their
advice upon any occasions.
Argyle re- The King was received by the Marquis of Argyle with all
ceives the the outward respect imaginable ; but, within two days after
Most of the his landing, all the English servants he had of any quality
King's were removed from his person, the Duke of Buckingham
servants re- only excepted. The rest, for the most part, were received
movedfrom jnt0 the houses of some persons of honour, who lived at a

OF THE REBELLION. 495
distance from the Court, and were themselves under a cloud B OO K
for their known affections, and durst only attend the King XIII.
to kiss his hand, and then retired to their houses, that
they might give no occasion of jealousy; others of his ser
vants were not suffered to remain in the kingdom', but
were forced presently to re-embark themselves for Hol
land; amongst which was Daniel O'Neile, who hath been
often mentioned before, and who came from the Marquis
of Ormond into Holland, just when his Majesty was ready
to embark, and so waited upon him ; and was no sooner
known to be with his Majesty, (as he was a person very ge
nerally known,) but he was apprehended by order from the Daniel
Council, for being an Irishman, and having been in armSpre^deadp"
on the late King's behalf in the late war; for which they by order °f
were not without some discourse of putting him to death ; ofScotland;
but they did immediately banish him the kingdom, and and banisn-
obliged him to sign a paper, by which he consented to be
put to death, if he were ever after found in the kingdom.
They sent away likewise Mr. Robert Long, who was his Mr. Long
principal, if not only, Secretary of State, and had very^y*11
much persuaded his going thither; and Sir Edward Walker,
who was Clerk of the Council, and had been Secretary at
War during the late war, and some others, upon the like
exceptions. They placed other servants of all conditions
about the King, but principally relied upon their Clergy ; Their Cler-
who were in such a continual attendance about him, that aDOut the
he was never free from their importunities, under pretence KinS>
of instructing him in religion: and sp they obliged him to
their constant hours of their long prayers, and made him
observe the Sundays with more rigour than the Jews ac
customed to do their Sabbath ; and reprehended him very
sharply if he smiled on those days, and if his looks and
gestures did not please them, whilst all their prayers and
sermons, at which he was compelled to be present, were li- Their scr-
bels, and bitter invectives against all the actions of his fa- mm.
ther, the idolatry of his mother, and his own malignity.
He was not present in their councils, nor were the re
sults thereof communicated to him; nor was he, in the

496 THE HISTORY
BO O K least degree, communicated with, in any part of the go-
XIII. vernment: yet they made great shew of outward reve
rence to him, and even the chaplains, when they used
rudeness and barbarity in their reprehensions and re
proaches, approached him still with bended knees, and in
Argyle's the humblest postures. There was never a better courtier
to him. than Argyle ; who used all possible address to make himself
gracious to the King, entertained him with very pleasant
discourses, with such insinuations, that the King did not
only very well like his conversation, but often believed that
he had a mind to please and gratify him : but then, when
his Majesty made any attempt to get some of his servants
about him, or to reconcile the two factions, that the king
dom might be united, he gathered up his countenance, and
retired from him, without ever yielding to any one propo
sition that was made to him by his Majesty. In a word,
the King's table was well served ; there he sat in majesty,
waited upon with decency : he had good horses to ride
abroad to take the air, and was then well attended; and, in
all public appearances, seemed to want nothing that was
due to a great king. In all other respects, with reference to
power to oblige or gratify any man, to dispose or order any
thing, or himself to go to any other place than was assigned
to him, he had nothing of a prince, but might very well
be looked upon as a prisoner.
But that which was of state and lustre made most noise,
and was industriously transmitted into all nations and
states ; the other of disrespect or restraint was not com
municated; and if it could not be entirely concealed, it was
considered only as a faction between particular great men,
who contended to get the power into their hands, that
they might the more notoriously and eminently serve that
Prince whom they all equally acknowledged. The King's
condition seemed wonderfully advanced, and his being pos*-
sessed of a kingdom without a rival, in which there was' no
appearance of an enemy, looked like an earnest for the re
covery of the other two, and, for the present, as a great
addition of power to him in his kingdom of Ireland, 1>y

OF THE REBELLION. 497
a conjunction and absolute submission of all the Scots BOOK
in Ulster to the Marquis of Ormond, the King's Lieute- ______
nant there.
All men who had dissuaded his Majesty's repair into
Scotland were looked upon as very weak politicians, or as
men who opposed the public good, because they were ex
cluded, and might not be suffered to act any part in the ,
adventure ; and they who had advanced the design valued
themselves exceedingly upon their activity in that service.
The States of Holland thought they had merited much in
suffering their ships to transport him, and so being minis
terial to his greatness ; which they hoped would be remem
bered ; and they gave all countenance to the Scottish mer
chants and factors who lived in their dominions, and some
secret credit, that they might send arms and ammunition,
and whatsoever else was necessary for the King's service,
into that kingdom. France itself looked very cheerfully
Upon the change ; congratulated the Queen with much ce
remony, and many professions ; and took pains to have it
thought and believed, that they had had a share in the
counsel, and contributed very much to the reception the
King found in Scotland, by their influence upon Argyle
and his party. And it hath been mentioned before, how
great a reputation this little dawning of power, how clouded
soever, gave to the ambassadors in Spain, and had raised
them from such a degree of disrespect, as was near to con
tempt, to the full dignity and estimation in that Court that
was due to the station in which they were.
There fell out there an accident at this time, which was
a great manifestation of the affection of that Court, and in
deed of the nation. As Don Alonzo de Cardinas had used
all the credit he had, to dispose that Court to a good cor
respondence with the Parliament, so he had employed as
much care to incline those in England to have a confi
dence in the affection of his master, and assured them,
" that if they would send an ambassador or other minister
" into Spain, he should find a good reception." The Par
liament, in the infancy of their Commonwealth, had more
vol.. III. p. 1. k k

498 THE HISTORY
BOOK inclination to make a friendship with Spain than with
XIII. France, having at that time a very great prejudice to the
Cardinal; and therefore, upon this encouragement from
Don Alonzo, they resolved to send an envoy to Madrid ;
Ascham and made choice of one Ascham, a scholar, who had been
sent agent concerned in drawing up the King's trial, and had written
into Spain ... . , - ,
from the a book to determine in what time, and after how many
ofErTTTd yearsJ *he allegiance which is due from subjects to their
sovereigns, comes to be determined after a conquest ; and
that from that term it ought to be paid to those who had
subdued them : a speculation they thought fit to cherish.
This man, unacquainted with business, and unskilled in
language, attended by three others, the one a renegado
Franciscan • friar, who had been bred in Spain, and was
well versed in the language ; another, who was to serve in
the condition of a secretary ; and the third, an inferior fel
low for any service, arrived all in Spain in an English
merchant's ship : of which Don Alonzo gave such timely
notice, that he was received and entertained by the chief
magistrate at his landing, until they gave notice of it to
the Court. The town was quickly full of the rumour,
that an ambassador was landed from England, and would be
received there ; which nobody seemed to be well pleased
The am- with. And the ambassadors expostulated with Don Lewis
th^ree^)s-de Haro with some warmth, "that his Catholic Majesty
tuiate with « should be the first Christian Prince that would receive
about it. " an ambassador from the odious and execrable murderers
" Of a Christian King, his brother and ally; which no
" other Prince had yet done, out of the detestation of that
u horrible parricide." And therefore they desired him,
" that Spain would not give so infamous an example to
" the other parts of the world." Don Lewis assured
His answer, them, "that there was no such thing as an ambassar
" dor coming from England, nor had the King any pur-
" pose to receive any : that it was true, they were in-
" formed that there was an English gentleman landed at
" Cales, and come to Seville ; who said, he was sent from
" the Parliament with letters for the King; which was tesr

OF THE REBELLION. 499
"tified by a letter from Don Alonzo de Cardinas to the BOOK
" Duke of Medina Celi ; who thereupon had given order XIII.
"for his entertainment at Seville, till the King should
" give further order : that it was not possible for the King
" to refuse to receive the letter, or to see the man who
" brought it ; who pretended no kind of character : that
" having an ambassador residing in England to preserve
" the trade and commerce between the two nations, they
" did believe, that this messenger might be sent with
" some propositions from the English merchants for the
" advancement of that trade ; and if they should refuse to
" hear what he said, it might give a just offence, and de-
" stroy all the commerce ; which would be a great damage
" to both nations."
That this new agent might come securely to Madrid, an
old officer of the army was sent from Seville to accompany
him thither; who came with him in the coach, and gave no
tice every night to Don Lewis of their advance. There were
at that time, over and above the English merchants, many of
ficers and soldiers in Madrid, who had served in the Spanish
armies, both in Catalonia and in Portugal; and these men
had consulted amongst themselves how they might kill this
fellow, who came as an agent from the new republic of Eng
land; and half a dozen of them, having notice of the day he
was to come into the town, which was generally discoursed
of, rode out of the town to meet him ; but, missing him, they
returned again, and found that he had entered into it by
another way ; and having taken a view of his lodging, they
met again the next morning; and finding, accidentally, one
of the ambassadors' servants in the streets, they persuaded
him to go with them, and so went to the house where As
cham lodged ; and, without asking any questions, walked
directly up the stairs into his chamber, leaving a couple of
their number at the door of the street, lest, upon any noise
in the house, that door might be shut upon them. They
who went up drew their swords; and besides their inten
tions, in disorder, killed the friar as well as the agent; and Ascham
so returned to their companions with their swords naked ]__?-_"_
ick 2

500 THE HISTORY
BOOK and bloody, ahd some foolish expressions of triumph, as if
XIH- they had performed a very gallant and a justifiable service.
cers at his Notwithstanding all which, they might have dispersed
lyf d""<P " themselves, and been secure, the people were so little coh-
Alibutone cerned to inquire what they had done. But they being in
flytpacha- confusi0n, and retaining no composed thoughts about
sanctuary; them, finding the door of a little chapel open, went in thi-
Ve'netian ther f°r sanctuary : only he who was in the service of the
ambassa- ambassadors separated himself from the rest, and went into
dor's the house of -the Venetian ambassador. By this time the
people of the house where the man lay had gone up into
the chamber ; where they found two dead, ahd the other
two crept, in a terrible fright, under the bed) and the
magistrates and people were about the church, and talking
with and examining the persons who were there: ahd the
rumour was presently divulged about the town, " that one
" of the English ambassadors was killed."
They were at that time entering into their coach to take
the air, according to an appointment whieh they had made
the day before. When they were informed of what had
passed, and that Harry Progers, who was their servant, had
been in the action, and was retired to the house of the Ve
netian ambassador, they were in trouble and perplexity ;
dismissed their coach, and returned to their lodging.
Though they abhorred the action that was committed,
they foresaw, the presence of one of their own servants in
it, and even some passionate words they had used, ih their
expostulation with Don Lewis, against the reception of
such a messenger, as if " the King their master had too
" many subjects in that place, for such a fellow to appear
" there with any security," would make it be believed by
many, that the attempt had not been made" without their
The am- Consent or privity. In this trouble of mind, they rmhie-
writeto8 diately w^t a tetter to Don Lewis de Haro, to express the
Don Lewis sense they had of this unfortunate rash action ; " o'f which,
action. ^ " they hoped, he did believe, if they had had ahy notice or
" suspicion, they would have prevented it." Don Lewis re-
Hisanswer.turned them a very dry answer; " That he could not ima-

OF THE REBELLION. 501
" gine that they could have a hand in so foul an assassination BOOK
" in the Court," (for all Madrid is called and looked upon XIIL
as the Court,) "of a person under the immediate protection
" of the King : however, that it was an action so unheard
"of, and so dishonourable to the King, that his Majesty
" was resolved to have it examined to the bottom, and that
" exemplary justice should be done upon the offenders ;
" that his own ambassador in England might be in great
"danger upon this murder; and that they would send an
(f express presently thither, to satisfy the Parliament how
" much his Catholic Majesty detested and was offended
" with it, and resolved to do justice upon it; and if his am-
" bassador underwent any inconvenience there, they were
" not to wonder if his Majesty were severe here ;" and so
left it to them to imagine that their own persons might not
be safe.
, But they knew the temper of the Court too well, to have
the least apprehension of that : yet they were a little sur
prised, when they first saw the multitude of people gathered
together about their house, upon the first news of the ac-.
tion ; insomuch that the street before their house, which
was the broadest in Madrid, (the Calle de Alcala,) was so
thronged, that men could hardly pass. But they were
quickly out of that apprehension, being assured, that the
jealousy that one of the English ambassadors had suffered
violence had brought that multitude together ; which they
found to be true ; for they no sooner shewed themselves in
a balcony to the people, but they saluted them with great
kindness, prayed for the King their master, cursed and re
viled the murderers of his father; and so departed. They Those that
who had betaken themselves to the Chapel were, the next *_L_ _.g
day or the second, taken from thence by a principal officer taken
after examination, and sent to the prison : the other was imprisoned:
not inquired after; but, having concealed himself for ten or the otner
i • 1 • i i escapes in-
twelve days, he went out of the town in the night ; and, to France.
without any interruption or trouble, went into France.
Of all the courts in Christendom, Madrid is that where
ambassadors and public ministers receive the greatest re-
Kk3

502 THE HISTORY
BOOK spect, which, besides the honour and punctuality of that
XIH- people, bred up in the observation of distances and order,
proceeds from the excellent method the ambassadors have of
living with mutual respect towards each other, and in mu
tual concernment for each other's honour and privileges: so
that, if any ambassador, in himself or his servants, receive
any affront or disrespect, all the other ambassadors repair
to him, and offer their service and interposition ; by which
means they are not only preserved from any invasion by any
private and particular insolence, but even from some acts
of power, which the Court itself hath sometime thought fit
to exercise, upon an extraordinary occasion, towards a mi
nister of whom they had no regard.. All are united on the
behalf of the character ; and will not suffer that to be done
towards one, which, by the consequence, may reflect upon
all. It cannot be imagined, with what a general compassion
all the ambasadors looked upon these unhappy gentlemen*
who had involved themselves by their rashness in so much
peril. They came to the English ambassadors to advise
and consult what might be done to preserve them, every
one offering his assistance. The action could in no degree
be justified; all that could be urged and insisted upon in
their behalf, was the privilege of sanctuary; "They had be-
" taken themselves to the church ; and the taking them from
" thence, by what authority soever, was a violation of the
" rights and immunities of the church, which, by the law
" of the kingdom, was ever defended with all tenderness."
So that, before the guilt of the blood could be examined,
the prisoners desired " that their privilege might be exa-
" mined, and that they might have counsel assigned them
" to that purpose ;" which was granted ; and several argu
ments were made upon the matter of law before the judges;
who were favourable enough to the prisoners. The King's
counsel urged, " that in case of assassination the privi-
" lege of sanctuary was never allowed," (which is true,)
and cited many precedents of late years in Madrid itself,
where, for less crimes than of blood, men had been taken

OF THE REBELLION. 503
out of the sanctuary, and tried, and executed. The Eng- BOOK
lish ambassadors thought not fit to appear on their behalf, XIII.
and yet were not willing that the new republic should re
ceive so much countenance from that Court, as would
have resulted from putting those gentlemen to death, as if
they had killed a public minister. The Pope's Nuncio, The Nun-
Julio Rospigliosi, who was afterwards Clement IX. could Hosfrequfr-
not, according to the style of the Roman Court, either give ed them' to
or receive visits from the English ambassadors ; but they back.
performed civilities to each other by messages, and passed
mutual salutations, with all respect to each other, as they
met abroad. And the Venetian ambassador brought them
frequent assurances, " that the Nuncio had spoken very
l< effectually to the King, and to Don Lewis, for the re-
" delivery of the prisoners to the church, and pressed it so
" hard upon the conscience of the King, that he had some
" promise that they should not suffer."
In the mean time, thundering letters came from the
Parliament, with great menaces what they would do, if
exemplary justice was not inflicted upon those who had
murdered their envoy; and Don Alonzo urged it, as if
" he thought himself in danger till full satisfaction should
"be given in that particular;" all which for the present
made deep impression, so that they knew not what to do;
the King often declaring, " that he would not infringe
" the privilege of the church, and so undergo the censure
" of the Pope, for any advantage he could receive with
"reference to any of his dominions." In the end, (that The issue of
the discourse of this affair may not be resumed again __, a^*
hereafter,) after a long imprisonment, (for during the am- t*»e ambas-
bassadors' stay they would not bring them to any trial, parture.
lest they might seem to do any thing upon their solicita
tion,) the prisoners were proceeded against as soon, or
shortly after the ambassadors had left Madrid, and were all
condemned to die; and as soon as the sentence was de
clared, all the prisoners were again delivered into the same
church; where they remained many days, having provi
sions of victuals sent to them by many persons of quality,,
Kk4

504 THE HISTORY
BOOK until they had all opportunity to make their escape, which
_______ was very successfully done by all but one; who, being

the only Protestant amongst them, was more maliciously
looked after and watched, and was followed, and appre
hended after he had made three days journey from Madrid,
and carried back thither, and put to death : which was all
the satisfaction the Parliament could obtain in that affair;
and is an instance how far that people was from any affec
tion to those of England in their hearts, how much soever
they complied with them out of the necessity of their for
tune. When some weeks were passed after that unlucky acci
dent, the ambassadors went to confer with Don Lewis up
on some other occurrence, with no purpose of mentioning
any thing of the prisoners. Don Lewis spoke of it in a
manner they did not expect; one expression was, " Yo ten-,
" go invidia de estos Cavaleros fyc. I envy those gentlemen
" for having done so noble an action, how penal soever it
" may prove to them, to revenge the blood of their King.
" Whereas," he said, " the King his master wanted such
" resolute subjects; otherwise he would never have lost a
" kingdom, as he had done Portugal, for want of one brave
" man ; who, by taking away the life of the usurper, might
" at any time, during the first two years, have put an end
"to that rebellion."
To return now to the affairs of Scotland : whether, when
the Marquis of Argyle first knew that the King would ven
ture himself into Scotland, he suspected his own strength,
and so sent for his friend Cromwell to assist him ; or whe
ther it seemed more reasonable to the Parliament, when it
was assured of the King's being there, to visit him in that
kingdom, than to expect a visit from him, is not enough
Cromwell, clear at this time. But as soon as the King was in Scot-
thePariia- land' Cromwell> being sent for by the Parliament, left
ment out of what remained to be done in Ireland to Ireton, (who
Javeslre- had married his daughter,) and made him deputy; and
ton his ae- transported himself into England ; where the Parliament,
not without great opposition from all the Presbyterian

OF THE REBELLION. 505
party, resolved to send an army into Scotland. Many op- BOOK
posed it, as they thought it, an unjust and unprofitable XIII.
war, and knew it must be a very expensive one; and others, The Pariia-
becaus.e it would keep up and increase the power and au- mjnt?l"
tbority of the army in England; which was already found send an ar-
to be _very grievous. SanY
This resolution produced another great alteration : Fair- Fairfax
fax, who had hitherto worn the name of General, declared gives"plus
7_ ' commis-
ppsitively that he would not command the army against sion.
Scotland. The Presbyterians said, " it was because he
" thought the war unlawful, in regard it was against
" those of the same religion ;" but his friends would have
it believed, that he would not fight against the King.
Hereupon Cromwell was chosen General ; wliich made no Cromwell
alteration in the army ; which he had modelled to his own ™* __ e"
mind before, and commanded as absolutely. But in all
other places he grew more absolute and more imperious ;
.he discountenanced and suppressed the Presbyterians in all
¦places ; who had been supported by Fairfax. The Inde
pendents had all credit about him; and the churches and
pulpits were open to all kind of people who would shew
their gifts there ; and a general distraction and confusion
•in religion covered the whole kingdom; which raised as ge
neral a discontent in the minds of the people, who, finding
np ease from the burdens they had so long sustained, but
an increase of the taxes and impositions every day, grew
weary of their new government ; and heartily prayed, that
their General might never return from Scotland, but tbat,
he being destroyed there, the King might return victorious
into London. The bitterness and persecution against
their brethren in England, and the old animosity they had
long borne against the person of Cromwell, made those
in authority in that kingdom resolve to defend themselves
against his invasion, and to draw together a very nume
rous body of men well provided, and supplied with all The Scots
, „, raise an ar-
things necessary but courage and conduct* 1 hey were sp my against
careful in the modelling this army, that they suffered few orram-
no officers, or soldiers, who had been in the engagement of

506 THE HISTORY
BOOK Duke Hamilton, or who gave the least occasion to be sus-
XIir- pected to wish well to the King or to the Hamiltonian party,
to be listed or received into their service. So that they
had only some old discredited officers, who, being formerly
thought unworthy of command, had stuck close to Argyle
and to the party of the Kirk. The truth is, the whole army
was under the government of a committee of the Kirk and
the State ; in which the ministers exercised the sole autho
rity, and prayed and preached against the vices of the
Court, and the impiety and tyranny of Cromwell, equally ;
and promised their army victory over the enemy as posi
tively, and in as confident terms, as if God himself had
directed them to declare it. The King desired that he
might command this army, at least run the fortune of it.
But they were hardly prevailed with to give him leave
once to see it; and, after he had been in it three or four
hours, upon the observation that the common soldiers
seemed to be much pleased to see him, they caused him to
return, and the next day carried him to a place at a greater
distance from the army ; declaring, " that they found the
" soldiers too much inclined to put their confidence in the
" arm of flesh ; whereas their hope and. dependence was to
" be only in God ; and they were most assured of victory
" by the prayers and piety of the Kirk."
Cromwell In July Cromwell entered Scotland, and marched with-
entersScot- out any opposition till he came within less than a day's
journey of Edinburgh ; where he found the Scottish army
encamped upon a very advantageous ground; and he made
his quarters as near as he could conveniently, and yet with
disadvantages enough. For the country was so destroyed
behind him, and the passes so guarded before, that he was
compelled to send for all his provision for horse and foot
from England by sea; insomuch as the army was reduced
to great straits ; and the Scots really believed, that they
had them all at their mercy, except such as would em
bark on board their ships. But as soon as Cromwell had
recovered some provisions, his army begun to remove,
and seemed to provide for their march. Whether that

OF THE REBELLION. 507
march was to retire out of so barren a country for want of BOOK
provisions, (which no doubt were very scarce; and the XIII.
season of the year would not permit them to depend upon "
all necessary supplies by sea, for it was now the month of
September,) or whether that motion was only to draw the
Scots from the advantageous post of which they were pos
sessed, is not yet understood. But it was confessed on all
sides, that, if the Scots had remained within their trenches,
and sent parties of horse to have followed the English
army closely, they must have so disordered them, that they The distress
would have left their cannon and all their heavy carriage "^Jj™1""
behind them, besides the danger the foot must have been army.
in. But the Scots did not intend to part with them so
easily; they doubted not but to have the spoil of the
whole army. And therefore they no sooner discerned that
the English were upon their march, but they decamped,
and followed with their whole body all the night follow
ing, and found themselves in the morning within a small
distance of the enemy : for Cromwell was quickly adver
tised that the Scottish army was dislodged, and marched
after him ; and thereupon he made a stand, and put his
men in good order. The Scots found they were not upon
so clear a chase as they imagined, and placed themselves
again upon such a side of a hill, as they believed the Eng
lish would not have the courage to attack them there.
But Cromwell knew them too well to fear them upon Cromwell
any ground, when there were no trenches or fortifications ^^.^
to keep him from them; and therefore he made haste to Scots in
charge them on all sides, upon what advantage-ground 0f Dunbar.
soever they stood. Their horse did not sustain one charge ;
but fled, and were pursued with a great execution. The
foot depended much upon their ministers, who preached,
and prayed, and assured them of the victory, till the Eng
lish were upon them; and some of their preachers were
knocked in the head, whilst they were promising the
victory.- Though there was so little resistance made, that
Cromwell lost very few men by that day's service, yet the
execution was very terrible upon the enemy; the whole

508 THE HISTORY
BOOK body of the foot being, upon the matter, cut in pieces ; no-
XIH- quarter was given till they were weary of killing ; so that
there were between five and six thousand dead upon the
place; and very few, but they who escaped by the heels of
their horse, were without terrible wounds ; of which very
many died shortly after ; especially such of their ministers
who were not killed upon the place, as very many were,
had very notable marks about the head, and the face, that
any body might know that they were not hurt by chance,
or in the crowd, but by very good will. All the cannon,
ammunition, carriages, and baggage, were entirely taken,
Cromwell and Cromwell with his victorious army marched directly to
Edinburerh Edinburgh ; where he found plenty of all things which he
wanted, and good accommodation for the refreshing his
army, which stood in need of it.
Never victory was attended with less lamentations : for
as Cromwell had great argument of triumph in the total
defeat and destruction of the only army that was in Scot
land ; which defeat had put a great part of that kingdom,
The King and the chief city of it, under his obedience ; so the King,
tagebyVaU who was then at St. Johnston's, was glad of it, as the
ti"5- greatest happiness that could befall him, in the loss of so
strong a body of his enemies; who, if they should have
prevailed, his Majesty did believe that they would have
shut him up in a prison the next day ; which had been
only a stricter confinement than he suffered already : for
the Lord Lome, eldest son to the Marquis of Argyle, be
ing captain of his guard, had so watchful a care of him
both night and day, that his Majesty could not go any
whither without his leave. But, after this defeat, they all
looked upon the King as one they might stand in need of:
they permitted his servants, who had been sequestered
from him from his arrival in the kingdom, to attend and
wait upon him, and begun to talk of calling a Parliament,
and of a time for the King's coronation ; which had not
hitherto been spoken of. Some ministers begun to preach
obedience to the King ; the officers, who had been ca
shiered for their malignity, talked aloud of " the mis-

OF THE REBELLION. 509
" carriages in the government, and that the kingdom was BOOK
e< betrayed to the enemy for want of confidence in the XIII.
" King, who alone could preserve the nation." They of
the Council seemed not to have so absolute a depend
ence upon the Marquis of Argyle, but spoke more freely
than they had used to do ; and the Marquis applied him
self more to the King, and to those about him : so that
the King did, in a good degree, enjoy the fruit of this
victory, as well as Cromwell, though his Majesty's ad
vantage was discerned by a few men only, and those re
duced into an obscure quarter of the kingdom; but the
other made the e"clat. The destruction of the only army,
and the possessing of Edinburgh, was looked upon, in all
places, as the entire conquest of the whole kingdom.
Don Alonzo made haste to send the news into Spain of
" the total and irrecoverable defeat of the King ; that he
" was driven into the Highlands ; from whence he would
" be compelled to fly, as soon as he could get means to
" escape : that the Republic was now settled, and no more
"fear or hope of the King:" the effect of all which the
ambassadors quickly found at Madrid, by the carriage and
countenance of that King and the Council; though it
cannot be denied that the common people appeared to
have a much more generous sense of the alteration, than
the others did. The ambassadors received shortly a full
advertisement of the truth ; and " that the King thought
" his condition much improved by the defeat;" and they
used all the means they could, by several audiences, to
inform the King of Spain and Don Lewis of the truth ;
and " that they were misinformed, as if the army over-
" thrown was the King's ; whereas they were indeed as
" orach his enemies, as Cromwell's was." But in this
they could obtain no credit, and all ways were taken to
make them perceive, that it was heartilywished they were
gone; which they were resolved to take no notice of.
In the end, one morning, the Secretary of State came to The Secre-
them from the King; and told them, " that they had been^^
ft now above a year in that Court, where they had been brings a

WO THE HISTORY
BOOK " well treated, notwithstanding some miscarriages, which
XIII. it might very justly have incensed his Catholic Majesty,"
message (mentioning the death of Ascham ;) " that they were ex-
King o/ " traordinary ambassadors, and so needed not any letters
Spain to " of revocation ; that they had received answers to all they
sadors, to " had proposed, and were at liberty to depart ; which his
desire them « Catholic Majesty desired they would do, since their
to be troiie " presence in the Court would be very prejudicial to his
" affairs." This unexpected and unusual message, de
livered ungracefully enough by an old man, who, not
withstanding his office, was looked upon with little reve
rence to his parts, made them believe " that he had mis-
" taken his message, at least that he had delivered it with;
" less courtly circumstances than he ought to have done."
And therefore they returned no other answer, than " that
" they would attend Don Lewis de Haro, and understand
They apply "from him the King's pleasure." The next day, they
Lewis. sent f°r an audience to Don Lewis; whom they found
with a less open countenance than he used to have; nor
did he appear any thing more courtly than the Secretary
had done ; but told them, that there were orders sent to
such a person (whom he named) to prepare their present j
which should be ready within very few days ; and pressed
them very plainly, and without any regard to the season of
the year, it being then towards the end of January, to use
all possible expedition for their departure, as a thing that,
even in that respect, did exceedingly concern the service
of the King. This made the ambassadors imagine, which
was likewise reported, that there was a formal ambassador
upon his way from England, and that the Court would be
The reason no more liable to the like accidents. - But they knew after-
being pres- wards, that the cause of all this haste was, that they might
sed lMde hring into the town as many pictures, and other choice
dridin and rich furniture, as did load eighteen mules; which, as
¦ocfa haste. was said beforej Doa Aionzo had bought of the King's
goods, and then sent to the Groyne, and which they did not
then think could be decently brought to the palace, whilst
the ambassadors should continue and remain in the town.

OF THE REBELLION. 511
This injunction to leave Madrid, in so unseasonable a BOOK
time of the year, was very severe to the ambassadors. The XIII.
Lord Cottington was at this time seventy-six years of age,
once or twice in a year troubled with the gout, in other
respects of great vigour of body and mind; nor did there
appear in his natural parts any kind of decay. He had
resolved, when he first proposed this embassy to the King,
and, it may be, it was the chief reason of proposing it,
that, if there should be no door open to let him return
into England, by the time that his embassy should expire,
he would remain and die in Spain. But he did then be^
lieve that he should have found another kind of entertain
ment there than he had done. He had, without doubt,
deserved very well from that nation, having always per
formed those offices towards them, which made him looked
upon at home as too well affected to that people, which,
together with his constant opposition of the French, had
rendered him very ungracious to the Queen: yet there
were some seasons, in which his credit and authority was
not great enough to obtain all things for them which they
desired, and expected; as when their fleet, under the
command of Oquendo, about the year 1639, had been as
saulted in the Downs, and defeated by the Dutch fleet, for
want of that protection which they thought the King
might have given to them. And it is probable their am
bassadors, who were then in England, whereof Don Alonzo
was one, did not find that readiness and alacrity in him to
appear in their service, as they had formerly done'; he
very well knowing, that the being solicitous for them, in
that conjuncture, might do himself harm, and could do
them no good. But these omissions were now remem
bered, and all his services forgotten : so that (as hath been
touched before) his reception, from the first hour of his
coming last thither, was very cold both from the King and
the Court. And though he was now willing to resume
his former resolution of staying there ; yet the treatment
he had received, and this last farewell, made him doubt.

