%Stver1#
YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bought with the income
of the
HENRY A. HOMES FUND

A SELECTION

PAPERS

EARLS OF MARCHMONT,

IN THE POSSESSION OP

THE RIGHT HONB.I:E SIR GEORGE HENRY ROSE.

ILLUSTRATIVE OF EVENTS

1685 to 1750.

IN THREE VOLUMES.
VOL. I.

LONDON:
JOHN MURRAY, ALBEMARLE STREET

HDCCCXXXI,

LONDON:
Printed by William Clowes,
Stamford Street.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

THE FIRST VOLUME.

Page
The Preface . . . . .vii
The Defence of Patrick Earl of Marchmont . . lxxxiii

The Diary of Hugh Earl of Marchmont, from July 28th, 1744,
to December 31st, 1744 . . . 1
The Diary of Hugh Earl of Marchmont, from Sept. 20th, 1745,
to May 1st, 1746 .... 98
The Diary of Hugh Earl of Marchmont, from Aug. 30th, 1747,
to March 2d, 1748 . . .177

SUPPLEMENT TO THE DIARY OF HUGH
EARL OF MARCHMONT.
An Account of the Battle of Falkirk . .281
Another Account of the Battle of Falkirk . . 288

Vol. I.

PREFACE.

The practice of modern days has entirely sanc
tioned the publication of such family manu
scripts, as may throw light upon the manners,
the literature, and the history of the country ;
and, when confined within its due limits, it is
founded on evident and general utility. And
so great an eagerness has prevailed of late in
the public mind for the production of this
description of information, that at this hour,
whoever may be in the possession of such
papers, will rather be deemed bound to account
for withholding them, or for delay in publishing
them, than for laying them before the world.
In no respect is this feeling of the nation so
warranted in its demand to be satisfied as in
matters touching the record of events affecting
the state, of its weal, and its woes, of its wis-
b2

Vlll PREFACE.
dom, and its follies, as authoritative lessons of
experience for its guidance. As its past exist
ence has an incalculable influence on its
present and future fortunes, and as that exist
ence is essentially in its history, it must be
admitted, that it is entitled to expect of its
citizens, that they shall contribute liberally
whatever stores of knowledge, there may be
within their control, which may aid towards its
perfection, and to render it a faithful, capacious,
and animated picture of the facts it narrates.
But that history should, together with all fide
lity, combine ' ample room and verge enough,'
for its author to be able to trace distinctly the
characters, views, and interests of those, whose
conduct affects the destinies of a country, is no
where more important than with regard to our
own, whose singular and felicitous Constitution
is composed of various and nicely-balanced
powers, whicii must be in constant but equal
pressure upon each other, in order that the
machine may remain entire and efficient. But
this constitution has an oral as well as a written
law ; so that we are required to be accurately
informed of the purposes and principles of our

PREFACE. IX
forefathers, who founded or amended it, as well
as of their enactments, that we may know how
safely, and consistently with their policy, to
repair whatever may have become defective,
and what expedients to recur to under new and
untried circumstances.
Yet, although it is in the correspondence,
diaries, or memoirs of public men, that the
most instructive materials for history must be
sought for, it has been a matter of as much re
gret as notoriety, how deplorably great was the
scarcity of such British documents till within
these last few years ; and this circumstance is
the more surprising, as many causes, which
prevent the publication of private papers, or
lead to their appearance in a mutilated state
in other countries, are here unknown.
Various and vigorous efforts have been made
of late to redeem us from this reproach, and by
no one certainly so effectually as by the late
Archdeacon Coxe ; and I venture to cherish the
hope, that the selection from the Marchmont
Papers now offered to the public will not be
found wholly unworthy to be aggregated to the
mass of these newly-discovered treasures of our

PREFACE.

land. But whilst we, the contributors to it, are
performing the humble duty of extracting the
stone and the marble from the quarry, and of
bringing the metals to light from the mines, in
which they lay concealed, we must especially
cherish the earnest hope, that some mighty
architect may arise, endowed with a superior
spirit of truth and wisdom, by whose powerful
hand they may be built up as a fane, which
shall be worthy of a nation, to which such sin
gular and wonderful destinies have been allot
ted, and which has enjoyed in so extraordinary
a degree the blessing and protection of Heaven
in the fulfilment of them.
Whoever communicates the manuscripts of a
family to the world, will naturally feel anxious
to have it understood, by what right he holds,
and publishes them. This anxiety will arise
from a due regard to his own character, espe
cially should he not have the honor to belong
to that family, and also from a sense of duty to
those, who may peruse them, that they shall be
satisfied, that they may with a safe conscience
participate in what is proffered to them. This
therefore I shall proceed to do, as briefly as I can.

PREFACE. XI
My late father, in the preface to his ' Obser-
' vations on the Historical Work of the late
' Right Honorable Charles James Fox,' states,
that the late Earl of Marchmont at his death
deposited with him, his sole executor, as a
sacred trust, all l the manuscripts of his family,
' with an injunction to make use of them if he
' should ever find it necessary :' and feeling
himself then called upon, in fulfilment of the
duty thus imposed upon him, to vindicate the
conduct of Sir Patrick Hume, afterwards the
first Earl of Marchmont, in the Earl of Argyle's
expedition in 1685, he published in that work
Sir Patrick's manuscript narrative of the occur
rences, which took place in it.
He afterwards says in a note to that preface,
' I have a great number of letters from the same
' Peer (Lord Bolingbroke), Lord Stair, the
1 It has been stated since my father's death on unquestionable
authority, that ' many other manuscripts of great value and in-
' terest are yet preserved in the archives of Marchmont House,
' in Scotland,' This he had no means of knowing. The late
Earl long before his death removed his library, and a great
mass of family papers, to Hemel Hemsted, in Hertfordshire,
where he spent the last years of his life, and where my father
found them, when he inherited them on his Lordship's decease.

Xll PREFACE.
' Duchess of Marlborough, Sir William Wynd-
' ham, Lord Chesterfield, Mr. Pope, and others,
' to Lord Marchmont, in which there is much
' interesting matter respecting transactions from
' Queen Anne's time to the year 1750 ; but,
although under no injunction to the contrary,
' I have at present no thought of publishing
' them, excepting, &c.'
Having, with a single exception which I shall
state, allowed those papers, which I inherited
of my father, to rest in full privacy for twelve
years, I may perhaps obtain credit for the sin
cerity of the expression of my regret, that it
falls to my lot to make them by myself known
to the world. A sense of a want of many of
the qualities requisite for the task of an editor,
and of such accurate knowledge in that par
ticular department of literature, to which these
papers mainly belong, for the period to which
they refer, as would be desirable for their illus
tration ; and, besides this, occupations either of
duty, or more congenial to my taste and habits,
have hitherto withheld me from it. Yet, whilst
I was sensible, that it would be both useful to
the public, and creditable to the noble family

PREFACE. Xlll

from which they are derived, that a selection
from the large existing mass of them should be
published, I could not determine to delegate to
another the control of a property of so peculiar
and delicate a nature, made over by the last
Earl of Marchmont to my father, who owed him
a very deep debt of gratitude for long, unabated,
and distinguished kindness. My excuse then
for publishing them myself, under the conscious
ness I have avowed, and under disadvantages
which no one can appreciate so well as myself,
is, that I felt that, from one cause or another,
should I not commit them to the press, there was
a very great probability of their finally perishing
in oblivion. I shall therefore proceed to fulfil my
duty, as succinctly as I can, assuring those, who
may be pleased to accept this assurance, that
they will be no losers by the brevity of my
labors. But I may be here permitted to express ano
ther and a more lively regret, that this task
was not executed by him, from whom I imme
diately derived these manuscripts. His acute-
ness, his talents for investigation, his indefatiga
ble industry, and his accurate knowledge of our

XIV PREFACE.
records, and of our history, and particularly of
that of the last hundred and fifty years, qualified
him in an especial degree for an undertaking,
which he would have accomplished with equal
facility and success. He had also the great ad
vantage of having had during many years long
and frequent conversations with the last Earl of
Marchmont, whose memory was stored with rich
recollections of what he had himself seen, or
had learnt from the distinguished statesmen and
men of letters, with whom he lived in his youth.
But I must own, as judging from my earliest
and latest acquaintance with his life, that I am
aware, that he never would have undertaken this
task, whilst there remained any object in any de
partment of the State, to which he believed that
his exertions could be beneficially directed.
A few historical anecdotes from Hugh Lord
Marchmont's mouth were written by my father
on the margin of his unbound copy of ' Coxe's
Memoirs of Sir Robert Walpole;' the book
binder's knife has made sad and strange inroads
into them ; but what can be saved I have sub
joined to the appropriate places. The greater
part of them will be found in substance in his

PREFACE. XV

' Observations on Mr. Fox's Historical Work ;'
but I give them as I find them in his hand
writing. A very small number of similar remi
niscences of my own is also added.
The papers, from which a selection is now
published, belonged to the three Earls of March
mont. The illustration of their ancient and
noble family lasted only three generations ; but,
as in each of the three the enjoyment of it was
graced by virtues, talents, and public services,
it might have retained it for ages, and yet have
been less honored, than it was, by the personal
qualities of its possessors.
It is my purpose to offer such a biographical
notice respecting those noblemen, as may be ne
cessary to render these papers intelligible ; but
I should consider it entirely foreign to, and be
yond that purpose, were I to attempt to make
it a history of that family, and of its alliances.
Their family, that of the Humes of Polwarth
m Berwickshire, is a younger branch of the
illustrious house of Dunbar, Earls of March,
whose origin is traced to Saxon Kings of Eng
land, and to Princes or Earls of Northumber-

xvi PREFACE.
land. The Earls of Home and the Earls of
Marchmont had a common ancestor in Sir
Thomas Hume, in the days of Robert the Se
cond and Robert the Third; the former descended
from his eldest, the latter from his youngest son,
who was the progenitor of the Humes of Wed-
derburn, and of the Humes of Polwarth, the
first-named being the senior branch. Sir Patrick
Hume, afterwards the first Earl of Marchmont,
was the eighth Baron of Polwarth of his name.
Born in 1641, he was sent to the Scottish parlia
ment as the representative of his native county
when twenty-four years of age, and gave early
proof of high and brilliant talents, which had
been carefully cultivated in the excellent edu
cation, which the prudence and affection of his
widowed mother procured for him. He quickly
perceived the tendency of the arbitrary and op
pressive proceedings of Charles the Second's
government in Scotland as destructive to the
liberty and religion of his country, and devoted
himself energetically and perseveringly to their
maintenance. It was his peculiar happiness, that the pure
Christian faith, which he struggled to uphold,

PREFACE. xvii
and the assertion of which he knew to be inse
parably connected with the cause of rational
freedom, was so rooted in his mind and in his
feelings, it so allied itself with, and governed
all that he thought, and said, and did, that
though plunged in early life into party politics,
they neither hardened nor corrupted a heart so
hallowed and protected ; and hence it was, that
vicissitudes of fortune, so marked and various
as those which befel him, failed to produce their
wonted prejudicial effects upon it.
He was one of those, who in 1674 accompa
nied the Duke of Hamilton and Lord Tweeddale
in their errand to lay before the king the griev
ances of their country," and shared in the delu
sion most unworthily practised upon them. In
that year he had to experience the fraud, in the
next the violence of oppression. The Privy
Council of Scotland had placed garrisons in the
houses of the gentry, and required the neigh
bouring country to supply them with provisions
in direct contravention to law. Deputed by the
shire of Berwick to procure a legal remedy, he
remonstrated and protested against these mea
sures, was brought before the Council, declared

xvm PREFACE.

incapable of public trust, and thrown into the
Tolbooth of Edinburgh, and afterwards into the
Castles of Dumbarton and Stirling. He was
liberated after a long confinement, on the inter
cession of his English relations, and especially
of the Countess of Northumberland. The order
for his liberation of 17th April, 1679, states,
' that he had been imprisoned for reasons known
' to his Majesty, and tending to secure the pub-
' lie peace ;' and adds, ' the occasions of sus-
' picion and public jealousy being over, he is
' ordered to be liberate.'
For an imprisonment under such motives his
reputation is not likely to suffer in the eyes of
posterity; but if that posterity contemplates the
picture of the tyranny, which weighed upon
Scotland during the Duke of Lauderdale's ad
ministration, and to which there was no parallel
in the English history of that day, it will do
justice to the patriotism and public virtue, which
rose up in opposition to it ; we may safely take
it as traced by the hand of Hume. That histo
rian reprobates the oppressive measure, against
which Sir Patrick Hume protested, and after
wards thus expresses himself : — ' It were end-

preface: xix
' less to recount every act of violence and arbi-
' trary authority exercised under Lauderdale's
' administration.' — ' The private deportment of
' Lauderdale was as insolent, as his public ad-
' ministration was violent and tyrannical. Jus-
' tice was likewise Universally perverted by fac- '
' tion and interest ; and from the great rapacity
' of that duke, and still more of his duchess, all
' offices and favors were openly put to sale.
' No one was allowed to approach the throne,
' who was not dependent on him ; and no re-
' medy could be hoped for, or obtained against
' his manifold oppressions.'
I should here state, that as the Marchmont
Papers afford me no biographical notices respect
ing Sir Patrick Hume, except during the time
that he was engaged in the Earl of Argyle's
Expedition, and during King William's march
from Devonshire to London, I have necessarily
recurred to authorities of his day for the par--
ticulars offered, but especially for the earlier
part of his life to the account of it given in
Mr. George Crawfurd's ' Lives and Characters

XX PREFACE,
' of the Officers of the Crown, and of the State
' in Scotland,' because the author refers conti
nually to information, which he had received
from Sir Patrick respecting his public transac
tions. The following passage, in which he de
scribes the conduct held by Sir Patrick upon
his liberation, is deserving of much attention : —
' Sir Patrick after this, finding the ministers of
' state were most earnestly set on his destruc-
' tion, and that he could not live in security at
' home, went to England, and entered into a
' strict friendship with the Duke of Monmouth,
' the Earl of Shaftesbury, and the Lord Russell,
' who was his near relation. With them he
' often met, and had many conferences on the
' state of Scotland, and what might be done
' there to secure the kingdom from popery and
' arbitrary power, in the event of a popish suc-
' cessor. But, as his lordship protested to me,
' there never passed among them the least in-
' timation of any design against the King's life,
' or the Duke of York's ; that was what they
' all had an abhorrence of. But he said, he
' thought it was lawful for subjects, being under

PREFACE. XXI
' such pressures, to try how they might be re-
' lieved from them ; and their design never went
' further.' ' Upon the breaking out of the Rye-plot *,
' Sir Patrick thinking he might be in dan-
' ger, went out of the way, and got beyond
' sea.' Very few points in English history have been
more anxiously agitated, than the nature and ex
tent of the political objects, for which the distin
guished persons here mentioned confederated, or
at least entered into communications with each
other, and whether criminality in any shape,
and, if so, to what degree, attached to the emi
nent men, who perished on the scaffold for hav
ing so done. Sir Patrick Hume according to
Crawfurd, and moreover according to the conduct
he held in his timely concealment and flight, ap
pears to have been completely identified with
them in their views ; and as to the nature and
utmost extent of their design, such as it is here
specified, I think, Sir Patrick Hume, as thus
quoted, is a most undeniable authority. Mr.
1 The Rye-House Plot.
Vol. I. c

xxii PREFACE.
Crawfurd's book was published at Edinburgh in
1726, that is, two years after Lord Marchmont's
death. His Lordship's declaration was volun
tarily made, and probably in the calm and solem
nity of retirement, long after he had wholly with
drawn from public affairs ; and whilst the known
integrity of his life, and his religious principles
forbid us to question his veracity, it must be
admitted, that, even could we refuse faith to
their power, we can discover no motive at that
time in force for a gratuitous disguisement of
the truth, or imagine circumstances more uncon
nected with hope or fear, or with the influence
of past events on the mind, than those in which
he spoke. Forty years elapsed between Lord
Russell's and Lord Marchmont's deaths ; and
they embraced five changes of reign and three
of dynasty. His testimony in this matter then
may be admitted to be decisive.
Sir Patrick saved by voluntary exile a life
precious to his country ; but one very dear to it,
and especially dear in his sight, was sacrificed
fox a participation in the counsels, in which he
had shared, that of Baillie of Jerviswood, whose
imprisonment served to him as a warning for

PREFACE. XXiu
concealment, and whose death as a signal for
flight. Their zeal in the assertion of the tem
poral and spiritual liberties of Scotland had
been the same ; they had sought to maintain
the universal cause of rational freedom and of
pure religion, by manfully upholding it in their
proper scene of action ; and they had already
paid the penalty of their patriotism by unjust
imprisonment, accompanied in Baillie's case by
a pecuniary fine. Mr. Baillie's relation, Bishop
Burnet, has placed in striking opposition the
piety of his life, the heroic and Christian resig
nation with which he met its violent termina
tion, and the detestable injustice and cruelty of
the government, through which he perished.
A fugitive, and overwhelmed with grief for
the loss of his friend, Sir Patrick Hume knew
not the consolation reserved for him in distant
years. The union between their families, by
the marriage of children entirely worthy of them,
derived its origin from their very misfortunes,
under circumstances of deep and peculiar in
terest. The affections, which united the only
son of Baillie, and the eldest daughter of Sir
Patrick Hume, springing up whilst they were
c2

Xxiv PREFACE.
children and in the midst of adversity, endured,
and grew in strength under common calamity,
poverty, and exile. The filial piety of Lady
Murray, their eldest daughter, by perpetuating
the eminent virtues of her parents in their me
moirs, has raised a more beautiful monument to
their memory, than the hand of fiction could
have reared.
Extensive extracts from those memoirs were
obligingly communicated to my father1, who
published them in the Appendix to his Observa
tions on Mr. Fox's Work. But as they have
since been printed in a complete state, I shall
not allow myself to make any partial citation from
them. Lady Murray's narrative of the conceal
ment of her grandfather, Sir Patrick Hume, in
a subterraneous vault at the church at Polwarth,
to which her mother was mainly instrumental,
and of his providential escape, commemorates

1 My father owed this kindness to George Baillie, Esq., of
Jerviswood, who descends from the second son of the marriage of
Charles Lord Binning with Rachel, the younger daughter of Mr.
Baillie and Lady Grisell Baillie. Representing that family, and
so descended, he might well aspire to the honor, he has often
enjoyed, of representing also the County of Berwick in Parlia
ment.

PREFACE. XXV
very striking events of her [family with great
energy and simplicity.
Sir Patrick Hume effected his escape to
London, and thence to France, whence, after a
short stay, he proceeded to Flanders, Brabant,
and Holland 1, where, his biographer, Crawfurd,
1 It would appear scarcely possible, that either Lady Murray
or Crawfurd should have made erroneous statements respecting
the course of road, which Sir Patrick Hume followed in this escape.
But so they certainly did. Lady Murray states, that he forded
the Tweed ; and she says afterwards, ' he got to London by bye-
' ways, passing for a surgeon ; he could bleed, and always carried
' lancets. From that he went to France, and travelled from Bor-
' deaux to Holland on foot, where he sent for his wife and ten
' children.' Crawfurd, speaking of Sir Patrick's escape upon the
discovery of the Rye-House Plot, says, that he got- beyond sea,
and adds, ' he lived awhile at Geneva, from whence he came
' clown to Holland, where he waited on the Prince of Orange,
' &c.' Now Sir Patrick Hume, in his ' Letter of important Passages,
* in Anno 1685,' written in that same year, speaking of his
escape in the preceding month of September, says, ' so soon as
' I got upon the Continent, I staid but short in France, but
' spent some weeks in Dunkirk, Ostend, Bruges, and other towns
' in Flanders and Brabant, where I traversed before I came to
' Brussells, whither, soon as I heard that he resided there, I
' went to converse with the Duke of Monmouth ; but he was gone
' thence to Hague, which led me, after waiting some time for
' him in expectation of his return, on to Antwerp, and so to
' Holland.' This implies, that his stay in France could not have
exceeded a week or a fortnight, as he gives us thus clearly to
understand, that the time he remained in that country was short,

XXVI PREFACE.
tells us, ' The Prince of Orange, looking on
* him as a confessor for the protestant religion,
' and the liberties of his country, treated him
' with a very particular respect.'
He had not been long there, when the news
of Charles the Second's death reached him.
On this intelligence he entered into communi
cation with the Scots, and afterwards with the
English exiles, who flocked in numbers to Hol
land, to determine the course it behoved them to
when compared with the weeks he spent in Dunkirk, Flanders,
and Brabant. But it is evident from his letters printed at the
end of Lady Murray's Narrative, ; that he was at Bordeaux and
Geneva when escaping from Scotland after the failure of Argyle's
expedition, and on his way to rejoin his family in Holland. In
that journey he must have been many weeks at least in France.
His first letter from Bourdeaux was -written on the 15th Novem
ber, 1685 ; there are a letter dated the 13th January, 1686, another
dated two days, and another four days after, which appear to have
been written also from that city ; and there are his letters dated
Geneva, the 17th May, and 12th June, both of 1686. His letter
above referred to of the 13th January from Bordeaux shews,
that he gave himself out there for a surgeon. He signs that
letter as Peter Wallas ; and it was as Dr. Wallace, that Captain
Burd, who travelled with him on foot a part of the way from
France to Holland, knew him.
Crawfurd is probably correct in saying, that on the discomfiture
of the Earl of Argyle's expedition, Sir Patrick Hume, whose
escape would naturally be from the West Coast of Scotland, first
reached Dublin ; and from Ireland there must have been frequent
means of passage to Bordeaux.

PREFACE. XXV11
follow. The result of the deliberations of the
Scots was the Earl of Argyle's expedition, of
the leading events of which Sir Patrick Hume
has given a most interesting narrative, to which
I refer for a full and ably delineated detail of
the motives, views, and conduct of the leaders.
It will be seen, that they acted in complete con
cert with the Duke of Monmouth, having it
as their object to avert the destruction of the
religion, and to maintain ' the national and
' native rights and liberties of the free people
f of Britain and Ireland, and all the legal fences
' of society and property there established.' It
could not be, but that the oppression, under
which they had especially suffered, and their
personal knowledge of James the Second, when
Duke of York, in the exercise of authority,
should have excited in the minds of the Scots a
peculiar exasperation and dread of his rule.
That ill-fated expedition sailed from the
Zuyder Zee the 2nd of May, 1685 ; and by the
20th of the next month the Earl of Argyle was
taken prisoner, and the dispersion of his force
complete. Sir Patrick Hume, who had exhi
bited uniform firmness, wisdom, and wariness

XXV1U PREFACE.
in the counsels of this enterprize, and resolu
tion in the execution of it, after a sharp and
successful conflict at the Muir Dykes found an
asylum in the house of a particular friend, the
Laird of Langshaw, in Ayrshire. But it ap
pears, that he also lay concealed at Kilwinning,
and there composed his narrative of his share
in the expedition. A report of his death was
spread abroad to induce a relaxation in the
search for him ; and he effected his escape first
to Ireland and thence to Bordeaux, whence he
proceeded to Geneva, and thence to Holland,
crossing France on foot. It would now be very
difficult to determine precisely, what blame may
justly attach to the conduct of that undertaking.
Very many causes led to its failure ; a material
one was the struggle in their councils between
the Highlanders and the Lowlanders, each
naturally anxious to make their own country
the theatre of the war. The ardor, courage,
and sincerity of the Earl of Argyle are above
all question ; but he appears to have overrated
his internal, and to have miscalculated his ex
ternal resources. It is indeed difficult for us
not to judge of such expeditions by the standard

PREFACE. XXIX
of such, as we are used to see carried on by
regular forces : in them professional zeal and
professional interests, and, above all, military
discipline compress greatly the sincere opinions,
as well as the wayward wills of men, and
subject them to an uniform and imperative
guidance. But in a volunteer enterprize, the
strength of which lies in the patriotism of each
individual, and which cannot succeed other-
wise"than by the impulse of high-wrought feel
ings, even the honest action of the energies
excited must, according to the diversities of
men's views, interests, and opinions, inevitably
lead to dangerous divergencies, and collisions,
which there can be but little means of con
trolling. Sir Patrick Hume returned to poverty and
exile in Holland, but he returned also to the
bosom of his exemplary family ; and they
awaited better days with cheerful submission
and resignation. His estate, forfeited in 1686,
was given to the Earl of Seaford.
In June 1688 he addressed from Utrecht a
letter powerful in style and arguments to his

XXX PREFACE.
friend Sir William Denholm ; it was written to
be communicated to the Presbyterian ministers,
to whose church he was zealously attached, to
put them on their guard against an insidious
plan, which was in agitation, to induce them to
' petition King James for a toleration, which
' would have included the papists.'
The character, which he there traces of King
William, was the fruit of the knowledge he had
had ample means of acquiring ; and it is ex
pressive of those feelings of admiration, which
he already felt for one so highly and rarely
gifted ; and that admiration, heightened by the
weightiest national and personal obligations,
became one of the most influential principles of
his conduct. Would that others had been so
minded, as he was through life, towards the he
roic preserver of our religion and our liberties !
But it must be confessed, that Scotland through
out dealt far more righteously and nobly with
King William, than did England, whose conduct
towards a benefactor, to whom it owed a debt
of gratitude beyond all acquittal, is one of the
foulest stains in her history. — Cold and reserved
he was, and possibly somewhat ungracious in

PREFACE. XXXl
manner ; but I am not yet aware of the justice,
with which the English, as a people, can take
it as a ground of offence with a foreigner, that
he is such.
Sir Patrick Hume's eldest son, a young man
of excellent promise, and his future son-in-law,
Baillie, bore arms in the Horse-Guards of the
Prince of Orange, in whose fleet he sailed with
them under new, for they were at length favor
able auspices ; and he saw in the Revolution
the attainment of all those great objects of con
science, and of personal and national security,
for which he had so long and so fruitlessly
striven and endured. The rest of his life was
dedicated to the maintenance of them.
When the government was dissolved on King
James's abdication, Sir Patrick Hume took a
prominent part in the measures resorted to in
Scotland to place the Prince of Orange at
the head of affairs, until a convention of the
states should decide on the government of the
nation. He was a member of that convention,
which met in 1689, and zealous in the cause of
the Prince and Princess of Orange, upon whom

XXXll PREFACE.
the crown was settled. Not long after this he
was named a member of the new Privy Council ;
and in December 1690 he was created a Peer
of the Realm of Scotland by the title of Lord
Polwarth. The preamble of the patent is a
splendid testimony to the eminent virtues he
had displayed in asserting the rights and the
religion of his country. In this patent King
William vouchsafed to him a peculiar mark of
personal esteem and regard, by assigning to
him, in addition to his armorial bearings, ' an
' orange proper ensigned, with an imperial
' crown to be placed in a surtout in his coat of
' arms in all time coming, as a lasting mark of
' his Majesty's royal favor to the family of
' Polwarth, and in commemoration of his lord-
' ship's great affection to his said Majesty.'
Sir Patrick had seen in Holland the lowest
ebb of his fortunes, and he now rode prosper
ously on their flood. From this time his history
is to be found in that of his country. He was
appointed in 1692 to be principal sheriff of
Berwickshire, and in 1693 to be one of the four
extraordinary Lords of the Session. In 1696
he attained the highest office in Scotland, that

PREFACE. XXXlll
of Lord Chancellor ; and in less than a year
after he was created Earl of Marchmont. In
1698 he was appointed Lord High Commis
sioner to represent the King's person in the
Session of Parliament, which met at Edinburgh
in July of that year. His correspondence with
King William and his ministers, whilst he exer
cised those high functions, exhibits an earnest
and constant desire so to act, and to advise, as
should best promote at once the honor of his
master and benefactor, and the weal of the
state ; and he had the good fortune to serve a
prince, who imposed no duties upon him, which
brought into conflict his obligations to the sove
reign and to his country.
The death of King William overwhelmed one
so entirely devoted to him with a grief, which
he did not attempt to disguise to his successor.
He was retained in office by Queen Anne, but,
as it happened, only for a short time. In the
first session of the Scots Parliament after her
accession he presented to it an Act for the abju
ration of the Pretender ; and though it was in
conformity to, and in imitation of, the English
Act past immediately on her ascending the

XXX iv PREFACE.
throne, and was read a first time, the High
Commissioner adjourned the house in order to
stop the measure. In his memorial to the Queen
of the 1st July, 1702, will be found a full vin
dication of his conduct in this matter, and a
statement of that held by his friends, and the
commissioner, the Duke of Queensberry, dif
fering essentially from Lockhart's. He was on
this dismissed from his high employment. Here
ended his official life. He has left us tolerable
means of judging him as a statesman ; and al
though there is no trace of his having received
a legal education, it is no small praise of him
to say, that his reputation for decisions con
formably to the laws, for sagacity and sound
ness of judgment, as well as for probity, as chief
magistrate of his country, remains unimpeached.
As up to that time, so thenceforward, the
great object of his life was to promote what
soever tended to consolidate all that had been
established at the Revolution, and to resist
whatsoever impugned it.
In 1703, Lord Marchmont experienced a most
afflicting loss in that of his distinguished con
sort, of the family of Ker of Cavers, to whose

PREFACE. XXXV

virtues and amiable qualities he has left a very
affecting testimony.
In the session of 1703, it was, according to
Lockhart, the conduct held by the Duke of
Argyle, the Marquis of Annandale, and Lord
Marchmont, which compelled the Duke of
Queensberry to follow their views instead of
those of the Jacobites ; and, in consequence
thereof, Lord Marchmont's Act for the security
of the Presbyterian government, and the Duke
of Argyle's for ratifying the Claim of Right,
were past. Yet in what temper of the House
this was effected, is sufficiently clear from other
legislative measures, which it adopted, and the
rejection of an Act presented by Lord March
mont for settling the succession on the House
of Hanover.
The earnestness, with which he inculcated,
wherever he could make his voice heard, the
importance of an union with England, must
have been greatly increased by the tendency
of Acts, past since he was out of office by the
Scottish Parliament, which must have led to a
struggle between the two nations, had not that
measure been adopted. His letters, especially

XXXVI PREFACE.
those addressed to Queen Anne, to. Lord So-.
mers, and to Lord Wharton, attest his anxious
labors to forward that great work for the con
solidation of all, which the Revolution effected.
His advice on the selection of Commissioners
to treat on the Union on the part of Scotland
was happily adopted, though in truth ema
nating from so deep a sagacity, that it could
scarcely have been duly estimated by ordinary
minds. From that selection, more than from
any other expedient resorted to, the success of
the Union appears to have resulted.
He exhibited his accustomed vigor in the
discussions on that measure in the Scottish par
liament, and was one of the most distinguished
leaders of the party in it called the ' Squadron,'
which acted independently of the government,
but without whose efficient aid it could not
have carried one single division.
He offered himself as a candidate at the elec
tion of Scots representative peers in 1707, and
again on the dissolution of parliament in 1708,
but in each case without success. He could
scarcely calculate on the countenance of Queen
Anne's government, for if he Jiad rendered it

PREFACE. XXXVli
eminent services, he had also taught'it how un
compromising was his adherence to his princi
ples. Thus his parliamentary life ceased with
the Union. But his letters written subsequently
to it give evidence, that his mind was engaged
deeply in all the events affecting the weal and
the honor of his country. Nor was his pa
triotism deadened by the insult and injury he
received from the Court, when in 1710 it de
prived him of his office of High Sheriff of Ber
wickshire, conferring it on the Earl of Home.
In 1709, he sustained a very deep affliction in
the loss of his eldest son, a colonel of cavalry,
who, beginning his service in King William's
body-guards, served through his wars and the
Duke of Marlborough's with reputation, and
died childless, though twice married. He was
Treasurer Depute in 1696. His amiable and
honorable character fully justified his father's
grief. The second brother Robert, also a
soldier, died many years before him.
The accession of George the First gave to
Lord Marchmont what he called the desire of
his heart, a Protestant king upon the throne.
Vol. I. * d

XXXVlll PREFACE.
He was immediately appointed anew High
Sheriff of Berwickshire, and made a Lord of
the Court of Police.
In 1715, in his seventy- fifth year, acting in
the feelings and on the principles of his youth,
he forbad a meeting of the gentlemen of Ber
wickshire, which had been proposed in the pro
fessed view of obtaining a redress of hardships,
but which would have embarrassed the newly-
established government of the House of Ha
nover ; and his Lordship took the necessary
precautions to render his prohibition effectual.
He passed the last years of his life at Berwick
upon Tweed, where he died in his eighty-fourth
year in 1724. Even in them his affections were
too warm to suffer his temper to be clouded by
the austerity or moroseness of old age, so that
it was a delight to the youngest of his descend
ants to be about his person ; and his death was
that of one, who knew that he was hastening to
life1. His third son, Alexander Lord Polwarth,
i His device, which is constantly found in his books and manu
scripts, was Omne tulit punctum, qui miscuitutile dulci. — H.D. A.
an abridgment of Horace, ' De Arte Poetica;' at times it is
written more briefly thus :
Omne tulit punctum.— H. D. A.

PREFACE. XXXIX
succeeded him. His fourth son was Sir Andrew
Hume of Kimmergham, a Lord of Session.
Alexander, Earl of Marchmont, was born in
1675. In his. boyhood with his mother, and
brothers, and sisters he shared his father's
exile in Holland. Before his elder brother's
death he was distinguished as Sir Alexander
Campbell of Cessnok, having married the
daughter and heiress of Sir George Campbell of
Cessnok, whose estate was entailed upon her
and her heirs. Having studied the law, he
entered on the practice of it as an advocate, and
became a Lord of Session, before he was thirty
years of age. He was a Privy Counsellor, and
a Lord of the Exchequer in Scotland, and
served in the parliament there, first for Kirk
wall, and then for Berwickshire, when the Act
of Union passed. Emulating his father's feel
ings he zealously promoted that measure, and
took a very active share in the arduous labors
that were devolved upon the sub-committee,
to which the articles of the Union were re
ferred. In 1712, having obtained leave of Queen
d2

XL PREFACE.
Anne to drink the waters of Spa, he proceeded
to Hanover at the desire of his friends in Scot
land, in order to ascertain the truth of a report
eagerly circulated, that the Electoral family
was altogether indifferent to the succession to
the Crown. This gave rise to a correspondence
between that Court and his Lordship ; and he
there obtained the means of controverting suc
cessfully on his return to Scotland the rumors,
which occasioned his journey.
In 1715, he was made Lord Lieutenant of
Berwickshire, and raised two battalions of foot
and two troops of horse on the rebellion breaking
out. He marched to Falkirk with one of the bat
talions to join the king's army sent against Lord
Mar, but was ordered by the Duke of Argyle to
Edinburgh, which was nearly surprised by the
rebels. In the year 1716 he was appointed Lord
Register and Ambassador at the Court of Co
penhagen, where he remained until the spring
of 1721 ; and where at one time Lord Carteret,
and at another Lord Glenorchy, were his asso
ciates. In January 1722 he was named first Am-

PREFACE. XLI
bassador at the Congress held at Cambray,
where Lord Whitworth was his colleague, and
remained there till the spring of 1725, when it
broke up. He received the Order of the Thistle
in that year, and was made a Privy Counsellor
in the year following.
In the year 1733 he joined the opposition to
Sir Robert Walpole's government at the time of
his excise scheme, and with others, who took
the same course, forfeited his office. It ap
pears, that the distinguished members of the
Scottish nobility, who joined in this act of hos
tility to the minister, were less induced so to
do by any particular objections to that measure
of finance, than by the hope, that their junction
with the English, who resisted it, might lead
to the subversion of Lord Islay's government of
Scotland, a rule which they felt to be painful
and humiliating. They knew it moreover to
be sustained by means, many of which they
could not respect, and which they believed to
tend to degrade and alienate the nation. That
they judged rightly in apprehending, that the
system adopted and maintained by Sir Robert
Walpole and his virtual viceroy for the manage-

XLli PREFACE.
ment of the public affairs in North Britain was
ill calculated to conciliate to the reigning family
the affections of the people, was but too suffi
ciently proved by subsequent events. He sat
as one of the sixteen Scots peers, in the Parlia
ment of 1727: but at the general election of
1734 the hand of power was upon him ; and
being excluded, he, together with the Dukes
of Hamilton, Queensberry, and Montrose, the
Earl of Stair, and other Scottish noblemen,
entered into a concert with the leading English
members of the opposition, in order to bring the
machinations, unsparingly used to control the
election of the peers of Scotland, to light, and
their authors to punishment. Sir Robert Wal
pole's better fortune however prevailed against
them, as it did against a similar project in 1739.
Alexander, Earl of Marchmont, died in Janu
ary, 1740. He had the reputation of consider
able legal knowledge, and sound abilities in his
original profession ; and he acquitted himself to
the advantage of his country, and to his own
honor, of the duties of that which he took up
later in life. The transition from one to the

PREFACE. XLlll
other was however with him less abrupt and
difficult, than we, judging by education in Eng
land, might suppose. He passed between two
and three years of his early youth at the Univer
sity of Utrecht, ' studying civil law, philosophy,
' and other parts of learning, but especially the
- civil law, that being the profession he designed
' to follow1.' And independently of the main
benefits of such an education, the early school
ing, which he could not avoid, in foreign habits
as well as in languages, and in disuse for a time
of our own, will have rendered him a far more
essential service, than we may chuse to believe,
in his foreign employments. His father must
have bred him up in his own religious principles
and habits. I find in his bible, in his own
hand- writing, his name, the date of ' Cambray,
•'1st May, 1725,' and the following note, ' To
' be read thrice a year ; first, 1st January ; se-
' cond, 1st May; third, 1st September :' and the
memorandum to do the thing is accompanied
by the plan for doing it, by a division of the
Scriptures into portions marked out by him
1 These words are in a biographical notice respecting himself
in his own hand-writing.

XLiv PREFACE.
through the whole of the volume for every
morning and evening of each period of four
months. Whether the call of his country was
to its civil or its military service, he readily
obeyed it, in all cases evincing a firmness of
mind, a sagacity, and prudence, and an unde-
viating honor, which secured to him the es
teem and consideration of all those, with whom
he stood in relations of private or of public life,
and many of whom were among the most distin
guished of his countrymen.
His exclusion from public life was instantly
avenged by his children. He had lost his two
eldest sons in the year, in which he lost his
father. But his twin sons remained to him;
and destining them to the profession of the law,
he sent them, as he had been sent, to complete
their education in Holland, where they studied
at Utrecht and Franeker. By a singular coin
cidence, the same general election, which de
prived him of his seat in the Upper House, gave
him two powerful voices, as well as votes, in the
Lower, in these sons, Hugh Lord Polwarth
representing Berwick upon Tweed, and Alex
ander Hume Campbell Berwickshire. They

PREFACE. XLV
were born in 1708, and first came into Parlia
ment in 1734. Extraordinarily alike in their
persons l, each gifted with brilliant abilities and
oratorical talents, and impetuously ardent in
mind, they rushed at once into the conflict with
the minister, who had thrust Lord Marchmont
1 The likeness between these twin brothers, so extraordinary in
their infancy as to have been perplexing to their parents and to
the servants about them, remained so great in manhood, that the
following proof of it is worth recording. — The Chevalier de
Ramsay was in England, and about to publish his ' Travels of
Cyrus' by subscription. The two brothers had each undertaken
to procure a certain number of subscribers. Lord Marchmont
had completed his list, and had notified to the author his having
so done ; whilst his brother, deeply occupied in legal as well as
political pursuits, had wholly lost sight of the matter. Hume
Campbell passing through Westminster Hall, but not in his pro
fessional dress, met a nobleman, for whom he was retained in an
important cause, and who took that opportunity of talking to him
much at length respecting it. Whilst this was passing, the
Chevalier de Ramsay, coming towards them, saw, as he imagined.
Lord Marchmont in his brother, accosted him as such, and over
whelmed him with a profusion of thanks and compliments, which
he thought it better to accept quietly, than, by setting him right, to
lead to an explanation, which must have brought to light his own
small deserts, and neglect of his undertaking. As soon as the
Chevalier was gone, the nobleman, who was well acquainted with
both the brothers, turning to Hume Campbell, exclaimed, ' My
* dear Lord, I entreat your pardon for my extreme stupidity and
' want of observation. I took you for your brother, and have
' been thus annoying you with my tiresome lawsuit, on which
' you have heard me with so much patience.'

XLV1 PREFACE.
out of public life, and achieved for themselves
a splendid reputation ; and their father had the
gratification to see them acquire it with singular
rapidity in a career, which to them was one of
filial piety as well as of public duty.
Of the eldest of those twin sons, Hugh, who
became Earl of Marchmont in 1740, it is said1,
in words which I prefer greatly to my own, that
' he was distinguished for learning, for brilliancy
' of genius, and for parliamentary experience.
' The estimation, in which he was held by his
' co temporaries early in life, may be judged of
' by his close and intimate friendship with Lord
1 Cobham and Sir William Wyndham, the former
' of whom gave his bust a place in the Temple
* of Worthies at Stow ; and by the mention of
' him in Mr. Pope's well-known inscription in
' his grotto at Twickenham.'
In Hugh Earl of Marchmont's career in the
senate an indefatigable industry seconded well
the ardor of his mind. It is well known, how
especially and lamentably deficient are the re
cords of the debates about the time, at which
' Rose on Fox ; note gn page iv. of the Introduction.

PREFACE. XLVll
he entered into public life ; but, meagre and
imperfect as they are, they afford repeated evi
dences of his anxious attention to very differ
ent subjects of discussion and inquiry.
An unknown writer in the Gentleman's Ma
gazine speaks of him as ' a young nobleman,
'¦ who gave the most intense application to busi-
' ness, and who had improved a great stock of
' natural parts and eloquence by the study of
' the ancients, and of the histories of other
' countries.' Smollett, mentioning him on his
first taking part in the debates of the House of
Commons as a valuable auxiliary acquired by
the opposition, describes him as ' a nobleman
' of elegant parts, keen penetration, and un-
' common sagacity, who spoke with all the flu-
' ency and fervor of elocution.' But the most
unequivocal testimony to his powers as a parlia
mentary speaker and debater is given by him
who, by constantly feeling their weight, could
best judge of their extent. We are told1 that
' the minister (Sir Robert Walpole) ' used fre-
' quently to rally his sons, who were praising
1 Note to Coxe's Walpole, vol. ii. p. 56(5, quarto edition.

XLVlll PREFACE.
' the speeches of Pulteney, Pitt, Lyttelton, and
' others, by saying, " You may cry up their
' " speeches if you please ; but when I have
' " answered Sir John Barnard and Lord Pol-
' " warth, I think I have concluded the debate.' "
Lord Bolingbroke, in writing to Sir William
Wyndham in 1739, calls him that ' valuable,
' or rather invaluable young man, Polwarth ;'
and in a letter, dated ' New Year's Day, 1740,'
he speaks thus to Sir William of the two bro
thers : — ' The two young men, you name, have
' not only the principle, but the flame of pub-
' lie virtue ; and it is for that I admire and
' love them  I write to the Lord ;
' make [my best compliments to the other.' It
is sufficiently clear, that Lord Bolingbroke,
writing thus to Sir William Wyndham at that
juncture, spoke of these brothers ; but it is put
out of doubt by a letter of his to Lord Pol
warth, as it bears the same date.
Lord Polwarth's seat in the House of Com
mons became vacant on his succession to his
father's title; and it is upon this occurrence,
and on Sir William Wyndham's death, that
Pope writes to him, that, ' if God had npt given

PREFACE. XLlX
' this nation to perdition, he would not have re-
' moved from its service those men, whose ca-
' parity ^and integrity alone could have saved it.'
The new Earl had been much too formidable
an antagonist to Sir Robert Walpole not to find
the access to the House of Lords barred by
every obstacle, which that minister, so attentive
to the politics of parliament, could raise. He
thus remained out of parliament several years,
during which time it seems probable, that he oc
casionally wrote upon political affairs for want
of other means of acting upon the public opi
nion. His Diary attests that his mind was still
strongly interested in the weal of his country,
and occupied in the passing transactions ; and
that when a pretender to the crown had got
possession of our northern, and threatened our
southern capital, it was no fault of his, if he did
not imitate the example of his ancestors in
staking his life in arms in the defence of the
state. The formation of the Broad-bottom Adminis
tration in 1744 removed the impediments to his
supporting the government and taking office.
In 1747, he was appointed First Lord of Po-

L PREFACE.
lice; in 1750, he was elected one of the
sixteen Scots Representative Peers; and in
1764, he was made Lord Keeper of the Great
Seal of Scotland. The House of Lords, in a
defensive warfare, was perhaps a field of ac
tion less congenial to his talents and disposi
tion, than the House of Commons had been in
his earlier days ; but he followed up the whole
of its business, political, private, and judicial,
with unwearied industry, and made himself
master of all the forms, and of the course of
the proceedings of the House. He remained in
Parliament until the general election of the
year 1784, when he was not re-elected one of the
sixteen Representatives of the Scottish Peer
age. His residence in England during the lat
ter years of his life had put him out of the
sight, and therefore, it is to be presumed, some
what out of the mind, of his peers ; he was
seventy-six years of age; and the services we
have seen of the aged will seldom outweigh
those, which we look forward to from the
young. The Earl of Marchmont was married twice :
the first time to Miss Anne Western, by whom

PREFACE. Ll
he had a son, who died young, and three daughr
ters ; the second time to Miss Elizabeth Cromp-
ton, by whom he had a son, Alexander Viscount
Polwarth, who was created an English Peer
by the title of Baron Hume. He died child
less long before his father. The Countess de
Grey1 is his widow.
Lord Marchmont had not given himself up to
political pursuits alone ; he sought to maintain
the ' mens sana in corpore sano' by constant
exercise of both, in despite of years, when he
retired from the world.
He was an accomplished and scientific horse
man, and a theoretical and practical husband
man and gardener. He pursued his rides and
his visits to his farm and his garden, as long
as his strength would suffice for the exertion ;
and some hours of the forenoon, and frequently
of the evening, were dedicated to his books.
His most favourite studies appear to have been
in the Civil Law, and the Laws of England and

1 Her Ladyship is the daughter of the second Earl of Hard-
wicke and of the Marchioness de Grey, from whom she inherited
the title of Baroness Lucas, and as whose representative she has
since been created Countess de Grey.

LU PREFACE.
Scotland, in the Records and History of the
European Nations, and in Ancient History;
and the traces of them are very unequivocal.
The fruits of his labors in extracts, observa
tions, comparisons, and researches, all made in
his own hand-writing, are not more to be ad
mired than to be wondered at, as the results of
the industry of one, who was stimulated neither
by poverty nor by eagerness for literary cele
brity. His Dutch education had given him me
thod, which was the best possible auxiliary in
exertion to an ardent and powerful mind, such
as his was.
He had the good fortune not to survive his
consort, and died at his seat, at Hemel Hemp
stead in Hertfordshire, in the month of January,
1794, being then in the eighty-sixth year of his
age. His vigorous intellects possessed their
strength and acuteness undiminished by years ;
and the high and honorable feelings, which
were so warmly eulogized by his distinguished
friends in his youth, retained all their keenness
to the last.

PREFACE. LUI

It may now be necessary to speak more par
ticularly of the Papers of these respective Earls
of Marchmont, which are in my possession.
Of the Papers of Earl Patrick, his narrative
of the events of the Earl of Argyle's expedition,
entitled by him, ' A Letter of Important Pas-
' sages in anno 1685,' was printed by my late
father in his ' Observations on Mr. Fox's histo-
' rical work,' to which it indeed gave rise. I have
also certain papers of his on public, and notes
on his own affairs ; but the great mass of his
manuscripts consists of draughts, or copies of
letters, written by him in discharge of official
duties, or on matters affecting the interest of
his country, when he was unemployed, or to his
private correspondents. His letter to Sir Wil
liam Denholm, which is printed here, was writ
ten from Utrecht, in 1688 ; the others begin
soon after the Revolution ; but the earliest of
those printed in this collection in succession of
dates is of the month of May 1696, when he was
made Lord Chancellor of Scotland.
There are amongst the Marchmont Papers
certain original letters written from Edinburgh
by distinguished members of the Scottish par-
Vol. I. e

Liv PREFACE.
liament, during, or immediately after the dis
cussions on the Union, one of which is directed
to the Lord Treasurer, and the others were also
evidently addressed to him, Lord Godolphin.
I have no means of explaining, how they came
there ; I am under the same difficulty as to two1
original letters from Lord Rivers, and one from
Lord Galway, all of 1706 ; the two first of them
from their context must also have been ad
dressed to that minister ; and the other is di
rected to ' My Lord Treasurer.'
The draughts or copies of Patrick Earl of
Marchmont's letters are sometimes in his own
hand-writing, sometimes in that of his secre
taries. Parts of letters, and sometimes letters
of his to Lord Seafield, Lord Tullibardin, and
others, are in French ; these are always written
in by himself.
The Papers of Alexander Earl of March
mont consist chiefly of a correspondence with
the Court of Hanover ; of his correspondence
as Lord Lieutenant of Berwickshire whilst
1 Of these one is not printed.

PREFACE. LV
engaged in the suppression of the Rebellion of
1715 ; of his official correspondence during his
embassies at Copenhagen and at Cambray ; of
letters relating chiefly to political events and
to the conduct of the opposition to Sir Robert
Walpole's government, in which he was en
gaged from 1733 till his death in 1740; of
occasional notes made by him during that
period on the domestic politics of the day ; and
of his correspondence on private business.
On matters of domestic policy he was in
epistolary intercourse with the Dukes of Ar
gyle, Montrose, and Queensberry, Lords Stair,
Chesterfield, Carteret, and Mr. Pulteney, &c.
The most important feature in the Papers of
Hugh Earl of Marchmont is a Diary, which
he kept during three different periods of pecu
liar interest in the reign of George the Second.
The first extends from the latter end of July 1744
to the end of that year, and embraces the events,
which led to the formation of what was called
the Broad Bottom Administration, when Lord
Carteret, who just then became Earl of Gran
ville, was compelled to retire by the Pelhams,
e2

I.V1 PREFACE.
the King consenting thereto very reluctantly;
and when the Dukes of Devonshire, Bedford,
and Dorset, and the Earls of Harrington and
Chesterfield came into office. The second period
begins in September 1745, when news had just
been received in London, that the Pretender
was near Edinburgh, and that it would probably
be soon in his occupation. It closes in the Feb
ruary following with the extraordinary events
of that month, the resignation of the Pelham
ministry, and its re-establishment after the Earl
of Bath's and the Earl of Granville's interreg
num of three days. The third period com
mences in July 1747, and terminates in March
1748, soon after the Earl of Chesterfield's resig
nation and the Duke of Bedford's appointment
to succeed him as Secretary of State.
There are moreover many letters addressed
to this Earl of Marchmont by eminent persons,
and particularly by Sarah Duchess of Marl
borough, Pope, and Lord Bolingbroke, whose
correspondence with him is by far the most
voluminous, and it was with him that he lived
in the closest intimacy. There are letters also
from the Earl of Chesterfield, Sir William

PREFACE. i-Vll
Wyndham, and others. There are but very
few draughts or copies of letters of his own.
There is a considerable number of private let
ters addressed to him.
The mass of Marchmont Papers, which relate
to public affairs, is so large, that it would be
entirely inexpedient to print the whole of it.
It would greatly exceed the bounds, which expe
rience has set to such publications ; and much
of it has lost its interest in the present day.
It is necessary here to give a short account,
first, of the views under which the present selec
tion has been made, and then of their arrange
ment, in the order in which they will appear.
Very few letters on matters of purely private
interest are given, and simply because I question
the fitness of obtruding such upon the public.
, The few selected are such, as betray no con
fidence whatever respecting this distinguished
family; their purport will explain, why they have
been chosen. But as information is nowhere so
agreeably conveyed as in private letters, so no
where is instruction imparted so forcibly on all,
that should regulate our conduct in life, whether

LV1U PREFACE.
the responsibility be towards man or tbwards
our Maker, as where it arises unbidden, and as
of necessity from causes, which bring our prn>
ciples and feelings into real action on our own
affairs, and draw forth an expression of them
more or less unreserved, at least always uncon
strained by form. A small number of such
private letters, which appear calculated to
answer these ends, has in consequence been
chosen '.
Sir Patrick Hume's narrative of the Earl of
Argyle's expedition is published anew in this
collection. My father's work, in which it ap
peared, was in fact one of criticism, and from
its nature could not have a very extensive
and permanent circulation ; and this collection
would have been very incomplete without a
memorial so honorable to its author, and of so
much historical value.

1 1 may be permitted here to state, in consequence of a passage
in Lady Murray's Memoirs of the Lady Grisell Baillie, in which
mention is made of an unfortunate misunderstanding existing
between her excellent mother towards the latter end of her life, and
her .nephews and nieces of Polwarth, that I have had the satis
faction not to have been able to discover one syllable in reference
to it left in the correspondence of Hugh Earl of Marchmont.

PREFACE. L1X
His route from Exeter is also republished, as
is a very interesting letter from the Earl of
Stair to Alexander Earl of Marchmont of the
10th December 1736, both on account of other
letters of his, which will be found here, and be
cause the letter, which rendered it necessary for
him to give the explanation it contains, is also
printed. The public taste must determine, how far the
choice made of Patrick Earl of Marchmont's
papers is judicious in point of extent. Had no
thing been considered but the importance, which
may be attached at this time in England alone
to the events, to which they relate, the selection
might have been much smaller. But Scotland,
especially interested in her distinguished citi
zen^ and in the period of her history with which
he was deeply connected, had a juster and
stronger claim, which forbad a Very limited com
munication from his papers. But they possess
an attraction which is of all times and countries.
Patrick Earl of Marchmont combined in his
character a rare assemblage of noble qualities ;
he possessed undaunted courage, unshaken
firmness, great prudence, sagacity, and fore-

LX PREFACE.:

sight, quick feelings, and ardent affections — all
under the guidance and control of a devoted
piety ; and such a mind will always create to
itself a forcible language, for the pen is never
cold, but when the heart is cold. The style is
antiquated, but nervous and unaffected ; for he
had not more strength, than he had simplicity of
character. And, setting aside the value of his
torical information, I cannot persuade myself,
that the lessons of wisdom and virtue, which
flow from his pen, will be unacceptable, because
they are not conveyed in the smoother and
more precise phraseology of our day.
It has been necessary to give extracts rather
than copies of Patrick Lord Marchmont's cor
respondence in the greater number of cases,
either to avoid repetitions of things said in other
letters of the same date, or details of business,
which would now be tiresome and uninteresting.
None of Alexander Earl of Marchmont's
diplomatic letters are now published, except an
extract from one in a note. They form a very
voluminous separate body of correspondence,
which it would be difficult to blend with that,
which is now offered of his, or to give use-

PREFACE. Lxi
fully in abridgment or in extracts, at least at
present. It is not intended to publish any of the letters
addressed to Hugh Earl of Marchmont, of a
later date than the year 1750. Lord Boling-
broke's last letter is of that year ; he died in
the one following. The reasons for this limit of
time will be stated.
With respect to the order, in which these
papers ought to be published, it is obvious, that
if the letters on public affairs were found in any
thing like a continued series in point of time,
they should be printed in succession, according
to their dates. But this is by no means the
case. From the time at which Patrick Earl of
Marchmont went out of office in 1702, except
ing those which regard the Union, there are but
few in number of that description to the time
of his death in 1724.
During the embassies of Alexander Earl of
Marchmont, his letters relate mainly to the par
ticular matters of foreign politics, with which he
was charged ; and it is not till the year 1733,
when he went into opposition to Sir Robert
Walpole, and began his regular home political

LXH PREFACE.
life, that his letters on public business, or* those
addressed to him, assume anything like the
shape of a body of correspondence. There are
several letters from the Duke of Montrose, the
Duke of Queensberry, from Sarah Duchess of
Marlborough, from Lord Stair, Lord Carteret,
Lord Chesterfield, Mr. Pulteney, &c, addressed
to him, of which the earliest date from that
year ; and there are some interesting notes of
his on matters, that were within his cognizance,
which come usefully in aid of them.
The letters extant addressed to his son and
successor, Hugh Earl of Marchmont, begin just
before his death ; so that if these letters ad
dressed to him from 1733 are taken together
with those addressed to that son up to the year
1750, they will form a mass of authentic infor
mation on the history of this country, which, if
not wholly continuous, at least is free from
such disruptions, as would much weaken its
interest, or interrupt inconveniently the course
of it. Upon the whole therefore it has been,
deemed expedient to make the papers relating
to that period the first and most prominent
feature of this publication; and the Diary is

PREFACE. LXlll

placed in the front, as having preferably an
historical character. It has moreover an espe
cial historical value, as there is perhaps no sort
of document, which has so strong a claim upon
our belief, as that note of things done or heard,
which a man writes down at the end of each
day ; he cannot then forget of whom he learnt
them, or in what words, and how far he believed
them ; and making this record to aid his own
memory, he has every inducement to do it faith
fully. A reference to this Diary will shew, from
what high sources the last Lord Marchmont
drew the materials for it ; his industry and
acuteness were such, that it was not easy to
impose upon him ; and such was the con
sideration he enjoyed, and so unquestioned his
honorable feelings and principles, that few
Would have liked or ventured to attempt it.
It is proposed therefore to throw those
papers of Alexander Earl of Marchmont of an
historical character, which have been selected,
but which do not belong to the period specified,
to the end of the volume containing the corre
spondence of that time. A few miscellaneous
papers will close the collection.

LX1V PREFACE.
It has been much the usage in such publica
tions to place the whole correspondence of
each person together; but I have preferred to
arrange all the letters indiscriminately accord
ing to their dates. The historical information
upon each event is thus given in a mass, and
not disjointedly ; and the different representa
tions of it, when thus collected, will best assist
or correct each other. But there is an advan
tage of another nature which this plan affords.
The satiety engendered by a constant recurrence
of the same style, and by a reiterated represen-
sentation of the same character and mind is
avoided ; and attention and curiosity are kept
alive by the contrasts and variety offered.
In Sir Patrick Hume's Narrative, and in his
Diary made during his march from Exeter to
London, the spelling of the manuscripts has
been retained, because they were so printed
originally, excepting that the abbreviations have
been removed. In the other papers, which ap
pear in this work, the modern orthography, as
settled by Johnson's dictionary, is followed.
An inspection of the originals would give ample
proof, what endless varieties of letters were

PREFACE. LXV
employed by our forefathers in the composition
of the same word, before that standard was
given and conformed to. It may be doubted,
whether the letter of a nobleman, who was a
Knight of the Thistle in the beginning of the
last century, could be decyphered by his pre
sent descendant and representative. In the
French correspondence the orthography of the
originals is adhered to, although differing from
that introduced by Voltaire and now in use,
because it was classical and universally esta
blished at the time, when they were written.
In a narrative given in French, which will be
found amongst the Miscellaneous papers, so
many corrections in idiom and construction
were found necessary, that it was deemed ex
pedient to give it entirely the garb of the modern
language. Besides other considerations, which deter
mine the measure and the manner of the pub
lication of family papers, where they treat of
political subjects, that of the time, at which it
should take place, requires especial attention.
Such papers, whether written in confidence, or
kept under lock and key by their author, will

LXV1 PREFACE. *
always treat of men and things with a freedom
from reserve, which, should they come into cir
culation within a few years of their date, will
cause them to serve rather as provocatives to,
and as matters of personal and party discussion
and contest, than as materials for sound and
impartial history. But besides this, very great
weight ought and must be given to the feelings
of persons standing in a near degree of relation
ship to those, whose actions are narrated, or
commented on. I say a near degree, because
there is an obvious measure of this forbearance,
Great sacrifices are due to the just and natural
sensibilities of the widow, the father, the bro
ther, and the child; but as the character of
every man, who enters public life, becomes of
necessity a public property, if his family may
be considered to have a certain exclusive post
humous vested interest in it, it is one, which
should be restrained within definite, and not
over ample bounds of time and propinquity.
The most recent paper of those now published
bears the date of the year 1750: a lapse of
eighty years, as it exceeds the natural boun
daries of human life, appears to be a safe limit

PREFACE. LXV11
of the time of their being kept unpvtblished. It
will have carried all the actors off the scene,
and nearly in every instance their immediate
descendants. In the present case I know but
of a single individual of English origin in exist
ence, whose father played a part in the events
recorded in the Marchmont Papers now pub
lished; but that person, the designation of
whose family has become a word of power, and
whose heart and mind must be ever full of re
collections of the father and the brother, — of the
' mighty dead ' who bore it, and whom it has
been his lot to survive and to mourn, — he can
entertain no fear, that any revelation of facts
unknown can cast a blight upon it, or on the
hallowed memory of one so honored, so revered
as his immediate ancestor. There is no wind
from any quarter of the sky, that can waft
the name of that father to the ears of the son
of William Earl of Chatham, that will not
be grateful and refreshing as an ' air from
heaven.' I am not aware, that of Scottish blood there
is now in life the son of any one engaged in the
transactions here recorded, except the head

LXviii PREFACE.
of an illustrious house of that kingdom. The
father and the grandfather of that nobleman
were strictly united in friendship and political
co-operation with Alexander and Hugh Earls
of Marchmont, whose papers, the unpublished
as well as the published, bear so uniform a tes
timony respecting those distinguished persons
to their conspicuous patriotism, and to that high
private worth, which has so long distinguished
the family of the heroic Montrose, that I am
conscious, I should have erred in the suppres
sion of their names.
But there is an act of stewardship with re
spect to the Marchmont Papers, some time
since exercised by me, of which I have to give
an account. My attention was attracted by its
appearance of superior antiquity to a manu
script, which proved on examination to be the
original of Sir James Melville's Memoirs, a
literary and historical treasure long lost, re
covered, but lost again immediately, and long,
anxiously, and fruitlessly sought for, under
circumstances which attached a peculiar value
to it. An edition of it, printed by that patriotic
institution, the Bannatyne Club, at whose dis-

PREFACE. LXlX
posal I placed it for that purpose, has fulfilled
my views of preserving it to Scotland in her
ancient dialect, and in an authentic shape. No
one could explain, how it came to be amongst
the Marchmont Papers, or indeed knew, that it
was there. One remarkable circumstance has
been ascertained by the discovery of these Me
moirs. The author of the preface to the Ban-
natyne edition, whose authority is unquestioned,
when speaking of the many ' mistakes and
' perversions of the author's meaning,' which
are now found to exist in the English version of
them published by George Scott of Pitlochie,
a grandson of Sir James Melville, in 1683,
observes, that ' of these the greater part must
' have been owing to an imperfect knowledge
' of the antiquated words and phrases of the
' Scottish dialect of Melville's age.' Sir James
died in 1617 ; there elapsed therefore between
his decease and Scott's publication of his Me
moirs sixty-six years. And it is an extraordi
nary fact, arising no doubt from the translation
of the Court from Edinburgh to London, that
this short period of time, in despite of the
pulpit and of the bar, should have rendered the
Vol. I. f

LXX PREFACE.
classical language of Scotland of James the
First's days thus far unintelligible to an edu
cated Scotsman of Charles the Second's. An
Englishman may however soon learn to read
the original with tolerable facility, especially
with the aid of French and German. Melville
indeed compels us to seek the assistance of
both those languages in the course of very few
words, when he makes the Earl of Bothwell
say, in giving an account of Darnley's death,
that ' the fouder cam out of the luft! '
Some alarm may possibly be excited by the
appearance of any additional publication of
writings of Lord Bolingbroke, under the fear
that they may be to the prejudice of the cause
of religion. But such an apprehension would
be unfounded. As far as Lord Bolingbroke
here speaks of religion, it is as having thought1
himself into it ; though in what precise shape,
and to what extent, it would not be easy for
1 He speaks of those, who have thought themselves into reli
gion, in such a manner as to indicate himself as of the number.
— See Lord Bolingbroke's Letter to Hugh Earl of Marchmont
of the 3d of August 1740.