512 THE HISTORY
BOOK very reasonably, whether he should be permitted to stay
XIII- there or not.
There was another circumstance, which was necessary
to his residing in Spain, in which he met with some dif
ficulties that he had not foreseen, and which did exceed
ingly perplex him ; and which he plainly enough dis
cerned, and knew to be the true cause of all the discoun
tenance he had met with in that Court, (though he was
willing the other ambassador, who knew nothing of it,
should believe that it proceeded from what had passed in
England,) which was then remembered in the discourse of
the Court, and was the true cause of the genera! prejudice
to him there. He had been formerly reconciled in that
kingdom to the Church of Rome, and had constantly gone
to the mass there; and declaring himself afterwards in
England to be of the religion of the Church of England,
he was apostatized from the other ; which, in that country,
is looked upon as such a brand, as the infamy of it can
never be wiped out; and this indeed was the reason of
that King's, so notable aversion from him. The truth is,
he had never made any inquiry into religion to inform
himself, but had conformed to that which the province he
held obliged him to; and though he could never get the
reputation in England of being well affected to that Church,
and was always looked upon as most inclined to the Ro
man, yet he convinced those who would have taken ad
vantage of that guilt, by being present at prayers- and ser
mons, and sometimes receiving the sacrament, as he did
the very last Sunday he stayed in the Hague before he
begun his journey towards Spain ; and, even after his ar
rival there, was constant at the reading the common
prayers both morning and evening, by their own chaplain,
in their house, as long as the chaplain lived : and many,
who knew him very well, did believe that if he had died ih
England, he would have died, in the communion of that
Church. But there is ho doubt, he did resolve, from the
time that he meant to remain and die in Spain, that he

OF THE REBELLION. 513
would become a Roman Catholic again, which he thought BOOK
to be a much easier thing than it was; and that he might XIII.
have been reconciled by any priest in as private a manner
as he could desire. But when he consulted that affair
with a Jesuit, who frequently came to the house, he found,
that after an apostasy, as they termed it, it was not in the
power of any priest to reconcile him, but that it was re
served to the Pope himself; who rarely gives the faculty to
any but to his own Nuncios. This obliged him to resort
thither; which he could not easily do without communi
cating it to the other ambassador ; towards whom this was
the only secret he reserved. And he found a way, as he
thought, to elude him in this particular. He told him,
several days, that the Nuncio had sent him such and such
messages by that Jesuit concerning those gentlemen who
were in prison, the substance whereof did not differ from
what the Venetian ambassador had formerly delivered from
him : at last, he told him, " that he found the Nuncio had
" somewhat to say in that affair which he would not com-
" municate by message, but wished to speak with him in
" private ; for publicly he must not be known to have any
" conference with him ; and that hereupon he resolved to
" go incognito in Sir Benjamin Wright's coach to him :"
which he did, and was then reconciled ; and returned home,
making such a relation of their conference to his com
panion as he thought fit ; and delivered the Nuncio's sa
lutation to him. But within two or three days he knew
what the affair was : for, besides that the Nuncio could not
perform the office alone, but was to have the assistance of
two or three so qualified, there was really care taken that
the other ambassador might know it. And, before that
time, when they both visited the President de la Hazienda,
who carried them into his library, whilst the other am
bassador was casting his eyes upon some books, (it being
the best private library in Madrid,) tbe Lord Cottington
told the President, " that he was himself a Catholic, but
" that his companion was an obstinate Heretic :" of which
the President sent him information the next day. But
voi,. in. P. 1. 1 1

514

THE HISTORY

BOOK since himself forbore ever to communicate this secret to
XIH- him, out of an opinion, it is very probable, that he might
give some disturbance to his resolution, he likewise took
no manner of notice of it to him to the minute of their
parting.
The Lord This difficulty being over, there remained yet another;
Sc-v-fto whieh was, his having permission to stay in that country;
stay as a for which he addressed himself to Don Lewis ; mentioned
maTin "his age; his infirmity of the gout; which would in-
gpain. H fau,;biy seize upon him, if, in that season of the year, he
"should provoke it by an extraordinary motion; in S,
" word, that it was impossible for him to make the jour-
" ney." Don Lewis told him, " he could answer him to
" part of what he said without speaking to tbe King;
" that he must not think of staying with the character of
" an ambassador, nor of residing in Madrid, in how pri-
" vaite a condition soever : if he desired any thing with
" these two restraints, he would move the King in it.".
The other told him, " that he submitted to both these
" conditions ; and only desired licence to reside in Valla-
" dolid, where he had lived many years, when the Court
" remained there, in the time of King Philip the Third."
This place was not disliked; and within few days, Don
Lewis sent him word, " that the King approved it; and
" that he should have a letter to the chief magistrate
" there, to treat him with all respect; and that his Ma-
" jesty would take care that he should not undergo any
" distress, but would Supply him as his necessities re-
f quired." And, shortly after, a message was sent to the
ambassadors to let them know, that the King had ap
pointed such a day for to give them an audience to take
their leave. This new importunity was as extraordinary
as the former; however, they performed their ceremonies;
and about the beginning of March, after they had been in
that Court near fifteen months, they both left Madrid in

The am
bassadors
have au
dience of
leave. The Lord

Jives'afval- Ihe same hour: the Lord Cottington taking his course for
ladolid till, Valladolid ; where he had the same house provided, and
tie dies. •>
made ready for him by the care of the English Jesuits

OF THE REBELLION. 515
there, in which he had dwelt at the time of his agency, BOOK
when the Court resided there; where he died within one XIII.
year after, in the 77th year of his age.
He was a very wise man, by the great and long ex- His charac-
perience he had in business of all kinds; and by his na-tcr"
tural temper, which was not liable to any transport of
anger, or any other passion, but could bear contradiction,
and even reproach, without being moved, or put out of
his way : for he was very steady in pursuing what he pro
posed to himself, and had a courage not to be frighted
with any opposition. It is true he was illiterate as to the
grammar of any language, or the principles of any science ;
but by his perfectly understanding the Spanish, (which he
spoke as a Spaniard,) the French, and Italian languages,
and having read very much in all, he could not be said to
be ignorant in any part of learning, divinity only excepted.
He had a very fine and extraordinary understanding in the
nature of beasts and birds, and above all in all kind of
plantations and arts of husbandry. He was born a gentle
man both by father and mother, his father having a pretty
entire seat near Bruton in Somersetshire, worth above two
hundred pounds a year, which had descended from father
to son for many hundred years, and is still in the posses
sion of his elder brother's children, the family having been
always Roman Catholic. His mother was a Stafford, nearly
allied to Sir Edward Stafford; who was Vice-Chamberlain
to Queen Elizabeth, and had been ambassador in France;
by whom this gentleman was brought up, and was gentle
man of his horse, and left one of his executors of his will,
and by him recommended to Sir Robert Cecil, then prin
cipal Secretary of State ; who preferred him to Sir Charles
Conwallis, when he went ambassador into Spain, in the
beginning of the reign of King James; where he re
mained, for the space of eleven or twelve years, in the
condition of Secretary or Agent, without ever returning
into England in all that time. He raised by his own vir
tue and industry a very fair estate, of which though the
revenue did not exceed above four thousand pounds by the
1.12

516 THE HISTORY
BOOK year; yet he had four very good houses, and three parks,
_ the value whereof was not reckoned into that computation.

He lived very nobly, well served and attended in his house ;
had a better stable of horses, better provision for sports,
(especially of hawks, in which he took great delight,) than
most of his quality, and lived always with great splendour;
for though he loved money very well, and did not warily
enough consider the circumstances of "getting it, he spent
it well all ways but in giving, which he did not affect.' He
was of an excellent humour, and very easy to live with ;
and, under a grave countenance, covered the most of mirth,
and caused more, than any man of the most pleasant dis
position. He never used any body ill, but used many very
well for whom he had no regard: his greatest fault was,
that he could dissemble, and make men believe that he
loved them very well, when he cared not for them. He
had not very tender affections, nor bowels apt to yearn at
all objects which deserved compassion : he was heartily
weary of the world, and no man was more willing to die;
which is an argument that he had peace of conscience. He
left behind him a greater esteem of his parts, than love tp
his person.
The other The other ambassador was dismissed with much more
dor dis- courtesy : for when they heard that his family remained at
TOurteVe'TAntwerp in Flanders> and that he intended to go thither,
pusiy. and stay there till he received other orders from the King
his master, they gave him all dispatches thither which
might be of use to him m those parts. The King of Spain
himself used many gracious expressions to him at his last
audience, and sent afterwards to him a letter for the Arch
duke Leopold ; in which he expressed the good opinion he
had of the ambassador ; and commanded, *< that, whilst
" he should choose to reside in those parts, under his
f{ government, he should receive all respect, and enjoy all
" privileges as an ambassador:" and Don Lewis de Haro
writ likewise to the Archduke, and the Count of Fuensal
dagna, " to look upon him as his particular friend :" all
which ceremonies, though they cost them nothing, were of

OF THE REBELLION. 517
real benefit and advantage to the ambassador: for besides BOOK
tbe treatment he received from the Archduke himself in XIII.
Brussels, as ambassador, such directions, or recommenda
tions, were sent to the magistrates at Antwerp, that he
enjoyed the privilege of his chapel, and all the English,
who were numerous then in that city, repaired thither
with all freedom for their devotion, and the exercise of
their religion : which liberty had never been before granted
to any man there, and which the English, and Irish
priests, and the Roman Catholics of those nations, exceed
ingly murmured at, and used all the endeavours they could
to have taken away, though in vain.
In his passage through France he waited upon the in his
Queen Mother, who received him very graciously ; and he through
found there, that the success which Cromwell had obtained franc.e
* , .he waits
in Scotland (though the King was still there, and in a on the
better condition than before) had the same effect in thej^j"^
Court of France as it had in the Court of Spain; it gave
over all thoughts of the King, as in a condition not only
deplorable, but as absolutely desperate.
There had, a little before, fallen out an accident that The death
troubled France very much, and no less pleased Spain ; prince of
which was the death of the Prince of Orange ; a young oranse-
prince of great hope and expectation, and of a spirit that
desired to be in action. He had found, that the peace
hetween Spain and the Low Countries, which his father
had been so solicitous to make, even at his expiration, was
not like to preserve him in equal lustre to what the three
former princes had enjoyed ; and therefore he wished no
thing more, than that an opportunity might be offered to
enter upon the war. He complained loudly, that the
Court of Spain had not observed, nor performed, many of
those conditions which it was obliged to do for the par
ticular benefit of him and his family: whereby he con
tinued involved in many debts, which were uneasy to him ;
and so, upon all occasions which fell out, he adhered to
that party in the States which were known most to favour
the interest of France; which inclination the Cardinal,
l!3

It
tt

518 THE HISTORY
BOOK and the other ministers of that Crown, used all possible
XHL care and endeavour to cultivate i and Spain was so much
affected with the apprehension of the consequence of that
alteration, and with the conscience of their own having
promoted it, by not having complied with their obliga
tions, that they resolved to redeem their error, and to re
concile him again, if possible, to them. To this purpose,
a very great present was prepared at Madrid to be sent to
him, ten brave Spanish horses, the worst of which cost
there three hundred pounds sterling, with many other
rarities of great value, and likewise a present of plate,
jewels, and perfumed leather, to the Princess Royal his
wife; and a full assurance, " that they would forthwith
begin to perform all the articles which were to be done
by them, and finish all within a short time."
The express, who was appointed to accompany the pre
sent, and to perform the other functions, was to begin this
journey within two days, when the news arrived, by an
express from Brussels, who came in as short a time as
could be imagined, that the Prince of Orange was dead of
the small pox, and had left the Princess with child, and
flisPriu- very near her time; who was brought to bed of a son
vered of a within few days after his decease. The Court at Madrid
son shortly could not conceal its joy, nor dissemble their opinion,
that the enemy whose influence they most apprehended
was fortunately taken out of the Way. On the otiier hand,
France owned a great sorrow and grief for the loss of a
man whom they believed to be more than ordinarily af
fected to them ; and who, by a conj unction with their
friends in Holland, might, in a short time, be much su
perior to that party in the States which adhered to the
Spanish interest.
The King Rut nobody received so insupportable prejudice and
friend in. damage, by this fatal blow, as the King of Great Britain
thePruice. _i_ - towards whom that brave Prince gave all the testi
mony and manifestation of the most entire, fast, and
unshaken affection and friendship, that hath ever been per
formed towards any person under any signal misfortune.

OF THE REBELLION. 519
Besides the assisting him, upon several emergent ooca- BOOK
sions, with greater sums of money than were easy to his
incumbered fortune, his reputation, and his declared reso
lution, " that he would venture all he had in that quarrel,"
disposed many to be more concerned for his Majesty.
Though he could not prevail over that faction in Holland,
which were known to favour Cromwell, (and the more out
of their aversion to him, and to his power and greatness,)
to induce them to serve the King, yet he kept the States
General from consenting to that infamous alliance and con
junction, which, shortly after his death, they entered into
with the new Republic; and which they would never have
yielded to, if. he had lived. And, no doubt, the respect
both France and Spain had for him, and his interposition,
had prevailed with both to be more restrained than they
afterwards appeared to be, in a total declining all consi
deration of the King, and rejecting all thoughts of his re
storation. It contributed very much to the negligent
farewell the ambassadors had received in Spain ; for the
news of the Prince's death had arrived there some time
before their departure : and it did not only extinguish all
imaginations in France of any possible hope for our King,
but very much lessened the respect and civility which that
Court had always shewed to the Queen herself, as a
daughter of France; towards whom they expressed not
that regard they had formerly done.
But there was another accident, which, at this time,
gave the Queen more trouble than this; and of which her
Majesty made great complaint to the Chancellor of the
Exchequer at his return from Spain. Upon the interview
which had been between the King and the Queen at Beau-
vais, when the King went for Holland, upon the fore
sight, if not the resolution, that it would be fit for him to
adventure his own person into Scotland, he had left his Touching
brother, the Duke of York with the Queen, with direction, *feYor£ ,eeft
i" that he should conform himself entirely to the will and with the
. • i ., i- i- ¦ yueen.
"pleasure of the Queen his mother, matters of religion
« only excepted." And there was the less doubt of his
l14

520 THE HISTORY
BOOK conformity to her commands, because, besides his piety
______ and duty, which was very entire towards her, he was to
depend wholly upon her bounty for his support; the Court
of France not taking any notice of this increase of her
expence, nor paying her own narrow assignation with any
punctuality ; so that she was not able, besides the ie-
- servedness in her nature, so to supply him as to make his
condition pleasant to him; but exercised the same austere
carriage towards him, which she had done to the Prince
his brother, and as unsuccessfully. The Duke was very
young, with a numerous family of his own, not well
enough inclined to be contented, and consisting of per
sons who loved not one another, nor their master well
enough to consider him before themselves : which wrought
that effect upon him, that none of them had that credit
with him, that, at such an age, some good men ought to
have had : which proceeded from want of reasonable pro
vidence and circumspection. For when he made his
escape out of England, as is mentioned before, he had only
one person attending him, (who had, before, no relation
or pretence to his service,) whose merit might have been
otherwise requited, than by giving him a title and depend
ence upon him; and he quickly appeared to be so un
worthy of it, that he was removed from it. Then was the
time that such persons should have been placed about
him, as might have both discovered such infirmities, as his
nature might incline him to, and have infused those prin
ciples of virtue and honour, as he was most capable of, and
disposed to ; .and which had been as proper for his present
misfortune, as for his highest dignity. But that province
was wholly committed to the Queen his mother by the late
King, who was then in prison ; and her Majesty being then
at Paris, when the Duke landed in Holland, she could not
deliberate so long upon it as such a subject required ; and
so was persuaded by others to consider them more than
her son ; and made haste to put such a family, about him,
with reference to the number, and to the offices which
they were designed to serve in, as was above the greatness

OF THE REBELLION. 521
to which the younger son of the Crown of England could BOOK
pretend, by the usage and custom of that kingdom, when XIII.
it was in the greatest splendour; and all this, when there
was not in view the least revenue to support it, but that
the whole charge and burthen of it must inevitably fall
upon her; of which her Majesty was quickly sensible, and
paid the penalty at least in the peace and quiet of her
mind. The Duke was full of spirit and courage, and naturally
loved designs, and desired to engage himself in some action
that might improve and advance the low condition of the
King his brother; towards whom he had an inviolable
affection and fidelity, superior to any Femptation. He was
not pleased with the treatment he received in France, nor
had confidence enough in any of his servants, to be ad
vised by them towards the contriving any expedient that
he might reasonably dispose himself to, or to be dissuaded
from any enterprise which his own passion might suggest
to him ; though too many had too much credit with him
in contributing to his discontents, and in representing the
uncomfortableness of his own condition to him ; " the
(i little regard the Queen appeared to have of him, the
" lustre that some of her servants lived in, and those who
¦ " depended upon them, whilst his Royal Highness wanted
" all that was necessary, and his servants were exposed to
" the most scandalous necessities and contempt ;" which
suggestions, by degrees, began to abate that reverence in
him to the Queen his mother, to which he was very duti
fully inclined.
There were at that time two persons, who, though with
out any relation to the Court, very much frequented the
Duke's lodgings, and had frequent discourses with him,
Sir Edward Herbert, the late King's Attorney General, Sir Edward
(of whom much is said before,) and Sir George Ratcliff, ^g^Q
who had been designed by that King to attend upon the Ratclifr
Duke of York into Ireland, when he once thought of send- intere-tTn
ing him thither. But that design being quickly laid aside, him-
there was no more thought of using his service there.

522 THE HISTORY
BOOK The Duke looked upon them both as wise men, and fit to
XIII. gjve jjjm advice ; and finding that they both applied them
selves to him with diligence and address, he communi
cated his thoughts more freely to them than to any others.
And they took pains to persuade him to dislike the condi
tion he was in, and that he might spend his time more tp
They re- his advantage in some other place than in France. They
commend spoke 0ften to him of the Duke of Lorrain, " as a pat-
to him the "¦ .
pattern of " tern and example for all unfortunate Princes to follow:
Lomdn.60 " that he being, by the power and injustice of the King of
" France, driven out of his principality and dominions,
" had, by his own virtue and activity, put himself in the
" head of an army; by which he made himself so consi-
" derable, that he was courted by both the Crowns of
" France and Spain, and might make his conditions with
" either according to his own election ; and in the mean
" time lived with great reputation, and in great plenty,
" esteemed by all the world for his courage and conduct."
With these, and the like discourses, the Duke was much
pleased and amused, and wished in himself that he could
be put into such a condition, when in truth there could not
a more improper example have been proposed to him,
whose condition was more unlike his, or whose fortune
and manners he was less to wish to follow, or less able to
Tlie Duke imitate. For the Duke of Lorrain had, for many years
rair/sdia- Def°re his misfortunes, had a great name in war, and was
racter. looked upon as one of the greatest captains of Christen
dom ; and had drawn the arms and power of France upon
him, by his inconstancy, and adhering to Spain, contrary
to his treaty and obligation with the other Crown ; and
wheh he was driven out of his own country, and not able
to defend it, he was in the head of a very good army, and
possessed of great wealth, which he carried with him, and
could not but be very welcome, as he well knew, into
Flanders, both as his misfortune proceeded from his affec
tion to their King, and as his forces were necessary for
their defence. And so he made such conditions with
them, as were most beneficial to himself, and yet, in the

OF THE REBELLION. 523
consequence, so unsuccessful, as might well terrify all BOOK
other Princes from treading in the same footsteps. XIII.
With the report of the defeat of that army by Cromwell ~"
in Scotland, (which was the first good fortune to the King,)
or shortly after, some letters from England brought intel
ligence, without any ground, that the'King was danger
ously sick; and shortly after, that he was dead; which The King
was believed in England, and from thence transmitted into Relieved in
France to
France. 1 his gave a new alarm to those two gentlemen be dead,
mentioned before, who received this information from such
friends in England, that they did really believe it to be
true; and thereupon concluded, that both the place and
the company would not be fit for the new King to be found
in ; and therefore that it would be necessary for him to
remove from thence, before the report should be confirmed
and believed.
Whether they imparted this nice consideration to the
Duke or hot, his Highness, without any preface of the
motives, told the Queen, "he was resolved to make a The Duke
" journey to Brussels ;" who, being exceedingly surprised, quaints his
asked him the reason; and " how he could be able tomotuertna,!
. . tit i • he will go
" make such a journey ? which she in truth believed lm- to Brus-
possible for him, since she knew he had no money. His !fls :.whl"
answer in short was, "that he would visit the Duke of goes.
" Lorrain, who had been always a friend to his father, and
"continued his affection to the King his brother; and he
" had some reason to believe, that Duke would enable him
" to appear in action, that might be for his Majesty's ser-
" vice ; and that he was resolved to begin his journey the
" next day ;" from which neither the Queen's advice nor
authority could divert him. Her Majesty quickly dis
cerned, that neither the Lord Byron, aior Sir John Berke
ley, nor Mr. ©en.net, his Secretary, knew any thing of it ;
and therefore easily concluded who the counsellors were ;
who were ooth very ungracious to her, and she had long
done all she could to lessen the Duke's esteem of them.
They well foresaw that- the want of money would be of
that force, that, without any other difficulty, the journey

524 THE HISTORY
BOOK would be rendered impossible. They had therefore, upon
_ their own credit, or out of their own store, procured as
much as would defray the journey to Brussels ; which, by
the Duke's directions, was put into the hands of Sir
George Ratcliff, and to be managed by his providence and
discretion. And then he publicly declared his resolution
to begin his journey the next day for Brussels, leaving his
. servants to make what shift they could to stay there, or
follow him.
Since there was no remedy, the Queen thought it neces
sary that his chief servants should wait on him, that she
might receive an account what progress he made, and
what his design could be : so the Lord Byron and Mr,
Bennet made themselves ready for the journey ; Sir John
Berkeley choosing to stay behind, that he might not ap
pear inferior where he had exercised the supreme charge;
And so, with the other two counsellors, and many of the
inferior servants, the Duke, according to his resolution,
left the Queen; and, when he came to Brussels, he lodged
at the house of Sir Henry de Vic, the King's Resident,
without being taken notice of by any of that Court. There
the two counsellors begun to form his family, and to con
fer offices upon those who were most acceptable to them ;
presuming that they should shortly receive news from
England, which would confirm all that they had done
under other titles. In the mean time the government of
the house, and ordering the expence, was committed
wholly to Sir George Ratcliff, whilst the other contented
himself with presiding in the councils, and directing all the
politic designs. The Duke of Lbrrain had visited the
Duke upon his first arrival, and, being informed of the
straits his Royal Highness was in, presented him with one
thousand pistoles. But now the secret ground of all their
counsels was found to be without any reality : the King
was not only alive, and in good health, but known to be in
the head of an army that looked Cromwell in the face;
which destroyed all the machine they had raised: yet,
being too far embarked to retire with any grace, and being

OF THE REBELLION. 525
encouraged by the civility the Duke of Lorrain had shewed BOOK
towards the Duke, they had the presumption to propose ______
that there might be a marriage between the Duke of His two
York and the daughter of the Duke of Lorrain by the™™6,!10/8
Countess of Canteeroy; whom he had publicly married, match for
but which marriage was declared at Rome to be void, by ti^Duke
reason that his former wife was still alive. of Lor-
When the Duke of Lorrain saw how the affairs of this bastard
young Prince were conducted, and that the Lord Byron dauShter-
and Mr. Bennet, who were men well bred, and able to
have discoursed any business to him, one whereof was his
Governor and the other his Secretary, who by their offices
ought to be more trusted in an affair of that moment,
were not at all acquainted with it, and that the other two
persons, who were men of a very unusual mien, appeared
in it, and that only Sir George Ratcliff undertook to speak
to him about it, who could only make himself understood
in Latin, which the Duke cared not to speak in, he de
clined entertaining the motion, till he might know that it
was made with the King's approbation ; which the other
did not pretend it to be, but, " that he did not doubt it
" would be afterwards approved by his Majesty." Thus
they were at the end of their projects; and there being no
means to stay longer at Brussels, they persuaded the Duke The Duke
to visit his sister at the Hague, and there to consider and^_„£atS
advise what was next to be done. tne Hague.
Of all these particulars the Queen complained to the
Chancellor of the Exchequer, with great bitterness against
the folly and presumption of those two gentlemen, whose
fidelity to the King she did not suspect; nor could she
imagine the motive that had engaged them in such a bold
undertaking; but she required him, " that, as soon as he
" should come into Flanders, he would make a journey to
" the Hague, and prevail with the Duke" (to whom she
writ to the same purpose) " to return again to Paris ;"
which the Chancellor promised to endeavour heartily to
do, being exceedingly troubled at the general discourse,'
which that sally had administered, as if there were a

526 THE HISTORY
BOOK schism in the royal family in a season when so much union
XIII. vvas requisite.
- Tnere was another instance of the King's extreme low
condition, and of the highest disrespect the Court of
France could express towards him, and of which all the
Protestant party of the Queen's family complained very
vehemently. From the time of the Queen's being in
France, the late King had appointed a chaplain of his
own, Dr. Cosins, who was afterwards Bishop of Dur
ham, to attend upon her Majesty for the constant service
of that part of her household, the number of her Protestant
servants being much superior to "those who were Roman
Catholics. And the Queen had always punctually complied
with the King's directions, and used the chaplain very
graciously, and assigned him a competent support with
the rest of her servants. An under room in the Louvre,
out of any common passage, had been assigned for their
morning and evening devotions; the key whereof was
committed to the chaplain; who caused the room to be
decently furnished, and kept; being made use of to no
other purpose. Here, when the Prince first came thither,
and afterwards, whilst he stayed, he performed his devo
tions all the week, but went Sundays still to the Resident's
Dr. Cosins house to hear sermons. At this time an order was sent
officiate to fr°m the Queen Regent, " that that room should be
the Protest-" no more applied to Ahat purpose, and that the French
Queen's " King would not permit the exercise of any other religion
Paris* at " in any of ms houses than the Roman Catholic:" and the
Queen gave notice to the chaplain, " that she was no
" longer able to continue the payment of the exhibition
" she had formerly assigned to him." The Protestants,
whereof many were of the best quality, lamented this al
teration to the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and desired
him to intercede with the Queen, which he had the more
title to do, because, at his going into Spain, she had vouch
safed to promise him, (upon some rumours, of which he
took notice,) " that the same privilege which had been,
" should still be continued, and enjoyed by the Protestants

OF THE REBELLION. 527
"of her household; and that she would provide for the BOOK
" chaplain's subsistence." He presumed therefore to speak XIII.
with her Majesty upon it; and besought her to consider, The Chan-
" what ill impression this new order would make upon the "^ witll
" Protestants of all the King's dominions; upon whom he the Queen
" was chiefly to depend for his restoration; and how much'
" prejudice it might be to herself, to be looked upon as a
" greater enemy to Protestants, than she had been taken
" notice of to be; and likewise, whether this order, which
" had been given since the departure of the Duke of York,
" might not be made use of as an excuse for his not
" returning, or indeed for his going away at first, since
" the precise time when it issued would not be generally
" understood." The Queen heard him very graciously,
and acknowledged, "that what he said had reason in it; The
" but protested that she knew not what remedy to apply j_^_.s-
" to it ; that she had been herself surprised with that
"order, and was troubled at it; but that the Queen Re-
" gent was positive in it, and blamed her for want of zeal
" in her religion ; and that she cared not to advance it, or "
" to convert any of her children." She wished him
" to confer with Mr. Mountague upon it;" and implied,
" that his bigotry in his new religion had contributed
w much to the procuring that order." He had newly taken
orders, and was become Priest in that Church, and had
great power with the Queen Regent, as well for his ani
mosity against that religion he bad professed, as for his
vehement zeal for the Church of which he now was.
Upon this occasion, her Majesty expressed a great sense of
the loss she had sustained by the death of her old confessor,
Father Phillips ; who, she said, " was a prudent and dis-
" creet man ; and would never suffer her to be pressed to
" any passionate undertakings, under pretence of doing
" good for Catholics ; and always told her, that, as she
" ought to continue firm and constant to her own religion,
"so she was to live well towards the Protestants, who
" deserved well from her, and to whom she was beholding."
She said, " it would not be possible to have the same or

528 THE HISTORY
BOOK " any other room set aside, or allowed to be used as a
XIII. "chapel; but that she would take such course, that the
" family might meet for the exercise of their devotion in
" some private room that belonged to their lodgings : and
" that though her'own exhibition was so ill paid, that she
" was indebted to all her servants, yet she would give order
" that Dr. Cosins (against whom she had some personal
" exceptions) should receive his salary, in proportion with
" the rest of her servants." She bid him " assure the
" Duke of York, that he should have a free exercise of his
" religion, as he had before, though it must not be in the
" same place."
Tlie Chan- The Chancellor conferred with Mr. Montague upon the
fers°withn subject ; and offered the same reasons which he had done
Mr. Mon- to the Queen ; which he looked upon as of no moment ;
_ague a ou ^ gaj^ a ^^ tke King of France was master in his own
" house, and he was resolved, though the King of England
" himself should come thither again, never to permit any
" solemn exercise of the Protestant religion in any house
" of his." The consideration of what the Protestants in
England might think on this occasion was of least moment
to him ; and it was indeed the common discourse there,
that the Protestants of the Church of England could
never do the King service, but that all his hopes must be
" in the Roman Catholics, and the Presbyterians ; and that
" he ought to give all satisfaction to both those parties."
When the Chancellor of the Exchequer came to Ant
werp, with a purpose to make a journey speedily to the
Hague, he was informed, " that the States were much of-
" fended that the Duke of York remained there; and there-
" fore that the Princess Royal" (who now more depended
upon their favour than ever; her own jointure, as well as
the fortune of her son, being to be settled in their judica
tory) " could no longer entertain him, but that he would be
" the next day at Breda." Thither the Chancellor immedi-
Thc Chan- ately went; and found the Duke there with a family in all
thcDukeofthe confusion imaginable, in present want of every thing,
Yorkat and not knowing what was to be done next. They all cen-

ti

OF THE REBELLION. 529
sured and reproached the counsel by which they had been BOOK
guided, and the counsellors as bitterly inveighed against XIII.
each other, for undertaking many things which had no Breda; and
foundation in truth. They who concurred in nothing else ohfe^actions
were equally severe against the Attorney, as a man of that Duke's
intolerable pride, that it was not possible for any man to __)/
converse with him. He as frankly reproached them all with
being men of no parts, of no understanding, nor learning,
no principles, and no resolution, and was so just to them
all, as to contemn every man of them alike. In truth
he had rendered himself so grievous to them all, that there
was no man who desired to be in his company; yet, by
the knack of his talk, which was the most like reason
without being it, he retained still too much credit with
the Duke; who, being amused and confounded with his
positive discourse, thought him to be wiser than those
who were more easily understood; and was himself so
young, that he was rather delighted with the journeys he
had made, than sensible that he had not entered upon them
with reason enough; and was fortified with a firm resolu
tion never to acknowledge that he had committed any
error. However, he was very glad to receive the Queen's
letter, which the Chancellor delivered to him ; heard his
advice very willingly, and resolved to begin his journey to
Paris without any delay ; and looked upon the occasion, as
a very seasonable redemption. The next day he went to
Antwerp; and from thence, with the same retinue he had
carried with him, made haste to Paris, and was received The Duke
by the Queen his mother without those expostulations and p_.;s to
reprehensions which he might reasonably have expected ; the Quee»-
though her severity was the same towards all those, who,
she thought, had had the credit and power to seduce him ;
and they were not solicitous, by any apologies or confes
sion, to recover her favour : for the true reason that had
swayed them being not to be avowed, any other that they
could devise and suggest would have rendered them more
inexcusable. During this time, the King underwent all kind of morti-
vol. m. P. I. M m

530 THE HISTORY
B OOK fications in Scotland. But after the defeat of the Scottish
XIH- army in September, with which the King and Cromwell
T&eJCing's were equally delighted, as hath been said before, the
SrattandT Marquis of Argyle's empire seemed not to be so absolute.
A new army was appointed to be raised ; the King him
self interposed more than he had done ; and the noblemen
and officers came to him with more confidence; and his
Majesty took upon him to complain and expostulate, when
those things were done which he did not like : yet the
power was still in Argyle's hands ; who, under all the pro
fessions of humility, exercised still the same tyranny ; insor
much as the King grew weary of his own patience, and
resolved to make some attempt to free himself. Dr.
Frazier, who had been the King's physician many years
before, and had constantly attended upon his person, and
very much contributed to the King's journey into Scot
land, was, shortly after his coming thither, disliked by
Argyle ; who knew that he was a creature of the Hamil-
tonians, and found him to be of an unquiet and over-active
spirit; and thereupon sequestered him from his attend
ance. There were many officers who had served in Duke
Hamilton's Engagement, as Middleton, and others, who
had very entire affections for the King ; and many of
them had corresponded with Mountrose, and resolved to
have joined with him ; and finding themselves excluded, as
all of them were, from any employment by the power of
Argyle, had retired into the Highlands, and remained
there concealed in expectation of some good season, in
which they might avowedly appear. With some of these
Dr. Frazier had held correspondence whilst he was in the
Court, and had often spoken to the King of their affection,
and readiness to serve him, and of their power to do it, and
had returned his Majesty's gracious acceptation of their
service, and his resolution to employ them. And now, not
being himself suffered to come to the Court, he found
means tp meet and confer with many of them ; and held
intelligence with the Lord Lautherdale, who had always
great confidence in him; and the officers undertaking to

OF THE REBELLION. 531
do more than they could, or the Doctor understanding BOOK
them to undertake more than they did, (for his fidelity was XIII.
never suspected,) he gave the King such an account of
their numbers, as well as resolutions, that his Majesty ap
pointed a day for their rendezvous, and promised to be
present with them, and then to publish a declaration
(which was likewise prepared) of the ill treatment he had
endured, and against the person of Argyle; to whom
the Duke of Buckingham gave himself wholly up, and
imparted to him all this correspondence, having found
some of the letters which had passed, by the King's
having left his cabinet open ; for he was not at all trusted
in it.
But Argyle did not think the time so near; so that the
King did prosecute this purpose so far, that he rode one
day, with a dozen or twenty horse, into the Highlands, and The King
lodged there one night; neither the Marquis of Argyle, towardTthe
nor any body else, knowing what was become of him ; Highlands ;
... , ... ,. . _ ., which was
which put them all into great distraction. It was indeed a called the
very empty and unprepared design, contrived and con-start"
ducted by Dr. Frazier, without any foundatipn to build
upon; and might well have ruined the King. It was after
wards called the Start; yet it proved, contrary to the ex
pectation of wise men, very much to. his Majesty's advan
tage. For though he was compelled the next day to re- But is per-
turn, with a circumstance that seemed to have somewhat ^^nthe
of force in it, (for as the company he looked for failed to next day.
appear, so there was a troop of horse, which he looked not
for, sent by Argyle, who used very effectual instance with
him to return,) yet notwithstanding, this declaration of
his Majesty's resentment, together with the observation of
what the people generally spoke upon it, " that the King The King
" was not treated as he ought to be," made the Marquis __^__f
of Argyle change his counsels, and to be more solicitous by Argyle.
to satisfy the King. A summons was sent out, in theAPariia-
King's name, to call a Parliament ; and great preparations moned"™
were reallv made for the coronation; and the season oftheKme's
J .... name.
the year, against which Cromwell was securing himself in
M m 2

532 THE HISTORY
BOOK Edinburgh, and making provisions for his army, the winter
XIII. coming on, and the strong passes, which were easy then to
be guarded, hindered the enemy's advance : so that the
King resided, sometimes at Stirling, and sometimes at St.
It meets at Johnston's, with convenience enough. The Parliament
and recon- met at Stirling, and shortly after brought all the lords of
ciles the the other party thither, who appeared to have credit
enough to wipe off those stains with which the Engage
ment had defaced them, yet with submission to stand pub
licly in the stool of repentance, acknowledging their former
transgressions; as they all did.
Duke Hamilton and Lautherdale were welcome to the
King, and nearest his confidence; which neither the Duke
of Buckingham, who had cast off their friendship as un-
useful, nor the Marquis of Argyle, were pleased with.
The King himself grew very popular, and, by his frequent
conferences with the knights and burgesses, got any thing
passed in the Parliament which he desired. He caused
An army many infamous acts to be repealed, and provided for the
raised, of raising an army, whereof himself was General ; and no ex-
which the . J
King is ceptions were taken to those officers who had formerly
General. ^-y^ the Kmg hjg fat_e),#
Thecoro- The coronation was passed with great solemnity and
magnificence, all men making shew of joy, and of being
united to serve his Majesty : yet the Marquis of Argyle
preserved his greatness and interest so well, and was still
so considerable, that it was thought very expedient to
raise an imagination in him, that the King had a purpose
to marry one of his daughters ; which was. carried so far*
that the King could no otherwise defend himself from it,
than by sending an express into France for the Queen his
mother's consent, (which seemed not to be doubted of,):
and to that purpose Captain Titus, a person grateful to
Argyle, and to all the Pueshyterian party, was sent; who,
finding the Queen less warm upon the proposition than
was expected, made less haste back ; so that the fate of
Scotland was first determined.
The King's army was as well modelled, and in as good a

nation.

OF THE REBELLION. 533
#
condition as it was like to be whilst he stayed in Scotland. BOOK
By that time that Cromwell was ready to take the field, XIII.
his Majesty was persuaded to make David Lesley his
Lieutenant General of the army ; who had very long ex
perience, and a very good name in war; and Middleton
commanded the horse. The artillery was in very good
order under the command of Wemmes, who had not the
worse reputation there for having been ungrateful to the
King's father. He was a confessed good officer; and
there were, or could be, very few officers of any superior
command, but such who had drawn their swords against
his late Majesty; most of those who had served under the
Marquis of Mountrose having been put to death. Many
of the greatest noblemen had raised regiments, or troops ;
and all the young gentlemen of the kingdom appeared
very hearty and cheerful in commands, or volunteers :
and, in all appearance, they seemed a body equal in any
respect, and superior in number, to the enemy ; which ad
vanced all they could, and made it manifest that theycromweii
desired nothing more than to come to battle; which was '" g6*^0"13
hot thought counsellable for the King's army to engage the King's
in, except upon very notable advantages ; which they had army"
reason every day to expect; for there was a very broad
and a deep river between them; and if they kept the
passes, of which they were possessed, and could hardly
choose but keep, Cromwell must in a very few days want
provisions, and so be forced to retire, whilst the King had
plenty of all things which he stood in need of, and could,
by the advantage of the passes, be in his rear as soon as he
thought fit.
In this posture both armies stood in view of each other Both ar-
, „ _ , T 1 ..I ,, mies near
near the two months of June and July, with some small eacn othei,
attempts upon each other, with equal success. About the j^*^ ^
end of July, by the cowardice or treachery of Major Ge- June and
neral Brown, who had a body of four thousand men toJul5r-
keep it, Cromwell's forces under Lambert gained the pass, ^?m^e11
by which they got behind the King; and though they pass, and
could not compel his Majesty to fight, for there was still ff^6^
M m 3

.534 THE HISTORY
BOOK the great river between them, they were possessed, or
,  1_ might quickly be, of the most fruitful part of the country;

arid so would not only have sufficient provision for their
own army, but in a short time would be able to cut off
much of that which should supply the King's. This was
a great surprise to the King, and put him into new coun
sels ; and he did, with the unanimous advice of almost all
the principal officers, and all those who were admitted to
the Council, take a resolution worthy of his courage;
which, how unfortunate soever it proved, was evidence
enough that the same misfortune would have fallen out if
he had not taken it.
The King was now, by Cromwell's putting himself be
hind him, much nearer to England than he : nor was it
possible for him to overtake his Majesty, in regard of the
ways he was unavoidably to pass, till after the King had
been some days'- march before him: his Majesty's fate
depended upon the success of one battle : for a possible
escape into the Highlands, after a defeat, there was no
kingly prospect: all the northern parts of England had
given him cause to believe that they were very well affected
to his service, and if he could reach those countries, he"
might presume to increase his army, which was numerous
enough, with an addition of such men as would make it
The King much more considerable. Hereupon, with the concur-
marcMnto rence aforesaid, it was resolved that the army should inv-
England, mediately march, with as much expedition as was possi
ble, into England, by the nearest ways, which led into
Lancashire, whither the King sent expresses to give those,
of whom he expected much, (by reason some of then) had
been in Scotland with him, with promise of large under
takings,) notice of his purpose, that they might get their
soldiers together to receive him. His Majesty sent like
wise an express to the Isle of Man, where the Earl of
Derby had securely reposed himself from the end of the
former war, " that he should meet his Majesty in Lan-
The Mar- " cashire." The Marquis of Argyle was the only man who
gylponi/" dissuaded his Majesty's march into England, with, reasons

OF THE REBELLION. 535
which were not frivolous; but the contrary prevailed; and BOOK
he stayed behind ; and, when the King begun his march, XIII.
retired to his house in the Highlands. Some were of dissuaded
opinion, that he should then have been made prisoner, and^""^
left so secured, that he might not be able to do mischief hind, and
when the King was gone, which most men believed henhouse.
would incline to. But his Majesty would not consent to
it, because he was confident " he would not attempt any
" thing while the army was entire : if it prevailed, he
" neither would nor could do any harm ; and if it were
" defeated, it would be no great matter what he did."
Though Cromwell was not frequently without good in
telligence what was done in the King's army and councils,
yet this last resolution was consulted with so great secrecy,
and executed with that wonderful expedition, that the
King had marched a whole day without his comprehending
what the meaning was, and before he received the least
advertisement of it. It was not a small surprise to him, Cromwell's
nor was it easy for him to resolve what to do. If he an(j coun.
should follow with his whole army, all the advantages he s,e!s uPon
J this news.
had got in Scotland would be presently lost, and the whole
kingdom be again united in any new mischief. If he fol
lowed but with part, he might be too weak when he over
took the King; whose army, he knew, would bear the fa
tigue of a long march better than his could do. There
were two considerations which troubled him exceedingly;
the one, the terrible consternation he foresaw the Parlia
ment would be in, when they heard that the King with his
army was nearer to them, than their own army was for
their defence; and he knew that he had enemies enough
to improve their fear, and to lessen his conduct : the other
was, tho apprehension, that, if the King had time given
to rest in any place, he would infinitely increase and
strengthen his army by the resort of the people, as well as
the gentry and nobility, from all parts. And though he
did so much undervalue the Scottish army, that he would
have been glad to have found himself engaged with it,
upon any inequality of numbers, and disadvantage of
M m 4

536 THE HISTORY
BOOK ground, yet he did believe, that, by a good mixture with
XIIL English, they might be made very considerable. He took
a very quick resolution to provide for all the best he could ;
he dispatched an express to the Parliament, to prevent
their being surprised with the news ; and to assure them,
" that he would himself overtake the enemy before they
" should give them any trouble ;" and gave such farther
orders for drawing the auxiliary tropps together in the
several counties, as he thought fit.
Orders He gave Lambert order, " immediately to follow the
toTilow " King w'th seven or eight hundred horse, and to draw as
the King « many others, as he could, from the country militia ; and
o^horse°dy " to disturb his Majesty's march the most he could, by
"being near, and obliging him to march close; not en-
" gaging his own party in any sharp actions, without a
" very notorious advantage; but to keep himself entire till
" he should come up to him." With this order Lambert
marched away the same day the advertisement came.
Leaves Cromwell resolved then to leave Major General Monk,
Scofland upon whom he looked with most confidence, as an excel
lent officer of foot, and as entirely devoted to him, with a
strong party of foot, and some troops of horse, strong
enough to suppress any forces which should rise after his
departure, " to keep Edinburgh, and the harbour of Leith;
" to surprise and apprehend as mahy of the nobility, and
" considerable gentry, as he should suspect, and keep them
" under custody ; to use the highest severity against all
" who opposed him ; and, above all, not to endure or
" permit the licence of the preachers in their pulpits ;
" and to make himself as formidable as was possible : in
" the last place, that, as soon as there appeared no visible
" force in the field, he should besiege Stirling ;" whither
most persons of condition were retired with their goods of
value, as to a place of strength, and eapable of being de
fended; where the records of the kingdom, and many
other things of most account were deposited ; it being the
place where the King had, for the most part, resided. He
charged him, " if at St. Johnston's, or any other place, he

OF THE REBELLION. 537
"found a stubborn resistance, and were forced to spend BOOK
"much time, or to take it by storm, that he should give XIII,
" no quarter, nor exempt it from a general plunder;" all
which rules Monk observed with the utmost rigour, and
made himself as terrible as man could be.
When Cromwell had dispatched all these orders and
directions, with marvellous expedition, and seen most of
them advanced in some degree, he begun his own march
with the remainder of his army, three days after the King And fol-
was gone, with a wonderful cheerfulness, and assurance to ^msg tberee
the officers and soldiers, that he should obtain a full vie- days after.
tory in England over those who fled from him out of Scot
land. The King had, from the time that he had recovered any
authority in Scotland, granted a commission to the Duke
of Buckingham, to raise a regiment of horse which Massey
was to command under him, and to raise another regiment
of foot. And the English which should resort thither, pf
which they expected great numbers, were to list themselves
in those regiments. And there were some who had listed
themselves accordingly; but the discipline the Scots had
used to the King, and their adhering to their old princi
ples, even after they seemed united for his Majesty, had
kept the King's friends in England from repairing to them
in Scotland. They who came from Holland with the King
had disposed themselves as is said before, and there was
little doubt but that, as soon as the King should enter
England, those two regiments would be immediately full.
The Duke of Buckingham had lost much ground (and the
more because the King was not pleased with it) by his
having broken off all manner of friendship with Duke
Hamilton, and the Earl of Lautherdale, (to whom he had
professed so much,) and had entered into so fast a con
junction with the Marquis of Argyle, their declared irre
concileable enemy, and adhered so firmly to him, when he
Was less dutiful to the King than he ought to have been.
Massey had got a great name by his defending Gloucester

538 THE HISTORY
BOOK against the late King, and was looked upon as a martyr
XIII' for the Presbyterian interest, and so very dear to that
Massey party; and therefore, as soon as they came within the
marchbe- borders or" England, he was sent with some troops before,
fore the and was always to march at least a day before the army, to
the end that he might give notice of the King's coming,
and draw the gentry of the counties through which he
passed, to be ready to attend upon his Majesty. Besides,
he had particular acquaintance with most of the Presby
terians of Lancashire ; whom nobody imagined to be of the
, Scottish temper, or unwilling to unite and join with the
royal party ; nor indeed were they.
A com- But it was fatal at that time to all Scottish armies, to
ministers have always in them a committee of ministers, who ruined
in the all ; and though there had been now all the care taken that
army, who could be, to choose such men for that service as had the
ruin all. reputation of being the most sober and moderate of that
whole body, and who had shewed more affection, and
advanced the King's service more than the rest; yet this
moderate people no sooner heard that Massey was sent
before to call upon their friends, and observed that, from
the entrance into England, those about the King seemed
to have less regard for the Covenant than formerly, but
they sent an express to him, without communicating it in
the least degree with the King, with letters, and a declara
tion, wherein they required him " to publish that declara-
" tion, which signified the King's and the whole army's
" zeal for the Covenant, and their resolution to prosecute
" the true intent of it ;" and forbid him " to receive or en-
" tertain any soldiers in his troops, but those who would
" subscribe that obligation." The King had soon notice
of this, and lost no time in sending to Massey "not to
" publish any such declaration, and to behave himself with
" equal civility towards all men who were forward to serve
" his Majesty." But before this inhibition was received,
the matter had taken air in all places, and was spread over
the kingdom ; all men fled from their houses, or concealed

OF THE REBELLION. 539
themselves, who wished the King very well ; and besides, BOOK
his motion was so quick, that none of them could repair XIII.
to him.
In Lancashire the Earl of Derby met him ; who, as soon The Earl '
as he received his summons, left the Isle of Man. When^e°^y
the King's army came about Warrington in Cheshire, they King in
found, that there was a body of the enemy drawn up in ashire,a"
fair field, which did not appear considerable enough to
stop their march. This was Lambert; who had made so Lambert
much haste, that he had that day fallen upon some of their js forced to
troops, and beaten them into the army; but when theretire-
army came up, Lambert, according to his order and pur
pose, retired, and, being pursued by the King's horse with
a greater party, made more haste than a well ordered re
treat requires, but with no considerable loss. This suc
cess made a great noise, as if Lambert had been defeated.
At Warrington it was thought counsellable, very un- At War-
fortunately, that the Earl of Derby, with the Lord With- 3'™ te
rington, and several other officers of good name, should Derby
return into Lancashire, in order to raise the well affected t„e King,
in those two counties of Lancashire and Cheshire; whoam*13 sent
to Lan-
could not come in upon so quick a march, as the King cashire
had made : and yet it being out of the road that Cromwell ^^J
was to follow, who was entered into Yorkshire, the re- raise forces.
maining of those persons there was thought a good ex
pedient to gather a body of English, which the King ex
tremely desired : and if they found any great difficulties,
they were to follow the army. In order to which, the
Earl had a body of near two hundred horse, consisting, for
the most part, of officers and gentlemen ; which deprived
the army of a strength they wanted ; and was afterwards
acknowledged to be a counsel too suddenly entered upon.
Upon appearance of that body of Lambert's, the whole
army was drawn up, and appeared very cheerful. The
King having observed David Lesley, throughout the whole
march, sad and melancholy, and, at that time when the
enemy retired, and plainly in a quicker pace than a good
retreat used to be made, slow in giving orders, and residing

540

THE HISTORY

BOOK by himself, his Majesty rode up to him, and asked him,
_______ with great alacrity, " how he Could be sad, when he was

army.

" in the head of so brave an army ?" (which he said looked
David Les- well that day,) and -demanded of him, " How he liked
ley's say- a tnerri ?" To which David Lesley answered him in his
ing con- *
cerning ear, being at some distance from any other, " that he was
a melancholy indeed, for he well knew that army, how
" well soever it looked, would not fight :" which the King
imputed to the chagrin of his humour, and gave it ho
credit, nor told it to any man, till, some years after, upon
another occasion which will be remembered in its place,
he told the Chancellor of the Exchequer of it.
It was not thought fit to pursue Lambert ; who, being
known to be a man of courage and conduct, and his troops
to be of the best, was suspected, by so disorderly a retreat,
to have only designed to have drawn the army another way,
to disorder and disturb their march ; which they resolved
to continue with the same expedition they had hitherto
used, which was incredible; until they should come to
such a post as they might securely rest themselves. And
there was an imagination, that they might have continued
it even to London ; which would have produced wonderful
effects. But they quickly found that to be impossible, and
that both horse and foot grew so weary, that they must
have rest: the weather was exceedingly hot; the march
having been begun near the beginning of August; so that
if they had not some rest before an enemy approached
them, how willing soever they might be, they could not
be able to fight.
There was a small garrison in Shrewsbury commanded
by a gentleman, who, it was thought, might be prevailed
with to give it up to the King ; but his Majesty sending
to him, he returned a rude denial : so that his Majesty's
eye was upon Worcester; that was so little out of his way
to London, that the going thither would not much retard
the march, if they found the army able to continue it,
Worcester had always been a place very well affected in
itself, and most of the gentlemen of that county had been

The King
summons
Shrews bury in
vain.

OF THE REBELLION. 541
engaged for the King in the former war, and the city was BOOK
the last that had surrendered to the Parliament, of all XIII.
those which had been garrisoned for his Majesty; when
all the works were thrown down, and no garrison from
that time had been kept there; the sheriff, and justices,
and committees, having had power enough to defend it
against any malignity of the town, or county; and at this
time all the principal gentry of that county had been seized
upon, and were now prisoners there. Thither the King The King
came with his army even as soon as they had heard that hem^rc^es^>
was in England: whereupon the committee, and all those
who were employed by the Parliament, fled in all the con
fusion imaginable, leaving their prisoners behind them,
lest they themselves should become prisoners to them;
and the city opened their gates, and received the King,
with all the demonstration of affection and duty that could
be expressed ; and made such provision for the army, that
it wanted nothing it could desire ; tbe mayor taking care
for the present provision of shoes and stockings, the want
whereof, in so long a march, was very apparent and griev
ous. The principal persons of the country found them
selves at liberty ; and they, and the mayor and aldermen,
with all the solemnity they could prepare, attended the
herald, who proclaimed the King, as he had done, in moreWhereheis,
baste, and with less formality, in all those considerable
towns through which his Majesty had passed.
The army liked their quarters here so well, that neither
officer nor soldier was in ahy degree willing to quit them,
till they should be throughly refreshed : and it could not
be denied that the fatigue had been even insupportable;
never had so many hundred miles been marched in so few
days, and with so little rest; nor did it in truth appear
reasonable to any that they should remove from thence,
since if was not possible that they should be able to reach
London, though it had been better prepared for the King's
reception than it appeared to be, before Cromwell would
be there: who, having with great haste continued his"
march in a direct line, was now as near to it as the King's

542 THE HISTORY
BOOK army was, and stood only at a gaze to be informed what
XHI- his Majesty meant to do. Worcester was a very good
""post, seated almost in the middle of the kingdom, and in
as fruitful a country as any part of it; a good city,. served
by the noble river of Severn from all the adjacent counties;
Wales behind it, from whence levies might be made of
great numbers of stout men : it was a place where the
King's friends might repair, if they had the affections they
pretended to have; and it was a place where he might
defend himself, if the enemy would attack him, with many
advantages, and could not be compelled to engage his
army in a battle, till Cromwell had gotten men enough.to
encompass him on all sides : and then the King might
choose on which side to fight, since the enemy must be
on both sides the river, and could not come suddenly to
relieve each other, and the straitening the King to this
degree would require much time ; in which there might
be an opportunity for several insurrections in the king
dom, if they were so weary of the present tyranny, and so
solicitous to be restored to the King's government, as they
were conceived to be : for nobody could ever hope for a
more secure season to manifest their .loyalty, than when
the King was in the heart of the kingdom, with a formed
army of about fifteen thousand men, horse and foot, (for
so they might be accounted to be,) with which he might
relieve those who were in danger to be oppressed by a
more powerful party. These considerations produced the
resolution to provide, in tlie best manner, to expect Crom
well there; and a hope that he might be delayed by other
diversions : and there was like to be time enough to cast
up such works upon the hill before the town, as might
keep the enemy at a distance, and their own quarters from
being suddenly straitened : all which were recommended
to General Lesley to take care of, and to take such a per
fect view of the ground, that no advantage might be lost
when the time required it.
cess of the "^he first ill omen that happened was the news of the
Earl of defeat of the Earl of Derby, and the total destruction pf
Derby. *

OF THE REBELLION. 543
those gallant persons who accompanied him. The Earl BOOK
of Derby, within two or three days after he had left the XIII.
King, with a body of near two hundred horse, all gallant-
men, employed his servants and tenants to give the
country notice of his staying behind the King, to head
and command those persons who should repair to his ser
vice; which the quick march his Majesty made through
the country would not permit them to do. In expectation
of a good appearance of the people, he went to a little*
market-town, called Wigan in Lancashire, where he stayed
that night; when in the morning a regiment or two of
the militia of the neighbour counties, and some other
troops of the army, commanded by a man of courage,
whom Cromwell had sent to follow in the track of the
King's march, to gather up the stragglers, and such as
were not able to keep pace with the army, having received
some advertisement that a troop of the King's horse were
behind the army in that town, fell very early into it, be
fore the persons in the town were out of their beds, having
assurance, upon all the inquiry they could make, that there
was no enemy near them. Nor indeed was there any sus
picion of those forces, which consisted of the several
troops of the several counties with others of the army,
and passed that way by accident. As many as could get
to their horses, presently mounted ; they who could not,
put themselves together on foot, and all endeavoured to
keep the enemy from entering into the town ; and the few
who were got on horseback charged them with great cou
rage. But the number of the enemy was top great, and
the town too open, to put a stop to them in any one
plaee, when they, could enter at so many, and encompass
those who opposed them. The Earl of Derby, after his
horse had been killed under him, made a shift to mount
again ; and so, with a small party of horse, through many
difficulties and dangers, escaped wounded to the King to
Worcester. The Lord Withrington, after he had received many
wounds, and given as many, and merited his death by the

544

THE HISTORY

The Lord
Withring-ton killed
upon the
place.

BOOK vengeance he took upon those who assaulted him, was
XHL killed upon the place ; and so was Sir Thomas Tildesley,
and many other gallant gentlemen, very few escaping to
carry news of the defeat. Sir William Throgmorton, who
had been formerly Major General of the Marquis of New
castle's army, and was left to command in the same func
tion, received so many wounds, that he was looked upon
as dead, and not fit to be carried away with the prisoners;
and so fell into such charitable and generous hands in the
town, that, being believed to be dead, he was afterwards
so well recovered, though with great maims and loss of
blood, that he at last got himself transported into Hol
land ; where he was, at first appearance, taken for a ghost,
all men believing him to have been buried long before.
Most of those who were taken prisoners, of any quality,
were afterwards sacrificed as a spectacle to the people, and
barbarously put to death in several places; some, with
the Earl of Derby ; and others, near the same time, in
other places.
The Lord Withrington was one of the most goodly per
sons of that age, being near the head higher than most
tall men, and a gentleman of the- best and most ancient
extraction of the county of Northumberland, and of a very
fair fortune, and one of the four which the last King made
choice of to be about the person of his son the Prince as
Gentleman of his Privy Chamber, when he first settled his
family. His affection to the King was always remarkable;
and serving in the House of Commons as knight of the
shire for the county of Northumberland, he quickly got the
reputation of being amongst the most malignant. As soon
as the war broke out, he was of the first- who raised both
horse and foot at his own charge, and served eminently
with them under the Marquis of Newcastle ; with whom
he had a very particular and entire friendship. He was
very nearly allied to the Marquis ; and by his testimony
that he had performed many signal services, he was, about
the middle of the war, made a Peer of the kingdom. He
was a man of great courage, but of some passion, by which

The Lord
Withring- on's cha
racter.

OF THE REBELLION. 545
he incurred the ill will of many, who imputed it to an in- BOOK
solence of nature, which no man was farther from; no XIII.
man of a nature more civil, and candid towards all, in
business, or conversation. But having sat long in the
House of Commons, and observed the disingenuity of the
proceedings there, and the gross cheats, by which they
deceived and cozened the people, he had contracted so
hearty an indignation against them, and all who were
cozened by them, and against all who had not his zeal to
oppose and destroy them, that he often said things to slow
ahd phlegmatic men, which offended them, and, it maybe,
injured them; which his good nature often obliged him
to acknowledge, and ask pardon of those who would not
question him for it. He transported himself into the parts
beyond the sea at the same time with the Marquis of New
castle, to accompany him, and remained still with him till
the King went into Scotland ; and then waited upon his
Majesty, and endured the same affronts which others did,
during the time of his residence there. And, it may be,
the observation of their behaviour, the knowledge of their
principles, and the disdain of their treatment, produced
that aversion from their conversation, that prevailed upon
his impatience to part too soon from their company, in
hope that the Earl of Derby, under whom he was very
Willing to serve, and he himself, might quickly draw to
gether such a body of the royal party, as might give some
check to the unbounded imaginations of that natiori. It
was reported by the enemy, that, in ; respect of his brave
person and behaviour, they did offer him quarter ; which
he refused ; and that they were thereby compelled, in their
own defence, to kill him ; which is probable enough ; for
he knew well the apimosity the Parliament had against
him, and it cannot be doubted but that, if he had fallen
into their hands, they would not have used him better than
they did the Earl of Derby ; who had not more enemies.
Sir Thomas Tildesley was a gentleman of a good family, AmlSir
and a good fortune, who had raised men at his own charge ^y^ky..,
at the beginning of the war, and had served in the com-
vol. in. p. 1. n n

546 THE HISTORY
BOOK mand of them till the very end of it, with great courage;.
and refusing to make any composition after the murder of

the King, he found means to transport himself into Ire
land to the Marquis of Ormond; with whom he stayed;,
till he was, with the rest of the English officers, dismissed,
to satisfy the barbarous jealousy of the Irish; and then
got over into Scotland a little before the King marched
from thence, and was desired by the Earl of Derby to
remain with him. The names of the other persons of
quality who were killed in that encounter, and those who
were taken prisoners, and afterwards put to death, ought
to be discovered, and mentioned honourably, by any who
shall propose to himself to communicate particularly those
transactions to the view of posterity.
Wheh the news of this defeat came to Worcester, as it
did even almost as soon as the King came thither, it ex
ceedingly afflicted his Majesty, and abated much of the
hope he had of a general rising of the people on his be
half. His army was very little increased by the access .of
any English; and though he had passed near the habi
tation of many persons of honour and quality, whose af
fections and loyalty had been eminent, not a man of, them
repaired to him". The sense of their former sufferings re
mained, and the smart was not over; nor did his stay in
Worcester for so many days add any resort to his Court.
The gentlemen of the country whom his coming thither
had redeemed from imprisonment, remained still with him,
and were useful to him ; they who were in their houses in
the country, though as well affected, remained there, and
came not to him ; and though letters from London had
given him cause to believe that many prepared to come to
him, which for some days they might easily have done,
none appeared, except only some few gentlemen, and some
common men who had formerly served the last King, and
repaired again to Worcester.
Transac, There were some other accidents and observations which
tions of the , . , . , ,
King at administered matter of mortification to 4he King. The
Worcester. jj)uke of Buckingham had a mind very restless, and thought

OF THE REBELLION. 547
he-had not Credit enough with the King, if it were not BOOK
made manifest that he had more than any body else : and XIII' ^
therefore, as soon as the King had entered England,
though he had reason to believe that his Majesty had not
been abundantly satisfied with his behaviour in Scotland,
he came to the King, and told him, " the business was
" now to reduce England to his obedience ; and therefore
" he ought to do all things gracious, and popular in the
" eyes of the nation ; and nothing could be less so, than
" that the army should be under the command of a Scot-
" tish General : that David Lesley was only Lieutenant
" General ; and it had been unreasonable, whilst he re-
" mained in Scotland, to have put any other to have com-
" manded over him ; but that it would be as unreasonable,
" now they were in England, and had hope to increase
" the army by the access of the English, upon whom his
" principal dependence must be, to expect that they would
" be willing to serve under Lesley : that it would not con-^
" sist with the honour of any Peer of England to receive
" his orders ; and, he believed, that very few of that rank
" would repair to his Majesty, till they were secure from
" that apprehension ;" and used much more discourse to
that purpose. The King was so much surprised with it,
that he could not imagine what he meant, and what the
end of it would be; and asked him, " who it was that he
" thought fit his Majesty should give that command to?"
when, to his astonishment, the Duke told him, " he hoped
" his Majesty would confer it upon himself." At which
the Kihg was so amazed, that he found an occasion to
break off the discourse, by calling upon somebody who was
near, to come to him; and, by asking many questions,
declined the former argument. The Duke would not be
so put off; but, the next day, in the march, renewed his
importunity ; and told the King, " that, he was confident,
" what he had proposed to him was so evidently for his
" service, that David Lesley himself would willingly con-
" sent to it." The King, angry at his prosecuting it in
that manner, told him, " he could hardly believe that he
N n 2