PREFACE. LXXl
the least suspicious reader to deduce, from
what he says. But he whose just mistrust is
awakened by the knowledge of the direct ten
dency of his Lordship's posthumous works, or
who shall seek traces of Christianity by its
effects upon the mode and habit of thinking,
will conclude with little hesitation, that the real,
although unavowed and disguised result of his
cogitations was that religion of Nature, to the
simplicity of which he constantly endeavors in
his works to draw our attention. Yet I know
not where such an observer can discover in
these letters any one thing in the shape of wit,
argument, or allegation of fact, that could
alarm, or injure the feeblest Christian.
It may be truly said, that if Lord Boling
broke thought fit to assume a certain sem
blance of religion, yet that some of the best
evidences of its existence, its fruits of hope,
peace of mind, and resignation under the mo
ral and physical evils of life, were never borne
to him : and the spectacle he offers to us, of
embittered feelings, of perpetually querulous
old age and infirmity, and of restless and frus-
f 2

LXXll PREFACE.

trated ambition, appears admirably calculated
to induce us to seek a better support under a
load of years, sickness, and disappointment,
than any which he had discovered either in his
first, oi* any other philosophy.
But if it is in that* view advantageous to
those, who earnestly appreciate and hold to
that better support, that we should possess the
exhibition of his mind, thus delineated by his
own hand, considered as a portrait standing by
itself, still more to their advantage will it be,
if it be placed by the side of that picture of
a nobler and a grander character, whose fea
tures we trace in the letters of Patrick Earl of
Marchmont. And as these two remarkable
men thus present themselves to our sight, the
most interesting and instructive moment of
comparison will be, when they were living
under the most similar circumstances of trial,—
when each had disappointment, exclusion from
office and the legislature, old age and weak
ness to endure. The rationalist is bent down,
and groans beneath his burden, cold in his
affections, soured at heart, and so full of aver-

PREFACE. LXXlll
sions, that at times he is even unable to con
ceal that towards his country 1, from which he
does not appear to be wholly free. His words,
in truth, are lofty and sonorous ; but they are
empty ; and the feelings, from which they flow,
are narrow and frigid ; the canker of extrava
gant and deluded hopes is upon all he utters.
But we cannot for a moment mistake the sin
cerity of the cheerful submission and resigna
tion, with which the Christian statesman sus
tains his allotted weight of suffering or morti
fication ; his heart overflows with kindness to
all, who have a claim for it, and with the
warmest charities ; he fulfils zealously every
public duty, which he is permitted to undertake ;
and he labors as earnestly for the weal of the
state, and with as much anxious forethought
1 His country was never in a state so degraded as that, to which
he aided materially to reduce her, when he and Lord Oxford
stopped that victorious career of the Duke of Marlborough, which
was about to bring France within limits compatible with the safety
of Europe, and concluded the disgraceful peace of Utrecht.
Even his talents do not enable him to make anything like a co
lorable defence of those deplorable transactions, nor to explain
to our understandings, how men of their acknowledged abilities
could possibly, of their own free-will and choice, have engaged
themselves in them.

lxxiv PREFACE.
for its most important interests, when his ser
vices are rejected by his country, as when she
confided to him the highest employments. The
character is sound, and firm, and vigorous in all
its parts ; a pure and animating spirit pervades
the whole.
One cause of a resignation which Lord
Bolingbroke professes, but never practises, is a
strange one: he says, ' I never thought, that
' my importance deserved the interpositions of
' particular providences, and have therefore
' learned never to grumble at those contin-
' gencies, which must happen under a general
' Providence.' Surely, the difficulty would be
to reconcile oneself to evils endured under the
government of an Almighty Being, who, having
once set a system of things in motion on general
laws, allowed this or that man to be crushed by
their effects, without interposition in his behalf.
Whereas, if we believe in his other attributes of
perfect wisdom, mercy, and justice, and that all
that relates to us, even individually, is within
his cognizance and control, we must be assured,
that his most afflicting dispensations are strictly
compatible with them, and are guided by them.

PREFACE. LXXV
I would next ask of those, who shall have
perused these volumes, whether they will regard
as a warning beacon to dabblers in philosophy,
or as allurements dangerous to the wavering
Christian, the Duchess of Marlborough's specu
lations on the soul and on future rewards and
punishments. In truth, her Grace's

somnia Pythagorea

furnish a predicament, which would be laugh
able, if it were not lamentable. She indeed
makes no attack on Holy Writ, nor does she im
pugn its authority; she appears in fact not to
have a suspicion of its very existence ; she has
trodden her way back to Grecian philosophers for
illumination ; and we behold her in her eighty-
second year there alone short-sighted and con
fused in her views, where it behoved her the
most, that they should be clear and determinate,
floundering desperately in a bottomless morass,
and enveloped in a more than Batavian fog of
her own creation, without a chance of extrica
tion, and without an idea crossing her mind,
that there is an highway close at hand, which

XXXvi PREFACE.
she might follow with ease and security, and
which would bring her in the broad light of day
to the point, to which she was tending.
It is hardly possible for any one to read the
records of a former day as attentively, as an
editor of them must do, without forming decided
opinions on the. matters narrated ; but in the
few notes, which are subjoined, I have striven,
as far as I could, to keep mine out of sight, be
cause, in my view, the obtrusion of them would
be out of time and place. It appears to me,
that whilst endeavoring to add to the mass of
evidence submitted to the public mind, in order
to enable it to pass a just and enlightened ver
dict on the guidance of affairs of state by our
forefathers, I should diminish the chance of the
utility 'of this attempt, were I, when offering
occasional elucidations of the text, to presume
to exercise the functions of a counsel or a judge.
And T confess, that they are functions, which,
with reference to the period embraced in the
correspondence now published of Alexander and
Hugh Earls of Marchmont, I rejoice to escape.

PREFACE. LXXVll
The religion of the country was at a very low
ebb ; if the ' young flood,' if a revival of it, had
begun, it was in such a quarter, and in such
a shape, as to have been scarcely perceptible.
What that ebb was, the unsightly objects, which
the receding waters left visible, would prove.
The most authoritative and important sanc
tions and protection of the public morals
were wanting. Disunion and discord prevailed
throughout, and weakened alike the hands of
those, who defended, and of those, who assailed
the citadel of power. The views, under which
the greatest affairs of the state were conducted,
were often limited and selfish, or oblique, and
the measures employed to give them effect
worthy of the ends contended for. That a
nation may exist in weal and in honor, it must
have within itself a sufficiency of the means
of waging war or of maintaining peace, both
through its internal resources and through its
foreign alliances. And the experience of the
results produced, both abroad and at home, by
the administrative system pursued during those
years will afford the fair and just measure of its
value.

LXXVlll PREFACE.
If Sir Robert Walpole acted wisely in sacri
ficing the continental policy of this country, as
interfering with his cultivation of its domestic
prosperity and strength, how are we to under
stand why, when at length it entered into hos
tilities, voluntarily to say the least, with a less
powerful and most vulnerable foe, it neither
knew how, nor was able to carry them on effec
tually? At home, independently of due mili
tary precautions, every consideration of external
and internal policy should have led the govern
ment to exert itself to new-model the minds and
the interests, indeed nearly the whole civil ex
istence of the Scots Highlanders, a great pro
portion of whose clans were in fact in their fast
nesses an army, and a chain of fortresses in the
hands of the House of Stuart ; and yet, after
thirty years' occupation of the throne by the
House of Hanover, when the fire was applied to
that mine of disaffection to the reigning dynasty,
it exploded with a force, that had nearly rent
the empire in twain. The fearful exploits of a
handful of undisciplined, ill-armed men, and
the panic terror, which seized and scattered the
heroic ' regulated bands' of Britain, who never

PREFACE. . LXXlX
before knew so degrading an influence, com
plete the picture of our deplorable weakness as
well as of want of foresight. In the long con
tinental war one battle alone was successful,
and even that was an escape. The ministers
were as ignorant of due preparations and mea
sures of warfare, as of the time and conditions
of peace. But when there are laid before
us the causes, why that war was protracted
for years under idle hopes and fallacious cal
culations, whilst our political and military
position was continually deteriorating, we see
them existing mainly in that debility pre
vailing in the British Cabinet, which would
have vanished before the presence of a con
trolling, superior mind, had such there been,
both competent to repress and to coerce, as
well as to direct and to inspire. When in that
same reign, amidst extensive and complicated
hostilities, there arose a man qualified to pre
side over the councils of Great Britain, not in
name only but in effect, gifted with sagacity,
genius, vigor, and decision, whose high and noble
feelings carried with him the sympathies of his
countrymen, and whose honor and private virtues

LXXX PREFACE.
made their esteem, their respect, and their con
fidence, his possession and property, it was
soon discovered, that it was not the sword, but
the arm of Scanderbeg that had been wanting.
But even in those days, there was a germ,
although unheeded, of better things. There
existed in that generation, though but in boy
hood, a prince, whose manhood was to give a
bright example of morals growing out of re
ligious persuasion, of prudence, firmness, and
most conscientious rule, and who was born to
command the affections and veneration of his
people ; and there existed in it a subject, then
powerful, it is true, by his voice in the senate,
but at times excluded from, at others laboring
in the ranks of inferior office, who was des
tined to breathe a new spirit of wisdom and
vigor into the counsels of his country, and to
wield her power with resistless energy.
It cannot now be foreseen, whether it may be
expedient at any future time to publish others
of the Marchmont Papers : should this be done,
they will be printed uniformly with the present
collection, as a continuation of it.

PREFACE. LXXXl

To obviate any remark which may be made,
that a notice, which has appeared of this in
tended publication, did not define it correctly,
I should state, that it so happened, that I was
not privy to it, or aware of it. The space of
time embraced in this collection exceeds con
siderably that specified in it. G. H. ROSE.

London,
July 1st, 1830.

THE DEFENCE

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT.

THE DEFENCE

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT.

However favorable may be the impression
respecting the talents and sagacity of Patrick
Earl of Marchmont, resulting from the perusal
of his letters, neither wisdom nor eloquence
can speak to us with authority from his cor
respondence, so long as his memory is loaded
with the foul calumny, which history has, as
rashly as unjustly, cast upon it, in charging
him, and circumstantially too, as well as other
eminent Scotsmen, with having sold himself to
England, and promoted the Union between the
two kingdoms, not even under selfish and un
principled inducements, of which the visible
baseness might be somewhat obscured by their
ministering to our blinding passions of pride or
Vol. I. s

Lxxxvi THE DEFENCE OF
ambition, but for mere hard money, under a
bargain, said in his case to have been so
closely driven, that when the tempter paid him
an odd sum of sixteen shillings, his Lordship
had to reimburse to him five-pence in copper
as change.
Were the antiquity and obscurity of this mat
ter such as to preclude investigation, I think,
I might appeal successfully to the whole course
of the public life of this distinguished man as
incompatible with his accessibility to so vile an
influence. Living in an age when the religion and liber
ties of his country were exposed to imminent
dangers, Sir Patrick Hume stepped forward
undauntedly from the ranks of his fellow-
citizens to devote both life and fortune to the
assertion of them ; and, fair as was his cause,
it was not more honorable than the means, by
which he maintained it. He bore unmoved im
prisonment, and persecution aimed at his life,
which was saved by flight from his native land,
and then the forfeiture of his inheritance. But
the strongest proof, how entirely his sense of
public duty was enthroned in his conscience,

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. LXXXvii
is given by determinations of his, which must
have been painful beyond all others to one of
morals so unsullied, of a piety so ardent and
enlightened as his, and whose mild, and most
affectionate disposition, and the strength of
whose attachments to his family are forcibly
depicted in its records. This man, the whole
of whose actions attest, that they were per
formed under the guidance of the most puri
fied principles of the human mind, could never
have broken down all the moral obstacles, which
opposed themselves to his desperate resolve,
twice executed, of drawing the sword against
the government under which he lived, had he
not been urged to so extreme a purpose by
convictions of no ordinary power, that thus
alone was his country to be saved.
But in temptations by prosperity, as well as
by adversity, in times less trying, and in a later
day, when he was Lord Chancellor of Scotland,
we learn, that the experienced statesman had
escaped that baleful effect of receding years,
which so often forces itself painfully upon our
sight, an honesty waning in courage and in
firmness with our strength ; and we find his
S3

IXXXviii THE DEFENCE OF
truth and his integrity still bearing the same
ascendancy over his actions.
In his letter to Queen Anne written on the
death of King William, which breathes so
strongly the spirit of a dutiful and loyal ser
vant, and of a high-minded citizen, although
he must have known but too well, how grating
such language would be to her ears, he laments
the loss of the best of masters, because his
heart overflowed towards him with uncontroll
able gratitude and admiration.
In the very first session after her accession,
he, still Lord Chancellor, seeing that whilst in
England the succession to its throne was se
cured by law to the House of Hanover, and
that nothing to the same effect had been done
with respect to the Crown of Scotland, and
feeling justly, that powerful as was the House
of Stuart at home and abroad, its possession of
that kingdom would infallibly undo the mighty
work, his share in which had been the main
labor and glory of his life, as the palladium
of the civil and religious liberties of the em
pire, he presented an Act for abjuring the pre
tended Prince of Wales ; and the Lord High

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. LXXxix
Commissioner could find no other means of ex
tricating the government, which was manoeu
vring under selfish views, from the difficulties
in which this measure placed him, but in pro
roguing the Parliament, ' in order to prevent
' farther contest and debate' in its bosom. But
could the discretion of this conduct of Lord
Marchmont, as represented by a political ad
versary1, be questioned, its honesty cannot, as
it was impossible but that he should foresee,
that his eminent employment must be, as it
was, the price he would have to pay for his
inflexible adherence to a purpose dictated to
him by his principles. He has however ably
defended the motives he acted under ; and
events justified his foresight.
It were difficult to imagine features of the
private and of the public life of a man, which
give more incontrovertible assurances, not only
of an honesty, which had been so often refined
in the fire as to be pure from every base alloy,
but that he was such an one, that the boldest
1 See Memoirs by George Lockhart, Esq. of Carnwath, whom
Tindal follows. Lockhart was in the Scots, and afterwards in
the English parliament.

XC THE DEFENCE OF
of seducers would not have dared to proffer to
him the wages of corruption.
I confess myself to be a very reluctant advo
cate for the impregnability of any human in
tegrity, which does not rest on its only sure
foundation, religious conviction ; but on that
rock Lord Marchmont's was built. His piety
was both the animating and the regulating prin
ciple of all his actions ; it gave him guidance,
and hope, and consolation from his entrance
into life to the moment of its close.
But his virtues were too often brought into
action on great and trying occasions to have
escaped the notice of his contemporaries, or of
an after-age. They have indeed received bril
liant and repeated testimonies, of which I shall
cite but one of the latest ; but it is powerful on
account of the splendid talents and eminent
reputation of him, who bore it, and of his hav
ing been called to examine with particular at
tention a very conspicuous transaction, in which
Lord Marchmont acted a prominent part. It is
in the historical work of Mr. Fox, who bestows
upon him in few words the highest praise a
citizen can earn, by saying of him, as Sir

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. XC1
Patrick Hume, that ' he is proved, by the whole
' tenor of his life and conduct, to have been
' uniformly zealous and sincere in the cause of
' his country.'
There is however another ground of defence
of Lord Marchmont of a wholly different nature,
which appears to be unassailable ; but still I
shall by no means rest finally upon it as conclu
sive ; after submitting it, I shall proceed to the
specific accusation. If he alone is to be con
sidered pure, who has never been solicited to
evil, and if the virtue of him alone is to be
admitted to be secure, Quern nemo rogavit,
it is not difficult to show, that his could have
been submitted to no trial on this occasion, and
that therefore it may be confidently asserted . No
man goes into the market to purchase an article,
which he has already in hand and of free gift;
And this must have been especially true in the
present case, where the sum alleged to have
been expended in bribery was so pitifully and
absurdly small as was that ultimately left at the
disposal of the government of Scotland for no
less a purpose than that of purchasing a majo
rity in its legislative body. That government

XCU THE DEFENCE OF
moreover was obliged to beg and borrow this
sum from another state; and its plea for so
doing proves its utter destitution of pecuniary
resources. With respect to the measure of the
Union, Lord Marchmont much rather gave the
impulse to Queen Anne's ministers than received
it from them, as is shewn by his correspondence.
Considering that Union as indispensable for the
security of the Protestant succession and for the
maintenance of the constitution as established
' at the Revolution, he had pledged himself by
the nature and language of his communications
to public men, long before it was brought for
ward, as its devoted and most anxious friend.
His letters abundantly testify this, and farther,
that he not only urged and stimulated the lead
ing English whigs, Lord Somers and Lord
Wharton, to their utmost exertions in its favor,
but materially promoted it in one of the earliest
stages of the transaction by the wisdom of his
counsels. It is obvious, that the selection of
the commissioners, who were to treat on the
part of the two nations, was a matter of incal
culable importance to its success, but most
especially that of the Scottish negotiators, as it
was in their country alone, that the national and

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. XClll
party feelings and interests opposed very serious
obstacles. It was in his recommendation of the
principle, on which that selection should be
made, one which could not have been discerned
but by an acute, liberal, and comprehensive
mind, and which was evidently adopted and
acted on, that he shewed his eminent sagacity
and deep knowledge of mankind. In his
letters ! to England he urges the choice of the
most considerable men, provided they were
whigs, and therefore friends to the Revolution,
but such alone, with disregard of their feelings
respecting an incorporating Union, as hostile to
it or not, as the surest means of attaining the
object in view. I will not anticipate the reason
ings he employs to enforce his proposal ; but
we learn from Lockhart to how great an extent
it was acted on. Speaking of the commis
sioners he says, that of the thirty-one Scot
tish ' all were of the court or whig interest
except himself,' an ardent Jacobite, an exception
only made in the hope of gaining him through
1 See more particularly his letters to the Duke of Devonshire,
the Duke of Argyle, and to the late Lord Register, all of the
29th December, 170.5, and especially the latter.

xciv THE DEFENCE OF
his uncle Lord Wharton. Tindal testifies to the
success of this counsel, though he mistakes the.
author of it : he says, ' The Scots commis-
' sioners were so strangely chosen, that from
' thence many men concluded, that an Union
' was not sincerely designed by the ministry,
' when they saw such a nomination.' His sub
sequent description of some of them seems to
differ from Lockhart's ; but as Lockhart was
one of their number, his must be decisive evi
dence as to what they were. Tindal afterwards
says, ' The Earl of Stair, who heartily con-
' curred in the design, was thought to have had
* a hand in this piece of policy, in which the
' event shewed, that right measures were taken.'
In this and in all other matters nothing could
be more consistent than Lord Marchmont's
parliamentary conduct. In the session of 1702,
when he was a member of the government, and
saw that its measures fell short of those, which
he deemed indispensable for the maintenance of
the Revolution, the main object of his political
existence, he thwarted them, and forfeited his
Office. That he vigorously and effectually pur
sued that object in the session of 1703, is

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. XCV
attested by its history, which shews, to what
extent the government was obliged to concede
to his views, and to those of his friends on mat
ters essentially affecting it. But when, in ac
cordance with his principles and ardent wishes,
it brought forward the measure of the Union,
he, one of the leaders of the independent party
or squadron, gave it his unqualified support;
and one of his papers proves, by an examina
tion of the votes on each question, that it was
by the aid of that ' Squadron ' that each sepa
rate difficulty was overcome.
I will now state succinctly the facts of the
case. Smollett in his History of England,
treating of the discussions on the Union in the
Scottish parliament, thus expresses himself:
' They (the leaders who supported the measure)
' found means, partly by their promises and
' partly by corruption, to bring over the Earls
' of Roxburgh and Marchmont, with the whole
'¦ squadron, who had hitherto been unpropitious
'¦ to the Court.' He says afterwards in the
same paragraph : ' These (their) remonstrances
' were reinforced by the sum of 20,000/., which
* the Queen privately lent to the Scottish Trea-

XCVl THE DEFENCE OF
' sury, and which was now distributed by the
' ministry in such a manner, as might best con-
' duce to the success of the treaty. By these
' practices they diminished, though they could
' not silence, the clamor of the people, and ob-
' tained a considerable majority in parliament,
' which outvoted all opposition.' But as he
neither furnishes proofs, nor cites authorities in
support of allegations, which are of a nature
above all others to require them, I shall pro
ceed to Tindal's continuation of Rapin's History
of England, where the like accusation of Lord
Marchmont, as well as of others, is brought
distinctly forward, upon what has at least a
semblance of evidence, but which however has
been very unfairly given to it by the author.
There can be no doubt moreover but that he
and Smollett drew from the same source, though
the latter does not refer to it. But if I can dis
pose of Tindal's inculpation, Smollett's, such as
it is, falls to the ground, as far as Lord March
mont is concerned ; and there, as to what re
lates to him, I hope to leave both those histo
rians. In Tindal's work, which has the repu
tation of fidelity, and which must often be

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. xcvil
referred to for want of a better, it is stated, that
Lord Godolphin, then Lord Treasurer, was in
formed of the apprehensions entertained in
Scotland, that it would not be practicable to
carry the measure of the Union in its parlia
ment without giving rise to a national convul
sion, and was advised to delay the measure,
until the existing difficulties might be sur
mounted, but replied, that delay was equiva
lent to abandonment of the measure. The his
torian adds, that the circumstances of the time
being favorable, France being unable to suc
cour such, as might rise in arms, and due mili
tary precautions having been taken, ' The
' Lord Godolphin desired therefore, that they
' (the government in Scotland) would go on, and
' not be alarmed at the foolish behaviour of
' some, who, whatever might be given out in
' their name, he believed, had more wit than
' to ruin themselves.' To this passage is ap
pended the following note : ' Besides the pre-
' cautions used to preserve the public tran-
' quillity, and protect the well-affected from
' the insults of the mal-contents, other methods
' were employed to remove the obstacles which

xcviii THE DEFENCE OF
' the Union met with in the House (the Scot-
* tish parliament). The Lord Godolphin pre-
' vailed with the Queen to lend her Scots Trea-
' sury the sum of 20,000/., which the Earl of
< Glasgow is said to distribute to the best ad-
' vantage, and for which he some years after
' accounted with the Commissioners of Public
¦ Accounts. Lockhart gives a list of the per-
' sons, to whom the Earl declared upon oath he
' distributed the money.' Then follows this list,
with the sums represented to have been paid to
each person opposite to their respective names.
The sum total distributed amounts, instead of
20,000/., to 20,540/. 17s. Id. The name of the
Earl of Marchmont stands the first ; and the sum
opposite to it is 1104/. 15s. "7d. This charge of
corruption is thus naked and positive ; and rest
ing apparently on an official document, it has, I
know, obtained credence of persons of much dis
cernment and of no easy faith. It is evidently
founded on the Appendix to Lockhart's Me
moirs ; and yet, if that Appendix had been fully
and faithfully quoted, the whole transaction
would have assumed a very different color, and
Lord Marchmont and some others, on the

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. XciX
author's own shewing, would have stood dis
tinctly free of the charge. These historians are
the more deserving of condemnation, because
Lockhart, well known as one of the commis
sioners for the treaty, and a member of the Scot
tish and then of the British parliament, was so
notoriously a devoted partisan of the Stuart
family, that he might have been safely trusted
to have ascertained completely the facts making
against his political antagonists, and neither to
have withheld them, nor to have drawn over-
charitable inferences from them.
It appears on a reference to the Journals of
the House of Commons, that a commission for
taking, examining, and stating the public ac
counts of the kingdom, with orders to report
upon them, was formed on the 19th March
1710, by the House choosing seven of its own
members by ballot to be such commissioners ;
and they examined on oath 1. We may appre
ciate the spirit, in which they were selected, from
the circumstance, that we even now know two
1 This was done no doubt under the 9th of Queen Anne, chap.
13, of which, as it is an expired law, nothing but the preamble
exists in the Statutes at Large.

C THE DEFENCE OF
of the seven, Lockhart and Shippen, to have
been the most undisguised Jacobites in that
assembly. A close search in those Journals
has furnished various proofs, how very carelessly
and negligently the entries were then made in
them, and this one in particular, that the Report
upon this sum of 20,000/. is not contained in
them. But they give the evidence of the repay
ment by the Duke of Queensberry of that part of
the 20,540/. 17s. 7d., which he received for equi
page and daily allowance as high commissioner,
that is, 12,325/. We are therefore obliged to
receive Lockhart's account of this matter, as he
is pleased to give it, in lieu of the main official
document. The commission was constituted in
the Earl of Oxford's administration in the
utmost hostility to Lord Godolphin, and with a
view to discover the means of criminating him ;
and Lockhart was its reporter to the House in
this particular instance.
The most material features of the case, as
represented by him in that Appendix, are
these : — the English Treasury advanced 20,000/.
to that of Scotland in the month of August,
1706; and on the 3rd of October following that

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. CI
session of the Scottish parliament was opened,
in which ' the Act for ratifying and approving
' the Treaty of Union of the two kingdoms of
' Scotland and England' was passed. It made
that advance on a representation from the Scot
tish government, which alleged, that its funds
' were entirely exhausted, and pre-engaged for
' some time to come, so that there then re-
* mained nothing for defraying thecharges of their
' government, or paying the debts of the Civil
' List ;' and the Queen's letter announcing this ad
vance ordered, that it should be applied to defray
the charges of her government, and to the pay
ment in some measure of such part of the debts of
the Civil List, as should be directed by particular
warrants. The Scots ministers afterwards wrote
from Edinburgh to say, that the Government
could not subsist without this loan, but suggested
means of keeping it out of sight, lest the know
ledge of it before the opening of the session
should enable the opponents to the Union to
employ it hostilely against that measure. They
also suggested, that only 10,000/. should be sent
at first, and a mode of payment which would
escape observation. But though Lockhart gives
Vol. I. h

cii THE DEFENCE OF
both the letters thus written, he does not fur
nish their dates. They afterwards wrote to
request, that the remaining 10,000/. might be
sent, saying, ' that they had been obliged to
' give promises to several persons for a consi-
' derable part of arrears, and that without that
' sum they should be disappointed, which might
' prove of bad consequence ; and that in the
• mean time no money to be remitted should be
' employed but for the Commissioner's daily
' allowance, the payment of the salaries of the
' other servants, and in payment of a part of
' the debts upon the Civil List since her Ma-
' jesty's accession to the Crown.'
It is to be assumed from Lockhart's states
ment of, and arguments on this matter, that no
part of this sum was paid, excepting what the
High Commissioner, and the Messenger, who
brought down the Treaty of Union, received,
otherwise than on the ground of arrears due
from the State, whether justly or unjustly al
leged. He tells us, that the Commissioners of
Accounts in their report to parliament observe,
that if the money had been applied to the pre
tended purpose, there could have been no such

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. ciii
occasion for so much caution and jealousy as
appear upon the face of this proceeding. He
says, that indeed some men seemed to wonder,
that a payment of just debts could be reckoned
a fault, and least of all a bribe to members of
parliament. To this he replies, that often, nay
for the most part, all pensions and employ
ments have been given, and continued, to pro
cure friends as instruments, but that in Scot
land pensions were ' seldom or never paid, but as
' a particular favor, and upon particular views ;'
and that, all the circumstances of this case
being taken into consideration, it must be con-
eluded, that this money was distributed for
those ends of corruption, which he denounces.
It may here be observed, that all this reasoning
proves, that the ostensible purpose was osten
sibly at least adhered to ; a departure from it
Would have rendered these inferences and con
clusions wholly unnecessary and superfluous.
He then pursues his argument thus : ' but what
' follows puts this matter beyond all manner of
' controversy ; for the Commissioners of Ac-
' counts having required from the Auditors of
' Exchequer in Scotland an account of all pen-
h 2

CIV THE DEFENCE OF
' sions and salaries, due at any time from the
' Queen's accession to the Throne to the com-
' mencement of the Union to the persons con-
' tained in the aforesaid account exhibited by
' the Earl of Glasgow, and a particular account
' of all payments, and the time when made, to
' such persons, on account of such pensions and
' salaries, it did appear from the returns, that
' several of those persons, such as the Dukes
' of Montrose and Roxburgh, Sir Kenneth Mac
Kenzie, the Earl of Balcarres, Patrick Coul-
' train, John Minto, the Lords Fraser, Banff,
' and Elibank, had no manner of claim, all, that
' they on such pretence could have demanded,
' being paid to and discharged by them a con-
' siderable time before the distribution of this
' money ; and others, such as the Dukes of
' Queensberry and Athol, Lords Eglinton and
' Anstruther, Mr. Stuart of Castlestuart, Lord
' Prestonhall, and the Marquis of Tweeddale,
' gave no acquittance for, nor is there any no-
' tice taken in the records of the Treasury
' of the money, they thus received from the
' Earl of Glasgow ; so that in a few months
' thereafter, when they obtained certificates from

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. cv
' the Lords of the Treasury of what was due to
' them on account of arrears of pensions and
' salaries, some of them had no regard at all,
' and others only in part, to what they had re-
' ceived from the Earl of Glasgow ; and being
' thus entitled to the full of their arrears out of
' the equivalent, many were consequently twice
' paid in whole or in part. These facts being
' undoubtedly true, it evidently appears, that
' what was given in either of these cases must
' have been with some other view, and on some
' other pretence than arrears of pensions and
' salaries.' Having thus exhibited his case, he proceeds
to an inculpation of the Duke of Queensberry,
which will be noticed elsewhere.
Now thus much is evident from the passage
above quoted, and ' beyond controversy,' that
it is the main allegation, on which essentially
rests his proof of ' this matter,' that is, of the
whole charge, excepting the branch of it affect
ing the High Commissioner ; and if the facts
are true, it goes to prove, that some persons
were paid on account of arrears, which had been
already paid, and that others were paid for

CVl THE DEFENCE OF
arrears which were actually due, for they were
afterwards certified by the Treasury, but did
not give receipts, so that some part of their
arrears were paid a second time. There runs
through the whole of this final demonstration the
supposition of arrears once or then due ; and
it is incompatible with the supposition of pay
ments made on any other alleged ground, ex
clusive of that to the Duke of Queensberry.
The whole ultimate charge against all the ac
cused is, that some had been already paid on
claims brought forward by them, and were thus
on the same claims paid a second time, and
that others, who on substantiated claims were
paid at this time, were afterwards paid in whole,
or in part a second time ; and the supposition of
there having been persons paid,who had neither
past, nor present claims to arrears, is excluded.
But it is undoubtedly sure, that there was no
such description of participators in the sum in
question. The most openly disgraceful conduct
of the government in paying this money, and of
individuals in receiving it, would have consisted
in there having been cases of persons sharing in
it, who had neither past nor present claims to rest

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. evil
on in any way ; it would have been palpable
unvarnished corruption ; no surmises or infe
rences would have been required to establish
it ; and it could have admitted of no defence.
The Commissioners of Accounts were em
powered to compel the production of papers
and accounts, to bring persons before them,
and to examine them on oath ; Mr. Lockhart
was the most eager of them on the scent ; and
Lord Glasgow and Sir David Nairn were both
alive. Had the accuser then had in his hands
one single fact of such a practice admitting of
proof, he had in them the power to overwhelm
with shame both Lord Godolphin and the Scots
promoters of the Union, — the objects of his im
passioned party hatred. He has cited no such
fact ; and it therefore must be incontestably
sure, that of such he was not the master.
The question then, as thus examined and
brought to its point as affecting each indivi
dual upon Lockhart's own grounds, reduces
itself simply to this, — whether he is comprised
in either of the two classes of those, who are
said by him to have been twice paid their ar
rears; if he is not, be they innocent or guilty,

cviii THE DEFENCE OF
he is absolved. Let it next be asked, if any
one, who reads the passage cited, can for a mo
ment suspect, or imagine, that Lockhart has
omitted any one single name in either of those
classes thus criminated, which he could by any
possibility have included in them ? Would this
original accuser, for such he was both in parlia
ment and in history, have left untouched the
means of fixing the imputed guilt upon any one
individual, after denigrating them unsparingly
in the mass? would he have so weakened his
general proof? But the name of Lord March
mont is not found in either one, or the other of
them. There are in the whole list thirty names of
Scottish noblemen and gentlemen, who received
payment from the 20,540/. 17s. 7d. Lockhart
gives the names of sixteen of them as comprised
under the two particular heads of charge, —
nine under, one, and seven under the other ; and
the last sentence of the passage cited shews,
that these two classes did not include the whole
of these thirty persons.
But is it rational to, suppose, that he would
under each head have named and, denounced

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. ClX
persons inferior in rank and repute to Lord
Marchmont, and to his own disadvantage have
selected that nobleman, pre-eminently obnox
ious and hateful to the Jacobites, for mercy,
and have thus passed over one, who was wholly
destitute of the means of propitiation ? I may be
spared so absurd an hypothesis, and hasten to
the just and necessary conclusion, that on the
crimination, as made out by Lockhart, he is
wholly absolved ; that he had a just claim of
arrears, which were then discharged ; and that,
having given a receipt, he was never paid a se
cond time. In this absolution from guilt are
comprised his son and successor, and all those
who stand in the same predicament with them.
It is nowise surprising, that the Scottish go
vernment felt much anxiety not to enter into the
fierce and difficult conflict, which, it must have
foreseen, would arise on the question of the
Union, with the manifest disadvantage of having
left unsatisfied various demands upon it of
very long arrears due to many of the leading
men of the country ; and it is a novel in
ference, that a man is corrupt, because a debt
strictly due to him is discharged. We hold

CX THE DEFENCE OF
our reputation on a miserable tenure, if it de
pends on the incomplete fulfilment of obliga
tions towards us by others ; if we are to forfeit
it, because a debtor, who has left our lawful
demands long unheeded, thinks it advisable at
length to acquit a part of them, under views
of advantage to himself, at such time as
shall best suit his own purposes. Be his
motives for doing this imperfect act of justice'
good or bad, we have nothing to do with them,
and are nowise responsible for them, any
more than we are for the manner, in which he
gets into his possession the means of paying
what he owes, where we have neither cogni
zance of, nor participation in the transaction.
The creditor is to obtain his money, when he
can, and especially of the public, who, as a
debtor, has much power and little shame, If
there is dishonesty anywhere, it is in him, who
has withheld the money, and not in that cre
ditor, because he receives it.
It should here be observed, that the payment
to Lord Marchmont is of a fractional sum, and
that there is but one other such in the list ; and
this circumstance alone would render it pro-

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. CXI
bable, that it was for some specific sum due,
though other arrears might remain then unpaid
to him, as there certainly did.
I will now state how this claim undoubtedly
accrued. Lord Marchmont represented to King Wil
liam in his letter of the 24th January 1702,
that, until he was made Lord Chancellor, he
was by degrees re-establishing order in his af
fairs, which had been greatly deranged under
his exiles, imprisonments, and the confiscation
of his estate by King James, but that the in
adequacy of the salary to cover the extent of
expenditure rendered unavoidable by that high
office had involved him in new embarrass
ments. He held of King William a pension of
400/. yearly. When dismissed from the Chan
cellorship by Queen Anne, he sent his son, Sir
Andrew Hume, to London, to represent the
injuries, which his private affairs had suf
fered through his services to the state, and to
seek a remedy for them. The Queen bestowed
on his Lordship a pension of 500/. yearly, not
in addition to, but as taking the place of the
pension he received from her predecessor on the

CXU THE DEFENCE OF
throne. In his letter to Sir Andrew Hume
then in London, of the 12th January 1703 he
speaks of 'the 500/. pension,' which her Majesty
intends ' for him,' an intention he must then
have learnt from his son. The deed of the gift
of it, as will appear, was signed on the 29th of
that same month.
In a letter to Sir Andrew Hume, still in Lon
don, of the 25th of that month, he states, that
he has Thesaury precepts for 300/., due on his
pension of 400/. at Martinmas 1701, and for
800/. due on his salary as Lord Chancellor at
Martinmas 1702, his dismission having been
received by him on the 21st of November, that
is, ten days after Martinmas of that year ; but
he observes, that he cannot get the money for
them. On the 3d of the next month, February
1703, he writes to him, that he had then such
precepts for 1200/. and more, but could get no
money. Thus since the preceding letter he must
have obtained a precept for another quarter of
the pension of 400/., that accruing from Mar
tinmas 1701, which would complete the pre
cepts for the payments of his pension under
King William, except for that due for a broken

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. cxii1
period of less than a month, as that monarch
died on the 8th of March 1702. This sum
then of 1200/. and more, for which he had
precepts on the 3d February 1703, consisted of
400/. for four quarters of pension to within a
month of King William's death, and of 800/.
and more for salary as Chancellor under Queen
Anne. In his letter of the 25th January 1703
he calls that last sum 800/. ; but it was really
827/. 15s. 7d. as will be shewn ; and therefore it
is evident, that it was by adding to the 400/., for
which he had precepts for pension under King
William, his Chancellor's salary due under
Queen Anne, that he speaks of having precepts
for 1200/. and more
Lord Marchmont complains to the Duke of
Argyle on the 29th December 1705, that
827/. 15s. 7d. of his salary, as Chancellor to
the Queen, was still unpaid, ' after three
years.' In a letter to the Duke of Queens
berry of the same date (not printed) he makes
exactly the same complaint ; and here we find
the precise fractional sum of 15s. Id., which ap
pears in the payment stated by Lockhart, and
the explanation of it. Lockhart's statement,

CXlV THE DEFENCE OF
although no doubt exaggerated, that pensions
in Scotland ' were seldom, or never paid but as
' a particular favor, and upon particular views,'
affords the explanation of Lord Marchmont's
silence in these two last-mentioned letters re
specting the arrears of pension due to him. How
this matter stood, and how Lord Marchmont
acted upon it, may be learnt from the following
passage in a letter of his to Lord Godolphin of
the 27th November 1708, in which he entreats
his aid to procure to him the payment of such
arrears : — ' I had not been very pressing for pay-
' ment, the Treasury being enough shortened.
' But preferring, as I always had done,. the in-
' terest of her Majesty before my own private,
' I Only got precepts from the Treasury at the
' several terms upon the receivers, who could
' never answer the money, &c.' But the pay
ment of salaries was evidently a matter more
usual, and certain; Lord Marchmont, when
writing to the Duke of Argyle, observes, that he
' cannot but think it strange,' that a part of his
should remain unpaid for three years ; such a
delay was therefore an unwonted thing; and
Lockhart says nothing to lead us to suppose, that

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. CXV
there was any marked irregularity in finding
money to discharge them. Lord Marchmont no
doubt here sought for the salary only, knowing
from the wholly exhausted state of the funds,
upon which the pensions were assigned, that a
demand for his would at that time of necessity
have been utterly fruitless, and could only have
served to diminish his chance of obtaining the
827/. 15s. Id. in question, on the other account.
It is seen then, that on the 3d February
1703 he had due to him 400/. for pension under
King William, exclusive of the sum due for
the broken period of less than a month, and
827/. 15s. 7d. for Chancellor's salary, whilst
acting as such under the Queen ; and there
was also owing to him his pension at the rate
of 400/. a year from the time, which had
elapsed from King William's death on the 8th
March 1702 to the last quarter day, that is, to
Martinmas 1702, being 283/. 6s. 8d., because,
from the 8th March to Old Martinmas Day,
November 23d, there are eight months and
fifteen days, a payment for which, at the rate
of 400/. per annum, amounts to that sum. Thus
his claim against Queen Anne's government,

CXV1 THE DEFENCE OF
from the time of her accession up to Martinmas
1702, was for 827/. 15s. 7d., and 283/. 6s. 8d., in
all 1111/. 2s. 3d.
The sum paid to him, according to Lock
hart, was 1104/. 15s. 7d. ; the sum due to him
from Queen Anne from the beginning of her
reign to Martinmas 1702 was, as we have just
seen, 1111/. 2s. 3d., so that there is a difference
of 6/. 6s. 8d. paid to him short of what was due ;
and that difference was no doubt a deduction
made, either for usual charges on, or possibly
for fees taken on the ground of a new reign,
from his pension, rather than in diminution of
his Chancellor's salary, as that last sum bears a
strong and distinct trace of not having been di
minished, a»t least not in the fraction of 15s. 7d.
belonging to it, as that is the precise fraction
stated by Lockhart. If this be so, he received
827/. 15s. 7d. as Chancellor, and 277/., instead of
283/. 6s. Sd., for pension. Now it is in this debt
to him, arising from pension and salary due in
Queen Anne's time to Martinmas 1702, that
we are alone to seek the explanation of the
transaction, because the government appears to
have laid down the principle, that no arrears

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. CXVll
should be paid out of the 20,000/., but such
as had accrued since her accession, and be
cause it is ascertained, that he was after
wards paid certain arrears of his pension of
500/. per annum, reckoning from that same
Martinmas 1702, the day at which it com
menced at that rate; and this being so, it is
hardly possible to imagine that, at such a
distance of time, a more satisfactory and de
cisive elucidation of a matter of this nature
could be obtained ; and it is the more entirely
above all suspicion, as it is not derived from
formal and prepared statements, but is collected
from letters written, at different times, to dif
ferent persons, in the course of business, and
without the possible idea of there being a
defence to be made.
In a letter to his private secretary, Mr. John
Dickson of Anton's Hill, dated * Red Braes
' Castle, July 23d 1708,' he sends to him Queen
Anne's deed of gift of a pension to him (Lord
Marchmont) of 500/. yearly, dated January 29th
1703, and sundry precepts for payment, in order
that the necessary steps might be taken for ob
taining those payments conformably to ' the Act
Vol. I. i

CXV1U THE DEFENCE OF
' for further directing the payment of the equi-
' valent.' The earliest date of them is the 19th
February 1706. They are together for the
sum of 2250/., and are for the amount of his
yearly pension of 500/. from Martinmas 1702,
the day from which it commenced, to Whitsun
tide 1707, a period of four years and a hal£
It appears thus, that when the parliament met
on the 3d October 1706, there were still due
to Lord Marchmont nearly 2000/., beyond the
1104/. 15s. 7d. stated to have been paid to him.
We have thus the exact limits of the time,
within which alone a debt to Lord Marchmont
from the State could have accrued, such as
could be payable out of the 20,000/. in question.
The first limit is the day of Queen Anne's
accession, the second is Martinmas 1702. As
the demand on the equivalent, which in July
1708 he directs Mr. Dickson to make for him,
begins from that last-mentioned day, it is clear/
that he had none of a prior date to bring for
ward ; and we find, that in that precise time,
partly from pension and partly from salary, a
sum would have become due to him exceeding,
yet only by a few pounds, that paid to him out-

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. cxix
of the 20,000/. advanced by the English go
vernment. The probable cause of the small
difference is explained; but whatever the de
duction was, it was fortunately not made in such
a manner as to destroy a very important feature
in the payment, the fractional sum due as part
of the salary left unpaid. This may be the
place to observe, that Lord Marchmont's Papers
as here employed furnish proofs, independent
of all others, that he was neither of the class
of those, who according to Lockhart had been
already paid their arrears, or of those, who
giving no receipts were paid a second time.
The former, it is alleged, had had their
demands discharged a considerable time before
the distribution of the money. Now it is so
late as on the 29th December 1705, that we find
Lord Marchmont complaining to the Dukes of
Argyle and Queensberry, that 827/. 15s. 7d. of
his salary as Chancellor was then, and had been
for three years unpaid. Nor could he be of the
second class, who, it is said, obtaining certifi
cates of the Lords of the Treasury of what was
due to them for arrears of pensions and salaries,
i2

CXX THE DEFENCE OF
being thus entitled to the full of those arrears
out of the equivalent, were in a few months there
after paid again in whole, or in part ; the let
ter to Mr. Dickson of the 23d July 1708, which
will be found according to its date in the third
volume, bears in it the evidence, that no pay
ment had then been made to Lord Marchmont
under the new Act respecting the equivalent.
He had never acted himself on this law, it is
plain, or he would have himself instructed his
agent how to proceed, and not have referred
him to others for directions ; and if the agent
had already acted upon it, he would not have
needed them. It thus appears, that this was
Lord Marchmont's first demand of payment
out of the equivalent ; but it was a demand of
a sum accruing for a period subsequent to that
for .which he was paid out of the 20,000/. ; so
that it proved that he then had no demand to
make for a preceding period, and it barred such
a demand ; and as the period, for which this
claim through Mr. Dickson is advanced, begins
precisely at the day, up to which it is contended
that he was paid from the commencement of

PATRICK EARL OF MARCtlMONT. cxxi
Queen Anne's reign out of the 20,000/., it is
essential in fixing the time, for which an arrear
to him had run up.
I may here be asked, how it happens that,
having been able to make such statements
from letters from Lord Marchmont respect
ing these pecuniary claims, I find nothing
in them with regard to the precise sum of
1104/. 15s. 7d. in question; and the answer is
easily given. His letters, which I have, are
such of his own, as he kept draughts or copies
of ; I have not the answers ; I have but few
of his accounts ; of such matters, as he trans
acted in person, I have but scattered traces.
We find the statements, he made to Sir Andrew
Hume, because it was necessary, that he (Lord
Marchmont) being in Scotland should make
them to his son in writing, since he had sent
him to England to address representations to
Queen Anne's Scots ministers respecting his
pecuniary affairs in relation to the govern
ment ; he was also obliged to address by letter
his representation to the Dukes of Argyle and
Queensberry respecting his salary, as their
Graces were in London ; and the letter to Mr.

CXXli THE DEFENCE OF
Dickson was written, because the writer was
at his family seat in Berwickshire, and had
occasion for his agent's services at Edinburgh.
But there are many matters both public and
private, in which he is known to have taken a
part, which are but slightly treated of, or not
mentioned at all in his papers. Thus we learn
very little from those papers on the important
transactions of the Scottish parliament, from
the time at which he ceased to be Chancellor,
until the Union was in agitation, although he
was eagerly engaged in them, because he had
no correspondent, to whom he had to give in
formation respecting them.
I trust that I have now demonstrated how
groundless was the charge of corruption ad*
vanced against Lord Marchmont. But I am
neither authorized to examine the accusation as
brought against others, or enabled by particular
information, or indeed warranted by my subject,
so to do. Yet some observations present them
selves forcibly even on a superficial view of the
details of it. Amongst the items of the account
we find the following : —

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. CXXlU
£ s. d.
To the Duke of Atholl .... 1,000 0 0
To Major Cunningham of Eckatt . . 100 0 0
To the Earl of Seafield, Lord Chancellor . 490 0 0
To the Lord Ormiston, Lord Justice Clerk , 200 0 0
To the Messenger that brought down the Treaty]
of Union  j
To the (Lord High) Commissioner for equipage
and daily allowance ....

60 0 0
12,325 0 0

£14,175 0 0
The whole of this sum of 14,175/. is to be de
ducted from the total sum of 20,540/. 17s. 7d., if
we seek to ascertain what, on the shewing of
the accusers, could by any possibility have been
the highest amount of the money employed for
dark and sinister purposes, under whatever
form, and to whomever, to be distributed. A
more extensive knowledge of the subject, than
that which I possess, might lead to farther de
ductions. The Duke of Atholl, and Major Cun
ningham of Eckatt, were assuredly not bribed
to support the Union, for his Grace was a most
vigorous opponent to it, but still less so than
the Major ; for it was no fault of his, according
to Lockhart, if he did not march upon Edin
burgh to cut short the discussions upon it at the

cxxiv THE DEFENCE OF
head of between seven and eight thousand men
in arms, Cameronians, and others from the
western counties, all ready to meet at a time
and at a place fixed, in order ' to raise the par-
' liament,' and to proclaim King James. The
Earl of Seafield, who was Chancellor, and Lord
Ormiston, who was Lord Justice Clerk, can in
no sense be deemed bribed by the sums they
received, for they held high offices ; moreover,
one of the three purposes, to which the Scottish
government, as I have already stated, promised
to restrict the expenditure of the 10,000/., last
advanced of the 20,000/., was ' the payment of
' the salaries of the other servants ' (besides the
High Commissioner, who was to receive his
daily allowance) ; and an application of these
sums as parts of the salaries of these servants
of the state would be in strict conformity to that
engagement. Nor does Lockhart impugn the
claims of these two lords for the sums respec
tively paid to them, or accuse them of not
giving receipts, and of being paid a second time.
The small sum paid to the messenger, who car
ried down the Treaty of Union, and the large
sum paid to the High Commissioner for the

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. cxxv
purposes stated in the account, I need not say,
were expended in a manner wholly foreign to
clandestine practices of corruption.
After then we have made this deduction, we
shall find 6365/. 17s. 7d. left as the sum total of
the purchase-money, by which, we are told, a
majority in the Scottish parliament was secured
for the adoption of a measure, which was loudly
and fiercely execrated by the great mass of the
population of the kingdom, and almost resisted
in arms, which wounded to the heart the na
tional feelings of a people, in which they are
exquisitely alive, and annihilated that very par
liament itself. It was therefore an act of so
much hazard, and of sacrifice so immense, that
no men surely could have brought themselves
to consummate it, unless, under the strongest
sense of the dangers arising from the existing
state of things, and through a deep insight into
futurity, and a distinct conviction of the ulti
mate beneficial results, they had a certain as
surance, that they thus best promoted the great
est and most essential interests of their country.
But, if we are to believe Lockhart himself^
nothing at all like that sum remained applicable

CXXyl THE DEFENCE OF
to those debasing purposes* For the reasons
already stated at much length, the only per^
sons, who, on his own assumptions and reason
ings, can be allowed to have received any part
of the 20,000/., the Duke of Queensberry ex-,
cepted, without having a just claim for arrears
of pension, or of salary to the amount received
by them, are the nine whom he names, assert
ing them to have had their utmost demands dis
charged a considerable time previously ; and
the whole of the money, which on this view of
the matter they wrongfully obtained, and the
Scots government wrongfully disbursed, was
1586/. 2s, We have here the absurd anomaly
of men of high and hereditary rank as unmind
ful of their country, as if they had drunk of
the cup of Circe, and yet so moderate and
abstemious as scarcely to sip the intoxicating
draught. One discreet and self-denying peer
(be it told in Penryn and East Retford!) is^
made to content himself with 11/, 2s.
Let us now consider, what sums were dis
bursed in payments just in themselves: as
founded on actual claims, but which payments,
it is said,, did not protect the public against a

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. CXXVli
repetition, and a second satisfaction of a part
of them. We have seen, that the second class
of persons specifically inculpated is composed
of those, who had claims, which, as it has been
shewn, were just, but who gave no receipts to
the Treasury, for what they received out of the
20,000/. in question ; neither did that office re
cord those payments : thus affirms Lockhart,
adding that many of them were consequently
twice paid, in whole or in part, out of the equi
valent. It must immediately occur to the reader,
with what manifest injustice the accuser con
ducts this part of his case. As one of the Com- „
missioners of Accounts he had the means to
compel the production of the proceedings of the
Treasury, and of the records of its money trans-
sactions ; and there can be no doubt but that he
actually inspected them. If he knew who were
guilty, and to what extent, he was bound to state
their names, but no other, and the facts ; he
should have stated who were paid in whole,
and who in part ; if he did not ascertain the
names and the facts, it was most unjust to
bring forward in a general accusation per
sons, whom he knew could not all be guilty.

CXXVia • THE DEFENCE OF
He names seven persons as having omitted
to do a certain thing, and alleges that many
of them, taking advantage of that omission,
committed a certain offehce to their own pro
fit ; and by this contrivance he throws a shade
of guilt over the whole number, which at
this day it is absolutely impossible to efface.
Two of the seven persons thus criminated are
the Dukes of Queensberry and Atholl. The
Duke of Queensberry's case will be considered
apart. The Duke of Atholl, it is admitted,
remained unmoved by the sum he received,
whatever may have been the motive for placing
it in his hands. The sum total received by the
other five was 2000/. Were we to go as far as
possible beyond the accusation, and to sup
pose, that these five persons were all paid
twice in full, that is the sum then, which they
would have obtained more than was due to
them. But let us suppose, on such grounds as
are afforded to us, that half of that whole sum
was twice paid, that is, 1000/. ; and by adding
it to the 1586/. 2s. last mentioned, we have
2586/. 2s. as all that first or last can be assumed
to have been corruptly received, if Mr. Lock-

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. CXX1X
hart's statements be subjected to no other pro
cess than that of comparing them with each
other ; and unfortunately, for want of such
papers as I possess in Lord Marchmont's case,
I can at this distance of time in none besides
subject them to any other.
I excepted the Duke of Queensberry from
the last list, because Lockhart, immediately
after comprising him in the last charge, (that
against those who, he alleges, gave no receipts)
declares, that his Grace, when paid his equi
page-money and daily allowance out of the equi
valent, repaid to the Earl of Glasgow the sum
he had received on those accounts out of the
20,540/. 17s. 7d. But he proceeds to inform us,
that it was generally believed, that Queen Anne
gave back that sum, which was 12,325/., to him
and to the Earls of Godolphin and of Glasgow,
as a reward for their good services in carrying
on the Union ; that is, he is obliged to state a
fact, which absolves the Duke; but then, by
affirming a certain supposition to his prejudice
and to that of others to have been generally
entertained, he takes the chance of malignity

CXXX THE DEFENCE OF
or folly placing such a conjecture, or suspicion,
in balance against it.
I am not much disposed to allow, that the
infamy of corruption is extenuated by the
greatness of the means employed to effect it,
and least of all amongst those, whose birth,
education, and habits of life should be their
pledges for noble and generous actions; but
it must be admitted as a general rule, that the
probability of its having been effected dimi
nishes, where the means available for producing
it are small in proportion to the means and
habits of expence of those, on whom it is sup
posed to have been attempted. The Numidian,
who, looking back on Rome, exclaimed, that
she was for sale, could a buyer be found, at least
did her the honor to believe, that she was not
venal at a vile price, and that hers would exceed
the wealth of any known purchaser. It must
be our first and earnest desire to be justified in
believing, that no seductive arts could have so
shaken and deluded the virtue of the Scottish
senate, that it should under any temptation
have prostrated itself before so base an idol as

PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT. CXXX1
that of Mammon. But at any rate let us not
attribute to it a corruptibility thus deplorably
inflammable ; let us do better justice to the
' Douglasses and the Campbells1', — let us do it
to an high-minded people, to its nobility, and
to its representatives, and not give a ready
credence to the charge, that many of them, of
the fairest fame and largest possessions, foully
and mercenarily sold themselves and their
country for a handful of pelf far smaller than
that, with which a modern Jugurtha would
venture to sally forth from Lombard-street on
an electioneering expedition.
But now, quitting these general views, and
returning to the cause of this investigation,
the duty, which was incumbent on me, to em
ploy the materials in my hands in vindication
of the character of Patrick Earl of Marchmont,
I must apologize for the length of it. It has
led me much farther than I expected, or could
have wished ; but in an age, whose eager ap
plause and sympathy are granted to the labors,
which restore to day the lost and forgotten
1 See the Duke of Hamilton's Speech on the first article of the
Union.

CXXXU DEFENCE OF PATRICK EARL OF MARCHMONT.
treasures of Grecian and Egyptian art, I trust,
I may be pardoned this endeavor to replace
on the pedestal, from which rash and profane
hands have hurled it, the statue of a British
Worthy, who became a common property of
the island by that very measure, his strenuous
support of which was the source of the ca
lumny which I have had to combat. G. H. R.

POSTSCRIPT.

It has been already mentioned, that the Re
port made to the House of Commons by the
Commissioners of Public Accounts, which con
tains their statements and observations respect
ing the sum of 20,540/. 17s. 7d., lent by the
English to the Scots Government, is not to be
found in its Journals. It was their Second
Report ; it was presented on the 17th March,
1712, and was ordered to be bound up with
the other papers of that Session. But, on ex
amining those papers, a curious circumstance
has been ascertained, that this, but no one
other of them, is wanting. It appears how
ever, that it was printed in the Sixth Volume
of the Parliamentary History of England, pub
lished in 1810 (columns 1100 to 1124). Mr.
Lockhart had presented their First Report;
this was brought up by Mr. Annesley. The far
greater part of it refers to other branches of
their inquiries ; but that portion of it, which
regards the money sent to Scotland, -throws no
new light on that matter. What it alleges re
specting the constitution of the Treasury there,
as then existing, nowise affects the application
of that sum, as bearing upon the characters
of those to whom it was distributed. It labors
Vol. I. k

CXXX1V POSTSCRIPT.
to prove inconsistencies between Lord Godol-
phin's and Lord Glasgow's account of the re
payment of the 12,325/. advanced to the Duke
of Queensberry, a point now of no consequence
whatever in any view, as Lockhart tells us, that
the commissioners discovered, and it was evi
dently after making this Report, that this
money was repaid to the queen herself. With
respect to the remaining sum, which they
state to have been 7675/., but which was
8215/. 17s. 7d., as they must have subsequently
learnt, we find the observation, which Lockhart
attributes to them, ' that if the money had
been fairly applied to the pretended purposes,
there could have been no just1 occasion for
so much caution and jealousy ;' but, as was to
be expected with certainty, it contains no one
fact regarding those, who received it, which is
not related by him. In the Appendix to his
Memoirs he cites discoveries of theirs, as af
fecting those persons, which are not stated in
this document, but which have been fully con
sidered in this Defence, and which must have
been made at a later period. G. H. R.
1 Vide Lockhart ; such.

DIARY

HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.