548 THE HISTORY (
BOOK " was in earnest, or that he could in truth believe that he
XHL tt Could be fit for such a charge ;" which the Duke seemed
to wonder at, and asked, " wherein his unfitness lay?"
To which the King replied, "that he was too young:"
and he as readily alleged, " that Harry the Fourth of
" France commanded an army, and won a battle, when he
" was younger than he :" so that, in the end, the King
was compelled to tell him, " that he would have no Gene-
" ralissimo but himself :" upon which the Duke was so
discontented, that he came no more to the Council, scarce
spoke to the King, neglected every body else and himself,
insomuch as for many days he scarce put on clean linen,
nor conversed with any body ; nor did he recover this ill
humour whilst the army stayed at Worcester.
There was another worse accident fell out soon after
the King's coming thither: Major General Massey, who
thought himself now in his own territory, and that all
between Worcester and Gloucester would be quickly his
own conquest, knowing every step both by land and the
river, went out with a party to secure a pass, which the
enemy might make over the river ; which he did very well;
but would then make a farther inroad into the country,
and possess a house which was of small importance, and
General jn which there were men to defend it; where he received
wounded a very dangerous wound, that tore his arm and hand in
m an at- sucjj matmer that he was in great torment, and could not
stir out of his bed, in a time when his activity and in
dustry was most wanted. By this means, the pass he had
secured was either totally neglected, or not enough taken
care for.
The ill dis- There was no gppd understanding between the officers
the King's °f the army : David Lesley appeared dispirited, and con-
officers, founded; gave and revoked his orders, and sometimes
contradicted them. He did not love Middleton, and was
very jealous that all the officers 10 ved bim too well; who
was indeed an excellent officer, and kept up the spirits of
the rest, who had no esteem of Lesley. In this very un
happy distemper was the court and the army, in a season

OF THE REBELLION. 549
when they were ready to be swallowed by the power and B 00 K
multitude of the enemy, and when nothing could preserve
them, but the most sincere unity in their prayers to God,
and a joint concurrence in their counsels and endeavours ;
in all which they were miserably divided.
The King had been several days in Worcester, when
Cromwell was known to be within less than half a day's
march, with an addition of very many regiments of horse
and foot to those which he had brought with him from
Scotland; and many other regiments were drawing to
wards him of the militia of the several counties, under the
command of the principal gentlemen of their party in the
countries : so that he was already very much superior, if
not double in number to the army the King had with him.
However, if those rules had been observed, those works
cast up, and that order in quartering their men, as were
resolved upon when the King came thither, there must
have been a good defence made, and the advantages of the
ground, the river, and the city, would have preserved them
from being presently overrun. But, alas ! the army was in
amazement and confusion. Cromwell, without troubling
himself with the formality of a siege, marched directly on
as to a prey, and possessed the hill and all other places of
advantage, with very little opposition. It was upon the The King's
third of September, when the King having been upon his Worcester
horse most part of the night, and having taken a full view 3d °f SeP"
of the enemy, and every body being upon the post they
Tvere appointed, and the enemy making such a stand, that
it was concluded he meant to make no attempt then, and if
he should, he might be repelled with ease; his Majesty, a
little before noon, retired to his lodging to eat, and refresh
himself: where he had not been near an hour, when the
alarm came, " that both armies were engaged ;" and
though his Majesty's own horse was ready at the door,
and he presently mounted, before or as soon as he came
out of the city, he met the whole body of his horse run
ning in so great disorder, that he could not stop them,
though he used all the means he could, and called to many
n n 3

550 THE HISTORY
BOOK officers by their names; and hardly preserved himself, by
XIH- letting them pass by, from being overthrown, and overrun
by them.
Cromwell had used none of the delay, nor circumspec
tion which was imagined ; but directed the troops to fall
on in all places at once; and had caused a strong party
to go over the river at the pass, which Massey had for
merly secured, at a good distance from the town. And
that being not at all guarded, they were never known to
be on that side the river, till they were even ready to
charge the King's troops. On that part where Middleton
was, and with whom Duke Hamilton charged, there was a
very brave resistance; and they charged the enemy so
vigorously, that they beat the body that charged them
back, but they were quickly overpowered; and many gen
tlemen being killed, and Middleton hurt, and Duke Hamil
ton's leg broke with a .shot, the rest were forced to retire
and shift for themselves. In no other part was there resist
ance made; but such a general consternation possessed
the whole army, that the rest of the horse fled, and all the
foot threw down their arms before they were charged.
When the King came back into the town, he found a good
body of horse, which had been persuaded to make a stand,
though much the major part passed through upon the
spur. The King desired those who stayed, " that they
ft would follow him, that they might look upon the
ff enemy, who, he believed, did not pursue them." But
When his Majesty had gone a little way, he found most of
the horse were gone the other way, and that he had none
but a few servants of his own about him. Then he sent to
have the gates of the town shut, that none might get in
one way, nor out the other : but all was confusion ; there
were few to command, and none to obey : so that the
King stayed till very many of the enemy's horse were en
tered the town, and then he was persuaded to withdraw
himself.
Duke Duke Hamilton fell into the enemy's hands; and, the
Hamilton ,.,„,. , , . . .
died of his Jiext day, died of his wounds; and thereby prevented the
wounds,

OF THE REBELLION. 551
being made a spectacle, as his brother had been; which BOOK
the pride and animosity of his enemies would no doubt XIII.
have caused to be, having the same pretence for it by his
being a Peer of England, as the other was. He was in all His charac-
respects to be much preferred before the other/ a muchter"
wiser, though, it may be, a less cunning man : for he did
not affect dissimulation, which was the other's master
piece. He had unquestionable courage : he was in truth
a very accomplished person, of an excellent judgment
and clear and ready expressions : and though he had
been driven into some unwarrantable actions, he made it
very evident he had not been led by any inclinations of his
own, and passionately and heartily run to all opportunities
of redeeming it : and, in the very article of his death, he
expressed a marvellous cheerfulness, " that he had the
" honour to lose his life in the King's service, and thereby
" to wipe out the memory of his former transgressions ;"
which he always professed were odious to himself.
As the victory cost the enemy little blood, so after it
there was not much cruelty used to the prisoners who were
taken upon the spot. But very many of those who run
away were every day knocked in the head by the country
people, and used with barbarity. Towards the King's me
nial servants, whereof most were taken, there was nothing
of severity ; but within few days they were all discharged^
and set at liberty.
Though the King could not get a body of horse to The King's
fight, he could have too many to fly with him; and he™^__and
had not been many hours from Worcester, when he found ment.
about him near, if not above, four thousand of his horse.
There was David Lesley with all his own equipage, as if
he had not fled upon the sudden ; so that good order, and
regularity, and obedience, might yet have made a retreat
even into Scotland itself. But there was paleness in every
man's looks, and jealousy and confusion in their faces;
and scarce any thing could worse befall the King, than a
return into Scotland; which yet he could not reasonably
promise to himself in that company. But when the night
N n 4

552 THE HISTORY
BOOK covered them, he found means to withdraw himself with
x one or two of his own servants; whom he likewise dis
charged, when it begun to be light ; and after he had
made them cut off his hair, he betook himself alone into
an adjacent wood, and relied only, upon him for his pre
servation who alone could, and did miraculously deliver
him. When it was morning, and the troops, which had
marched all night, and who knew that when it begun to be
dark the King was with them, found now that, he. was not
there, they cared less for each other's company ; apd most
of them who were English separated themselves, and
Went into other roads; and wherever twenty horse ap
peared of the country, which was now awake, and upon
their guard to ,stop and arrest the runaways, the whole
body of the Scottish horse would fly, and run several
ways ; and twenty of, them would give themselves prison
ers to two country fellows : however, David Lesley reached
Yorkshire with above fifteen hundred horse in a body.
But the jealousies increased every day; and those of his
own country were so unsatisfied with his whole conduct
and behaviour, that they did, that is many of them, befieye
that he was corrupted by Cromwell ; and the rest, who did
not think so, believed him not to understand his profession,
in which he had been bred from his cradle, When he was in
his flight, considering one morning with the principal per
sons, which way they should take, some proposed this, and
others that, way ; Sir William Armorer asked him, " which
" way l>e thought best?" which when he had named, the
other said, " he. would then go the other; for, he swore,
'f he had betrayed the King and the army all the time;"
and so left him.
David Les- - Well niarh all of them in this Ions; flight were taken,
ley and the ° ,—.,-,-,¦, ,
rest taken, and amongst them the Earl of Lautherdale, and; many
of the Scottish npbility, and the Earls of Cleveland and
Derby, and divers other men of quality of the English na
tion. And it is hard to be believed how very few of that
numerous body of, horse (for there can be no imagination

OF THE REBELLION. 553
that any of the foot escaped) returned into Scotland. BOOK
Upon all the inquiry that was made, when most of the XIII.
false and treacherous actions which had been committed "~ '
were discovered, there appeared no cause to suspect that
David Lesley had been unfaithful in his charge: though
he never recovered any reputation with those of his own
country who wedded the King's interest. And it was some
vindication to him, that, from the time of his imprison
ment, he never received any favour from the Parliament,
whom he had served so long ; nor from Cromwell, in
whose company he had served; but underwent all the se
verities, and long Imprisonment, the rest of his country
men suffered. The King did not believe him false; and
did always think him an excellent officer of horse, to dis
tribute and execute orders, but in no degree capable of
commanding in chief. And without doubt he was so
amazed in that fatal day, that he performed not the office
of a General, or of any competent officer.
They who fled out of Worcester, and were not killed, The King's
but made prisoners, and all the foot, and others who were ^ dnve?
r J i prisoners to
taken in the town, except some few officers and persons of London,
quality, were driven like cattle with a guard to London, _*. pianta_
and there treated with great rigour ; and many perished tions-
for want of food ; and being inclosed in little room, till
they were sold to the plantations for slaves, they died of
all diseases. Gromwell returned in triumph; was received
with universal joy and acclamation, as if he had destroyed
the enemy of the nation, and for ever secured the liberty
and happiness of the people:. a price was set upon the
King's head, whose escape was thought to be impossible;
and order taken for the trial of the Earl of Derby, and
such other notorious prisoners as they had voted to de
struction. The Earl of Derby was a man of unquestionable loyalty The Earl of
to the late King, and gave clear testimony of it before he^^,
received any obligations from the Court, and when he and exccu-
thought himself disobliged by it. This King, in his first tl0n'
year, sent him the Garter; which, in many respects; he

554 THE HISTORY
BOOK had expected from the last. And the sense of that honour
XIH- made him so readily comply with the King's command in
attending him, when he had no confidence in the under
taking, nor any inclination to the Scots; who, he thought,
had too much guilt upon them, in having depressed the
Crown, to be made instruments of repairing and restoring
it. He was a man of great honour and clear courage;
and all his defects and misfortunes proceeded from his
having lived so little time among his equals, that he knew
not how to treat his inferiors ; which was the source of all
the ill that befell him, having thereby drawn such pre
judice against him from persons of inferior quality, who
yet thought themselves too good to be contemned, that
they pursued him to death. The King's army was no
sooner defeated at Worcester, but the Parliament renewed
their old method of murdering in cold blood, and sent a
commission to erect a High Court of Justice to persons of
ordinary quality, many not being gentlemen, and all noto
riously his enemies, to try the Earl of Derby for his trea
son and rebellion; which they easily found him guilty of;
and put him to death in a town of his own, against which
he had expressed a severe displeasure for their obstinate
rebellion against the King, with all the circumstances of
rudeness and barbarity they could invent. The same
night, one of those who was amongst his judges sent a
trumpet to the Isle of Man with a letter directed to the
Countess of Derby, by which he required her " to deliver
" up the castle and island to the Parliament :" nor did
their malice abate, till they had reduced that lady, a
woman of very high and princely extraction, being the
daughter of the Duke de Tremouille in France, and of the
most exemplary virtue and piety of her time, and that
whole most noble family, to the lowest penury and want,
by disposing, giving, and selling, all the fortune and estate
that should support it.
They of the King's friends in Flanders, France, and
Holland, who had not been permitted to attend upon his
Majesty in Scotland, were much exalted with the news

OF THE REBELLION. 555
of his being entered England with a powerful army, and BOOK
being possessed of Worcester, which made all men prepare XIIL
to make haste thither. But they were confounded with
the news of that fatal day, and more confounded with the
various reports of the person of the King, " of his being
" found amongst the dead ; of his being prisoner ;" and
all those imaginations which naturally attend upon such
unprosperous events. Many who had made escapes ar
rived every day in France, Flanders, and Holland, but
knew no more what was become of the King, than they
did who had not been in England. The only comfort that
any of them brought, was, that he was amongst those that
fled, and some of them had seen him that evening after the
battle, many miles out of Worcester. These unsteady de
grees of hope and fear tormented them very long ; some
times they heard he was at the Hague with his sister,
which was occasioned by the arrival of the Duke of Buck
ingham in Holland; and it was thought good policy to
publish that the King himself was landed, that the search
after him in England might be discontinued. But it was
quickly known that he was not there, nor in any place on
that side the sea. And this anxiety of mind disquieted the
hearts of all honest men during the whole months of
September and October, and part of November ; in which The King
¦month his Majesty was known to be at Rouen; where he^a™gntom
made himself known, and stayed some days to provide November.
clothes ; apd from thence gave notice to the Queen of his
arrival. It is great pity that there was never a journal made of The parti-
that miraculous deliverance, in which there might be seen j^King's
so many visible impressions of the immediate hand of escape-, as
God. When the darkness of the night was over, after theba^ t^T
King had cast himself into that wood, he discerned another fr?m the
... , King him-
man, who had gotten upon an oak in the same wood, nearseif.
the place where the King had rested himself, and had slept
soundly. The man upon the tree had first seen the King,
and knew him, and came down to him, and was known to
Jhe King, being a gentleman of the neighbour county of

556 THE HISTORY
BOOK Staffordshire, who had served his late Majesty during the
XIH-' war, and had now been one of the few who resorted to

The King the King after his coming to Worcester. His name was
meets Cap- Careless, who had had a command of foot, about the de-
It'll II Vjcil/C-"
less in a gree of a captain, under the Lord Loughborough. He
persuades0 persuaded the King, since it could not be safe for him to
him to get gQ out of the wood, and that, as soon as it should be fully
oak. light, the wood itself would probably be visited by those of
the country, who would be searching to find those whom
they might make prisoners, that he would get up into that
tree, where he had been ; where the boughs were so thick
with leaves, that a man would not be discovered there
without a narrower inquiry than people usually make in
places which they do not suspect. The King thought it
good counsel; and, with the other's help, climbed into the
tree; and then helped his companion to ascend after him;
where they sat all that day, and securely saw many who
came purposely into the wood to look after them, and
heard all their discourse, how they would use the King
himself if they could take him. This wood was either in
or upon the borders of Staffordshire; and though there
was a highway near one side of it, where the. King had
entered into it, yet it was large, and all other sides of it
opened amongst inclosures, and Careless was not unac
quainted with the neighbour villages ; and it was part of
the King's good fortune, that this gentleman, by being a
Roman Catholic, was acquainted with those of that pro
fession of all degrees, who had the best opportunities of
concealing him : for it must never be denied, that some of
that religion had a very great share in his Majesty's pre- -
servation. The day being spent in the* tree, it was not in the King's
power to forget that he had lived two days with eating very
little, and two nights with as little sleep; so that, when
the night came, he was willing to make some provision for
both : and he resolved, with the advice and assistance of
his companion, to leave his blessed tree; and, when the
night was dark, they walked through the wood into those

OF THE REBELLION. 557
inclosures which were farthest from any highway, and BOOK
making a shift to get over hedges and ditches, after walk- XIII.
ing at least eight or nine miles, which were the more
grievous to the King by the weight of his boots, (for he
could not put them off, when he cut off his hair, for wapt of
shoes,) before morning they came to a poor cottage, the Thence he
owner whereof being a Roman Catholic was known tocott* a
Careless. He was called up, and as soon as he knew one nine miles
of them, he easily concluded in what condition they both he 'lay in
were; and presently carried them into a little barn, full ofabarn-
hay; which was a better lodging than he had for himself.
But when they were there, and had conferred with their
host of the news and temper of the country, it was agreed,
that the danger would be the greater if they stayed toge
ther; and therefore that Careless should presently be
gone ; and should, within two days, Send an honest man
to the King, to guide him to some other place of security ;
and in the mean time his Majesty should stay, upon the
hay-mow. The poor man had nothing for him to eat, but
promised him good buttermilk ; and so he was once more
left alone, his companion, how weary soever, departing
from him before day, the poor man of the house knowing
no more, than that he was a friend of the captain's, and
one of those who had escaped from Worcester. The King
slept very well in his lodging, till the time that his host
brought him a piece of bread, and a great pot of butter
milk, which he thought the best food he ever had eaten.
The poor man spoke very intelligently to him of the
country, and of the people who were well or ill affected to
the King, and of the great fear and terror, that possessed
the hearts of those who were best affected. He told him,
" that he himself lived by his daily labour, and that what
" he had brought him was the fare he and his wife had;
" and that he feared, if he should endeavour to procure
" better, it might draw suspicion upon him, and people
"might be apt to think he had somebody with him that
" was not of his own family. However, if he would have
" him get some meat, he would do it ; but if he could bear

558 THE HISTORY
BOOK " this hard diet, he should have enough of the milk, and*
XIH- " soihe of the butter that was made with it." The King
was satisfied with his reason, and would not run the hazard
for a change of diet; desired only the man, " that he1
" might have his company as often, and as much as he
' " could give it him ;" there being the same reason against
the poor man's discontinuing his labour, as the alteration!
of his fare. i
After he had rested upon this hay-mow, and fed upon
this diet two days and two nights, in the evening before
the third night, another fellow, a little above the condition
of his host, came to the house, sent from Careless, to
Thence he conduct the King to another house, more out of any road
ducted to near which any part of the army was like to march. It
another was above twelve miles that he was to go, and was to use
house .iii, • i
twelve the same caution he had done the first night, not to go in
miles off: anv conHnon r0ad ; which his guide knew well how to
avoid. Here he new dressed himself, changing clothes
with his landlord : he had a great mind to have kept his
own shirt; but he considered, that men are not sooner
discovered by any mark in disguises, than by having fine
linen in ill clothes ; and so he parted with his shirt too#
and took the same his poor host had then on* Though
he had foreseen that he must leave his boots, and his land
lord had taken the best care he could to provide an old
pair of shoes, yet they were not easy to him when he first
put them on, and, in a short time after, grew very grievous
to him. In this equipage he set out from his first lodg
ing in the beginning of the night, under the conduct of
this guide; who guided him the nearest way, crossing
over hedges and ditches, that they might be in least danger
of meeting passengers. This was so grievous a march,
and he was so tired, that he was even ready to despair, and .
to prefer being taken and suffered to rest, before pur
chasing his safety at that price. His shoes had, after a
few miles, hurt him so much, that he had thrown them
away, and walked the rest of the way in his ill stockings,
which were quickly worn out; and his feet, with the

OF THE REBELLION. 559
thorns in getting over hedges, and with the stones in other BOOK
places, were so hurt and wounded, that he many times cast XIII.
himself upon the ground, with a desperate and obstinate
resolution to rest there till the morning, that he might
shift with less torment, what hazard soever he run. But
his stout guide still prevailed with him to make a new
attempt, sometimes promising that the way should be
better, and sometimes assuring him that he had but little
farther to go : and in this distress and perplexity, before
the morning, they arrived at the house designed ; which
though it was better than that which he had left, his
lodging was still in the barn, upon straw instead of hay, a
place being made as easy in it, as the expectation of a
guest could dispose it. Here he had such meat and por
ridge as such people use to have ; with which, but espe
cially with the butter and the cheese, he thought himself
well feasted ; and took the best care he could to be sup
plied with other, little better, shoes and stockings : and
after his feet were enough recovered that he could go, he Thence to
was conducted from thence to another poor house, within aD(j so to
such a distance as put him not to much trouble : for hav- others.
ing not yet in his thought which way, or by what means
to make his escape, all that was designed was only, by
shifting from one house to another, to avoid discovery.
And being now in that quarter which was more inhabited
by the Roman Catholics than most other parts in England,
he was led from one to another of that persuasion, and
concealed with great fidelity. But he then observed that
he was never carried to any gentleman's house, though
that country was full of them, but only to poor houses of
poor men, which only yielded him rest with very unplea
sant sustenance; whether there was more danger in those
better houses, in regard of the resort, and the many ser
vants; or whether the owners of great estates were the
owners likewise of more fears and apprehensions.
Within few days, a very honest and discreet person, one Mr. Hudle-
Mr. Hudleston, a Benedictine Monk, who attended the^JV^
service of the jloman Catholics in those parts, came to Careless;

560 THE HISTORY
BOOK him, sent by Careless ; and was a very great assistance and
XH*' comfort to him. And when the places to which he carried
who - him were at too great a distance to walk, he provided him
himUtothe a horse, and more proper habit than the rags he wore.
Lord Wii- This man told him, " that the Lord Wilmot lay concealed ,
" likewise in a friend's house of his; which his Majesty
"was very glad of; and wished him to contrive some
" means, how they might speak together ;" which the
other easily did; and, within a night or two, brought
them into one place. Wilmot told the King, " that he
" had by very good fortune fallen into the house of an
" honest gentleman, one Mr. Lane, a person of an excel-
" lent reputation for his fidelity to the King, but of so
" universal and general a good name, that, though he had
" a son, who had been a colonel in the King's service,
" during the late war, and was then upon his way with men
" to Worcester the very day of the defeat, men of all
" affections in the country, and of all opinions, paid the
" old man a very great respect : -that he had been very
" civilly treated there, and that the old gentleman had
" used some diligence to find out where the King was,
" that he might get him to his house ; where, he was sure,
" he could conceal him till he might contrive a full deli-
" verance." He told him, " he had withdrawn from that
" house, in hope that he might, in some other place, dis
cover where his Majesty was, and having now happily
" found him, advised him to repair to that house, which
" stood not near any other."
The King inquired of the monk of the reputation of this
gentleman ; who told him, " that he had a fair estate ; was
/" exceedingly beloved; and the eldest justice of peace of
" that county of Stafford ; and though he was a very zea-
" lous Protestant, yet he lived with so much civility and
" candour towards the Catholics, that they would all trust
" him, as much as they would do any of their own profess
"sion; and that he could not think of anyplace of so
" good repose and security for his Majesty's repair to."
The King liked the proposition, yet thought not fit. to

OF THE REBELLION. 561
surprise the gentleman ; but sent Wilmot thither again, to BOOK
assure himself that he might be received there; and was XIII.
willing that he should know what guest he received ; ~~
which hitherto was so much concealed, that none of the
houses, where he had yet been, knew, or seemed to suspect
more than that he was one of the King's party that fled
from Worcester. The monk carried him to. a house at a
reasonable distance, where he was to expect an account
from the Lord Wilmot ; who returned very punctually,
with as much assurance of .velcome as he could wish.
And so they two went together to Mr. Lane's house ; The King
where the King found he was welcome, and conveniently !Dr0,u.ght
. ' ¦'by him to
accommodated in such places, as in a large house had beenMr.Lane'g
provided to conceal the persons of malignants, or to pre-house'
serve goods of value from being plundered. Here he
lodged, and eat very well ; and begun to hope that he was
in present safety. Wilmot returned under the care of the
monk, and expected summons, when any farther motion
should be thought to be necessary.
In this station the King remained in quiet and blessed
security many days, receiving every day information of the
general consternation the kingdom was in, out of the ap
prehension that his person might fall into the hands of his
enemies, and of the great diligence they used to inquire for
him. He saw the proclamation that was issued out and
printed; in which a thousand pounds were promised to any
_ man who would deliver and discover the person of Charles
Stuart, and the penalty of high treason declared against
those who presumed to harbour or conceal him : by which
he saw how much he was beholding to all those who were
faithful to him. It was now time to consider how he
might get near the sea, from whence he might find some
means to transport himself: and he was now near the
middle of the kingdom, saving that it was a little more
northward, where he was utterly unacquainted with all the
ports, and with that' coast. In the west he was best ac
quainted, and that coast Was most proper to transport him
into France; to which he was inclined. Upon this matter
vol. m. p. 1. o o

562 THE HISTORY
BOOK he communicated with those of this family to whom he
XHI- was known, that is, with the old gentleman the father, a
very grave and venerable person; the colonel his eldest
son, a very plain man in his discourse and behaviour, but
of a fearless courage, and an integrity superior to any
temptation ; and a daughter of the house, of a very good
wit and discretion, and very fit to bear any part in such a
trust. It was a benefit, as well as an inconvenience, in
those unhappy times, that the affections of all men were
almost as well known as their faces, by the discovery they
had made of themselves, in those sad seasons, in many
trials and persecutions : so that men knew not only the
minds of their next neighbours, and those who inhabited
near them, but, upon conference with their friends, could
choose fit houses, at any distance, to repose themselves in
security, from one end of the kingdom to another, without
trusting the hospitality of a common inn : and men were
very rarely deceived in their confidence upon such occa
sions, but the persons with whom they were at any time,
could conduct them to another house of the same affec
tion. Mr. Lane had a niece, or very near kinswoman, who was
married to a gentleman, one Mr. Norton, a person of eight
or nine hundred pounds per annum, who lived within four .
or five miles of Bristol, which was at least four or five
days' journey from the place where the King then was, but
a place most to be wished for the King to be in, because
he did not only know all that country very well, but knew
many persons also, to whom, in an extraordinary case, he
Here it was durst make himself known. It was hereupon resolved,
the°K?4 that Mrs. Lane should visit this cousin, who was known to
should go be of good affections ; and that she should ride behind the
Norton's; King, who was fitted with clothes and boots for such a
ridiDLbe" service; and that a servant of her father's, in his livery,
fore Mrs. ,-,_,.
Lane. should wait upon her. A good house was easily pitched
upon for the first night's lodging; where Wilmot had
notice given him to meet. And in this equipage the King
begun his journey ; the colonel keeping him company at a

OF THE REBELLION. 563
distance, with a hawk upon his fist, and two or three BOOK VTTT
spaniels; which, where there were any fields at hand, ______
warranted him to ride out of the way, keeping his com
pany still in his eye, and not seeming to be of it. In this
manner they came to their first night's lodging; and they
need not now contrive to come to their journey's end about
the close of the evening, for it was in the month of Octo
ber far advanced, that the long journeys they made could
not be dispatched sooner. Here the Lord Wilmot found
them; and their journeys being then adjusted, he was in
structed where he should be every night : so they were
seldom seen together in the journey, and rarely lodged in
the same house at night. In this manner the colonel
hawked two or three days, till he had brought them within
less than a day's journey of Mr. Norton's house ; and then
he gave his hawk to the Lord Wilmot ; who continued the
journey in the same exercise.
There was great care taken when they came to any
house, that the King might be presently carried into some
chamber ; Mrs. Lane declaring, " that he was a neigh-
" hour's son, whom his father had lent her to ride before
" her, in hope that he would the sooner recover from a
" quartan ague, with which he had been miserably afflicted,
•* and was not yet free." And by this artifice she caused a
good bed to be still provided for him, and the best meat to
be sent; which she often carried herself, to hinder others
from doing it. There was no resting in any place till they
came to Mr. Norton's, nor any thing extraordinary that
happened in the way, save that they met many people
every day in the way, who were very well known to the
King; and the day that they went to Mr. Norton's, they
were necessarily to ride quite through the city of Bristol ;
a place, and people, the King had been so well acquainted
with, that he could not but send his eyes abroad to view
the great alterations which had been made there, after his
departure from thence : and when he rode near the place
where the great fort had stood, he could not forbear
o o 2

564 THE HISTORY
BOOK putting his horse out of the way, and rode with his mistress
_______ behind him round about it.
They came They came to Mr. Norton's house sooner than usual,
Norton^' an(1 ;t beinS on a holiday, they saw many people about a
through bowling-green that was before the door; and the first
man the King saw was a .chaplain of his own, who was
allied to the gentleman of the house, and was sitting upon
the rails to see how the bowlers played. William, by
which name the King went, walked with his horse into the
stable, until his mistress could provide for his retreat.
Mrs. Lane was very welcome to her cousin, and was pre
sently conducted to her chamber; where she no sooner
was, than she lamented the condition of " a good youth,
" who came with her, and whom she had borrowed of his
" father to ride before her, who was very sick, being newly
" recovered of an ague ;" and desired her cousin, " that a
" chamber might be provided for him, and a good fire
" made : for that he would go early to bed, and was not
" fit to be below stairs." A pretty little chamber was pre
sently made ready, and a fire prepared, and a boy sent into
the stable to call William, and to shew him his chamber;
who was very glad to be there, freed from so much com
pany as was below. Mrs. Lane was put to find some ex
cuse for making a visit at that time of the year, and so'
many days' journey from her father, and where she had
never been before, though the mistress of the house and
she had been bred together, and friends as well as kindred.
She pretended, " that she was, after a little rest, to go into
" Dorsetshire to another friend." When it was supper-
time, there being broth brought to the table, Mrs. Lane
filled a little dish, and desired the butler, who waited at the
table, " to carry that dish of porridge to William, and to
" tell him that he should have some meat sent to him pre-
" sently." The butler carried the porridge into the cham
ber, with a napkin, and spoon, and bread, and spoke kindly
to the young man ; who was willing to be eating.
The King The butler, looking narrowly upon him, fell upon his
is known

OF THE REBELLION. 565
knees, and with tears told him, " he was glad to see his BOOK
" Majesty." The King was infinitely surprised, yet recol- XIII.
lected himself enough to laugh at the man, and to ask to the
him, " what he meant?" The man had been falconer to l^f of
c- rr<i. i ™e house.
Sir Ihomas Jermyn, and made it appear that he knew well
enough to whom he spoke, repeating some particulars,
which the King had not forgot. Whereupon the King
conjured him " not to speak of what he knew, so much as
" to his master, though he believed him a very honest
" man." The fellow promised, and kept his word ; and
the King was the better waited upon during the time of
his abode there.
Dr. Gorges, the King's chaplain, being a gentleman of
a good family near that place, and allied to Mr. Norton,
supped with them ; and, being a man of a cheerful con
versation, asked Mrs. Lane many questions concerning
William, of whom he saw she was so careful by sending up
meat to him, " how long his ague had been gone ? and
" whether he had purged since it left him ?" and the like;
to which she gave such answers as occurred. The Doctor,
from the final prevalence of the Parliament, had, as many
others of that function had done, declined his profession,
and pretended to study physic. As soon as supper was
done, out of good nature, and without telling any body, he
went to see William. The King saw him coming into the
chamber, and withdrew to the inside of the bed, that he
might be farthest from the candle ; and the Doctor came,
and sat down by him, felt his pulse, and asked him many
questions, which he answered in as few words as was pos
sible, and expressing great inclination to go to his bed; to
which the Doctor left him, and went to Mrs. Lane, and
told her, " that he had been with William, and that he
" would do well;" and advised her what she should do if
his ague returned. The next morning the Doctor went
away, so that the King saw him no more. The next day
the Lord Wilmot came to the house with his hawk, to see
Mrs. Lane, and so conferred with William; who was to
consider what he was to do. They thought it necessary to
o o 3