Lord Bolingbroke said, that Marshals Puysegur
1744. and Coigny both condemned the sending
July 28th. jylaillebois's army into Germany, because
Saturday. the English and Austrians might easily
penetrate into France through the weak side of their
frontier, as the French always esteemed the side of
Flanders to be, when they had only Gravelines,
beside Dunkirk, till now they had taken Ipres, &c. ;
and Coigny said, it must cost 'em a province at least.
Lord Stair * gave me a paper to read, which, he
said, he yesterday gave the King, wherein
m 1 ne ProPosed, that our army in Flanders
should enter Picardy, and take Amiens and
Peronne, as the French could have no army in the
field if they put garrisons into all their towns. The
King looked much at a loss, at first imagining Lord
Stair came to talk about himself upon the vacancy
in the peerage by Lord Lauderdale's death 2 ; but he
1 A field-marshal. He had the command of the British army at Dettingen
under George the Second in 1743 ; but resigned it at the end of the summer.
1 Lord Stair was elected one of the Scots representative peers on this va
cancy occurring.
Vol. I. B

2 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
told him, he came to speak to him about the public,
and, among other things, that he was so zealous for
the cause against France, that his Majesty could not
imagine he would oppose raising money to carry it
on ; hereupon he was graciously heard. He said,
Lord Aberdeen1 was Carteret's2 man, tho' Carteret
had pretended to be his, Lord Stair's, friend, and
done it with an air of sincerity ; but that Tweeddale3
had behaved very aukwardly, and did not know
what to say ; that he was most surprised that the
prince4 was against him in it, which he was sure of,
tho' he had always avoided coming on that subject
with Lord Stair ; and that, in the frequent and free
conversations Lord Stair had had with him this win
ter, he had said, that he believed there was only
Lord Stair, Sir John Barnard5, and himself, that sin
cerely wished the prosperity of the nation. Lord
Stair ascribed the Prince's now being against him to
Lord Carteret ; but he thinks, the Pelhams and their
friends being for him, and the Duke of Argyle6 hav
ing told them he was so, before he went to Scotland,
1 William Earl of Aberdeen, who died in 1745.
8 Secretary of State for the Home Department.
3 The Marquis of, Secretary of State for Scotland in 1742; he resigned in
1746, and had no successor.
4 Frederick Prince of Wales.
s One of the Members for the city of London ; a man of considerable abili
ties, and a powerful antagonist to Sir Robert Walpole in the House of Commons.
* Archibald Duke of Argyle, who had long managed the affairs of Scotland
as Earl of Islay, and continued so to do. He succeeded as duke to John Duke
of Argyle in 1743. He was Keeper of the Great Seal of Scotland, and was
also Lord Justice-General for life.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 3
that he shall be the person still. The Duke of
Argyle, he says, is for him, from enmity to Tweed-
dale. He said, that the Prince always made the
Princess be present at all their conversations, and
that she shewed her approbation always in the right
place ; that she desires to be informed, and has a
great deal to say with the Prince.
Lord Chesterfield told me, that yesterday the two
Secretaries of State, and Mr. Pelham, had
Wednlsdly. sig^d a treaty with Mr. Wassenaer1,
whereby we were to give 150,000/. to the
Queen of Hungary to enable 20,000 men from
Bavaria to join Prince Charles 2, and that thereby
he would maintain his winter-quarter in Alsace ;
and that Sir Luke Schaub3 was the only other
person present at the signing.
Lord Chesterfield told [me] that on the death
of Lord Sunderland Lord Carteret had
Thursday aPpfled to the late King to support him,
as he was then surrounded by his enemies ;
that the King promised it him, but told [him] the
necessity of the time forced him to temporise ; that
hereupon Lord Carteret spoke to the Duchess of
Kendall*, who bid him have patience, and told him
the King hated his other ministers. The Court
1 M. de Wasner, the Austrian plenipotentiary, who signed the Treaty of
Worms in 1743.
8 Of Lorraine, who commanded the Austr ians on the Rhine.
8 A native of Basle, formerly British minister, first at Madrid and then at Paris.
* Left-handed wife to George the First.
B 2

4 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
being in this situation, both Lord Townshend1 and
Lord Carteret2 went to Hanover with the King;
and there Lord Carteret wanting to have some things
decided in a way he thought most for his interest,
and finding difficulties, he imagined these proceeded
from the Duchess of Kendall, whereupon he entered
into an intrigue to raise the Countess of Platen,
who was the mistress of the King's heart, against
the Duchess, who was only the King's friend, and
had the ascendant over his mind, but governed him
by hard words, and blaming him, so that she held
him by his timidity and indolence. Madame de
Platen's great ambition was to marry her daughter
to a duke and peer of France. This Lord Carteret
conducted by means of Sir Luke. Schaub, who
was then at Paris. Sir Luke, being in love with
Madame de la Vrilliere, to make his court to her
proposed that her son, Monsieur de St. Florentin,
should marry Mademoiselle de Platen, and be made
a Duke. This Sir Luke proposed to the Regent3,
who told him he could not do it, because it would
disoblige many great families, who had far better
pretensions to dukedoms. Sir Luke upon this writ
to Lord Carteret, that the Regent could only be
brought to grant a dukedom if the King himself
wrote him a letter desiring it, for then the King's
letter would be a sufficient excuse for him to the
other pretenders. Upon this the King writ such a
1 Secretary of State. 8 Secretary of State at that time also.
3 Duke of Orleans. This happened in 1723.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 5
letter in his own hand, to be delivered by Sir Luke,
who alone was to be in the secret ; but Lord Towns-
hend, getting notice of the intrigue, immediately
discovered it to the Duchess of Kendall, who went
to the King, and made such a bustle, that he
absolutely denied it : whereupon, by the advice of
Lord Townshend, she made the King order Lord
Townshend to write to Mr. Walpole, who was
minister at Paris, to inform the Regent, that the
King was very indifferent whether St. Florentin was
made a Duke or not. Mr. Walpole having done
so, when Sir Luke came next to press the Regent,
he told him he could do nothing in it, since one
minister desired it in the King's name, and the
other assured [him], that his master did not desire
it. This intrigue the Duchess of Kendall never
forgave to Lord Carteret.
Lord Bolingbroke said, that Mr. Crawfurd told
him, that he was present in the Regent's closet,
when Sir Luke proposed the thing to him ; and that
the Regent told Sir Luke, that the thing was so
impossible, that he desired him to prevent the
King's Writing to him to desire a thing he could
not do, and that notwithstanding Sir Luke wrote,
that a letter from the King would obtain it. Lady
Bolingbroke1 said besides, that she knew, that
when it was first mentioned, the Regent said, if
Madame de Platen wanted to marry her daughter to
1 Lord Bolingbroke married Madame de la Villette, a niece of Madame de
Maintenon.

6 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
a French duke, he would gratify her if she would
let him choose a suitable party, whom he could
make a duke without offending any ; but that Sir
Luke persisted in his choice to gratify Madame
de la Vrilliere.
She said, that with a view to this project Madame
de la Vrilliere, by Madame de Prie \ got Brogliq
sent ambassador to England to renew it ; and Lord
Bolingbroke said, the Duke of Bourbon told him,
laughing, that he was sending Broglio over because*
he could not help it, for the women would have it.
Lord Chesterfield told, as a decisive stroke to
wards the Grand Duke's2 character, that when he
was walking in the park at Brussels with Count
Lannoi, upon seeing a new building where every
thing was neglected, he asked what it could be;
and that Count Lannoi told him it was the orangery,
built to receive the orange-trees from Lorraine,
which the Duke, upon giving up that duchy, had
desired leave of King Stanislaus to carry away,
and that King Stanislaus having granted it, they
were kept in the building he saw.
He told too, that now the blame of the Queen
of Hungary's not sending assistance to the King
1 The regent Duke of Orleans died during this intrigue ; the Duke of Bour
bon became prime minister ; Madame de Prie was his mistress.
2 Conformably to the preliminaries of peace of 1735, Francis Duke of Lor
raine, husband of MariaTheresa, resigned his duchy to Stanislaus, the abdicated
King of Poland, and took possession of the Grand Duchy of Tuscany, on the
death of the Grand Duke, the last of the Medici, in 1737. He was afterwards
the Emperor Francis the First.

DLVRY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 7
of Sardinia was laid upon her minister at Turin,
for writing constantly not to do it, because the
King had troops enough to defend his country, and
only desired assistance to prevent the Austrians
getting Naples1.
Lord Bolingbroke said, he thought there was
nothing in that, since the court of Vienna acted in
this just as they did in 1707; and he had heard
above two months ago, that the Kins of Sardinia
had offered, if they would assist him now, to go, as
soon as the snows fell, to Naples with the Austrians.
Lord Chesterfield told, that Sir Luke Schaub had
told him, he knew nothing of any plan of opera
tions, but he could very easily form one, and that
it should be for Prince Charles to take Huningen2
and Fort Louis, and then to march into France,
to the very gates of Paris, and for the army in
Flanders to march to the same place, after taking
Arras, or some such place, which might easily be
done, the French not having sufficient force to
garrison all their towns, and as we should leave a
sufficient army to keep M. de Saxe3 in echec, as
Prince Charles would do to Coigny. Lord Ches
terfield supposed this to be the real plan of our
ministers, and both Lord Bolingbroke and he treated
[it] as one made in Bedlam.
1 The King of Naples broke his neutrality in the spring of 1744, joining the
Spaniards under Count Gages, which compelled the Austrians to fall back on
the North of Italy.
8 The French line of defence was turned here in 1814.
3 Marshal Saxe, who commanded the French in Flanders.

8 DIARY -OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Lord Stair told me, that he was fixed upon to be
the peer for Scotland, that the Duke of
jigus 4 . j\,rewcastie jia(J (Jone ft w-tfl tne j^ wjj0
Saturday. had bid him tell Lord Stair, that he
hoped he would not oppose the king's measures.
Lord Stair answered, that he was, as he had al
ways been, zealous for the King's family, and that
he could not be supposed any other than zealous
for carrying on the war, so that he did not under
stand wherein he could be supposed desirous to
obstruct the king's measures ; that the King spoke
to Lord Carteret himself, telling him, that he had
never asked his opinion about the Scots peer,
and that some of his ministers told him it would be
agreeable to Lord Stair, whereupon Lord Carteret
said, he knew none so proper, and then the King bid
him tell Lord Tweeddale of it ; that yesterday, when
he told the Prince of it, his Royal Highness ex
pressed his joy, and said ' the Princess told me, that
' when once before you mentioned this to me, I
' made you no answer : I told her it was true, for I
' was struck dumb with surprise, that any other
' body could be thought of.' He told me, that our
generals in Flanders were all of different opinions ;
that Wade 1 was so contemptible, that M. Reischach
at the Hague had actually asked the States to give
the command of their forces to the Duke d'Arem-
berg ; that Wade was directed by the two Hano-
1 Field-marshal. He commanded the British and Hanoverian troops in
Flanders.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 9
verians, Wendt and Ilten, and that none of the
other English generals were so bad courtiers as to
differ from them; that Duke d'Aremberg's x first
project had been to enter Lorraine, or make a de
tachment to the Moselle, and next to besiege
Maubeuge, but he was overruled at the council of
war, and that the march the army had now made
was against Wade's opinion, who proposed staying
to cover Ghent, and did not march till a day after
the rest of the army ; that they had no plan till he
gave the paper, he had before shewed me, to the
King, who was pleased with it, and had sent it to
Holland, to Vienna, and to the army, with orders
to execute it, or to send over their objections to it;
that Lord Carteret had told in his letter, that it was
Lord Stair's, and that he had immediately, on the
Duke of Newcastle's desiring him, put into his letter
too, that Wade should consult with the Duke d'Arem-
berg and Count Maurice 2, and not with the council
of war. Lord Stair told me, that 20,000 men from
Bavaria were not to join Prince Charles, being coun
termanded from fear of the King of Prussia.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, he had it from the
August 7th. solicitor3, that the King had said to the
Tuesday. Duke of Newcastle4, that Wade was
1 Of an illustrious family in the Netherlands. He commanded the Aus
trians in the allied army on the Mein in 1743, and in Flanders in 1744. His
project now was to send 20,000 men to the Moselle, to enter France on that side.
* Of Nassau, who commanded the Dutch in Flanders.
3 The Honourable William Murray, afterwards Lord Chief Justice, and
Earl of Mansfield.
4 Secretary of State.

M) DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
timid, and had always black atoms before his eyes,
and that he wished old Stair was in his place ;
that Wade would have done very well under him
self, the King, for he would have made him act,
but that his ministers had hindered him from going ;
Carteret had given him honest advice ; he had said
that it belonged to him to resolve, but that he himr
self, Carteret, thought he should go. Upon this the
Duke replied, that he would give him one piece of
honest advice ; that there was yet three months to
the meeting of parliament, and that he would advise
his Majesty to employ that time to lay aside those
ministers who, he thought, had given him dishonest
advice, one of which he himself was. The King
turned to the window, and then said, that Carteret
had given honest advice; but that he was very well
satisfied with them too who had given the other
advice. Lord Bolingbroke said, that the solicitor had said
to him, relating to the conduct of the opposition
next session, that they would conduct themselves
ill, for they would make no distinction between the
parts of the administration, who would thereby be
drove to unite so far as to defeat the opposition,
though they could never unite sufficiently to com
pose all their differences; whereas the breach might
be widened, so as to force them to a rupture before
the session was half over, could one part of them
see, that they would be supported by the opposi
tion ; but that a treaty was impracticable, and that

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT, JJ_
if Lord Bolingbroke gave the above advice, it would
be thought to proceed from a concert with him,
the solicitor, who would be supposed to speak from
his partiality for Pelham : to this Lord Bolingbroke
agreed ; that last year the Pelhams' heads turned
on the King's return, for, before he went abroad,
they had found themselves not only consulted by
the King on all his affairs, but that Pelham1 had
brought him to resolve to keep the hold he had of
the opposition by Lord Gower2. in order to form
a national ministry ; whereas, on his return, they
found themselves without any share in his confi
dence, and him determined against what he had
been resolved upon at his departure. Lord Stair
told Lord Bolingbroke and me, that he had said to
Mr. Pelham that he ought to decide, whether he
would submit to the scheme of rendering this go
vernment arbitrary, which was his enemy Car
teret s, or would support a national government
uccordina: to the constitution of this country, in
wliich project every honest man would join him;
that Pelham made no doubt but of his being sup
ported in it. Lord Stair and Lord Bolingbroke said,
that there could be no difficulty in it but what arose
from the characters of men, and principally of Lord
Chesterfield, whose timidity would prevent him de
ciding in the opposition ; and though the best thought
1 The Right Hon.uraV.e Hemy Pelham. First Lord of the Treasury, brother
to the Duke of Newcastle.
* Privy Seal in 1742, and ajai= in 1744.

12 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
as they did, yet -the factious and hot would frighten
him into compliance with them ; however, Lord
Bolingbroke said he would press upon it at all
events. Lord Bolingbroke told me that Richard
Littleton, the officer, had been with Lord Carteret,
to ask if he was to carry any letters to Flanders,
and that his lordship had taken him into his closet,
and talked of politics a long time to him, but that
all he, Littleton, could make of it was, that if
England could hold out to make war some time,
France would have no trade left.
Lady Bolingbroke told me, that the Princesse
des Ursins1, not daring herself to marry
i£d!th' the Kilig of Spain' PhiHp V'' for fear of
being poisoned, as it was said, entered
into a treaty to marry him to Mile, de Roche
sur Yon, but broke it off, out of fear, that by that
means the court of France would govern Philip ;
that then she inquired at Alberoni2, who was in
Spain, what was the character of the Princess of
Parma; that' he, immediately guessing what her
view was, represented the princess in the colour
he thought most agreeable to the Princesse des
Ursins, assuring her, that the princess must of
course shew to her all that gratitude could dictate
for raising her to so high a state ; upon which she
dispatched him to negociate the marriage at Parma,
but, upon the business being discovered, one of
the Princesse des Ursins' friends, the Duke of Me-
1 A French woman. s The Cardinal.

DLARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMOXT. ]3
dina, either Sidonia or Celi, told her, that the
Princess of Parma was of a different character from
what she imagined, and would assume the direction
of every thing ; this made her immediately change
her resolution ; and she sent an express to Alberoni,
not to break off at once, but to suspend the con
clusion, because the King had some doubts. Albe
roni however pursued his project, ordered the ex
press upon his life not to appear any where, shewed
the letters to the Princess of Parma, concluded the
marriage, and then wrote back, that the express
had come too late. When the new Queen came to
Spain, the Princesse des Ursins met her at Pampe-
lona, and, instead of the reception she expected,
and returning with the Queen, her Majesty ordered
her to remain there, and in a little time to retire
to Bayonne, and sent an express to her new hus
band, to inform him of it, and of her reasons for it.
Lady Bolingbroke said, that the Regent1, to his
death, governed the court of Spain, and kept the
King; from abdicatino- wherebv he o-ained the
Queen's confidence. Lord Bolingbroke told me,
that when Lord Stanhope came to Paris in 1718. he
talked to him on the situation of affairs, and told
him, that the reason they made the quadruple
alliance2, was to reduce the Emperor to a specific
demand, which must be advantageous, since by
the treaty in 1716 they opened all his pretensions;
1 Of France.
° Made in 17 IS between England, Austria, France, and Holland.

]4 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
to which Lord Bolingbroke replied, that this was
justifying one fault by another, that, without it, they
might have satisfied the Emperor ; for as they knew
the views of Spain, had they delayed their quadruple
alliance but about six weeks, when Spain had broke
the neutrality of Italy, they might have said to
Spain, ' We must, in pursuance to our treaties,
' arm against you, as you have broke the treaties ;
' we will no longer be bound to the strange article of
' the reversibility of Sicily, but will give it the em-
' peror, and satisfy otherwise the Duke of Savoy ;'
that Lord Stanhope only answered, — ' Harry, you
' was always an enemy to the house of Austria.'
Lord Bolingbroke said, that for his life he could
not tell how that article of the reversibility of Sicily
slipt in, Lord Oxford always having some private
negociation in his own hand.
Lord and Lady Bolingbroke both said, that the
treaty1 between France, the Emperor, the Elector
Palatine, and [Lady Bolingbroke said], the Prince
of Hesse Cassel, had been signed about the 20th of
May last, N. S. Lady Bolingbroke said, it was
talked of before she left Paris, and added, that, in
allusion to it, Marshal Coigny2 had wrote, that
Prince Charles would have but two months time to
choose what he would do.
1 The Treaty of Frankfort of the 13th of May, 1744, between the Emperor,
France, Prussia, the Elector Palatine, and the King of Sweden, Landgrave of
Hesse Cassel.
* Commanded the French in Alsatia.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. ]5
Lord Bolingbroke said, this Prussian1 declara
tion against the Queen of Hungary changed the
whole war, and brought us back to where he had
been in 1742, so that the opportunites of 1742 and
1743 were both lost ; but that when it came to the
worst, we could give the Queen of Hungary some
money; tell her to defend herself the best she
could ; bid the Dutch watch their own interest ;
and bringing home our troops, add them to our
fleet, and tell France to attack us if she durst ; in
the mean time destroying her shipping, and trade,
and infesting her coasts with our land forces.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that Lord Chesterfield
had dined with him yesterday, and that
t^u n Lord Bolingbroke had taken occasion to
Saturday. ° .
tell him, that, in order to save this
country, it was necessary to get rid of the mad
man2, who brought us into this situation ; that he,
Lord Chesterfield, knew he had no predilection, but
that he saw no other way to succeed, but a junction
with the Pelhams, to which Lord Chesterfield
agreed, and added, that he thought it was prac
ticable now ; whereupon Lord Bolingbroke said,
that, in order to do it, they must use both the
astutia Italiana, and a greater degree of firmness.
Lord Stair told Lord Bolingbroke and me, that
the Dutch had desired the King to give the com-
1 The King of Prussia, alarmed at the success of the Austrian arms, resumed
his against Maria Theresa, issuing the manifesto above referred to, on the 10th
of August, N.S. 1744.
! Lord Carteret.

16 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
mand of his army to the Duke d'Aremberg, Mr.
Wade being found utterly incapable of the common
things ; that he, Lord Stair, had advised the King
to do so, or to give it to Count Neuperg1 ; that the
King had said he could not give it to a stranger,
and that Aremberg was interested, and neglected
his mistress' interest for his own. This, Lord Stair
said, he said nothing to, but knew the very sums
that Carteret had made the King give d'Aremberg,
to make him contradict Lord Stair in everything the
year before ; that he said to the King, that, before
he went to Scotland, he would lay a memorial
before him of what might be done to put his affairs
in a good posture.
He told us, that he had seen Pelham yesterday;
that Pelham had asked what Lord Chesterfield
said ; and, upon his answering that he knew what
he thought last year, Pelham had said, things are
now altered from what they were then, meaning,
Lord Stair said, that then he was under engage
ments to support the measures the King had taken,
but now he was not. He told us, that Mr. Pelham
had told the King,' that now his affairs went on so,
that it was impossible to know what was meant;
that he had no ally to share the burthen with him ;
and that it was necessary to have a plan whereby
to judge what they were doing, and what they
ought to do ; and that the Dutch might join in the
burthen, and in the executing of it.
1 An Austrian general, who had been employed against the Turks and the
Prussians.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 17
Lord Stair said, too, that they were expecting
Wade's answer to the paper lately sent over ; and
that, according to that, they were to take their
resolution ; but that Carteret and his were so good
party men, that they would rather do nothing, than
let anything be' done by others than their creatures ;
and that he had lately occasions to see Carteret's
degree of knowledge, and that he was as ignorant
as the Duke of Newcastle, cestoit tout dire, although
he spoke better. He said, that though the King of
Prussia might be able to do little more this cam
paign than harass the country, yet, if the war lasted
till next year, we should not be able to withstand
both France and Prussia ; that therefore the only
thing to be done was to push the war with vigour
in the Low Countries, where we could end the war
in a few weeks; for, by marching to Paris, the
French would be disabled from paying any of their
armies, and that this could easily be done ; the
French had in all the Low Countries but fifty-
four battalions ; that we had above one hundred
battalions ; that he would encamp at Orchies, by
which you would give the alarm to all their towns ;
that from thence he would detach about forty bat
talions, and a great body of horse to take post at
Amiens; and that done, he would throw in a very
strong garrison into Antwerp, put some troops into
Mons and Tournay, and march to Paris, where
there was nothing to oppose you ; then he would
call in his detachment at Amiens, and seize Rouen,
Vol. I. C

18 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
where there was nobody neither, and so open the
Seine for as many battalions of foot, to be sent by
sea, as should be found necessary to support
winter- quarters in Normandy ; that, as soon as he
had reached Paris, he would cantoon his army
along the Oise, where they would be safe and
well provided ; and that this must put a sudden
end to the war ; that Wade had taken four days to
march to his camp within four miles of Lisle, and
that he had left his artillery behind him ; that he
had not known what was in Lisle, though all along
in its neighbourhood ; that there had been but one
battalion in it, and three of militia ; that the day
after our arrival, three battalions and one squadron
had entered, and some days after, twelve or thirteen
thousand men; and that perhaps Count Saxe might
post himself along the canal near Lisle, and so
cover all Flanders, while we did nothing ; for that
Wade writ in every letter, that it was impossible to
do anything, since we were not strong enough to
act, and at the same time cover Ghent.
Lord Bolingbroke said, Lord Chesterfield had told
him, that somebody, come four days ago from the
army, had asked Wade whether any siege or action
was to be attempted, for then he would stay ; and
that Wade, and some other officers with him, had
said, if he staid for that only, he had best go. Lord
Bolingbroke told us, that Winchelsea1 this morning
had said, the step of Prussia was an unlucky acci-
1 Then First Lord of the Admiralty.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 19
dent, and that we were always against giving money,
or else a little money might make the Saxon act
against. Prussia; that Russia would act, and he hoped
Sweden might be brought in too ; that Lord Boling
broke replied, that our distresses were, as he ob
served, always immediate, but our hopes remote ;
and that he doubted, we should desire Sweden to
take Stettin from the Prussian, lest a footing in Ger
many should tempt them to covet Bremen x and
Verden likewise. Lord Bolingbroke told me, he
had talked with Lord Chesterfield, and told him part
of what Stair had said, and added, that in any treaty
he thought the beginning ought to be this ; ' This is
' our plan for home affairs, and this for foreign ; will
' you and the Pelhams propose this, and adhere to
' it in the closet ? If you will, we support you in
' it, or fall with you ;' that Lord Chesterfield had
said, that the Duke of Newcastle had last winter
told him, ' I expect to be out, and, if I am, I won't
' Oppose.' Now, this being their resolution, it was
evident that they could agree to no such measure,
unless they were quite sure of carrying it. Lord
Bolingbroke said no more, but in answer to me,
that Chesterfield said, he never knew how to talk
with Lord Stair, for, in whatever he reported, he
saw things so much through the medium of his
own imagination, that one could not rely upon his
exactness. Lord Bolingbroke said, that Chesterfield
1 Which were conquered from Sweden by the Danes, and sold by them to
George the First, as elector of Hanover. C 2

20 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
seemed to despair of every thing ; and that upon
his, Lord Chesterfield's, saying, that the Pelhams
had no reason to be jealous of any closet-man, for
they would not take Gower, nor Cobham1, for such ;
and, as to himself, he would have nothing to do in it,
Lord Bolingbroke had said, that however he must*
in the case of a new establishment, act in the closet
in some degree ; for there was no other to conduct
foreign affairs, and to this Lord Chesterfield agreed.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that M. d'Andrie, the
King of Prussia's minister, if it was he
August i3t . w|iQ ka(j keen kere tm,ee or four years
Monday. J
had been employed by his master to
apply to Lord Chesterfield2, to know whether, by
means of the Duchess ; of Kendal, his Prussian
Majesty could not learn more particulars, than he yet
knew, of the late King George the First his will.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that old Withers3 told
him, that at the siege of Tournay, having a mind
to see an attack that was to be made, where the
Prince of Anhalt Dessau4 commanded as Lieutenant-
1 Viscount Cobham, a field-marshal.
8 Lady Chesterfield was the Duchess of Kendal's niece, or daughter.
3 A general officer of high honour and courage.
4 This prince, whose statue stands in the garden of the castle at Berlin,
was the founder of the discipline of the Prussian foot, which distinguished itself
by this discipline and its courage in the wars of King William, and of Queen
Anne, particularly at the siege of Namur, at the battle of Turin, where this
prince commanded it, and at Malplaquet. When their king consented in 1709
to augment his troops serving with the allies with 5000 men, the Duke of Marl
borough, as Coxe informs us, considered this as an acquisition of no ordinary
value, expressing to Lord Godolphin, and to Lord Raby, then envoy at Berlin,
the highest opinion of their valour and discipline. The prince of Anhalt Des-

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 21
General on duty that day, and for this purpose
returning into the trenches after all the troops had
marched, as he passed by a hovel made up in them
for soldiers to sleep in safe, he saw the Prince of Des
sau hid in it, and made him a bow as he went by him.
Lord Bolingbroke said, that to be sure it was
right, when the French were in Germany medi
tating the siege of Vienna, for England to put a
stop to them, and to endeavour by a short war to
obtain the best composition possible for the Queen
of Hungary, so as to have preserved her still a
superior power in Germany to oppose to France,
and at one and the same time to have put an end
to the German, Italian, and Spanish war; that
Carteret had imposed upon him, and made him be
lieve this was his scheme ; but now we were en
gaged in a long war, or that Prussia would force
a peace, which would relate only to Germany, and
then we should be left alone engaged in a war with
France and Spain. He told me, that about the year
1734 some piece of news coming to be known after
the debate on the Hessians, Lord Chesterfield, and
Sir William Wyndham sitting with him, said, that
had they known it sooner, it would have had a very
great effect in the debate. Lord Bolingbroke said
to them, that they ought to, and might have known
it, and such news ; and that if they would support
him in it, and in the expence of it, he would un-
sau was a man of considerable talents, but of an unamiable disposition. Frede
rick the Second speaks of him as having had qualities dangerous in a subject.

22 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
dertake they should be informed; but that they
both declined it.
Lord Stair shewed me a paper, he said, he had
yesterday given the King, wherein he
August i4th. pr0p0se(j marching with sixty battalions
and one hundred squadrons to Paris,
leaving forty battalions and a number of squadrons
in Flanders, which country would be safe by means
of a strong garrison in Antwerp, and another in
Ostend ; for the open country must always yield to
the strongest army. He said to me, that this pro
ject heretofore the opposition had joined to laugh
at, and had said, Lord Marlborough had nevfer
thought of it, which was not true; and that he
had told Lord Cobham so ; and that he would
reason with him before any reasonable men as
judges. He told me, that our ministers Would do
nothing in the Low Countries, because they had
nobody to execute any thing, and that they would
let nothing be done but by their creatures. He
told me, that the facts in the King of Prussia's
rescript1 were not true, and that the alliance he
mentioned for certain bishopricks was no more than
what he himself had proposed.
Lord Bolingbroke, upon letters from France, came
to town and told me, that the Bishop of
August 16th. Soisson the King of France's firSt cnap.
Thursday. . ° r
lain, and who, by his order, had fol-
1 His manifesto of the 10th August, N. S. speaks of certain bishopricks held
out as lures by the Queen of Hungary. -

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 23
lowed him to Metz1; and M. Malherbe, major of
the Life Guard, had wrote, that the King of France,
frightened in his illness, had been spoke to by the
Bishop of Soissons with great freedom, firmness,
and strength, insomuch, that, having received all
the sacraments, he sent in for the people about
him, and asked them pardon for the ill example he
had given them, and declared, that he did not desire
to live for any other reason, but to set a better ex
ample, and to take more care of his people. He
then asked, whether Madame de Tournon2 and De
L'Oreya were returned to Paris ; and on being told
they were about four leagues off, he said that to
punish 'em for disobeying, he discharged Tournon
from being superintendent of the family of the
Dauphine, and L'Oreya from being her mistress of
the robes, so that the faction of the Duke of Richelieu
and the women was looked upon to be disgraced,
and a new turn in the interior of that court was
expected. Lord Bolingbroke said, that M. Matignon
wrote in great hopes of it, and that this turn, if we
made use of it, might open a negociation for a peace,
since the enemies to the war in France would desire
it ; that he thought it might be used so as to com
pensate for what Prussia had done ; that he would
propose trying by the Marechal de Noailles, who
was at Strasburgh, although it was now said he
1 Where he fell dangerously ill on his way to join bis army, the Austrians
under Prince Charles having already made incursions into Lorraine with their
light troops.
8 Madame de Chateauroux and Madame de Lauraguais,

24 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
had a private understanding with Belleisle1; that
the Queen was arrived at Metz the 17th, and that
the 21st the King was thought out of danger; that
Cardinal Tencin was gone to Metz unsent for, and
that though the Pretender's son was not returned to
Italy, it continued an impenetrable secret where he
was, nor had it been known since he was at Grave-
lines, after which it had been proposed to send him
to the Bishop of Soissons, but that he, the Bishop,
had declined it. Lord Bolingbroke said, that
though much might be done at the court of France
now, we should neglect it, as we did in Cardinal
Fleury's time, when, though it was evident a turn
might be made, we had nobody there but Thomson ;
that, therefore, the Pelhams ought to be animated
to do something, since the other side in the ministry
would do nothing, and therefore he was not sorry
he had missed Winchelsea, and that 70,000 men
useless in Flanders, and 40,000 the same in Italy,
the only active army in Alsace now stopt by the
motions of Prussia, and at best a defence in Pied
mont, were not an equivalent for six millions
a-year. M. d'Andrie told me, that after the treaty of
Breslau2, Lord Carteret had said, that
Saturday ' now tlie two famines of Brandeburgh
and Hanover should put an end to all
' J The marshal.
2 Of the 11th June, 1743, by which peace was made between the Queen of
Hungary; and the King of Prussia. This was a preliminary act ; the Declara
tion of Peace was dated the 23d July, 1 742.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 25
their disputes ; and that the King of Prussia, on
his notifying this to him, had sent him full powers
to conclude all his disputes, and that even he had
bid him tell Lord Carteret, that he would agree
to whatever he decided in 'em ; that Lord Carteret
had told him, that he could do nothing about 'em,
but had told the King, that, as Elector in Germany,
he ought always to take off his hat to the Elector
of Brandeburgh ; that when this was first begun,
the King of England had desired, that Osnaburgh
might be secured to his family, to which Prussia
consented ; that they began to negociate for the
peace of Germany in concert with Prussia, and
that it was to be done by means of secularisations ;
that Prince William of Hesse was the channel ; and
that he brought it so far, that the Emperor1 gave
up all his pretensions to the dominions of the Queen
of Hungary, provided he was restored to his own
dominions, and that he was enabled to support the
dignity of emperor, for which he thought six mil
lions necessary ; that, being a Catholic prince, he
could not seem to ask or agree to secularisations,
but that it was meant to secularise for him some
ecclesiastical states. M. d'Andrie named the Bishop
of Saltzburgh as possessing two millions a-year, so
that he seemed to be meant ; that these last pro
posals were given Lord Carteret after the battle of
1 A treaty was signed at Hanau, when George the Second was on the Mein,
according to which ttle Emperor was to withdraw his pretensions on the Aus
trian succession, and join the Allies for the pacification of Germany, on being
subsidised by England, But the English government refused to ratify it.

2g DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMON'l'.
Dettingen, and that, upon seeing 'em, he said things
were ready for signirig ; but after that there never
was any more said about it ; that, since that^ Lord
Carteret had expressed his sorrow that these pfo^
positions were not signed, and said to Andrie, ' You
' know one cannot always guide one's master ;'
whereupon Andrie said laughing, ' The King of
' Prussia then will guide him.'
He said, that after the treaty of Breslau the nego-
ciation was begun on the principle of taking no
more from the Queen of Hungary. He said, that
this neglect of Prince William of Hesse, who had
carried on the negociation, and the King's refusing
to see him afterwards, had exasperated him sOj that
he could not get his troops, and he is entered to
other measures.
He said, that the Elector Palatine being refused
the money due for passing through his states, after
he had letters from Lord Carteret, and our generals,
had exasperated him, and that the reason given
for refusing him was, because he did not enter
into our ideas ; that he knew nothing of the alliance
mentioned in the rescript1, except as to what re
lated to Finale2 (meaning the fiefs of the empire);
but that he believed there was such a one.
1 The Prussian manifesto asserted the existence of alliances concluded by
thfe Queen of Hungary, to indemnify certain powers for the extrabrdiriary
succours which they had afforded her.
8 Finale was mortgaged to the Genoese ; but Austria by the treaty of Worms
ceded her rights to that marquisate to Sardinia ; requested the Genoese to faci
litate that cession on being paid ; but stipulated that neither she hdr Sardinia
be obliged to contribute to that payment.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT; £7
He said, that the Hanover disputes about trifles
hindered the friendship between the two houses ;
that he had seen writings as high as the table
about a strip of boundary not so large as his hand
kerchief, and that duties raised on the subjects re
mained in deposit because the Hanoverians would
not come to any decision ; that they had applied
to his master to remove one of his officers on the
Elbe, and that when he had answered, that he was
satisfied with him, and would not remove him with
out a reason, they took offence at it ; that although
his master was in possession of East Friesland, and
his differences thereupon were adjusted with the
Dutch, who had acknowledged him as prince of it,
as the Queen of Hungary had done too, the King of
England would not ; that he had presented two
letters about it, but could get no answer ; and that
he expected an order de leur dire des sottises ld-dessus<
He said he would get the dates of the proposi
tions by the Emperor, and of the alliance, &c. from
Baron Haslang1.
He said, that at the time of refusing the Prince
of Hesse's last step in the negociation, i. e. the
Emperor's offers, Mr. Wassenaer Was just returned
from Vienna. He told me, that there was great
regard shewed to the Prince of Wales by the King
of Prussia^ who had ordered him to tell the Prince;
that, if he was on the throne, he believed their
differences would be soon adjusted.
1 Bavarian Envoy. His master was then Emperor.

28 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that when Carteret
talked to him about our affairs, he said, as to the
constitution it is altered ; we need not now seek the
approbation of particular people. He told me, that
Villiers1 was sent with money, 120,000/., to Saxony,
to induce him to arm, the same sum that had been
stipulated in the treaty2 that the other ministers
refused to ratify; that he had writ to the Chan
cellor, that our profusion would not help us, but
resembled that of Limberham in the play, who
gave much to a mercenary wench he could not
enjoy. Lord Bolingbroke told me, the French King was
quite well, but the two ladies Chateauroux, or
Tournelle, and L'Oreya, were returned to Paris,
and, it was said, were to go into Burgundy, or
Berry ; that the King had received the Queen with
great attendrissement, and said to her, that he asked
her pardon for all the uneasiness and pain he had
given her; but for the future, he would live in
perfect union with her; that this turn had been
long expected, on the first illness the King had, and
that the Duke of Orleans's devotion began in the
same manner, and that it would probably last, the
King being of a weak constitution.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that Carteret had
done all he could to get his lady into the King's
1 Afterwards Earl of Clarendon.
8 The King had agreed to give up the treaty with Saxony in the preceding
month of June.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 29
Saturday parties of diversion at Richmond, but in
vain, for the King had made a jest of it, and laughed
it off. He told me, that the Chancellor1 always spoke of
the King with the utmost contempt, and that
Carteret never named him but with some sarcasm,
and that, by what he heard, that he could depend,
Pelham and the rest did the same.
Lord Stair told me the answer to his first paper
was come back; that Wade was fallen
„° , l" ill about that time, and what he thought
Sunday. ' °
of it did not signify, but that d'Aremberg
began his opinion (of which he would shew me the
original, but Keith, his secretary, had it then) with
provising and approving the proposal ; but when it
came to the detail, he found it impracticable in
every part ; that Lord Stair had writ an answer to
it, and, among other things in it, said, he wondered
d'Aremberg could find any difficulty in subsisting
now in France, since he found none two years ago,
when they had not the same advantages. He said,
that d'Aremberg having been bought off at that
time would never since approve any thing that
came from him ; that he had sent to Lord Carteret
to come to him yesterday, and had shewed him the
' ' Lord Bolingbroke must here have spoken what he would fain, rather than
what he seriously did believe. It is inconsistent with the whole policy of three of
the parties, — with the decency of Mr. Pelbam's character, with the courtier-
spirit of the Duke of Newcastle, and with the wisdom and dignified feelings of
Lord Hardwicke. Lord Carteret was strangely reckless ; but he was ill with
his colleagues, and was courting the King's favour at whatever cost it might be.

30 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
answer, which Carteret said was very right, and
that he would send it over by the messenger, and
at night sent him word he had done so ; that he had
said nothing, but smiled at all this amusement ;
that d'Aremberg ended with proposing the siege
of Maubeuge, which Lord Stair laughed at, as
they had no artillery ; as the season was so far
advanced, that they might not take it ; and if they
did, it led to nothing. D'Aremberg's great objec
tion was, that Lord Stair's proposal was only to
make courses into the enemies' country; he said,
the answer from Vienna was not come yet, but he
supposed that court would approve of his proposal ;
that Wassenaer was like d'Aremberg, absolutely
Carteret's man ; that he had found out in conversa
tion, that it was Lord Carteret had kept the artillery
back, in order to induce the Dutch to engage to
furnish a quota towards a siege, such as the ex-
pence of fascines, pioneers, and tools, &c. which
might be about 5000/. or 6000/. sterling, for we
were willing to furnish the artillery, powder, and
balls, that were at Ostend.
He shewed me a short paper proposing to take
winter-quarters on the Seine, and possessing our
selves of Rouen, &c, whereby we might reinforce
our troops by sea, which he said he would give the
King when he took leave of him ; it was dated the
20th August ; and that, now they were frightened,
he supposed they would accept of it, for it was not
liable to the least accident, and was the only way

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 31
of ending the war, and not losing the effect of an
army of one hundred battalions and one hundred
and twenty-four squadrons, whereas if we lost this
campaign, this nation was totally ruined, and
brought to submit to France.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that this nation was
reduced now to a situation wherein no
"fus ,2 ' man in his senses would desire to treat ;
Monday. that we could not put ourselves into a
condition to treat ; that he feared the only thing we
had to do was to leave Germany to pacify itself;
make the best composition we could for the Low
Countries ; and, calling home our troops, turn our
whole force to the sea, against France and Spain;
that in order to bring the Dutch to act, we should
tell 'em, that we would leave 12,000 men in the Low
Countries according to treaty, and the rest we must
use for our own defence. He said, he did not mean
we should do it, but say it, to induce them to exert
themselves in a cause that so immediately concerned
them. M. d Andrie told me, that it was wrote to him
from Germany, that the notes to the
ugus 28 . prUSSian i Expose, which I saw yester
day, were wrote by the King of Prussia
himself; that he had received the paper from Ger
many ; that in the treaty last year in Germany with
' The King of Prussia's rescript to M. d' Andrie' is of the 8th of August. He
evidently designates Lord Carteret in it, in speaking of ' those amongst the
' EngUsh, who strive to make their countrymen enter into foreign quarrels, that
' are of no manner of concern to England.'

32 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
the Emperor, the King of Prussia had offered to
assist the Emperor with 200,000 or 300,000 thalers1,
and that Lord Carteret promised about 20,000/.
sterling ; and the order for it was signed before the
treaty broke off; that, upon publishing the rescript,
Lord Carteret had told him, there were many things
in it that would make a deep impression here, and
that therefore he, M. d' Andrie, must expect to have
all his steps watched ; that on the treaty of Breslau
the King of England had, with his own hand, as
sured the King of Prussia, that no steps towards a
peace should be taken but in concert with him ; but
that we had immediately insinuated to the Emperor,
that he must expect nothing by the means or assist
ance of Prussia, and so had tried to sow division
between these courts ; but the Emperor discovered
it to Prussia ; and he shewed me an instruction to
him from the King of Prussia, wherein he is ordered
to urge this conduct as a reason, why, after rejecting
the negociation last year, Prussia had again united
with the Emperor ; that Carteret held a different
language to him and to Haslang, which he had
reported to his master ; and he shewed me the in
struction he had received with regard to it, dated
22d August, wherein the King of Prussia says, it is
agreeable to the rest of Carteret's conduct, and goes
on telling him to vindicate his (the King's) conduct,
on the principles of a German Prince desirous of
peace, and in opposition to the ambitious views of
1 Prussian — at about 3s. each.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 33
the Austrians, and mentions France as acting as
guarantee of the treaty of Westphalia, and that
therefore there is no reason to make war against
France ; that the King of Prussia had wrote to him,
that the King of Sardinia had made his peace with
the Spaniards.
He shewed me an instruction, telling him that
Saxony had given passage to his troops upon the
requisition of the Emperor ; and he told me, that
the answer our ministers had given the Saxon as to
money was, that they were engaging the States-
General to declare war against France, and then they
would pay him in concert.
He said, that he had got as yet no answer in rela
tion to East Friesland ; and that when he spoke to
Carteret, he told him he might do what he pleased
in it, and that he had accordingly wrote to his mas
ter ; that whenever the least thing was mentioned to
the King with regard to Prussia, he said always, II
faut s'y opposer.
He said, that this summer he had applied for a
convoy for thirty horses bought in Yorkshire for his
master, which, after being promised him, difficulties
were made about it, and therefore he delayed till
the Dutch and our own troops were sent over, that
there might be no real difficulty in it ; that when,
after that the Prussian Ecuyer applied to him, he
told him to go to the Admiralty and inquire about
it, which he did, but he was treated with great bru
tality by one of the clerks to whom he applied, and
Vol. I. D

34 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
told there was none for him; upon which the Ecuyer
wrote to his master, who sent for Lord Hyndford1,
and used him in the worst manner, saying, he had
personally a great regard for him however, but
using the ministers here like dogs, who refused him
what they gave every little merchant ; that Lord
Hyndford complained to the King and to Lord Car
teret how unhappy he was, and that thereupon in
quiry was made who was the clerk ; but the horses
were sent away without a convoy ; that there were
disputes between the Prince of Hesse and the Elector
of Mentz, and between the Electors Palatine and
Mentz ; and that upon our giving money to Mentz,
and his engaging for us, the others were now going
to fall upon him; that hereupon he had asked Lord
Carteret how we should support our ally, and why
we threw away our money so ; that Carteret said,
it was always a vote in the empire ; and he replied,
' Then you have further views than the present ; '
that the Elector of Cologne was gone to Hamburgh
to divert, himself, and spend the money we had
given him, but that he could raise no troops but in
Munster by the states of that bishoprick ; and the
King of Prussia, by being director of the circle,
could stop it ; that the Swedish minister had said
the other day, that the King * was very much
dissatisfied at the unworthy manner in which his
1 Sent as envoy to Berlin in 1741, and as ambassador to Petersburgh in
1744. 8 The King of Sweden was Elector of Hesse Cassel, and as such was a party
to the treaty of Frankfort.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 35
brother had been used, and had added, ' We shall
' not be satisfied without Bremen and Verden.'
Lord Chesterfield told me, that formerly speaking
to the King about the Dutch being
September 1st. ° °
Saturday. alarmed at the prospect of the King of
Prussia's getting East Friesland, and
being willing to oppose it, the King told him, ' I
' shall support 'em in that, for I have the right to
it.' Lord Chesterfield, surprised, asked him How ?
He said, one of his family had been married to one
of the East Friesland, whereupon a pactum families
had passed of mutual succession to each other's
dominions, failing heirs-male.
He told me, that on talking to Lord Stair, and
wishing his election might not bring him into diffi
culties, Lord Stair had said, that if things did not
alter so as to prevent that, he would stay in Scot
land; whereupon Lord Chesterfield said, if he took
the first step, he had best take the second ; that a
Scotsman had been with him this morning, to tell
him, that Carteret and Tweeddale underhand were
making an opposition to Lord Stair, to get Lord
Aberdeen chosen ; and that the Pelhams had just
discovered it, and were bestirring themselves to get
Lord Stair's election secured.
He said, d'Andrie had once been with him to in
quire about the late King's will, but that he would1
tell him nothing ; that he would see him and Has-
lang this evening at Ranelagh Gardens, and so
1 See Lord Orford's Memoirs, vol. ii. p. 459.
D2

36 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
would try them. He read me a letter he had re
ceived, he said, from the ablest man in Holland,
wherein he said, the League at Frankfort was signed
the 22d May, and that Mons. Twickell1, on his
return to the French court, had felt the effects of
it, finding the French quite untractable. He com
plained that, after the States had lost two towns
in the spring, nothing had been done to repair the
loss, after the great detachment of French to Alsace
had left our army greatly superior ; and of the
Frieslanders, who, having been the principals in
driving 'em into vigorous measures, now stopped
every thing by insisting on the Prince of Orange's
advancement. He said, our minister2 at the Hague
caressed nobody but his wife; he called the step
of the King of Prussia une demarche horrible, &c.
He said, they had called away their troops from
Embden and Lieroort; and he expressed his won
der, what their minister extraordinary was doing in
England. Lord Bolingbroke told me, that La Boulie at
Calais, an old and good officer, told him
Sunda ' ^^ m ^2 we might have taken Dun
kirk as easily as they should take Furnes
(which they were then besieging), for that we need
only break ground to erect one battery, which would
bring down all the works they had made of that
sandy earth ; that the works were too large to be
1 Wassendar Twickell, then Dutch ambassador at Paris.
8 Mr. Trevor, afterwards Viscount Hampden.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 37
defended, for which reason they have since made
'em nearer ; and besides at two places, and at low
water, we might take 'em in flank.
Lord Chesterfield told us, he met the Sardinian,
Prussian, and Imperial ministers, at Ranelagh Gar
dens ; that they said, they had proofs of all the
King of Prussia asserted in their hands; that Osorio1
said, he knew nothing what his master had resolved,
but he believed he would hold out as long as he
could, and till he saw no hopes for the Queen of
Hungary ; that it might depend on what passed at
Coni, which would make a good defence, if the five
battalions the King had sent could get into it ; else,
there being but three in it, it could not hold out ;
that the minister had reckoned up fifty thousand
effective men, besides France and Prussia, in the
league of Frankfort, to act in Germany ; that Has-
lang, the imperial minister, said the Duke of Wol-
fenbuttel had acceded to it, and was to furnish three
thousand men ; that Mr. Freer told him, that I had
had the Remarks on the Prussian Expose ; that one
of the cabinet council, who had as little reserve to
him as one man could have to another, had told him
at the time, that, with the treaty of Worms, there
had been ratified articles of the highest and most
important nature ; whereupon Lord Chesterfield said,
' That is Hanover, by  !' and the other lifted up
his hands, and said nothing.
1 The Sardinian envoy. He was Sardinian plenipotentiary for the treaty
of Worms, concluded in September, 1743, between England, Austria, and
Sardinia.

38 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Lord Bolingbroke said, that the Chancellor1 had
said to him, that in a treaty whereby we were to
give so much to the Queen of Hungary, there was
nothing ¦ reciprocal, which did not agree with the
other ; but indeed he had said, that as the treaty
came over, he would never set the seal to it.
Lord Chesterfield said, that Carteret had com
plained of what they had done, saying, they had
mangled and spoiled his treaty, which before was a
very good one.
Lord Bolingbroke said, that now he thought the
pathetic style should be used to the Pelhams, and
all particular bargains laid aside ; but it should be
tried to persuade 'em to act upon an English plan,
and, in general, told 'em, they should be supported
in it, and if they did not succeed in the closet, they
should be supported in the parliament with facts ;
and . that he would sound the Solicitor-General,
whether he would join to support them in screening,
if it came to that, but only in general ; Lord Ches
terfield agreed to all this. Lord Chesterfield said,
he believed he could get the date of the treaty
lately made with Saxony, whereby the subsidy was
* granted, but that was refused to be ratified. Lord
Chesterfield told me, this was business and not
fribbling ; but that it was essential to get the article
for Osnabruck, &c.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, he had spoken to Sir
Sept. 3d. Charles Wyndham ; that he did not
Monday, blame his attachment to one who was his
1 Lord Hardwicke.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 39
relation, and much less to the prince ; but he
should not engage himself too far, so as to set his
name to what no Englishman could approve without
infamy. M. d'Andrie told me, that it was public in Holland,
and wrote to him by the Prussian secre-
mep ' , ' tary, that Lord Carteret had said, he had
Tuesday. J \ '
in his hands what would make the King
of Prussia repent, and punish him for his temerity ;
that if this came to the King of Prussia's ears, it
would have most terrible effects ; that Carteret had
said to him, that he was perfectly easy as to himself;
that he had done nothing but what he ought to
do ; that if any examination was begun in parlia
ment he would oppose it, and hinder it ; but that
if by any other way a discovery should be made,
it would appear he had acted like an honest man.
D'Andrie said this must be ; that he acted by the
King's order, and to please the King ; that Carteret
had added, that all he had done was entre six yeux,
and therefore could not be known.
He said, Carteret had received twelve copies of
the Remarks on the Expose.
He said, that the King formerly in a certain letter,
had turned his back upon him; and that he had
complained of it to Lord Harrington, and, on other
occasions since, to Lord Carteret; and that they
had both begged him to continue to go to court ;
that it was a weakness in the King ; but that the
King of Prussia having heard of it had told Lord

40 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Hyndford, that he had a great regard for him per
sonally, but he must not expect other treatment
than his minister found, and that he had treated
him accordingly, and had wrote to d'Andrie to tell
Lord Carteret, that all these hauteurs ne tomberoient
pas dans une terre ingrate ; that, the .King had never
spoke one word to the Count Firick1, who went to
Hanover from the King of Prussia after the breaking
off the negociation at Hanau and Mayence.
He said, that France would never have given the
neutrality to Hanover, had it not. been for the King
of Prussia ; and that the King of England had wrote
to the King of Prussia to thank him for it.
He said, he had a copy of the league of Frank
fort; that it was plain and simple, and that Has-
lang had shewed it to Lord Carteret, who said, that
there was a secret article to it of another kind.
He said, that all the hopes from Russia were
over, and that an ambassador was coming from
thence to the Emperor ; and so far from being well
in Sweden, he asserted, that mafoy Bremen et Verden
sautera ; but he evaded entering into particulars.
He said Lord Chomley 2 had come to sit by him
at Ranelagh Gardens, and had been forced to begin
the conversation by asking how these things in the
King's Expose, having passed entre quatre yeux,
could be published? and he answered that" they
were public, in Germany, so that every body might
1 Of Finckenstein, a Prussian minister of state for more than half a century.
8 Lord Cholmondeley, son-in-law to the Earl of Orford, and Privy Seal.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 41
read them ; whereupon Lord Chomley said, then
they will soon be known in England ; that he added,
that the Prince of Hesse was a great prince ; Andrie
said, the manner in which we had treated him was
the more unworthy.
He said Lord Chomley would have gone to Berlin
in the stead of Lord Hyndford, but that he insisted
on full powers, and said he would act as English
minister, and not be accountable to Hanoverians,
but to the parliament of England.
He assured me I should have the papers in seven
or eight days.
He said Lord Chesterfield had said to him, that
he would believe the facts as related by the King
of Prussia, till the contrary was proved.
He said that the assignation for 100,000 crowns
to be paid by England to the Emperor was ready
to be signed, the King of Prussia giving 300,000
to support the Emperor till his dominions were re
stored, when the treaty1 broke off; that, on Lord
Carteret's saying to him that they never thought of
annulling the Emperor's election, he had asked him,
whether he thought then peace could be made with
out something to enable the Emperor to support his
dignity ; that the peace with Spain had been spoke
of in the negociation ; and that the King of Prussia
promised to act in concert in it, and treated it as
easy when the alliance of the empire was made ;
that in this negociation nous avions la representa
tion, and France had nothing to do, whereas now
1 Of Hanau.

42 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
France took our place ; that Lord Carteret had said,
he had forces enough to turn the scales yet in his
power, — the devil take him if he had not : — this
both to Haslang and to him.
Lord Chesterfield told me, that Lord Stair x had
a fit of the.apoplexy in his coach going
epe]? er ' to Kensington with Lord Harrington2,
who had got assistance at Kensington,
and recovered him, and then sent him to town ; that
by Lord Chomley buying lately a great gilt coach of
the Duchess of Kendal's, he knew he had some no
tion of going abroad with a character ; but he did
not believe the reason that stopped him was what
Andrie gave, for he was too willing to join with the
court, to refuse doing Hanover business ; and he
had been last year the mezzo termino between Lord
Orford and Carteret in bringing the Pelhams and
courtiers to join for Hanover troops, &c.
Mr. Pitt told me, that the Prince's attachment to
Lord Carteret was much weakened ; that
Friday. **e bore to be talked to about it ; that the
Prince had talked to him of him only as
a man of great ideas in foreign affairs, and had not
been offended when he said he would soon be as
much exploded as Horace Walpole, and that the
events that shewed his inability were none of 'em
fortuitous, but the natural effects of the measures he
pursued ; that the Prince had concluded with great
assurances of his regard for him.
r He died in 1747. 8 President of the Council

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 43
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that about forty years
ago, he had read King William's plan for making
war in the West Indies, which had been formed in
concert with the ablest seamen in Holland, and with
Sir George Rooke and others in England ; that in
general it was to let loose all our buccaneers, pri
vateers, &c, on the West Indies, and to assist them
with the King's ships and land forces, to take post
only in proper places, so as to secure their retreat ;
and in this manner to ravage the country, and in
terrupt their trade ; and he believed, the French
would not be able to prevent their Martinico men
joining us.
M. d'Andrie told me, that Mr. Alt, minister of
Hesse, had received from Prince William
f? ' . 'a species facti, containing all that passed
in the negociation in 1743, with orders to
communicate it to the friends of the House of Hesse ;
that he was to shew it to Lords Carteret and Har
rington, and tell them of his orders, and that he
would shew it to me ; that it contained surprising
anecdotes, but he doubted whether he would give a
copy of it. He read to me the instruction from the
King of Prussia, in relation to what is advanced by
the court of Vienna ; and until he receives a more
ample answer to it, wherein he asserts, that as to
what passed at Snellenberg1 in Silesia, there never
1 The Convention of Ober Schnellendorf of the 9th October, 1741, drawn up
and signed by Lord Hyndford, and verbally assented to by the King of Prussia j
it procured to Austria a seasonable suspension of that monarch's hostilities, but
at the expence of cessions.

44 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
was anything signed by the King of Prussia, or any
of his ministers having full powers, all done there
being only plans or proposals by the mediator, Lord
Hyndford ; and that as to the secret article of the
league, it is false that there is in it such a secret
article as is given out by the court of Vienna. He
said that the Empress of Russia had answered to
Lord Tyrawley's 1 memorial, that it was a matter of
Consequence of which she would consider, and give
an answer to it when she returned from a journey
she was going to undertake ; that Lord Tyrawley
having asked the ministers where the Empress would
return to, to answer him, Moscow or Petersburgh,
they told him they did not know ; that the Empress
had ordered her minister at Vienna, in case he had
not yet got it, to demand an exemplary satisfaction
for the affair of the Marquis de Botta2 ; and, if he
did not obtain it in twenty-four hours, to leave the
court. Lord Chesterfield told me, that Lord Leicester
had said, that the body of their partv
Sept. 13th. ,, „ J , ,
Thursday. never would screen Carteret, and that
Pelham, if he would, could not obtain
it of Sir Harry Liddel, his son Mr. Coke, nor even of
Lord Harrington ; that Lord Bath 3 was mustering a
' British ambassador at Petersburgh.
8 The Marquis de Botta d'Adorno was accused by the court of Petersburgh,
where he had been accredited as Austrian minister, of having entered into a'
conspiracy. Maria Theresa thought it expedient to disavow and imprison him,
and thus disconcerted a French intrigue built on this accusation, and retained
Russia in her interests.
3 William Pulteney, created Earl of Bath in 1742.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 45
set of honest men, who should be free from the fury
of the opposition, [and] consult the interest of their
country without regarding the frowns or offers of the
court ; that for this Lord Limerick had put off his
journey into Ireland, and that Lord and Lady Bath
laid close siege to Lady Betty Murray1, living with
her at Richmond; that Lord Bath's view was to
intimidate the court, so as to obtain the garter,
which, when it was last spoke of, the King had ab
solutely refused, and thereupon the promotion had
been put off till next winter, to the great grief of
Lord Harrington, who cried for the garter; and
there was a dispute about it — Lord Carteret in
tending to have it, and Mr. Pelham thinking, in
that case, he ought to have it, to preserve an
equality. He asked me if Mr. Pitt had not told me, that
the Prince was much come off from his opinion of
Carteret. I said he had ; then he said, to bring
him quite off, there wanted a short state of his con
duct, about a sheet of paper, to shew that in Car
teret's own plan he had neither acted as an able
English minister, nor Hanover one ; that it should
quote treaties to stun him, for he loved that. He
said, Sir Luke Schaub told him that the King's
pretension to East Friesland was unanswerable;
that it was founded on a pactum familiar confirmed
both by the Emperor and Empire ; and that he be-
1 Mr. Murray married in 1738 the Lady Elizabeth Finch, daughter of the
Earl of Winchelsea.