566 THE HISTORY
BOOK rest some days, till they were informed what port lay most
XHL convenient for them, and what person lived nearest to it,
upon whose fidelity they might rely : and the King gave
him directions to inquire after some persons, and some
other particulars, of which when he should be fully in
structed, he should return again to him. In the mean
time, Wilmot lodged at a house not far from Mr. Norton's,
to which he had been recommended.
After some days' stay here, and communication between
the King and the Lord Wilmot by letters, the King came
to know that Colonel Francis Windham lived within little
more than a day's journey of the place where he was ; of
which he was very glad ; for besides the inclination he had
to his eldest brother, whose wife had been his nurse, this
gentleman had behaved himself very well during the war,
and had been governor of Dunstar castle, where the King
had lodged when he was in the west. After the end of
the war, and when all other places were surrendered in that
county, he likewise surrendered that, upon fair conditions,
and made his peace, and afterwards married a wife with a
competent fortune, and lived quietly, without any suspi
cion of having lessened his affection towards the King.
The King sent Wilmot to him, and acquainted him
where he was, and " that he would gladly speak with
" him." It was not hard for him to" choose a good place
where to meet, and thereupon the day was appointed.
After the King had taken his leave of Mrs. Lane, who re
mained with her cousin Norton, the King, and the Lord
Wilmot, met the colonel; and, in the way, he met in a
town, through which they passed, Mr. Kirton, a servant
of the King's, who well knew the Lord Wilmot, who had
no other disguise than the hawk, but took no notice of
him, nor suspected the King to be there; yet that day
made the King more wary of having him in his company
The King upon the way. At the place of meeting they rested only
Colonel one m§ht, and then the King went to the colonel's house;
Francis where he rested many days, whilst the colonel projected at
house.""" s what place the King might embark, and how they might

OF THE REBELLION. 567
procure a vessel to be ready there; which was not easy to BOOK
find; there being so great a fear possessing those who XIII.
were honest, that it was hard to procure any vessel that~
was outward bound to take in any passenger.
There was a gentleman, one Mr. Ellison, who lived near
Lyme in Dorsetshire, and was well known to Colonel Wind
ham, having been a captain in the King's army, and was still
looked upon as a very honest man. With him the colonel
consulted, how they might get a vessel to be ready to take
in a couple of gentlemen, friends of his, who were in danger
to be arrested, and transport them into France. Though no
man would ask who the persons were, yet it could not but
be suspected who they were; at least they concluded, that
it was some of Worcester party. Lyme was generally as
malicious and disaffected a town to the King's interest, as
any town in England could be : yet there was in it a master
of a bark, of whose honesty this captain was very confi
dent. This man was lately returned from France, and had
unladen his vessel, when Ellison asked him, " when he.
" would make another voyage?" And he answered, " as
" soon as he could get lading for his ship." The other
asked, " whether he would undertake to carry over a
" couple of gentlemen, and land them in France, if he
" might be as well paid for his voyage as he used to be
" when he was freighted by the merchants." In conclu
sion, he told him, " he should receive fifty pounds for his
" fare." The large recompence had that effect, that the
man undertook it; though he said " he must make his
"provision very secretly; for that he might be well sus-
" pected for going to sea again without being freighted,
" after he was so newly returned." Colonel Windham,
being advertised of this, came together with the Lord
Wilmot to the captain's house, from whence the lord and
the captain rid to a house near Lyme ; where the master
of the bark met them ; and the Lord Wilmot being satis
fied with the discourse of the man, and his wariness in
foreseeing suspicions which would arise, it was resolved,
that on such a night, which, upon consideration of the
o o 4

568 THE HISTORY -
BOOK tides, was agreed upon, the man should draw out his
 vessel from the pier, and, being at sea, should come to
such a point about a mile from the town, where his ship
should remain upon the beach when the water was gone;
which would take it off again about break of day the next
morning. There was very near that point, even in the
view of it, a small inn, kept by a man who was reputed
honest, to which the Cavaliers of the country often re
sorted; and London road passed that way; so that it was
seldom without company. Into that inn the two gentle- •
men were to come in the beginning of the night, that they
might put themselves on board. All things being thus
concerted, and good earnest given to the master, the Lord
Wilmot and the colonel returned to the colonel's house,
above a day's journey from the place, the captain under
taking every day to look that the master should provide,:
and, if any thing fell out contrary to expectation, to give
the colonel notice at such a place, where they intended'
the King should be the day before he was to embark.
The King, being satisfied with these preparations, came,
at the time appointed, to that house where he was to hear
a-da^Mp'that a11 wellt as !t ought to do; of which he received as-
hired by surance from the captain; who found that the man had
Iison.m honestly put his provisions on board, and had his company
ready, which were but four men ; and that the vessel
should be drawn out that night : so that it was fit for the
two persons to come to the aforesaid inn, and the captain
conducted them within sight of it; and then went to his
own house, not distant a mile from it; the colonel re
maining still at the house where they had lodged the night
before, till he might hear the news of their being em
barked. They found many passengers in the. inn; and so were
to be contented with an ordinary chamber, which they did
The sldp not intend to sleep long in. But as soon as there ap-
accident;anPeared any n*ght, Wilmot went out to discover the bark,
and the of which there was no appearance. In a word, the sun
Kinglcft , iL. ... .... „, '
the inn arose, and nothing like a ship in view. They sent to the

Thence he
is brought

OF THE REBELLION. 569
captain, who was as much amazed; and he sent to the BOOK
town; and his servant could not find the master of the XIII.
bark, which was still in the pier. They suspected the
captain, and the captain suspected the master. However,
it being past ten of the clock, tliey concluded it was not
fit for them to stay longer there, and so they mounted
their horses again to return to the house where they had
left the colonel, who, they knew, resolved to stay there
till he were assured that they were gone.
The truth of the disappointment was this; the man
meant honestly, and made all things ready for his de
parture ; and the night he .vas to go out with his vessel,
he had stayed in his own house, and slept two or three
hours ; and the time of the tide being come, that it was
necessary to be on board, he took out of a cupboard some
linen, and other things, which he used to carry with him
to sea. His wife had observed, that he had been for
some days fuller of thoughts than he used to be, and that
he had been speaking with seamen, who used to go with
him, and that some of them had carried provisions on
board the bark ; of which she had asked her husband the
reason ; who had told her, " that he was promised freight
" speedily, and therefore he would make all things ready."
She was sure that there was yet no lading in the ship, and
therefore, when she saw her husband take all those ma
terials with him, which was a sure sign that he meant to
go to sea, and it being late in the night, she shut the
door, and swore he should not go out of his house. He
told her, " he must go, and was engaged to go to sea that
" night ; for which he should be well paid." His wife
told him, " she was sure he was doing somewhat that
" would undo him, and she was resolved he should not
" go out of his house ; and if he should persist in it, she
" would tell the neighbours,, and carry him before the
" mayor to be examined, that the truth might be found
" out." The poor man, thus mastered by the passion
and violence of his wife, was forced to yield to her, that

570

THE HISTORY

BOOK
XIII.

Like to be
discoveredby a smith
shoeingtheir
horses.

The King
goes back
to the
colonel's
house.

there might be no farther noise; and so went into his
bed. And it was very happy that the King's jealousy hastened
him from that inn. It was the solemn fast day, which
was observed in those times principally to inflame the
people against the King, and all those who were loyal to
him ; and there was a chapel in that village over against
that inn, where a weaver, who had been a soldier, used to
preach, and utter all the villainy imaginable against the
old order of government ji and he was then in the chapel
preaching to his congregation, when the King went from
thence, and telling the people, " that Charles Stuart was
" lurking somewhere in that country, and that they would
" merit from God Almighty, if they could find him out."
The passengers, who had lodged in the inn that night,
had, as soon as they were up, sent for a smith to visit
their horses, it being a hard frost. The smith, when he
had done what he was sent for, according to the custom
of that people, examined the feet of the other two horses
to find more work. When he had observed them, he
told the host of the house, " that one of those horses
" had travelled far; and that he was sure that his four
" shoes had been made in four several counties ;" which,
whether his skill was able to discover or no, was very
true. The smith going to the sermon told this story to
some of his neighbours; and so it came to the ears of
the preacher, when his sermon was done. Immediately
he sent for an officer, and searched the inn, and inquired
for those horses ; and being informed that they were gone,
he caused horses to be sent to follow them, and to make
inquiry after the two men who rid those horses, and posi
tively declared, " that one of them was Charles Stuart."
When they came again to the colonel, they presently
concluded that they were to make no longer stay in those
parts, nor any more to endeavour to find a ship upon that
coast; and, without any farther delay, they rode back to
the colonel's house; where they arrived in the night.

OF THE REBELLION. 571
Then they resolved to make their next attempt in Hamp- BOOK
shire and Sussex, where Colonel Windham had no interest. XIII.
They must pass through all Wiltshire before they came
thither; which would require many days' journey: and
they were first to consider what honest houses there were
in or near the way, where they might securely repose;
and it was thought very dangerous for the King to ride
through any great town, as Salisbury, or Winchester,
which might probably lie in their way.
There was between that and Salisbury a very honest
gentleman, Colonel Robert Philips, a younger brother of
a very good family, which had always been very loyal ; and
he had served the King during the war. The King was
resolved to trust him; and so sent the Lord Wilmot to a The King
place from whence he might send to Mr. Philips to come mot'ibr™'
to him, and when he had spoken with him, Mr. Philips Ro.bfrt
should come to the King, and Wilmot was to stay in such
a place as they two should agree. Mr. Philips accord
ingly came to the colonel's house; which he could do
without suspicion, they being nearly allied. The ways
were very full of soldiers ; which were sent now from the
army to their quarters, and many regiments of horse and
foot were assigned for the west ; of which division Des-
borough was commander in chief. These marches were
like to last for many days, and it would not be fit for the
King to stay so long in that place. Thereupon, he re
sorted to his old security of taking a woman behind him,
a kinswoman of Colonel Windham, whom he carried in

',

that manner to a place not far from Salisbury; to which Who con-
Colonel Philips conducted him. In this journey he passed to a place
through the middle of a regiment of horse; and, presently near Ssils~
after, met Desborough walking down a hill with three or
four men with him; who had lodged in Salisbury the
night before ; all that road being full of soldiers.
The next day, upon the plains, Dr. Hinchman, one of Dr.Hinch-
. man meets
the Prebends of Salisbury, met the King, the Lord Wil-theKing0n
mot and Philips then leaving him to go to the sea-coast __£_°B *
to find a vessel, the Doctor conducting the King to a place ducts him

572 THE HISTORY
BOOK called Heale, three miles from Salisbury, belonging then
to Serjeant Hyde, who was afterwards Chief -Justice of the

to Heale, King's Bench, and then in the possession of the widow of
house/ 6Shis elder brother; a house that stood alone from neigh
bours, and from any highway; where coming in late in
the evening, he supped with some gentlemen who acciden
tally were in the house; which could not well be avoided.
But, the next morning, he went early from thence, as if
he had continued his journey; and the widow, being
trusted with the knowledge of her guest, sent her servants
out of the way; and, at an hour appointed, received him
again, and accommodated him in a little room, which had
been made since the beginning of the troubles for the
concealment of Delinquents, the seat always belonging to
a Malignant family.
Here he lay concealed, without the knowledge of some
gentlemen, who lived in the house, and of others who
daily resorted thither, for many days, the widow herself
only attending him with such things as were necessary,,
and bringing him such letters as the Doctor received from
the Lord Wilmot and Colonel Philips. A vessel being at
last provided upon the coast of Sussex, and notice thereof,
sent to Dr. Hinchman, he sent to the King to meet him
at Stonehenge upon the plains three miles from Heale;
whither the widow took care to direct him; and being
there met, he attended him to the place where Colonel
Thence to a Philips received him. He, the next day, delivered him to
Sussexnear the Lord Wilmot; who went with him to a house in
Bright- Sussex, recommended by Colonel Gunter, a gentleman of
helmstone; . , , , , , ... , ,
where a that country, wlio had served the rung in the war; who
barkidedb met him there ; and had provided a little bark at Bright-
Colonel helmstone, a small fisher-town; where he went early on
Gunter. board", and, by God's blessing, arrived safely in Normandy.
in Nor- The Earl of Southampton, who was then at his house
Ismail"1 at Titchfield in Hampshire, had been advertised of the
creek, in King's being in the west, and of his missing his passage
November. at Lyme} and sent a trusty gentleman to those faithful
persons in the country, who, he thought, were most like

OF THE REBELLION. 573
to be employed for his escape if he came into those parts, BOOK
to let them know, " that he had a ship ready, and if the XIII.
" King came to him, he should be, safe;" which adver-
tisement came to the King the night before he embarked,
and when his vessel was ready. But his Majesty ever
acknowledged the obligation with great kindness, he being
the only person of that condition, who had the courage to
solicit such danger, though all good men heartily wished
his deliverance. It was in November, that the King
landed in Normandy, in a small creek ; from whence he
got to Rouen, and then gave notice to the Queen of his
arrival, and freed his loyal subjects in all places from their
dismal apprehensions.
Though this wonderful deliverance and preservation of
the person of the King was an argument of general joy
and comfort to all his good subjects, and a new seed of
hope for future blessings, yet his present condition was
very deplorable. France was not at all pleased with his
being come thither, nor did quickly take notice of his
being there. The Queen his mother was very glad of his
escape, but in no degree able to contribute towards his
support; they who had interest with her finding all she
had, or could get, too little for their own unlimited ex-
pence. Besides, the distraction that Court had been lately
in, and was not yet free from the effects of, made her
pension to be paid with less punctuality than it had used
to be ; so that she was forced to be in debt both to her
servants, and for the very provisions of her house; nor
had the King one shilling towards the support of himself
and his family.
As soon as his Majesty came to Paris, and knew that
the Chancellor of the Exchequer was at Antwerp, he com
manded Seymour, who was of his Bedchamber, to send to The King
him to repair thither ; which whilst he was providing to ch *cd„»?
do, Mr. Long, the King's Secretary, who was at Amster- of the Ex-
dam, and had been removed from his attendance in Scot- repauM-o
land by the Marquis of Argyle, writ to the Chancellor, ^im.at
" that he had received a letter from the King, by which he

574 THE HISTORY
BOOK " was required to let all his Majesty's servants who were
XIH- " in those parts, know, it was his pleasure that none of
" them should repair to him to Paris, until" they should
" receive farther order, since his Majesty could not yet
" resolve how long he should stay there : of which,"
Mr. Long said, " he thought it his duty to give him
" notice; with this, that the Lord Colepepper and him-
" self, who had resolved to have made haste thither, had
" in obedience to this command laid aside that purpose."
The Chancellor concluded that this inhibition concerned
not him, since he had received a command from the King
to wait upon him. Besides, he had still the character of
ambassador upon him, which he could not lay down till
The Chan- he had kissed his Majesty's hand. So he pursued his
Exchequer former purpose, and came to Paris in the Christmas, and
comes to found that the command to Mr. Long had been procured
Christmas with an eye principally upon the Chancellor, there being
at Pans. some there who had no mind he should be with the King;
though, when there was no remedy, the Queen received
him graciously. But the King was very well pleased with
his being come ; and, for the first four or five days, he
spent many hours with him in private, and informed him
Where he °f verv many particulars, of the harsh treatment he had
receives received in Scotland, the reason of his march into Eng-
from the , °
King this land, the confusion at Worcester, and all the circumstances
MsMa-°f °f n's happy escape and deliverance; many parts whereof
jesty'sde- are comprehended in this relation, and are exactly true.
 For besides all those particulars whieh the King himself
was pleased to communicate to him, so soon after the
transactions of them, when they had made so lively an
impression in his memory, and of which the Chancellor at
that time kept a very punctual memorial ; he had, at the
same time, the daily conversation of the Lord Wilmot;
who informed him of all he could remember : and some
times the King and he recollected many particulars in the
discourse together, in which the King's memory was much
better than the other's. And after the King's blessed
return into England, he had frequent conferences with

OF THE REBELLION. 575
many of those who had acted several parts towards the BOOK
escape; whereof some were of the Chancellor's nearest XIII.
alliance, and others his most intimate friends; towards
whom his Majesty always made many gracious expressions
of his acknowledgment : so that there is nothing in this
short relation the verity whereof can justly be suspected,
though, as is said before, it is great pity, that there could
be no diary made, indeed no exact account of every hour's
adventure from the coming out of Worcester, in that dis
mal confusion, to the hour of his embarkation at Bright-
helmstone; in which there was such a concurrence of
good nature, charity, and generosity, in persons of the
meanest and lowest extraction and condition, who did not
know the value of the precious jewel that was in their
custody, yet all knew him to be escaped from such an
action as would make the discovery and delivery of him to
those who governed over and amongst them, of great
benefit, and present advantage to them ; and in those who
did know him, of such courage, loyalty, and activity, that
all may reasonably look upon the whole, as the inspiration
and conduct of God Almighty, as a manifestation of his
power and glory, and for the conviction of the whole
party, which had sinned so grievously ; and if it hath not
wrought that effect in them, it hath rendered them the
more inexcusable.
As the greatest brunt of the danger was diverted by
these poor people, in his night-marches on foot, with so
much pain and torment, that he often thought that he
paid too dear a price for his life, before he fell into the
hands of persons of better quality, and places of more
conveniency, so he owed very much to the diligence and
fidelity of some ecclesiastical persons of the Romish per
suasion; especially to those of the order of St. Bennet;
which was the reason that he expressed more favours,
after his restoration, to that order than to any other, and
granted them some extraordinary privileges about the ser
vice of the Queen, not concealing the reason why he did
so ; which ought to have satisfied all men, that his Ma-

576 THE HISTORY
BOOK jesty's indulgence towards all of that profession, by re-
______ straining the severity and rigour of the laws which had

been formerly made against them, had its rise from a
fountain of princely justice and gratitude, and of royal
bounty and clemency.
The affairs , Whilst the counsels and enterprises in Scotland and
of I vp I mii n
at this England had this woeful issue, Ireland had no better suc
cess in its undertakings. Cromwell had made so great
a progress in his conquests, before he left that kingdom to
visit Scotland, that he was become, upon the matter,
entirely possessed of the two most valuable and best in
habited provinces, Lemster and Munster; and plainly
discerned, that what remained to be done, if dexterously
conducted, would be with most ease brought to pass by
the folly and perfidiousness of the Irish themselves ; who
would save tneir enemies a labour, in contributing to and
hastening their own destruction. He had made the bridge
fair, easy, and safe for them to pass over into foreign
countries, by levies and transportations; which liberty
they embraced, as hath been said before, with all ima
ginable greediness : and he had entertained agents, and
spies, as well friars as others amongst the Irish, who did
not only give him timely advertisements of what was con
cluded to be done, but had interest and power enough to
interrupt and disturb the consultations, and to obstruct the
execution thereof: and having put all things in this hope
ful method of proceeding, in which there was like to be
more use of the halter than the sword, he committed the
managing of the rest, and the government of the kingdom,
Ireton j0 jjjs son jn iaw Ireton ; whom he made Deputy under
Deputy by him of Ireland: a man, who knew the bottom of all his
Cromwell. counseis anf| purposes, and was of the same, or a greater
pride and fierceness in his nature, and most inclined to
pursue those rules, in the forming whereof he had had the
chief influence. And he, without fighting aijattle, though
he lived not many moriths after, reduced most of the rest
that Cromwell left unfinished.
The Mar- The Marquis of Ormond knew and understopd well the
quis of Or-

OF THE REBELLION. 57?
desperate condition and state he was in, when he had no BOOK
other strength and power to depend upon, than that of the XIII.
Irish, for the support of the King's authority: yet there mond's
were many of the nobility and principal gentry of the ___taon
Irish, in whose loyalty towards the King, and affection
and friendship towards his own person, he had justly all
confidence; and there were amongst the Romish Clergy
some moderate men, who did detest the savage ignorance
of the rest : so that he entertained still some hope, that
the wiser would by degrees convert the weaker, and that
they would all understand how inseparable their own pre
servation and interest was from the support of the King's
dignity and authority, and that the wonderful judgments
of God, which were every day executed by Ireton upon the
principal and most Obstinate contrivers of their odious re
bellion, and who perversely and peevishly opposed their re
turn to their obedience to the King, as often as they fell
into his power, would awaken them out of their sottish
lethargy, and unite them in the defence of their nation.
For there was scarce a man, whose bloody and brutish
behaviour in the beginning of the rebellion, or whose bar
barous violation of the peace that had been consented to,
had exempted them from the King's mercy, and left them
only subjects of his justice, as soon as they could be appre
hended, who was not taken by Ireton, and hanged with all
the circumstances of severity that was due to their wicked
ness; of which innumerable examples might be given.
There yet remained free from Cromwell's yoke, the two
large provinces of Connaught and of Ulster, and the two
strong cities of Limerick and of Galloway, both garrisoned
with Irish, and excellently supplied with all things neces
sary for their* defence, and many other good port towns,
and other strong places ; all wliich pretended and professed
to be for the King, and to yield obedience to the Marquis
of Ormond, his Majesty's Lieutenant. And there were
still many good regiments of horse and foot together under
Preston, who seemed to be ready to perform any service
the Marquis should require: so that he did reasonably
vol. in. P. 1. P P

578 ?HE HISTORY
BO O K hope, that by complying with some of tfaeir humours, by
XIIL sacrificing somewhat of his faowmr, and much of Ms au

thority, to their jealousy and peevishness, he should be able
to draw such a strength together, as would give a stop
to ireton's career. O'Neile at this time, after he had been
so baffled and affronted by the Parliament, and after he had
seen his bosom friend, and sole counsellor, the Bishop of
Cfagher, (who had managed the treaty with Monk, and was
taken prisoner upon the defeat of his forces,) hanged,
drawn, and quartered as a traitor, sent " to offer his ser-
" vice to the Marquis of Ormond with the army under his
" command, upon snitch conditions as tbe Marquis thought
" fit to send to him ;" and it was reasonably believed that
he did intend very sincerely, and would have done very
good service; for he was the best soldier of the nation, and
had the most command over his. men, and was best obeyed
by them. But, as he was upon his march towards a con
junction with the Lord Lieutenant, he fell sick; and, in a
OivenRow few days, died: so that that treaty produced no effect; for
S^ashe though many of his army prosecuted his resolution, ahd
was going joined with the Marquis of Ormond, yet their officers had
to join with,.,,, ,. . ... , v .
theMarquis little power over their soldiers ; who, being all of the old
-** 0mond-Irish Septs of Ulster, were entirely governed by the friars,
and were shortly after prevailed upon, either to transport
themselves, or to retire to their bogs, and prey for them
selves upon all they met, without distinction of persons or
interest. The Marquis's orders for drawing the troops together
to any rendezvous were totally neglected and disobeyed;
and the commissioners' orders for the collection of money,
and contribution in such proportions as had been settled
and agreed unto, Were as much contemned : so that such
regiments, as with great difficulty were brought together,
were as soon dissolved for want of pay, order, and accom
modation ; or else. dispersed by the power of the friars; as
in the city of Limerick, when the Marquis was there, and
had appointed several companies to be drawn into the
market-place, to be employed upoai a present expedition, an

OF THE REBELLION. 579
officer of good affections, and thought to have much credit BOOK
with bjis soldiers, brought with him two hundred very likely _______
soldiers well armeds, and disciplined, and having received
his orders froua the Marquis, wba was upon the place^ be-r
gun to march; when a Franciscan friar in his. habit, and
with a crucifix in his hand, came to the head of the com
pany, and commanded them all, 'f upon pain of damnation,
" that they should not march :": upon whieh they all threw
down their arms, and did as the friar directed them ; who
put the whole city into a mutiny: insomuch as the Lord A mutiny in
Lieutenant was compelled to- go out of it, and not without ^___"_;
some difficulty escaped ; though most of the magistrates of Marquis of
the city did all that was in their power to suppress the dis- escaped.
order, and to reduce the people to obedience ; and some of
them were killed, and many wounded in the attempt. As
an instance of those judgments from heaven wbich we
lately mentioned in general, Patrick Fanning, who with
the friar had tlie principal part in that sedition, the very
jftext night after Ireton was possessed of that strong city,
was apprehended, and the next day hanged, drawn, and
quartered. Such of the commissioners who adhered firmly
to the Lord Lieutenant, in using all their power to ad
vance the King's service, and to reduce their miserable
cpuntrymen from effecting and contriving their own de
struction, were without any credit, and all their warrants
and summons neglected; when the others, who declined
the service, and desired to obstruct il, had all respect and
submission paid to them.
They who appeared, after the first misfortune before Dub
lin, to corrupt, and mislead, and dishearten the people,
were the friars, and some of their inferior clergy. But now
the titular bishops, who had been all made at Rome since
the beginning of the rebellion, appeared more active than
the other. They called an. assermbly of the bishops, (every Tlie Popish
one of which, {tad signed the articles of the peace,) and m^.p^a
chose some of their clergy as a representative of their assembly,
Church to meet at James Town ; where, under the pretence ^declara-
of providima; for the securityof religion, they examined the tjonagainst
r ° „ the English.
p p 2

580 THE HISTORY
BOOK whole proceedings of the war, and how the monies which
______ had been collected had been issued out. They called the
giving up the towns in Munster by the Lord Inchiquin's
officers, " the conspiracy and treachery of all the English,
" out of their malice to Catholic religion ;" and thereupon
pressed the Lord Lieutenant to dismiss all the English
gentlemen who yet remained with him. They called every
unprosperous accident that had fallen out, " a foul miscar-
" riage ;" and published a declaration full of libellous invec
tives against the English, without sparing the person of the
Lord Lieutenant; who, they said, " being of a contrary
" religion, and a known inveterate enemy to the Catholic,
" was not fit to be entrusted with the conduct of a war
" that was raised for the support and preservation of it ;'*
and shortly after sent an address to the Lord Lieutenant
himself, in which they told him, " that the people were so
" far unsatisfied with his conduct, especially for his aver-
" sion from the Catholic religion, and his favouring here-
" tics, that they were unanimously resolved, as one man,
Theyde- "not to submit any longer to his command, nor to raise
ft^Lord " any more money, or men, to be applied to the King*?
lieutenant « service under his authority." But, on the other side,
noTonger *nev assured him, (f that their duty and zeal was so entire
submit to « and real for the King, and their resolution so absolute
require " never to withdraw themselves from his obedience, that,
him to d ;f he would depart the kingdom, and commit the corn-
commit . .
the govern- " mand thereof into the hands of any person of honour of
^atoa " the Catholic religion, he would thereby unite the whole
Catholic. " nation to the King ; and they would immediately raise
" an army that should drive Ireton quickly again into
"Dublin;" and, that the Lord Lieutenant might know5
that they would not depart from this determination, they
published soon after an excommunication against all per
sons who should obey any of the Lieutenant's orders, or
raise money or men by virtue of his authority.
During all these agitations, many of the Roman Ca
tholic nobility, and other persons of the best quality, re
mained very faithful to the Lord Lieutenant ; and cordially

OF THE REBELLION. S81
interposed with the Popish bishops to prevent their vio- BOOK
lent proceedings; but had not power either to .persuade XIII.
or restrain them. The Lord Lieutenant had no reason to~~
be delighted with his empty title to command a people
who would not obey, and knew the daily danger he was in,
of being betrayed, and delivered into the hands of Ireton,
-or being assassinated in his own quarters. And though
he did not believe that the Irish would behave themselves
with more fidelity and courage for the King's interest,
when he should be gone; well knowing that their bishops
and clergy designed nothing but to put themselves under
the government of some Popish prinee, and had at that
time sent agents into foreign parts for that purpose ; yet
he knew likewise that there were in truth men enough,
and arms, and all provisions for the carrying on the war,
who, if they were united, and heartily resolved to preserve
themselves, would be much superior in number to any
power Ireton could bring against them. He knew like
wise, that he could safely deposit the King's authority in
the hands of a person of unquestionable fidelity, whom the
King would, without any scruple, trust, and whom the
Irish could not except against, being of their own nation,
of the greatest fortune and interest amongst them, and of
the most eminent constancy to the Roman Catholic re
ligion of any man in the three kingdoms; and that was
the Marquis of Clanrickard. And therefore, since it was
to no purpose to stay longer there himself, and it was in
his power safely to make the experiment, whether the
Irish would in truth perform what was in their power to
perform, and which they so solemnly promised to do, he
thought he should be inexcusable to the King, if he should
not consent to that expedient. The great difficulty was to
persuade the Marquis of Clanrickard to accept the trust,
who was a man, though of an unquestionable courage, yet,
of an infirm health; and loved and enjoyed great ease
throughout his whole life ; and of a constitution not equal
to the fatigue and distresses, that the conducting such a
war must subject him to. He knew well, and exceedingly
pp3

582 THE HISTORY
BOOK detested, the levity, inconstancy, and infidelity of liis coufl-
XHL tryrnen: nor did he in any degree like the presumption of
~" the Popish bishops and clergy, and the exorbitant power
which they had assumed, and usurped to themselves ; and
therefore he had no mind to engage himself in such a
command. But by the extraordinary importunity of the
Marquis of Ormond, with whom "he had preserved a fast
and unshaken frieridship, and his pressing bifii to preserve
Ireland to the King, without whicli it would throw itself
into the anns of a foreigner; and then the same impor
tunity from all the Irish nobility, bishops, and clergy,
(after the Lord Lieutenant had informed them of his pur-
pose>) " that he would preserve his nationy which, without
" his acceptarice of their protection, would infallibly be
" extirpated," and their joint promise, " iJhat they Would
"absolutely submit to all his commands, and hold no
" assembly or meeting amongst themselves, without his
"permission and commission," together with Iris un
questionable desire to do any thing, how contrary soever
to his Own inclination and benefit, that would be accepta
ble ia the King, and might possibly bring some advantage
The Mar- ^0 m-s Majesty's service, he was in the end prevailed upon
mond to! receive a commission from the Lord Lieutenant to be
M^quit6 I>ePuty af Ireland, and undertook that charge.
ofClan- How well they complied afterwards with their promises
Deputy. anQ protestations, and how much better subjects they
iproved to be under their Catholic governor, than they had
been hnder their Protestant, will be related at large here
after. In the mean time the Marquis of Ormond would
not receive a pass from Ireton, who would willingly have
The M,aI" granted it, as lie did to all the English officers that desired
quis of Or-? , ,.,,,. . ,
mond em- it; but embarked himself, with some few gentlemen be-
Farnce°r s'^eB n*s own servants, in a small frigate, and arrived safely
and waits in Normandy ; and so went to Caen ; where his wife and
°°paj.ising family had remained from the time of his departure thence.
after his This was shortly after the King's defeat at Worcester^ arid,
escape S as soon as his Majesty arrived at Paris, he forthwiih at-
fromWor- tended 'him, and was most welcome to him.
cestcr.