46 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
lieved there was an account of it in the Theatrum
Pretensionum, in which case he would send it to
him ; but he had not sent it. He said Monsieur
Hopp l had told him that he went to see Boetzelaer,
as the extraordinary minister, but he told him no
thing ; that he had asked if he was doing nothing,
and Boetzelaer said ' No,' but that he staid because
he had no orders from his master to return; that
he passed his time with Lord Carteret, who, he
believed, made use of him to keep up his party in
Holland, but that it was to no purpose, for the
Dutch would not declare war, and that they had
already done more than we could in justice demand,
seeing there were forty-five thousand men in their
pay under our and the Queen of Hungary's command,
besides ships ; but that our generals did not know
how to use them ; that the treaty at Hanover2, &c,
was to be the subject of every paper till the meet
ing of parliament; and a little before that they
should all be collected in a pamphlet.
Lord Chesterfield told Lord Bolingbroke and me
that last Saturday night Andri6 had told
MoncL " him, that having asked the Duke of New
castle whether the regency had refused
to agree to the treaty at Hanau, the Duke had said,
that it was true, for there being 50,000/. to be
paid to the Emperor, (i. e. 300,000 crowns,) how
could they accept of such a treaty in the interval of
parliament?
1 Dutch minister at the British Court.
8 It is evident, that Hanau should be read here, instead of Hanover.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 47
He said, that Andrie was to send him the account
of the King's pretension to East Friesland ; and that
he had said he expected his master's orders to com
municate the other papers ; that as to Mr. Alt, he
would not shew what Prince William of Hesse had
sent him, pretending his orders were only to shew
it to the friends of the family of Hesse. To this
Lord Chesterfield said, that Andrie might get a
copy of it, being an ally ; and that he would give
his word it should never be made public, and only
used in parliament where proofs were necessary ;
for as to himself, he was persuaded of the truth
of what the King of Prussia advanced. He told us,
he believed he should get the papers. Lord Boling
broke told us, Sir Charles Wyndham had said, that,
asking Carteret what he should say as his friend
to all that was adoing, Carteret bade him say no
thing, and time would clear up all ; but on pressing
him as his friend, he said to him, that he must
support the King's prerogative to suffer no exami
nation ; but that if all should be discovered, he
would appear to have done his duty.
M. Andrie shewed me a letter signed by the King
of Prussia from before Prague, 16th inst.,
ep . 22 . mentioning the taking of the town, after
five days' siege. At the end of it, he says,
that since Lord Carteret had given him the de
menti concerning the facts he had advanced, he
should make him, Carteret, demeurer avec sa courte
honte, for he had ordered the proofs to be sent

48 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
from Berlin to Andrie, and his minister at the
Hague to transmit to him what had been com
municated to the Pensionary at the Hague from the
Prince of Hesse Cassel ; and he ordered Andrie to
shew all of 'em to whomsoever he thought proper.
He told me, he had received the King's answer to
the Queen of Hungary, but that it was in German ;
and that he would let me know when I could see it,
and the others also.
Lord Chesterfield told me, that it was true, that
Lord Carteret had convinced Andrie,
Sept. 27th. that tlie rejecting the Treaty of Hanau
was owing to the Regency in England,
contrary to Carteret's opinion, who thought, and
did still think it a good treaty ; and that Andri6
had accordingly written to the King of Prussia.
He told me, that the Duke of Dorset1, who
wished well to the opposition, because he hated
Carteret, and would be glad to give him any stab
he could in the dark, and with safety, had bid Lady
Allen, where Lady Chesterfield had seen him, tell
Lord Chesterfield, that the opposition should be
cautious, Tor they were upon a wrong scent, when
they found fault with the rejecting the treaty pro
posed at Hanau ; that Carteret had been for the
treaty, and it had been rejected here by Lord Har
rington, the Lord Chancellor, and [the] Duke of
Newcastle, as pernicious, tying England down to a
perpetual subsidy to the Emperor ; and that they
1 Lord Steward.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 49
had looked upon it as an engine in their hands, to
be used some time or other against Carteret.
He told me, that a person, not a man of busi
ness, being some days ago in a coach with the
Duke of Newcastle, and another cabinet counsellor,
who were complaining of Lord Carteret, and blaming
him, this man, who was not a man of business, said
bluntly, ' If you are displeased with him, why don't
' you turn him out ?' to which the Duke of New
castle (I think) answered, ' If we did, who could
' we take in his place ? for the opposition won't join
' us but upon an alteration of measures, which the
' King will never be easy with, nor consent to.'
In further conversation they expressed their confi
dence, that a peace would surely be made this win
ter, and then they would be easy ; to which Lord
Chesterfield said to this person, ' Why don't the
' boobies see, that Carteret, who has got the closet,
' will, when peace is made, not be easy, till he is
' the domestic minister too ? '
He said, that talking to Boetzelaer, who he said
was the weakest man he had ever seen, he had told
him that he hoped his masters, the Dutch, since
they were getting themselves out of the scrape,
would, like old friends, take us along with them ;
and that Boetzelaer admitted the Dutch were get
ting themselves out of it, by answering, that we
ought to consider the Dutch were not so rich as
we, and nearer to the danger. Lord Bolingbroke,
on telling him bow the negociation of Hanau was
Vol. I. E

50 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT
now represented, said, he did not believe it, but
that here was some lie or other to deceive people
and mislead 'em, and that perhaps Carteret had
gained Andrie ; but that he could only say, what I
had said to Lord Chesterfield, that we were to sup
pose it as we now saw it, and condemned the
refusing it, whoever did it ; and if it proved, as
it is now represented, which was inconsistent with
all that had been said about it last year by every
body, the treaty itself ought to be condemned, but
the conduct subsequent to it should be condemned
too ; that, if what the Duke of Newcastle said of the
opposition was true, and if the ministry intended to
pursue the measures, he said were most agreeable in
the closet, he thought it was not eligible for the oppo
sition to coalite with them. He said, he believed our
ministry might have insisted on Prince Charles
passing the Rhine against the opinion of the court
of Vienna; for that Lord Stair had said to him at
the time, that if Prince Charles got over the Rhine,
not a prince in Germany would dare to stir ; and
the King of Prussia would think twice, before he
declared against the Queen of Hungary.
M. Andrie told me, that Baron Haslang was to
get the papers from his court soon, hav-
Sept. 29th. • . . . . , '
Saturday m% & an answer promising them ; that
the court of England had stopped the
arrears due to Prince William of Hesse, and per
haps now had paid 'em, which might be the mean
ing of the order given to Mr. Mann, the Prince's

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 5 J
minister at the Hague, who had showed the paper
the Prince had sent there, to let the matter insen
sibly drop, since it had produced its desired effect.
He said, when the paper was read to the Pen
sionary and Greffier, they expressed the greatest
surprise and concern, that the opportunity was lost.
Lord Chesterfield [said], that Charles Stanhope 1,
to whom his brother told everything, told him,
that by the treaty of Hanau the Austrian Nether
lands were to be given to the Emperor to make up
his kingdom, and that his yearly revenue was to
be six millions of florins, which we were to pay till
he was in possession of his kingdom, whereupon
Lord Chesterfield agreed with me, that Carteret
must have cheated the regency by misrepresenting
the treaty, to make them break it off.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that there was no
danger of any connexion formed at
0 er s . Ricrimorioi between Lord Bath and Mr.
Monday. Murray's family, for Lady Betty Murray
had avoided any intercourse with them, and told
him that Lord and Lady Bath were the ridicule of
the place for their avarice, which was grown up to
the greatest excess ; that Lord Bath had told her,
that finding every body at court dejected, he had
gone to Carteret, and told him he was sorry that
things seemed to be in a very bad state ; and that
Carteret had answered him, rubbing his hands,
' My Lord, everything goes very well.' She said,
1 A member of Parliament, the elder brother of the Earl of Harrington.
E2

52 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
his manner provoked Lord Bath so, that he railed
everywhere aloud at Lord Carteret.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that Pitt had wrote
to Lord Chesterfield, that one of the Grenvilles
had come to Bath, he thought pretty much on
purpose to insinuate, that they wanted only to be
asked to concur in the same way of thinking, which
had determined Lord Chesterfield to go to Lord
Cobham. He said, I ought to talk to Andrie on two points ;
1. That my friends were of opinion that the con
nexion between this nation and the King of Prussia
ought to be cultivated, being founded upon our
true interest, and he being the only power, we could
set up against France, if the House of Austria
failed, which I might say, we thought failed
already ;
2. That they were convinced by the papers, that
the King of Prussia had acted a fair and open part,
and given the English ministry timely notice of his
resolutions to support the Emperor during the nego
ciation at Hanau last year ; and that if I saw he
entered into this, I might add,
3. That, considering the necessity there was for
the interests of this country to preserve the present
royal family on the throne here, and which the
King of Prussia felt as we did, some people here
began to think of a separation of the Hanover
dominions from our kings, as the only efficacious
means towards this end ; that this I should mention,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 53
and enlarge on, or not, as I saw how far he compre
hended and entered into it.
He was of my opinion, not to be pressing to see
the solicitor, Mr. Murray, but when he came to
see him, to talk to him ; that if the treaty at Hanau
was as the King of Prussia represented it, his
friends had made a pas de clerc in rejecting it,
and therefore he believed it must have been very
differently represented to 'em, but that, in either
case, it behoved 'em to take some measures to
save their country now, when they had no time to
lose, and so forth ; and that he would talk in the
same friendly manner to the chancellor, after which
they might do as they would. He added, that even
if they had made the pas de clerc, he thought he saw
a way of getting out of it.
M. Andrie told me, that Lord Carteret had said,
that since the affairs were as they are,
„, , ' let the Kins: 'of Prussia and the Queen
Tuesday. a_
of Hungary divide Germany between 'em,
for that we had nothing to do with the Emperor.
He said, he did not know what views our minis
ters had ; that the King seemed much dejected ;
but that he believed the Dutch would make a
peace, though he could make nothing of Boetzelaer,
who was a very simple man, who said only, that the
Dutch were found fault with on all sides, and that
they could not help pursuing their interest, and
observing their engagements.
He said, that once when the King here was in

54 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
good humour, he ¦ said to Andrie, that the people
here were angry at his going to Hanover, when
they went all out of town to their country-seats ;
but it was unjust, for Hanover was his country-
seat, and he had no other.
He said that a separation of Hanover from England
would not do, but that the dominion there should
be divided in some negociation ; that in the treaty
about Silesia there had been a project formed for a
regulation with the King of Prussia, who had sent
him full powers to conclude, but that nothing was
done, the Hanover lawyers being improper nego-
ciators of such affairs, where one should cut freely
to accommodate matters ; that the King of Prussia
was even to have yielded East Friesland because it
suited Hanover, and that Hanover was to have
Osnabruck likewise.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, Mr. Murray had read
to him all the papers Lord Carteret had
c° e^ " sent over relating to the negociation [in]
1743; that Lord Carteret's letter was
dated July the 5th, O. S., and the answer of the
Regency was the 15th July, O. S. ; that Lord Car
teret sent them two papers agreed with Prince
William of Hesse, who had a full power from th§
Emperor in his pocket ; the first was a project
whereof the two first articles were drawn by Lord
Carteret, but in a most vague and indetermi
nate manner, so as to do him no honour ; that by
this the French were to evacuate Germany; the

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 55
Emperor was to contribute to the public good, and
was to have a subsidy, to enable him to support
his dignity, the lustre of the empire, &c. ; and that
by the second project, the Emperor was to have
paid him 300,000 crowns, in three payments, at a
fortnight's distance from each other, independent
of the other subsidy, and distinct from it; and
that of the first subsidy it was said only, on payera ;
that the lords here rejected this overture by a very
good despatch, which therefore he took to be the
chancellor's, and that Murray had a hand in it, for
Murray had said to him that he knew of this at
the time, but it was a matter too delicate to be
mentioned ; that the lords refused for reasons he
believed would have had the same effect on him
and me ; but our condition would rather be made
the worse for it, because we should be left with
France and Spain upon our hands, and have a
large and endless subsidy to pay, and not receive
any assistance from any other power, after we had
brought the war into Flanders (which in the letter
it was mentioned, that it was hoped would be kept
in Germany by not suffering the French to retire) ;
that the evacuating of Germany was a thing already
begun to be executed and extremely desired by the
French themselves, but rather to be opposed than
demanded by us ; that besides the lords had
grounds, and, he believed, good grounds, to think
that the Emperor acted in concert with France ;
that all this was only to make a preliminary treaty,

56 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
and the subsidy to begin a month after it was
signed ; that Mr. Murray said, the lords here under
stood that they were not let into the whole secret,
but that there was some German job at the bottom
of it, and that this was the reason, both of the
coming on, and going off, of this negociation ; that
Murray had said that the ministry knew that Lord
Chesterfield and Lord Marchmont had seen Mes
sieurs Haslang and Andrie, to which he had
answered, that it was very natural for any man that
wished well to his country to inquire how matters
so important really stood ; that he had observed to
Mr. Murray, that there was not one word men
tioned of the King of Prussia in all this affair, and
that Murray answered, that Carteret had said no
more about it than he read to him; that Murray
had said that Hanover was actually going to be
attacked, and that Prince William of Hesse was
actually making magazines for that purpose now
upon the frontiers of Hanover ; that upon this occa
sion Carteret had said, the 16,000 Hanoverians1
must return into their country, whereupon Pelham
had asked, who was to pay them ? and Carteret had
said, 'England, to be sure;' and Pelham replied,
' What them, and 20,000 Saxons too ? I will never
' consent to it ;' that he [Murray] thought they must
break upon this, and that the Pelhams wished
nothing more than to be out. x.y -"
Lord Bolingbroke said, he had said, that he
1 Serving in the army in Flanders.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 57
thought those who meant to serve this country
should agree to support one plan, without entering
into any disputes about men, and that the oppo
sition should jolt the ministers' heads together, till
they brought this matter entirely into light.
He said, that Murray was of opinion the minis
ters should not deny the papers in parliament, and
that Murray said this Hanover plan would destroy
itself, for he saw it neither would nor could be
borne ; that Murray had said, the Duke of Devon
shire1 had told Mr. Pelham, that though he had
always been attached to Walpole, his accepting of
the pension was so infamous a thing, that as a
public man he never would have more to do with
him, but would adhere to him, Pelham. He bade
me not only inquire whether the 300,000 crowns
and the other subsidy were different, but par
ticularly what the Emperor, &c. were to do towards
obtaining a general peace. He told me, Lyttelton
had told him, that his master2 had received him
very kindly, but talked as madly as ever on the
present conjuncture being but a trifle, that would
soon be remedied, and run over his fingers bat
talions and squadrons, till he puzzled Lyttelton and
himself too ; and that at bottom it was the same
Hanover views as his father, though he denied it
absolutely, and said it was only the necessity there
was of supporting and restoring the House of
1 The Duke of Devonshire resigned the office of Lord-Lieutenant in Ireland
in 1744. He was appointed Lord Steward in the same year.
2 The Prince of Wales; Mr. Lyttelton was his secretary.

58 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Austria, to maintain the balance of Europe ; that
Lyttelton condemned the conduct last year of the
opposition, and said Lord Cobham was wild, for
he talked of nothing but confusion, and that things
were too bad to be otherwise mended; but that
Lyttelton agreed with him, nothing was so much
to be feared, since we had no men capable of bring
ing us out of that confusion if we fell into it ; and
that there was no probable way of safety but a con
cert with part of the ministry, though he thought it
would not be so easy this year as it was the last.
He told me, Murray had said that the ministry
had once thought of sending Lord Chesterfield, but
that, in the situation the opposition and they are
in, he would not have gone on the message, they
are going to send Lord Harrington upon to the
Dutch, to tell 'em, that if they will resolve to act
against France with vigour, we will join 'em as
formerly, but that else we cannot defend Flan
ders, and support the Queen of Hungary, and the
King of Sardinia too ; and therefore we must retire
within ourselves to make our best defence against
France and Spain, and let the affairs of Europe go
to ruin ; that Murray had said, it was not believed
France would give the Dutch peace, looking upon
themselves as masters now to possess themselves
of Luxemburgh.
He said, then the German princes will see their
folly in raising France to the height they have
done ; that Murray had said, Wade and the ministry

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 59
here laid all the blame of this campaign on [the]
Duke d'Aremberg, who lately, when it was pro
posed to attack the French at Pont d'Espierres, had
said, he was going to dinner and would not stir ;
and that next day, after consulting on it, when it
was resolved to attack the French, it was found
they had retired.
Mr. Murray said, that he believed the ministers
October 10th nere were n°t let into the secret of the
Wednesday, treaty of Hanau.
He agreed, that Lord Carteret, upon the ministers'
answer from home, should not have rejected it,
but tried to make it agreeable to their views. He
said, the people here had never heard more of it,
and therefore he doubted the negociations being
carried on.
He said, he did not believe the King of Prussia
had meddled in it, or made any declaration,, how he
would act if it was rejected.
He said, the ministers knew that Lord Chester t
field and I had had consultations with Andrie, and
that he had given me papers, and treaties, or some
such thing,
He said, that Hanover was a millstone about our
necks, and that it neither would nor could be borne
with ; that it must sink itself ; and that this was
an admirable opportunity to separate Hanover from
England. He said, he knew authentically, that
Sweden1, upon the answer given to Lord Tyrawley
. ' The King of Sweden, Landgrave of Hesse, was a party to the Union of
Frankfort, signed on the 22d of May, 1744.

60 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
by Russia, had refused to accede to the league of
Frankfort. He said, he did not know what would be done, but
he was of opinion, the papers relating to the negocia
tion of Hanau should not be denied in parliament.
He said, that the King of Prussia, to conceal his
connexion with France1, had asked in the beginning
of summer at the French minister before the. other
foreign ministers, why the French did not fight in the
Mediterranean2? and upon the Frenchman ascribing
it to the wind, the King replied, that it was the same
wind that blew at Braunau.
Mr. Murray said, that he was positive there was
no secret article concerning Hanover ratified along
with the Treaty of Worms3 last year.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that what Mr. Murray
October 13th naQ SaiC^ *° me' ^ad not Deen Collected
Saturday, from anything he had dropped to Mr.
1 Besides the Treaty, or Union of Frankfort, the King of Prussia made a
secret and particular treaty with the Emperor on the 24th July, 1744, which
France guaranteed that same day.
8 This refers to the engagement between the British fleet under Matthews,
and the French and Spanish, on the 11th February, 1744, when the enemy
retreated ; and to the defeat of the Bavarians at Braunau, by Prince Charles
of Lorraine, in April, 1 743. His quality of a wit led the King of Prussia into
this inconvenient and unsuitable habit of occasionally addressing questions
and observations to foreign ministers, and others, from which in that of a king
he had better have abstained. In his skirmish with Quiutus Icilius he was
decidedly worsted. But this habit grew to be too inveterate to be put off in old
age, although in it he once provoked the lash of an admirable reply from a.
distinguished diplomatist, which, had it been applied when he was " entered "
might have cured him of this sort of " riot." His brother, Prince Henry, in this
as in other things, good and bad, was his imitator.
¦" Between England, the Queen of Hungary, and Sardinia, concluded Sep-
tember 13th, 1743.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 61
Murray, but from what he had heard from the
ministry here.
Lord Chesterfield told me that he found Lord
Cobham very indifferent, saying, all was
Octoberl5th. -pit
Monday. a* an enci> ana ™at " noDody was wiser
than he, they would stay away ; but on
Lord Chesterfield's urging, that the weight of bu
siness gave a prospect of doing something, Lord
Cobham said, he should advise every body to
attend. He said, that all that could be collected from
what Mr. Murray talked was, that his part of the
ministry loved their country very well, but their
places better.
He said, he saw no difference, whether the King
of Prussia made any declarations in the negociation
at Hanau1, or not ; that they were to be pushed
upon the treaty being a good one, till they proved
the contrary ; and that Carteret never would permit
their discovering the particulars.
He said, he did not believe what Murray said
relating to the treaty of Worms, for if so, why did
not Mr. Pelham, when he pressed Lord Gower to
come to the cabinet council, accept of Lord Gower's
proposal, who offered to go and to assist against
ratifying, but refused to do any more than that ? —
meaning, that he would join to ratify nothing else,
which Pelham declined.
1 The plan of a convention, negociated at Hanau for the pacification of Ger
many in 1743, appears to have failed in its effect solely through its rejection by
the English ministers in the absence of the King.

62 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
He said, that he had no objection to calling for
the treaty, whereby Hanover guaranteed the Prag
matic1 Sanction ; that he had never seen it, but had
orders to say what he did to the States on that oc
casion ; that the history of that affair was this ; that
Mr. Robinson2, who negociated the treaty of gua
rantee in the name of England at Vienna, had
orders not to sign, till the Hanover minister nego
tiating the electoral interests at Vienna gave him
leave ; that when all the English interests were
adjusted, and that treaty ready, Robinson was
frightened ; that he could not sign because the
Hanover interests could not be agreed, for one of
the electoral demands was to make the King's do
minions a female fief, which, the Emperor showed,
was not in his power to do without the concurrence
of the empire ; that this and others meeting with
difficulties, Robinson got the Imperial ministers to
give the Hanoverian good words, and on his side
he assured him, that he was convinced they would
do everything in their [power], whereupon the
Hanoverian gave him leave to sign; but that the
Hanover Treaty hung some time, he could not say
exactly how long, afterwards ; that Robinson wrote
to him upon this whole affair ; that in the negocia
tion at the Hague he himself did not care to have
anything to do with the Hanover interests, and that
therefore he proposed to those here, that the Hanover
1 In virtue of which Maria Theresa succeeded to the Austrian inheritance of
her father, the Emperor Charles the Sixth.
8 Ambassador at Vienna ; afterwards Lord Grantham.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 63
minister at the Hague, a stupid fellow, Sporke, who
had married the Pensionary's daughter, might attend
at all conferences, since otherwise he might take
offence, and that might influence the Pensionary ;
that upon this it was so ordered from hence ; but he
told the Pensionary ingenuously how the thing was,
who said it was right, for his Benest de fils would do
no harm ; that according to his orders he gave assu
rances to the States, without having seen the treaty.
He said, he could not imagine what Murray meant
by approving any attempt to separate Hanover from
England, since it must make his friends desperate
with the King, and. if the King approved of it, with
the Prince.
He said, he thought as I did, that in order to carry
it, the proposal must be strongly founded in facts,
&c. ; but that there was another case, that of the
opposition proposing it as the last step before they
gave over trying any further, since every attempt
was vain, wherein it might be proposed, upon the
public notoriety of the Hanover interest being the
principle of the ministry.
Lord Chesterfield told me, the Prince had named
Dr. Askew governor to Prince George1 with 500/.
a-ye.ar, and had told him that he owed this great
trust to my Lord Carteret, who, he said, did not
know Askew, and that when Lyttelton hinted his
old promise to Mr. West, the Prince ordered a
pension of 100/. a-year for Mr. West.
1 His late Majesty.

64 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Lord Bolingbroke said, that he had, immediately
after the death of the Regent of France,
Octob. 17th. dined at Hop'S) tne Dutch ambassador,
Wednesday. . 1
with much company ; and, among others,
the Spanish minister Lawless1 ; and that one of the
company having said to Lawless that the fiancailles2
or espousals would be, as they had been appointed,
next February, Lawless answered aloud, ' No, not
' then, nor at any other time whatever ; we know
' that the Infanta is to be sent back, and are not the
' dupes of any appearances ;' that upon this view,
the Queen of Spain determined to make up with the
Emperor, and break France's scheme, since she saw
they were going to break hers ; that he did not
know why it was first thought to give Parma, &c,
to the Queen of Spain's son ; but he remembers we
acted on the principle of keeping well with France,
when it was clear that [it] was the Regent's interest
and view to court us ; and that he told Lord Stan
hope so at Paris.
Lord Bolingbroke said, there was news come that
the King of Prussia, on the approach of
„ ", Prince Charles, was retiring1 towards the
Sunday. ...
Elbe, and, it was believed, into the dis-
rict of Glatz ; that it was thought, owing to his
1 Sir Patrick Lawless, an Irish Roman Catholic, who had been in the service
of the Pretender, afterwards minister from Spain at Paris.
2 Of the Infanta Maria Theresa, daughter' of Philip the Fifth, betrothed to
Lewis the Fifteenth. The Duke of Bourbon however, under a natural change
of policy, on the Regent's death, sent her royal highness back to Spain. The
French king afterwards espoused the daughter of Stanislaus, who retained the
title of King of Poland.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARQHMONT. 65
difference with France, that letters from Schmettau1
at the French court to the King of Prussia had
been intercepted, wherein he expressed himself very
angrily against Seckendorff2 and Noailles for not de
stroying the Austrians at their repassing the Rhine ;
and he told the King that he had but three friends
at the French court, Tencin, Belleisle, and Argen-
son3; and that the King of France had said, to satisfy
the King of Prussia he would put himself at the
head of his army, now he was recovered.
He said, that he had talked over the state we
were in with the Chancellor, who had agreed, that
it was inextricable ; that we now paid in subsidies
250,000/. a-year, over and above the 500,000/. to the
Queen of Hungary and King of Sardinia ; and he
did not see how we could go on, supposing the Dutch
to remain as they are, which, Carteret says, is all
he desires ; that he knows they can do no more,
though his brother ministers want 'em to do more,
and the King of Sardinia to continue true to us ; for
if we should be able to match the King of Prussia
with the Danes, Saxons, and Russians, we shall
never be able to protect the King of Sardinia, and
to defend Flanders too ; that he had told the Chan
cellor, that as to their conduct on the treaty at Hanau,
he thought as the Chancellor did. The Chancellor
asked, what the opposition thought; Lord Boling
broke said, the reasonable men among 'em, whom
1 Count Schmettau, Prussian minister there.
2 Who quitted the Austrian for the Bavarian service, and commanded the
Emperor's army.
8 Count d'Argenson, son of the Keeper of the Seals.
Vol. I. F

66 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
he talked with, thought, on the general state affairs,
on the treaty of Hanau, and on what was to be done,
just as they two did ; that perhaps they might not
speak to the Chancellor so freely as they did to him,
but — here Mr. Murray came in and stopped him.
Lord Bolingbroke said, that nothing could be done
in Flanders as things were ; that after a resolution
taken to attack the French on the Lys, the army had
marched two days, and then the Dutch, and [the]
Duke d'Aremberg said, the roads were so bad it was
impossible to go on the other two days march ; but
a proof that the attack never was intended was, that
although certain things had been judged proper to
be done at the same time by Count Chanclos, [the]
Duke d'Aremberg never sent him the orders ; that
the Dutch were willing we should undertake a siege,
but then England must be at all the expence of it,
though the Dutch and Austrians received all the
contributions ; that our artillery had been lying these
six weeks or three months in boats, at the quays of
Antwerp, at 20/. sterling a-day demurrage, till at last
Wade had taken it upon him to order it to be landed,
and put up under sheds upon the quays, to save such
an expence ; that the ministry here had done all
they could by representations, to induce the Queen
of Hungary to assist the King of Sardinia, but in
vain, on account of the Naples expedition1. Mr.
1 The King of Naples provoked this expedition of the Austrians, by joining
the Spaniards, when they were driven up to his frontiers. It failed however.
This diversion of the Austrian force enabled the French and Spaniards to in
vade Piedmont ; but being obliged to raise the siege of Coni, they recrossed
the Alps with difficulty.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 67
Murray said, as to my anecdote relating to the Prince
of Hesse's subsidy, none of it was paid when he be
gan to take the turn he has now taken, but that an
order having come down to the Treasury for 9000/. of
it, when Mr. Alt applied for it, Mr. Pelham gave
him his word he should have it ; and so when the
King ordered the subsidy to be stopt, Mr. Pelham
desired the King to let him pay that, his honour
being engaged, whereupon the King consented, and
that money was paid ; that the order might be some
time in August last.
He said, that there being no such thing as trust
ing the King of Prussia after what he had done, we
ought now to act vigorously against him ; and that
if Prince Charles came up with him and beat him,
there would be an end of him. I told him, I be
lieved that, however France differed with 'em, they
would never suffer such an engine for their purposes
to be crushed, and that he had great resources to
prolong a war, even if he were beaten. Lord
Bolingbroke added, that he would be of use to
France to frighten the Dutch, who, he believed, were
more afraid of him, than they were even of France.
Lord Chesterfield [said,] that as he had a very
bad opinion of the men in the ministry,
October 22d. ^0 pretended to act on the same prin-
Monday. •¦.¦¦,, • • tit j
ciples with the opposition, he believed,
all they meant was only to soften people, and save
themselves from Pitt in the House of Commons ;
but that they should not gain their point, and that
F 2

68 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
they should be attacked vigorously, and should have
no knowledge of the measures taken against them.
M. d'Andrie said, that he had got no other
papers than Prince William of Hesse's,
' "' and the dispatch of 9th September, N.S.,
from Berlin, wherein it is said, that Prince William
desired it might not be known to come from him.
Lord Bolingbroke said, that the Chancellor at
Oct. 24th. last came to say (when Lord Bolingbroke
Wednesday, said, the point must be tried and sup
ported in the closet,) that it must come to that.
He said, the whole negociation at Hanau was
a banter ; that all the Emperor's offers 1 were vague,
and ended in nothing ; and that he would not have
approved of 'em, much less have drawn 'em so.
He said, he did not think the project sent over
here by Lord Carteret was exactly the same with
that in Prince William's paper.
M. d'Andrie said, that Lord Carteret was very
uneasy at the situation of affairs ; that
Oct. 26th. ^g talked very moderately, and had as
sured him, that he never had spoken, as
had been reported, of the King of Prussia ; that
though Prince William2 had made the affair at Hanau
public, he hoped all that had passed would not be
so. This, d'Andrie explained to mean, the views of
making up the Hanover disputes with Prussia.
1 To send away the French troops ; to give up his claim on the Austrian suc
cession ; and to join the Allies for the pacification of Germany, on the conditions
that he should be recognized as emperor, and receive a subsidy from England.
8 Of Hesse. The negociation was carried on whilst the British army was
near Hanau.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 69
He said, the King of Prussia would not discover
all he knew, because he would keep measures with
people here.
He said, he had proposed printing the Prussian
answer to the Queen of Hungary's paper in the
London Gazette, as the Queen of Hungary's had
been ; but Lord Carteret said, it could not be, as
we were allies to the Queen of Hungary ; but that he
might publish it himself. He said, Lord Carteret
was waiting for events, and had said, that Saxony
was in a difficult situation ; for that by treaty the
Queen of Hungary had a right to the succours.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that Mr. Murray had
been with him ; and that in talking over
Oct. 28th. xj^ gituation of affairs, he agreed en-
Sunday. .... . .ni
tirely, that it was impossible to go on in
this way, and that to alter it, in concert among all
that wished well, was necessary, but that his friends
wanted genius, and were not men.
Mr. Murray told him, that Lord Harrington, [the]
Lord Chancellor, and the two Pelhams, had given a
remonstrance to the King against going on in the
present way, and proposing to send a man of dis
tinction to the Dutch, to demand that they should
enter into the war along with us, and to declare, on
their refusal, that we must withdraw within our
selves ; that the King was in great wrath on receiv
ing this ; and said, that there was money enough
to go on, and that Sir John Barnard said so ; that
the Duke of Newcastle said, he was afraid Sir John

70 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
had been misrepresented to his Majesty ; but if he
had said so, he had not spoke like himself; that the
King was entirely wedded to Carteret, who said> the
Dutch had done enough ; and that when they lately
declared, they would pay one-fourth of the subsidy
to Saxony, it was to be accepted, for it was always
something got; but that the others objected to it;
that they might as well desire an ease in regard to
troops as to subsidies, the old proportion being one-
third of subsidies, and two-thirds of troops ; that now
Lord Harrington refused to go to Holland, saying,
he should only be disgraced by not succeeding ; that
the Duke of Newcastle replied to that, that a refusal
from the Dutch was succeeding, since it would jus
tify the ministry here, who were for carrying on the
war jointly in order to enter jointly into a negocia
tion ; that they were sensible Carteret defeated all
they proposed ; for when lately Mr. Trevor pressed
for a decisive answer from the Pensionary, or else
England must alter her measures, the Pensionary
said, that the minister in England did not hold the
same language.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that Mr. Pitt had been
with him, and had talked to him on the
Nov. 6 . present situation of affairs, and that he
Tuesday. r '
appeared to be less reasonable upon the
legacy that had been left him1.
Lord Bolingbroke said to him, that he saw but
1 Sarah Duchess of Marlborough, who died in this month, bequeafhea
to Mr. Pitt 10,0u0A

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 71
one way of getting ourselves out of our miserable
state, and that was by taking the pathetic style, and
endeavouring to soften the old party, without the
opposition departing from their own principles, but
acting with moderation, if a concert could not be
obtained, so as to be able to take advantage of the
breach in the ministry, which he thought was una
voidable. Mr. Pitt said, that the ministers, who
seemed desirous to form a concert with the opposi
tion, were weak men, and incapable of it, and in all
their step insincere ; and that he thought any union
with them quite impossible ; that they were con
temptible ; and he was angry with such and such of
'em, and particularly with Pelham ; that he had seen
Lord Cobham, and had had much treaty with the
Grenvilles1, who were obliged to follow Lord Cob
ham ; and that he saw the opposition designed to
move questions, little, if at all, inferior to high
treason; that the best method possible must be
used to stop 'em, and to moderate ; but that they
must preserve the coalition.
Lord Bolingbroke said, he was far from supposing
the concert with part of the ministers probable, but
that it was possible ; that he saw no other means ;
but if any other could be proposed, he should rejoice
at it; that he could not conceive, what other object
1 Sons of the Countess Temple, sister to Viscount Cobham, whose titles
she inherited. Her eldest son, afterwards the Earl Temple, then represented
Buckinghamshire. Mr. George Grenville was made a Lord of the Admiralty
in December, 1744. Mr. Pitt's connection, by marriage, with this noble family
did hot take place until 1754.

72 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
the opposition could have, than saving their country
by a junction with some of the old corps, who there
fore were not to be exasperated ; that Mr. Pitt was
a young man, and should not mingle passions with
business, nor act out of anger to one or to another
man ; that Lord Bolingbroke might be the dupe of
his confidence ; but they should not be the dupes of
diffidence of their own capacity and skill ; that, as
to preserving the coalition, neither Lord Chester
field, nor Mr. Pitt, had formed it, but he himself;
and it was done to unite all people in the interest of
their country ; that he could not see what object
they could propose to themselves, besides what he
had mentioned ; and that their conduct without it
must be as bad and unsystematical as last winter.
Mr. Pitt said, that they would only oppose this
war, and cry out against Hanover ; and that he hoped
his Lordship would assist 'em to make their conduct
systematical. Lord Bolingbroke replied, that as he had friend
ship with the Chancellor and Mr. Murray, and a
great regard for Lord Chesterfield and Mr. Pitt, he
would talk to 'em, as he thought, on the business of
the day, as on a newspaper, but he would go no
further; that as to their conduct, they might pro
bably have the better of the argument ; that they
might beat Mr. Pelham out of the pit ; but that they
would lose the question, and be laughed at by the
majority the next day; that, as Mr. Pitt agreed,
they had no hopes of ever becoming the majority,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 73
he did not see where we should end but in confu
sion, which Jacobitism would mix with, and make
the pot boil with greater force.
He told me, that he had told Mr. Pitt, that when
last year Mr. Pelham had got the King to order
him not to oppose separating Hanover from Eng
land, but to encourage the opposition to propose it,
and then agree with them, Lord Carteret had, upon
the King's telling it him, never rested night nor day,
till he had got the King to alter his mind ; that the
King had been for it, because he thought it could
not take place till after his demise ; and that Car
teret's opposing it was probably what had gained
the Prince ; that Mr. Pitt upon this told him what
had passed between the Prince and him in the con
versation, wherein the Prince seemed to be less pre
possessed in favour of Lord Carteret ; and that the
Prince had desired. that Pitt and he might continue
to live in confidence ; and that if he had been uneasy
at their differing in opinion> it was because one was
always sooner jealous of a mistress than a wife, and
that he hoped, when he came to the crown, Mr.
Pitt would continue in his confidence, and serve
him. Mr. Pitt said, he went down stairs with his
Royal Highness without giving him a positive an
swer. Lord Bolingbroke said, he had told Pitt what
had passed last Thursday ; the Duke of Newcastle
carried that day a paper sealed up to the King, and
told him, it was not only the opinion of the Chancel
lor, Lord Harrington, himself, and his brother, who

74 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
had signed it, but of the Duke of Dorset, Grafton1,
Richmond2, and Argyle, to whom it had been com
municated; that the contents of the paper were a
representation of the present situation, and that it
was impossible to get out of it without sending some
person of consequence to the Dutch, to propose an
intimate connexion with them, so as to arm and act
in conjunctionj not to carry on a war at random, but
to enter into a negociation with some advantage, or
the appearance of some ; to assure 'em, that without
this concert we were unable to carry on this war
at our sole expence, and must withdraw ourselves
within ourselves ; that the day after Mr. Pelham
going to the King tipon other business, the King,
after some rant, and saying it was not money but
good will that was wanting, fell into the opposite
way, and was entirely desponding of everything.
He said, that Mr. Pitt was extremely superci
lious ; and that when he was a yoUng man, Sir
Edward Seymour, and Musgrave, and such, heard
him with more deference than Mr. , Pitt had done
him. He said5 that Mr. Murray had been with
him, and expressed himself in the strongest manner
on the inability of his friends, as men to whom one
could not safely say any more, than that if they
would persist in the step they had taken, they
should be supported at all events. Lord Boling
broke said, that Mr. Pitt told him, that they could
only wait for some such conjuncture as would form
' Master of the Horse. 8 Lord Chamberlain.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. . 75
a new epocha, such as the death of the King ; but
in the mean time go on without any object beside.
Lord Chesterfield told me, that every body would
be in town the first day of the session,
Nov. 7th. an(j x^j. jt Wag a uptake that Cobham's
people were so furious, as, I said, I had
heard Mr. Pitt had represented 'em. He said, Lord
Bolingbroke had to Mr. Pitt given up all hopes of
any good by the Pelhams, and that Mr. Murray
had done the same to Lord Bolingbroke, distinguish
ing the Chancellor from them as one eager to do all
he could. He desired to have the papers I had
from Andrie, to examine them by himself; and I gave
them to him. He said, he believed no use could be
made of them ; I told him, he would be the best
judge of that when he perused 'em.
He said, he had wrote to Dorrington1 that there
might be no cause of offence ; but that the letter
had been sent back to him, Mr. Dorrington being
expected in town.
He said Waller2 was so deaf, that he could not
understand any body whose voice he was not used
to, and did not think of attending, if he continued so.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, he had not time to
tell me all, but that now we had the
Nov. 8th. thing in our hands, for that it had been
"rS ay' told the King, that the other part of his
ministers or Carteret must be dismissed ; upon what
1 Treasurer of the Chamber to the Prince of Wales.
» A leading member of the House of Commons in opposition to the Govern
ment.

76 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
I said, he said I received it coldly, but that he
thought the matter decided, and that the Pelhams
could not go back ; that he could not consider it in
a party light ; and that if our party did not concur
to support the step taken, they had neither sense
nor honesty ; that for his part, he would have no
share in the negociation; but if our people refused
to enter into it, he would never have more to say
to 'em but common civility. He writ a note to Lord
Chesterfield to desire to see him to-morrow morning,
which Lord Chesterfield answered, and said he
would. He said, that in the morning Lord Ches
terfield seemed very reasonable ; but he, Lord
Bolingbroke, had not then known how far things
had been carried ; and that he believed, the Chan
cellor had pushed the rest, step by step, farther
than they intended to go ; that the Pensionary wrote
from Holland, that though Lord Carteret was there
in post, so that he could scarce find time to make
him his visit of ceremony, yet he had found time to
tell him, that the Dutch would do no more than
they had done ; and that Lord Carteret had said,
that England would alone do all the rest; that on
Tuesday last the Duke of Newcastle had carried a
peremptory message to the King, that those who
concurred in the representation of last Thursday
could not serve him in any other plan, than what
was there proposed ; that Lord Carteret must either
be turned out, or they permitted to withdraw, for
that they could not serve with him ; that he had

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 77
engaged 'em in measures, he himself must think
ruinous ; and when he had acquiesced in what they
proposed, he had betrayed 'em ; that they did not
desire to distress his Majesty and leave him to meet
his parliament without any administration, but de
sired him to decide in a week or ten days, and to
try if Lord Carteret could form an administration ;
but that they would have no share in it ; that upon
this, the King had said, that 'Lord Carteret has
served me very well,' to which the Duke replied,
that he believed he had pursued measures he con
demned, because he saw them agreeable to his
Majesty, and he did not think that Lord Carteret
was sorry at their ill success ; but that it was im
possible for them to serve him on the present plan.
Lord Bolingbroke said, that a message was to be ..
sent to Lord Chesterfield by Mr. Pelham, to form a
concert with the opposition, and that the only doubt
could be about the manner; that he himself had
said, he thought they were to proceed cautiously
with the Dutch, and not seem to leave 'em at once,
lest our hurry should occasion their being overrun
in six months ; that the Ministers here were resolved
to separate us from Hanover, so as to be able to
reconcile Prussia to us ; that nothing but a party
view in the opposition, or what Walpole 1 might do if
he came to town, could defeat this; that he would
1 The Earl of Orford, whom the King summoned to London on this con
flict in the cabinet. In the mean time the crisis took place. But the journey
hastened his death.

78 Diary of hugh earl of marchmont.
see the Chancellor on Sunday, and put matters in
a way of negociation, unless our people spoiled 'em,
after having no merit in bringing 'em so far ; that
the Duke of Newcastle and his brother were both
piqued at last Saturday's Old England ridiculing 'em,
at the very time they were doing all the opposition
could desire of 'em. Upon my telling him what
Lord Chesterfield said to me yesterday, he said,
there was no speaking to people, for they tinged
everything they related, according to their own
sense. Lord Bolingbroke shewed me a letter from Mr.
Murray, telling him, that Mr. Pelham had
Noy. ioth. not found Lord Chesterneld at White's,
Saturday. and so was gone out of town without see
ing him, but desiring Lord Bolingbroke to engage
by word of mouth Lord Chesterfield to meet Mr.
Pelham at Mr. Stone's ! to-morrow evening.
Lord Bolingbroke told my brother, and me, that
he had advised Lord Chesterfield not to talk with
Mr. Pelham as treating with him, but as adjusting
a concert for the manner of carrying on a plan
already agreed to between 'em, and to express no
jealousy or aversion to the old court party, but to
assure him, that the deserters were those whom the
opposition abhorred.
He said, he thought Lord Chesterfield relished it,
and would not create difficulties ; that he had even
1 Under Secretary of State, highly esteemed and confided in by the Duke
of Newcastle and Mr. Pelham; afterwards sub-govemor to Prince George.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 79
said, that if Bath, &c. should pretend to alarm Lord
Orford, to break the concert by attacking him in the
Houses, he thought the opposition should receive
the proposal with a loud laugh, and go out of
the House ; that Lord Chesterfield agreed, that soft
measures were to be used with the Dutch, and
that Mr. Pelham was in the wrong in thinking
to push 'em to declare directly, or to bring our
troops home to defend ourselves ; that he had
agreed with Lord Bolingbroke, that the Dutch
should carry on the negociation they have begun, at
the same time they put on all the appearances of
vigor, and that a plan for a general peace should
be secretly concerted, and by the Dutch transacted
with the French. In this the pacification of Ger
many could not be difficult by means of some secu
larisations, and perhaps some parts dismembered
from Hanover, which must be put out of the scale,
to gain Prussia ; that the difficulty would be great
with regard to Spain, as the Queen would insist for
something for Don Philip, and therefore this must
be left to feel the parties concerned about it ; and
that when the marriage of the Infanta to the Dau
phin was over, the Queen of Spain would be more
reasonable upon that subject; that Lord Chesterfield
had sent an express to Lord Gower, and expected
him in town to-night ; that after one fortnight he
thought there was no danger of any in the oppo
sition spoiling this, but till then it must be carried
on with caution ; that he believed Cobham would

80 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
say, ' Do what you will, provided you take care of
' my boys, the Grenvilles ;' that when he blamed
Lord Chesterfield for last Saturday's paper, revolting
those whom he was labouring to conciliate, Lord
Chesterfield said only, that he thought all was over;
that he had told Lord Chesterfield, that Mr. Pitt
was a young man of fine parts ; but that he was
narrow, did not know much of the world, and was a
little too dogmatical ; that when Lord Chesterfield
mentioned the inability of the Pelhams, he told him,
that he ought not to expect to treat always, nor
even to wish to treat with people of equal parts to
himself; the less they were so, the greater would
be his advantage over 'em ; and as in this case he
had the superiority, he ought to be the more care
ful not to revolt the person he was to meet with ;
that Lord Chesterfield agreed, there was now no
fear of the opposition being in the power of the
Pelhams; but that these were evidently in the
power of the opposition.
He said, he would repeat, that he had told Lord
Chesterfield, he had engaged in this, because it
was just, it was necessary, and it was for the good
of the nation, and not of party ; that if it succeeded,
he should rejoice in the privacy to which circum
stances and his own desire had reduced him, and
that all he had , to desire of Lord Chesterfield, who
would by this come into power, was that he might
enjoy the private life he was in, without being ex
posed to avanies.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 81
He said, he thought he could see that the ap
proach to place and power was very welcome, and
therefore he hoped the breaking off this would be
avoided. He told us, that when the Duke of Newcastle
spoke to the King, his Majesty said, he would answer
for Lord Carteret's concurring in any plan they
proposed ; to which the Duke said, that he believed
Lord Carteret would, but in order to defeat it, and
they could not pretend to serve with him, nor on
any other plan than what they had given, but they
did not mean to distress his Majesty ; and if Lord
Carteret could form an administration without them,
his Majesty might take a week, ten days, or a fort
night, to determine ; and that then they were ready
to serve him on the plan they had proposed. He
said, Lord Chesterfield said, he would be glad, if
this thing did not break out till the old court joined
the opposition, to separate the German interests
from England in the address, but he believed that
to be impossible; that Lord Chesterfield thought
there would be no difficulty with the opposition in
concurring to carry on appearances of vigour, if a
confidence was once established, as to the plan to
be pursued.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that the King had, he
believed, sent for Lord Orford, to try his
Nov. 15th, influence over the party, and that Pel-
UrS ay' ham was alarmed lest it should revive a
party spirit; that every one of the ministers had
Vol. I. G

82 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
been closeted, to persuade 'em to serve on as before,
but in vain ; that the King had declared, he would
keep Lord Granville1 about him, and that he had
served him well, and had thrown in some things
about his hatred of the people here ; that the King
had said, < You will make a bad peace, as your friends
' did in 1712, and then the nation will cry out against
' you ; and I will join in their cry ;' but that there was
nothing yet decided ; that he had seen Mr. Murray
last night, and the Chancellor, and after him Lord
Chesterfield this morning ; that Lord Chesterfield,
having before told him, that when he asked Mr.
Pelham, whether he would adhere not to serve with
Lord Granville, Mr. Pelham answered, they could
not serve so ; which expression, he was so convinced,
would alarm the opposition, that he would not let
Mr. Pitt know it. Lord Bolingbroke asked the
Chancellor, how far they could be depended on, not
to serve with Lord Granville ; for he should himself
have been startled at what Pelham said. The Chan
cellor answered first, by asking if he thought him
such a fool as to go on with him ; and then positively
assured him, they none of 'em would serve with
Lord Granville ; that he had told the Chancellor
that, this first point agreed, the secondj of concur
ring in promoting a national plan  would
be accepted by the opposition ; and he thought that
the third, of acting in confidence, without forming
1 Lord Carteret became Earl of Granville on his mother's death in the pre
ceding month.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 83
a list of names and of places, would not meet with
difficulty. He said, that Lord Chesterfield and he differed
about one thing, that if they should not be able
to drive out Granville by their own strength, Lord
Chesterfield would have 'em resign, and if they
did not, would trust 'em ; whereas he thought this
would do no good, and that the best method was to
agree jointly to attack him, and drive him out, or
force him without their resigning. To this I
agreed; and he bade me, if occasion offered,
speak it as my own sense, without knowing his
opinion. He said, the Duke of Dorset had been closeted
with the Prince, but had kept the conversation at
large very artfully.
He said, that Lord Chesterfield, when he met
with Mr. P.1, had done very well, excepting that
he had brought in the mention of particulars, Lord
Chesterfield said, only to shew P. how easy it
would be to satisfy 'em, but that P. had been
alarmed lest his party should be frightened at any
such notion ; that this morning he had talked over
again to Lord Chesterfield the points which he
thought were to be the principal, and insisted on
his talking like one settling the detail of a concert
taken, rather than as one treating for one, and that
Lord Chesterfield had taken minutes in writing;
that Mr. P. had told Lord Chesterfield that he
1 Mr. Pelham. G 2

84 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
would see him again as soon as the affair was de
cided, since till then nothing could be done.
Lord Chesterfield and Lord Gower seemed both
to expect no good from the present con
juncture. Lord Chesterfield said, he had
been sanguine two days ago, but now he desponded;
that Lord Orford would be in town in a day or
two, and would probably reconcile 'em all ; and
that he was positive he should hear no more from
'em till Tuesday, when Lord Orford will have been
some days in town to decide ; that he thought
Lord Bolingbroke had not been so sanguine this
morning as he had been before ; that there was
some mystery in the cabinet council of Tuesday
last, for it could [not] be called on papers of little
consequence, as it was given out, since they sat
from after eleven till after four ; that it was pro
bable Lord Granville might be made president,
and then they would go on together again. Upon
my objecting some things, he owned this was a
ridiculous project, but he thought them capable of
it, from the difficulties they would have to en
counter. He said, that the Prince, having closeted Lord
Harrington to no purpose, had at last said to 'em,
' My lord, remember the King is sixty-one, and I
' am thirty-seven.'
Lord Gower said, he knew Orford's influence
over Pelham to be so great, that he could not ex
pect much good of this, since it was not decided till

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 85
he came up ; that though he had no influence over
the Duke of Newcastle, nor the Chancellor, yet
what he had over the other, and over most of the
party, was, he thought, sufficient.
Lord Chesterfield said, Winnington1 had been
closeted, and was extremely dejected, so as to be
able to enter into no raillery upon the subject, when
he joked with him yesterday ; that Lord Limerick
had said to him, that he had told Lord Bath, that
nothing could be done but Lord Granville and he
joining, and taking in the opposition on the broad
bottom ; and that Lord Bath had said, he had been
too ill-used by all parties to engage with any ; but
that the cabinet-council being met, he would [take]
that opportunity to go and speak very freely to the
King. Mr. Murray told, Lord Bolingbroke was mistaken
in saying, that the words ' as your friends
Nov. 18th, ^ -n 1712' in the conversation he men
tioned, were made use of. He said, that
Lord Orford had been informed, that his coming up
would be in vain, and that he therefore would not
be in town till the meeting of the parliament.
He bade me tell Lord Chesterfield, that, relying on
what passed with him, the ministers had gone far
ther than even he, or any other could expect ; but
he desired Lord Chesterfield might never quote him
nor use his name in it.
1 Paymaster-general — an intimate friend of Lord Orford. He died in
1749.

86 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
He told me that Mr. Pitt had been with him, and
had said that Lord Cobham could spoil it all, and
therefore desired the Duke of Newcastle might go
and visit him to soften him ; but on recollection de
sired this might not be told Lord Chesterfield, lest
it should create suspicion.
He said he wondered men used to decency could
do what had been done, to bring themselves up to
put the dagger to the throat ; that Lord Granville
had behaved extremely well, never having lost his
temper in the whole affair ; that the Duke of New
castle had spoke to him last night of giving up
entirely and going into the country ; but he had
dissuaded him from it, as a step without any scheme
at all. On telling Lord Chesterfield what Mr.
Murray desired, he seemed to be more sanguine,
and said, that he found Lord Cobham and Mr.
Waller1 very well inclined; and Mr. Dodington2
ready to concur if he was properly provided for ;
that Mr. Dodington had talked to him of adjusting
places first ; but he told him, measures must be first,
and places along with them in a sufficient number.
Mr. Lyttelton agreed to this, and said, that such
a number was a measure. Upon my urging the
danger of alarming the old party, Lord Chesterfield
[said] that he would not propose touching the little
finger of Mr. Hayes of the Victualling Office ; but
1 Who became Cofferer of the Household when Lord Granville went out.
4 Who was made Treasurer of the Navy in the next month, He was
afterwards Lord Melcombe.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 87
that the deserters must make room, and that was
sufficient ; that he had told Mr. P. ' the vietims ar®
at the altar ready ; let 'em bleed ;' that he would
not insist on their being moved before the meeting
of the Parliament, but that if nobody was wiser than
he, he would not stir one step without a positive
engagement, that a sufficient number should be filled
up at the recess ; that else they might be deceived,
which he would not be ; that pledges were ridicu
lous; and that they must bring their party with
them, who otherwise would say, this was Carteret
and Bath over again. I said, that could not be, since
they would continue to act on their old principles,
and the court came rather over to them. He said,
' no ;' many things might be proposed that would
tease any ministry, and that after joining in a con^
cert with the ministers, they could not be voting
differently ; that though the address might be ever
so right, yet, if he continued in opposition, he would
have a fling at it. There were things to be added
to it, and questions to be moved ; for instance, that,
if it was criminal to complicate Hanover and Eng
lish interests in the same negociation. I said, it
would be difficult to word such a question. He said,
he believed not, for he had one in his pocket drawn
two months ago, in such words. I replied, that he
would find it not tenable in Parliament, and urged
an argument against it, which Lyttelton admitted to
be just. Then I asked Lord Chesterfield, if he ima
gined, there would be nobody left to oppose, 6ince

88 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Dodington seemed to expect more than he could
get ; to which he said, that though he was no per
sonal friend to Dodington, yet he would be for
quieting him with some place or other, that nobody
interfered with, and that he believed Mr. P. would
be glad to soften a bustling fellow as he was.
Lord Chesterfield told me, that Lord Granville had
wrote yesterday a very civil letter to Lord
ov. , jjarrington, acquainting him that this day
he would give up the seals, and that he
heard his Lordship was to have 'em ; on which he
gave him joy. Lord Chesterfield said, this was oc
casioned by what passed the beginning of the week ;
that on Tuesday he, Lord Chesterfield, had a mes
sage desiring the opposition to come in with Carte
ret, who would make room for 'em all ; and that on
Wednesday morning the message was sent to him,
Lord Cobham, and Lord Gower, in form, from the
Prince by name, but really from the highest autho
rity of all, that they might all come in, on the broad
est bottom of all. To which they answered, that they
were glad of this opportunity to shew the King,
the Prince, and the world, that they did not oppose
for places, by refusing an offer that must gratify
them in places more than could be expected by any
body, but that they could not serve with Lord
Granville, nor under him ; that his schemes were so
wild, so impracticable, and so inconsistent with the
interest of England, that they could not possibly
concur with him ; and therefore they rejected the

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 89
offer. He said, that on Tuesday evening he had met
with Mr. Pelham, and sat up till two in the morning
talking over matters ; that Mr. Pelham had pressed
him to name individuals, but he answered, that he
could not ; that however Mr. Pelham might have
a guess whereabouts the number would be. He in
sisted, that his new allies should all be sacrificed ;
that they were the most perfidious, the most insuffi
cient, and the most contemptible of men ; that they
were a disgrace to him, and would be a dishonour
to the opposition, if it was grafted on them. He
added, that he did not mean to hurt one man of the
old party, for he meant to consolidate the two toge
ther. To this Mr. Pelham replied, that since it was
insisted upon, to be sure the new men must give way.
Hereupon Lord Chesterfield said, that the thing
being now done, as he thought it could not miss,
it was time to ask how people thought as to them
selves. I told him, I believed he would find that
matter easy. He said, people were apt to think, too
much could not be done for oneself; but now it
must be asked what they think ; ' and give me leave
' to ask you the question bluntly, What have you
' thought of for yourself?' I told him, that I had
never thought of anything in particular ; that my
situation was such, I could not be of any use in
Parliament1 ; and that those who could serve there
1 Lord Marchmont was obliged to vacate his seat in the House of Commons
on his father's death, and had not since then been elected one of the Scots
representative peers.

90 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
should first be gained. On his saying, I must speak
freely to him, I bade him ask Lord Bolingbroke
whether, in all our talk, I had ever spoke as having
an eye to any particular thing.
He said, my situation might remain particular for
three years, but in the mean time my talents should
not lie useless ; what would I think of a foreign
commission ? I told him, my father had undone him
self in such, and had been kept abroad till all his
friends were dead; that therefore as a gratification
to me it was none, and that by way of serving my
country and myself, I could not think of one, under
such a secretary as either the two we had, but that
if he, Lord Chesterfield, was secretary, who could
distinguish one man's merit from another, and with
whom I desired to cultivate a connexion, any com
mission wherein he required a man of confidence,
and that was not to keep me abroad a great many
years, I would not refuse. Upon his saying that no
gentleman could save himself in such a commission,
I told him, that I could not undertake one, if I had
not something beside my own estate to trust to, if
the Treasury did not pay ; that this I had seen the
effects of, and in that view had thought whereby I
could be enabled to support it, and that it naturally
must be by some Scots place, where I should have
the fewer rivals, though I would never meddle in
Scots business ; and that in this view I could find
no place that would be so agreeable to me as that
of Justice-General, which the Duke of Argyle now

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. gi
held, and which was for life; and I owned, that
therefore I liked it, as I might thereby continue to
act like a man of honour without being reduced to
beggary for it.
He said, as to himself he had chosen Ireland for a
reason I would laugh at, which the Duke of Shrews
bury gave him ; that it was a place wherein a man
had business enough to hinder him from falling
asleep, and not so much as to keep him awake;
that besides he wanted to have it in his power to do
for little people who were attached to him, and had
suffered for him ; that it gave him an entry into the
closet, either frequently or once in six weeks, as he
found it convenient ; that it was a cabinet place ;
and he believed, from his having rejected at once
Carteret's proposal, he had established a confidence
with the old ministers, and they were not so able
but they would be glad of his help, so that he
thought he should [have] voix au chapitre ; that
he could not now have had the seals without
risking all for 'em; and that he must have come
into the closet through thorns and briers, with his
face all scratched; whereas he chose to strew the
way with roses, and that he would not be a loser by
his place, if he was to come out of it after March
next come twelvemonth, nor even then above 2000/
loser ; that I might believe, I was one of the first
whom he had thought of on this occasion. I told
him, I hoped so ; and that my only view was to cul
tivate a connexion here with him, and that in that

g2 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
view I desired leave to recommend a man to him
whom I could answer for, Mr. Grevenkop1, who was
in the same house with me.
Lord Bolingbroke having wrote to me to know
what had passed concerning myself, I
°y\ ' told him what Lord Chesterfield had
Sunday. said to me, and my answer. He said, he
thought my answer was a very right one, and a
very handsome one. I told him, that the town talked
of me to be Scots secretary, but that I would not
take it without acting in concert with all the prin
cipal people of that country, for I would not pre
tend to be undertaker for the elections there. He
said, he would talk about it when he went to town ;
that it being a cabinet office he was for my having
it ; that he could wish I went abroad else, not to
stay, but where something important was to be
done. If there was a peace to be made, he thought
me the fittest, nobody having the thread of treaties
since that of Munster so ready as I ; that he thought
I should go to Holland, where we should have a
man of capacity. I told him, that as to this last Lord
Chesterfield was the only man, and that he cer
tainly would be sent, and that in general, though I
had reason to be diffident in every thing, there was
nothing wherein I felt myself so incapable as foreign
negociations, having none of the talents that were
1 A Danish gentleman, who was page of honour to Alexander Earl of
Marchmont, when ambassador at Copenhagen, and who attached himself to
his family.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 93
requisite. He treated this lightly, and said he
would talk of this matter in town.
Lord Bolino-broke told me that Lord Chesterfield
had been with him this morning, and had
Dec 25th
Tue da ' ta^ked to him of our situation as to foreign
affairs ; that he wanted to talk to me
about 'em, for that we must endeavour to get this
country out of the scrape she was in, and that he
must therefore talk the northern affairs over with
me in the evening fully, that I might determine
what I would do, and whether I was of the opinion
as Chesterfield and he were ; that I should consider
the thing well, and not give him an answer directly.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that he had wanted to
1;44- talk over the northern affairs with me,
Dec. 29th, when we could get a quarter of an hour
Saturday. to ourselyes ; that he would do it now ;
that first he would mention the general proposition,
and then consider it as it concerned me in parti
cular ; that he had long thought, and, after turning
it in his thoughts, still thought, that we could get
out of our present condition abroad only by cutting
the Gordian knot, and not by trying to untie it ;
that he had given this as his opinion to the Chan
cellor, when he spoke to him concerning what they
heard from Russia, by which power he thought the
thing was to be done ; that a proposal had been
made from thence, that the Czarina would furnish
the 10,000 men she was obliged to by treaty to
the Queen of Hungary, and the 12,000 to us, and

94, DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
would add 40,000 more upon payment of a subsidy
of 400,000/., a very great one indeed, but for
it she would enter the Prussian dominions, with
this army of 62,000 men, by which means Prussia
would be taken out of the French scale, and kept in
check. He said, he had thought this to have been
the project of a treaty sent hither, but that it was
not gone so far, for it was only a plan proposed by
Bestuchef1 to our ambassador in Russia, and which
he did not believe Bestuchef had spoke of as yet to
the Empress, though it was so represented here; that
if our ministers approved of it, Bestuchef thought
he could bring the Empress into it ; that he had
said to the Chancellor, that he was for approving it,
to put an end to the war, though the subsidy was
great, provided the Dutch came in to bear a part
of it, and that the subsidies proposed for the Circles
in Germany might be applied to this use, if it was
properly opened to the courts in Germany. He
added, ' now I come to your part in this, and I de-
' sire you will hear me out before you say anything ;
' I mentioned this affair,' says he, ' as I stated it
' to you, to Chesterfield, when he was here, and he
' said he thought it right, adding, " Would March-
' mont undertake it ?" To which I made one obser-
' vation, that I told him, that hitherto they had
' only begun their work at home, and that till they
' had established it, I did not think you would care
' to engage in any thing of this kind, and another
1 Prime Minister in Russia.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 95
' which I did not tell him, that unless we had abler
' men for secretaries, I did not see much hopes in
' any such affair. I told him that this matter was
' not ripe yet, and that the foundation of it ought
' to be laid in Holland, and he agreed to it. I must
' tell you, too,' says Lord Bolingbroke, ' that they
' do not think it will be necessary to go further
' than Dresden for this affair, and I had almost for-
' got that the other day Winchilsea rattling on in
' his way, after saying that there would be a new
' scene in four months, said the ministry are not
' capable of going through the difficulties they will
' meet with, and your friend will find the northern
' affairs very troublesome. There is a court there
' will give him enough to do, that of Prussia. On
' my asking him what friend of mine? he said, Why
' Marchmont, he is a-going there. I put it off,'
says Lord Bolingbroke, ' with a joke ; but by this
' you see they must have spoke with the King of it,
' and of your going ; for it is from him Winchilsea
' must have learned it ; Dixi.' Upon this I told
my Lord, I should have taken time to answer him,
had I not foreseen, from what he dropped in town,
that he was to propose a foreign commission to me,
and upon that consulted my brother ; that it was
impossible for me to undertake any such, if I had
nothing to trust to besides my own estate, in the
case the treaty did not pay me, for I would not ruin
myself and family to come home here forgotten, to
walk about soliciting a Scots pension ; and that in
Vol. I. #

96 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
the next place, 'though I should make a very dif
ferent answer to a proposal coming from the old
part of the ministry, and one from the new part,
who had treated me with so little regard, that I
should ask 'em nothing ; yet in all cases I would
dishonour myself, for that we Scots had not only
opposed on the general principle, but on one par
ticular to our own country ; and that if a coalition
of all of both sides was not established there, I
could do no act whereby I should appear to ap
prove of their conduct; that upon the whole I
could not forfeit the character I had the good for
tune to have obtained, but would be the more care
ful of it, the more I was sensible it was undeserved,
and therefore beyond my power to retrieve, if I
once lost it. He said, he believed they had not yet
thought of Scotland, and that it was not meant I
should engage in this affair so as to injure myself,
and that the thing was not ripe yet. Afterwards
he called me aside, and told me, that he hoped I
did not imagine him capable of acting in concert
with any body to draw me into an imprudent step ;
I told him, I flattered myself that he was not.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that the Czarina's pro-
1744. posal had been made to the Dutch, and
Dec. 3ist, that the Pensionary had made a very
Monday. pr0per answer, which was, that they must
first get out of their defensive war before they
thought of making an offensive war ; and that they
did not want an army of 62,000 men, but of 30,000

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 97
or 40,000, enough to make a diversion. He said, that
Prussia had proposed to Lord Harrington to depart
from the alliance of Frankfort1, and make peace in
Germany, if he might again have the terms of the
treaty of Breslau2, and the Emperor3 be restored to
his own hereditary dominions ; that Chesterfield
seemed in doubt whether to accept of this, or the
Czarina's offer, but that he himself had given his
opinion for listening to both. He said, that Ches
terfield4 had not yet been able to get the letters and
papers lately sent from Holland, which he wanted
to read, to know how things had been conducted
there. He said, that Harrington prevented Pitt's
being Secretary of War, because of my Lady
Young5. 1 This Treaty is called the Union of Frankfort ; it was between the Em
peror Charles the Seventh, the King of Prussia, the Elector Palatine, the
King of Sweden as Landgrave of Hesse, and was concluded on the 22d
May, 1744. France acceded to it on the 6th of the next month on the invi
tation of those powers.
8 England guaranteed the treaty of Breslau on the 24th June, 1742.
3 The Emperor died after a few hours illness, on the 20th of the month fol
lowing. 4 Lord Chesterfield set off on his embassy to the Hague on the 12th of the
month following.
s Sir William Yonge was then Secretary at War.