OF THE REBELLION. 583
Scotland being subdued, and Ireland reduced to that BOOK
obedience as the Parliament could wish, nothing could be XIII.
expected to be done in England for the King's advantage. ~~
From the time that Cromwell was chosen General in the
place of Fairfax, he took all occasions to discountenance
the Presbyterians, and to put them out of all trust and
employment, as well in the country as in the army; and,
whilst he was in Scotland, he had intercepted some letters
frpm one Love, a Presbyterian minister in London, (a fel
low who hath been mentioned before, in the time the
treaty was at Uxbridge, for preaching against peace,) to a
leading preacher in Scotland; and sent such an informa
tion against him, with so many successive instances that
justice might be exemplarily done upon him, that, in spite
of all the opposition which the Presbyterians could make,
who appeared publicly with their utmost power, the man Love, a
was condemned and executed upon Tower-hill. And, to I*r«SDy- .
r ' terian mi-
shew their impartiality, about the same time they executed nister, exe*
Brown Bushel, who had formerly served the Parliament in cute '
the beginning of the rebellion, and shortly after served
the King to the end of the war, and had lived some years
in England after the war expired, untaken notice of, but,
upon this occasion, , was enviously discovered, and put to
death. It is a wonderful thing what operation this Presbyterian
spirit had upon the minds of those who were possessed by
it. This poor man Love, who had been guilty of as much
treason against the King, from the beginning of the re-
bellipn, as the pulpit could contain, was so much without
remorse for any wickedness of that kind that he had com
mitted, that he was jealous of nothing so much, as of being
suspected to repent, or that he was brought to suffer for
his affection to the King. And therefore, when he was
upon the scaffold, where he appeared with a marvellous
undauntedness, he seemed so much delighted with the
memory of all that he had done against the late King, and
against the bishops, that he could not even then forbear to
speak with animpsity and bitterness against both, and ex-
p p 4

584 THE HISTORY
BOOK pressed great satisfaction in mind for what he had done
XI11, against them, and was as much transported with the in
ward joy of mind, that he felt in being brought thither to
die as a martyr, and to give testimony for the Covenant;
" whatsoever he had done being in the pursuit of the
" ends," he said, " of that sanctified obligation, to which
" he was in and by his conscience engaged." And in this
raving fit, without so much as praying for the King, other
wise than that he might propagate the Covenant, he laid
his head upon the block with as much courage as the
bravest and honestest man could do in the most pious
occasion.
Cromwell When Cromwell returned to London, he caused several
veralhigh high courts of justice to be erected, by which many gentle-
courts of men 0f qUality were condemned, and executed in many
justice to ' - i 1 • i •
be erected, parts of the kingdom, as well as in London, who had been
taken prisoners at Worcester, or discovered to have been
there. And, that the terror might be universal, some suf
fered for loose discourses in taverns, what they would do
towards restoring the King, and others for having blank
commissions found in their hands signed by the King,
though they had never attempted to do any thing there
upon, nor, for ought appeared, intended to do. And
under these desolate apprehensions all the royal and loyal
party lay groveling, and prostrate, after the defeat of
Worcester. There was at this time with the King the Marquis of
Ormond; who came thither before the Chancellor of the
The King's Exchequer. Though his Majesty was now in unques-
at Paris, tionable safety, the straits and necessities he was in were
as unquestionable; which exposed him to all the troubles
and uneasiness that the, masters of very indigent families
are subjected to ; and the more, because all men considered
only his dignity, and not his fortune : so that men had the
same emulations and ambitions, as if the King had all to
give which was taken from him, and thought it a good
argument for them to ask, because he had nothing to give;
and asked very improper reversions, because he could not

OF THE REBELLION. 585
grant the possession; and were solicitous for honours, BOOK
which he had power to grant, because he had not fortunes XIII.
to give them.
There had been a great acquaintance between the Mar- The friend-
quis of Ormond, when he was Lord Thurles, in the life of tte'en'tiie
his grandfather, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer, Marquis
1 ¦ , . * ' of Ormond
which was renewed, by a mutual correspondence, when and the
they both came to have shares in the public business, the ^°_^
one in Ireland, and the other in England : so that when chequer.
they now met at Paris, they met as old friends, and quickly
understood each other so well, that there could not be a
more entire confidence between men. The Marquis con
sulted with him in his nearest concernments, and the
Chancellor esteemed and cultivated the friendship with all
possible industry and application. The King was abun
dantly satisfied in the friendship they had for each other,
and trusted them both entirely ; nor was it in the power of
any, though it was often endeavoured by persons of no
ordinary account, to break or interrupt that mutual confi
dence between them, during the whole time the King re
mained beyond the seas; whereby the King's perplexed
affairs were carried on with the less trouble. And the
Chancellor did always acknowledge, that the benefit of
this friendship was so great to him, that, without it, he
could not have borne the weight of that part of the King's
business which was incumbent on him, nor the envy and
reproach that attended the trust.
Besides the wants and necessities which the King was
pressed with in respect of himself, who had nothing, but
was obliged to find himself by credit in clothes, and all
other necessaries for his person, and of his family, which
he saw reduced to all extremities; he was much dis
quieted by the necessities in his brother the Duke of York's The neces-
family, and by the disorder and faction in it. The Queen facttons'pf
complained heavily of Sir George Ratcliff, and the Attor- ™e Duke
ney; and more of the first, because that he pretended tofamnv<
some right of being of the Duke's family by a grant of the
late King; which his present Majesty determined against

586 THE HISTORY
BOOK him; and reprehended his activity in the last summer.
XHL Sir John Berkley had most of the Queen's favour ; and,
though he had at that time no interest in the Duke's af
fection, he found a way to ingratiate himself with his
Royal Highness, by insinuating into him two particulars,
in both which he foresaw advantage to himself. Though
no man acted the governor's part more imperiously than he
had done whilst the Lord Byron was absent, finding that
he himself was. liable in some degree to be governed upon
that lord's return,, he had used all the ways he could, -that
the Duke might be exempted from any subjection to a
governor, presuming, that, when that title should be ex
tinguished, he should be possessed pf some such office
and relation, as should not be under the control of any
but the Duke himself* But he had not yet been able to
bring that to pass; which was the reason that he stayed
at Paris when his Highness visited Flanders and Holland.
Now he took advantage of the activity of the Duke's spi
rit, and infused into him, " that it would be for his honour
" to put himself into action, ahd not to be learning his
" exercises in Paris whilst the army Was in the field :"
a proposition first intimated by the Cardinal, "that the
" Duke was now of years to learn his m4tier, and had now
u the opportunity to improve himself, by being in the care
<c of a general reputed equal to any captain in Christen-
"dom, with whom he might learn that experience, and
" make those observations, as might enable him to serve
"the King his brother, who must hope to recover his
" right only by the sword." This the Cardinal had said
both to the Queen and to the Lord Jermyn, whilst the
King was in Scotland, when no man had the hardiness tp
advise it in that conjuncture. But, after the King's return
from England, there wanted nothing but the approbation
of his Majesty ; and no man more desired it than the Lord
Byron, who had had good command, and preferred that
kind of life before that which he was obliged to live in at
Paris. There was no need of spurs to be employed to
incite the Duke; who was most impatient to be in the

OF THE REBELLION. 587
army. And therefore Sir John Berkley could not any BOOK
other way make himself so grateful to him, as by ap- ______
pearing to be of that mind, and by . telling the Duke,
" that whosoever opposed it, and dissuaded the King from
" giving his consent, was ah enemy to his Highness's
« glory, and desired that he should live always in pu-
" pifege ;" not omitting to put him in mind, " that his
"very entrance into the army set him at liberty, and put
" him into his own disposal ; since no man went into the
" field under the direction of a governor;" still endeavour
ing to improve his prejudice against those who should
either dissuade him from pursuing that resolution, or en
deavour to persuade the King not to approve it; " which,"
he told him, " could proceed from nothing but want of
"affection to his person." By this means he hoped to
raise a notable dislike in him of the Chancellor of the Ex
chequer, who, he believed, did not like the design, be
cause he having spoken to him of it, the other had not
enlarged upon it as an argument that pleased him.
The Duke pressed it with earnestness and passion, in
which he dissembled not; and found the Queen, as well as
the King, very reserved in the point; which proceeded
from their tenderness towards him, and lest they might
be thought to be less concerned for his safety than they
ought to be. His Highness then conferred with those,
who, he thought, were most like to be consulted with
by the King, amongst whom he knew the Chancellor
was one ; and finding him to speak with less warmth than
the rest, as if he thought it a matter worthy of great de
liberation, his Highness was confirmed in the jealousy
which Sir John Berkley had kindled in him, that he was
the principal person who obstructed the King's conde
scension. There was at that time no man with the King
who had been a counsellor to his father, or sworn to him
self, but the Chancellor of the Exchequer. The Marquis
of' Ormond, though he had administered the affairs in IrC-
4tad, was never sworn a counsellor in England; yet his
Majesty looked upOh him in all respects most fit to ad-

588 THE HISTORY"
BOOK vise him; and thought it necessary to form such a bpdy,
XI ' as shpuld be esteemed by all men as his Privy. Council,

without whose advice he would take no resolutions. The
King knew the Queen would not be well pleased, if the
Lord Jermyn were not one ; who in all other respects was
necessary to that trust, since all addresses to the Court of
France were to be made by him : and the Lord Wilmot,
who had cultivated the King's affection during the time of
their peregrination, and drawn many promises from him,
and was full of projects for his service, could not be left
The King out. The King therefore called the Marquis of Ormond,
new Coun- the Lord Jermyn, and the Lord Wilmot, to the Council
clL Board 5 and declared, " that they three, together with the
" Chancellor of the Exchequer, should be consulted with
" in all his affairs." The Queen very earnestly pressed
the King, " that Sir John Berkley might likewise be made
" a counsellor;" which his Majesty would not consent to;
and thought he could not refuse the same honour to the
Lord Wentworth, the Lord Byron, or any other person
who should wait upon him, if he granted it to Sir John
Berkley, who had no manner of pretence.
Berkley took this refusal very heavily, and thought his
great parts, and the services he had performed, which were
known to very few, might well enough distinguish him
Sir John from other men. But, because he would not be thought
pretends to without some just pretence which others had not, he very
the Mas- confidently insisted upon a right he had, by a promise of
ike Wards, the late King, to be Master of the Wards ; and that officer
had usually been of the Privy Council. The evidence he
had of that promise was an intercepted letter from the
late King to the Queen, which the Parliament had caused
to be printed. In that letter the King answered a letter
he had received from her Majesty, in which she put him
in mind, " that he had promised her to make Jack Berk-
" ley" (which was the style in the letter) " Master of the
" Wards ;" which, the King said, " he wondered at, since
" he could not remember that she had ever spoken to him
to that purpose ;" implying likewise " that he was not fit

a

OF THE REBELLION'. 589
"for it." He pressed the Chancellor of the Exchequer BOOK
" to urge this matter of right to the King," (and said, XIIL
" the Queen would declare the King had promised it to ~
't her,) and to prevail with his Majesty to make him pre-
" sently Master of the Wards ; which would give him such
" a title to the Board, that others could not take his being
" called thither as a prejudice to them."
The Chancellor had at that time much kindness for him,
and did really desire to oblige him, but he durst not urge
that for a reason to the King, which could be none, and
what he knew, as well as a negative could be known, had..
no foundation of truth. For besides that he very well
knew the late King had not so good an opinion of Sir
John Berkley, as he himself did at that time heartily wish,
and endeavour to infuse into him, the King had, after that
promise was pretended to be made, granted that office at
Oxford to the Lord Cottington ; who executed it as long
as offices were executed under the grant of the Crown, and
was possessed of the title to his death. The Chancellor
did therefore very earnestly endeavour to dissuade him
from making that pretence and demand to the King ; and
told him, " the King could not at this time do a more un-
" gracious thing, that would lose him more the hearts and
v affections of the nobility and gentry of England, than in
v making a Master of the Wards, in a time when it would
" not be the least advantage to his Majesty or the officer,
" to declare that he resolved to insist upon that part of his
" prerogative which his father had consented to part with;
¦" the resuming whereof in the full rigour, which he might
" iawfully do, would ruin most of the estates of England,
" as well of his friends as enemies, in regard of the vast
" arrears incurred in so many years ; and therefore what-
" ever his Majesty might think to resolve hereafter, when
" it should please God to restore him, for the present there
ff must be no thought of such an officer."
¦ Sir John Berkley was not satisfied at all with the reason
that was alleged ; and very unsatisfied with the unkindness
(as he called it) of the refusal to interpose in it; and said,

590 THE HISTORY
BOOK " since his friends would not, he would himself re^re
X^I1- " justice of the King ;" and immediately, hearing that, the
King was in the next room, went to him; and in the
warmth he had contracted by the Chancellor's contra-^
diction, pressed his Majesty " to make good the promise
" his father had made ;" and magnified the services he had
done; Which he did, really believe to have been very great,
and, hy the custom of making frequent relations of his
own actions, grew in very good earnest to think he bad
done many thjngs, which nobody else ever heard, of. The
Kihg, who knew him very well, and believed Httle of his
history,, and less of his father's, prpmise, was willing rather
to reclaim him from his importunity, than to giye him a
positive denial, (which in his nature his Majesty af£?qted
not,) lest it might indispose his mother or his brother:
and so, to every part of his request concerning the being
of the Council, and concerning the office, gave him, Sjueh
reasons against the gratifying him foi the present, that he
could not but plainly discern that his Majesty was very
averse from it. But that consideration prevailed not with
hip; he, used so great importunity, notwithstanding all
the reasons which had been alleged, that at the last; the
King prevailed with himself, which he used not to do i»
The King such cases, to give him a positive denial, and reprehen-
},;_,' sion, at once ; and so left him.
All this he imputed to the Chancellor of the Ex chequer ¦;
and though he knew well he had not, nor could have
spoken with the King from the time they had spoken
together, before himself had that audience from his Mar
jesty, he declared, " that he knew all that indisposition
" had been infused by him ; because many of the reaspns,
" which his Majesty had given against his doing what he
" desired, were the very same that the Chancellor had
" urged to him ;" though they could not but have occurred
to any reasonable man, who had been called to consult
upon that subject. This passion prevailed so fas upon him,
that, notwithstanding the advice of some of his best friends
to the contrary, he took an opportunity to walk with tbje

is

OF THE REBELLION. 591
Chancellor shortly after: and, in a very calm, though a BOOK
very confused discourse, told him, " that, since he was ,xm-
"resolved to break all friendship with him, which had"
" continued now near twenty years, he thought it but just
"to give him notice of it, that from henceforward he
" might not expect any friendship from him; but that they
" might live towards each other with that civility only that
" strangers use to do." The Chancellor told him, " that
"the same justice that disposed him to give this notice
" should likewise oblige him to declare the reason of this
" resolution ;" and asked him, " whether he had ever
" broken his word to him ? or promised to do what he had
" not done?" He answered, " his exception was, that he
"could not be brought to make any promise; and that
" their judgments were so different, that he would no more
"depend upon him:" and so they parted, without ever Whereupon
after having conversation with each other whilst they re- breaks with
mained in France. the Chan-
cello P.
The spring was now advanced, and the Duke of York
continued his importunity with the King, " that he might
"have his leave to repair to the army." And thereupon Deliberw-
his Majesty called his Council together, the Queen his council' 6
mother and his brother being likewise present. There his whetber the
Majesty declared " what his brother had long desired of York
" him ; to which he had hitherto given no other answer, ?noul(J S°
" than that he would think of it ; and before he could give French
"any other, he thought it necessary to receive their ad-army'
" vice :" nor did his Majesty in the least discover what he
himself was inclined to. The Duke then repeated what
he had desired of the King ; and said, " he thought he
"asked nothing but what became him; if he did not, he
" hoped the King would not deny it to him, and that
" nobody would advise he should." The Queen spoke not
a word ; and the King desired the lords to deliver their
opinion ; who all sat silent, expecting who would begin ;
there being no fixed rule of the Board, but sometimes, ac
cording to the nature of the business, he who was first in
place 'begun, at other times he who was last in quality ;

592 THE HISTORY
BOOK and when ft required some debate before any opinion
XUI- should be delivered, any man was at liberty to offer what
he would. But after a long silence, the King commanded
the Chancellor of the Exchequer to speak first. He said,
"it could not be expected, that he would deliver his
" opinion in a matter that was so much too hard for him,
"till he heard what, others thought; at least, till the
" question was otherwise stated than it yet seemed to him
" to be." He said, " he thought the Council would not
" be willing to take it upon them to advise that the Duke
" of York, the next heir to the Crown, should go a volun-
" teer into the French army, and that the exposing himself
" to so much danger, should be the effect of their counsel
" who ought to have all possible tenderness for the safety
" of every branch of the royal family ; but if the Duke of
" York, out of his own princely courage, and to attain
" experience in the art of war, of which there was like to
" be so great use, had taken a resolution to visit the army,
" ahd to spend that campaign in it, and that the question
"only was, whether the King should restrain him from
" that expedition, he was ready to declare his opinion,
i( that his Majesty should not ; there being great diffe-
" rence between the King's advising him to go, which im-
" plies an approbation, and barely suffering- him to do
" what his own genius inclined him to." The King and
Queen liked the stating of the question, as suiting best
with the tenderness they ought to have; and the Duke
was as well pleased with it, since it left him at the liberty
he desired ; and the lords thought it safest for them : and
so all were pleased; and much of the prejudice which the
Duke had entertained towards the Chancellor was abated :
and his Royal Highness, with the good liking of the
The Duke French Court, went to the army; where he was received
goestothe by the Marshal of Turenne, with all possible demonstra
tion of respect ; where, in a short time, he got the reputa
tion of a Prince of very signal courage, and to be univer
sally beloved of the whole army by his affable behaviour.
The insupportable necessities of the King- were now

OF THE REBELLION. 593
grown so nptorious, that the French Court was compelled BOOK
to take notice of them; and thereupon, with some dry XIII.
compliments for the smallness of the assignation in respect
of the ill condition of their affairs, which indeed were not
in any good posture, they settled an assignation of six The assig-
thpusand livres by the month upon the King, payable out n.ati°n of
of such a gabel; which, being to begin six months after sand livres
the King came thither, found too great a debt contracted ^^ set.
to be easily satisfied out of such a monthly receipt, though tied upon
it had been punctually complied with; which it never was.^ytfe"8
The Queen, at his Majesty's first arrival, had declared, French
" that she was not able to bear the charge of the King's
" diet, but that he must pay one half of the expence of her
" table, where both their Majesties eat, with the Duke of
" York, and the Princess Henrietta," (which two were at
the Queen's charge till the King came thither, but from
that time, the Duke of York was upon the King's account,)
and tlie very first night's supper which the King eat with
the Queen, begun the account; and a moiety thereof was
charged to the King : so that.the first money that was re-
peived for the King upon his grant, was entirely stopped
by Sir Harry Wood, the Queen's treasurer, for the dis
charge of his Majesty's part of the Queen's table, (which
expence was first satisfied, as often as money could be pro
cured,) and the rest for the payment of other debts con
tracted, at his first coming,, for clothes and other necessa
ries, there being great care taken that nothing should be
left to be distributed amongst his servants; theMarquis
of Ormond himself being compelled to put himself in
pension, with other gentlemen, at a pistole a week for his
dietj and to walk the streets on foot, which was no honour
able custom in Paris; whilst the Lord Jermyn kept an
excellent table for those who courted him, and bad a coach
of his own, and all other accommodations incident to the
most full fortune ; and if the King bad the most urgent
occasion for the use hut of twenty pistoles, as sometimes
he had, he could not find credit to borrow it; which he
often had experiment of. Yet if there had not been as much
vol. in. p. 1. o q

594 THE HISTORY
BOOK care to take that from him which was his own, as to hinder
XHl- him from receiving the supply assigned by the King of
France, his necessities would not have been so extraordi
nary. For when the King went to Jersey in order to his
journey into Ireland, and at the same time that he sent the
Chancellor of the Exchequer into Spain, he sent likewise
the Lord Colepepper into Moscow, to borrow money of
that duke ; and into Poland he sent Mr. Crofts upon the
same errand. The former returned whilst the King was in
Scotland; and the latter about the time that his Majesty
made his escape from Worcester. And both of them suc
ceeded so well in their journey, that he who received least
for his Majesty's service had above ten thousand pounds
over and above the expence of their journeys.
How the But, as if the King had been out of all possible danger
money was ^0 want money, the Lord Jermyn had sent an express into
that was Scotland, as soon as he knew what success the Lord Cole-
KtoVfrom PePPer n*d at Moscow, and found there were no less hopes
Moscow from Mr. Crofts, and procured from the King (who could
land. with more ease grant, than deny) warrants under his hand
to both those envoys, to pay the monies they had received
to several persons; whereof a considerable sum was made a
present to the Queen, more to the Lord Jermyn, upon pre
tence of debts due to him, which were not diminished by
that receipt, and all disposed of according to the modesty
of the askers ; whereof Dr. Goffe had eight hundred
pounds for services he had performed, and, within few
days after the receipt of it, changed his religion, and be
came pne of the fathers pf the Oratory: so that, when the
King returned in all that distress to Paris, he never re
ceived five hundred pistoles from the proceed of both those
embassies; nor did any of those who were supplied by his
bounty seem sensible of the obligation, or the more dis
posed to do him any service upon their own expence ; of
which the King was sensible enough, but resolved to bear
that and more, rather than, by entering into any expostu>-
lation with those who were faultjt, to give any trouble to
the Queen.

OF THE REBELLION. 595
The Lord Jermyn, who, in his own judgment, was very BOOK
indifferent in all matters relating to religion, was always of XIII.
some faction that regarded it. He had been much ad-
dieted to the Presbyterians from the time that there had
been any treaties with the Scots, in which he had too
much privity. And now, upon the King's return into
France, he had a great design to persuade his Majesty to
go to the congregation at Charenton, to the end that he
might keep up his interest in the Presbyterian party;
which he had no reason to believe would ever be able to do
the- King service, or. willing, if they were able, without
such odious conditions as they had hitherto insisted upon
in all their overtures. The Queen did not, in the least
degree, oppose this, but rather seemed tp countenance it,
as the best expedient that might incline him, by degrees,
to prefer the religion of the Church of Rome. For though
the Queen had never, to this time, by herself, or by others
with her advice, used the least means to persuade the King
to change his religion, as well out of observation of the in
junction laid upon her by the deceased King, as out of the
conformity of her own judgment, which could not but
persuade her that the change of his religion would infalli
bly make all his hopes of recovering England desperate;
yet it is as true, that, from the King's return from Wor
cester, she did really despair of his being restored by the
affections of his own subjects; and believed that it could
never be brought to pass without a conjunction of Catho
lic princes on his behalf, ahd by an united force to restore
him; and that such a conjunction would never be entered
into, except the King himself became Roman Catholic.
Therefore from this time she was very well content that
any attempts should be made upon him to that purpose 5
and, in that regard, wished that he would go to Charenton ;
which she well knew was not the religion he affected, but
would be a little discountenance to the Church in which he
had been bred; and from which as soon as he could be
persuaded in any degree to swerve, he would be more ex
posed to any other temptation. The King had not posi-^™^"
eq 2

596 THE HISTORY
BOOK tively refused to gratify the ministers of that congrega-
XIH- tion ; who, with great professions of duty, had besought
Charenton him to do them that honour, before the Chancellor of the
preasthe jjXchequer came to him; in which it was believed, that
come to they were the more like to prevail by the death of Dr.
Church; Steward; for whose judgment in matters of religion the
and are se- King had reverence, by the earnest recommendation of his
the Lord7 father : and he died after the King's return within fourteen
Jermyn. <]ayS} with some trouble upon the importunity and artifice
dief pre-!*"1 ne saw useo^ to Prevail with the King to go to Charenton;
sently after though he saw no disposition in his Majesty to yield to it.
return into The Lord Jermyn still pressed it, " as a thing that
France. « ought in policy and discretion to be done, to reconcile
" that people, which was a great body in France, to the
" King's service, which would draw to him all the foreign
" Churches, and thereby he might receive considerable
"assistance." He wondered, he said, " why it should be
" opposed by any man ; since he did not wish that his
" Majesty would discontinue his own devotions, according
" to the course he had always observed ; nor propose that
" lie should often repair thither, but only sometimes; at
" least once, to shew that he did look upon them as of the
" same religion with him; which the Church of England
" had always acknowledged ; and that it had been ah in-
" struction to the English ambassadors, that they should
" keep a good correspondence With those of the religion,
" and frequently resort to divine service at Charenton ;
" Where they had always a pew kept for them."
The Chan- The Chancellor of the Exchequer dissuaded his Majesty
the Exche- fr°m going thither with equal earnestness ; told hirn,
luer ^is- « that, whatever countenance or favour the Crown or
from it. " Church of England had heretofore shewed to those con-
" gregations, it was in a time wheh they carried theffl-
" selves with modesty and duty towards both, and wheh
" they professed great duty to the King, and much reve-
" rence to that Church ; lamenting themselves, that it was
" not in their power, by the opposition of the State, to
\' make their reformation so perfect as it was in England.

OF THE REBELLION. 597
" And by this kind of behaviour they had indeed received BOOK
"the protection and countenance from England as if they XIII.
" were of the same religion, though, it may be, the origi-
*{ nal of that countenance and protection proceeded from
" another less warrantable foundation ; which he was sure
" would never find credit from his Majesty. But, what-
" ever it was, that people now had undeserved it from the
" King; for, as soon as the troubles begun, the Hugonots
f of France had generally expressed great malice to the
"late King, and very many of their preachers and ministers
" had publicly and industriously justified the rebellion, and
"prayed for the good success of it; and their synod itself
" had in such a manner inveighed against the Church of
" England, that they, upon the matter, professed them-
" selves to be of another religion ; and inveighed against
" episcopacy, as if it were inconsistent with the Protestant
" religion. That one of- their great professors at their
" University of Saumur, who was looked upon as a man of
" the most moderate spirit amongst their ministers, had
" published an apology for the general inclination of that
" party to the proceedings of the Parliament of England,
" lest it might give some jealousy to their own King of
" their inclination to rebellion, and of their opinion that it
" was lawful for subjects to take up arms against their
" Prince ; which, he said, could not be done in France
" without manifest rebellion, and incurring the displeasure
" of God for the manifest breach of his commandments ;
" because the King of France is an absolute King, inde-
" pendent upon any other authority. But that the consti-
" tution of the kingdom of England was of another na-
" ture; because the King there is subordinate to the Par-
" liament, which hath authority to raise arms for the
" reformation of religion, or for the executing the public
" justice of the kingdom against all those who violate the
" laws of the nation, so that the war might be just there,
" which in no case could be warrantable in France."
The Chancellor told the King, " that, after such an in-
" dignity offered to him, and to his Crown, and since they
oq3

598 THE HISTORY
BOOK " had now made such a distinction between the Episcopal
XIH- " and the Presbyterian government, that they thought the
" professors were not of the same religion, his going to
" Charenton could not be without this effect, that it would
"be concluded every where, that his Majesty thought the
" one or the other profession to be indifferent; which
" would be one of the most deadly wounds to the Church
, " of England that it had yet ever suffered." These rea
sons prevailed so far with the King's own natural aversion
from what had been proposed, that be declared positively,
J"« Kin8 " he would never go to Charenton ;" which determination
Jie would eased him from any farther application of that people.
»°tgo. Fjrne reproach 0f this resolution was wholly charged upon
the Chancellor of the Exchequer, as the implacable enemy
of all'Presbyterians, and as the only man who diverted the
King from having a good opinion of them: whereas in
truth, the daily information he received from the King
himself of their barbarous behaviour in Scotland towards
him, and of their insupportable pride and pedantry in their
manners, did confirm him in the judgment he had always
made of their profession ; and he was the more grievous
to those of that profession, because they could not, as they
used to do all those who opposed and-crossed them in that
manner, accuse him of being popishly affected, and go
verned by the Papists ; to whom they knew he was equally
odious; and the Queen's knowing him to be most dis
affected to her religion, made her willing to appear most
displeased for his hindering the King from going to
Charenton. There was another accident, which fell out at this time,
and which the Chancellor of the Exchequer foresaw would
exceedingly increase the Queen's prejudice to him; which
he did very heartily desire to avoid, and to recover her
Majesty's favour by all the ways he could pursue with his
duty; and, in consistence with that, did never, in the
least degree, dispose his Majesty to deny any thing to her
which she owned the desire of. Lieutenant General Mid
dleton, who had been taken prisoner after Worcester fight,

OF THE REBELLION. 599
after he was recovered of his wounds was sent prisoner to BOOK
the Tower of London ; where were likewise many noble XIII.
persons of that nation, as the Earl of Crawford, the Earl
of Lautherdale, and many others. But as they of the Par
liament had a greater regard for Middleton than for any
other of that country, knowing him to be a man of great
honour and courage, and much the best officer the Scots
had, so they had a hatred of him proportionable; and they
thought they had him at their mercy, and might proceed
against him more warrantably for his life, than against
their other prisoners ; because he had heretofore, in the be
ginning of the war, served them; and though he had quit
ted their service at the same time when they cashiered
the Earl of Essex, and made their new model, and was
at liberty to do what he thought best for himself, yet they
resolved to free themselves from any farther apprehen
sions and fear of him : to. that purpose they erected a new
High Court of Justice, for the trial of some persons who
had been troublesome to them, and especially Middleton
and Massey.
This last, after he had .escaped from Worcester, and
travelled two or three days, found himself so tormented and
weakened by his wounds, that being near the seat of the
Earl of Stamford, whose Lieutenant Colonel he had been
in the beginning of the war, and being well known to
his lady, he chose to commit himself to her rather than
to her husband; hoping, that in honour she would have
found some means to preserve him. But the lady had
only charity to cure his wounds, not courage to conceal
his person ; and such advertisements were given of him,
that, as soon as he was fit to be removed, he was like
wise sent to the Tower, and destined to be sacrificed by Middleton
the High Court of Justice together with Middleton, for ™* ¦ j£^
the future security of the Commonwealth. ersin the
But now the Presbyterian interest shewed itself, and si°w^'toe"
doubtless, in enterprises of this nature, was very powerful; belied by
having in all places persons devoted to them, who were court of
ready to obey their orders, though they did not pretend Jllstice-
aq 4

600 THE HISTORY
BOOK to be of their party. And the time approaching -that they
______ were sure Middleton was to be tried, that is, to be exe
cuted, they gave him so good and particular advertisement,
that he took his leave of his friends in the Tower, and
Middleton made his escape; and having friends enough to shelter
^^w.him in London, after he had concealed himself there a
cSCtipC into
France. fortnight or three weeks, that the diligence of the first ex
amination aod inquiry was over, he was safely transported
AndMas- into France. And within few days after, Massey had the
sey escapes. satne _Q0(j fortanej to tj,e grief and vexation of the very
soul of Cromwell; who thirsted for the blood of those two
persons.
An account When Middleton came to the King to Paris, he brought
broughtto w'th mm a little Scottish vicar, who was known to the
the Kingby King, one Mr. Knox, who brought letters of credit to his.
vicarthat Majesty, and some propositions from his friends in Scot-
Middleton land, and other dispatches from the lords in the Tower,
withhim. with whom he had conferred after Middleton had escaped
from thence. He brought the relation of the terror that
was struck into the hearts of that whole nation by the se
vere proceedings of General Monk, to whose care Crom
well had committed the reduction of that -kingdom, upon
the taking of Dundee, where persons of all degees and
qualities were put to the sword after the town was entered,
and all left to plunder; upon which all other places ren
dered. All men complained of the Marquis of Argyle, who
prosecuted the King's friends with the utmost malice, and
protected and preserved the rest according to his desire.
He gave the King assurance from the most considerable
persons, who had retired into the Highlands, " that they
" would never swerve from their duty ; and that they
" Would be able, during the winter, to infest the enemy by
" incursions into their quarters ; and that, if Middleton
" might be sent to them with some supply of arms, they
" would have an army ready against the spring, strong
" enough to meet with Monk." He said, " he was ad-
" dressed from Scotland to the lords in the Tower, who did
" not then know that Middleton had arrived in safety with