Vol. I. H

[ 98 ]

DIARY RESUMED.

Lord Stair sent for me ; when I went to him I
1745# found the Duke of Montrose x with him,
Sept. 20th, and that they had been engaged in talk
Fnday. together on the subject with which Lord
Stair continued ; that last night an account from
Edinburgh had alarmed the whole council;, that
the Pretender's son was near Edinburgh, and pro
bably would soon be master of it; and that this day
the ministry were to meet to consider what to ad
vise ; that he understood that [the] Duke of Bedford2
and Lord Halifax were to offer to raise regiments
for the King's service ; and that he thought fit to
let us know it ; that Lords of our country might, if
they approved of it, do the same. The Duke of
Montrose said, that he had not been considered in
his country, or else he might have been of some
use, and that he would do his utmost as Duke of
Montrose, but he could not carry a musket, though
he could a fusil, in England. I said, that we had been
all pretty equally treated, but that I supposed Lord
1 William Duke of Montrose, who succeeded to the title on his father's death
in 1741.
2 First Lord of the Admiralty.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 99
Stair asked our opinions what we judged proper to
do, rebus sic stantibus, and that I would do any
thing they two thought fit ; that I desired only not
to incur the ridicule of pretending to do anything,
that the Duke of Bedford performed by dint of
riches, but that in zeal for Uberty I would vie with
him, or any of 'em all in England ; and that I de
sired to avoid being laughed at justly for an offer to
raise and be paid for the militia under the name of
a regiment. The Duke said, he thought the offer
would be ridiculous, because his country was now
possessed by the rebels, and therefore he could do
nothing in it, and that the ministers would reject
what part of our proposal they thought fit, and
load us with the rest of it, merely to undo us. To
this Lord Stair replied; and the dispute growing
warm, I told Lord Stair, that as no offer had yet
been made, we could not tell whether we could
concur or not. But as he would first know it, I
desired he would do me the honour to accept of
full power from me to offer to raise a regiment, or
do any other service he found would not appear
ridiculous ; and that if he thought it fit, I would go
to court to be ready to make the offer personally if
necessary. He thought I should go thither : I
went with the Duke of Montrose. Lord Stair
coming out from the King told me, that finding the
King had refused the Duke of Bedford's offer, telling
him the storm would soon blow over, but that he
H 2

100 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
thanked him for his zeal, he had delayed making
my offer till a more proper opportunity. I told
him, if it could be of no use, it need not be made.
He said, he had desired the King, since he knew
nothing of his army, to name somebody that his
ministers trusted, and that the King answered,
' You know as much as I do.' I told the Duke of
Montrose, that the affair of the offer was over, and I
supposed would not be accepted hereafter, so that
the dangers he foresaw were vanished.
I went to Lord Stair to ask him whether it was
worth while to communicate to Lord Tweed-
Afternoon. dale a letter I received this post, with news
of proclaiming the Pretender at Duns1, and the act
ing justices refusing to assist Mr. Carre to apprehend
the offenders ; and finding Lord Tweeddale there at
dinner (a connexion being a forming between 'em),
I read the letters to 'em both, and stated the case
to 'em, to which neither of 'em made one word of
answer. I was piqued at this in Lord Tweeddale,
who this very morning, at Lord Stair's, asked me
whether I had sent my arms to Berwick, and said,
I did right in it, and on the 2d inst. at court, when
I told him I had a number of arms at the King's
service, superciliously intimated that my house
might be searched for 'em ; so I told him, that in
case the same fellows, encouraged by their impu
nity at Duns, should commit the same insult at
1 In Berwickshire.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 101
Greenlaw1, and this should be represented here so
as to affect my friends or property, and so as to
oblige me to relate the thing as it was, and to charge
all that ensued on the impunity at Duns, I expected
from him to be cleared from any imputation of
doing what I should do out of private malice to any
man. Upon this he warmed, and said he did not
see how Mr. Hay of Drummelier could hinder
what had passed at Duns any more than he him
self could at Gifford-hall. I told him, I thought I
had spoke plain English, and so repeated what I
had said. We went into the other room, where
Lord Stair told me, the council had met since he
saw me at court, and hearing what the Duke of
Bedford had offered, were all of opinion, that the
King should be advised to accept it, and that many
others, such as [the] Duke of Rutland, [the] Duke
of Montague, and [the Duke of] Kingston, and Lord
Halifax being named, he had said, that several Lords
of Scotland were ready to do the same, but that he
hoped every Lord Lieutenant would not be made a
colonel. Lord Tweeddale came in and told us the
Highlanders had taken Edinburgh.
Lord Bolingbroke, on hearing what passed yes
terday, said, he laid a great stress on the
ep . s . -p^kg Q£ Bedford's being refused, and
that the court surely resolved not to
suffer such as we to have any military power ; and
1 The Earl of Marchmont was Lord Polwarth of Polwarth, Redbraes, and
Greenlaw.

102 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
on what had passed concerning the affair of Duns,
he advised me to remain quiet and proceed no
farther. My brother, being come to town, was of opinion,
that I ought not to persist to go down to
Sept 22d. ra-ge a regiment, after what had passed,
Sunday. „. i • r i
without sufficient authority from the
King, to protect his commission from insult, and
myself from being betrayed here, by rendering all
my endeavours ineffectual, and then exposing one
for not succeeding.
I told Lord Stair, that without more authority
than a commission to raise a regiment,
Sept. 23d. friends thought it would be ridi-
Monday. "; . , , , , i
culous after what had happened to at
tempt to raise one, and that, with more authority,
I saw no reason to ask the King to pay for what
might be done merely by his authority. He said,
that Cope's army must beat the rebels, and then
there would be no use of regiments ; but if that
should not happen, then it would be impossible to
raise troops.
I told Lord Bolingbroke, that the Duke of Bed
ford had just told me, our army Was
Sept. 24th. totally defeated1; that we had but one
Tuesday. J
battle more, wherein every man must do
his best. He said, he thought this was the time,
when people should endeavour to keep themselves
1 At Preston Pans, on the 21st September, 1745.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 103
cool, and that unless there was a third party for the
constitution, there was none worth fighting for. I
told him, I was afraid of spinning the thread too
fine, lest it should break, when so much depended
upon it.
Mr. Maul, the Duke of Argyle's Secretary, affected
much familiarity with me, and on my
wV d savm§" that our country was sacrificed,
he said aloud, that, by  ! he could
account for it only by supposing it to be treachery.
The Duke of Newcastle took me aside, and told
me, Mr. Vane and others had wrote up
Th ^ t0 desire, taat tne dragoons and regiment
from Berwick might be sent to New-
Castle ; and he asked my opinion about it. I told
him, that the town's-people would do as much as
they could at Berwick ; but that the smallness of
the garrison left might tempt the rebels to attack it,
and that all the gentry of the south of Scotland were
fled into it. On this he went away to the King,
and being returned, said he had represented what I
had said to the King, and they would do their best,
but wanted my opinion. I told him, I thought
weakening Berwick for the sake of a single batta
lion drawn back to Newcastle would give a blow to
the King's affairs in the north, whereas parties of
dragoons from Berwick might starve the High
landers in their road through Northumberland. He
then asked me, whether the county of Berwick was
in England or Scotland, and how Berwick was dis-

104 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT,
tinguished from the county. I told him, my brother
served for the county as a Scots county, and I had
served for the town as an English town, as I could
not serve for any place in Scotland. He said, that
was decisive, and so left me.
I told Lord Bolingbroke, that we in Scotland were
lost, in a dispute who should be Viceroy,
Sept. 27th. ^ ut that I thought we ought to try every
Friday- ,¦ i ,. ;
thing to save ourselves, and therefore was
going to the Duke of Montrose, to see if he would
offer to do whatever service we could ; and that I
desired him to tell any of the English ministers he
saw, to consider whether we could be of any use.
I went to the Duke of Montrose, and proposed to
him to ask the ministers, whether they, who knew
the King's affairs, thought we could be of any use,
because we were ready. On his agreeing to it, I
proposed telling Lord Stair of it; and his Grace bade
me speak ; so we went together to him, and I told
him what we had thought of. He said it was ex
tremely right, and would have a very good effect.
I said, we feared it might be treated as officious or
meddling ; he said, that it must be well received ;
I told him, if it was so, we thought of sending an
express for the Duke of Queensberry, and assem
bling others, so as to act all in conjunction to
defend our liberty ; he said, he found but one man
in England, and that was Lord Thanet, who thought
that the King should make a declaration to satisfy
his people, that he meant to defend and secure our

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 1Q5
free constitution; and then every man would rise in
arms for him. At last he agreed, together with us,
to call Lord Tweeddale into a separate room at
court, and ask him, if we or any Scots peers could
be of any service at court, observing, that the affairs
of Scotland were considered lightly, and that it
was reckoned sure that the troops now a-marching
would quiet every thing, as soon as the King was
gone in. I told Lord Stair, that as he could judge
the air du bureau better than I could pretend, I de
sired to know, whether he thought we ought to speak
to Lord Tweeddale, as had been agreed ; he an
swered with indifference, he thought it could do no
hurt. On this I beckoned up the Duke of Mon
trose, and asked Lord Stair, if he thought we should
then take Lord Tweeddale aside ; he repeated the
same answer, and turned to speak to some other
body ; on which the Duke pulled me by the sleeve,
and, going into a window, said, that we saw what
was likely to happen to our offer, so that we had
best postpone it. I told him, that my only concern
was, that our country was in a condition that made
every hour precious, and we might be able to do
nothing if we delayed ; he said, that he and I could
witness for each other ; that we had done our best;
and if we did sink, we should at least do it with a
clear conscience.
When I came from court, Lord Gower1 came in,
to whom I told, that the Duke of Montrose and I
1 Privy Seal.

106 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
had been to offer our services ; he said, he was glad
We had done it, on which I told him what had
passed. He said, that the ministers could not tell
what to depend on concerning Scotland, one side
constantly contradicting the other. I told [him] that
I myself out of Parliament, and all I could influ
ence in Parliament, should loudly complain, that
Scotland was thrown out of the King's protection.
He said, he did not see that ; I answered, that Scot
land was undone in the dispute between two men,
who should [be] viceroy of it, and the English mi
nistry considered only which of these two men should
be absolute lords of the kingdom, and thus the King
had lost his crown, which he seemed not to value ;
that all this might have been prevented last winter,
if, instead of holding up the Duke of Argyle to
be king, and insisting on all of us bowing to him,
they had obliged his Grace to shake hands with
the rest of the nobility, and be content with his
share ; that when Lord Stair had at that time
spoke to me of the secretary's place, I had told
him, that I would not accept it if offered in op
position to the Duke of Argyle, or without a Con-
Cert with him, and that he, Lord Gower, knew, we
had told him, that we wanted no better than to act
in concert with any man for the relief and service
of our country ; but we had been despised, and not
even Sir John D  could get 500/. a-year without
bowing to the Duke of Argyle ; that then the Duke
was brought to do nothing, unless he could do every

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 107
thing, and Lord Tweeddale thought he had credit
enough in the closet to suffer nobody to have power
but himself, and, therefore, from resentment to the
Duke of Argyle, and to all of us who had not
cringed to him, he had neglected the common and
necessary precautions to defend the kingdom, as
they could not have been taken without giving
power to some of us, and he had gone about giving
his opinion, that the regulars would beat the irre
gulars, which were always contemptible; thus, sup
porting an opinion of Lord Granville's perhaps, or,
to serve his own purpose, he had lost the King one
of his crowns ; that one saw how high the dispute
was carried between him and the Duke of Argyle,
by Mr. Maul's carriage at court, and that the
ministers seemed to attend to nothing else ; that
they were both to blame ; but, that things being so,
we ought however to do our best to save the con
stitution. He said, that was the great point; that he
felt the situation of those who acted as ministers
without the King's confidence ; that they laboured
on though every thing was up-hill work, of which
he gave some instances ; that if they treated this
affair as important, Lord Stair laughed at them, and
Lord Tweeddale gave no help at all ; that he wished
they could do any good, and that animosities ought
to be laid aside. I told him, I did it so far, that if
I had had as much enmity to Lord  as he had to
me, I would shake hands with him now for fighting
in this cause, but that I Would fight only for liberty,

108 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
and not fight that one might put on the yoke instead
of another. He said, we ought in the first place to
remove, the present danger. I told him, I could
submit as well as another, if tyranny was to be
established, by whomever conquered ; but a slave
with whole bones was not so absurd, as one who
had got his bones broke to establish his own
slavery ; but when the worst happened, I could go
to Holland like my grandfather ; that at court we
were treated as little better than slaves now; but, to
bring the thing to an issue, I desired him, as one of
the ministers, to let the question be asked by the
ministry at Lord Tweeddale, and by any of 'em that
saw the Duke of Argyle at him, since they were
the two believed in Scots affairs, whether any thing
could be done by the Scots nobility for saving the
country, and for the King's service, and that we
were ready to do whatever was practicable; that
then I would send for the Duke of Queensberry, and
we would act in concert; and that, for my own part,
I was to ready to go any where, provided I should
not be deserted, and defeated here above, in order
to be laughed at for attempting what it might be
made impossible to execute; and that I should be
assured, that the two heads of the Scots faction should
not be, one or other of 'em, made tyrant over us,
but would join with the rest to put Scotland on the
same foot with England. He said, he did not see
how that could be secured ; I desired him to try,
whether any thing could be done or not. He told

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 109
me in the conversation, that the Duke of Argyle
stood ill in the King's opinion, and Lord Tweeddale
very well.
I told the Duke of Montrose what I had told
Lord Gower in general, and asked him
Sept. 28th. whether he did not think it proper for
his Grace to ask Lord Tweeddale,
whether or not we could be of any service to the
King ; that I would do it with all my heart ; but that
his Lordship never spoke with patience to me ; and
I believed, as he talked more quietly with him, he
would give his Grace time to tell his Lordship, that
his Grace and I had talked together on the state of
our country; and we were ready to do any thing we
could for the King's service. The Duke said, as it
was making no particular offer, he would tell Lord
Tweeddale, that if we could be of any use we were
ready. Lord Haddington, &c. coming in, I desired
the Duke to call him into the room where we were,
which we did, and we told him in general what we
were talking of.
The Duke of Montrose, on his return from court,
related to me a long conversation he had had with
the Marquis of Tweeddale, which began by his
Grace telling him that he and I had been consider
ing the state of our country, and that we, and he
believed many others, were ready to do all the
service we could, and therefore he asked his Lord
ship, whether or not we could be of any use ; and if
not, he hoped he would inform the ministry of our

HO DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
zeal, and that it would not appear impertinent.
The Marquis answered, that he did not see any use
we could be of, unless it were to go down with Mr,
Wade1, or we had something to offer, ajid that our
or his Grace's zeal was very well known. The
Duke said, that we could pretend to offer nothing,
not being acquainted with the King's affairs or
designs, but were ready to do any thing that was
thought advisable for the King's service ; and then
the conversation turned into other political dis
course about Scotland, wherein the Marquis said,
he wished this whole affair might be inquired into.
Having sent to know when I could wait on the
in the Duke of Queensberry, he came, and
afternoon, told me, he was just come up post,
having, before the news of the battle, thought this
affair to be of little consequence, the more, that his
people having at the first wrote up to him. their
desire to arm, and he having bid them advise with
the crown lawyers, (they had wrote to him that the
crown lawyers, whom he understood to be the
Justice Clerk, the Advocate, and Solicitor, were of
opinion they ought not to arm, nor could, without
a lieutenant with the King's authority, but that even
it was more prudent not to arm;) that since he came
to town, he had seen only the Prince and Lord Stair ;
that this last had treated it lightly ; that the Prince
had told him, he had made another effort for leave
1 Field-marshal. He left London to take the command of the army form
ing in the North of England, on the 6th of October, 1745.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. JJ1
to go with the army, and had got no answer yet ;
that he desired the Duke to go with him, but that,
in the midst of all, he let drop, that this interrupted
our schemes in Germany on the continent; on
which the Duke expressed his concern to see him
thinking of that in the present conjuncture ; and the
Prince said, he had been already told of that, and
fell into further discourse. I told his Grace all that
had passed with regard to us as Scots peers, and that
he had eased me of a great deal of pain, whether
to send for him or not ; that now he was here, I was
willing to do any thing he thought fit. He said, he
thought we should speak to some of the English
ministers, since Tweeddale had made such an answer.
I told him, I would speak, or write a letter, or do any
thing that was thought fit; that the Duke of Montrose
was afraid of forcing ourselves upon the ministry
by doing any more, having told me this morning
that now we had done all we could, unless we in
tended to force ourselves upon 'em ; but that I be
lieved, this proceeded only from his Grace's thinking
that the ministers would use the opportunity to draw
us into some ruinous measure, especially as his
Grace's country lay nearest the Highlands ; but that
before any other step I would advise him, if he
thought fit, to speak to Lord Tweeddale, just as the
Duke of Montrose had done, that we might all
stand on the same ground and rank ; and if he got
the same answer, as I supposed he would, unless
Lord Granville had shewed the Marquis, that he

112 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
was baking a fine pie for himself. We should then
concert together what we ought farther to do, and
that I would agree to any thing he thought proper.
He said, he would see Lord Tweeddale to-morrow,
and let me know what passed, but asked if I
thought any thing could be done. I told him, he
knew what could be done in his country, or if there
was any post, where people rising could hold them
selves fill all were armed ; but that I thought if
at the same time the Highlands were armed, the
same was done in Fife, in the west about the Duke
of Montrose's, Glasgow, Air, and so on, and in the
south east under the cannon of Berwick, that the
rebels would not know which part to go to first,
and thereby the whole force of the country might be
raised, and armed against them; but- this was only
a rude notion of my own, that required further dis
cussion; and that to make it a proposal in the con
dition our affairs were, might be to engage those
that hate us to defeat it, notwithstanding the con^
sequences of such conduct.
The Duke of Queensberry told me, that he had
seen the Marquis of Tweeddale, who,
Sept. 29th. • . , i , . . ' '
Sunday. h many shrugs and hints, had told
him, that he did not see that any thing
could be done by us in Scotland ; that now the thing
must be decided by the King's army, and that com--
missions of lieutenancy would be too late. I said
the answer given expressed a great deal of dignity
to us. The Duke said that, to give him due, he has

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. H3
expressed that our zeal was very laudable, and very
well known. The Duke of Montrose said, that now
we were vindicated, and unless, to use a Scots ex
pression, we should dud ourselves in their faces, we
saw we could do nothing ; that indeed in that case
they might put us upon some bad affair to do us an
injury. I asked the Duke of Queensberry, if he
thought it now necessary to say as much to any of
the English ministry ; but both the Dukes thought
we had done all that was decent for us, or necessary
to shew our readiness, if we were thought to be of
any use.
The Duke of Queensberry came, pursuant to his
answer to my message last night. I told
*, ' . ' him, I wanted to lay before him some
Monday. ' J
thoughts of my own relating to our
country ; that, distrusting myself, I had wrote em
to my brother also, and expected every minute his
answer, and that no time being to be lost, I hoped,
he would excuse my troubling him in case he found
what I had thought of impracticable ; that consi
dering what a blow would be given to our coun
try, should the opinion of the general dissaffection
there prevail, though it be groundless, and that our
friends were left there like part of the cargo to be
trampled upon and crushed by those, who made the
active crew. I would ask his Grace, whether our
so immediately acquiescing in Lord Tweeddale's
opinion, that nothing was to be done, might not be
taken rather as an excuse, than as a mark of our
VOT.. i. i

114 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
zeal, as he might say that, for several particular
reasons ; that indeed the Duke of Montrose thought
he could not go with safety into his country, but I
did not know whether his Grace was in the same
case ; and, as to myself, I should be as safe in
Berwick as any other body; and that if people armed
in Northumberland, they might do the same in the
Merse, which was divided from it only by the
Tweed ; that, on the other side, we were liable, no
doubt, to be laughed at, should we fail in executing
any offer, after Lord Tweeddale had said nothing
was to be done, and were liable to be, as the Duke
of Montrose said, drove into some bad step on pur
pose ; but that I foresaw none, beside being put to
more expence than I could bear, and that I would
venture the laugh, to try whether any body would
arm or not ; but that I would be glad of his opi
nion, and would concur with him in any thing, He
said, he did not see what use could be made of any
thing we did ; that he heard the magistrates in his
country had run away, which could not fail of strik
ing a panic into the people, and that the High
landers would be in possession now of the whole
country ; that he was thirty miles from Carlisle, and
that he could not say whether he should be able to
do any thing or not, and then we should be ridi
culous. I answered, that I saw no other risk we
ran, and that was not great, neither could we incur
it, if we had the interest I supposed in our own
country ; that, for my own part, I would run that

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. H5
risk, merely to try whether I had any interest in the
country or not ; for, if I had none, and was as much
contemned there, as I was affected to be here, I saw
no reason why I should refuse to submit to any
Viceroy set over us, as much as any of my own
tenants, having no better right then to be consi
dered in the distribution of Scots power ; and that,
from this want of interest only, I thought we could
fail, unless Scotland was really Jacobite, and that
then I should be sorry to speak for them ; but
peaceful slavery being the best kind of it, I thought
they deserved to be kept quiet by force, and I should
submit to an army, which, I feared, was the view of
our ministry. He asked, what I would propose to
do ? I told him, what I had thought of was, that as,
no doubt, it was too late for lords lieutenants to do
much, we should offer to go down, where we might
be safe, as his Grace to Carlisle, and I to Berwick,
with the King's commission to raise regiments, and
leave to make 'em of two battalions, if the number
came to us ; that I thought this best, as men might
come from parts of several different counties, over
which one lord lieutenant could not have power, but
that I would also desire a commission of lieutenancy,
to be used only in case we found it could be of ser
vice, such as to call out gentry, &c, to whom the
other commission might not extend, and that for
the commission to raise a regiment, I thought of
it, because now the counties could not pay the men
as militia, and therefore they might starve without
I 2

116 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
the King's pay. He said, that no doubt the High
landers were now all over the country, and he
did not see the use these men would be of;
that Cavers was come up, and he wanted to see
him, and that he feared for the castle of Edin
burgh, which once taken the rebels would be in a
better state to carry on a long war against England,
than ever Scotland had been, and that he supposed
they would invade England. I told him, if so, then
we should be at liberty behind their backs, and that
as to use our people would be as much so, as the
Duke of Bedford's could be ; and that I believed,
the Highlanders could hinder the militia from as
sembling, but not be able to prevent one body of
twenty men, &c. from coming to take arms at a safe
rendezvous, and that. I must think them as inca
pable of good conduct as our own ministers to sup
pose they would disperse their people about so as
to grow loose, to plunder, and desert when they
saw- such a war rolling down upon 'em from Eng
land ; that the country was too wide to be kept by
such force as they had, being all against 'em and
people rising in every quarter; that if they took
the castle and maintained a long war, our people
would then be of use no doubt ; and if we delayed
arming them, we should still come later, or must lie
here idle, while others were fighting for our liber
ties and our friends ; that indeed we might tempt
'em to send and revenge themselves by burning our
houses ; and if they resembled our ministers I might

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. H7
suspect 'em of it : but that on the whole I would
be glad of his opinion. I then read him the letter
just come in from my brother. His Grace said, that
as he stood with the Prince, he must acquaint him
with this, though his Royal Highness had no reason
to expect leave to go down. I told him, I thought
he should when he had resolved what to do, for he
could not expect arguments to dissuade him from
the Prince. He bade me tell him what Lord Stair
should say to me.
I told the Duke of Montrose what I had thought
of. He said, that he could not go with safety into
his country, unless the Duke of Argyle was to join
to bring down his men too, and then they might
gather a strength into the shire of Air. He said he
would propose nothing unless the ministry here
would all unite, put things on a right footing, and
act in concert. I told him, that was what we should
never see at any time I believed, but had no reason
to hope for now ; that I would hear what Lord Stair
said, and inform him of it. The Duke of Montrose
said, he thought, they ought to send me down with
all the credit and weight they could give me, and
then perhaps it might have a much greater effect
than anybody could imagine.
Lord Stair called me into his inner room, and told
me, that if five or six considerable men would join
with Lord Thanet to desire the King to declare that
he meant to support our liberties and a free parlia
ment, by  the thing would be over in four

118 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
days. He said, Lord Gower should mention it to
the Duke of Bedford, and that the Duke of Marl
borough was very right now, but Mr. Spencer
should be sent for to keep him so. I said, the Duke
then ought to write for him, for he was at Bath for
his health, and it was a pity to bring him away for
nothing. I asked him, if he thought anything could be
done in Scotland? he said to be sure not, for the
Highlanders were masters of the country. I told
him that since he was also of that opinion, no more
could be done ; but that had it not been so, I had
thought of offering, notwithstanding our answer
from Lord Tweeddale, to go down to Berwick, and
try whether I could not raise a body of men for the
King's service. He said, the rebels were coming
into England ; on which I said, then we might arm
behind them. He said, the offer might be made,
and I should be thanked for my zeal. I told him, I
did not want, far less seek that ; but since he was
of that opinion, whom did he think I should offer
it to ? He said ' To the Scots minister, to be
sure.' I said, he had given us his answer, and then
he said, ' Why, you know the man,' and so went
out of the room. «On my way to the Duke of
Queensberry's I met a letter from him, telling me
he was called to the Prince, and that by talk with
Cavers, he found it would be impracticable to exe
cute the project I had mentioned, and that he was
so convinced of it that he would not make the offer.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. Hg
Lord Stair took the Duke of Montrose and me
into the window at Kensington, having
Sunday before told us he wanted to talk to us.
He said, that the offer we had made, and
to which Lord Tweeddale could give us no answer,
had been laid before the council ; that it had been
there said, that several Lords of Scotland had
offered to do any service they could, and that
although nothing could be done so long as the
rebels remained masters of the country, yet should
they march into England, Peers of Scotland au
thorized by the King might then raise regiments
behind them, and cut off all communication between
them ahd Scotland ; that this had been thought
very right, and that it was thought likewise that
such, as could do this, should be spoke to, that they
might think of what people they would employ
under them, and keep themselves ready when the
case happened. I told Lord Stair, that as the
King's troops Would decide the affair now, this
looked to me like sending us a thief-catching, and
that after what had passed, the taking this up, as
was done, looks very like what the Duke of Mon
trose had suspected, drawing us into a scrape, that
is, to send us away- on the meeting of the Parlia
ment, that nobody might be here whilst they fixed
slavery on our country ; and therefore I desired to
know in the first place, what the ministers intended
to do as to Scotland, and how the King's speech

120 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
and the addresses would speak of Scotland. Lord
Stair said, he knew nothing as to this last, but that
the other had been approved of in the council. The
Duke of Newcastle came up, spoke to Lord Stair
of the King of Sardinia's defeat1, and then asked
Lord Stair, that the dragoons might be decimated,
who said, this must be over first. I then shewed
the Duke of Newcastle Mr. Carre's pass from Ber
wick, &c. Coming home with Lord Stair, he told
the Duke of Montrose and me, that he had spoke to
the Duke of Newcastle about what he had told us,
of raising regiments, &c, and that the Duke said, it
was very right, that the Peers to do it should be
prepared to go down ; then he named the Duke of
Buccleugh, who I told him was near town, so that
he might send for him. He said, either he or his son
should raise a regiment; the Duke of Montrose
said that we ought first to have a meeting.
Lord Stair said, that all the letters from the
Advocate were wrote like a man of sense, of cou
rage, and one versed in state business. The Duke
of Montrose mentioned the Duke of Argyle's saying,
he had wrote to the Regency2 and had got no answer.
Lord Stair said, that was not true; he said too, that
the King was greatly exasperated against Cope.
He said, orders were gone to intercept Mr. Hay of
1 Count Gage passed the Tanaro on the 16th September, 1745, defeated
the King of Sardinia, and drove his army under the walls of Valencia.
8 The King was at Hanover when the Pretender's son landed in Scotland.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. ]21
Drummelzier, whom Sir John Hall had met going
down to Scotland ; that one order was sent to New
castle, and another to Berwick.
The Duke of Montrose came to me, and told me
that Lord Stair had talked to him, after I
M ' had been set down at home, of sending
for the Duke of Buccleuch ; that he had
advised him first to speak to the Duke of Queensberry
with whom the Duke of Buccleuch was most inti
mate ; and that thereon Lord Stair had sent an express
for the Duke of Queensberry; that Lord Stair was so
warm in what he imagined, that he would involve
us all in a thing that was impracticable, and inju
rious to us, and that he would not be drawn into it.
I told him, that the project seemed to me so full
of absurdity, that I did not suppose it would take
place, and therefore I saw no necessity of disputing
about it, but that we should have patience, and only
take care, that it should not be taken to be a pro
posal from us any farther than our general readiness
to be of any use that was practicable. The Duke
said, he had made his visit to the Chancellor last
night, who had told him, that he was glad to hear
several Lords of the north had offered to raise regi
ments for the King ; that he had answered that he
had in general told Lord Tweeddale, that he was
ready to do any thing in his power, but that now,
the rebels being possessed of the country, he could
do nothing. The Chancellor said, that nothing was

122 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
thought of till the rebels came south; the Duke
answered, that it could not be foreseen what would
then be feasible, till the case happened, since they
would probably leave a body behind them.
He said, the Chancellor said, there was nothing
in Cope's orders to make him go to Inverness, but
that he might have gone to Stirling, or where he
thought most proper ; and that the Chancellor also
said, that he had thought lightly of the Highlands,
but he saw they made a third of the island, in the
map. I asked, if the Chancellor discovered what way
the ministry intended to treat Scotland ; the Duke
told me, what he had said to the Chancellor, and
that the Chancellor had answered in general terms.
Lord Stair came in, sate down between us, and
told us, that he had sent for the Duke of Queens
berry, and then said, as what he had spoke of to us
would come before the council, he had thought of
speaking to the King upon the subject, and wanted
our opinions about it ; that he proposed to tell him,
that he had a great number of faithful subjects in
Scotland, who had been misrepresented to him,
though they had the principal interest in the coun
try ; that their ancestors had made the revolution,
supported, and effected the Protestant succession,
made the Union, and ventured their lives and for
tunes in the last rebellion, when what the conduct
of others had been his Majesty knew; and he, Lord
Stair, knew that he did ; and their families and they

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 123
had, at all times, been in the same interest, and
firm friends to his Majesty's family ; that, although
they were not favourites, they had been ready at the
beginning of this rebellion to have armed, and done
whatever they could, but that they had been neg
lected, and had now lost their estates ; but were
ready to do any service they could still ; and that as
soon as the Highlanders, who were now possessed
of the whole country, should move to the south,
they would arm behind them, and cut off their
communication with Scotland. He asked, what we
thought of this, and looked at me, whereupon I said,
( My Lord Duke.' So the Duke of Montrose said,
that he could have done service at the beginning,
but that now he did not see that it was possible, and
that he could not tell what would be so, when the
Highlanders came south, nor what use it could be
of to arm them ; that he would be at liberty to do
what should then be feasible, and not be tied down
by an offer, for the ministers to send him down on
a fool's errand, perhaps to be taken, &c. To this
Lord Stair replied, and they entered into a dispute,
which I took an opportunity to interrupt, by telling-
Lord Stair, that, as I understood the thing, I
thought, that, by saying the first part of it to the
King, his Lordship did a very great and essential
service to his country ; and that we- peers could
never enough thank him for taking this occasion to
set us right in the King's mind; what effect it
might have, I did not know ; he said, that could not

124 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
fail. I added, that, as to the last part of it, I
thought it might easily be freed from the Duke's
objection, by making it general, and instead of
offering to arm, &c, by offering to do any service
in our power, whenever his Majesty or his ministry
should think proper to employ us. The Duke re
peated his objections to particular offers, with his
reasons, only not mentioning what he had said to
me, before Lord Stair came in, that, if he should
go about to arm near Glasgow or Stirling, without
the Duke of Argyle doing the same thing, this
Duke had only to give the word to the Highland
robbers, and let them in upon him, to overrun his
whole estate.
Lord Stair pulled out a paper, writ in his own
hand, to help his memory to the substance of what
he was to say to the King, read it, and at the end a
list of the names of peers, which he would repeat to
the King : Dukes of Douglas, Queensberry, Mon
trose, Roxburgh, &c. ; Earls Rothes, Hadington,
Hoptoun, Sutherland, Dumfries, Marchmont, &c. ;
Marquis of Lothian, Lord Napier, Elphinstone, &c.
He said, Lord Thanet had spoken strongly to Lord
Harrington on a declaration from the King for
liberty and free parliaments ; that Lord Harrington
had said, it could not be, as it would imply that the
King had done something to the contrary ; but that
it would be very proper for the King's speech.
Lord Stair said, he believed it would be in it, &c.
1 told him, care should be taken, how Scotland was.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. ]25
treated in the speech, that we might not be en
slaved, or put under our old tyrant, on a false
pretence of Jacobitism, that seemed to be artfully
designed and propagated. Lord Stair said, he
would speak of it at council ; but that there was no
danger, since our interest and the English was the
same; he said too, that he was ill received at
court, being suspected to be at the bottom of the
demand for the declaration for liberty, &c. At
court, Lord Tweeddale was more than usually gra
cious, and shewed me the Pretender's printed de
claration of 30th September in answer to General
Guest's threat to fire on Edinburgh, wherein, after
calling it inhuman treatment, he says, he will make
all possible reparation to the town, and reprisals,
not only on the estates of those in the castle, but of
those in the country, who are known abettors of the
German government. He shewed me too a paper
of intelligence from one James Wallace sent by
Cope to Edinburgh, who says, that the castle had
fired about ten guns, only two whereof had had any
effect, but killed nobody, and some had been without
ball; that, as soon as the castle fired, the young
man left the abbey, and went to the camp ; and that
people said in Edinburgh, the Highlanders were
eight thousand. He laughed at such intelligence. I
then told him of the man come up with Mr. Carre,
and what he said. He said, he hoped I had it in
writing. I told him, I had, and I supposed he had
it, for the advocate and Sir John Inglis had em-

126 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
ployed the man, and he had told them all ; he said,
the advocate was on the road, and had all the
papers with him.
Lord Stair, coming out from the King, desired
the Duke and I to let him make a visit for a few
minutes, and then we should go together ; but, on
his staying longer than any body else, the Duke
would not wait ; so we went together. He said,
Stair was so warm, he would draw us into a scrape ;
that his grandfather had lost his estate at the head
of a party ; he would not lose his at the tail of one ;
that he would not be transported ; and that they
might say what they would, why he would not ; he
cared not, since he was not in the army.
In the evening, conversing with my brother, it
was agreed that he should talk to Mr. Fazakerly1,
&c, of the necessity of the affair in Scotland being
brought into Parliament; that, by seeing the real
causes, the remedies may be found, but point in
particular against nobody, only that justice might
be done the country unjustly accused of Jacobit-
ism ; and that, if such an inquiry ended in enslaving
us to the Duke of Argyle, it would be no more than
we should suffer without it.
Mr. Carre and I went to the Duke of Newcastle,
to whom he delivered the Mayor of
„ ' d ' Newcastle's letter; and we gave an ac
count in general of what had passed and
what my last letters said about Berwick, and the
1 Member for Preston,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 127
rebels raising money. He asked, what we took to
be the cause of this. We told him, the factious
dispute between those in power in Scotland, who
considered only how to create blame to one another.
He said, the advocate was raw in these affairs, but
that the justice clerk was a man of sense. I said,
he certainly did not err for want offense. Mr.
Carre said, he might have what sense he pleased, he
would never have any credit in that country. I
told him, I wanted to blame nobody, though I thought
there were many to blame ; that my only view was
to fix this royal family on the throne, and to secure
[the] constitution and peace of the country ; and
therefore I would say, the source of the evil was
that the King's friends had all been neglected for a
long time, and his enemies employed. He said, the
King desired this affair might be inquired into,
and that whoever was to blame might be known,
and suffer for it. I told him, I hoped care would
be taken to make a good use of this, and secure the
peace of the country and the King's interest in it.
He told us, three regiments were to sail this day
from Willemstadt for Newcastle, by virtue of the
first orders to the Duke, to be done in any of three
cases, either, 1st, Of the French going into winter-
quarters ; 2d, Of the English prisoners coming to
the army ; and 3d, Of hearing of any embarkation
for Great Britain, the two first cases having
existed. He told us, they had news of three ships
with arms sailing from Hamburgh for Scotland, and
Vol. I. #

128 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
he supposed they would have officers on board.
Likewise he said, Marshal Wade said, that if Ber
wick was taken, he could not go to Edinburgh. I
told him, the Marshal knew nothing of the south of
Scotland, whatever he might do of the Highlands,
for Berwick was thirty miles farther about to Edin
burgh than the road, that did not go near it. He
called in Lord Mark Kerr, when I showed him the
plan, who said it was very exact as I explained it.
He said, that the best account he had got was from
Lord Home, and that he had told the King so. I
told the Duke, I would at Kensington give him the
plan with the relation of what had passed, and a
memorial by the man, who had directed the King's
artillery at the fight.
At Kensington, after the Duke of Newcastle
came out from the King, I gave him the papers,
and he told me, that he had told the King, I had
such papers to give him. The Chancellor asked
me the number of the rebels. I told him, by the
best guess could be made, about 5000 ; that I had
an account of the affair, whereby it would appear
what a despicable pack they had been at first, and
that if he pleased I would bring it to him. He
desired I would, &c. Before this, Lord Tweeddale
had showed me the Pretender's order, signed
' I. Murray,' for the collectors of the cess to bring
in their books and pay in what was due, on pain of
military execution; and Lord Stair had taken me
aside, and told me, that he had said to the King

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 129
what he had told me, and that the King had heard
him very graciously ; that he had added to the
general thing, that the Peers there were ready
to arm when the rebels marched south, and cut
off their communication ; that the King said, he
thought it was right, and had spoke to his ministers
about it, and bid him, Lord Stair, talk of it to them.
I told him, I foresaw that the ministry would be for
putting the Duke of Argyle upon us. He answered,
that it might be so, and no more. Mr. Carre told,
that Peter Crawford had said to him, that the Duke
of Argyle had represented the rebellion at first to
the ministers as a trifle ; but that here part of the
ministry had treated it as an invention only to bring
home the troops ; that the Duke had asked arms,
and had been answered, to apply to Sir John Cope
for them, which he looked on as a slight, being
what no man of spirit would have done ; and so he
came away from Scotland.
Lord Stair told me, that he had had this day a
good deal of conversation with the King,
Oct. 10th, who had told hi that the Duke of
Thursday. Argyle had proposed, that the principal
thing to be done was to send forces to Stirling, to
cut off the retreat of the rebels. Lord Stair answered,
that it was very proper, but that the King's troops
at Inverness were too far off, and that if the Duke
of Argyle would arm his Argyleshire men, and
send them to stop that pass, no doubt it would pre
vent their return ; and that if he had armed two
Vol. I. xi.

130 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
hundred of 'em at first, he would have put an end
to this rebellion ; to which the King said, that the
conduct then passed his comprehension. He told
me, the Duke of Queensberry was very right ; and
on some more difficulties the Duke of Montrose
made when we joined him, he said to him, that if
we, who thought in the same way, did not all act
together, we should make ourselves contemptible.
The Duke of Montrose sent for me, and made
many objections to what Lord Stair had
E . said, and that we would not be drawn
into a scheme in which there was not
common sense. I told him to have patience, and
that I hoped, he would not call it drawing him in
if I armed, though there were no regular troops at
Stirling. He said, if others did, he must follow.
I said, that depended on the different situations of
countries. I told the Chancellor, he would see by
the papers, how small a force had ruined my country.
He said, it was indeed surprising. I said, we, who
had long seen the causes, had expected the effect,
not indeed so great, but enough to undo the King's
friends. He talked of news. I told him of the
sally from the castle on the 6th, and the people's
zeal, and the supposed march into England, &c. ;
but that the great object was to secure the country
hereafter, and remedy what had past. He said,
no doubt something must be done ; many remedies
had been spoke of; but the difficulty was, which
was proper ; that the disarming the Highlands had

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 131
been tried. I told him, no doubt it was right;
but that alone would not do, since foreign arms
could be brought in, as they had been now ; but
that the King had two -thirds of the country zealous
for him on principle ; and that he might see from
Charles the Second's time in men, cess, and now in
members of Parliament, the south of Tay was always
computed two-thirds of the whole. He said, it had
been proposed to arm, but that the Duke of Argyle
had represented it as illegal without certain orders,
but what had never been explained ; and that Lord
Tweeddale had said, it might be arming as many
foes as friends. I said, as to the south it was a
gross misrepresentation. He said, it meant only the
Highlands. I said as to them, there were families
as well known to be for the King as others against
it, for they would always be on opposite sides, like
Sweden and Denmark ; but all at present would
soon be over ; and I hoped the like would be pre
vented for the future ; that the country had been
sacrificed to party. He said, it was clear that
things must not be put on the same foot they had
been. I told him, if we were to be transferred from
one viceroy to another, the country would be totally
undone. He said, a remedy must be found, but this
must be over first. I said, that would soon be, if
the King's troops would march; but that the Parlia
ment was coming on very fast ; and, considering the
load of reproach the country lay under, not the
popular but the neglect of the King's friends, no
K 2

132 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Scotsman could sit still in Parliament without losing
all credit in his country, as it was impossible that
the King's speech and addresses should be silent on
this rebellion ; and at the same time I was very
sensible, that whatever was done might soon get a
twist to some party end or other, and rather do harm
than good, unless the King's ministers would join in
the direction of it, with a view of settling the King's
interest in that country. He said, that he thought
any thing of that kind had better be delayed till
this was over, and that the speech and addresses
would be without any reflections. I said, I would
take the liberty to speak to him as one of the King's
ministers, who would weigh this matter ; the Duke
of Newcastle having such a hurry of business, that
one could not find time with him ; that he knew the
House of Commons ; that any body that was imper
tinent or had a view to distress, might, on the ad
dress, say such things, as no Scotsman could let
pass without discrediting himself; that all the
friends I had were there ; but that I had none that
were not the King's ; that he knew therefore my
brother could not be silent ; that I would say farther,
that he could not omit to take this thing up as soon
as it was named for the sake of the country ; but as
he had no view but the good of the country, and
that the south of Scotland were friends to the King
and the present ministry, if they had any view of
putting matters on a right foot, I could assure him,
that my brother would be glad to act in concert

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 133
with the ministry, and to direct things jointly, so as
no party might take advantage from what was done.
He returned me a great many thanks, and said he
would take an opportunity to talk this matter over
with me again. I told him, that after what I had
offered to Lord Stair, I had told him, I would not
go down till I knew whether Scotland was intended
to be sacrificed or not, lest the national interest
should be destroyed whilst I was busy about a pro
vincial service ; and that Lord Stair had said, he
would mention it in council. He said, he would
consider of it, as it was a matter that deserved great
consideration. I told him, I would not detain him
from the cabinet council, nor should I venture to
trouble him unless he ordered me ; but that I hoped,
he would carry it in his mind, that my brother had
no view but to set the country right in concurrence
with the ministry, if they chose to make use of the
opportunity which he was under a necessity of
making use of. He said, he would take the liberty
to send for me, or tell me an hour at court. He
said, it was odd that Sir John Cope should fail so,
and that must be examined. I told him, that had
Edinburgh not been taken, the rebels could never
have faced Sir John. He talked as one uninformed
of the state of that town ; so I mentioned the zeal
and number of volunteers, and Sir John Cope's
refusing arms to many after he came to Dunbar.
He said, that when arming, the Highlands had been
talked of; it had been said that the regular troops

134, DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
would decide it ; whereupon he had said, that the
country also required protection ; and this ought
likewise to be considered.
The Duke of Queensberry said, he had heard only
in general what had passed from Lord
Oct. nth. gtair and the Duke of Montrose ; that
Friday. he saw no use regiments could be of if
singly placed about the country, and that if they
were formed into one body, we ought to consider
who would command us. He appointed this even
ing to go to Lord Stair. I told him, I should concur
with him and the Duke of Montrose, but that as to
my own opinion, it would be first to save the country
from being oppressed, and next at any risk to save
my friends, for that, if the country was to be armed,
they must be so and not their enemies. I told
Lord Bolingbroke what had passed, and what I had
said to the Chancellor ; he said, that he did not see
that I could possibly have conducted myself better.
At Lord Stair's, the Dukes of Queensberry and Mon
trose being come in, Lord Stair said, that he wanted
to consult us what was farther to be done. He then
repeated what he had said to the King, and added,
that last night at the cabinet council, our general
offer having been talked of, the council thought
that they could say nothing to it, unless it was more
particularly specified, and an offer of some scheme:
proposed to them. He said, that unless something
was done of this kind there was an end of the matter.
This occasioned a long discourse between him and

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 135
the two Dukes : the substance was, the Duke of
Queensberry said, that he had no doubt of raising
the number of men, but he did not see how they
could be made effectually useful, so as not to dis
grace us; and that we should be laughed at for
coming in at the fag end of the day. Besides that
the Highlanders would probably leave some force
behind them. Lord Stair replied, that as to useful,
he did not think the men raised could be so, but
that the offer was very important, as it shewed we
were ready to serve the King, and that, without it,
it would be said, that we declined having any thing
to do in this affair ; and that, as soon as the way
was open to the castle, we might then arm safely.
The Duke of Montrose said, that without a regular
force to cover him from those, who might come from
the Highlands, he was now of opinion he could not
arm. He entered into a detail of his country, and
said, he thought that some things should be added
to our plan, so as to shew what use might be made of
the forces to be raised in Scotland by cutting off the
return, &c. Lord Stair said, it was very right, but
that not above five thousand men should be raised
by principal people, which might be done; that no
Highlanders were left to come down ; that two
thousand men were raised in independent compa
nies, and Lord Loudon's regiment, and that they
were ordered to drive the rebels' cattle, &c, which
would make 'em all return. I said, I thought the
first point was, whether we should make a particular

136 DIARY QF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
offer, and if we thought so, we should consult the
manner of it with other peers, without entering into
military operations. The Duke of Queensberry ob
jected to making his court even at this time. The
Duke of Montrose said, he was for making an offer,
whereby such things should be said as would make
it appear useful. These peers were named, first
the Duke of Buccleugh, whom the Duke of Queens
berry is to talk to to-morrow, then Lord Rothes,
for Fife, was named, and others for different places
by Lord Stair, who added, that Lord  might
take it ill, if he was not named for the Merse, after
which the Marquis of Lothian, Lord Dumfries, and
others, were named. I then said, that as this was
meant for a political use, to shew that we would
and could serve the King, I would do nothing that
should enable the Duke of Argyle to say we were
forced to call his lackeys to our assistance to do
any thing; that I knew Lord  could fly as
soon as raise a regiment in the Merse, but he might
offer if he pleased, only that if he was made part of
our plan, I would have nothing to do with it, but
do what I thought proper myself. On this Lord
Stair [said] cNo doubt he may do as he pleases, but
' he is not to be joined in this.' The Duke of
Queensberry then talked of the Duke of Buccleugh,
and then I said, that my fear was, they would send
us out of the way when the Parliament began, to be
left free to do what they would with Scotland, and
saddle us with the Duke of Argyle. This the two

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 137
Dukes agreed to, but Lord Stair said, by  • they
could not carry that point in the closet. I said, I
wished so, but I thought to prevent it we should
have the thing taken up immediately in Parliament,
to fix the collar about the Duke's neck and then let
'em do their worst. This they approved, but feared
it might not be done soon enough, before they might
send us away.
The Duke of Montrose came in the morning to
reconsider what passed last night, to re-
„ , ' ' duce it to what was practicable. I told
Saturday. x
him, I thought we ought to specify no
farther, than to say, we were ready to arm, if it
could be of any service to the King, of which we
could not presume to judge ; he agreed, and desired
I would see the Duke of Queensberry. I told the
Duke of Queensberry my opinion. He said, he
would go no farther than we had gone ; that it
would make us ridiculous, and we should be put
into a ballad, for our regiments of no use. He said,
he heard, that Lord  was to offer to raise a
regiment, in order to get rank.
Lord Stair came in from court, and told me, it was
to tell me good news ; that he had seen the Duke
of Hamilton1, who was ready to join with us, as his
father had done, and in our project would do as we
did ; that when he came to town again on Thurs
day next, he would go to court ; that he complained
of not being lord lieutenant of his county, which,
1 James, sixth Duke of Hamilton.

138 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Lord Stair said, was a proper thing to mention on
this occasion ; I told him, the two Dukes were not
of opinion to presume to enter into further particu
lars, than to offer to arm, if it could be useful, and
one of 'em would not go so far. He said, there was
no help for that, and was going away. I told him,
I heard Lord  was to offer to raise a regiment.
He said, that he had done it that day. I asked, how
it was received ; he smiled, and nodded, saying, ' to
be sure, graciously.' I told him, that then what
I had proposed was done ; that I need not remind
him, Lord Stair, of the long connection that had
been betwixt his family and mine ; nor tell him, that
my friends and myself had been worse used by
Lord  , than he had been in Galway by Lord
 ; that I had therefore been surprised at what
he had said last night, and must tell him, that
Lord  and I could not be in the same connec
tion, nor under the same protection, our ties being
incompatible. He said little but single words, and
that Lord  's offer was separate from ours ; I
answered, that, the thing being done, I washed my
hands on't.
I went to Lord Cobham, who said, he should not
be surprised to see us Scots ready to leap
Sunda over t^ie nouse- I fold him, we were un
done ; I only wished the English would
have before this time thought a little more of Scot
land, for that we had all foreseen the danger of our
country, which had been thought of here only as a

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 139
present to be made to some great man. He men
tioned the not arming us, which led me to tell him of
the offers I had made, and Lord  's stepping in,
and being accepted. The Duke of Queensberry, who
had just come in, interrupted, and said, Lord 
had only offered to raise a regiment in the county.
I asked his Grace, whether we had thought of any
thing else ; and on his looking surprised, and being
silent, I told Lord Cobham, that, provided the King's
service was done, and the country protected, it was
not my business who did it ; but that I could not
but feel the treatment I received, for his Lordship
knew, that Lord  had been set up by the Duke
of Argyle, as he depended on him, merely to oppose
me and my friends in the county ; so I had done.
Before this, he had said, that he knew we were
all disgraced for the excise1. I told him, he was
mistaken, for that the Scots had acted then, as he
knew, principally with a view of joining a body of
English, to gain, by supporting them in what was
their object, their assistance to relieve Scotland from
the subjection to one man.
Before I went to Lord Cobham's, Lord Rothes 2
came in, and shewed me a memorial he had given
to the ministry, proposing to send two battalions,
with arms, &c, to Dundee, to cover the arming of
the country, and then to take Perth, Stirling, &c. ;
1 The resistance to Sir Robert Walpole's Excise Scheme.
8 The Earl of Rothes, a Geueral Officer, Colonel of the third regiment of
Foot Guards, a member of the Privy Council, and K. T.

140 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
I approved of it ; and he said, they would not part
with a single regiment, though the transports might
remain there to carry 'em back when wanted. Ge
neral John Campbell, at Lord Cobham's, talked
much of arming about Dunbarton Castle ; said, the
Duke of Cumberland, at his desire, had sent some
gunners to try to get thither; and that he had desired
Lord Harrington to send a ship with arms thither.
When I mentioned to Lord Cobham, what Lord
Stair had said of the cabinet council's opinion of
our general offer, he said, that he had heard nothing
of it at that council, farther than general talk of
raising the militia.
I shewed the Duke of Newcastle my letter from
Berwick. He said, he had one, and laid
Oct. isth. it before tlie jq but had not an-
Tuesday. &
swered it, as it contained no request.
I said, I only shewed it him, that he might be
so good as to do me justice with the King. He
said, he had done it, but desired to keep my let
ter with the answer annexed, for a day or two,
as it was more particular than his. I then spoke of
Mr. Jack, whom he promised to recommend to the
Duke of Montague1. The Chancellor spoke to me
only of Mr. Jack's paper and plan.
Lord Stair said, he wanted to talk to me about
our affairs ; that it was impossible, but the state of
the nation must be carried to be considered ; that
Bolingbroke. should be talked to about it, as the
1 Master-General of the Ordnance.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. ]4]
fittest man ; and that we should make some plan, and
then try the English members. I said, they seemed
to me regardless of our country. He said, our coun
try must not be mentioned ; it was theirs ; and that
ours must follow of course. He said, it must be
taken up from the revolution, upon original papers.
I told him, I would wait upon him. He said, the
news by the post was, that the Mackenzies, the
largest clan next to the Campbells, being about
three thousand men, and the Fraziers, and Macin
toshes, were in arms to join the rebels, and had be
sieged the President of the Session in his house.
At court the Duke of Argyle came up to me, and
said, there was a vast confusion. I said,
° ' 8 ' there was a great crowd, &c. He said,
Friday. s ' . . '
he meant the nation ; I said, a limb was
torn off from it. He said in 1715, he remembered
my father had brought two battalions out of the
Merse. I said he had, and two troops of horse.
He repeated, he remembered the two battalions.
He said, when he came back from Argyleshire,
from danger of being taken, nobody at Edin
burgh would believe any thing of it. On my
mentioning Wade's saying, that this could not have
happened, had the Highlanders been disarmed, he
said, there were now three companies at Inverary,
but no arms to give 'em, and that the Camerons had
been in arms several years, and he had paid 7\ per
cent, of his rents to be safe from plunder ; but that
when he had spoke of it, it was not regarded. He

142 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
agreed, Scotland had been neglected ; he mentioned
the gate of Edinburgh being opened to let out a
hackney coach, and then the Highlanders. He said,
as to the post-office here, they could read a bill of
exchange wrote in the letter unico contextu, arid so
might read a printed paper.
Lord Stair called me away, and shewed me a
paper, containing a sort of speech in general on the
necessity of doing something on this occasion, by
way of laws to secure the constitution. I said, it
was all right. He said, we, that thought alike,
should act together. I agreed, but feared the
English had no regard to our country. He said,
ours must follow of course, and that no ministers
could withstand it ; that he had sent Keith to
Mr. Spencer with the paper, who had approved it,
and that he Lord Stair would shew it to the Duke
of Bedford, and then talk with some principal
people ; that Lord Gower was right, and had been
in with the King this day, who had said to him
twice, that he was much obliged to him ; that we
should concert together, but the Duke of Queens
berry was going out of town. I told him, perhaps
he did not think he could do any thing, being out of
the scene. I asked him, if he himself had thought
of any thing particular to follow his plan by way of
laws to be proposed. He said, these would easily
be agreed on ; it was impossible there could be any
difference about them. He then said, Mr. Pelham
had said, my brother had spoke perfectly well, giving
sparring blows to every body.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 143
Mr. Nimmo, Mr. Williamson, Mr. Carre, my
At Dinner, brother and I talked of turning this affair
to the advantage of Edinburgh in particular, to be
further considered.
A list of the principal people, and those of most
integrity at Edinburgh, made out, to be
J ' ,ls sent for as soon as the committee should
Monday. be named by the House of Commons.
The Duke of Queensberry sent for me to tell me,
that he talked with Pitt and my brother
Tuesda ' at t^ie ncmse '¦> that Pitt had said, if we
did not get the committee now, we never
should, but that it was a matter attended with
niceties and difficulties, and therefore he desired a
meeting, but a small one, of Lord Barrington, Mr.
Lyttelton and Pitt, with my brother, the Dukes of
Montrose, Queensberry and me. I said, that the
two gentlemen he named were influenced by Mr.
Pitt, so that it was only multiplying himself, and
that none of them could have objected niceties and
difficulties to him ; these must have come from him
self, therefore were to be discussed with him alone,
and afterwards he might talk 'em over in private
with others; that I knew enough of meetings to ex
pect no good from 'em, and that as we could only
expect the committee in this juncture, I was resolved
Scotland should have an answer, ' aye,' or ' no.'
That the leaders of every other faction in the House
were already engaged, and that the thing must to
the end be kept on the footing of impartiality ; that

144 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
it was levelled at nobody in particular, but meant
to serve the country, and that by this I would
stand and take any side by the hand for this pur
pose ; that a meeting must give offence to some or
other, as had been done in the Scots petition, or
foment an opposition to it, which I wished first to
see in the House of Commons, where answers would
be ready as good as the objections ; that at the same
time I would walk barefooted from one end of the
town to the other to gain Mr. Pitt to it, but would
not spoil business by meetings ; that I had enough
of cabals, so mentioned what had passed relative to
myself at Lord Stair's ; but that I would not offend
him, and he would be so if we had a meeting with
out him ; but that I would enter into no connexion
to lend my shoulder to any who did not lend his to
me ; that I could not pay guineas, and take shillings.
He said, that had been very odd. I said, I would
concur with any body in the general cause, and
would not quarrel with Lord Stair, or any other,
and therefore would not have a meeting when the
same thing might be done by private visits, for in
the other way I saw dangers and no utility. He
said, Lord Tweeddale had been with him and the
Duke of Montrose, and had said, that it was true, he
had been of opinion against arming the country ;
but that he had done no more than others ; and he
wished, that all the letters that had passed about it
were printed. He appealed to the Duke of Mon
trose, whether he had not been two years ago for

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 145
naming Lord Lieutenants, but that it had been re
fused, and that he had still the commissions ready
for signing. I told his Grace, that I had never
heard of this till now, but that nothing was levelled
against him; the inquiry was general; and that I
would, whenever he pleased, come to his house to
meet Mr. Pitt, but no number however small ; and
that I desired, he would let me know, whenever he
had fixed an hour with the Duke of Montrose and
Mr. Pitt.
I told Lord Gower the necessity of inquiring
into the state of Scotland now, and that
Oct. 23d.
Wednesday ^ ^ad to^ tne Chancellor of it, and
offered to concur with the ministers.
He said, he had never heard of it, and asked, if he
might tell the Chancellor and Mr. Pelham of it. I
agreed, and told him, we were ready to concur with
them, if they had any good intentions for Scotland.
Mr. Pitt came here, and told me he had wanted
with some of his friends to meet some of
Oct. 24th. . _, ....
Thursday ™e ^cots Peersj not to make objections,
but to offer their assistance, if any thing
was proposed, and to desire to know what we in
tended, to what end we meant to direct our view,
and what consequences might arise from this thing
at this time, that harm might not be done. I asked
what. He said, we might shew the contrary of
what we intended. I said, it must appear that the
country was zealously affected to the present govern
ment. He asked what evidence we had, and whe-
VOL. 1. l

146 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
ther we might not expose the well-affected families
to the rebels. I told him, as to the general state of
Scotland, the orders and letters in the hands of the
ministers were all wanted ; and the parole evidence
would only relate to the city of Edinburgh, which
it was important to put into a right method. He
said, it was so, and he would assist. I told him, I
was not for meetings till the thing was in the House,
that it might not seem directed at any one in parti
cular, as it was meant nationally to put us on the
same footing as England, and that in this light I
wanted one of his character to second it, and my
brother should move it. He said, he would do so,
for my brother would move it ably, only he, on ac
count of his health, could not take much pains in it,
and hoped we would assist him. I offered him my
help in this or any thing else. He said, he must
talk with his friends, so could not engage till then,
and agreed it should be done on Monday, as the
sooner the better, not to protract the session, to
give room for motions meant to draw negatives.
He said, he thought it ought to be moved without
any hostility, of which there had been some shewed
by my brother the first day ; and that it should be
proposed to be in a committee of the whole House,
only precluding any refusal of papers, by offering,
if any necessary were not fit to be seen, it might
then be made a private committee.
My brother told me, he had spoke to Mr. Pelham,
who had expressed great civility, and seemed

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT, 147
pleased, when he offered to concur with him in the
inquiry, meaning nothing but national good by it ;
that Mr. Pelham had asked, whether he had told the
Duke of Argyle of it. My brother said ' no,' as his
Grace never spoke to him; that Mr. Pelham had
told him some particulars about arming the militia
in Scotland ; that he had told Mr. P. he intended a
private committee to prevent any papers being made
an ill use of, which he approved ; and that it should
be under the direction of those who were not willing
to do any hurt by it, which, Mr. P. said, he did not
suspect ; that Mr. P. spoke to him freely of the
suspicions of many who affected great zeal.
Mr. Oswald came in from Mr. Pitt's, where, he
said, it had been agreed to support the motion on
Monday, only Mr. Pitt thought it should be an
open committee, which is to be further considered.
He said, they had all approved of my reasons for
avoiding a meeting, and all agreed to do justice to
Scotland. I told Mr. Lyttelton, that as Mr. Pitt and we
began the world together, and I had
Nov. 6th, hoped, we should go through it in
Wednesday. „ . . . . . 1 , • ,
friendship, since we thought m the same
manner on public matters, I should be sorry, if
the heat on Monday last between him and my
brother was to leave any rancour in his mind. He
said , it left none, and was all over. I told him of
the Chancellor's telling my brother, that he must
move for a Bill to adjourn the Sessions, which he
L 2

148 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
was to do as this day. He said laughing, that the
Chancellor wanted to bring my brother's hand to
the Advocate's ear ; and then said, the Parliament
would be adjourned when the Land and Malt were
passed, that is, in a fortnight ; and then this crisis
would be brought to a decision.
Lord Rothes having told me yesterday, that Lord
Stair desired him to get a meeting of the
ov. 12 . gcots peers to concert measures con-
, Tuesday. r
cerning our country and sending to me
this morning, I went to him, and told him, I was
ready to concur, but expected no good from meet
ings. He said, he found [the] Duke of Montrose
willing, and was going to him. I told him, I should
be at his orders. At three o'clock I got a letter
from Lord Rothes, that he was to see the Duke of
Queensberry, since the Duke of Montrose declined
it. I said, I was ready ; but desired meetings
might not be multiplied.
Lord Rothes came, and told me, the Duke of
. . , Queensberry was very hearty, and had
told him, that he had some time ago
spoke to the Duke of Newcastle on letters from
¦Dumfries, desiring to arm, but had got no answer.
He said, that the Duke of Montrose's doubts were
now removed, and that we were to meet to-morrow
at eleven at the Duke of Queensberry 's. I told
him, I was ready ; and desired him to think what
was proper to be done. He put it upon me ; but
said, he would do all he could.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 149
The Duke of Montrose, Lord Rothes, and I came
to the Duke of Queensberry 's, where
Nov. 13th. after some talk it was agreed to offer to
Wednesday. T .
arm our countrymen. 1 desired we
might write down the propositions, as they were
agreed to, that we might follow some method. On
which I wrote down our agreement to offer to arm,
by raising, without commissions of lieutenancy,
regiments of one thousand men each; and so all the
particulars of our plan. Then it was agreed, that
the Duke of Queensberry should write to the Duke
of Buccleugh for his concurrence ; that the Duke of
Montrose and Lord Rothes should acquaint Lord
Tweeddale with our resolution ; and that in the
evening Lord Rothes and I should inform Lord
Stair of it. I then proposed, to avoid delays, that
we might meet again at seven o'clock, with an
agent, to put our plan into form without further
meetings ; which being agreed to, a preamble was
talked of; whereon I read what I had wrote this
morning for that. This produced a silence. After
a little I told 'em, they might alter it as they liked ;
all I meant was to say something to avoid our being
represented as presumptuous in Scotland. On this,
exceptions were taken to passages of it, that might
alienate the new converts, and others that seemed
to condemn the conduct held; whereupon it was
reduced to two sentences declaring the loyalty of
our countrymen, and that we believed they believed
us so much so, that they would arm under our
command.

150 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
At six the Duke of Montrose, Lord Rothes, and
I went to Lord Stair, and read him the proposi
tions we had drawn up; to which he agreed, and
said, he would write to [the] Duke of Hamilton to
come up to town. He then mentioned Lord Dum
fries for one, besides himself. He told us, that he
had mentioned something of this kind to the minis
ters ; that the Duke of Newcastle said, it was right ;
and that Lord Harrington said, he thought it wrong;
so that he thought it would be rejected ; that the
Duke of Argyle was the only man who was to be
permitted to arm in Scotland ; and that he would
readily accept of him, Lord Stair, as his deputy;
but that he would concur with us, and present to
the King any thing we thought proper.
We went to the Duke of Queensberry 's, when
Mr. Wilson, the agent, came ; and with his assist
ance we agreed on, and I drew up, the plan to be
laid before the King to-morrow. Lord Rothes made
Lord Tweeddale's name be put into the title of it,
saying, that he had told them, that he approved of
it, and desired to concur in it ; so it was done.
I sent to the Duke of Queensberry to add to the
plan, which had been left with him to
Nov. i4th. et a fair for tbe King, that the
Thursday. to„ , n , ¦ ,
officers taken from the army might re
turn to half-pay when our corps were broke. > He
came hither, and said, he had not copied it, for his
letter to the Duke of Buccleugh had not gone till
this morning, by a mistake; and he objected to Lord
Tweeddale's name in the title, lest it should give

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 151
the thing an air of party, and make it odious in
Scotland. Lord Rothes came in, and said, the
Marquis of Tweeddale objected to the preamble, as
not necessary for him to assure the King of his
zeal; and that it might offend the country. He
said, the Duke of Montrose thought it right, but
would submit to others. On this, he went to bring
the Duke of Montrose. On their coming, we agreed
that the preamble was proper for us, and that Lord
Tweeddale's name should be struck out of the title;
but that, as he had said, he could not go in with
Lord Stair with it to the King, as by his office he
went in alone, we should desire him to present it,
and leave Lord Stair's name in the title. Lord
Rothes said, he might take this ill, as he had de
clared his concurrence in it ; so it was agreed, that
the Duke of Montrose and Lord Rothes should in
form him of it ; and also that we should delay pre
senting it till to-morrow, that he might go out ; and
by that time we should have the Duke of Buccleugh's
answer. I proposed being ready what to do, if
Lord Tweeddale thought it was best to have it
offered to-day; but this was thought a useless
difficulty. The Duke of Montrose and Lord Rothes told us,
Lord Tweeddale agreed to all, but could not go out,
and therefore authorised Lord Stair to declare his
concurrence to the plan, which we had left to him
self to do verbally, and to deliver it to the King ;
that he had also said, that it ought to be done to-

152 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
day, as there was to be a cabinet council to-night,
wherein some resolution about Scotland might be
taken ; and then we should come too late. On this
it being agreed, that it should first be offered to the
King, my servant was immediately set to copy it ;
and the Duke of Queensberry and Lord Rothes went
to Lord Stair to tell him of all, keep him at home
till the fair copy came, and press him to present it
this morning.
The three lords returned, and said, Lord Stair
was coming hither, but had objections to present
ing it without communicating it to the ministers.
To this the Duke of Montrose objected, that then it
would not make the same impression on the King.
Lord Stair came in, heard the plan read, ap
proved of it, and then objected, that he could not
present it this morning, nor without communicating
it to the ministers, and so was for putting it off till
to-morrow. I said, that time gained was a princi
pal point, and that, if he shewed it to the ministers
before the cabinet council, he might then produce
it there, and to-morrow morning another should be
sent him for the King, with the Duke of Buccleugh's
name, if he concurred, provided his Lordship as
sured us, that nothing that should pass at the
cabinet would hinder his laying it before the King.
On these terms the Duke of Montrose agreed ; and
then Lord Stair asked, if we would not choose to
have the names of other peers. We said, if more
troops were wanted, he might in general say, that

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 153
others too were ready : that this would prevent
delays, and was the method taken in England, where
first one, and then another, had offered.
At court, the Duke of Montrose and Lord Rothes
told me, that Lord Stair said, our paper
1 " ° " had been a bomb in the council ; that he
Friday. had told the Duke of I\ ewcastle and Lord
Harrington before of it ; the first approved it, and
the other not ; that at council the Chancellor had
said, it required consideration, after it had been laid
before the King ; most of the others said nothing,
but, by their countenances, were surprised.
The ministers at court seemed very busy, and the
Duke of Argyle much employed ; so Lord Rothes
said, the thing worked. Lord Stair went in to pre
sent the paper to the King, but went out another
way ; so we waited tdl all were gone : and going
home I saw his chariot at TV hite's.
Lord Rothes came, and told me, that Lord Stair
had not presented our paper to the King,
Nov. 16th. t having been able to get an audience,
Saturday. ° °
and that he had hindered the Duke of
Newcastle from presenting it. saying, he had orders
to do it ; that he was to present it to-day ; and he,
Lord Rothes, was going to the Duke of Montrose,
to go along with him, to remind him of it. I told
him, that, if Lord Stair did not, the Duke of Mon
trose should do it himself, or Lord Rothes, or else
we should go to the Duke of Newcastle, and desire
him to do it. He said, the Duke of Newcastle was

154 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
gone out of town. Lord Bolingbroke thought the
proposal too modest.
Lord Cathcart told me, he had carried our pro
posal copied by Keith, Lord Stair's se-
' cretary, to the Duke of Cumberland, but
Sunday. J
that he knew not his opinion of it yet.
Lord Stair told me, that on Saturday he carried
in our paper to the King ; that he seemed
„?v' , ' pleased with it; but said his ministers
Monday. rfound great difficulties in it. Lord Stair
said, it was meant only for his service ; the King
said, the Parliament would form objections to it, as
had been done to the former ; whereupon Lord Stair
shewed him the difference, to obviate 'em, and told
him, it was laid before him for his judgment; and if
he liked it, he could make others come into it, and
that it was his business, which we should not stir in
but under * his orders ; upon which the King told
him, he was obliged to do what others chose for
him. He told me, that Mr. Pelham seemed against
it, and more than ever determined to set the Duke
of Argyle up in Scotland.
At court I told Mr. Pelham, that the French were
employing their favourite men against this country,
as I was assured. He said, they intended an inva
sion. I then told him, our paper was intended only
for the King's service, and to do our duty to our
country, and not to add, or give any distress, or with
any factious view ; and that, if any such use was
made of it, we did not intend it. He said, Stair

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 155
had been with him, and told him what had passed
in the closet ; that I knew he was warm ; but that
he had asked the King, if any of his ministers had
given an opinion about it. The King said, ' No ;' and
that Lord Stair must have mistaken him ; for he said
" only, it would meet with difficulties in Parliament.
He told me of a great person soliciting personally
against the former. I told him, I wished what they
were now doing in Scotland might answer, but that
it gave great uneasiness, and even Lord Stair be
lieved, he was resolved to put that country into the
former hands. He said, Stair did not consider the
ministry was now a chaos, but would have people
break from their old friendships, before they could
adjust anything; or else he supposed things; as if
any body could think of putting Scotland into the
same management it had been in these last twenty
years. On this the Duke of Newcastle came up,
to whom I told what had passed on our proposal, as
to presenting it by him. He said, the Parliament
would find difficulties; that Lord Tweeddale had
desired an answer might be given soon ; and he had
answered, that the King would refer it to his ser
vants to consider. He then asked me, how soon it
could be executed. I said, the country was at a
distance, but that the people were ready to rise,
only that money must be sent down, or else they
could not subsist. Mr. Pelham added, ' and arms/
The Duke said, it must be considered, what Parlia
ment would say. I said, it ought never to come to

156 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Parliament, unless it was thought for the King's
service ; the Duke said, that was speaking like my
self; and so we parted.
I went to Lord Stair on a message from him, and
found the Duke of Queensberry with
Nov. 22d. kim. He proposed to apply for an an-"
swer to our proposal, as necessary to
vindicate ourselves. The Duke said, he saw no
hurt in desiring the ministers to answer us, though
he thought it done already in effect. I said, I did
not know how the thing stood ; that it might be
improper to hurry 'em, if they were considering
of it, and that I thought we had done our parts, and
wanted no vindication. On this Lord Stair grew
angry, and said, if we thought so, there was an end ;
and that, if we would not act all in a body, we nei
ther could desire, nor deserved, any consideration.
The Duke said, that, if he meant acting with Lord
Tweeddale, he would not, for he was become odious
in the country, and could only bring us to the same
state. Lord Stair said, he thought as his Grace did.
The Duke of Montrose came in, and said, the minis
ters intended to give us no answer, but to leave us
in suspense. The Duke of Queensberry went away,
saying, he would concur in whatever we resolved. I
said, the case being as the Duke" said, I thought we
ought to desire an answer, if Lord Rothes was of
the same mind. On this it was agreed, that Lord
Stair should desire the King to order us an answer,
and to do it without meeting with other peers, as
Lord Stair hinted we ought to do.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 157
At court Lord Rothes said, he was against this
of Lord Stair, unless he knew what was to follow,
for as to any complaints in Parliament, he would
not concur.
I asked Mr. Pelham, whether they would give us
any answer. He said, he thought they should, and
he was ready ; that I knew well enough the difficul
ties he must meet with in Parliament, when he did
not know who were to vote for or against it. I told
him, I hoped they would give us answers, one way
or other, after considering the present state of Scot
land, which any ten rebels might plunder ; and that
they would not think of bringing dqwn the High
landers upon us, which would undo us entirely ; and
that I hoped, it was not true, what I had heard
(Lord Stair said it) said, that we were considered as
people, who since 1715 had been obstinate opposers
of what were called the King's measures. On this
he took me into another corner, and said, he as
sured me, none of the King's ministers thought of
us in that manner, and, he was sure, none had ever
said any such thing.
I met the Duke of Newcastle, who took me aside,
to know if I had heard any thing. I said much the
same to him, as to his brother. He said, as Lord
Stair was to speak to the King, he would order an
answer. I said, I thought it had better come without
this. He said, all possible regard should be had to
the south of Scotland, and he did not desire to see
the Highlanders there, either to defend them (the

158 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
south) or offend us ; and that, as to us, we ought
not to believe every thing that people's imagination
prompted them to say.
Lord Stair sent Mr. Keith to tell me, that the
Duke of Newcastle had said, there was
Sund to be a cabinet council held on our pro
posal ; and at court he told me, the Duke
of Cumberland had just told him it was to be to
morrow. He laughed, and said he saw well enough
what answer was to be given.
Lord Stair sent Mr. Keith to tell me, that last
night the cabinet council had met on our
T da proposal ; that neither the Dukes of
Argyle, or Bedford, or Lord Tweeddale,
or Cobham had been present; that Mr. Pelham
made difficulties about the Parliament, and the
Duke of Newcastle joined in them, as well as in
saying the proposal was very right, had it been
done before; on which Lord Stair said, if it was
right, no more time ought to be lost, no more de
lays made, as some of 'em seemed to do. Mr. Pel
ham said, if more force was wanted, he should advise
bringing over the Hessians. Then Lord Stair [said]
that every body would think, and he did think, this
was plainly giving the exclusion to the whole Scots
nation, and done only for this, although their zeal
for the King could not be called in question. On
this they fell all into private committees ; and at
last the result was, that the alternative should be
proposed to the King, either to accept of these

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 159
regiments, or to send four or five battalions from
Wade's army to give the superiority in Scotland to'
the King's friends, or to send for the Hessians. This
resolution was occasioned by Mr. Pelham's saying,
there was news of several Highland clans being
ready to rise to join the rebels. At Battersea I
read considerations on our proposal to Lord Boling
broke, who said, that they were strong sense. He
was much provoked at the thoughts of bringing
over the Hessians.
Lord Rothes told me, that last night another cabi
net council had been held on our pro-
Thursda " Posa^ on *ne King's referring back to
them the alternatives, and that there the
Duke of Argyle had named several Lords ready to
do the same thing, the Duke of Buccleugh, Lord
Lothian1, Hopetoun, &c. and Sir James Grant, but
it was unnecessary, the towns of Edinburgh and
Glasgow raising 1000 men each, and Stirling 400 ;
whereupon it was agreed to reject our proposal, and
to name the Earl of Home to command the Edin
burgh subscription men, and the Earl of Glencairn
those of Glasgow.
Lord Stair told me, that at council our proposal
was thought not needful ; but the Duke of
Frida ^SY^ ^aa Pam much compliment to it,
and had read a long list of other peers,
who would do the same, and were equally entitled
to be provided for, to which Lord Stair had answered,
1 Lord Clerk Register.

160 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
that we did not desire to be employed, or to exclude
others ; that we only proposed to arm the country
for the King's service as he thought fit ; that then
the Duke of Newcastle writ down what was agreed
on ; and he went away. He called me into another
room, to ask if we would not think it fit to authorise
him to say something in our names to the King. I
said, I had heard the Duke of Montrose was to go
to the King, and I had thought of doing so too, but
would delay it till to-morrow. He then said, he
would send to the others named in the proposal to
meet at his house at ten o'clock to-morrow. The
Duke of Montrose, after he came out from the King,
told me, he had been in the morning with the Duke
of Newcastle, and talked through the proposal with
him; that all he had answered had been the time
necessary to raise these men, and the difficulties in
the House of Commons. He then told me, that he
had [been] very graciously received by the King,
who had said, he was very much obliged to the
Lords who had made the offer, and that he liked it ;
but his ministers found difficulties in Parliament.
Then he said, he wished some method was thought
of to prevent the like of this for the future, and ex
pressed his confidence in the Duke's loyalty and
zeal. The Dukes of Queensberry, Montrose, and I met
at Lord Stair's, who proposed to tell the
Nov. 30th. v- ... . . ,
Saturday. g ln °Ur J0mt names> tnat we had
made our proposal only for his service,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 161
and were ready to serve him in any shape he thought
proper. The only objection made to this was, its
being already done. I told them, I would go in to
the King this day. Then Lord Stair1 talked of the
danger of our becoming a province to France. I
went into the closet to the King after the ministers
were gone out. I told him, I did not come to trouble
him about a proposal wherein I had a share. He
said, ' I liked it, but the difficulties, it would have
' met with in the House of Commons, made it im-
' practicable.' I said, we were too happy to have
his approbation ; it was our duty to submit to what
was thought for his service. Then I told him my
share in it, and what I had done before. He said,
' You know what a distress it would have been,
' and what an effect abroad it would have had, had
' it been rejected in the House, or carried by a small
' number ; you know how the last was carried, so
' many voting against it.' I told him, I did not
mention it, but to shew that we were ready to serve
him in any shape ; that our wish would have been
to have had him form the plan, and left us the
honour of the execution only ; that my family, he
knew, had always been zealous friends to his cause ;
that I was the same, and ready to set my life and
fortune at the same stake; that mv brother had
voted against the last regiments, but had no view
1 Lord Stair was at this time Commander in Chief of the Forces in Eng
land, having received his appointment in February 1744. He had resigned
the command of the forces in Germany in disgust, after the battle of Dettingen,
and ended his embassy to the States General in October 1743.
Vol. I. M

162 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
in it of distressing his service, nor would have any
such view at any time ; that he was the only person
with whom I had any influence or interest in the
House of Commons ; and that I could assure him,
he would exert all his talents to serve his family ;
that it was in this view we had agreed that he
should propose the act making it treason to cor
respond with the Pretender's son, when it was
neglected by others. I told him, that I desired to
inform him of the state of Scotland ; that all the
South was zealous for him. He said, they were
all Presbyterians, who had always been for his
family ; that Dumfries, Glasgow, and others were
good towns, but that he could not say so much
for Edinburgh. I told him, he had even there
at least four out of five. He said, there were a
great many Jacobites there. I said, that in the
South there were not a hundred Papists, and that
the people were zealous for him, and all those
that had property. He said, he believed so, ex
cept Lord Kilmarnock. I said, he was a man of
desperate fortune, whose estate would go to his
creditors, when, his person was under forfeiture ;
that I had an estate in the country where he lived,
and there was none of property there ; and in ano
ther county, there was but one man of property, a
Jacobite, against whom a warrant had been granted.
He said, ' Mr. H.,' but that he had not been taken.
I said, there was not a man of 'em could carry out
a hundred men against him in the South. He said,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 163
the southern parts liked the Union, and found
benefit by it. I said, his Majesty knew that it had
been made to bring the crown into his family. He
said, ' Yes, but they had felt benefit by it too." I
said, no doubt they had ; that I could assure his
Majesty, he had twenty thousand good men ready to
arm for him in the South ; and that all we desired, was
to have him for our King. He said, he had ordered
the Duke, (who was in very great spirits, and
extremely pleased with the civilities he received
in the country) as soon as this was decided, to detach
a body of troops to Scotland, and that the Scots
regiments were to recruit in the south of Scotland ;
but that I knew that London was the principal
place. I said, his Majesty was the best judge ; that
his people in Scotland desired no other ; that I had
lived in his foreign dominions, and therefore could
assure him, that he had nowhere better subjects
than in the south of Scotland ; and who wished to
see his interest superior, abroad and at home, and
to see him respected on the continent as well as
here ; that they had nothing to do with the English
factions. He said, ' You have factions amongst
' yourselves ; there are the Highlands against the
' Lowlands, and others ; but one must do the best
' one can.' I said, there were no factions against
him ; all we desired, was to have him cast an eye
upon us, and to have access to him. He said, he
had never refused anybody. I said, I was far from
meaning so, and that I had taken the liberty to
M 2

164 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
trouble him, only to represent the state of Scotland
to him. He said, he looked on the two countries as
one united, and would equally regard them both ;
that Scotland had always been well affected ; but
indeed the last elections had not gone as he desired;
but, he hoped, it would not be so more. I said, that
the elections had never gone against him ; that in
deed if any subject would act without regard to his
interest, and pretend to set himself up, it would
create difficulties ; but that all we desired to know
was, his Majesty's own opinion. He said, he never
would let any subject set himself between him and
his people. I said, that was all we desired ; we
wanted to behave like good subjects, and have none
between him and us. He repeated, he had never
refused any. I told him, I am sure I ought not to
think so; since he had shewed but too much good
ness in hearing me so long ; that it was the first
time I had ever had the honour to speak to him ;
and I desired he would be assured, that he had not
a subject more affectionate to his cause than I was ;
that I wished the method proposed now, to arm in
Scotland, might answer. He said, ' What would
' you have me do ? they have offered it ; they
' have offered it.' I said, I wished it success ; but
could have wished in this, and in ours, that his
Majesty, who understood these matters better than
any in his council, had formed the plan. He said,
the House of Commons would not consent, as I saw
by the last. I said, I believed many voted then,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 165
because they thought he did not approve of it.
He said, ' I did not approve of it at first. But these
' lords having shewed so much zeal, my ministers
' thought it was proper ; and when I did approve of
' it, it should not have been obstructed.' He said,
great zeal had been shewed everywhere ; and when
this was over, some scheme must be thought of to
prevent it for the future. I said, the south of Scot
land would be glad to concur in any his Majesty
judged himself to be proper. He said, his minis
ters would propose something to secure the south
of Scotland for the future. I said, whatever service
in that, or any thing else I could do for his family,
I should always be ready to do. I begged leave to
assure him, he should always find me a faithful
subject ; and if he ever did me the honour to speak
to me again, he should always find me a man of
truth. When the King mentioned the Duke, he
said, he had some regiments together, with which
he was sure he would give a good account of the
rebels. I told the King, I hoped so ; and did not
doubt it ; that they were a pack of robbers from the
head of Argyleshire ; that his Majesty knew well
enough from what country they came. He said,
' yes;' they were the Camerons, the Stewarts of
Appen, and the Athole men.
My brother1 told me, he had been last night with
1 The Honourable Alexander Hume Campbell, twin-brother to the Earl of
Marchmont, member for Berwickshire, was then attorney-general to the Prince
of Wales. In 1756 he was appointed to the office of Lord Clerk Register, and
held it till his death in 1761.

166 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT;
Mr. Drax1, the Prince's secretary, on a note from
,-,c c him, when he had notified to him, that
t l /45-b. 3
Jan. 2nd. the Prince expected all his family to go
; Thursday, together to support the measures of the
administration, and that, as Mr. Hume did not act
so, he was to write him a letter discharging him.
In the conversation Mr. Drax said, that the Prince
was to support the Pelhams, and that his dismission
was to be ascribed to Lord Granville. He also pro
posed, that my brother should see the Prince. My
brother said, that the Prince had not spoke to him
these two years, — in answer to Drax's assuring him,
that the Prince had a great regard to him. He said
too, that he had nothing to say to the Prince, other than
that he would support all the measures he thought
conducive to the King's interests, but no others;
and that he would not betray the duty he owed to
his own country, part of which he represented.
Mr. Drax said, then he had nothing to do, since he
had no more to say, than to execute his orders, by
writing him a letter, which my brother expects this
day. Having asked an audience of the Duke, and being
ordered to come at two o'clock, I told
Jan. 8th. his Royal Highness, that hearing he
Wednesday. / ° ' 6
was going to Scotland, I came to make
him an offer of my service, to assure him, not only
of my zeal, but of that of all the Lowlands ; and
1 A member of the House of Commons. He was made Secretary to the
Prince in January 1745, on Mr. Lyttelton being made a Lord of the Treasury.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 167
that the gentry and people will be glad to shew it
by supporting his Royal Highness in whatever man
ner he should think proper. He thanked me ; said,
the King would not send him for some time, and
until there was a greater army there ; that he was
persuaded of the loyalty and zeal of the Lowlands,
and desired to see me again before he went, that he
might advise what was fit to be done for the defence
of the country : he then mentioned the Highlanders,
and said, the men were bad, and not so properly
rebels, as robbers, the only rebels being their chiefs
I recommended Mr. Jack to him ; and he bade me
bring him his papers. I assured him of my desire
to shew my respect to him, and be of any use to
promote the King's service, and his glory. He said
the zeal of my family was very well known ; and he
desired my friendship. I told him, I would be
glad of every occasion of expressing my duty, and,
through him, to the King. I added, we had been
made obnoxious in Scotland, only for desiring to
have no viceroy. He said, he saw no use of any, as
we were part of the same kingdom ; that the High
landers were always ready to come down to rob, he
supposed, but that the Lowlands were not to be
considered in the same light.
I carried to the Duke Mr. Jack's papers. He
said, he had got the King's orders to go
J^' ,r ' to Scotland. I offered him my service,
Thursday. J
if I could be of any. He thanked me,
and said, he would not put me to the trouble. I

168 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
told him, if I could be of any use, I should think it
a very great pleasure. He said, the Lowlands were
in general well affected ; that he should be mostly
in the Highlands; that Hawley1 would probably beat
the rebels before he got down ; that indeed if he
did not, and they turned south, it would be well for
the King's friends to be there, and that he knew
little of the country. I said, that if I could be of
any service to him, so far from thinking it any
trouble, I should rejoice at the opportunity of hav
ing the honour to be known to him ; and that as he
put it entirely on the trouble, I assured him, that I
should think it an honour and a pleasure. He said,
he knew nothing of these matters ; he would talk
with the King's ministers, and let me know. I told
him, I should be extremely glad to receive his
orders. He said, he should let me know, and would
be glad of my further acquaintance ; he laid the
blame of the affair of Hawley2 on want of disci
pline ; and said, were he there, he would attack the
rebels with the men that Hawley now had ; he said,
soldiers must be told what they are to do ; and he
believed, now they would do it.
I told Sir Everard Fawkener3, that I had offered
my services to the Duke ; and I desired him to put
1 General Cope commanded the Forces in Scotland during the Rebellion,
until he was succeeded by Lieutenant-General Hawley, in December 1745.
8 The defeat at Falkirk, on the 17th January 1746. General Hawley ad
vanced against the rebels in order to compel them to raise the siege of Stirling
Castle, but was worsted with considerable loss.
3 Military secretary to the Duke of Cumberland.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 169
the Duke in mind, that I might know as soon as
possible, whether it was thought proper for me to
go down or not. He said, he wished I were to go.
I told him, that I had been told, it was not thought
so. He said, he knew nothing of that. I told him,
I only mentioned it to shew my reason of doubting,
which I desired to be clear about as soon as pos
sible. He said, he should be sure to take care
of it.
Hearing at court, that on Hawley's not being to
fight for ten days, the Duke had desired
*n! ' of the King, either not to go for Scotland
till the news of the action arrived, or to
go immediately, so as to be present at it, and that
the King had agreed to the last, whereon the Duke
was to set out this night at twelve, I threw myself
in the Duke's way ; but as he said nothing, I desired
Sir Everard Fawkener to remind the Duke of what
he had said, and to assure him of my readiness. I
sent down a servant to wait for Sir Edward, and
asked, if he had any commands. He sent me word,
he would write to me this evening.
I got a general answer from Sir Everard Faw
kener, that the Duke had said nothing in
Saturday particular. My brother gave me an ac
count of a conversation Mr. Winnington
had with him on Thursday, vindicating Mr. Pelham
from having any hand in turning him out of the
Prince's family, assuring him that there was no de
sign of throwing Scotland back into the hands of

170 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
the Duke of Argyle, and desiring him to give over
his persecution of Mr. Pelham. My brother told
him, as to the first, he did not value it ; as to the
second, he should believe it when he saw it; and
that as long as they used Scotland ill, he would
treat them as ill as he could ; and that when they
did right, he would support them as he had already
done. Lord Westmorland came to see me to ask my
advice about his affair of the money he
y. ' ' paid for the grenadiers, and which he
had not received on his dismission1. He
said he had spoke to Pelham of it a fortnight before
the King went abroad, and Pelham having spoke to
the King of it, told him, the King said, he had no
manner of right ; that he said, he thought that should
be examined. Pelham said, he had not thought of
saying that. Now Lord Westmorland asked whe
ther an application to the House of Lords, founded
on the Petition of Right, might not be proper. I
advised him first to write again to Mr. Pelham out
of decency to the King, and insinuate, that he would
not stop there, which he approved of; and next,
that I thought in the House of Lords it would come
in merely as a personal complaint, and therefore in
the worst manner, whereas it would more easily
slide into the House of Commons, where my brother
1 John seventh Earl .of Westmorland. He was deprived of his regiment
for having connected himself in pohtics with the Earl of Chesterfield and Lord
Cobham, not being permitted to sell it, although he had paid 80 001. for it.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 171
had some thoughts of bringing in the subject of the
army. To this my Lord agreed.
My brother told me, that on the ministry insisting
on Mr. Pitt being Secretary at War, and
Surida ^e King having said, he should not be
his secretary, Lord Bath had gone to the
King and told him, though he had resolved never
to take a place, yet now finding his ministers would
force a servant on him, rather than he should be so
used, he would undertake to get him his money.
The King said, the ministers had the Parliament.
Lord Bath said, his Majesty had it, and not they ;
and that hereupon the King thanked him ; and it
was expected the ministers would all be out,
Feb. 10th. Lord Harrington and the Duke of
Monday. Newcastle resigned.
Lord Cobham told me, Pitt's affair had been given
up, he having in many pretty words, of
6-11 ' which he had plenty, said, he would not
Tuesday. r J' '
go into the closet against the King's will ;
but that the resignation now was founded on the
King's following other advice ; that Lord Bath had
affected to exult, and to shew his power, and that
nothing could be had but through him ; that after
Pitt's affair Lord Harrington and Bath had had a
conversation together, wherein the first had said,
that he supposed the last had a plan for carrying on
the King's affairs, since he interfered with his mi
nisters, and made it impossible for them to serve ;
and that Lord Bath had said, he had none ; and

172 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
that hereupon the ministers had resolved to resign,
unless they might have the closet, without which
they could not carry on the King's business ; that
he did not see where Lord Bath could set his foot,
for Winnington had assured, that he would resign,
too. He said, it was very true Lord Bath had
stepped in upon Pitt's affair, and told the King he
would undertake his business; that he had ob
structed every thing, having always had the closet.
I said, the contrary was true as to my country, to
which these last ministers had wantonly declared
themselves enemies. He said, they did not mean it.
I told him, I judged by their actions, which tended
all to throw us back into Walpole's system ; and he
knew, it was to get rid of that, we had joined the
English opposition. He said, he had told 'em, they
ought to consider the Duke of Argyle's personal
enemies. I told him, we were not so, — at least, I
was not; but I was an enemy to his engrossing
every thing, or any man's doing it ; that Pelham and
the Chancellor both knew, I had flung myself at
their head, when the King's service seemed to re
quire it ; but Pelham had thought, he had nothing
to fear from any but Mr. Pitt, and so took upon him
to use the Scots in a way, that could not be passed
over, and thereby he catched a Tartar. He said, he
told me only his part, and that this affair must
produce some good. I said, it might have done so
last year, but it was not so clear it would now, that
all connection had been broke.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 173
I went to court, where I saw Lord Granville, now
Secretary of State. After the levee, it was told,
that Lord Pembroke resigned his key ; the Duke of
Bedford notified his resignation, and all the admi
ralty but Lord Archibald Hamilton. Tir. Pelham
resigned his seal, and notified the resignation of all
at his board, but Lord Middlesex ; and Lord Gower
resigned his Privy Seal.
The Dukes of Grafton, Devonshire1, and Rich
mond2, and the Dukes of Argyle (who was at court,)
and Montague3, were named for resigning next day.
Mr. Chetwynd* told me, that he had resigned,
but that it was talked, that all was come
*," ", round again, and Lord Bath had re-
Wednesday. °
signed.
Lord Bolingbroke told me, that Bath had re
signed, and all was now over. He ap-
e . tn. proye(j 0f what had been done, though
Thursday. F ...
he owned, that TV alpole's faction had
done what he had wrote, every king must ex
pect, who nurses up a faction by governing by
a party; and that it was a most indecent thing,
and must render the King contemptible. He
said, the law was to resign ; and resignations
would have held a fortnight. Lord Cobham told
me, that the King had yesterday sent Winnington
1 Lord Lieutenant of Ireland. s Master of the Horse.
3 Master-General of the Ordnance.
* Made Master of the Mint in January 1745.

174 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
to stop the resignations ; that he had offered Win
nington the Seal of Exchequer, after Bath had
resigned it ; but Winnington said, it would not
do ; that Bath had sent a letter to Lord Carlisle,
directed to him as Privy Seal, and had carried
him to court, to receive the seal ; but had gone
in to the King, resigned the Exchequer Seal to him,
and then sneaked down the back stair, leaving
Lord Carlisle kicking his heels at the fire in the
outer room. Lord Cobham got a letter to go to the
Duke of Newcastle's at half an hour after two.
At court I met Lord Granville, who is still Se
cretary, but declared to be ready to resign, when
the King pleases.
I saw Lord Granville go out of the closet, having
resigned the seals ; he met the Duke of
" ' Newcastle going in ; and they made each
other a dry bow, and passed on. A little
after Lord Harrington came in, and then Lord
Gower, and next Mr. Pelham. They remained in,
except Lord Harrington, who went away.
Lord Bolingbroke said, Lord Pembroke1 had spoke
very strongly to the King ; and that when
_e ' ' Lord Bath said to the King, he ought not
Saturday. =" &
to be forced, the King answered, ' You
forced me first.' He said, Lord Bath was gone to
Richmond, to write a pamphlet. Some other body
said, the Duke of Bedford had told the King, ' We
1 Groom of the Stole.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 17 5
' are willing and able to serve your Majesty, if vou
' will let us." To which the King answered, that
he had taken other measures.
Mr. Mallet told us, that he knew from Mr. Lyt
telton, and Lord Bolingbroke vouched it. that the
Prince had on Wednesday morning sent round Mr.
Avscough and others, to assure people, that he knew
nothing of what was done, submitting only to the
King : from whence it was concluded, he must then
have known what followed that day. It was said,
that now Lord Bath and Granville would be pushed
at in Parliament.
Among those named to come in, I said, I was
told, I was to have been half a secretary. Lady
Bolingbroke said, she had heard it : but my Lord
said, he had not : but with so much confusion in his
looks, that I think he had heard it, and believed it.
He owned, he had heard mv brother was to have
been solicitor. I said, Horace Walpole had told
my brother so on Tuesday ; and he had answered,
he would not take it. On Thursday last, Mr. B.
Leveson told me, that when he was at Lord Har
rington's on Wednesday, my lord was sent for out ;
and when he came back he said, he had been told a
very extraordinary piece of news ; that the ministry
had resigned ; that Lord Baltimore, who was there,
said, ' It is so,' and called Lord Harrington aside,
repeating, ' It is so.'
Lord TV esrmorland came and desired my advice

176 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
on the motion to be made to-morrow in the House
of Lords ; he shewed me two, one very
Thursday. long and perplexed, by Lord Orford, who,
he said, was to move it ; and the other
short and drawn by himself; this, I told him, I
thought much best, and so added only a few expla
natory words to it. He told me with great surprise,
that Pitt was to succeed Winnington1, and that
Pelham had brought it about by proposing Sir
William Yonge2, and Pitt to succeed him. But the
King said, that fellow should never come into his
closet ; whereupon Pelham named him as the first
man in the House of Commons to succeed to the
place then. Lord Westmorland told me, Lord
Cobham talked of Pitt as a wrong-headed fellow,
that he had no regard for ; but added, that no
weight was to be laid on that. I asked him, how
to-morrow might affect his own private affair; he
said, he did not value that; he said nothing had
been done in it, though he heard it had been once
mentioned at the Board of Treasury.
1 As Paymaster-General. 8 Secretary at War.

[ 177 ]

DIARY RESUMED.

I waited on Lord Chesterfield by appointment at
1747 nine o'clock. He received me with great
Aug. 30th, civility and openness. He said, he was
Sunday. g]a(j to see me, and in the way I was in.
I told him, I had come up out of deference to what
he had wrote to my brother. I thanked him for the
regard he had shewed to my brother, and, I was
( told, he had expressed for me. After common com
pliments he said, that I must not remain in the situ
ation x I was in, but it must be mended, and for this
I must have an audience of the King. I said, I
came in where I was, as receiving by my brother
the price Mr. Pelham thought fit to offer him, and
that if his lordship would allow me to inform him,
that the Duke of Argyle had declared a determined
enmity to my brother and me, and all our friends,
I believed, he would think it no easy matter to mend
my situation. He said, the King hated the Duke
of Argyle ; Mr. Pelham was the minister, who liked
him best, not from affection, but the old habits of
Walpole's time ; and that the Duke of Newcastle
was his enemy, except on the days that the Duke
1 That of First Lord of Police. See the Duke of Newcastle's Letter of 21st
July, 1 747, announcing to him his appointment.
Vol. I. N

178 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
of Argyle coaxed him, and treated him as the sole
minister. He went through the Duke's conduct
last winter here, and this summer in Scotland, and
said, it was impossible it could hold long as it was,
the King detesting him beyond all recovery. He
then said, he would tell me all the state of affairs
here that was conducive to mending my situation,
(for in short I must not continue long in Lord Suther
land's place) and the means to be used for it. He
went through all he had done last winter without
appearing in it, to bring about Mr. Pelham's con
cluding with my brother. He said, the first oppor
tunity he had of speaking to the King of my brother
was, after he had spoke for the Jurisdiction Bill1;
and that when I was named to succeed Lord Lothian,
he spoke of me to the King, who said, I belonged to
Bolingbroke ; to which he replied, that he, Lord
Chesterfield, might rather be said to belong to him,
since he visited him as often as ever he could, and
found no man understood his Majesty's foreign
affairs so well, and could enable him so much to
serve him. The King then said, I was able, but
had been a writer. He answered, he thought his
Majesty had laid aside all retrospect, but that others
had been writers too, and that he knew nothing of
that. He said, that I must go in to the King after
I had kissed, his hand, and that I should tell him of
the state of Scotland in general, and that his Ma-
1 The Bill for abolishing the Heritable Jurisdictions in Scotland, brought in
on the 17th February, 1747.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 179
jesty had [a] great many enemies there not suffi
ciently observed, and might mention Stuart's affair,
whom the King looked upon to be screened by the
Scots government, although there were facts enough
to have hanged him, had he not been screened ;
but that I must not say anything personal against
the Duke of Argyle, that 1 might not be accused of
bringing an article of impeachment against him,
the first time I went into the closet. I said, that I
would be entirely directed by him ; but I must offer
to his consideration, whether it would be safe for
me to mention the Jacobites in Scotland, as the
King would tell the ministers, who would tell the
Duke of Argyle, and he would write down a misre
presentation of it to injure me in my own country.
He said, I must avoid that, but speak to the King,
as I could do, with ability, and to humour the King's
notions of things, which he was explaining to me,
and that I must tell him, that I belonged to him
only, for that was what he liked. I said, I had told
the King so before, and we had parted very good
friends; that the King hated complaints, and, he
knew very well, was not a reasoning man. He
said, that was true ; but I should lament, that he
had enemies in Scotland, and talk as he had told
me would be agreeable. I asked what effect an
audience would have, since the King left all to his
ministers ? He said, True, but it would make things
go easy when the King liked a man instead of ob
jecting to him ; and it would enable my friends to
N 2

180 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
serve me. I said, I had no friends, unless he would
do me the honour to let me reckon him so ; that I
should follow his directions in everything. He
said, I must not think so, nor talk so ; and that I
must assure the King of my zeal, and of my readi
ness to do him any service in this part of the king
dom or the other. I said, as the King did not
reason, what might be the effect of this ? might not
the King think, I was asking to be one of the peers
in case of a vacancy ? He said, that was now over,
so he could not think so. I mentioned the case of
a Vacancy. He then said, that he meant I should
ask it in general, without doing it in particular. I
said, I supposed I must wait on the Duke of New
castle, who had wrote to me about the place,
and on Mr. Pelham, before I went to court ; and
whether I should say, I had seen him, and tell
them of the audience intended, as they seemed
very suspicious of audiences. He said, I should
say, I had seen him, and that he bid me ask
an audience. I asked, what I was to do, if they
were against it, as people of as great quality as
me had not taken audiences in such cases? He
said, they could not be against it, for nobody of
my rank kissed only hands in the crowd, unless
they were ill with the King, and he would not see
them, as had been his case, when he was made Lord-
Lieutenant of Ireland.
As he had bid me tell nobody, I asked his leave
to tell my brother. He said, he had told him. I

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 181
then asked, if my brother had hinted what was his
opinion. He said, ' No.' I then said, that though
I would obey what his lordship ordered me, yet I
must beg leave to mention the matter to my brother ;
which he agreed to. He then entered into the state
of the court here, and said, that the King hated the
people about him, but after having made a vain
attempt to get rid of them, finding they had the
Parliament, he was now resolved to be quiet, and
let them do what they thought fit ; and that when
they differed, he bid 'em do what they thought best,
as indeed he was not capable of deciding in any
nice case, so that there was really no government at
all ; that, as it was very plain that we miscarried in
war by mere inferiority of force, he and Mr. Pelham
were for negociating to get peace ; and the Duke of
Newcastle was for war, without understanding the
meaning of the word ; that the Stadtholder too was
for showing what he could do ; and the Dutch
proposed wonders, and to raise 45,000 men more,
than they now had, next year ; although they might
as well raise as many millions, because they had
not the finances ; that the King was for war, unless
when he frightened him, with showing that we were
on the brink of ruin ; and that the Duke of New
castle was only for war to fall in with the King's
humour, in hopes to be the first minister, and the
favourite, , now that Lord Harrington had ruined
himself with the King ; that Lord Harrington had
been the favourite, had received great favours, such

182 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
as the troop of guards for his son, and the renewal
of the terni of Lord Stanhope's pension, and had
been trusted with the electoral secret; that how
ever he had been the warmest for resigning on the
last change, and had desired to be first to re
sign, which the rest were very glad of; and that he
had done it without the least regard to decency,
telling the King, in the closet, that he could no
longer serve him with honour, and flinging the
purse and seals down upon the table, instead of
delivering them into the King's hands, which had
provoked the King beyond expression, and so as
never to forgive him ; the King having told him,
Lord Chesterfield, that he had less reason to com
plain of the rest, whom he had found in office, and
who had independent fortunes, than of Lord Harring
ton, whom he had made a peer, and given him an
estate, &c. ; that when the rest came in again, the
King wanted to capitulate, and keep out Harrington,
but the others could not desert the man, who had
been the first in the measure ; that however the
King continued to treat him, whenever he came to
him, with the greatest incivility, calling him to the
Duke of Newcastle a rascal, as he called the Duke
a fool to him (Harrington) ; that Lord Harrington on
this talked of resigning, but still went on, in hopes
that it would mend ; that things were in this situa
tion when he came from Ireland, where his conduct
had quite softened the King to him, and particularly
the letter he writ over here, whereby he put a stop

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 183
to Lord Kildare's regiment, and the other mob
regiments, as he called them ; and that whilst there
all his recommendations had been like as many
nominations, not one having been refused ; that on
his arrival here the Duke of Newcastle had spoke to
him of being secretary, if Lord Harrington quitted,
or was turned out ; and that he had refused it, say
ing he would keep Ireland, as long as he was in
place, for he liked it, as it just answered Lord
Shrewsbury's description; it had business enough
to keep a man awake, and not enough to hinder him
from sleeping; that thus things went on till his
great illness obliged him to go to Bath, from whence
he returned the last day of October ; that he was
sent for to come to a meeting that very evening,
but begged to be excused, for his absence for three
months hindered his being aufait des affaires ; that
at that meeting Lord Harrington had said, that he
neither could nor would stay in his office. His
motive was, that Lord Sandwich L from the Hague
carried on a private correspondence with the Duke
of Newcastle ; that saying this more firmly than
usual alarmed the rest ; and immediately the Duke
of Newcastle, the Chancellor, and Mr. Pelham
thought of making some compromise (for this, says
Lord Chesterfield, we do in all business, pousser le
temps par Fe'pauie) ; that they did not expect any
sudden resolution from Lord Harrington, so Mr.
1 The Earl of Sandwich went as ambassador to the Hague on the 3d August,
1746.

184 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Pelham went next day to the Duke (of Cumberland)
to get him to prevail on Lord Harrington to con
tinue ; that at that very time Mr. Pelham was with
the Duke, Lord Harrington went to Kensington with
papers to the King, who was then ill, having been
cut for the piles ; that as he had since his re-entry
always been for peace, and thereby had had fre
quent differences with the King, he began an ex
postulation with his Majesty (but, he believed,
rather to try if he could mend matters, than intend
ing, when it came au fait et au prendre, to resign) ;
that in this expostulation he told the King, he had
grounds to suspect, that Lord Sandwich, though in
his province, corresponded with the Duke of New
castle ; to which the King said, he did so ; ' And
' why may not I correspond with my foreign minis-
' ters through what channel I please V Lord Har
rington answered, ' Your Majesty then owns it to be
' so, which I only suspected before ;' and then
asked, ' Does your Majesty then think that I can
' continue to serve you with any honour V The
King replied, ' No, really, my Lord, I don't think
' you can ;' and that Lord Harrington, finding him
self thus drawn in, said, ' Sir, you will then give
' me leave to bring you the seals to-morrow ;' which
the King consented to ; and Lord Harrington went
away without telling any body ; that after him the
Duke of Newcastle went in with papers ; and the
King told him, that Lord Harrington had resigned.
This surprised the Duke ; and he asked the King,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 185
who he thought of to succeed him. The King said,
he thought it must be Chesterfield ; and asked, if
he would take them, for he was the fittest, if he was
willing. The Duke said, he did not know at pre
sent ; but that some time before he had found him
unwilling. The King bid him ask him, for he
thought, it must be Chesterfield ; that the Duke,
coming out, met in the antechamber Mr. Pelham,
with the Duke of Dorset, Lord Lincoln, who was
Lord in waiting, and some other ; and in order, for
some triumph over his brother, to pass as first mi
nister, he just told them, Harrington had resigned,
and the King had appointed Lord Chesterfield to
succeed him ; that Mr. Pelham said, ' Appointed,
my Lord !' and that he thought it very odd, that
should be done, and he should first hear of it in the
antechamber ; on which the Duke, to soften mat
ters, said, upon his honour he had not mentioned
him, but the King had named him himself. On this
they talked with a good deal of warmth ; that,
whilst this passed, he, Lord Chesterfield, was
coming to court with Lord Gower ; that in the stone
passage below, he met Lord Lincoln, who wished
him joy of being appointed Secretary ; that he an
swered, he did not know it, and thought it strange,
he had not been asked about it before ; that, when
he came up stairs, he found the two brothers in a
heat, and was told what had passed. The Duke of
Newcastle pressed him to accept, being frightened
lest on his refusal Lord Granville should be named ;

186 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
that he desired that he might be allowed to the
next day to turn himself round, and consider of it ;
that, when the Duke of Newcastle was gone, Mr.
Pelham told him, that, in the manner this matter
had been carried, he must accept, or else he could
not continue in, for, if any other was put in, he must
resign, as he could trust no other ; that for this reason
he did accept of the seals, but desired to go in to the
King alone ; that the next day he did go in to the
King, who was still ill, and told his Majesty, that if
he had given him leave, before he went to Ireland,
he would have removed such impressions as his Ma
jesty had received against him ; that by this time he
hoped many of 'em were removed ; and that if his
Majesty had any remaining, he was able and should
be glad to remove these. The King said, that his
naming him shewed he thought he would, and was
able to serve him. Lord Chesterfield said, he must
take the liberty to capitulate with his Majesty; that
as he came in to serve his Majesty, and not himself,
he desired, that whenever he found his service
either not agreeable, or not useful to him, he might
take the liberty to resign the seals, without it being
taken for an affront or disgust at the particular
time ; to which the King answered, ' Then, take the
' seals, for I can believe you ; which expression the
King has often repeated since with particular empha-
ticalness ; that thus he came into this office1, and
1 The Earl of Chesterfield was appointed Secretary of State for the Foreign
Department, in October, 1746,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 187
continued in it with the satisfaction, that being well
received in the closet gives, more than being ill re
ceived ; but that no real business was done ; there
was no plan ; and in differences of opinion, the King
bid them do what they thought fit, and continued
very indolent, saying, that it signified nothing, as
his son, for whom he did not care a louse, was to
succeed him, and would live long enough to ruin us
all ; so that there was no government at all. He
said, we should talk over more at dinner.
Mr. Grevenkop1 having told me, that great fault
was found with my not sending a proxy to the elec
tion, after dinner I shewed Lord Chesterfield the
Duke of Newcastle's letter, on my being named to
the office, I had, and read my answer to it, and then
told him, I thought it odd, that so immediately be
fore an election I had no notice what was the list
approved of by the ministry ; and asked, if I should
touch [on] that to the Duke of Newcastle. He said,
by all means, for it had been the cheval de bataille
of the Duke of Argyle against me. I said, my bro
ther had doubted, whether in an audience the King
might not propose something particular to me. He
said, by no means, and that the King would keep
in general. I then turned it from what I meant,
of some foreign employment, and said, he might
perhaps ask such particulars as required answers,
that would affect the Duke of Argyle, which it
' Mr. Grevenkop was a Danish gentleman, who had been Page of honour
to Alexander Lord Marchmont, during his embassy in Denmark, and who re-.
mained attached to his family.

188 DJARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
might be imprudent in me to enter into. He said,
the King would only ask in general, if Scotland
was quiet, and such things as would let me in to
say no more than I thought fit. He then offered to
carry me to Kensington, and invited us to dine with
him to-morrow.
General Huske, whose courage and conduct pre
vented the rout at Falkirk becoming total,
ugus 3is . an(j y0ung Lord Huntingdon, dined with
us at Lord Chesterfield's, where there was
much talk of the Jacobites in Scotland ; and I saw,
Huske thought, the ministers there encouraged these
people. He said, he foresaw Archibald Stewart
would be brought off, and, he supposed, Sir James
Stewart would soon come home, and we should see
him in office there. I found, Lord Chesterfield was
for schools and villages, to civilize the Highlands.
After dinner I told him, I was to see the Duke
of Newcastle, and asked his advice. He said, the
Duke would talk much of Scotland, and of his
schemes of war abroad ; that I should tell him, I
knew only public facts ; but that he did not see
why I might not tell him (if he asked) what was
the opinion of the King's friends in Scotland as to
the manner of carrying on business there. He said,
he had told Mr. Pelham of our being to wait of him ;
and that he would be glad to see us to-morrow.
We then entered into a long discussion about my
going back to Scotland. He said, he thought no
man of business of a certain character should be
absent from the scene of business ; but that there

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 189
was no crime in my going, if I were back again by
the sitting of Parliament : however that, were he
in my place, he would not go out of town. I said,
then that decided it. He said, the place I was in
was only leading to another ; but that I must mean
the character of a man of business, or mean nothing.
I then asked, if I should see the Chancellor, when
he came to town. He said, certainly ; that he would
ask many questions, as my brother knew, and that
he hated the Duke of Argyle, who also abhorred
him utterly. He then gave me leave to call on him
in a morning, and said, he would be at Kensington
to-morrow. He said, he had seen Mr. Pelham, and
told him, we were to be with him this day, unless
he had prevented us by telling, he was out of town,
but were to wait on him to-morrow. Mr. Pelham
said, he supposed, we were not pleased. He an
swered, no doubt ; we were sensible of the opposi
tion we had met with ; but that it did not reach him.
My brother and I went by appointment, between
nine and ten, to the Duke of Newcastle's.
J? ' s ' Being called in, he received us with
Tuesday. ...
great civility, and many professions ;
which being returned, he said, he would tell us the
foundation of all his politics, which was, that in
Scotland those only who were attached to his Ma
jesty's family should be employed, without regard
to any other factions or divisions; but that this
was impracticable, for now there was no govern
ment at all there; nothing was done; the Disarm
ing Act and the Dress Act were neither of 'em

190 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT,
executed ; indeed, part of this last had been sus
pended on the representations of General Huske ;
and that Lord Finlater l wrote to him, that the King's
enemies were as numerous and open as ever, espe
cially in the Highlands ; and yet no notice was taken
of them. I answered, that everybody believed from
his zeal for the King's family, that that would be
the foundation of his politics ; but that I must add,
we had better have no government at all in that
country, than one founded on other principles ; for
though the King had many zealous friends there,
yet he had too many determined enemies.
I then complained, that I had no intimation of
the list of Peers. He told me, he had wrote cau
tiously, after communicating his letter to the Chan
cellor ; and that the only person he had sent the
list to was the Justice Clerk2. I said, I could not
expect any notification of it from that quarter. He
then said, George Drummond had taken the merit
of Ker's election at Edinburgh, and that the solici
tor, who was not easily imposed on, believed the
Duke of Argyle had done all he could to serve Mr.
Scot, who said, he lost his election for voting for the
Jurisdiction Bill, and said, the Duke of Cumberland
had sent over officers to vote against Scot, either
not knowing what the ministers intended, or not
liking Mr. Scot ; that the only other election, he
had interested himself in, was Mr. Mitchell, whom
he thought fit, and an honest man ; and he believed,
he owed his election to the Duke of Argyle, who
1 Vice-Admiral of Scotland. 2 Andrew Fletcher of Milton.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 191
had made Sir Archibald- Grant drop it. He said,
he had wrote to the Advocate1 about it. He said,
Craigg had wrote up a paper, saying, that the
Court of Session had adjudged so and so, very much
reflecting on the Government ; and that on inquiry
to the Advocate, it was found not to be true. I
said, every man must answer for his own actions ;
but it was certain, papers and debates had been
in that Court, which Lord Arniston2 took up as
scandalous in any Court sitting under the King's
authority. He said, he wondered the President3
suffered it. I said, he certainly meant well, but
might be hurried away by his love for the civil
courts, and. his aversion to the military, without con
sidering the state of things ; and that the King's
enemies sounded high every little slip of the army,
to throw dirt at the Duke, who had acted with
great ability, and deserved the thanks of every
friend the King had, as he had those of every
one such in Scotland. He said, he would say a
thing, which he ought not say to me, but he was a
plain man : it was, that the list of peers being made
up of all the parties in Scotland, without distinc
tion of any, but as they were attached to the King's
family, must shew, the ministers acted on that prin
ciple only. I said, that were there no man in it,
but who was known to be under that predicament,
1 Robert Craigie, Esq.
1 Robert Dundas of Arniston, a Lord of Session.
3 Duncan Forbes of Culloden.

192 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
it would certainly have had that effect. He seemed
not to understand me, so I repeated it. He said
then, he was sure they meant to have no others.
He then spoke of Lord Morton, as one against the
Jurisdiction Bill, and laughing, said, he knew
Morton ; he had oddities, and was very diverting.
He then mentioned the want of a general there, and
said, Albemarle 1 had done very well there. Word
was brought, Mr. Bentinck 2 was there. He said,
he hoped to see us sometimes, and that my brother
had no opposition. I told him, all the people, who
had any favours from the crown, had opposed him,
as they had done every one through all Scotland,
who had voted for the Jurisdiction Bill. He said,
1 Really!' and added, that surprised him. The
Duke of Newcastle said, the Justice Clerk had
wrote, that he had offered to choose a Whig
set of magistrates, to concert with the people in
Edinburgh, who had opposed the present set; but
they had rejected the offer, and would have all their
own way. When I told him of being advised to
ask an audience, he said, it was perfectly right,
and that he was just going to suggest it to me.
We went from thence to Mr. Pelham in Downing-
street, who received us blushing, and very re
servedly, but made us some compliments, and par-
1 The Earl of Albemarle commanded the right wing of the King's army, at
the battle of Culloden ; and had the command of the forces in Scotland, when
the Duke of Cumberland returned to England.
8 Sent to England on a special mission by the Prince of Orange, and of
whom farther mention is made.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 193
ticularly to my brother, though he did not say one
word of his election. He spoke of the English
elections, particularly Middlesex, and then of Tir.
Ker, for Edinburgh, who had wrote to him, repre
senting Mr. Drummond as the fittest man for the
being chosen, and himself as obscure. I said, Ker
was a low man, but a Whig. He said, Oswald had
been talked of, and seemed to think the Jacobite
interest had been the cause of this election, and
disappointing George Drummond, but the Whigs
had carried it for another. I said, he would not find
three Whigs in the council except George Drummond,
Mr. Grant, and Mr. Ker. I told him of intending
to ask an audience. He said, I had better put it off
to another day, this being post-day. I said, would
it not be most respectful to leave that to Lord Hol-
derness1? He said, I had better delay it. • I said,
it was only to thank the King, and that the Duke
of Newcastle bid me ask it as this day. ' O then,'
says he, ' he knows best what business there is.' I
then told him, I had complained of not knowing the
list; that I could not expect it from the Justice
Clerk, who had been too long in business not to
have learnt artifice enough to avoid giving me
notice of it, to injure me here. He blushed, and
said, he would enter into no private altercations;
but, if I meant it should be set right with the
King, (I said, I did) that should be taken care of.
1 The Earl of Holdemess, a Lord of the Bedchamber, afterwards nxinister
at the Hague, and Secretary of State.
Vol. I. O

194 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
After I was out of the room, he stopped my brother*
to tell him, my warrant was signed at the Treasury.
We went to Kensington, where I kissed the
King's hand.
As soon as the King went in, I was called in. I
told his Majesty, that I had desired the honor of
an audience to thank his Majesty for the honor he
had done me, and to assure him, that in none of his
dominions had he either a subject or a servant,
that would with more zeal and readiness exert every
talent he had in his service, and to promote his in
terest. The King saying nothing, I added, that I
need not inform him, that my family had at all times
been attached to his by principle ; that I might have
perhaps been mentioned to him heretofore in no
advantageous light ; that I therefore begged leave
to assure him, that I had always held the same
principles ; and that in proof of it, I would remind
his Majesty, that I had been the author, and my
brother the proposer of the act to make it high
treason to correspond with the Pretender's eldest
son ; that I hoped, his Majesty had seen the truth
of what I had said, when I had last the honor to
see him, by my brother's having in the last session
of parliament done his part to serve him ; and that
his Majesty might have heard from Scotland, that I
was the loudest in vindicating the conduct of his
Royal Highness the Duke. He said, I knew that
in these cases there was no pleasing every body ;
that some would find fault, because others were

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 195
pleased. I said, his Royal Highness had conducted
himself with great ability ; that all the complaints
of the army were in themselves nothing, and, if I
might use the expression, were yet less, when com
pared to the mischiefs done by the rebels ; but it
was the malice of his Majesty's enemies ; for I was
sorry to say, there were yet some such in that
country, and particularly in the Highlands. He
said, his son did not go there to please them ; they
naturally would be angry at him. I said, that
country had infinite obligations to the Duke. I
added, I should only farther assure his Majesty
with truth, as I knew his character to be to love
truth, that, independent of all factions, my attach
ment should be both out of principle and gratitude
personally to him. He said, if I gave him my
word, he should believe me. I told him, since he
permitted the expression, I gave him my word of
honour, that neither my brother nor I should ever
deviate from the principle of supporting his person
and government, and contributing all in our power
to his service. His Majesty smiled, and then I
withdrew. As soon as I came out, the Duke of
Newcastle, as he was going in, made several signs
and grimaces to me, as being glad I had been in.
A little after Mr. Pelham introduced Mr. Bentinck1,
1 Count Bentinck, who was sent to England by the Prince of Orange on a
special mission respecting the prosecution of the war. The Count was ex
tremely sanguine in his views and calculations of co-operation on the part of
Holland. The noble family to which he belonged was always zealously
attached to the family of Orange, and in strenuous opposition to the French
party in the republic.
02

196 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
who told me, Monsieur Fagel1 had desired him to
make his compliments to me and my brother.
I went to Lord Chesterfield at nine o'clock, and
told him what had passed yesterday at
„ e? ' ,' the Duke of Newcastle's, Mr. Pelham's,
Wednesday. and with the King. He said, that Mr.
Pelham meant me a kindness in what he said
about the day of audience, for that on post-days,
or, as they called them, long letter days, the
King towards the end grew froward, and that
therefore he had wished I might go in first ; that
now he would tell me what the King had said after
my audience ; that when they came in, the King
said, Lord Marchmont had been with him ; and he
answered, he had seen me coming out. The King
said, I had made him very strong professions (or
assurances). On this the Duke of Newcastle said,
what I had told him, why I was not at the Peers'
election, not knowing the list ; the King added,
' and not being one himself;' to which Lord Ches
terfield said, it was very probable and natural to me
not to vote for some in it, since I was not one my
self. The King said, he found I was a very great
friend of William's (meaning the Duke 2). The Duke
of Newcastle said, I had told him, that it was a mark
of being a friend to the King in Scotland to speak
well of the Duke, and for an enemy either to find
fault with him, or to be silent. The King said, he
1 The Greffier of the Republic of the United Provinces.
8 Of Cumberland,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 197
believed William had been rough with them; to
which the Duke said, I had said the Duke had not
done the tenth part of the harm to the King's enemies,
that the rebels had done to the country. Lord
Chesterfield said, he saw I was as well with the
King as anybody ; that sentimentally well with
him, so as one man has an affection with another,
nobody was; that he went on with his ministers,
because he saw they had the superiority ; that if
he liked anybody, it was Lord Granville, who car
ried on his business agreeable to his views, and in
the manner he liked ; but that he had no support.
He said, the King was resolved to be quiet, and
bid 'em do what they thought best for their country ;
that he was an old man, and did not care how he
left things to him, who was to succeed him. He
bid me take care not to know what he had told
me. He talked afterwards of the ministers doing
just enough to disoblige the Duke of Argyle, and
no more. He said, the Duke of Newcastle had told
the King, I had said, that Ker chosen for Edinburgh
was a Whig; and he said, the Duke of Argyle pre
tended he was forced to come into Sir Hew Dal-
rymple's election, to carry another, meaning Mr.
Fletcher, for the boroughs. He desired me to call in
upon him now and then of a morning. Grevenkop
told me, Lord Chesterfield had told him, what the
King had said of my making strong professions. I
said, it was only giving my word for the oath of
allegiance, which I had often taken as a justice of

198 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
the peace. He said, Lord Chesterfield had asked,
how I was pleased with my audience ; and he had
said, very well ; that he had spoke about >sending
me abroad ; and Lord Chesterfield had said, that
was quite over ; he had indeed thought of it some
months ago, but that it was now at an end.
Being invited to dine with Lord Chesterfield, he
Came in before dinner, and told me, he
ept.3 . ka(j keeri at court; but that there was
Thursday. no business done of public days, the
King hating to be kept from the company in the
drawing-room, where he made it a rule to speak
to every woman that he knew. He said, there was
no mail ; but they heard the siege of Bergenopzoom
went on, from one Stuart, a Scots merchant in
Flushing, who was very active in sending intelli
gence, and had been so during the rebellion, for
r which he was named King's agent. He then en
tered into foreign affairs ; said, we had no plan ; but
the Duke of Newcastle was for war, to get the
King's favor, without which he could not exist;
that it would stand us eleven millions and a half
to go on next year ; that the Stadtholder was for
war, because those who had opposed him were for
peace ; and this reason he had dropt in a letter to
him ; that the Dutch proposed adding thirty thou
sand men next year ; and we were in a negotiation
with Muscovy, to take as many more between the
Dutch and us; but he should be sorry, that all
depended on them ; for, beside the difficulty of

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 199
bringing them to Flanders, that court was quite
frivolous, and there was no fixed government, the
woman, who governed, not hearing her ministers, —
sometimes because she was dancing, sometimes be
cause she was praying ; that Denmark was engaged
for three years by a subsidy to France ; but in
deed he thought, by giving 'em more money, we
might get some troops from them. I said, we had
better make one effort, one campaign, than continue
inferior. He said, we had, and were now evidently
inferior ; but still we were against peace ; though,
if we lost Bergenopzoom, fear might make the King
listen to it before another campaign ; for the French
had repeated their offer of peace, upon restoring all
that had been taken. But the Duke of Newcastle
was grown fond of Cape Breton, to obstruct it. I
said, if the French were sincere, two Cape Bretons
would be well sold at that price ; but that I doubted.
He said, Marshal Saxe had opened himself in con
fidence to Ligonier1; had told, he meant this ; for
that the King hated war, and he, Saxe, had the
French against him ; that now he was favourite, and
thought, if he had peace, he could support himself;
1 Sir John Ligonier, who fought with distinguished valour at the head of
the infantry at Fontenoy, and who, commanding the cavalry, rendered the
army the most important services at Roucoux, and at Lauffeldt, where he was
taken. His capture led to overtures for peace made to him by Marshal
Saxe, the result of which was an agreement to hold the Congress of Aix.la-
Chapelle. He was of a noble Protestant family of Languedoe ; and entering
the British army at the age of fifteen, illustrated his career of military service
by an uninterrupted series of chivalrous exploits. He was afterwards created
an Earl, and made a Field Marshal and Commander-in-Chief.