OF THE REBELLION. 601
"the King; and therefore they had commanded him, if BOOK
" neither Middleton nor the Lord Newburgh were about XIII.
" his Majesty, that then he should repair to the Marquis of
"Ormond, and desire him to present him to the King; but
" that, having found both those lords there, he had made
" no farther application than to them, who had brought
" him to his Majesty." He told the King, " that both those The re-
" in Scotland, and those in the Tower, made it their humble _*/__£ of
"request, or rather a condition to his Majesty; that, ex- Ms friends
" ce.pt it were granted, they would no more think of serv-there'
" ing his Majesty: the condition was, that whatever should
" have relation to his service in Scotland, and to their per-
" sons who were to venture their lives in it, might not be
" communicated to the Queen, the Duke of Buckingham,
" the Lord Jermyn, or the Lord Wilmot. They professed
" all duty to the Queen, but they knew she had too good
" an opinion of the Marquis of Argyle ; who would infal
libly come to know whatever was known to either of the
" other." The King did not expect that any notable service could
be performed by his friends in Scotland for his advantage,
or their own redemption ; yet did not think it fit to seem
to undervalue the professions and overtures of those who
had, during his being amongst them, made all possible de
monstration of affection and duty to him; and therefore re
solved to grant any thing they desired ; and so promised not
to communicate any thing of what they proposed to the
Queen, or the other three lords. But since they proposed
present dispatches to be made of commissions and letters,
he wished them to consider, whom they would be willing
to trust in the performing that service. The next day
they attended his Majesty again, and desired, " that all
" matters relating to Scotland might be consulted by his
" Majesty with the Marquis of Ormond, the Lord New-
" burgh, and the Chancellor of the Exchequer ; and that
" all the dispatches might be made by the Chancellor ;" Jf£P*B
which the King consented to; and bid the Lord New- the Chan-
ihurgh go with them to him, and let him know his Ma- _^ °£°J

602 THE HISTORY
BOOK jesty's pleasure. And thereupon the Lord Newburgh
XHI- brought Middleton to the Chancellor; who had never seen
chequer to his face before.
itches The Marquis of Ormond and the Chancellor of the Ex-
for Scot- chequer believed that the King had nothing at this time
Tie Mar- to ^° ^ut to ^e -met3 an& carefully avoid doing any thing
quis of Or- that might do him hurt, and to expect some blessed con-
andthe juncture from the amity of Christian Princes, or some
Chancel- such revolution of affairs in England by their own discon-
nion con- tents, and divisions amongst themselves, as might make it
cerning the seasonable for his Majesty again to shew himself. And
fairs at that therefore they proposed nothing to themselves but patiently
to expect one of those conjunctures, and, in the mean
time, so to behave themselves to the Queen, that without
being received into her trust and confidence, which they
did not affect, they might enjoy her grace and good ac
ceptation. But the designation of them to this Scottish
intrigue, crossed all this imagination, and shook that foun
dation of peace and tranquillity, upon which they had
raised their present hopes.
The Chan- The Chancellor therefore went presently to the King,
Exchequer an(l besought him with earnestness, " that he would not
desires the it ]av that burden upon him, or engage him in any part of
to employ " the counsels of that people." He put his Majesty in
Srattisif16 nl'nc' °^ " the continued avowed jealousy and displeasure
affairs. " which that whole party in that nation had ever had
" against him ; and that his- Majesty very well knew, that
" those noble persons who served him best when he was
"in Scotland, and in whose affection and fidelity he had
" all possible satisfaction, had some prejudice against him,
" and would be troubled when they should hear that all
" their secrets were committed to him." He told his
Majesty, " this trust would for ever deprive him of all
" hope of the Queen's favour; who could not but discern
"it within three or four days, and, by the frequent resort
" of the Scottish vicar to him," (who had the vanity to
desire long conferences with him,) " that there was some
" secret in hand which was kept from her; and she would

OF THE REBELLION. 603
"as easily discover, that the Chancellor was privy to it, BOOK
"by his reading papers to his Majesty, and his signing XIII.
" them ; and would from thence conclude, that he had
" persuaded him to exclude her Majesty from that trust;
" which she would never forgive." Upon the whole, he
renewed his importunity, " that he might be excused from
u this confidence."
The King heard him with patience and attention enough; The King's
and confessed, " that he had reason not to be solicitous re_y to
"for that employment; but he wished him to consider
f withal, that he must either undertake it, or that his Ma-
" jesty must in plain terms reject the correspondence;
" which, he said, he thought he would not advise him to
" do. If his Majesty entertained it, it could not be imagin-
" ed that all those transactions could pass through his own
" hand, or, if they could, his being shut up so long alone
" would make the same discovery. Whom then should
" he trust ? Tbe Lord Newburgh, it was very true, was a
" very honest man, and worthy of any trust; but he was
" not a counsellor, and nothing could be so much won-
" dered at, as his frequent being shut up with him; and
" more, his bringing any papers to him to be signed. As
" to the general prejudice which he conceived was against
" him by that party," his Majesty told him, " the nation
" was much altered since he had to do with them, and
Jl that no men were better loved by them now than they
" who had from the beginning been faithful to his father
" and himself." To which be added, " that Middleton
*' had the least in him, of any infirmities most incident to
" that party, that he knew : and that he would find him a
" man of great honour and ingenuity, with whom he would
" be well pleased." His Majesty said, " he would frankly
" declare to his mother, that he had received some intelli-
" gence out of Scotland, and that he was obliged, and had
" given his word to those whose lives would be forfeited if
" known, that he would not communicate it with any but
"those who were chosen by themselves ; and, after this,
*' she could not be offended with his reservation :'r and

604 THE HISTORY
BOOK concluded with a gracious conjuration and command to
XIIL the Chancellor, " that he should cheerfully submit, and un-

" dergo that employment; which, he assured him, should
" never be attended with prejudice or inconvenience to
The Chan- « him." In this manner he submitted himself to the
mits; and King's disposal, and was trusted throughout that affair;
was accord- which had several stages in the years following, and did
trusted in produce the inconveniences he had foreseen, and rendered
fair? * " k'm so unacceptable to the Queen, that she easily enter
tained those prejudices against him, which those. she most
trusted were always ready to infuse into her, and under
which he was compelled to bear many hardships.
Hes of°tne ^n's uncomfortable condition of the King was rendered
French yet more desperate, by the straits and necessities into which
about this -the French Court was about this time plunged : so that
time. they who hitherto had shewed no very good will to assist
the King, were now become really unable to do it. The
Parliament of Paris had behaved themselves so refractorily
to all their King's commands, pressed so importunately
for the liberty of the Princes, and so impatiently for the
remove of the Cardinal, that the Cardinal was at last com
pelled to persuade the Queen to consent to both : and so
himself rid to Havre de Grace, and delivered the Queen's
warrant to set them at liberty, and after a short conference
with the Prince of CondC, he continued his own journey
towards Germany, and passed in disguise, with two or
three servants, till he came near Cologne, and there he re
mained at a house belonging to that Elector.
When the Princes came to Paris, they had received
great welcome from the Parliament and the city; and in
stead of closing with the Court, which it was thought they
would have done, the wound was widened without any
hope of reconciliation : so that the King and Queen Re
gent withdrew from thenee; the town was in arms; and
fire and sword denounced against the Cardinal ; his goods
sold at an outcry; and a price set upon his head; and
all persons who professed any duty to their King, found
themselves very unsafe in Paris. During all this time the

OF THE REBELLION. 605
Queen of England and the King, with their families, re- BOOK
mained in the Louvre, not knowing whither to go, nor XIII.
well able to stay there; the assignments, which had been"
made for their subsistence, not being paid them : and the
loose people of the town begun to talk of the Duke of
York's being in arms against them. But the Duke of
Orleans, under whose name all the disorders were com
mitted, and the Prince of Conde, visited our King and
Queen with many professions of civility; but those were
shortly abated likewise, when the French King's army
came upon one side of the town, and the Spanish, with
the Duke of Lorraih's, upon the other. The French
army thought they had the enemy upon an advantage, and
desired to have a battle with them; which the other de
clined; all Which time, the Court had an underhand treaty
with the Duke of Lorrain; and, upon a day appointed,
the French King sent to the King of England, to desire
him to confer with the Duke of Lorrain ; who lay then
with his army within a mile of the town. There was no
reason visible for that desire, nor could it be conceived,
that his Majesty's interposition could be of moment : yet
his Majesty knew not how to refuse it; but immediately
Went to the place assigned ; where he found both armies
drawn up in battalia within cannon shot of each other.
Upon his Majesty's coming to the Duke of Lorrain, the
treaty was again revived, and messages sent between the
Duke and Marshal Turenne. In fine, the night approach
ing, both armies drew off from their ground, and his Ma
jesty returned to the Louvre; and before the next morning,
the treaty was finished between the Court and the Duke of
Lorrain ; and he marched away with his whole army to
wards Flanders, and left the Spaniards to support the Par
liament against the power of the French army; which ad
vanced upon them with that resolution, that, though they
defended themselves very bravely, and the Prince of Conde'
did the pffice of a brave general in the Fauxbourg St.
Marceaux, and at the port St. Antoine, in which places
many gallant persons of both sides were slain, they had

606 THE HISTORY
BOOK been all cut off, if the city had not been prevailed with to
XIII- suffer them to retire into it; which they had no mind to
do. And thereupon the King's army retired to their old
post, four leagues off, and attended future advantages;
the King having a very great party in the Parliament and
the city, which abhorred the receiving and entertaining
the Spaniards into their bowels.
This retreat of the Duke of Lorrain, broke the neck of
the Prince of Conde's design. He knew well he should
not be long able to retain the Duke of Orleans from treat
ing with the Court, or keep the Parisians at his devotion;
and that the Duke de Beaufort, whom they had made Go
vernor of Paris, would be weary of the contention; For
the present, they were all incensed against the Duke of
Lorrain ; and were well enough contented that the people
should believe, that this defection in the Duke was wrought
by the activity and interposition of the King of England ;
and they who did know that his interest could not have
produced that effect, could not tell how to interpret his
Majesty's journey to speak with the Duke in so unseason
able a conjuncture : so that, as the people expressed; and
used all the insolent reproaches against the English Court
at the Louvre, and loudly threatened to be revenged, so
neither the Duke of Orleans, nor the Prince of Cond6,
made any visit there, or expressed the least civility to
wards it. In truth, our King and Queen did not think
themselves out of danger, nor stirred out of the Louvre for
many days, until the French Court thought themselves
obliged to provide for their security, by advising the King
and Queen to remove, and assigned St. Germain's to them
The King^ for their retreat., Then his Majesty sent to the Duke of
Ind his Orleans, and Prince of Conde, "that their purpose was
m°th*l rI"t " to leave the town :" upon which there was a guard that
Germain's, attended them out of the town in the evening; which
could not be got to be in readiness till then; and they
were shortly after met by some troops of horse sent by the
French King, which conducted them by torch-light to St..
Germain's ; where they arrived about midnight ; and re-

OF THE REBELLION. 607
mained there without any disturbance, till Paris was re- BOOK
duCed to that King's obedience. XIII.
It is a very hard thing for people who have nothing to
do, to forbear doing something which they ought not to do ;
and the King might well hope that, since he had nothing
else left to enjoy, he might have enjoyed quiet and repose;
and that a Court which had nothing to give, might have
been free from faction and ambition ; whilst every ¦ man
had composed himself to bear the ill fortune he was re4
duced to for conscience sake, which every man pretended
to be his case, with submission and content, till it should
please God to buoy up the King from the lowness he was
in; who in truth suffered much more than any body else.
But whilst there are Courts in the world, emulation and
ambition will be inseparable from them ; and Kings who
have nothing to give, shall be pressed to promise; which
oftentimes proves more inconvenient and mischievous than
any present gifts could be, because they always draw on
more of the same title and pretence; and as they who
receive the favours, are not tbe more satisfied, so they who
are not paid in the same kind, or who, out of modesty and
discretion, forbear to make such suits, are grieved and of
fended to see the vanity and presumption of bold men so
unseasonably gratified and encouraged.
The King found no benefit of this kind in being strip- Soiicita-
ped of all his dominions, and all his power. Men were asp]°"|s °]j
importunate, as hath been said before, for honours, and the King's
offices, and revenues, as if they could have taken possession
al them as soon as they had been granted, though but by
promise : and men who would not have had the presump
tion to have asked the same thing, if the King had been in
England, thought it very justifiable to demand it, because
he was not there ; since there were so many hazards that
they should never live to enjoy what he promised. The
vexations he underwent of this kind cannot be expressed ;
and whosoever succeeded not in his unreasonable desires,
imputed it only to the ill nature of the Chancellor of the
Exchequer; and concluded, that he alone obstructed it,

608 THE HISTORY
BOOK because they always received very gracious answers from
XHI- his Majesty : so that though his wants were as visible and
notorious as any man's, and it appeared he got nothing
for himself, he paid very dear in his peace and quiet for
the credit and interest he was thought to have with his
master. The Lord Wilmot had, by the opportunity of his late
conversation with the King in his escape, drawn many
kind expressions from his Majesty; and he thought he
could not be too solicitous to procure such a testimony of
his grace and favour, as might distinguish him from other
men, and publish the esteem the King had of him. There
fore he importuned his Majesty that he would make him
an earl, referring the time of his creation to his Majesty's
own choice: and the modesty of this reference prevailed;
the King well knowing, that the same honour would be
desired on the behalf of another, by one whom he should
be unwilling to deny. But since it was not asked. for the
present, he promised to do it in a time that should appear
to be convenient for his service.
There were projects of another kind, which were much
more troublesome; in which the projectors still considered
themselves in the first place, and what their condition
might prove to be by the success. The Duke of York
was so well pleased with the fatigue of the war, that he
thought his condition very agreeable ; but his servants did
not like that course of life so well, at least desired so far
to improve it, that they might reap some advantages to
Xte"*'0_v themselves out of his appointments. Sir John Berkley
Duke's Go- was now, upon the death of the Lord Byron, by which the
die»n0r' Duke was deprived of a very good servant, become the su
perior of his family, and called himself, without any au
thority for it, Intendant des affaires de son Altesse Royah;
had the management of all his receipts and disbursements ;
and all the rest depended upon him. He desired, by all
ways, to get a better revenue for his master, than the small
pension he received from France; and thought no ex
pedient so proper for him, as a wife of a great and noble

OF THE REBELLION. 609
fortune; which he presumed he should have the manag- BOOK
ing of. XIII.
, There was then a lady in the town, Mademoiselle de
Longueville, the daughter of the Duke de Longueville by
his first wife, by whom ,she. was to inherit, a very fair re
venue, and had title to a very considerable sum of money,
which her father was obliged ,tp account for: so that, she
was looked upon as one of the greatest and richest mar
riages in France, in respect of. her fortune; in respect of
her person not at all attractive,, being a lady of a very low
stature, and that stature somewhat deformed,, This lady sir John
Sir John designed for the Duke; and; treated with those ^Sf6"
ladies, who were nearest, to her, and had been trusted with demoiselle
the education of. her, before he mentioned it to his Royal vfiie for"
Highness. Then he persuaded him, "that all hopes jn the Duke .
<c,England were desperate: that.the government was so
"j settled there, that it could never be shaken ; so. that his
" Highness must think of no other fortune than what he
" should make by his sword : that he was now upon the
" stage where he must act out his, life, and that he should
" do well to tilink of providing a civil fortune, for himself,
" as well as a martia}; which could only be by marriage;"
and then spoke of Mademoiselle de Longueville, and made
her. fortun.e at least equal to what it, was; " which,"., he
said, " when once his Highness was possessed of, he might
",?ell; and thereby raise money to pay an army to invade
" England, and so might, become the restorer of the King
" his brother : this he thought very practicable, if his
"Highness seriously, and heartily would endeavour it."
The Duke himself had no aversion from marriage, and the
consideratipn pf the fortune, and the circumstances which
might attend it, made it not the less acceptable; , yet he
made nq- other answer to it,, " than that he. must ifirst
",know the, King's andQueen's judgment of it, before he
" could take any. resolution what to do." Upon which
Sir John undertook, with his, Highness's approbation, to
•prpppse it to their Majesties himself,, and accordingly first
vol. m. p. 1. R r

610 THE HISTORY
BOOK spoke with the Queen, enlarging on all the benefit which
XI11- probably might attend it.
. It was believed, that the first overture and attempt had
not been made without her Majesty's privity and appro
bation; for the Lord Jermyn had been no less active in
the contrivance than Sir John Berkley : yet her Majesty
refused to deliver any opinion in it, till she knew the
King's : and so at last, after the young lady herself had
been spoken to, his Majesty was informed of it, and his
approbation desired ; with which he was not well pleased ;
and yet was unwilling to use his authority to obstruct
what was looked upon as so great a benefit and advantage
to his brother; though he did not dissemble his resent
ment of their presumption who undertook to enter upon
treaties of that nature, with the same liberty as if it con
cerned only their own kindred and allies : however, he was
very reserved in saying what he thought of it. Whilst
his Majesty was in deliberation, all the ways were taken to
discover what the Chancellor of the Exchequer's judg
ment was; and-the Lord Jermyn spoke to him of it, as a
matter that would" not admit any doubt on the King's
part, otherwise than from the difficulty of bringing it to
pass, in regard the lady's friends would not easily be in
duced to give their consent. But the Chancellor could
not be drawn to make any other answer, than, " that it
" was a subject so much above his comprehension, and
" the consequences might be such, that he had not the
" ambition to desire to be consulted with upon it ; and
" that less than the King's or Queen's command should
" not induce him to enter upon the discourse of it."
TheQueen It was not long before the Queen sent for him; and
Chancellor6 seeming to complain of the importunity, which was used
of the Ex- towards her in that affair, and as if it were not grateful to
ciiCQ-icr
obout the her, asked him, what his opinion of it was ? To which he
marriage. answered, " that he did not understand the convenience of
" it so well, as to judge whether it were like to be of be-
" nefit to the Duke of York : but he thought, that neither

OF THE REBELLION. 611
"the King, hor her Majesty, should be willing that the BOOK
" heir of the Crown should be married before the King XIIL
" himself; or that it should be in any woman's power to
" say, that, if there were but one person dead, she should
" be a Queen :" with which her Majesty, who no doubt
did love the King with all possible tenderness, seemed to
be moved, as if it had been a consideration she had not
thought of before ; and said, with some warmth, " that
" she would never give her consent that it should be so."
However, this argument was quickly made known to the
Duke of York, and several glosses made upon it, to the re
proach of the Chancellor: yet it made such an impression,
that there were then as active endeavours to find a conve
nient wife for the King himself, and Mademoiselle, the Made-
daughter of the Duke of Orleans, by his first wife, who, in j^S
the right of her mother, was already possessed of the fair thought
"inheritance of the Dutchy of Mompensier, was thought of. King-
To this the Queen was much inclined, and the King him
self not averse ; both looking too much upon the relief it
might give to his present necessities, and the convenience
of having a place to repose in, as long as the storm should
continue. The Chancellor of the Exchequer had no
thought, by the conclusion he had made in the other over
ture, to have drawn on this proposition ; and the Marquis
of Ormond and he were no less troubled with this, than
with the former; which made them be looked upon as men
i.of contradiction.
They represented to the King, " that, as it could ad- The Mar-
" minister only some competency towards his present sub- m"uci'S and
" sistence, so it might exceedingly prejudice his future tae Chlm-
" hopes, and alienate the affections of his friends in Eng-theExche-
fc land : that the lady was elder than he by some years ; ^ptionT"
"which was an exception amongst private persons; and againsttliis.
" had been observed not to be prosperous to Kings: that
" his Majesty must expect to be pressed to those things in
" point of religion which he could never consent to ; and
" yet he should undergo the same disadvantage as if he had
" consented, by many men's believing he had done so."
b. r 2

612, THE HISTORY
BOOK They besought him "to set his heart entirely upon the re-
XIII. it Covery of England, and to indulge to nothing that might
" reasonablyobstruct that, either by making him less interrr
" uponit, or by creating new difficulties in the pursuing it."
His Majesty assured them, " that his heart was set upon
" nothing else; and, if he had inclination to this marriage,
" it was because he believed it might much facilitate the
" other: that he looked not upon her fortune, which was
" very great, as an annual support to him, but as a stock
" that should be at his disposal ; by sale whereof he might
" raise money enough to raise a good army to attempt1 the
" recovery of his kingdoms : and that he would be well as-
" sured, that it should be in his power to make that use of
" it, before he would be engaged in the treaty : that he
" had no apprehension of the pressures which would be
" made in matters of religion; because, if the lady did once,
" consent to the marriage, she would affect nothing but
" what might advance the recovery of his dominions ; which
" she would quickly understand any unreasonable concess-
" sions in religion could never do." In a word, his Majesty
discovered enough to let them see that he stood well enough
inclined to the overture itself; which gave them trouble,
as a thing which, in many respects, was like to prove very
inconvenient. But they were quickly freed from that apprehension.
The lady carried herself in that manner, on the behalf of
the Prince of Conde, and so offensively to the French
Court, havinggiven fire herself to the cannon in the Bastile
upon the King at the port St. Antoine, and done so many
blameable things against the French King and Queen, that
they no sooner heard of this discourse, but they quickly
put an end to it; the Cardinal, who was how returned
again, having long ; resolved; that our King should never
owe any part of his restitution to any countenance or as
sistance he should receive from France; and, from the
Both these same conclusion, the like end was put to all > overtures
designs which had concerned the Duke of York and the other
come to
nothing. lady.- ' ! ' > '

OF THE REBELLION. 613
There was, shortly after, an unexpected accident, that BOOK
seemed to make some alteration in the affairs of Chris- _______
tendom ; which many very reasonably believed, might
have proved advantageous to the King. The Parliament,
as soon as they had settled their Commonwealth, and had
no enemy they feared, had sent ambassadors to their sister The Pariia-
Republic,. the States of the United Provinces, to invite ____£*
them to enter into a stricter alliance with them, and, upon3?™ ' to
the matter, to be as one Commonwealth, and to have, one invite them
interest. They were received in Holland with all imagina- to .a strlct
° union,
ble respect, and as great expressions made, as could be, of Saint-John
an equal desire that a firm union might be established ___ the
between the two Commonwealths : and, for the forming
thereof, persons were appointed to treat with the ambassa
dors ; which was looked upon as a matter that would easily
succeed, since the Prince of Orange, who cpjuldJuaye. given
powerful obstructions in such cases, was now dead, and. all
those who adhered to him discountenanced, and removed
from places of trust and power in all the Provinces, and his
son, an infant, born after the death of his, father, at the
mercy of the States even for his support ; the two dowa
gers, his mother and grandmother, having great jointures
out of the estate, and the rest being liable to. the payment
of vast debts. In the treaty, Saint-John, who had the
whole trust of the embassy, being very powerful in the
Parliament, and the known confident of Cromwell, pressed
such a kind of union as. must disunite them from all their
other allies : so that, for the friendship of England, they
must lose the friendship of other princes, and yet lose
many .other advantages in trade, which they enjoyed,
and which they saw the younger and more powerful Com
monwealth would in a short time deprive them of. This
the States could not digest, and used all the ways they
could to divert them from, insisting upon so unreason
able conditions ; and made many large overtures and con
cessions, which had. never been granted by them to the
greatest Kings, and were willing to quit some advantages
they had enjoyed by all the treaties with the Crown 'of
sr3

614 THE HISTORY
.BOOK England, and to yield other considerable benefits which
.XHL they always before denied to grant.
But this would not satisfy, nor would the ambassadors
recede from any particular they had proposed : so that,
after some months' stay, during which time they received
many affronts from some English, and from others, they
They re- returned with'great presents from the States, but without
outan 'th_ any en<:ect by the treaty, or entering into any terms of alli-
effect. ance, and with the extreme indignation of Saint-John;
which he manifested as soon as he returned to the Parlia
ment; who, disdaining likewise to find themselves under
valued, (that is, not valued above all the world besides,)
presently entered upon counsels how they might discoun
tenance and control the trade of Holland, and increase
their own.
mentthere^'' HereuPon thev made that Act, that " inhibits all fo-r
upon make " reign ships from bringing in any merchandise or com-
Naviga-° " modifies into England, but such as were the proceed
tion. "0r growth of their own country, upon the penalty of for-
" feiture of all such ships." This indeed concerned all
other countries ; but it did, upon the matter, totally sup
press all trade with Holland, which had very little mer
chandise of the growth of their own country, but had used
to bring ih their ships the growth of all other kingdoms in
the world ; wine from France and Spain, spices from the
Indies, and all commodities from all other countries;
which they must now do no more. The Dutch ambassa
dor expostulated this matter very warmly, " as a breach of
" commerce and amity, which could not consist with the
," peace between the two nations; and that his masters
" could not look upon it otherwise than as a declaration of
"war." The Parliament answered him superciliously,
" that his masters might take it in what manner they
"pleased; but they knew what was best for their own
" State, and would not repeal laws to gratify their neigh-
" bours ;" and caused the Act to be executed with the
utmost rigour and severity.
The United Provinces now discerned,, that they had

OF THE REBELLION. 615
helped to raise an enemy that was too powerful for them, BOOK
and that would not be treated as the Crown had been. XIII.
However, they could not believe it possible, that in the
infancy of their Republic, and when their government was
manifestly odious to all the nobility and gentry of the
kingdom, and the people generally weary of the taxes and
impositions upon the nation for the support of their land-
armies, the Parliament would venture to increase those
taxes and impositions proportionably to maintain a new
war at sea, at so vast an expence, as could not be avoided ;
and therefore believed that they only made shew of this
courage to amuse and terrify them. However, at the
spring, they set out a fleet stronger than of course they
used to do; which made no impression upon the English;
who never suspected that the Dutch durst enter into a war
with them. Besides that they were confident no such
counsel and resolution could be taken on a sudden, and
without their having first notice of it, tliey having several
of the States General, and more of the States of Holland,
very devoted to them. And therefore they increased not
their expence, but sent out their usual fleet for the guard
, of the coast at their season, andwith no other instructions
than they had been accustomed to.
The Council of the Admiralty of Holland, which go- Orders
verned the maritime affairs, without communication with Admiralty
the States General, gave their instructions to the Admiral111 HoJlan(i
' ° to their
Van Trump, " that when he met any of the English ships fleet, "not
" of war, he should not strike to them, nor shew them any _eBEng.to
" other respect than what they received from them; andlish."
" if the English expostulated the matter, they should an-
" swer frankly, that the respect they had formerly shewed
" upon those encounters, was because the ships were the
" King's, and for the good intelligence they had with the
" Crown ; but they had no reason to continue the same in
" this alteration of government, except there were some
" stipulation between them to that purpose : and if this
" answer did not satisfy, but that force was used towards
" them, they should defend themselves with their utmost
r r 4

616 THE HISTORY
BOOK "vigour." These instructions were very secret, and never
XIIL suspected by the English commanders ; who had their old
instructions to oblige all foreign vessels to1 strike sail to
them ; which had never been refused by any nation.
1 It was about the beginning of May in the year 1652,
that the Dutch fleet, consisting of above forty sail, under
the command1 of Van Trump, rode at anchor in Dover
road; being driven by a strong wind, as they pretended,
'from- the Flanders coast, when the English fleet, under the
command of Blake, of a much less number, appeared in
view; upon which the Dutch weighed anchor, and put out
to sea, without striking their flag; which Blake observing,
The war caused three guns to be fired without any ball. It was
this ac- then observed, that there was an express ketch came, at the
count with very time from Holland, on board their Admiral ; and it
the Dutch. J ' ' '
was then conceived, that he had, by that express, received
more positive orders to fight; for, upon the arrival of that
express, he tacked about, and bore directly' towards the
English fleet; and the three guns were no sooner fired,
but, in contempt of the advertisement, he discharged one
single gun from his poop, and hung out a red flag; and
came up to the English Admiral, and gave him a broad
side; with which he killed many of his men, and damaged
his Ship.1' Whereupon, though Blake was surprised,- as not
'expecting such an assault, he deferred'not to give him the
• same rude salutation; and so both fleets were forthwith
engaged in- a very fierce encounter; which continued for
the space of four hours, -till the night parted them, after
the loss of much blood on both sides. On the part of the
Dutch, they lost two ships, whereof one was sunk,' and the
other taken, with both the captains, and near two hundred
prisoners. On the English side there were many slain,
and more wounded, but no ship lost, nor officer of name.
When the morning appeared, the Dutch were gone to
their coast, And thus the war was entered irttojbefore it
was suspected in England.
With what consideration soever the Dutch had em
barked themselves in this sudden enterprise, it quickly ap-

OF THE REBELLION. 617
peared they had taken very ill measures of the people's BOOK
affections. For the news of this conflict was no sooner XIII.

arrived in Holland; but there was the most general con
sternation, amongst all sorts of men, that can be ima
gined; and the States themselves were so much troubled
at it, that, with great expedition, they dispatched two ex- The sutes
traordinary ambassadors into England; by whom theyambassa_
protested, " that the late unhappy engagement between dors into
"the fleets of the two Commonwealths had happened about it.
" without their knowledge, and contrary to the intention
" of the Lords the States General : that they had received
" the fatal tidings of so rash an attempt and action, with
"amazement and astonishment; and that they had im<-
" mediately entered into consultation, how they might
" best close this' fresh bleeding wound, and to avoid the
" farther effusion of Christian blood, so much desired by
"the enemies of both States: and therefore they most
" earnestly desired them, by their mutual concurrence in
" religion, and by their mutual love of liberty, that nothing
"might be done with passion and heat; which would
"Widen the breach; but that they might speedily receive
" such an answer, that there might be no farther obstruc-
" tion to the trade of both Commonwealths."
To which this answer was presently returned to them, The Par-
" that the civility which they had always shewed towards _j££_t£
"the States of the United Provinces was so notorious, them.
" that nothing was more strange than the ill return they
" had made to them : that the extraordinary preparations
"which they had made, of a hundred and fifty ships,
" without any apparent necessity, and the instructions
"which had been given to their sea-officerS, had admini-
" stered too much cause to believe, that the Lords the
"States General of the United Provinces had a purpose to
"usurp the known right which the English have to the
" seas, and to destroy their fleets; which, under the pro-
"tection of- the Almighty, are their walls and bulwarks-;
" that so they might be exposed to the invasion of any
"powerful enemy: therefore they thought themselves