200 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
that he had introduced discipline into their army ;
he had made as many enemies as he had made sol
diers ; and that, if we would make peace on this
foundation, and a settlement for Don Philip, which
should be no more than reasonable, we might have
it ; that Lord Sandwich1 was gone to the army upon
this proposal ; but as he was entirely the Duke of
Newcastle's, he did all he could to obstruct it ; and
the Duke of Newcastle, not being able to refuse it
directly, did it indirectly by communicating it to
the Dutch, the Empress, and the King of Sardinia,
which the French complained of, as they considered
us as the principal ally, and with whom things were
to begin, though all meant to make no separate
peace, but bring to a general one ; that however
no system was made, nor plan thought of; the
King would be quiet, and there was no decision. I
said, I was sorry for it, but that he must look for
ward ; things could not continue as they were ; and
if we were to strip to the shirt, we must resolve in
time, though I thought such a peace would be an
honourable one, and good ; and that the reasons,
both ours and the Dutch, against it, were so absurd
to one not used to those affairs, that I durst not
pretend to say any thing to 'em. He said, some of
their towns, like Menin, were dismantled, but would
be so, if they took 'em back in war. I said, I wished
we had such a peace, provided our ministers would
1 Afterwards Ambassador at Aix-la-ChapeUe; First Lord of the Admiralty
under Lord North.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 201
not do, as the English ministry had always done,
think it the completion of all things, and look no
farther, as if the day of judgment had put an end
to all human affairs; but I much doubted Saxe
being able to make such a peace, or to support him
self by it. He said, he (Saxe) thought he could,
with shewing la moderation du Roi, who had given
le repos a, V Europe, &c. ; that, in a late council of
war, all the French had been for raising the siege
of Bergenopzoom ; that Saxe had spoke last, and
was against it, saying, the town would be taken, as
he knew from Mons. Lowendahl x ; and on that the
King got up, putting an end to the council by say
ing, Je suis de Vavis du Marechal.
Lord Chesterfield said, that every man of sense
talked as I did ; that it was the King of
ep • 3 . prussja's interest now to stop France ; but
Sunday. *
that they, who saw the des sous des cartes,
knew, that it was impossible to bring him to do it ;
that France flattered him in the grossest manner ;
no chaplain ever flattered an archbishop more ; that
they made him believe, they were entirely directed
by him ; and that, what was very surprising, he
was their adviser to push on their successes, and
had blamed them last year for not pushing on to
the very heart of Holland, and signing a peace at
the Hague ; that this year France had desired him
to offer a mediation arme'e, proposing an equitable
1 A Dane much confided in by Marshal Saxe, who carried the town by
storm, having surprised it.

202 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
peace, and declaring, he would join against the
party refusing ; that he answered, the French were
fools ; that he would not do it this year, that the
maritime powers, and the House of Austria, might
be more epuisees ; but he would do it next cam
paign. Lord Chesterfield said, that all this he did
[not] know problematically, but had seen it ; that on
the other hand the House of Austria and the Elec
tor of Hanover could not be brought to talk with
the least prudence or discretion to him ; and that,
from these motives, and old resentments, [the King of]
Prussia was persuaded, he could not expect to keep,
and to increase his power in Europe, but by their
abaissement ; that he had introduced a French
system in the North, into which he was now en
deavouring to engage Denmark, as he had done
Sweden by a treaty lately made, whereby that
country was fed by France, not only by a sub
sidy, but by pensions to every individual ; and that
Prussia would not let France be principal con
tracting parties to it, telling them, they should be
invited to accede, and they had the real power
by supporting the system with their subsidies,
but they wanted to briller, which would render
the treaty odious in the Empire ; whereas now
it would have the good effect of stopping the
efforts that might be made by their enemy, Russia.
Lord Chesterfield said, that the government of
Russia was like our own, impotent and inefficient
to that degree, that they were now laughed at in

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 203
Sweden ; for that, though he had sent 'em weekly
accounts of what was doing there, and desired they
would only send 5000 men into Finland, or a few
galleys to cruise on the coast, to frighten Sweden,
they had only sent memorials, threatening the
Swedes for joining the enemies of Russia, which,
though at first they did alarm Sweden, were now so
contemptible, that the Swedes were going on to
destroy every one, who was not of the French fac
tion, and to cut off the Senator Ackerhielm's head-,
who was the chief of the patriots there, without the
least foundation. I said, this being the case, we
must look for our resources at home. He said,
though the government had not the same appear
ance, as in Scotland, where everybody saw there
was none, yet there was as little here, — nothing was
done ; and, if any thing was proposed, it was an
swered, ' I am very busy just now ; we shall talk of
'that another time;' that he had accounts from
Carlisle, that the Jacobite party was very public
there, and that the French prisoners were the best
received of any people ; that it was said, in a year
they would be masters again ; that they went out a
shooting there, under pretence of moor-game, but
in reality, to have meetings on the borders of Scot
land, with people who met' them there ; that on
this, and various other reports, he had said at a
meeting they lately had, that he never had seen a
time, when, if they could get a tolerable peace, it
was more to be wished for ; that they had no re-

204 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
sources from abroad adequate to the distress ; and
that, from the spirit and number of the Jacobite
party, notwithstanding their having been crushed
in the late rebellion, he was of opinion, they must
be supported from abroad with the hopes of a
greater force than had been as yet employed ; that
the Duke of Newcastle said, that he did not doubt,
but there were imprudent Jacobites; but, that
he could not believe that the crushing the last re
bellion had made more Jacobites than there were
before in Scotland, where their number was much
diminished by the last rebellion, and that in Eng
land the people were well affected in general, as
appeared by the election of this Parliament ; for,
said Lord Chesterfield, it is by this election of the
Parliament we judge of every thing.
At Lord Chesterfield's, before dinner, Count
Bentinck came in to take leave, setting out to-mor
row for Holland. Lord Chesterfield and he fell into
conversation, whether the French would attack
Breda or Zealand. Count Bentinck thought,' they
would not do either, for that Chanclos would stop
them before Breda. Lord Chesterfield said, he was
too weak, and began reckoning our loss of battalions,
among which, he said, were three Dutch cut off at
Bergenopzoom ; on this they fell into some heat,
Bentinck denying it, and asking for particulars, and
Lord Chesterfield saying, he did not indeed know
their names, which seemed to pique Bentinck,
whereby I saw, there was some deeper difference

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 205
between them in their opinions. Mr. Villiers1 came
in as Count Bentinck went away ; and Lord Ches
terfield told him, that Bentinck exactly resembled
Lord Stair, who would allow no facts or reasoning
against his own hopes and schemes.
Lord Chesterfield told us, Sir Charles Williams2
had sent over, in twelve sheets of paper, a letter
giving the characters of the court of Dresden, and,
he believed, very exact ; that Bruhl was represented
as a frivolous trifling fellow, whose vanity was ex
cessive, and was a bad man rather by accident than
otherwise. Villiers said, he was the greatest crimi
nal possible to his country, and that he and the
King, with their expenses, had ruined3 the richest
electorate he had seen ; that they were living on
anticipation ; and it would appear at the next
Michaelmas Leipsic fair, whether they could go on
or not; that our King expected payment of the
money he had lent, at that fair; so it was worth
Lord Chesterfield's curiosity to inquire after it.
1 The Honourable Thomas Villiers, second son of William Earl of Jersey,
who, after having held the missions of Dresden, Vienna, and Berhn, was
created Earl of Clarendon.
8 Then envoy at Dresden, and afterwards at Petersburgh, where he had a
commission of an extremely delicate nature confided to him by George the
Second, which probably led him to the intervention spoken of by Rulhiere, in
which he certainly was disposed to act a more considerable part than that
which he took upon himself, but with which he was obliged to content himself.
3 This ruin had to be consummated by the occupation and systematic spo
liation of the Electorate by the Prussians during the seven years' war, con
sequences of the policy of this same King-Elector, and of his prime minister.
Peace, the fertility of its soil, the industry of the inhabitants, and the paternal
rule of his successor, did wonders towards the restoration of that fine country.

206 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Lord Chesterfield said, the King wanted back his
capital; but, he believed, he would not get it.
Villers said, the county of Mansfeldt was mortgaged
for part of it, and that he knew the whole secret of
that affair. Lord Chesterfield then mentioned the
Treaty of Commerce1 with the Emperor's hereditary
dominions from Trieste as a good thing, but that it
had some clogs, that made it impracticable, although
the Empress now would not insist on perpetuating
the drawbacks on Silesia linens; that Wassenaer2
seemed to be very indifferent about it at this time ;
but that the merchants in the city approved much of
it, and were ready to build houses, as the trade was
to be carried on by our own officers, and in our*
own houses, without paying more than the ancient
duties ; but that some people were against trying
new things ; we had done very well hitherto ; and
why should we not go on in the same way ? as if we
could not do better. By this, I understood, Lord
Chesterfield meant the Duke of Newcastle, or per
haps both him and his brother. Mr. Villiers said,
Sir John Barnard had heard of this treaty ; that it
was a great stroke ; and, though the court of Saxony
seemed not sensible of it, it would go near to de
stroy the fair at Leipsic, which was already much
1 Our first purely commercial treaty with Austria appears to be that of
1478, ratified by Maximilian in 1487 ; but of any such treaty as that which,
it here appears, was made about this time, there seems to be no trace discover
able in our archives.
8 This is the title of a Dutch noble family. It should seem, that M. de
Wasner, the Imperial Envoy, was meant. This mistake has occurred before.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 207
diminished, as well as that at Breslau, which was
increasing, and probably would do so, as being
nearer to those countries, such as Hungary, which
brought money to carry off goods. They talked
then of the Jews ; and Lord Chesterfield said, the
Empress, if one might say so, was much priest-
ridden ; that she had not only been inflexible to the
maritime powers' application for the Jews1, but
when old Stahremberg, who is at the head of her
finances, spoke in their favour, she fell into a passion,
[and] bid him be silent, saying, she wondered he
was not stopped by his regard to God and Jesus
Christ, whom these people had crucified. Villiers
said, Stahremberg too was reckoned to be a Jesuit.
Mr. Grevenkop came in from having dined
with Lord Chesterfield at Camden-house.
ep . jje ga- j he came to tell me, that Lord
Monday. ' '
Chesterfield would have me go to court
to-morrow, and continue so to do sometimes, that
the King might be used to my face ; that, as Lord
Chesterfield had wanted to know how I was with
the King, he had been that day with Lady Yar
mouth2, who told him, the King had spoke very ad
vantageously of me, and said, he believed I was his
friend ; that he had very few in Scotland ; but he
believed, I was one. Grevenkop then talked of
Scotland, and bid me open myself upon it to Lord
1 The liberation of the Austrian Jews from their heavy yoke was reserved
for her son, the Emperor Joseph the Second, who did much to improve their
civil and moral condition.
8 The King's mistress.

208 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Chesterfield, and amongst many questions, he said,
one question must be a dead secret between our
selves, and that was, what should I think, were the
Duke to go down thither for six weeks in the win-
ter? I said, it would have a very good effect, unless
they sent him down accompanied by his young aides-
de-camp, to offend people, and to debauch parsons'
daughters, to alienate as good friends as any the
King had; and unless it was so much against the
Duke's inclination as to make him averse to that coun
try, besides the offence it might give the Prince1.
After dinner Lord Chesterfield pulled out a
paper, and desired me to look at it. He
Sept. 16th. gaid it wag foun(je(j on the present state
Wednesday. _ .
of their negociations, which were a con
tinuation of what the late Pensionary2 had carried
1 Natural affection and common interests might probably have prevented
the existence of the unfortunate jealousies and differences which prevailed in
the Royal family — at any rate would have hindered their assuming a serious
shape, or being prolonged, had it not been for the interference of selfish or
impassioned counsellors, who could irritate and inflame on both sides with im
punity, under the plea of public duty; whilst the intermeddler in the disunions
of a private family must take care to act covertly, and with much circumspec
tion, if he would escape the loud and bitter censures of the world.
Mr. Coxe fairly avows his decided disapprobation of the harsh and criminating
tone of the King's message to the Prince of Wales, when the overt breach took
place between the father and the son, in which Sir Robert Walpole gave vent
to his own angry and resentful feelings, regardless of the wise and moderate
suggestions of Lord Hardwicke ; and these papers, in the following volume,
bear but too full evidence to the persevering efforts of members of the opposi
tion in raising impediments to reconciliation.
2 Of Holland. Each province of the United Netherlands had a Pensionary ;
but the province of Holland paid so large a share of the burdens of the State,
and had such a preponderance in wealth and population, that her Pensionary
was, in fact, the Prime Minister of the Republic.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 209
on ; that Mons. de Saxe had proposed in general a
treaty, to be carried on bjr the French King and the
Duke, and wherein he and Ligonier could treat
plus galamment than professed ministers, whereby
all should be restored on both sides, a settlement
got for Don Philip, in which Spain should be made
reasonable, and the Genoese restored. Sir John
Ligonier said, he would report what passed to the
Duke. Whereupon, Mons. de Saxe gave him a
paper. This overture was thought too general in
England ; and therefore it was proposed, that the
King should send a minister to the army, to com
municate with the French. On this the French
sent Mons. Puisieux1 to Liege, who dined there
with Lord Sandwich2, and proposed to him in par
ticular, as the ultimatum of France, a mutual resti
tution of all taken on each side ; a reasonable
establishment for Don Philip; that the Genoese
should be restored ; as also the Duke of Modena ;
and that the French should be at liberty to fortify
Dunkirk on the land side, or else to keep Furnes as
it now is ; and that the outlines of a peace should
be agreed between Britain and France in the first
place, as the two principal powers. Lord Sandwich
was ordered to take no step without concerting with
the allies, so that he proposed opening conferences to
1 He had been French plenipotentiary at the conference at Breda in 1 746,
and had become minister for Foreign Affairs.
8 Then ambassador at the Hague.
Vol. I. P

210 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
treat. To this Mons. Puisieux1 consented, and said,
the King would name a minister, but that this method
would render the treaty more difficult. Lord
Chesterfield said, it was the very design of taking
this method, as none of our allies are for a peace,
the Empress wanting more to get some of what has
been given to the King of Sardinia; this King
wanting all the Riviera de Ponente ; the Prince of
Orange thinking war proper to increase his au
thority ; and the Duke of Newcastle being the only
man in our cabinet who talks always for war1; that
Puisieux in the conferences reckoned restoring Cape
Breton a sine qua. non; and, on Lord Sandwich's
saying, it was not quite so, but to be treated of, he
answered, we might keep it, and they would keep
Flanders. The paper was, heads of a treaty founded on
those proposed as the ultimatum of France by
Marechal Saxe to Sir John Ligonier: — 1. That
France should for ever renounce the Pretender, and
his posterity, and guarantee the Protestant suc
cession. This is occasioned by Puisieux making
this distinction between the Pretender and his pos
terity, and saying, if they did renounce his posterity,
they must have something for it. 2. A mutual res-
1 It appears from Mr. Pelham's letters, that he thought that more might
and ought to have been made of this overture than was done. His account of
what was passing on it in the Cabinet shews, how lamentably great was the
want there of a first minister effective through talents, energy, and considera
tion.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 211
titution of all conquests during the war. 3, France
to fortify Dunkirk on the land side, putting [it] on
the sea side in the state it ought to be by the trea
ties of Utrecht and 1717 ; or else to put it in this
state in all respects, and to keep Furnes. 4. The
dispute about the enclaves of Hainault to be referred
to commissaries, and the King of England to use his
good offices with both sides. 5. The duchies of
Parma, Mirandola, and Guastalla to be erected into
a kingdom for Don Philip ; to return to the present
possessors, in case Don Philip does succeed to
Naples ; or else, Parma and Placentia to be made
into a kingdom for him on the same conditions. It
is noted, that in the first case it would all come off
the Empress, who has but a bad title to Mirandola,
having bought it since the peace of Utrecht, and to
Guastalla, the true heir being now alive. In the
second, it would come partly off the King of Sar
dinia; and that Savoy, lying on this side of the Alps,
would be most proper for Don Philip. 6. That
the Duke of Modena shall be restored. 7. That
the Genoese shall be restored to all except Final,
to be left to the King of Sardinia. 8. No in
demnification to be demanded for any thing done
in the war. What relates to Spain was referred to
the particular plan for that treaty.
Lord Chesterfield told me, there had been a pri
vate negotiation with Spain, by means of Mons.
Maccanas1; that Spain was now become Spain; was
1 M. Maccanas was sent to Breda during the Conferences of 1746, as a pri-
P2

212 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
willing to treat without France, being governed by
the present Queen on Spanish principles ; but in
sisted on a settlement, however small, for Don
Philip, to prevent his returning to nose the King
and Queen, and head the French party, the Queen
Dowager having no more influence ; as also on an
equitable treaty for the West Indies, whereby our
ships should steer such a course as might prevent
smuggling; and on the restitution of Gibraltar;
and that Maccanas, for having postponed this
article, was disavowed, and ordered to Huy, to wait
the orders of his court ; that the King of Sardinia
might make a separate peace, having signed one
with France in 1745, whereby they were to conquer
with their joint forces part of the Milanese ; but Spain
broke it, insisting for better terms for Don Philip ;
that the King was either for war or peace, as his
hopes or fears were raised; that the Duke was
rather for peace, as he found himself constantly dis
appointed in his own numbers, and the French
always complete ; that no suspension of arms had
been offered on either side, or would be accepted
by France; and that the conferences would not
open this month yet. I said, in this way, I much
feared, we should not get a peace ; that I should
wish Don Philip rather had Sardinia and Corsica,
than anything on the continent of Italy ; and that
vate agent of the Spanish government. He had been sent by it to Cambray
during the Congress there in 1725. He was a man of science, and was perse
cuted by the Inquisition in Alberoni's time, for having written a paper against
the power of the Court of Rome.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 213
what was proposed there for him might be divided
between Sardinia, and Genoa, and Porto Longone,
&c. given to Tuscany, to leave Spain no footing in
the upper part of Italy ; but that the stipulation for
our trade in America should go hand in hand with
this. Lord Chesterfield said, that was to be regu
lated by the treaty of 1670. I said, I feared, that
would not be sufficient, nor answer the address of
Parliament in 1739. He said, Cape Breton had
now sunk in every one's opinion, and was thought
useless, even to the French, for they now fished with
us, there being more fish than we had hands to
take ; that the Duke of Bedford now wished it de
molished ; that Knowles * represented it as a place
not tenable, as did Colonel Warburton ; that the
garrison of 3000 was melted down to 1600 ; that
the Duke of Bedford governed the Admiralty abso
lutely, was very obstinate, and would not be spoke
to ; and that the ministers knew no more of what was
doing there, than I now did. He said, he did not
expect a peace, and thought us on the brink of
ruin; that he thought in another campaign it
might be best to have an army of 40,000 men
on the Moselle with [a] great many irregulars to
ravage Lorraine, and make a diversion there, and
keep on the defensive in the Low Countries ; that
he reckoned, we might have next year of Dutch
50,000, though they reckoned double the number,
and had now a footing of 90,000; of our own
1 The Admiral.

214 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
45,000; and of Austrians 45,000; which made
140,000 men: and that, though he would not
wish our safety to depend on it, we might perhaps
have 30,000 Russians; that he was for a floating
force of 5000 or 6000 men on the western coast
of France, for it was inconceivable how much our
silly attempt of last year1 had alarmed 'em; the
Chevalier de St. George2, taken by Anson, having
told him, that as they imagined our force much
greater than it was, had we threatened and hurried
em at first without giving -em time to learn our
weakness from deserters, we had taken them with
five millions of effects six ships, and all the stores
of the East India Company, which must have been
ruined. He said, the Empress undervalued Flan
ders, and said it brought her in nothing, but cost
her much in garrisons.
At Lord Chesterfield's at dinner : Lord Gower
told us, that the spirit of disaffection was
Sept. 17th. -ii
Thursday vei7 &reat m the north-west counties;
that they had frequent meetings ; that at
Shrewsbury they called the King an usurper, and
in general were very bold and given to mobbing.
Lord Chesterfield told, that Cronstrom3 was a great
lover of money and a boutefeu, but a great pen and
1 The expedition under Admiral Lestock and General Sinclair, which in
1746 made a fruitless attempt on Port L'Orient, the naval arsenal of the
French East India Company.
* Who commanded that part of the French squadron defeated and taken by
Lord Anson in 174", which was destined to India.
3 Governor of Bergenopzoom, who lost that town.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 215
ink man, and always bustling; that when he was
at the Hague, Cronstrom and Ginckel1 refused to
serve under Prince Waldeck2, and that he3 had told
Prince Waldeck to make no steps towards them, as
he would be better without 'em both, Ginckel,
Lord Chesterfield said, being bashful ; but that
Cronstrom got in so well with Prince Waldeck, that
he took him, and soon in the campaign Prince
Waldeck found him out, and they quarrelled ; and
it was on the Prince of Orange giving Cronstrom
the command in the lines, to which Prince Waldeck
went with the last Dutch detachment, that this
Prince resigned his command ; that it was owing to
a pique the Prince of Orange had at Prince Wal
deck, who had taken his commission from the re
publican party, who meant by it to obstruct the
Prince of Orange's advancing. He told us, that
General Keith4 had been introduced by Mr. Tittley5
in Denmark, and had told the Queen6, that it was to
shew he meant to be seen by her as a faithful sub
ject of her father's ; that Tittley wrote to him too
that Keith said, he was of opinion Bergenopzoom
could not be taken, as it was not invested. He
added, that Keith was come to Holland on his way
1 Both Generals in the Dutch army.
8 Prince Waldeck commanded the Dutch at Fontenoy and until he retired
from the army, during the siege of Bergenopzoom.
3 When Ambassador there.
4 Brother to the Earl Marshal. He served with distinction in Russia, and
died a Field-Marshal in the Prussian army, fighting heroically at Hochkirch.
6 British Minister at Copenhagen.
" The Queen of Denmark was the youngest daughter of George the Second.

216 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
over hither, but was gone out of curiosity to see the
army, and said, he was coming over to spend his
days in Scotland, his native country. I said, the
King would save money by giving him a pension,
or employing him here to keep him out of Scotland,
where he had nothing to do, and no estate to live
on, and must be surrounded with Jacobites, and
might be a terrible centre of union for them. Lord
Chesterfield said, he suspected this going to Scot
land very much, but did not see how it could be
helped. He told us, Cronstrom had lost every
thing, and all his papers, though a friend to a gen
tleman, who wrote to him, had saved every thing
from the same house, two hours before the alarm
became general ; and that Lowendahl (immediately
made a Marechal) had since wrote to Cronstrom,
that he had buried 12001, and taken 1800 prisoners,
among whom were 150 officers.
Sir Luke Schaub told me, the Prince would be in
town on Sunday, and had wished much to have me
employed abroad, at Vienna particularly,
J? .' ' where we wanted a man of weight ; that
Robinson2 faisait le capable, et Vim-
portant, but was incapable, and had his head as
confused as his master Horace Walpole ; that he
was a brouillon, et brouilloit les affaires, and besides
was a humourist ; that at first he was more an Aus-

1 The Scots Brigade in the Dutch service suffered here dreadfully.
2 Sir Thomas Robinson, minister at Vienna, afterwards Secretary of State,
and created Lord Grantham in 1761.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 217
trian than any of the ministry at Vienna, admired
the Empress, and executed his orders fort mollement ;
but that, after many reprimands and orders, he now
went even to invectives, insomuch, that he has
seen in letters to Wassenaer l that the Empress came
out from audiences given to him se fondant en larmes ;
that she was obliged to endure what he said ; and
that the next day he would be as soft again as ever,
just as his head turned ; that this was not the way
at Vienna ; qu'il falloit etre soulenu a Vienne, but
not shew any want of the necessary regards ; that
Villette2 at Turin was a man of sense, but so much
given to that court, and held so at Vienna, that
nothing that came from him was believed there ; and
Robinson was held at Turin to be so much attached
to Vienna, that nothing he wrote was believed there,
so that the necessary correspondence between these
two was useless. One Sturm, a Swiss from Berne,
came in, and said, the Dutch had asked the 4000
men that canton was to furnish by treaty, and
perhaps might ask the money Berne owed them by
the same treaty. Sir Luke said, they had asked to
raise a battalion in the canton of Schaffhausen,
which had been granted to them, and perhaps more
might be asked in concert with Burnaby 3, to whom,
Sturm said, orders of this kind were sent.
The Duke of Newcastle at Kensington took me
up to the fire, and talked a great deal in generals
1 M. de Wasner, see p. 206. 2 A Swiss ; afterwards minister in Switzerland.
3 British Minister to the Swiss cantons.

218 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
about Scotland, and wanting my advice. I told him
whenever he did, I would give it him
Sept. 24th. frankly and honestly, but unasked would
not meddle, as I knew it would be said
to be done with some view against the Duke of
Argyle, who would treat me, as I had been at the
cabinet council about the regiments ; and I should
be just as ill supported. He said, he hoped to see
me sometimes.
I went to Lord Chesterfield, and told him what
had passed with the Duke of Newcastle,
!?.', " and desired him to assure Mr. Pelham,
Friday. _ _ '
if I did not trouble him, it was only for
the reasons I had given to his brother.
My brother told me, he had been with Mr. Pel
ham, to desire to know, whether he would
c s* support his interest in the county, and
had proposed Mr. Pringle to succeed to
Mr. Douglas of Cavers's place ; that Mr. Pelham
had assured him, he would support his interest ;
and, as to the other, he could not promise, till he
had had one conversation with the Duke of Argyle.
My brother and I went to the Duke of Newcastle,
and dined with Lord Chesterfield, who after dinner
talked of Mr. Pitt as one most extravagantly proud,
and who meant to distinguish himself as leader of
the party of Grenvilles and Lyttelton. We told him
what had passed with Mr. Pelham ; and he told us,
Mr. Pelham was in a very distressed state, being
obliged to defend measures he disapproved, and

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 219
forced by his brother to ask all disagreeable things
of the King ; for the Duke lived by the smiles in
the closet, and would ask nothing, that was disliked
there. He said, he did not know where the go
vernment lived ; that there was none ; they met
indeed, and talked, and then said, ' Lord ! it is
' late ; when shall we meet to talk over this again ? '
and that the King was quite insensible, and would
do nothing, saying it was their business, — it was all
one to him who was to succeed ; perhaps one might
be as good as the other.
I went to Mr. Pelham, to prevent his having the
trouble of coming to me. I told him, I
m c ' did so, as he had other things to do. He
Thursday. ' °
told me, he had wrote strongly, but in a
friendly way, to people in Scotland. I told him, I
rejoiced at it, and hoped they would go on. He
said, they could do no more at this time. I told
him, I should have troubled him before, but as I
knew in what light I was seen here, as an enemy
to the Duke of Argyle, I was determined to avoid
meddling, and would continue so, unless I was
asked, or in what concerned the county my brother
serves for, and my own relations. He entered into
a long discourse, of not breaking with the Duke of
Argyle, of not offending, but carrying things by
softness, and not by conquest. I approved of all
he said, saying, none of the King's friends desired
other than to receive a share of the King's favor,
without asking the Duke of Argyle's permission ;

220 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
had, as to myself, far from wishing him to quarrel
with the Duke, I wished the Duke's interest to be
prevalent, wherever the Duke had an interest as a
subject, but not where he could have none but as a
tyrant ; that I knew the foot he had been on in Sir
Robert Walpole's time, and must foretell him, that
he would never find the Duke cordial with them, if
even a churchwarden was named in Scotland by any
but himself ; and if my brother's interest was not to
be promoted without his consent, it would not be
done ; and as he and I had been the first to list with
the present ministry, we should be disgraced as
dupes ; but the King's interest would suffer ; that,
as to the general, if they did not act right, I should
lament it, but should do my part ; for my only con
cern was in the county my brother represented. He
said, he would talk thoroughly to the Duke ; that
I did not suppose, the Duke would tell him, my bro
ther's interest must not be supported ; for then he
would say, I ought not to have been taken into the
King's service, which the Duke had approved. I
said, ' Yes ;' but he had however wrote down the
letter of refusal of letting me have the Register's
place for the Marquis of Lothian, by the very mes
senger that brought the offer of it. At this he
looked very much surprised, and went on : 'If the
' Duke approves of the principle, but tries to obstruct
' it in the execution, I must be a dupe ; I don't mean
' as a reflection,' says he, ' but that I am on my
' guard ;' that he would not prophesy, but this must

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 221
reasonably be the way, and I must think so, were it
my own case, and should think it hard, were I not
spoke to, because it was said, Lord Marchmont is at
bottom an aspiring young man, and very ambitious.
Yes, says I, and has a nose upon his face, for that
may be urged as an objection fully as much to the
purpose. He went on, • And wants to govern all, as
e his grandfather did." ' My grandfather, Sir !' says
I. ' Yes," says he ; ' was he not King William's
' minister ? ' ' No, Sir,' said I ; ' he was his favour-
c ite and friend, and confident, but was too much ob-
' structed ever to get the King's promise executed
' of paying the debts his forfeiture created. But,
• Sir,' says I, ' I agree, you should deal softly with
' the Duke.' He then mentioned his abilities, family,
and long experience, which made him superior to
every body. I said, to cut up all this by the roots,
' Sir, let the Duke be the King s friend, rest within
' the bounds of a subject, and not oppose my brother,
* and he, Mr. Pelham, should not bid me shew any
' respect to the Duke of Argyle, that I would refuse ;"
only if the Duke of Cumberland and Argyle should
have any dispute, Mr. Pelham could not doubt
which side I should take. I told [him] as to ambi
tion, I gave him leave to call me a villain, whenever
he found me asking Scots power, beyond what I had
told him of my brother and relations ; and that I
should not meddle but when asked, and then should
always not only tell him the truth, but the whole

222 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
truth. I then asked, that Mr. Nimmo1 might enjoy
his whole salary, and told him who was quartered
upon him, and how it was done. He told me, he
knew nothing of it ; that he had always condemned
all these things ; that he desired Mr. Nimmo might
enjoy the whole ; that, as to what engagements he
was under to the person concerned, he knew best
himself. [I said], that all I wanted was, that he
might be safe from any act of power. He said, he
certainly should as long as he was in ; and desired,
I would write him word, that he had granted it be
fore he knew who was quartered on him. This was,
no doubt, on account of Lord Tweeddale with the
King. I thanked him, repeated what I had said
about the ambition charged to me, and of my bro
ther's interest, which, he said, should be protected,
for so long as Mr. Hume concurred with the King's
measures, his interest was the King's interest.
Lord Chesterfield told me, there was as yet no
speech ; that they had put it to the
Tuesday Chancellor, who had desired to know,
what he was to say ; that he saw he'
could not please them all three, the Duke of New
castle, Lord Chesterfield, and Mr. Pelham; and
therefore desired hints, which as yet were not given
him ; that the Chancellor, though in opinion with
Mr. Pelham and Lord Chesterfield, yet would not
1 Receiver-General of the Excise in Scotland ; brother-in-law to Lord March
mont, having married his sister, Lady Jane Hume, in 1743.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 223
give up his power over the Duke of Newcastle for
the remaining power ; but, in order to govern the
Duke in every thing else, he went along with him
in the main point, whereby he likewise secured
many preferments into his own family ; that Mr.
Pelham1 and the Duke now conversed only through
Mr. Stone, being apt to fall into a passion when
they conversed together ; that they would surely
break, if Mr. Pelham did not think it would be the
ruin of them both ; that Mr. Pelham's only concern
was, that he might not be personally attacked in
the House of Commons ; and that, provided he was
not made the object there, he was easy. For this end,
Pitt, and the Lytteltons and Grenvilles must have
every thing they asked, and now held half the
places in the King's gift ; and then the old set, who
hated these, came and asked, when there would be
no more Lytteltons and Grenvilles to be pleased,
that they might have room for something, which
made him uneasy on the other hand; that as to
Scotland, his view was to obtain of the Duke of
Argyle by fair means, what Lord Marchmont, Lord
Morton, and Lord Finlater wanted to have by of
fending the Duke. I said, for my part I should
advise against offending the Duke, provided the
same thing was done ; but I saw, that Mr. Pelham
1 A difference between them broke out, and was appeased in the year fol
lowing through the mediation of the Chancellor and Mr. Stone. But Mr.
Pelham informed Lord Marchmont distinctly on the degree of habitual inter
course existing between him and the Duke of Newcastle. — See Diary, January
29th, 1748.

224 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
»
durst not stir one step in Scots matters without the
Duke, and would be imposed on by him. He said,
he had the same opinion of the Duke that we had,
and that the King had a most mortal hatred to him,
worse than to any man in his dominions ; and that
I had affection for the Duke in comparison of the
King. He said, Lord Granville had had no com
munication with the King, except in public at the
levee, for this twelvemonth, and that his notions
about foreign affairs were insinuated to the King by
Ned Finch1, who, being of the King's play -parties,
when the King was cut out talked with him in a
corner of the room ; that this he knew from Lady
Yarmouth, with whose fidelity and frankness to
him he was perfectly satisfied ; that he had asked
her, whether the King's saying to him, that he could
do nothing, was only par maniere d'acquit, or that
the King really believed he had no power. She
said, he really did believe it, since they all deserted
him ; and that he said, he saw there was a con
nexion that would govern him ; that he said in
answer, that quitting, was not a thing to be tried
every year, and that the King might safely put
them to it, and was King, if he had a mind to be so ;
and she answered, that the King thought so too, but
did not know what the occasions were on which
they would not quit ; that she had told him, the
King bid her ask him, whether he would have
1 Brother to the Earl of Winchelsea. He had been minister at various
courts ; and in 1742 was made a Groom of the Bedchamber.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 225
"quitted when they all did, as they said they had his
demission in their pockets ; that he said, he would
answer differently from what others had done since,
for that he would have quitted on a point of honor,
since those, he had joined with, and his friends
quitted ; but when he had satisfied the point of
honor, he would not have opposed the King's
measures, but have supported them without taking
money for it. He said, the King had acquired a
good deal of dissimulation ; that he smiled on the
Duke of Newcastle sometimes to make him do
things, and then laughed at him for the effects of
those smiles ; that, indeed, he hardly knew the
gentleman again ; that he was not presumptuous,
and therefore did not love to be reasoned with, lest
he should be discovered, that he could not reason ;
and that for this reason, whenever one spoke to
him, it was the first period that made all the im
pression, and he stuck there ; that he would tell me
an anecdote, — that as he wanted a Colonel's rank
for George Stanhope l, he asked Lady Yarmouth,
whether he or she should speak about it; that she
said, she would, lest the King should refuse, and
think himself bound down by a refusal to him, for
the King had heard and remembered all George
Stanhope had said about the campaign of Det-
tingen2 ; that some time after she told him, the
1 A cousin of Lord Chesterfield's ; he was the next brother to the Earl
Stanhope of that day.
8 He was Lieutenant-Colonel of Duroure's regiment in that battle.
Vol. I. Q

226 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
thing was ripe for him to speak ; that he did tell
the King, he hoped he would give a young fellow a
Colonel's rank, who had seen more business than
many who had it, and was very good food for
powder. The King looked into his book and said,
there were many before him ; to which he answered,
that if it had been his due, he would not have
asked it, knowing the King would do him justice.
The King said, he must stop somewhere. He said,
' after George Stanhope, if he pleased,' and turned
the conversation to prevent a refusal ; that some time
after he desired Fox, the Secretary at War, to ask
the King, if he would not fill up his aide-de-camps,
and to tell him, that he found nothing could be
more agreeable to Lord Chesterfield than making
George Stanhope one of 'em ; that on Fox's doing
so, the King refused it, and Fox told him, when he
came out, that he fancied he had made him speak
at a wrong time ; that on telling this to Lady Yar
mouth she was surprised, and said, he should write
a letter to the Duke to recommend Stanhope ; that
he told her he would take no roundabout way, and
desired her to tell the King so ; that, since he had
not interest enough to get it directly, he would
never take any other method ; that Lord Harrington
had got the best regiment, the King had, for his son ;
and since he could not get one for an older officer,
his relation, he knew what he had to do, but should
never ask it in any other way ; that on her telling
the King so, the next time Fox went in, the King

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 227
told him, there were four regiments vacant ; Lord
George Beauclerk must have one, and Lieutenant-
Colonel Stanhope another ; and he must write ta
Napper, the Duke's officer, to inquire who were
talked of as best for the other two ; that some time
after, when Fox went in, he shewed him the names
of some Lieutenant-Colonels, saying, for the other
two his Majesty had named them. The King said,
he had never heard so much about any body as
about Colonel Stanhope ; that when he told this to
Lady Yarmouth, she held up both her hands in asto
nishment. Lord Gower came in to Lord Chester
field, and I went away.
The Prince of Wales at his drawing-room asked
me after my brother; said, he heard
°v' ' there was to be a petition against him ;
Sunday. x .
and that little else was to be done this
year in the House of Commons ; that he thought,
they had better put a short question, to turn out the
Prince of Wales's servants. I said, that would be
a bold one. He said, that Sir Luke Schaub had
said to somebody, who alleged France would not
do something, ' Mais pourquoi pas ? Us ont defi tant
' fait de mal ! ' but added, laughing, ' I don't ap-
' ply it.' I said, I should be very sorry to see it
applied to this parliament, who, I hoped, were so
much attached to the Royal family as not to widen
differences. He said, they were resolved to turn
out Drax 1, who had a very good cause, and men-
1 Member for Wareham.
Q2

228 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
tioned some particulars of it. [He] then said, he
had the greatest regard always for me, and had
wished me in before, but in business ; however, he
was glad I was in. I thanked him, and said, I came
in now out of deference to the opinion of others.
He said, he had always wished it, and would always
wish me and my brother well ; that he knew his
parts, and would have done anything by way of
advancement, addition, or otherwise, to have made
him belong to himself. But as he had attached
himself to those, who were at variance with his
friends, he [the Prince] was obliged to do what he
had done ; but he had delayed it for two years, till
he could do so no longer. However, that he never
had lost him quite out of sight, adding, every now
and then, ' You understand me.' I thanked him for
mentioning this matter to me, as it gave me an
occasion I had much wanted, to assure his Royal
Highness, that nothing had ever given me more
pain than my brother's being removed from his
service ; and that, notwithstanding any indiscretion
of my brother's might have given him offence, yet
I could assure him with truth, that, whether in
favour or out, he had not anywhere, nor had the
King, any subjects or servants more ready to sacri
fice everything in support of the interest of the
Royal family, and the present establishment. That
he knew enough of this country to know people
were sincere in their own interest ; that attachment
to his family was my brothers and mine, for we had

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 229
in the most violent opposition never looked any
where else, as was very evident from my brother's
proposing the making it treason to correspond with
the Pretender's son ; and that even in the opposi
tion, had I seen then what I now saw, I would have
spit my tongue out, before I would have voted
against the army. He said, ' I am for economy.'
I said, I thought our present establishment was not
to be weighed in the scales with shillings and
pence ; and we saw the last rebellion had wasted
many years' savings. He said, ' Are you for more
' than fourteen thousand in time of peace?' I said,
for whatever was necessary to secure the establish
ment, which had too many enemies. He asked,
' Do you really think so ? ' I said, I did. He
added, ' You have a motley administration in Scot-
' land.' I said, I knew not how it was ; but the King
was ill served there. He said, ' He is so ; but the
' Jacobites have had all the encouragement there,
' and the ministers there, these people, have never
'been my friends; you understand me.' I said1,
that though the Jacobites were too numerous there,
yet the King had great numbers of as zealous sub-
jects as anywhere, especially in the South, as I
knew from inquiries I had made, to see what effect
our proposal would have had. He said, he had

1 This Diary having made mention of proceedings against Mr. Stuart, late
Provost of Edinburgh, charged with complicity with the rebels, it should be
stated that in the preceding month he was acquitted by an unanimous verdict
of a very respectable jury.

230 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
approved of that proposal. I said, we were very
happy in that, for the King had approved it also.
He said, ' Yes ;' but many things were done against
the King's opinion. I said, I was very sorry for it.
He said, he did not meddle in what had passed
before I went to Scotland ; that he had seen too
much of the inside, not to draw himself Out of it
immediately ; that there was knavery on one side,
and folly on the other. I said, that should not have
been, where the master's honour was at stake. He
said, the man, that was an able man, was not in the
secret ; and the other had been surprised by the
things coming so soon upon him ; and that, though
there were many odd men in this country, a mi
nistry was not to be found by calling out Odd
man1 !
My brother told me he had been at Mr. Pelham's
on Friday night about the address ; that the Board
of Treasury, the Commons of the Admiralty, some
of the Board of Trade, Horace Walpole, Dorring
ton, the Speaker2, and Mr. West3, had been there;
that Mr. Pelham had been extremely civil to him,
and after that, and not till then, most of the others
had taken notice of him ; that, on reading the mo
tion, he had asked if the word expectations in it was
1 An illustration drawn from the practice of hackney chairmen. If, when a
chair was called, one of the partners was absent, the one present cried out,
' Odd man !' to procure the aid of some other chairman, who might have hap
pened to be also without a partner.
8 The Speaker was Arthur Onslow.
3 Member for St. Albans.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 231
not too strong relating to the negociation for peace ;
that nobody finding another word, it had been
proposed to leave out the whole sentence ; but he
objected to that, as nothing else was said of peace ;
and he thought peace too necessary for this nation.
On this, it was agreed to stand as it did ; that after
the meeting broke up, Mr. Henry Fox told him he
was of his opinion, that peace was necessary, and
there was but one man against it ; that he supposed
one of the ministers spoke freely to him [my brother],
and named Lord Chesterfield. My brother said,
Lord Chesterfield did talk to him sometimes, and he
believed was for peace. Mr. Fox said, all were,
except the Duke of Newcastle, who had, on the
Dutch answer, blustered, as if that had added both
men and money into our scale ; and that the Chan
cellor concurred with the Duke, in order to keep the
government of him.
My brother told me, that Mr. Nugent, lately
made Comptroller to the Prince, came
ov' 9 ' and took a place close bv him in the
Tuesday. r J
House on Monday, and told him, how
much he wished him in the Prince's service, and
that the Prince wished it too, and had the greatest
regard for him, with many other civilities ; and then
gave him a paper to peruse, which my brother shewed
me. It was the beginning of a memorial for the
Prince, importing, that the Prince had two great
ends to obtain ; — one, to have the influence due to
his rank ; the other, to have it in his power, when

232 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
King, to choose such ministers as he chose to con
fide in. In order to both these he must begin by
attaching to himself such men as had, and were
thought to have honesty and abilities to carry on the
business in Parliament, and in office ; and that the
merit, and not the number, of such was to be consi
dered, for this would follow the first, as every one
would follow another, as they saw those engaged in
a probability of being able to carry on the ministry;
that those attached to the Prince should already act
as ministers, by carrying on the system which the
Prince intended to follow when king, and there
fore should not oppose ; and that a settled opposi
tion was become impracticable.
My brother told me, that Dr. Lee1 had repeated
all the same civilities to him afterwards, and had
said, the Prince was sorry for what had passed ; and
after repeating this again, he added, this was all
the Prince could do ; and then asked my brother
why he might not come into the Prince's service,
and pressed it. But he said, it was now impossible,
and that however he would exert as much zeal in
every cause of the Royal family as if he had a
thousand places.
Sir Luke Schaub told me, that he had had a con-
Nov. 27th. versation with M. Andrie from Prussia,
Friday. after his being recalled, but before he
1 A civil lawyer of reputation, a political and personal friend of the Prince
of Wales, on whose death he was appointed Treasurer of the Princess's house
hold. He was afterwards made Dean of the Arches, and Judge of the Prero
gative Court.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 233
left this country, wherein he had persuaded him
that it was the King of Prussia's interest to join
the maritime powers, and stop the progress of
France, for that, if the King of Prussia meant to
substitute himself to the House of Austria in the
scale of power against France, it was impracti
cable ; and by throwing necessarily the House of
Austria into the arms of France, must produce a
Popish league against a Protestant league, wherein
there would be found no equality ; and if he meant
only to secure to himself what he had acquired, this
could be obtained only by joining those powers,
whose interest it would be, as states as well as
Protestants, to keep him powerful for their own aid
and support; whereas, a contrary conduct would
ensure their resentment and enmity : that Andrie
promised, he would make use of this when at Berlin,
and accordingly was doing so, and had succeeded
so far, that the King of Prussia wanted a minister
at his court from hence ; that Michel, the secretary,
a Swiss, charged here with the Prussian affairs,
had shewed him letters from the King of Prussia,
pressing that a minister should be sent, but sans le
compromettre ; that he had spoke to three ministers,
the Duke of Newcastle, Mr. Pelham, and Lord Ches
terfield ; and that this last had told him, that the
King would not consent to send a minister to
Prussia, though he had proposed it several times.
He then described a minister capable of doing the
business at Berlin ; said, he would deserve statues

234 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
to be erected in Holland and here ; and added, that
he had named me ; but Lord Chesterfield had said,
I would not. I told him my reasons against going,
thanked him for his good opinion, and named Lord
Sandwich, at which he tossed up his head, as
thinking him not fit. I named Villiers, who, he said,
would not do, or Mr. Trevor, whom he thought also
unfit for the business ; and concluded with shewing
how easy it was to negociate with honest views and
fair dealing.
I shewed Lord Chesterfield Mr. Carre's letter
from Scotland, of the Jacobites being
ov' ' rampant, and despising the laws. He
Sunday. f > f o
told me of the demand of 580,000/. for
jurisdictions1, and that he saw it was to prevent the
execution of the act ; but that if, on the contrary,
anything hard was proposed as to Scotland, he
would vote for it. I said, that would be just doing
what was wanted to set all that country on the
side of the Duke of Argyle, who directed all the
tools there. He said, he had seen on Monday,
that the Duke was to have an audience of the
King ; that going in before him, he had told the
King, his Majesty had got a pretty bill from Scot
land; that the King had said, he had expected it ;
and he added, ' Sir, I foretold you it would be so.'
The King said, it was their business. Afterwards,
1 For the Scots Heritable Jurisdictions. The exact demand was for
583,090/. 16s. 8d. The Lords of Session declared 152,237/. 15s. 4rf. to be the
sum which might be given.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 235
the Duke of A. went in, and, he supposed, told a
thousand lies. He said, Bland had sent notice of
the demand, and said, the odd 80,000/. would do,
and that the Duke of Argyle's jurisdictions being
more valuable than all the rest, he thought nothing
could be defalked1 from his demand of 20,000/. 2 He
said, orders went now to Bland to concert with the
Justice Clerk, the consequence of which was very
plain, Bland being a very weak man, and the Justice
a cunning one ; that one Captain James Sinclair,
who had been taken wounded at Culloden, and sent
abroad on his pretending to. be a French officer, was
now lately retaken in Scotland; and the Justice
Clerk had wrote up to have him dismissed, calling
him a very inoffensive man ; and that Lord Finlater
had sent up an account, that he had made a search
in Cullen for rebels, but had found none, and had
wrote to the Justice Clerk, that he did not wonder
at this, since the very post before the search, the
rebels received notice from Edinburgh that one
was intended ; that this had put the Justice into a
passion, and he had wrote to his lordship, that the
secret was kept at Edinburgh, and must have been
discovered in his own country. I asked, if the
Duke of Cumberland thought of Scotland, and
whether I should desire an audience to beg his pro
tection to the King's friends. He said, by all means
I should ; that his Royal Highness knew the facts,
1 French.
8 In the list it stands 25,000/.; in the reduced list it is 21,000/.

236 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
and thought as I did. I said, at this rate my brother
would be obliged, when these matters came before
the House of Commons, to lay open the miserable
state of the King's friends in Scotland. He said,
he ought to do it, and would find many there very
willing to listen to him. He said, our foreign affairs
were in as bad a way ; that having no system of our
own, we could not tell what to ask, or what to yield,
not knowing the situation of the places, and were
glad of any assistance; and he had just received the
Prince of Orange's opinion upon the plan of peace ;
that I knew the Prince of Orange ; that he had
parts, but was in a kind of infatuation ; that Ben
thick1 had parts too, but had no business in him ; if
things would not do, said, ' Then we can die,' and
such Lacedemonian classic phrases, very pretty in
Thucydides, but extravagant ; that he had received
(for he had no secret from me) an ostensible plan,
and a secret one, to be the foundation of our nego
ciation, but both so very absurd, that he was only
sorry to see 'em wrote on paper, and not on a wall,
with charcoal, as the politicians in Bedlam wrote
theirs ; that the ostensible one was so wild, that had
we made three campaigns with as great success as
we have received damage, we could not have offered
it ; and when he came to look on the secret plan,
1 Count Bentinck was deputed by the States General to present the Prince
of Orange to the Council of State as Stadtholder, Captain-General, and Ad
miral of the Union, on the partial revolution which took place in the months of
April and May, 1747, in consequence of the French invading Dutch Flanders.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 237
instead of diminishing our demands, it demanded
cessions from France, places we had not been in
possession of since the Treaty of Utrecht. I said, I
supposed France would soon humble the Dutch.
He said, he supposed they must be on their knees
to France this winter ; that Ligonier said, they
might take Breda at any time, if the weather per
mitted, for they could assemble round it with the
sound of a trumpet 50,000 men; and there were
none near but Dutch national troops, and twelve of
our battalions in it ; and that the Austrians were in
the Liegeois, Limburg, &c. ; the Hessians and Hano
verians about the confines of Overyssel ; so as no
relief could come in ten days to it. He said, he
had spoke to the Duke about [the] next campaign,
who said, he would rather be without the Dutch,
who were ' [une] veritable canaille,' and would not
fight, but rather hurt him, by giving bad example,
and running down troops behind 'em that would
fight ; that he did not reckon on the Dutch augment
ation, which either would not be made, or would
be useless, being of new-raised men ; but he trusted
to the Russians, who, the Prince of Orange told him
at the Hague, might be in Flanders by the begin
ning of February ; that he had told his Royal High
ness this was impossible, for they would take near
four months to march, having eleven hundred miles
to march, supposing 'em too to halt only every
fourth day, and march twelve miles a-day ; and that
the Treaty was not yet signed. We were now in

238 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
December ; a courier took twenty-eight days to go
to Petersburgh, with a fair wind to Holland ; and
the troops would not stir, not only till the ratifica
tions were exchanged, but till the first payment of
the. subsidy was made ; and after that they might
be stopped by the death of Bestucheff, that of the
Empress, or if she changed her mind, to which she
was as liable, as any Empress ever had been. He
said to me, besides all this we have certain infor
mation, that the French have actually raised an
addition of 50,000 men, drawn out of their militia,
and new raised, so that they will still have their
proportionate superiority. I said, I had had a long
discourse with Sir Luke Schaub about Prussia ;
that I wished his intelligence might be true, and
that I supposed he, Lord Chesterfield, might make
some use of the Secretary of Prussia here. He
said, he saw all those letters twice ; first in a way
of his own ; and then by Michel himself; but Sir
Luke magnified things, to make himself more im
portant ; that the King of Prussia thought France
went too far towards destroying the Republic of
Holland ; that he looked on himself as concerned
intimately in the preservation of it ; and he believed,
that the King of Prussia might be brought to get
us a good peace, or, if France refused, he would
leave her interest ; that our King would not send
him a minister, calling him a ' Fripon,' and wished
he was Cham of Tartary ; that he, Lord Chester
field, had told the King he wished so too ; but as

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 239
he was King of Prussia, the more he was a ' Fripon,'
the more necessary it was to have a minister who
was a spy at his court ; that with all this he could
not prevail ; and the King of Prussia treated this
as an intended neglect, though he excused it all he
could ; that he had told the King, that he knew
two people fit to send thither, but he would not
recommend any, knowing that whoever went must
be a very unhappy man between the two courts ;
that some days ago the Duke of Newcastle had
prevailed on the King to send a minister to Berlin,
and bid me guess whom. I said, ' Villiers.' He
said, ' No.' I said, ' Mr. Trevor.' He said, ' By
no means ;' that, when the Duke of Newcastle
turned warrior, Trevor1 had continued to act as
before the pacific part, whereby he was become the
King's aversion, and had made the Duke hate him
so much as to intend to ruin him ; that thereon he
was recalled ; and it was he himself, Lord Chester
field, who had got him what he had, to keep him
from starving ; that Mr. Trevor was used to busi
ness, but had humours and fancies. I said then,
his Grace may have named his valet de chambre,
for I knew nobody fit to go. He said, he has re
commended Sir Everard Fawkener ; that his Grace
had asked his opinion of him, saying he was a man
of distinction, and not of too high a rank ; that he
had answered, he would recommend nobody ; that
1 Mr. Trevor quitted the Hague on Lord Harrington's resignation in 1746,
on a suggestion from Mr. Pelham.

240 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. •
Sir Everard had been a merchant, which would not
procure him esteem in Germany ; and that he was
Queen-of-Hungary mad, so that if her health was
drunk, he would repeat it in endless bumpers. I
said, my view had been, that his Lordship might
open a correspondence with Andrie. He said,
he had been obliged to drop it, to prevent its
breaking off disagreeably, from the King's aversion
to Prussia.
I gave the Duke of Newcastle the recommend
ation of Mr. Walter Pringle for Sheriff
Dec. 1st
Tue'sda °^ Tiviotdale, and pressed it. He said,
he would put him into the list ; and he
should be subject to the same examination as the
rest ; and bid me come back on Thursday. Having
asked an audience of his Royal Highness the Duke,
I told him, I came to desire his attention to the
King's friends in Scotland ; and that I hoped, he
would excuse me, since it was absolutely necessary,
for that I saw with sorrow that, whether from old
habits, or some other cause, the ministers could not
shake off an influence, that had no regard to the
King's interest in Scotland, and that this interest
was betrayed there. I then read to him part of Mr.
Carre's letter about practitioners not taking the
oaths. He asked, if any judge could not insist on
it, and ask the question of any of them ? I told
him, no doubt they ought to look to it. He said,
he was sure orders would go down next post. I
said, he might judge of what would be done by the

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 241
ministers having received no notice of the inexecu-
tion of the act ; that I had foretold what would
happen; but the ministers thought all the King's
friends spoke only from enmity to the Duke of
Argyle; that I would speak plainly to his Royal
Highness ; that all asked in Scotland of any man
to be preferred, was, whether he would devote him
self to the Duke [of Argyle ; and, whether he were
the King's friend or foe, if he would go to hell for
the Duke of Argyle, he was sure of preferment;
that all this summer the King's service had been
betrayed; and all those, who had joined the English
ministry in the Jurisdiction Act, had been opposed
by what was called the court interest in Scotland ;
and unless his Royal Highness threw his weight
into the scale, it was like to continue so. He said,
he would do all that lay in his power, and was
convinced it was necessary to be attentive to that
country. I said, it was more so now than ever,
because as there were new sheriffs to be named, I
knew that every Jacobite, that could form a preten
sion, was encouraged to make application ; and that
besides the President was given over1; and that if
one not known to be zealous for the government
was placed there, they had as good order all Scot
land to put white cockades in their hats ; that for
my part I never would do so, and therefore wished,
if they gave up that country, they would make some
1 He died on the 10th of this month, and on his death was deservedly
characterised by the Dean and Faculty of Advocates as ' that great aud
good man and eminent judge, Mr. Duncan Forbes of Culloden.'
Vol. I. * R

242 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
English Jacobite to exchange estates with me. He
said, he thought the sheriffs might be of great use
to spread a spirit of loyalty to the government;
and he believed they would be named with that
view, and that the President would be chosen with
it also; and then asked me how the south stood
affected : that he believed, the farmers were all well
affected, but the lower gentry, who practised the
law, and were bred at Edinburgh, were not so, for
he looked on Edinburgh as the nursery of Jaco-
bitism, as the profession of the law extended much
farther in Scotland than anywhere else. I said, the
King's friends were very sorry his Royal Highness
had not spent more time in the southern parts than
he had done ; that it was very true, the farmers or
tenants were universally well affected, as indeed they
were everywhere where the Presbyterian ministers
had any influence ; and that as to the lower gentry,
there were many Jacobites, for his Royal Highness
must have observed, that there was not such a thing
as a convert from Jacobitism in Scotland ; but that
many were debauched into appearances of Jaco
bitism, by their desire to get some advantage from
those who recommended to every thing in Scotland,
and who were constantly insisting on the distinction
between the Scots ministers, and the English, and
setting one people against the other, the conse
quence whereof his Royal Highness would easily
see : and that the President, who was no Jacobite,
gave too much ground for this by his toasts of Sir

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 243
William Wallace, &c. He said, the President was
no Jacobite, but was a Highlander, and carried that
to very dangerous lengths, and that he had told him
so ; that he saw no use of making any distinctions ;
that there ought to be no such thing as English and
Scots, but they should be made more and more, and
treated as if they were one kingdom ; that the Duke
of Argyle was a great man, and one of the most
considerable in Scotland ; but if he went wrong,
there was no reason why the King should follow it.
I told him, that since I had the honour to have
received a mark of the King's favor, I had told
the ministers, that if the Duke of Argyle would be
satisfied with the rank of a subject, and act for the
King's interest, no man in Scotland would bow lower
to him than I would do ; but as things were con
ducted, the King's friends were under very great
difficulties, particularly my brother, who could not,
if these matters came to be considered in Parlia
ment, either admit, that the whole country was
Jacobite, or, that the King's friends there did not
inform his ministers of what conduct was held there ;
and, since they were informed of it, to ascribe their
acquiescence in it to disregard of the King's inte
rest would be too heavy a charge ; and to ascribe it
to inability would be paying them a small compli
ment ; to prevent this, I had taken the liberty to beg
his Royal Highness would throw his weight into
the scale, without which I was afraid there would
be nothing done ; that I hoped, he would forgive
r 2

244 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
me for so doing. He thanked me, and said, he
should be very glad of my acquaintance.
Sir Charles Gilmour1 came here, and told me, he
had had a letter from Lord Arniston, tell-
ues ay mg him of the President's being given
Evening. 6 . . if,,
over, and intimating, that he should
think it such an affront, if any other were made
President ; that Sir Charles imagined, Lord Arniston
might resign, and bidding him advise with his
friends here, amongst whom he named me, whether
he should not write a letter to some of them, setting
forth his pretensions. Sir Charles added, that both
Lord T. and E. were very dangerous men. I told
him, I thought so, as things stood, but that I had
not delayed till now doing my part to serve Lord
Arniston, however, I was afraid, to very little pur
pose; that, in my opinion, Lord Arniston should
write himself to the Chancellor, for any other per
son might rather injure him than serve him ; and
that I found the Duke of Argyle laid his whole
weight on opposing him, and had gone farther than
I could have expected.
I was not let in at Mr. Pelham's. I went to Lord
Chesterfield, and told him of my audience
Wednesday. with the Duke* He said, he had seen
the Duke afterwards, and having painted
to him the miserable prospects abroad, and how
little was to be expected in the way of forces, and
therefore how necessary it was to set about pro-
„ ' A Commissioner for Trade and Plantations, member for Edinburghshire.
2 Of Cumberland.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 245
curing a reasonable peace, the Duke appeared con
vinced of what he said, and told him, it affected
him not only as one of the subjects, but as one who
was at the head of what he saw would be an ineffec
tual army ; but that this was not the worst ; that
the state of Scotland was very bad; that he believed
the King's ministers there did not serve him well ;
and that there we had triumphant Jacobitism. Lord
Chesterfield said, that he supposed, this arose from
what I had told him; that he answered, that he was
convinced it was so, and had foretold it ; and that
it would continue so till the King had resolved to
be King of Scotland, which was what the Duke of
Argyle insisted upon being; and that in order to
get it he made use of the assistance of the Jacobites.
He then told me, that on the Duke of Newcastle
telling the King of the President's illness, the King
said, he would be a loss, for on the whole he was a
good man, though he had errors ; and that, if he
died, he supposed Areskine must be the man. To
which the Duke of Newcastle said, ' To be sure ;
' there was no other.' I said, I was heartily sorry
to hear it ; that it was a mortal blow to the King's
interest, for Areskine had been a notorious Jacobite,
and there we knew of no conversions ; that Arniston
would probably quit the bench, and then all the
property in Scotland would be at the mercy of the
Duke of Argyle; that I could bear misfortunes as
well as another, if they befel the country ; but my
brother's situation gave me much pain, if the state

246 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
of Scotland came to be considered in parliament.
He said, nobody could expect my brother should
break from his friends in his own country ; I then
told him of Dr. Lee and Mr. Nugent having spoke
to my brother of coming into the Prince's service,
and my fear of its being misrepresented to the King
by the low German people about the Prince. He
said, he would mention it to the King, if I liked. I
said, I should be very much obliged to him. He
told me, Colonel Stanhope was made aide-de-camp
to the King ; that within these three or four days he
did not expect even that ; and he believed, he was
the first Secretary of State that could not get an old
Lieutenant-Colonel, though before it was his rank,
into a regiment, and that he was not sure his pro
tection had not hurt him.
I went to the Duke of Newcastle's, and told him,
I was afraid of being officious, but
Thursd* ' tnougnt ^ my duty to inform him of
what I thought might affect the King's
interest in Scotland. He said, he should be glad of
receiving any lights from me. I told him, I was
personally concerned no farther than the county
of Berwick; that there I must beg the ministry
would protect and encourage my brother's inte
rest, which was the King's, and the Whig in
terest. He said, that was already done. I said,
quite the reverse; there was not one who had
supported him, had any thing, and all that had,
had opposed him. Why, says he, the Duke of

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 247
Argyle says, ' Mr. Campbell, that my brother' (mean
ing Mr. Pelham) ' chose.' I said, it was directly con
trary, not one, who had any thing from the court,
having voted for my brother, but against him ; that
this was one of his Grace's tricks, who could never
forgive my brother and me all the ill offices he had
done us ; and that I must therefore the more insist,
that in what concerned that county, and the gentle
men of it, he would protect my brother's interest,
and not give credit to the Duke of Argyle. He
asked, what could now be done. I said, there was
the affair of the sheriffs. He said, the Duke of Ar
gyle says, Lord Marchmont will recommend one
Hume, who was a very good man, to whom he had
no objection. I fell a laughing, and said, his GraCe
was mistaken ; I knew who he meant ; he was a
friend of mine ; but I would never recommend any
that I was not convinced was a zealous friend to
the King, especially on such an occasion, and be
cause I was convinced it was absolutely necessary
to establish that principle in Scotland. He asked,
who I would recommend. I said one whom I knew
to be a friend to the government, Mr. Carre, unless
I could get something better for him; and then I
would name another firm friend to the King. He
said, his name should be set down in the list, sub
ject to the same examination as the rest. I said, if
they took the Duke of Argyle's word preferably, I
knew no friend of mine would have a share, and
many a Jacobite would be named. He said, they
would not trust entirely to him. I said, too much

248 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
of that was done already, and so they were flattered
here, and cheated in Scotland ; but that there would
be too many vacancies there soon. He said, ' Let
me speak to you of something of more importance.'
I asked leave to interrupt him, and said, I was
coming to matters of more importance, which I
begged leave to explain to him. I then went
through the opposition given in Scotland to all who
had supported the King's measures in Parliament,
and asked, what privilege the Duke of Argyle and
his people had to oppose such men, more than those
who had formerly been turned out for so doing.
Secondly, the Duke of Argyle's sending down a
letter to Lord Lothian, to bid him refuse to exchange
his office, by the very same messenger who carried
the offer of the Register's place to me. This sur
prised him ; he bid me tell his brother this. I said,
I had done so. He said, this was a very strong
fact. I said, it was one ; but there were some of
more consequence to the King's interest, such as, —
Thirdly, the Lords of Sessions ordering people to
set values on their claims, merely to raise a clamour,
and to obstruct the act. He said, the Duke of Ar
gyle blamed the Session for so doing. I said, this
was a most gross trick, for every one knew they
were quite subservient to him. He said, Lord Dal
keith said to him, that they had set a great value
on his jurisdiction, and one yet higher on his father's ;
and that both his father and he thought they would
be better without them, and that they rather cost
them money. I said, it was all contrived to ob-

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 249
struct the act, and raise discontents in the country.
Fourthly, that the act of Parliament requiring all
practitioners of the law to take the oaths was not
executed. I then read him that part of Mr. Carre's
letter ; and when I came to the distinction of Scots
and English ministers, I told him, I had mentioned
this before to his Grace, and, were it the last word
I had to speak, I would say, that upon the crushing
of this doctrine depended the safety of the King's
crown in Scotland ; that I did not desire him to
adopt my opinions of men, but to judge by facts,
and see whether these arose by our faults, who
complained, or by theirs, who betrayed and cheated
them. As to the part relating to the King's speech,
he said, the Duke of Argyle spoke with high ap
probation of that part of it relating to Scotland;
and yet, says I, he complains everywhere he has no
power, as I may do ; I have not 40,000/. a year, to
which I am as well entitled, as he is to any power
beyond that of a subject ; and he says, he has a
good scheme for civilising Scotland, but that it
won't be accepted; so that, I suppose, he and his
tools in the House of Commons will play their
parts on the Jurisdiction Act over again. I then
said, this conjuncture was the more critical from
the President's illness, and perhaps death. ' Ay,'
says he ; ' who do you think the most proper man?'
I said, perhaps he might think I spoke from pique ;
but I assured him, that, had I the honour to be his
son, I could not speak otherwise than I did and
should. And first, the man the most unfit, was T.

250 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
' Do you think so V says he. I said, ' I'll tell your
' Grace, why I do so ; he was a known Jacobite in
' 1715 ; and I have no faith in Scots Jacobites' con-
' versions ;' and next, he was a very dangerous
man; and they might as well take the crown of
Scotland off the King's head, and put it on the
Duke of Argyle's, whose subject I would never be,
though as much his humble servant as any one, if
he would be the King's friendly subject. I saidj
besides that, Lord Arniston would probably quit
the bench ; and I did not see how they could sup
ply his place. He asked about him. I said, he
was very well ; was the ablest man, one whom the
whole kingdom pointed out for it ; and, as he had
a great property, might quit on what would be
thought an affront to him ; and if he got it, as he
was the most zealous friend to the King on the
bench, so, I would be answerable, he would belong
to the ministers, He said, this was strange, for one
of my country, not of the Duke of Argyle's people,
had told him, sitting where I was two days ago,
that Areskine would be the most unexceptionable of
the Duke of Argyle's people to the opposite party.
I said, if it was Lord Morton, he had not talked so
to me. He said, ' No ;' and said, it was Andrew
Mitchell. I said, Mr. Mitchell might mean what
he pleased by parties ; I considered them not ; my
doctrine was to encourage the friends to the King,
and to the English ministers, and I did not think
Areskine one. He said, they did not think so of
him here ; and he would tell me, that the King,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 251
speaking of the President's death, had named Ares
kine ; but that he himself had recommended no
body, he did assure me. He said, 'Who would be
' the best man of the Argyle faction ? ' for Arniston,
I knew, had been always opposite to the Duke
of Argyle, and added, what I thought of Grant. I
imagined, he meant Lord Elchies ; so I said, I knew
nothing of him but the name of Grant, and did not
much trust the Whiggism of any man north of Tay;
but I would not say any man was Jacobite, if I had
not particular grounds for it. I think on recollec
tion, he meant the Advocate. He then said, who
were the two I had said, that were not on the bench.
I said, I meant only one off the bench, and that was
Mr. Craigie. But that as in this case Lord Arniston
would probably quit, I did not see how they could
supply his place ; and that this would be the most
fatal blow to the King's interest in Scotland ; that
perhaps Mr. M. would be made a Judge, or a Baron
of Exchequer ; that I should like the last" better, as
it was a sinecure. He said, he had never heard of
him for either. I said, his Grace then surely would.
He said, Lord P. was a good man. I said, he was
personally so, I believed, but his family and interest
were Jacobite ; and John M. was now chosen by
that interest. He asked, who were proper. I said,
there were not many that [I could recommend]
either for a Baron's, or a Judge's place ; I should
name one, a man of sense and law, and a real
Whig, Mr. Carre; but that I supposed a Baron's

252 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARGHMONT.
. place would be easier got. He then got up, saying
he was sorry for what I told him. I desired his
Grace would not tell anybody what I had told him,
but make his own use of it. I dined with Lord
Chesterfield, and told him what had passed at the
Duke of Newcastle's. He said, Areskine would be
the man for all that, and said, the Duke meant the
Advocate by Grant. He then asked after one Pro
vost Coutts. I told him, he was a very clever
fellow, and was nephew to Provost Stuart. He
said, he might then see a prison too, for he had just
met with him, having crossed upon him in a foreign
correspondence. He mentioned being summoned
to a meeting of the ministers this evening, and re
tired with Lord Gower, and on his return, said to
him, he could not tell how to remove difficulties,
which he could and would have prevented. He
said, he heard Lord Charles Hay and George
Stanhope were to be the King's aides-de-camp ;
but that might not be so for all that. In the even
ing Lady Chesterfield said, that perhaps George
Stanhope's being disappointed might be owing to
the King's hatred to his father, but that it might also
be an artifice of Lord Granville's to disoblige Lord
Chesterfield, and force him to resign. I said, I did
not suspect that. ' Why,' says she, ' do you think
' the Pelhams could support themselves, if Lord
' Chesterfield left them V I said, ' perhaps not ;'
but I did not see that Lord Granville would like to
offend Lord Chesterfield, though by Mr. Villiers

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 253
affecting to exaggerate to me the surprise one
ought to have of this event, probably he might wish
Lord Chesterfield should take it highly ill.
I waited on Mr. Pelham, who made me excuses
for not seeing me when I called. I told
Dec. 18th. , . T , , ¦ t n T 1
Friday ' wanted to see him before 1 saw the
Duke of Newcastle, and also to give the
names of two of my brother's friends for sheriffs.
He said, the Duke of Newcastle was the proper
person to give 'em to ; that there was a list to be
made, whereof the ministry would choose ; and that
this particularly belonged to the Duke of Newcastle
and the Chancellor, his department being the re
venue. I said, the Duke of Newcastle had asked
me, when I named these gentlemen to him, whether
my brother had given their names to Mr. Pelham ;
and I had said, he would do so ; that I had desired
my brother to do so ; but I imagined my brother
thought I had a better interest than he had with
him. He said, he had not seen my brother, but
that he was to be with him in the evening. I said,
the Duke of Newcastle had occasioned mv men-
tioning a thing that concerned me more, and sur
prised me, as it was a notorious falsehood, and told
to make my brother and me appear liars to him, and
I thought the Duke of Argyle above such an arti
fice. It was his Grace affecting to assert, that Mr.
Pelham had chosen my brother; that to convince
him how that matter was done, I would take care he
should have the list for Praises, whereby he would

254 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
see, that all that voted with us were our old friends,
except one, whom he had no influence upon, and
one, whose name I now gave him, who was en
gaged on a promise made by virtue of his letter to
my brother to be taken care of; that he had been
in the excise, but could not go back while Thomas
Cochran was a commissioner. He said, he had no
reason to be satisfied with him. I said, I would
tell him what had prevailed ; that it was £500, and
that every man who had anything from the court,
had been against us; and one Douglass stood on
the list at the Excise-office, now to be advanced for
voting against my brother. He said, he could not
know that by inspiration. I said, he must have
some one there of confidence. He named George
D  . I said, I could not tell why he did not
serve him truly ; but that I told him this only to
fix the lie where it truly belonged. He said, he
knew nothing of it ; that the Duke of Argyle had
never named my name, excepting when the Duke of
Newcastle had told, that he had heard, every one,
who voted for the Jurisdiction Bill, was opposed in
Scotland, which, he imagined, I had said. I said,
I had. He then said, I meant my brother. He
asked, if Mr. S  had. I told him any man in
Scotland, except perhaps Mr. S  , would burst
out a-laughing in his face, if he doubted it ; and
that he might ask Lord Leven who lived in the
country. He asked, if Sir L  G  had. I
said, ' Sir, when I said this, I did not say it, ^is

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 255
' having meddled even in the northern elections, for
' I avoided meddling in any but my brother's, my
' family being then at the head of the Whig in-
' terest, so I cannot enter into particulars ; but that
' I heard this from various people of credit in the
' generality of such elections, and I know, it was
' the general cry used by the creatures of the Jus-
' tice Clerk, and those who belonged to the Duke
' of Argyle in Scotland.' He said, the Duke of
Argyle complained, that he was run down by they
say, and that he desired to know who, and what
particulars. I said, the Duke then proposed a bar
gain very advantageous to himself; that to prove any
thing upon him, everybody knew, from his charac
ter of cunning, was impossible ; especially, since
every man they trusted in Scotland belonged to him,
and would do what he bid them, though he did not
appear in it; and that at last, when we came to
speak here, his Grace knew he would be believed,
when we were not ; he would set things in any light
he pleased, when we were not present; and the
ministers here were not able to do it, because they
were ignorant of Scotland, as it did not deserve
their attention. He said, he thought it deserved it
very much. I said, yet they were ignorant of it,
and talked of parties there, which I knew not ; for
instance, where was this squadron ? who were the
heads of it? He said, he knew no heads of it; but
the tails of it made a great bustle, and were very
violent. I said, ' Sir, the violence, you complain of,

256 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
' is occasioned by the insolence wherewith they are
' used ; you have no notion of the insolent, treat-
' ment the Duke of Argyle's people give those who
' dare to be the King's friends.' I then read him a
paragraph out of Mr. Carre's letter'; and he said,
the Duke of Argyle would subscribe to every part
of it, except that about the Scots minister ; and he
asked me, if I would not do as he did, if I found
myself suspected in every thing I proposed. I said,
I should be very sorry to conduct myself so as to
give just grounds of suspicion ; but if I had, I
assured him, I would withdraw, notwithstanding
that great object of Scots power, of which I was
said to be ambitious, stood before me; that I did
not envy it to his Grace ; that I knew he thought I
was piqued at the Duke; that I would not say, I
loved a man who had always injured me, and whom
I knew to be of so rancorous a disposition, as never
to forgive any injury he had done ; but all I desired
was, that they would not make him my King. He
said, I saw the Duke of Argyle's situation with the
ministers. I said, as the King loved truth, nobody
was surprised that he hated him. He said, he did
not know if he did ; but it was not long since he
loved him; and he knew not what such alterations
might be founded on ; that the ministers did not
receive what the Duke proposed, as if they trusted
him; and it was plain he did not govern; that he
owned he was himself the only friend the Duke
had in the ministry; and that he saw the man in

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 257
the ministry, with whom he concurred in opinion
more than with those who were nearest to him, and
with whom his connexion was most sincere, every
day knocking at the Duke's head ; that things could
not continue in this state of speaking differently, and
wrangling every hour ; that they must come to a
resolution ; if the Duke of Argyle was to be de
pressed, and others only employed, to be sure, it
was ridiculous to let him enjoy what he now had ;
or, if they were to avail themselves of the Duke's
credit and abilities, and without acting offensively,
let in others, it must be put on a practicable foot
ing ; and that this last was his opinion, which he
would not say would be followed. I said, I was
afraid he would find the Duke would think himself
depressed, if they let in others ; and, as to offending
him, I appealed to himself, whether I had ever
asked any thing to offend him, further than that my
brother's friends and mine might have the protec
tion of the ministry, and their share in Scotland ;
that I knew very well the Duke would be offended,
if this was done ; and if they meant that, they might
as well give him the crown of Scotland ; that for my
own part I saw the necessity of supporting the
King's interest there so strong, that I assured him,
I would not only do my utmost to support the Duke
of Argyle acting for that purpose, but that, if he
could forget the injuries he had done me, I would
sincerely join hands with him, and let all bygones
be bygones ; that this necessity was so strong, that
Vol. I. 0

258 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
I would join the devil to maintain the King's inte
rest there ; for if it was not better encouraged, I did
assure him, they would have another rebellion
about their ears there, before they were aware of it.
He said, ' the Duke of Argyle says the very same
' thing, and agrees with the letter you read about
' taking the Highlanders from their hills.' I said,
I must now desire of him, as I know I was thought
to be piqued at the Duke of Argyle, to ask the
minister (with whom, he said, he was sincerely
connected, to whom I ought on every account of
private friendship, as well as public connexion, to
open my heart), to ask him, whether I had ever
held another language to him, than what I now did,
and that my particular concern went no further than
having my friends in the county of Berwick pro
vided for. After many civilities we parted; and
he repeated, that he had not seen my brother, but
hoped to set things to rights in the evening.
After dinner Lord Chesterfield took me into his
library, and told me, he wanted to tell me
Dec 24th' wnat the Duke of Argyle had said to him.
I told him, what Mr. Pelham had said to
me particularly about himself, and that my brother
had told me, he had said the same thing to him. He
seemed surprised at it ; and then said, the Duke of
Argyle had the other day stopped him, as he was
coming out of the closet ; and said, ' one can get a
' word of you, and expect to be heard. There is a
' friend of yours, who imagines that I am his mortal

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 259
' enemy, and with whom I desire to have things set to
' rights. You understand forms ; and I must ask your
' direction. I came last to this town, or else I should
' have called on Lord Marchmont before this time ;'
that he answered, Lord Marchmont was not a man
of form, and, he Was sure, would stand on no such
trifles ; that it was very true, Lord Marchmont con
sidered the Duke of Argyle as his enemy, and who
had acted as such in every instance. He said, he
had never done anything, but in the county of Ber
wick, where I (Lord Marchmont) had too much sense
not to allow it was a fair war, and that Lord 
was his relation and his friend, to serve whom he
was obliged to do his utmost ; that he had never
opposed me in anything else, for sure, I did not
imagine he had hindered my being one of the six
teen ; that it was evident he had not had the nomi
nation of 'em ; that he would not have named that
bankrupt Lord  , nor that fool Lord  ;
that indeed in the situation he and I were in, he
would not propose me for one ; but if I were pro
posed, he would not oppose it, because he thought
me very fit to be in on account of my abilities and
zeal for the government. Lord Chesterfield replied,
that he believed the county of Berwick was the
tenderest point both to my brother and to me ; to
which the Duke said, that we could not imagine,
as Lord  was a dependent of his, that there
would be any difficulty in making that point quite
easy to our satisfaction. Lord Chesterfield said to
S 2

260 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. :
me, that he did not expect from the Duke's cha
racter, that there could be a cordial friendship be
tween us, or that I could place my trust in him ;
but he wished, there might be such a, civil inter
course established, that I might be sure of coming
in one of the sixteen on the first vacancy. I thanked,
my Lord for his kindness, and told him, I could not
trust the Duke of Argyle without , divesting myself
of my understanding; but, that on any natural.
occasion I should not fail to wait of his Grace ;
that I would tell him frankly, why I must wait for
such a natural occasion, as would tell easily without
seeming to conceal a mystery. It was, lest his
Grace should represent it so in my own country, as
if I had listed entirely under his banner, which,
would alienate all our friends from us ; whereas at
present all the King's real friends there looked on
my brother and me as the principal people of our
country, to whom they could resort. He approved
of this, and repeated what was his view. He said,
they had had a meeting about the Presidentship of
the Session, in which Mr. Pelham was for  ,
as the Duke of Argyle's man, which he owned,
saying the Duke had assisted them, and was to be
preferred to the squadron, who were linked to Lord
Granville, Sir John Gordon, and the Prince. But he
added, he thought Arniston and his son were to be
gained if possible, and therefore he would propose
giving Grant, now advocate, the gown, and making
young Dundas advocate. The Duke of Newcastle

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 261
mentioned  and Arniston, but seemed to incline
to Lord Elchies, saying, he thought they should
name one, who would make it apparent, that the
English ministry had named him. Lord Chester
field said, this was to shew it was his own doing,
and neither [the] Duke of Argyle's nor my recom
mendation ; that the Chancellor asked his opinion,
and he had said, that he remembered the Court of
Session so infamous, that if the legislature did not
suppress it, the indignation of heaven ought to
have fallen upon it ; that, to avoid the like, there
fore, he thought the best qualified for a judge, and
the honestest man should be named, without regard
to Whig or Tory ; this the Chancellor highly ap
proved of, seeing where it pointed ; that he, Lord
Chesterfield, added, that he knew none of the per
sons mentioned, but had heard from the Duke of
Queensberry, that  was not an honest man in
private life. Mr. Pelham said, that was because he
had converted his Grace's interest to the service of
the ministry ; and Lord Chesterfield said, that might
be an obligation to the ministry ; but that if he had
very great obligations to the Duke of Queensberry,
and acted then against him, it was still a crime in
private life. Then the Chancellor weighed what
had been said in his Chancery scales of equity, and
seemed to be of opinion, they should name Arniston.
But nothing was decided in this meeting. He told
me, Mr. Maul was to be Baron of the Exchequer,
and that this was readily come into, as a douceur

262 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
to the Duke of Argyle, who, Mr. Pelham said, was
against his being one of the Lords of Session. He
said, he would now tell me farther, but not to ask
my advice, for his resolution was already taken. I
said, I did not like the preamble. He said, he was
resolved to resign his office. I said, I was extremely
concerned to hear it, for our situation must then be
hopeless, nor did I see where we had any resource.
He said, what became of the other ministers was
none of his business ; but he could stay no longer in
with reputation; that when he came in first, he
had told 'em, they should make one last effort, add
two millions to their annual expence, make their
army superior in the field, and by one successful
campaign put themselves in a state of having a
reasonable peace, before another campaign, which,
it was too plain, could not be expected to be to our
advantage ; that Mr. Pelham [said], it was impos
sible to raise more money than was already pro
posed ; and that the King was made to imagine,
Lord Chesterfield, being for peace, tried by in
creasing of the expence to make war impracticable ;
that he might indeed have had as much credit in
the closet, as any one can have, if he had inclined
to do some things, which nobody should ever know,
and which he would not do ; that since the affair of
the resignations the King hated all his ministers
(indeed loved nobody) ; but that the Duke of New
castle, having cried like a child when he resigned,
was the easiest to him of them all ; that his Grace

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 263
was so jealous of the favour of the closet, that he
could not endure any one should have credit there ;
and therefore if he, Lord Chesterfield, wanted to
have anything, it was sure to be opposed in every
way possible ; that he was not inclined to take
Colonel Stanhope's affair in a high way ; but he saw
it was done to shew that he had no credit, and to
tell everybody not to apply to him, if they wanted
anything; that in his situation, what must the
world think, but that he continued in for the sake
of £5000 a-year; that besides he was every day
setting his hand to what he disapproved, carrying
on measures he condemned, and acting as the
Duke of Newcastle's commis, whilst his Grace
played the part of sole minister, and was safe ; Lord
Chesterfield's hand was to every paper for car
rying on a ruinous and mad war, which must end
in a bad peace ; and when that came, then he
should bear the blame of it, as having always been
for a peace ; that the nearer it came to this last
period, the more difficult was his situation, and the
farther he was involved ; and that then he could
not part with the ministers in good humour, which
now he was resolved to do ; that he would tell 'em,
that his health would not permit him to go through
the fatigues of an office, wherein he could do no
service beyond another ; that he would tell the
King the same thing, and that he had not that de
gree of credit with him, wherewith alone he could
serve him with satisfaction ; and that he found his

264 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
advice to have no weight in the conduct of his
affairs, which he thought in a very desperate state ;
but that he did not intend to oppose, or enter into
any cabals ; that he would continue to support
his government and measures without any employ
ment ; and, he thought, he could then do it with
more effect. I asked, if he had told any of the
ministers. He said, ' No ;' the Duke of Newcastle
had no reason to expect it ; and he had not yet told
Mr. Pelham ; but that he must have perceived it,
from his having avoided to meddle, and affecting
indifference in their meetings ; that he had told Lady
Yarmouth of it, who owned she expected it, and
could not advise him to continue in, but expressed
her sorrow for it ; that Lord Sandwich x was in
tended to succeed him, to act as commis to the
Duke of Newcastle. I said, I was sorry things were
in this state ; but though he had not asked my
advice, I could not have given him other than what
he had taken, things being in this condition. He
said, he would go to Bath directly for a month, and,
to shew he did not quarrel with the court, would
leave his proxy to Lord Gower ; and if any body
came to him to meddle in politics, he would tell 'em,
he was entirely employed to take care of his health,
1 This confirms a statement in a letter of Mr. Fox, in Coxe's Pelham Me
moirs, that the Duke of Newcastle meant Lord Sandwich to have been suc
cessor to Lord Chesterfield. His Grace seems to have out-maiKEuvred himself
by placing the office within the Duke of Bedford's reach, calculating that he
would insist on Lord Sandwich having it, so as to make this arrangement an
act of the Duke of Bedford, who however accepted the offer for himself.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 265
and to finish his new house. He told me, that Sir
Everard Fawkener, who was named to go to Berlin,
had come to him, and said, he could not go, unless
he had the Plenipotentiary added to the Envoy, his
circumstances not allowing him ; that he answered,
that, as he had neither named him, nor thought of
him, he had nothing to do with it, and, therefore,
Sir Everard must go to the Duke of Newcastle.
He desired me not to mention what he had told me,
as it was yet a secret to everybody. I promised
him, nobody should hear it from me.
I met the Duke of Argyle at a bookseller's shop,
1747-8 ^'ho, after many compliments about my
January26th. brother, for whom he at first took me 1,
Tuesday, walked to the farther end of the room,
and asked me, if I had not been told here, that he
had kept me out of the sixteen. I said, that I had
made no inquiries about it ; but it was natural to
imagine so, since my brother and I were known to
lie under the misfortune of his disapprobation. He
said, he really had not ; that on the contrary, he
should have been for it, because his view had
always been to have the country represented by
the Peers in the best manner possible ; and for that
reason he had not disapproved of Lord Tweeddale's
being chosen, when he was asked, whether he
should not disapprove of it, since Lord Tweeddale
was out of the King's service. I said, all I had
said about the Peerage was to complain, I had not
a list sent me, when I was taken into the King's
1 On account of the extraordinary likeness of the twin-brothers.

266 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT,
service, and to tell, that I had resolved to vote
for all, who wrote letters to me, till I observed they
were all of a particular complexion. He said, to
be sure it was ridiculous to take me into the King's
service, and leave me out of Parliament; and it
should not have been so, had the resolution been
taken sooner, nor should my brother [have] been
opposed. I said, my brother and I were both very
sorry to find his Grace against us, because we were
both friends to his Grace's family, as much as any
men in Scotland, and had a great respect for his own
abilities ; that I in particular reflected with great
pleasure on the honor his brother x had done me, in
being very particularly connected with me ; and that
my family for their own interest were obliged to
be zealous friends to the King's family. He said,
both our families were forfeited families, and in
the same situation ; that we had no doubt been
reckoned political enemies ; but that was at an end,
I said, his Grace's abilities were so well known, that
no man could be thought to have sense, (as I ima
gined my brother and I were supposed to have) who
would desire to be reckoned his Grace's enemy ;
that we had always considered it as our greatest
misfortune to be esteemed so by any ; for it was
not the turn of our family, which had, along with
his Grace's, ventured their lives in the same cause ;
but that other people did all they could to make
people think so ; and that now my Lord  , who,
1 See a letter from John Duke of Argyle, to Hugh Earl of Marchmont,
vol. iL, p., 221.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 267
every body knew, was entirely (and wisely so) un
der his Grace's direction, had raised an opposition
to my brother on the idle imagination of my death.
' What ! ' says he, ' have they killed you, too ? ' I
said, ' Yes ; or the King is to die, whose life, no
' doubt is, like ours, in the hand of God ; or else
' my brother is to get a place.' He said, he knew
nothing of it, but had been told, that Lord 
had said within these three or four days, that, to be
sure, if my brother got a place, he must be chosen
again without opposition. I said, what was done
was absolutely foolish ; but it might be intended to
engage votes in the county ; and his Grace knew,
when country gentlemen were engaged, it might be
a plausible argument, that they could not break
their words ; but that, I hoped, my family could not
but be better entitled to his Grace's protection than
Mr.  . He said, there could be no doubt of it.
He said, he had formerly told the ministers, that he
would make the matter easy with Lord  , who
had no family. He was by himself, his brother
being a parson ; and that, if they would push him
forward, and give him a regiment, he would be me
diator in this matter ; and, as to what I had men
tioned, there should be no more of it. I thanked
his Grace, and said, that to avoid being represented
as fond of complaining, especially where his Grace
was concerned, since every one knew Lord 
could not pretend to any weight but under him, I
had sent to Scotland for authentic accounts of Lord

2(J8 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
 's conduct, before I would complain to the mi
nisters ; that my family consisted only of my brother
and me. He said, he heard I was in a way to have
children. I said, even then it might not be. He
asked, where it went next. I said, to women, since
Sir Gustavus Hume's son's death ; and that Lord
 's would go to B  . He said, he would take
care there should be no more in what I had men
tioned, but bid me go to work my own way, and say
nothing of what had passed between us, because
they would say, we had been caballing together
against them, and that there should be no difficulty
in my being in Parliament; that he had refused
being a minister, when it was offered him some
years ago, and would not be so now on any account.
I said, it could not be, that he suspected himself
deficient in abilities for it. He said, when he got
to his gimcracks in mathematics, he was the hap
piest man in the world, and bid me believe every
thing he said was spoke plainly, as he meant;
and so he left me, as I thanked him.
I went to the Duke of Newcastle, to recommend
Mr. James Pringle to succeed Mr. Dou-
Trf' d ^as °^ ^avers' my brother having done
the same to Mr. Pelham long ago. His
Grace told me, Mr. Pelham had not mentioned it
to him, but had spoke of Sir Charles Gilmour's son,
and that the Duke of Argyle had asked it for the
Justice Clerk, to whom they had given the signet,
with a view that, after what he was to pay out of it,

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 269
500/. a-year might remain clear to him; that he
said, this first year he had only got 300/. clear, and
therefore desired to have this place to make it up,
and hereafter he should account for the overplus.
I said, this was accumulating every thing ; and I
believed the Justice Clerk knew well enough how
to make up an account; that my brother and I
could, I saw, get nothing for our friends, though we
had joined the English ministry cordially, and had
only been ill used for it, since, in order to bully
them into giving Lord  a regiment, my brother
was now opposed on the expectation of his getting
a place. At this the Duke expressed his surprise,
and said, nothing was settled yet, even in the great
affair of the President, and asked, if my brother or
I had not brought a compliment from Mr. Dundass
to him. I said, we both had, and that on hearing
they proposed making him advocate. I had wrote,
to tell him to be practicable. He said, that was
now over ; that it had been a thought of his, which
his brother relished ; but other expedients were now
trying. He told me, he understood me to mean
Lord  in a former conversation, when I ima
gined he thought I meant the Advocate by Grant.
He said, that what I proposed about the arms of
mine, sent to Berwick during the rebellion, must be
laid before the Board of Ordnance. I desired in
general, that our friends might have their share in
Scotland ; and said, that as to the President's place,
that ought to be given according to the general

270 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
maxim, which, I must say, was necessary to be kept
to in Scotland, and that was, to prefer the man who
was most surely the King's friend. He said, that
was true ; but private connections would interfere
too much.
I went to Mr. Pelham to solicit for Mr. Pringle,
and told him in general what his brother
Jan. 29th. had said. He said, if he did not intend
Friday, to do what the Duke of Argyle asked,
he would not have told me of his. asking it. I
said, he might use more art, but it came to the
same thing. He said, it was not art, but it was of
no use. I said, at this rate they might give the
Justice Clerk every thing, and bid him pay us all
pensions. He said, that this was a place for life.
I said, it was so, and therefore we wanted it for our
friend ; that my brother had named him to him for
it some months ago. He said, he did not remem
ber that, my brother having only spoke to him in
general. I said, he was certainly mistaken. He
said, Sir Charles Gilmour had asked it for his son,
and said much in his favor, to which I agreed, and
said, that at this rate my brother and I should get
nothing for our friends, though we had joined them
very sincerely. He said, that was not sure, for
nothing was fixed. I said, that however every thing
was promised, except it was the sheriffship, and
that given [against] my brother's recommendation
would be such a blow to the King's interest in the
county, and such a box o'the ear to my brother, that

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 271
I did assure him he would not take it ; that I saw
no good to them using us ill, and exposing us in
our own country; but there was a certain point,
beyond which we had too much spirit to bear it.
He said, my brother knew he valued him more than
all the rest. I said, my brother told me, that he,
Mr. Pelham, always used the most polite expres
sions to him ; and that was one reason why it
vexed him to solicit him, because he saw that he
did nothing; so that all we got was bad conse
quences of his civility, since we supposed these
must have been the grounds for Lord  g°ing
down to raise an opposition to him, in case he got a
place. He said, 'No ;' but it was evident Mr. Hume
¦could not continue as he was ; and that the Duke of
Argyle had said, there should be no more of that.
I said, Yes ; if they would give Lord  a re
giment. At this he blushed. I said, it was what
I had good authority for ; and, if he would keep
my secret, it was from the Duke of Argyle. So
I told him in general of my meeting his Grace.
He said, that view was vain, for they did not
meddle in the army; the King and Duke order
ing that themselves. I then mentioned 
whom, he said, he would do for next Sunday.
He said, the proper way about my arms was, for
his brother to order the Board of Ordnance to pay
me, and take them. He said, on my desiring him
to tell this to the Duke of Newcastle, that his bro
ther and he seldom met; but he would tell it to Mr.

272 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Stone. I -left him the memorial. I gave the Duke
of Newcastle the memorial about my arms at court;
and he said, he would put it in a proper method.
Feb. 1st. Monday. He told me he had done so.
Lord Chesterfield told me, he was to resign the
seals to-morrow, having told the Duke of
Feb. 5th. it) wk0 ^d tried to persuade him to
keep ; but he said, it was impossible ;
that he had mentioned Colonel Stanhope's affair to
him, which was not done, after he, the Duke,, had
shewed him his name wrote in his paper for aide-
de-camp by the King's order. The Duke said, that
was an unhappy affair. I said,- 1 was sorry he was
to resign, for I had hoped there was some expedient
on the carpet to prevent it, though I was shocked to
see him appear at court without the weight he
ought to have ; that I heard Mr. Murray and Mr.
Fox were named for succeeding him, and that Mr.
Pitt had had a long conversation with Mr. Pelham
in private. He said, it would not be a commoner
who would succeed him, and Pitt's conversation had
been upon another subject.
Having missed Lord Chesterfield on Monday, I
went this morning ; he was alone, and
Wednesday. lo°ked Pleased J said> he was going to
Bath on Sunday, for he found his
stomach wanted it, and to get out of the talk which
his resignation occasioned. I said, everybody was
sorry for it ; and the ministers seemed embarrassed.
He said, the Duke of Newcastle was distressed by

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 273
it. I said, he looked so. He said, he had heard
disagreeable things in the closet upon it. He said,
he had parted with the King in the best manner
possible ; that he had told him, that his health re
quired that he should retire to recover it ; that
he assured him, he did not retire to opposition, from
business to business, but to retirement ; that there
he should not oppose his measures, nor meddle
farther than to support them, when he had occasion.
The King said, he was sorry he had taken this reso
lution, for that he had served him with fidelity, ex
actness, and ability ; and desired to know, whether
anything in his behaviour to him had displeased
him. He answered, that had his Majesty not men
tioned this to him, he should, before he left the
closet, have assured him, that there was nothing in
his personal behaviour to him, but what was to his
satisfaction; and that the King seemed to under
stand him. I asked, if the King was dull enough
to take the reason of his health for the real one.
He said, he had before told Lady Yarmouth to tell
the King, that he would mention no other to him ;
that she had told him yesterday, that the King had
spoke of him in the handsomest manner, and even
with regret ; that in the chapel on Sunday the
King had told the Duke of Grafton of his resign
ing, and said, he had not done it as others had
done, which had been taken up, so that he was
asked, whether in the closet he had not laid former
resigners on ; he answered, he had not ; that the
Vol. I. T

274 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Chancellor came to him on Sunday, having sent
word so on Saturday morning, and when he came
in, said, he came too late for what he meant, but
gave him reasons against resigning. He told him,
that having told Mr. Pelham on Wednesday, that
he would resign on Saturday, without enjoining
him secrecy, he did not think it necessary to inform
the rest ; that his lordship knew, that in public
measures no regard was had to him, even when he
was backed by his lordship and the rest of the
cabinet; that therefore he withdrew from that
obloquy and indignation, which would very soon
fall upon the administration indiscriminately, from
the calamities which must follow the measures now
pursued; that two months would begin these cala^
mities, and no discrimination would be made of the
ministers ; and that in other matters, as a minister,
he had no weight or influence. He told me, the
Chancellor answered him with great compliments ;
but he would not tell me the particulars; and I sup
pose from his manner, more than compliments had
passed. He said, he told the Chancellor, his be'
haviour in the House should be as it had been ; if
the affair of war and peace came to be considered
there, he should speak against the war, as he had
always done; and if peace was made, he should
approve of it, and blame only its having been so
long delayed, and those who had delayed it. I told
him, Madame Steinberg had talked to me against
the Duke of Newcastle, so I supposed the Germans

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 275
were not his friends. He said, they were not, but
that, to gain favor, the Duke of Newcastle had given
himself up to prosecute the King's favorite scheme,
the war; that he had told the King, that by doing
so he ruined himself; his head was at stake ; but
he would sacrifice all to carry on his project; that
the King hated him, and laughed at him behind his
back; but this was such a favorite scheme, from the
narrowness of the King's views, his hopes of ac
quiring something in Germany by conquest, which
Lord Granville had set before him, to gain him, and
the real benefit to Hanover of 800,000/. a-year for
his trOops, that even Lady Yarmouth could not be
heard upon it ; that she kept all the credit she had
with him ; and he would hear her, when she talked
of not pushing his son too far, but shewing him
some indulgence, only answering, that she was
always speaking for that puppy ; but when she even
mentioned the danger the electorate was in from the
continuance of the war, he fell into a passion, and
would not hear any more. He said, that Lady Yar
mouth having repeated with some vivacity to a
foreign minister what she had said to Lord Chester
field, that she was sorry he went out, but could not
say it surprised her, or that she disapproved of it,
this was put into an intercepted letter, which the
King read1.
1 It is said in the Memoirs of the last ten years of the reign of George the
Second by the Earl of Orford, that the apology for his resignation, which
Lord Chesterfield published, was very well written, and was supposed to have
been drawn up by Lord Marchmont under his direction. It is added, that
T 2

276 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
Mr. Grevenkop telling me, the Duke of Bedford
had got the seals of secretary l, I went to
g ' d ' congratulate Lord Gower upon it. He
told me, that I would naturally imagine
he knew something of it on Friday, when he saw
me ; but he assured me, he did not : that he had
indeed perceived the Duke of Bedford hesitating a
' from that time he lived at White's gaming and pronouncing witticisms
* amongst the boys of quality.' As a journey from St. James's Street to
Chesterfield House at that day was somewhat hazardous at late hours, to
insure his safe return with his spoils his footmen carried blunderbusses instead
of canes. Respecting his resignation Lord Orford says, ' The Seals were
' given to Lord Chesterfield; but he [being] like his predecessors excluded
' from all trust, the moment he had a right to be trusted, soon resigned them.'
The Duke of Newcastle appears to have driven him out ; and his attempt to
obtain an influence through Lady Yarmouth seems to have been a main cause
of his Grace's jealousy of him.
The King disliked Lord Chesterfield as a preacher of peace ; and the Duke
was so compromised in his master's foreign politics, that there arose hence in
his mind a new cause of enmity to him. His counsels were overruled, the
favors he solicited were refused, and his department wjjs offensively encroached
upon by the Duke, his colleague. Whilst this passed, he was daily loading
himself with the responsibility of disastrous measures, of which he wholly dis
approved ; and the head of the administration vouchsafed to him a benevolent
sympathy, but without an effort to support him. His retaining office therefore
had become impossible. But his lordship is not quite ingenuous in one part of
this account of the matter. He tells Lord Marchmont, that the Duke was so
jealous of the favors of the closet, that he could not endure, that any one should
have credit there; and that therefore if he (Lord Chesterfield) wanted to have
anything, it was sure to be opposed in every way possible ; that he was acting
as the Duke of Newcastle's commis ; and it could not be, that, such as he was,
he should be ignorant what arts they were that prevailed against his, nor was
the struggle so much in the dark, that he should be unable to distinguish what
hand it was that lamed him. But he would have his friend believe, that his
Grace was distressed at his resignation, and had heard disagreeable things in
the closet upon it ; that the King had spoken of him in the handsomest
manner, and even with regret.
• J The Duke of Bedford was married to a daughter of Lord Gower.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 277
day or two before, although he had at first peremp
torily refused it, and that on Thursday night, his
sister, Lady Essex, had teased him so to accept of
it, that she had almost drove him out of Lady
Cadogan*s ; that Lady Essex was so eager about it
from her zeal for the present ministry, which, she
thought, could only be supported by the Duke of
Bedford's being secretary, for there were so many
competitors in the House of Commons to any other
man, that they must have fallen into confusion;
that on Friday after the King's levee, when the
Duke of Newcastle came in, he took the Duke of
Devonshire and Lord Gower into a corner, to show
them some papers ; and when he had done, the
Duke of Bedford desired to speak to the Duke of
Newcastle in the other room ; that they staid some
time there ; and when Sir John Ligonier came out
of the King's closet, the Duke of Newcastle went in,
where, after he had staid about a quarter of an
hour, he put out his head and called, ' Duke of
Bedford, come in ;' that on this he (Lord Gower)
jogged the Duke of Devonshire, who said, ' I be
lieve, I have the same thought you have ;' and
soon after, on the King going to the drawing-room,
the Duke of Newcastle declared, that the Duke of
Bedford was his brother secretary ; that on this,
having seen Mr. Pelham that morning without
saying anything, he imagined Mr. Pelham might
think he concealed what he might be supposed
naturally to know, from the relation in which he

278 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
had the honor to stand to the Duke of Bedford ;
and therefore he desired one to tell Mr. Pelham,
that he was an absolute stranger to it, till he saw
what he told me ; that the Duke of Bedford told
him, he had taken the seals hand over head, and
almost repented of it already, for that he knew
nothing of the business, and had just learned, that
Mr. Chetwynd, the first clerk, had resigned ; and he
had but one resource, which was, that Lord Gower
might prevail with him, as a Staffordshire man, to
continue in ; that he had accordingly got Mr,
Chetwynd to remain in six weeks, till the Duke
could find another ; that yesterday the Duke seemed
pleased with his new office, and said, he found it
would be of less business than the admiralty, the
provinces being changed ; that he, Lord Gower,
had said, he wished that had been done before, and
his friend Chesterfield, he believed, would be secre
tary still. He said, the division of the provinces
was not exactly made yet ; that the Duke of Bed
ford said, he hoped the Duke of Newcastle and he
would agree, for he should not encroach upon him,
and he hoped the Duke of Newcastle would not
upon him. I asked, whether the Duke of Bedford
was for continuing the view of the ministry as to
Scotland, — that the same ministers should be so for
the whole island, or was for erecting a sole minister
there. If the first, I should continue to give what
lights came to my hands; if not, I should acquiesce.
He asked, what was the Duke of Newcastle's view.

DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT. 379
I said, the first was his ; but that Mr. Pelham was
the devoted friend to the Duke of Argyle. He
said, this explained something to him. I said, I
had no objection to the Duke of Argyle, but that he
would have everything, or be dissatisfied. He
said, that was very true. I said, it was worse ;
that his friends were not all heartily such to the
present establishment, and that to encourage friends
to the King's family ought to be the constant prin
ciple in that country. Somebody came in ; so I said
I would go to the Duke of Bedford's. He said, he
supposed I would not touch the subject now to him.
I said, ' No ;' but I would talk it over again with his
Lordship. He said, he believed it had better be
first broke to the Duke by him.
I gave the Duke of Newcastle a memorial of the
informations I had received relating to
March 2nd. the Sheriffs m Scotland. He told me,
W g d n.6 s d 3. v. Lord Dalkeith, whom he could depend
on, had named Pringle, Lord Haining's son, for
Selkirkshire. I said, his Lordship did not know
him, for he was not a firm Whig. He said Lord
 had recommended one H. for the county of
Berwick. I said, I hoped my brother's recom
mendation would take place. I gave him a short
state of the interest in the county, and asked, if we
had done anything to deserve that our interest,
which was the Whig one; should be discouraged.
He expressed great satisfaction at our behavior,
and bid me speak to his brother. I told him, I had ;

280 DIARY OF HUGH EARL OF MARCHMONT.
and that I was sorry to trouble him. He bid me
tell my brother to do it. I recapitulated what had
passed since Mr. Pelham 's first treating with my
brother, and said, they must lay their hands to their
hearts, and choose what interest they would sup
port, for I had no concern personally beyond the
county in Scotland. He showed me a letter from
Lord Arniston to himself, and said, nothing was
done about it yet. I said, they could not get an
abler man, nor one more firmly attached to the
King's interest.

[ 281 ]

SUPPLEMENT.

[An Account of the Battle of Falkirk.]
Madam \
Having engaged to send you some particulars
of the late battle at Falkirk, I have made it my
business over again this day to inquire about them;
and in order to understand them, I must take notice
of the situation of the two armies, and of the nature
of the ground betwixt them.
On Friday last the King's army was encamped
on the north side of Falkirk upon the crofts, and
the rebels at the Torwood2, which is about three or
four miles north of his Majesty's camp. The stand-
1 The two following accounts of the battle of Falkirk are in manuscript
amongst the Marchmont Papers. The first of them was probably addressed
to one of the sisters of the last Earl, who was then at her brother's seat at
Redbraes in Berwickshire ; but it is without address or signature. They are
perhaps as little discordant as different representations of the same action
usually are. The second is the more circumstantial and intelligible narrative
of the events of this unfortunate scene of disgrace, one abounding in errors,
and indiscipline on the side of the King's army, which must strike forcibly, the
eyes of even those who are strangers to the science of war.
2 The Scots army occupied this post in July 1651 ; it is so strong, that Crom
well did not choose to attack it.

282 SUPPLEMENT TO THE DIARY.
ards of the rebels were displayed upon an eminence
near the Torwood, and were kept so all day. The
ground betwixt the two camps, on the west side at
least, is hilly. The rebels in the morning began
their march, and made a compass like a semicircle,
going west, and then coming south and east to our
camp. In that circuit they had occasion to pass
through a plain near Dunnipace, which is dry, and
which, I hear, would [have] been a fine place for
our army to have attacked them in. As the motion
of a great body of the rebels could not be a secret at
broad daylight, so they beat to. arms about eleven
in the forenoon, and the men formed in the line of
battle ; but it pleased the General to order them all
to their tents again, but the men [were] ordered also
to carry their arms with them to their tents, instead
of placing them at the Bell. No doubt the General
had intelligence, which made him do this ; however,
thus they continued, till the rebels were beginning
to form on the top of the hill on the west of our
camp. They say the General was at dinner, when
they were in a haste ordered to arms, which was
about three o'clock, or before it. He ordered all
the dragoons to march up the hill, and endeavor to
gain the eminence, which the rebels seemed to be
designed to take ; and there, as the adjutant (Mr.
Ker) to Ligonier's dragoons told me, they strove
with the rebels, who should have the wind of other,
for by this time there was a furious wind and rain,-
which had begun half an hour before, but not so

BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 283
violent as now. Ligonier1 sent back the adjutant
to see if the foot were come up ; but he came back
and told, there was none near them. After that
some little time he despatched him to get orders
from the generals, whether to attack or not ; but he
returned with this answer, that he could see none
of them, for they were with the foot, who, though
advancing up the hill as fast as they could, yet had
not been able at that time to get up to the dragoons
on the top of it. Upon this Ligonier and his Lieu
tenant-Colonel, Whitney, made the attack on the
Highlanders, by going on at a hard trot, and re
ceived the fire of the first line of the rebels, and
then pierced through that first line, and advanced
to their second, which gave them such a fire as
brought down many of them, upon which they
retired ; but some say, upon the fire of the first line
they retired ; and which is true I cannot tell. The
one I had from the adjutant, who was in the action ;
the other I had from a gentleman, who said, he was
at a little distance west of both lines, that is, at the
end of them. Upon their retiring (and some of them
with great precipitation), they came in among the
foot, and trod down some of them, and spread a
fear among them. The foot were marching up the
hill ; and the regiments on our left, that is, behind
1 Edward, brother to Sir John Ligonier. He was so enfeebled by illness
that he could scarcely sit his horse, but would not be dissuaded from leading
his regiment into action. He died at Edinburgh on the day following. His
regiment was that which had lost its distinguished leader, Colonel Gardiner,
and was routed at Preston Pans.

28J SUPPLEMENT TO THE DIARY.
the dragoons, were Wolfe's, Sir Robert Munro's, and
the Glasgow militia, some of which were broke by
these dragoons, and the Highlanders who followed
them. One of Wolfe's men told me, they were
greatly discouraged by their pieces not firing,
occasioned by the rain. But not only did these
regiments fly, but the others next them, — yea, all of
them, except Barrell's, and the regiment of foot
(late Ligonier's), and the old Buffs, who were origi
nally placed as a corps de reserve, and so remained
behind Barrell's the whole, time. I have not pre
cisely the order of the regiments in the line of
battle ; but this I know, as they were formed in a
great hurry, and the disposition altered with the
motion of the rebels, Ligonier's foot had the right
of all, as the dragoons were on the left of all, that
is, they were before Wolfe's and Munro's, who were
on the left of all the foot. The  •  were on
the left of Ligonier's foot, and behaved so scanda
lously, that they fled before the enemy came near
them ; and as they were just in the front line before
Barrell's, they were coming back on Barrell's, who
threatened to fire on them, and made the  ¦
open, and pass by them, and then Barrell's came
up in their place. Only Ramsay, the Lieutenant-
Colonel of  joined Barrell's, and fought
with them. The rebels, after beating our left wing,
did not pursue it, but turned along the side of the hill
to attack our right ; and there Barrell's and Ligo
nier's foot received them so warmly, and fired by

BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 285
ranks, the rear and centre ranks, the first rank still
keeping1 up their fire, that they made the whole
Highlanders fly up the hill, by which time it was
dark. The first rank of Barrell's never fired their
pieces, the Highlanders not having come near, but
being beat off by the fire of the other ranks. The
behaviour of the  I had from several; and
that of Barrell's I had from their major, who seems
to be a judicious, understanding, modest, brave
soldier. General Huske and Brigadier Cholmondeley
were the general officers, who commanded these
brave regiments, who stood, and, we may say, saved
the whole army. Some part of Price's regiment,
and some of Battereau's joined these three regi
ments, and some officers and private men out of the
regiments which fled. As for the General, we hear
nothing of him from the time that he ordered the
dragoons to take possession of the hill, and ordered
the foot to march up the hill after them, till he is
at Falkirk with the Earls of  and  , when
Huske and the right are fighting and beating the
Highlanders. As Huske, so Cholmondeley behaved
— bravely, though his regiment ran away like the
rest. Had the Duke of Cumberland been here, I be
lieve, the regiments had behaved in another manner ;
and if he comes not, we despair of seeing other be
havior, or better conduct. It is reckoned a dread
ful blunder, the not having the men under arms, or
1 It is evident by what follows, that the writer, when saying * keeping up
their fire,' means ' reserving their fire.'

286 SUPPLEMENT TO THE DIARY.
the line of battle formed, till the enemy had pos
sessed themselves of the best ground, and then
ordering all the foot to march up to that ground, by
which all the officers were out of breath before the
battle began ; whereas, had they either marched
sooner to attack them on that plain near Dunnipace,
which they passed, or had they remained still on
the plain in their camp, they were safe, and pro
bably had been victorious. Their camp had a
marshy ground before it, and on the west of it ; and
the town of Falkirk on the south, behind ; and a deep
hollow way on the east of it. The account of the
camp, and the situation of the ground I have from
the gentleman, who is proprietor of it. I hear
General Hawley is so fretted, and out of humor,
that he cannot be spoke to. Our train of artillery
was drawn into such marshy ground, that it stuck
there, and never fired one gun ; and is all lost but
three pieces. The captain of it, one Cunningham,
carried off the guard from it, and ran away. He
was to be tried at a court-martial for his life, but
endeavoured to put an end to it by blooding his arm ;
however he is not yet dead.
There are strange blunders, or strange villainy
here. We are all groaning for the Duke's coming
here, without which we despair of things going
right, let them send what men they please.
I forgot to mention, that the regiments, which
stood, marched back to the camp, and staid there
an hour and a half; but it was not thought proper

BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 287
to remain there, lest they should [have] been
attacked in the night-time by the Highlanders,
especially when all their pieces were wet with the
rain. Sir Robert Munro, and his brother, the doctor,
are both killed ; as also Lieutenant-Colonel Whitney,
and several captains, but not many private men.
This is the substance of what I have been able
to pick up; what, I understand, the E. of  even
owns to be an inglorious battle.
I am, with great respect and esteem,
Madam,
Your Ladyship's most obedient humble servant.
Edr. Jan. 24th, 174J.
N. B. I hear from one of the old Buffs, that the
dragoons, after retiring from their attack on the
left, drew up in their rear; and after they were
gathered into a body, advanced up the hill again
beyond the foot. We reckon our papers blame
them unjustly, and that the account in them was
given them by some, who want to excuse the horrid
cowardice, or something worse, of the foot, or their
sad behavior, which [arose] perhaps from part of
both.

288 SUPPLEMENT TO THE DIARY.

[Another Account of the Battle of Falkirk.]
On Thursday the 16th January, 1746, General
Hawley, with ten pieces of cannon, from six to one
pounders, joined the King's army encamped to the
west of the town of Falkirk. On Friday the 17th,
early the rebels' army was perceived, and their
colours plainly observed in the Torwood, about three
miles distance west of Hawley's camp. They
made a feint of marching by the north side of the
Torwood to attack the King's army, which was
then (about eleven o'clock) drawn up in battle order
ready to receive them ; but the General, finding that
the rebels did not advance, and that their colours
still remained unmoved in the Torwood, and per
ceiving, as he thought, their main body still there,
he, about one o'clock, allowed the troops to dine in
their camp.
The General having some time after^got intelli
gence, that the rebels had under cover of the rising
ground stole to the southward, and were making
directly by Dunnipace to the top of the hill above
the camp, and not then above a mile and a halfs
distance from it, he immediately ordered the three
regiments of dragoons to march from the left as
quickly as possible to take possession of the top of
the hill; and in the mean time commanded the
army to be formed a little to the south of the village

BATTLE OF FALKIRK. 289
of Falkirk, and ordered the cannon up the hill after
the dragoons.
The young Pretender, perceiving the dragoons'
intention, detached betwixt 1500 and 2000 of the
clans to prevent their taking possession of the
ground, and to form the right of his first line, which
they very quickly did, the main body of the rebel
army being still at least one mile and a half behind.
It being now after three o'clock, and Hawley not
having got his cannon placed, or the army fully
formed, he ordered the three regiments of dragoons,
who had thus advanced from the left, to attack the
detachment of the rebels, and keep them in play,
until he got all in order, which the dragoons very
briskly did ; but having received a smart fire from
the detachment of the rebels, who then broke in
upon them sword-in-hand, and the dragoons not
being supported were repulsed, and fled back upon
the left wing of the troops, and put them in some
disorder, which being observed by Lord George
Murray, and Mr. Cameron of Lochiel, who com
manded the said detachment of the rebels, they
very judiciously improved the advantage, came
boldly down the hill with this small detachment,
gave the left of the King's army a very smart fire in
the front and flank, threw by their guns, drew their
broad swords, and broke and routed them sword-in-
hand, whereupon the front line of the army, and all
the rear line also, except Barrell's regiment, fled
directly; and the fellows, that were driving the
Vol.. i. u

290 SUPPLEMENT TO THE DIARY.
horses with the cannon cut the traces, dropped the
cannon, and ran quite away with the horses, by
which means all the cannon were lost, except three
of the smallest, which happened to be behind the
rear line not come up.
Barrell's regiment in the right of the line, and
the Old Buffs, and Ligonier's in the corps de reserve,
having never been attacked, and continuing on their
ground, were by General Huske formed into a line,
and remained in that posture for a considerable
time, until those of the rebels, who were pursuing
the left wing, were returning up the hill to their
main body, which had not yet reached the field of
battle ; and then those three regiments fired by pla
toons upon such small parties of the rebels as were
returning from the left ; at last a body of about
400 of the rebels thus returning wheeled about,
and advanced towards those three regiments, who
received them with constant platoons. This body
of the rebels having no guns to return the fire, they
having thrown them away at the beginning of the
pursuit of the left wing, were obliged to retire up
the hill to the main body, from which there were
immediately 800 detached to support them; the
three regiments perceiving this retired directly to
their camp, and soon after to Falkirk, and from
thence followed the remainder of the army that
night to Linlithgow, leaving the field of battle,
seven of their cannon, their whole ammunition, their
dead, wounded, camp, and tents, with such of

BATTLE OF. FALKIRK. 291
their baggage, as was in the field of battle, to the
rebels. General Hawley returned next day to Edinburgh
with the army, where they still remain. The rebels
continued the night of the battle in General Haw-
ley's camp, and in the town of Falkirk; a great
number came the next day to Linlithgow. They
are now returned to the siege of Stirling, which, it
is said, they are carrying on very briskly without
any disturbance.
General Hawley's army consisted of twelve regi
ments of foot, three regiments of dragoons, 1200
Campbells, 1000 other volunteers, — in all about
9000 ; whereof, said to be killed 500 ; wounded
and prisoners, 800.
No account of the number of the rebel army.
There was not above 2000 of them engaged ; and
their main body came never fully in view. It is said,
they have 63 killed, and about 40 wounded. Major
Mac Donald, brother to Keppoch, having pursued
the retreat too far, is the only prisoner.
It is said, there are betwixt 30 and 40 of the
King's officers killed, and in that number Sir Robert
Munro, Colonel  ; Biggers, Powell, and Whit
ney, Lieutenant-Colonels ; 14 Captains; and a great
number of Lieutenants, Ensigns, and other officers.
One captain and two subalterns of the rebels
killed ; Lord John Drummond slightly wounded in
the arm pursuing the chase ; Lochiel slightly
wounded in the heel.

292 SUPPLEMENT TO THE DIARY.
The army was drawn out in two lines, and a
corps de reserve. In the first line four battalions,
viz., the Royal Scots1, Pultney's, Cholmondeley 's,
and Wolfe's, in the second line five battalions, viz.,
Barrell's, Munro's, Fleming's, Price's, Blakeney's,
and the Glasgow Volunteers, in the left of all : in
the corps de reserve, Buffs, Battereau's, Ligonier's,
and the Argyleshire Volunteers ; on the left three
regiments of dragoons, viz., Cobham's, Gardner's,
and Hamilton's, with the cannon.
1 All the twelve battalions of the line, thus defeated at Falkirk on the 17th
January 1746, were comprised in the army victorious at Culloden on the 16th
April following, and with three battalions more formed the whole of the re
gular infantry in the field that day.

END OF VOLUME THE FIRST.

London : William Clowes, Stamford-t