618 THE HISTORY
BOOK " obliged to endeavour, by God's assistance, to seek re-
XIII. tt paration for the injuries and damage they had already
" received, and to prevent the like for the future : how-
" ever, they should never be without an intention and
" desire, that some effectual means might be found to
" establish a good peace, union, and right understanding,
" between the two nations." '
With this haughty answer they vigorously prosecuted
their revenge, and commanded Blake presently to sail to
the northward ; it being then the season of the year for the
great fisheries of the Dutch upon the coasts of Scotland,
and the isles of Orkney, (by the benefit whereof they drive
a great part of their trade over Europe;) where he now
Blake takes found their multitude of fishing, boats, guarded by twelve
in"busSses ships of war; most of which, with the fish they had made
and their ready, he brought away with him as good prize.
ships.' When Blake was sent to the north, Sir George Ayscue,
being just returned from the West Indies, was sent with
another part of the fleet to the south; who, at his very
Sir G. Ays- going out, met with thirty sail of their merchants between
OTd-uts8 I>over an(i Calais ; a good part whereof he took or sunk ;
thirty sail and forced the rest to run on shore upon the French coast;
l-chants : which is very little better, than being taken. From thence

mere

rfhtii^ie he st°oci westward; and near Plymouth, with thirty sail of
near Ply- men of war, he engaged the whole Dutch fleet, consisting
reout ' of sixty ships of war, and thirty merchants. It was near
four of the clock in the afternoon when both fleets begun
to engage, so that the night quickly parted them ; yet not
before two of the Holland ships of war were sunk, and
most of the men lost ; the Dutch in that action applying
themselves most to spoil the tackling and sails of the
English; in which they had so good success, that the
next morning they were not able to give them farther
chase, till their sails and rigging could* be repaired. But
no day passed without the taking and bringing in many
.and valuable Dutch ships into the ports of England, which,
having begun their voyages before any notice given to them
of the war, were making haste home without any fear of

OF THE REBELLION. 619
their security : so that, there being now no hope of a peace BOOK
by the mediation of 'their ambassadors, who could not pre- XIII.
vail in any thing they proposed, they returned ; and the
war was proclaimed on either side, as well as prosecuted.
The King thought he might very reasonably hope to
reap some benefit and advantage from this war, so briskly
entered upon on both sides ; and when he had sat still till
the return of the Dutch ambassadors from London, and
that all treaties were given over, he believed it might con
tribute to his ends, if he made a journey into Holland, and
made such propositions upon the place as he might be ad
vised to : but when his Majesty imparted- this design to his
¦friends there, who did really desire to serve him, he was
very warmly dissuaded from coming thither; and assured,
" that it was so far from being yet seasonable, that it
" would more advance a peace than any thing else that
--" could be proposed ; and would, for the present, bring
" the greatest prejudice to his sister, and to the affairs
" of his nephew the Prince of Orange, that could be
" imagined." The King hereupon took a resolution to make an attempt
which could do him no harm, if it did not produce the
good he desired. The Dutch ambassador then resident at
Paris, Monsieur Borrel, who had been Pensioner of Am- Tlie King
at Paris
•sterdam, was very much devoted to the King's service, proposes to
having been formerly ambassador in England, and hai^0^
always dependence upon the Princes of Orange succes- Dutch am-
'siyely. He communicated in all things with great freedom ^"j^"'
with the Chancellor of the Exchequer; who visited him would join
constantly once a week, and received advertisements and wittl tneirs.
advices from him, and the ambassador frequently came to
his lodging. The King, upon conference only with the Mar
quis of Ormond and the Chancellor, and enjoining them
secrecy, caused a paper to be drawn up ; in which he de
clared, " that he had very good reason- to believe, that there
" were many officers and seamen engaged in the service of
-" the English fleet, who undertook that service in hope to
" find a good opportunity to serve his Majesty; and that,

620 THE HISTORY
BOOK " if the Dutch were willing, to receive him, he wouldimme-
XHi- " diately, put himself on board their fleet, without requir-
" ing. any command, except of such shipsionly, as,_ upon
" their notice; of his being there, should repair to him put
" of the rebels' fleet : by this means," he presumed, :" he
" should be able much to weaken their naval power, and
"to raise divisions in the kingdom;, by which the Dutch
" would) receive benefit, and advantage." Having signed
this paper, he sent the Chancellor with it open, to shew
to the Dutch ambassador, and; to desire:; him to send it
inclosed in his letter to the States. The ambassador was
very much surprised with.it, and made some scruple. of
sending it, lest he might be suspected to have advised it.
For they were extremely jealous of, him for his affection
to the King, and for his dependence, upon the house of
Orange. In the end, he desired " the King would inclose
" it in a letter to him, and oblige him to send it to the
"States General:" which was done accordingly,; and he
sent it by the post to the, States.
The war had already made the councils of the States less
-;united than they had been, and the party that was .known
to be inclined to the Prince of , Orange recovered courage,
and joined with those who were no friends , to tbe war;
and, when this message from the King was read, magnified
the King's spirit in making this overture,, and wished, that
an answer of very humble thanks and, acknowledgment
might be returned. to his Majesty. They said,, " no meaps
(" ought to,. be neglected that^might abate the pride and
¦", power of the enemy :". and as soon as the people heard
of it, they thought it reasonable tp accept the King's offer.
De Wit, who was Pensioner pf, Holland, and had. the
greatest influence upon their counsels, had no mind to
have any conjunction. with; the. King; which, he. foresaw,
must, necessarily introduce the .presences of the Prince of
Orange, to whom he was an avowed and declared enemy.
He. told them, "indeed it was a very generous offer of, the
¦" King; but if they should accept it, they could never re-
u cede from his interest ; which, instead of putting an end

OF THE REBELLION. ¦ 621
"to the war, of which they were already weary, would BOOK
" make it without end, and would be the ruin of their XIII.
" State: that, whilst they were free from being- engaged
" in any interest but their own, they might reasonably
" hope that both sides would be equally weary of the war,
" and then a peace would easily ensue; which they»should
" Otherwise put out of their own poWer;" so that thanks Thanks r_-
were returned to the King for his good will ; and they pur- _™__£
sued their own method in their counsels, and were much °y &e
superior to those who were of another opinion, desiring his* p^opo-
nothihg so much, as to make a peace upon any condi- sa! laid
tions, , ,
Nor can it appear very wonderful, that the Dutch made
shew of so much phlegm in this affair, when the very
choler and pride of the French was, about the same time,
so humbled by the spirit of the English, that, though they
took their ships every day, and made them prize, and had
¦now seized upon their whole fleet that was going to the The Eng-
relief of Dunkirk, (that was then closely besieged by the on a f-rencn
Spaniard, and, by the taking: that fleet] was delivered into flee' SoinS
their hands,) yet the French would not be provoked to be lief of Dun-
angry with them, or to express' any inclination to the
King; but sent ah ambassador, which they had not before The French
•done, to expostulate very civilly with the Parliament foramDassa.
having been so unneighbourly, but in truth to desire their d°r jnto
friendship upon what terms they pleased; the Cardinal
'fearing nothing so much, as that the Spaniard would make
such a conjunction with the new Commonwealth, as should
'disappoint and break all his designs. ¦
•*• The insupportable losses which the Dutch every day-
sustained by the taking their merchants' ships, and their
ships of war, and the total obstruction of their trade, broke
their hearts, and increased their factions and divisions- at
home. All the seas were covered with the English fleets ;
'Which made no distinctions of seasons^ but were as active
•in the winter as the' summer ; and engaged the Dutch upon
Sny inequality of number. The Dutch having been beaten
in the' month of October, and Blake having received a

622 THE HISTORY
BOOK brush from them in the month of December, in the month
XIII. 0f February, the most dangerous season of the year, they
having appointed a rendezvous of about one hundred and
fifty merchantmen, sent a fleet of above one hundred sail
In Fe- 0f men 0f war t0 convoy them ; and Blake, with a fleet
bruary ... .
Blake en- much inferior in number, engaged them in a very sharp
f>utch ^ battle from noon till the night parted them : which dis-
fleetjwho posed them to endeavour to preserve themselves by flight;
'but, in the morning, they found that the English had
attended them so close, that they were engaged again to
fight, and so unprosperously, that, after the loss of above
two thousand men, who were thrown overboard, besides a
multitude hurt, they were glad to leave fifty of their mer
chantmen to the EngHshj that they might make their
flight the more securely.
Tlie Dutch rf his last loss made them send again to the Parliament
.end again . . ,
to the Par- to desire a peace; who rejected the overture, as they pre-
lle™at f°r tended> " for want of formality," (for they always pre
tended a desire of an honourable peace^) the address being
made only by the States of Holland and West-Friezland,
the States General being at that time not assembled. It
was generally believed, that this address from Holland was
not only with the approbation, but by the direction, of
Cromwell Cromwell ; who had rather consented to those particulars,
iTusfiw*" wnich were naturally like to produce that war, to gratify
mis war Saint-John, (who was inseparable from him in all his other
with the , . . ,
Dutch, but counsels, and was incensed by the Dutch,) than approved
f°\f™d the resolution. And now he found, by the expence of the
Saint-John, engagements had already passed on both sides, what an
insupportable charge that war must be attended with.
Besides, he well discerned that all parties, friends and foes,
Presbyterians, Independents, Levellers, were all united as
to the carrying on the war; which, he thought, could
proceed from nothing, but that the excess of the expence
might make it necessary to disband a great part of the
^and army (of which there appeared no use) to support the
navy; which they could not now be without. Nor had he
authority to place his own creatures there, all the officers

OF THE REBELLION. 623
thereof being nominated and appointed solely by tlie Par- BOOK
liament : so that when this address was made by the XIII.
Dutch, he set up his whole rest and interest, that it might
be well accepted, and a treaty thereupon entered into;
which when he could not bring to pass, he laid to heart;
and deferred not long, as will appear, to take vengeance
upon the Parliament with a witness, and by a way they
least thought of.
Though Cromwell was exercised with these contradic
tions and vexations at home, by the authority of the Par
liament, he found not the least opposition from abroad.
He was more absolute in the other two kingdoms, more
feared, and more obeyed, than any King had ever been;
and all the dominions belonging to the Crown owned no
other subjection than to the Commonwealth of England.
The isles of Guernsey, and Jersey, and Scilly, were re- Guernsey
duced ; the former presently after the battle of Worcester ; had beenCy
and the other, after the King's return to Paris ; Sir George now Te~
Carteret having well defended Jersey as long as he could, S;r Georo-e
and being so overpowered that he could no longer defend Carteret
the island, he retired into Castle Elizabeth ; which he had this as long
fortified, and provided with all things necessary for a as ^°uld*
isiege; presuming that, by the care and diligence of the beth Castle.
Lord Jermyn, who was governor thereof, he should re
ceive supplies of men and provisions, as he should stand
in need of them ; as he might easily have done in spite of
any power of the Parliament by sea or land. But it had
been the principal reason that Cromwell had hitherto kept
the better quarter with the Cardinal, lest the bait of those
two islands, which the King could have put into his hands
when he would, should tempt him to give his Majesty any
assistance. But the King was so strict and punctual in
his care of the interest of England, when he seemed to be
abandoned by it, that he chose rather to suffer those places
of great importance to fall into Cromwell's power, than to
deposit them, upon any conditions, into French hands;
wliich, he knew, would never restore them to the just
owner, what obligations soever they entered into.

624

THE HISTORY

BOOK
XIII.

The King
sends him
orders to
make con
ditions.

The foreign
plantations also were
subdued.

The Bar-
badoes de
livered up.

When that castle had, been besieged three months, and
the enemy could not approach nearer to plant their ord
nance than, at least, half an English mile, the sea en
compassing it round more than so far from any land, and
it not being possible for, any of their ships to come within
such a distance, they brought notwithstanding mortar
pieces of such an incredible greatness, and such as had
never been before seen in this part of the world, that from
the highest point, of the hill, near St. Hilary's, they shot
granadoes of a vast bigness into the castle, and beat down
many houses ; and, at last, blowed up a great magazine,
where most of the provision of victuals lay; and killed
many men. Upon which Sir George Carteret sent an ex
press to give the King an account of the condition he was
in, and to desire a supply of men and provisions; which
it being impossible for his Majesty to procure, he sent
him orders to make the best conditions he could; which
he shortly after did; and came himself to Paris, to give
the King a larger information of all that had passed in
that affair; and afterwards remained in France under many
mortifications, by the power and prosecution of Cromwell,
till the King's happy restoration. ,-,,
All the foreign plantations ; had submitted to the yoke;
and indeed without any other damage or inconvenience,
than the having citizens and inferior persons put to govern
them, instead of gentlemen, who had been entrusted; by
the King in those places. New England had been too
much allied, to all the conspiracies and. combinations
against the Crown, not to be very well pleased that men
of their own principles prevailed ; and settled a govern
ment themselves were delighted, with. The Barbadoes,
which was much the richest plantation, was principally
inhabited by men who had retired thither only to be quiet,
and to be free from the noise and oppressions in England,
and without any ill thoughts towards the King ; many of
them having served him with fidelity and courage.during
the war; and, that being ended,, made that, island, their
refuge from farther prosecutions. But having now gotten

OF THE REBELLION. 625
gopd estates there, (as it is incredible to what fortunes BOOK
men raised themselves in few years, in that plantation,) XIII. -
they were more willing to live in subjection to that govern- ~~
ment at that distance, than to return into England, and
be liable to the penalties of their former transgressions;
which, upon the articles of surrender, they were indemni
fied for: nor was there any other alteration there, than
the removing the Lord WiUoughby of Parham, (who was,
upon many accounts, odious to the Parliament, as well as
by being governor there by the King's commission,) and
putting an inferior mean man in his place.
More was expected from Virginia; which was the most
ancient plantation; and so was thought to be better pro
vided to defend itself, and to be better affected. Upon
both which suppositions, and out of confidence in Sir
William Berkley, the governor thereof, who had indus
triously invited many gentlemen, and others, thither as to
a place of security, which he could defend against any at
tempt, and where they might live plentifully, many per
sons of condition, and good officers in the war, had trans
ported themselves, with all the estate they bad been able
to preserve; with which the honest governor, for no man
meant better, was so confirmed in his confidence, that he
writ to the King almost inviting him thither, as to a place
that wanted nothing. And the truth is, that, whilst the
Parliament had nothing else to do, that plantation in a
short time was more improved in people and stock, than it
had been from the beginning to that time, and had re
duced the Indians to very good neighbourhood. But,
alas ! they were so far from being in a condition to defend
themselves, all their industry having been employed in the
making the best advantage of their particular plantations,
without assigning time or men to provide for the public
security in building forts, or any places of retreat, that
there no sooner appeared two or three ships from the Par
liament, than all thoughts of resistance were laid aside. And Vir-
Sir William Berkley, the governor, was suffered to remain
there as a private man, upon his own plantation ; which
vol. in. p. 1. s s

626 THE HISTORY
BOOK was a better subsistence than hp could have found any
XIH» where else. And in that quiet posture he continued, by
the reputation he had with the people, till, upon the noise
and fame of the King's restoration, he did as quietly re
sume the exercise of his former commission, and found as
ready an obedience. About this time also, Scilly, which
had been vigorously defended by Sir John Greenvil, till
it wanted all things, was delivered up to Sir George Ay-
scue. We shall not in this place enlarge upon the affairs of
Scotland, (which will be part of the argument of the next
book,) where Monk for the present governed with a rod of
iron, and at last found no contradiction or opposition tp
his good will and pleasure. In Ireland, if that people had
not been prepared and ripe for destruction, there had
happened an alteration which might have given some
respite to it, and disposed the nation to have united them
selves under their new Deputy, whom they had themselves
desired, under all the solemn obligations of obedience.
Shortly after the departure of the Marquis of Ormond,
.I^e*°.ndied Cromwell's Deputy, Ireton, who had married his daughter,
rick of the died in Limerick of the plague; which was gotten into
PaS>ie- his army, that was so much weakened by it, and there
were so great factions and divisions among the officers
after his sudden death, that great advantages might have
been gotten by it. His authority was so absolute, that he
was entirely submitted to in all the civil, as well as martial
affairs. But his death was thought so little possible, that
no provision had been made for that contingency. So that
no man had authority to take the command upon him* till
Cromwell's pleasure was farther known; whp put the
succeeds c'iarge °/ the army under Ludlow, a man of a very differ-
Mm in the ent temper from the other; but appointed the civil go-
teSmy! vernment, to run in another channel, so that there remained
jealousy and discontent enough still between, the council
and the officers to have shaken a government thajt was yet
no better established.
te^offceT Ireton> of whom we have had too much occasion to
ton.

OP THE REBELLION. 627
speak formerly, was of a melancholic, reserved, dark na- BOOK
ture, who communicated his thoughts to very few; so xni-
that, for the most part, he resolved alone, but was never
diverted from any resolution he had taken; and he was
thought often by his obstinacy to prevail over Cromwell
himself, and to extort his concurrence contrary to his own
inclinations. But that proceeded only frpm his dissem
bling less ; for he was never reserved in the owning and
communicating his worst and most barbarous purposes;
which the other always concealed and disavowed. Hi
therto their concurrence had been very natural, since they
had the same ends and designs. It was generally con
ceived by those who had the opportunity to know them
both very well, that Ireton was a man so radically averse
from monarchy, and so fixed to a republic government,
that, if he had lived, he would either, by his counsel and
credit, have prevented those excesses in Cromwell, or
publicly opposed and declared against them, and carried
the greatest part of the army with him ; and that Crom
well, who best knew his nature and his temper, had there
fore carried him into Ireland, and left him there, that he
might be without his counsels or importunities, when he
should find it necessary to put off his mask, and to ac*
that part which he foresaw it would be requisite to do.
Others thought, his parts lay more towards civil affairs j
and were fitter for the modelling that government, which
his heart was set upon, (being a scholar, conversant in the
law, and in all those authors who had expressed the great
est animosity and malice against the regal government,)
than for the conduct of an army to support it; his per
sonal courage being never reckoned among his other
abilities. What influence soever his life might have had upon the
future transactions, certain it is, his death had none upon
the state of Ireland to the King's advantage. The Marquis ^jj1^;
of Clanrickard left no way unattempted that might apply Marquis of
the visible strength and power of the Irish nation, to the ^"f-"
preservation of themselves, and to the support of the King's fairs in
ss2

628 THE HISTORY-
BOOK government. He sent out his orders and warrants for the
• levying of new men, and to draw the old troops together-

and to raise money : but few men could be got together,
and when they were assembled, they could not stay toge
ther for want of money to pay them : so that he could ne
ver get a body together to march towards the enemy;, and
if he did prevail with them to march a whole day with him,
he found, .the next morning, that half of them were run
away. And it quickly appeared, that they had made those
ample vows and protestations, that they might be rid of the
Marquis of Ormond, without any purpose of obeying the
other. The greatest part of the Popish clergy, and all
the Irish of Ulster, had no mind to have any relation to
the English nation, and as little to return to their obedi
ence to the Crown. They blamed each other for haying
deserted the Nuncio, and thought of nothing but how they
might get some foreign prince to take them- into his pro
tection. They first chose a committee,. Plunket and Brown,
two lawyers, who had been eminent conductors of the rebel
lion from the beginning, and men of good parts, and joined
others with them, who were in France and Flanders.
Then they moved the Lord Deputy, to send these gentle-
The rebels men into Flanders, " to invite the Duke of Lorrain toas-
resolve-to it -sjst them with arms, money, and ammunition, undertak-
nmte the . .
Duke of " ing to have good intelligence from thence, that the Duke
iorrai_thi-M ^wno was known to w;sn we]i to the King) was well pre-
" pared to receive their desire, and resolved, ©ut of his
" affection to the King, to engage himself cordially in the
" defence of that Catholic kingdom, his zeal to that reli-
" gion being known to be very great."
The Marquis of Clanrickard had no opinion of the ex
pedient, or that the Duke would engage himself on the
behalf of a people who had so little reputation in the
world, and therefore refused to give any commission to
those gentlemen, or to any other to that purpose, without
first receiving the King's order, or at least the advice of
the Marquis of Ormond, who was known to be safely
arrived in France. But that was looked upon as delay,

OF THE REBELLION. 629
Which their condition could not bear, and the doubting the BOOK
truth of the intelligence an d' information of the Duke of XIII.
Lorrain's being willing to undertake their relief, was im-
puted to want of good will to receive it. And then all the
libels, and scandals, and declarations, which had been
published against the Marquis of Ormond, were now re
newed, with equal malice and virulency, against the Mar
quis of Clanrickard; and they declared, " that God would
"never bless his withered hand, which had always concur-
" red with Ormond in the prosecution and persecution of
t( the Catholics confederates from the beginning of their
" engagement for the defence of their religion ; and that
f he had still had more conversation with Heretics than
" with Catholics : that he had refused always to submit to
" the Pope's authority; and had treated his Nuncio with
" less respect than was due from any good Catholic ; and
"'that all the Catholics who were cherished or counte-
" nanced by him, were of the same faction." In the end,
he eould not longer resist the importunity of the assembly
pf the confederate Catholics, (which was again brought
together,) and of the bishops and clergy that governed the
other; but gave his consent to send the same persons they
recommended to him; and gave them his credentials to the
Duke of Lorrain ; but required them " punctually to ob-
" serve his own instructions, and not to presume 'to depart
" from them in the least degree." Their instructions
were, " to give the Marquis of Ormond notice of their
" arrival; and to shew him their instructions ; and to con-
" elude nothing without his positive advice;" who, he
well knew, would communicate all with the Queen ; and
that likewise, " when they came into Flanders, they should
" advise with such of the King's Council as should be there,
" and proceed in all things as they should direct."
What instructions soever the Lord Deputy prescribed to
'them, the commissioners received others from the Council
and Assembly of their Clergy, which they thought more to
the purpose, and resolved to follow ; by which they were
authorized to yield to any conditions which might prevail

630 THE HISTORY
BOOK with the Duke of Lorrain to take them into his protection,
XIII- and to engage him in their defence, even by delivering all
they had of the kingdom into his hands, Though they
landed in France, they gave no notice of their business or
their arrival to the Queen, or to the Marquis of Ormond ;
Commis- but prosecuted their journey to Brussels, and made their
to°Mmton address, with all secrecy, to the Duke of Lorrain. There
Brussels. were, at the same time, at Antwerp, the Marquis of New
castle, the Chancellor of the Exchequer, (who was newly
returned from his embassy in Spain,) and Secretary Nicho
las ; all three had been of the King's Council ; to neither
of whom they so much as gave a visit. And though the
Duke of York, during this time, passed through Brussels,'
in his journey to Paris ; they imparted not their negocia
tions to his Highness.
The Duke of Lorrain had a very good mind to get foot
ing in Ireland; where, he was sure, there wanted no men
to make armies enough, which he thought were not like to
want courage to defend their country and religion. And
the commissioners very frankly offered " to deliver up
" Galloway, and all the places which were in their posses-
" sion, into his hands, with the remainder of the kingdom^
" as soon as it could be reduced ; and to obey him abso-
" lutely as their Prince." But he, as a reserve to decline
the whole, if it appeared to be a design fuller of difficulty
than he then apprehended, discovered much of his affection
to the King, and his resolution " not to accept any thing
" that was proposed, without his Majesty's privity and full
Tlie Duke " approbation." But in the mean time, and till that might
AbboUnto he procured, he was content to send the Abbot of St.
Ireland to Catharine's, a Lorrainer, and a person principally trusted
edofthe " hy him, as his ambassador into Ireland, to be informed of
state of it. the true state of that kingdom, and what real strength the
confederate Catholics were possessed of, and at what unity
among themselves. With him he sent about three or four
thousand pistoles, to supply their present necessities, and
some arms and ammunition. The Duke writ to the Lord
Deputy the Marquis of Clanrickard, as the King's gover-

OF THE REBELLION. 631
nor, and the person by whose authority all those proposi- BOOK
tions had been made to him by the commissioners. XIII.
The Abbot upon his arrival (though he was civilly re-
ceived) quickly found, that the Marquis knew nothing of
what the commissioners had proposed or offered; and
would by no means so much as enter upon any treaty with
him ; but disavowed all that they had said or done, with
much vehemence, andwith a protestation, "that he would The Mar-
" cause their heads to be cut off, if they returned, or cainei^
"into his hands." And the Marquis did, at the sameanyC011-
time, write very large letters both to the King, and the treaty?
Marquis of Ormond, of their presumption and wicked
ness ; and very earnestly desired, " that they might be im-
" prisoned, and kept till they might undergo a just trial."
As the Marquis expressed all possible indignation, so
many of the Catholic nobility, and even some of their
clergy, who never intended to withdraw their loyalty from
the Crown of England, how weakly soever they had mani
fested it, indeed all the Irish nation, but those of Ulster,
who were of the old Septs, were wonderfully scandalized to
find that all their strength was to be delivered presently up
into the possession of a foreign prince ; upon whose good
nature only, it must be presumed that he would hereafter
restore it to the King. It was now time for the Popish
bishops, and their confederates, to make good what had
been offered by the commissioners with their authority;
which though they thought not fit to own, they used all
their endeavours now in procuring to have it consented to,
and ratified. They very importunately advised, and pressed
the Lord Deputy, " to confirm what had been offered, as
" the only visible means to preserve the nation, and a root
'f out of which the King's right might again spring and
" grow up :" and when they found, that he was so far
from yielding to what they desired, that, if he had power,
he would proceed against them with the utmost severity
for what they had done, that he would no more give audi
ence to the ambassador, and removed from the place where
they were, to his own house and castle at Portumny, to be

632 THE HISTORY
BOOK secure from their importunity or violence, they barefaced
XIH- owned all that the commissioners had propounded, " as
" done by their order, who could make it good ;" and
desired the ambassador " to enter into a treaty with them ;"
and declared, " that they would sign such articles, with
" which the Duke of Lorrain should be well satisfied."
They undervalued the power of the Marquis of Clan
rickard, as not able to oppose any agreement they should
make, nor able to make good any thing he should promise
himself, without their assistance.
The ambassador was a wise man, and of phlegm enough ;
and though he heard all they would say, and received any
propositions they would give him in writing, yet he quickly
discerned, that they were so unskilful as to the managery of
any great design, and so disjointed among themselves, that
they could not be depended upon to any purpose; and. ex
cused himself from entering upon any new treaty with
them, as having no commission to treat but with the Lord
Deputy, But he told them, " he would deliver all that
they had, or would propose to him, to the Duke his
master; who, he presumed, would speedily return his
answer, and proceed with their commissioners in such a
The Abbot « manner as would be grateful to them." So he returned
the Duke- i° the same ship that brought him, and gave the Duke
whereupon such an account of his voyage, and that people, that put an
gives over end to that negociation ; which had been entered into, and
S_tion°~ prosecuted, with less wariness, circumspection, and good
husbandry, than that Prince was accustomed to use.
When the ambassador was gone, they prosecuted the
Deputy, with all reproaches of betraying and ruining his
country; and had several designs upon his person, and
communicated whatever attempt was resolved to the ene
my: yet there were many of the nobility and gentry that
continued firm, and adhered to him very faithfully ; which
defended his person from any violence they intended
against him, but could not secure him against their acts
of treachery, nor keep his counsels from being betrayed.
After the defeat of Worcester was known and published

a

n

OF THE REBELLION.. 633
they less considered all they did; and everyone thought BOOK
he was to provide for his own security that way that ______
seemed most probable to him; and whosoever was most
intent upon that, put on a new face, and application to
the Deputy, and loudly urged " the necessity of uniting
" themselves for the public safety, which was desperate
" any other way :" whilst in truth every man was nego-
ciating for his own indemnity with Ludlow, (who com
manded the English,) or for leave to transport regiments ;
which kept the soldiers together, as if they had been the
Deputy's army.
The Deputy had a suspicion of a fellow, who was ob- The Lord
served every day to go out, and returned not till the next ; ^"jj^"'
and appointed an officer of trust, with some horse, to watch covers a
him, and search him; which they did; and found about spondence
him a letter, which contained many reproaches against themanaged
.- . , i • 1 , • <- ., 1 . 1 °y a I'riar
Marquis, and the intelligence of many particulars ; which between
the messenger was carrying to Ludlow. It was quickly __^__^.
discovered that the letter was written by one Father Co- and Lud-
hogan, a Franciscan friar in Galloway; where the Deputy ow"
then was; but much of the intelligence was such as could
not be known by him, but must come from some who were
in the most private consultations. The Deputy caused
the friar to be imprisoned, and resolved to proceed exem-
plarily against him, after he had first discovered his com
plices. The friar confessed the letter to be of his writing,
but refused to answer to any other question; and demanded
his privilege of a churchman, and not to be tried by the
Deputy's order. The conclusion was, the Popish bishops
caused him to be taken out of the prison ; and sent to the
Deputy, " that if he would send to them his evidence
" against the friar, who was an ecclesiastical person, they
" would take care that justice should be done."
This proceeding convinced the Deputy, that he shoulcL
not be able to do the King any service in that company ;
nor durst he stay longer in that town, lest they should
make their own peace by delivering up him and the town
together; which they would have made no scruple to have
VOL. in. p. i. t t

634

THE HISTORY

BOOK
XIII.

He sends
the Earl of
Castle-
haven to
give an
account
of all to
the King.

The King
sends him
leave to
retire.

The Mar
quis gets a
pass from
Ludlow,and goes
into Eng
land, and
dies within
a year.

done. From that time he removed from place to place,
not daring to lodge twice in the same place together, lest
he should be betrayed; and sometimes without any ac
commodations : so that, not having been accustomed to
those hardships, he contracted those diseases which he
could never recover. In this manner he continued till he
received commands from the King. For as soon as he had
advertisement of tlie King's arrival at Paris, and it was
very evident, by the behaviour of the Irish, that they
would be no more applied to the King's service under his
command than under the Marquis of Ormond's, he sent
the Earl of Castlehaven (who had been formerly a general
of the confederate Catholics, and remained with great con
stancy with the Marquis of Clanrickard, as long as there
was any hope) to the King, with so particular an account,
under his own hand, of all that had passed, from the time
that he had received his commission from the Marquis of
Ormond, that it even contained almost a diary, in which
he made so lively a description of the proceedings of the
Irish, of their overtures to the Duke of Lorrain, and of
their several tergiversations and treacheries towards Jiim,
that any man might discern, especially they who knew the
generosity of the Marquis, his nature, and his custom of
living, that he had submitted to a life very uncomfortable
and melancholic ; and desired his Majesty's leave that he
might retire, and procure a pass to go into England ; where
he had some estate of his own, and many friends, who
would not suffer him to starve ; which his Majesty made
haste to send to him, with as great a testimony of his gra
cious acceptation of his service and affection, as his sin
gular merit deserved.
Thereupon the Marquis sent to Ludlow for a pass to go
into England, and render himself to the Parliament ; which
he presently sent him ; and so the Marquis transported
himself to London ; where he was civilly treated by all
men, as a man who had many friends, and could have no
enemies but those who could not be friends to any. But
by the infirmities he had contracted in Ireland, by these

OF THE REBELLION. 635
severe fatigues and distresses he had been exposed to, lie BOOK
lived not to the end of a year; and had resolved, upon the XIII.
recovery of any degree of health, to have transported him- ~~
self to the King, and attended his fortune. He left behind
him so full a relation of all material passages, as well from
the beginning of that rebellion, as during the time of his
own administration, that I have been the less particular in
the accounts of what passed in the transactions of that
kingdom, presuming that more exact work of his will, in
due time, be communicated to the world.
The affairs of the three nations being in this posture at
the end of the year 1652, and there being new accidents,
and alterations of a very extraordinary nature, in the year
following, which were attended with much variety of suc
cess, though not with that benefit to the King as might
have been expected naturally from those emotions, we
shall here conclude this book, and reserve the other for
the next.

¦THE END OF THE THIRTEENTH BOOK.